Hocquets Le Pain, Le Vin.... (1985) http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/ahess_0395-2649_1985_num_40_3_283191 manual revision by MHL, who cannot read French.

Bread, Wine and Just Measure at the Table of the Carolingian Monks Jean-Claude Hocquet 40 Annals. Economies, Societies, Civilisations 661-686 (1985)
In 1984, an item of M. Rouche raised the monastic or canonical food rations, all of which had been calculated in 1973. The <apparent> enormity of these rations justly raised doubts. So to substantiate <this result> Rouche [in 1982] increased them by a third more. However, these astonishing results are tainted by serious methodological errors, by a failure to carefully follow all the sources. <These large estimates> were unreconciled to the historians views, with contempt shown to the Latin language and the laws of physics, and in complete ignorance of the problems posed by <inconstant> weights and measures. The legislation adopted at the Council of Aix (817) and the statutes of the Abbot of Corbie (822), after correcting all the errors to which they have been subjected, are here examined in order to calculate and establish that system of weights and measures. The resulting calculations here are carried out by clustering three alternatives as hypotheses. Yet while based upon hypothesis, the result of the research enables one to observe the great stability between the two extreme volumes assigned to the measurement of the hogshead (homer or muid) here calculated, and the volume of the minot or bushel of Paris (or of the King), as measured in the 17th century. Moreover, the alimentary ration of the nuns and monks seem well balanced, not very abundant, and Adapted to the season and to the demands of physical labor. *** In the first half of the ninth century a monk ate daily 1.5 to 2 kg bread, 70 to 110 gm cheese, 133 to 230 gm [dry] pulses, 33 to 35 gm fat, a little salt and honey. Nuns of Notre Dame of Soissons, whose diets were calculated below the minimum required to maintain them ate daily one and half a kilo of bread, 1.38 liters of wine, 70 gm Cheese, 133 gm pulses and 16 gm salt. The daily calorie intake exceeded 6,000 calories for monks in Parisian abbeys so the phrase "great feast" comes naturally from the pen of historians, as daily rations were as ample as in great feasts. In time, a monk of Saint-Denis received 1.78 kg of bread, 3.1 liters of wine, 90 gm cheese, 306 gm pulses, 2 "volailles," 5 eggs and 32 gm fat. Canons of Le Mans were not far behind: 1.636 kg of bread and 1.636 liter of wine, but they also drank 0.409 liter of flavored "potio" wine), and sometimes ate as much as 1.204 kg of pork and mutton (e.g. on 21 June 1204), 340 gm pulses and 256 gm cheese. Accordingly canons consumed 6,384 to 8,840 calories and monks of Saint-Denis may 9,272 calories/day. ... Two methodological issues need to be considered before unpacking the prior, imaginary overestimates. Questions of method and measurement. The erronious method is explained in the first of two articles. M. Rouche patiently gathered a vast repertoire of data from which to <determine> the total food <quantities> spread over a year; such testimony is ideal if you know the numbers who receive such daily allowance of food. At Saint-Germain-des-Pres, besides 120 monks one must add, in my opinion, 20 guests and a 100 members of the familia, to <justify> 20 hogsheads of fat or fifty pigs <consumed>. At Saint-Denis, I judge, besides the 150 monks, fifty guests and a hundred servants, otherwise <conventional> wine rations provided for all their needs would be gargantuan. At Notre Dame of Soissons guests are not included in the quantities of supplies expected, so a historian <estimates> 350 shares because to the nuns must be added 40 maids inside the fence, 30 working in the outer gynoecium and 130 male servants. However <in another source>, 216 nuns are reduced but more than 130 servants were reported: 120 nuns and 130 servants and 70 serving men. In fact, that document is explicit it takes 216 nuns, 40 servants working within the close, 30 others in the gymoecium and 130 male servants <to make up> 416 rations. At Soissons we must add that the establishment's food is provided <separately> so much we view with caution reports of 200 hogsheads of salt to season food nuns and monastic guests. In other words, for these <reports> be logical, our texts needs a picture of the a priori ration used to calculate requirements, then look to the food in the storeroom.

Saint-Germain-des-Pres employs a Familia of 100 members, <judging> from wine barrels housed in the cellars of SaintDenis (essentially similar to Notre-Dame of Soissons) which seems to host 416 people, or 350 at a minimum. A final example for clarity: it can be expected that a liter of grain can made into 800 gm bread; under these conditions 198 canons receiving 1,636 kg of bread is <not sensible> [8.263 kg/canon/? interval], but if 8,754 liters of wheat gives 6,503 kg of grain [0.743 specific gravity (SG)] this would give us a number of canons around 168 [at 38.7 kg grain or 30.967 kg bread/cannon/? interval]. No doubt we <could> ... conjecture carefully, with established daily rations for one or two monasteries's monks and servants, extrapolated to monks in other monasteries knowning only provisions harvested for a year's food or total rations or returns unknown from known rations. Actual rations were unknown and the already difficult historian's task was made even more difficult by some other <gaps>. The scribes of the Middle Ages <were not always straight>, most deceitful of all was undoubtedly Adalhard abbot of Corbie and copyists of the tenth century unfortunately made added mistakes which prevent <outright> use of all the figures they provide. In copying Roman numerals they often made mistakes * * * In the bylaws Adalhard additions and multiplications are often wrong and it is impossible to correct errors especially after the 14th century. To these first source errors Adalhard added a second, the responsibility for which can not be hidden. Concerning feast days, Rouche wrote "With exceptions, they were often included in the <total> amount * * *." Usually there were 58 or 156 feast days at Corbie, 88 at Saint-Denis, 79 at Saint-Germain-des-Prs, 73 at Notre Dame de Soissons and Our Lady of Paris. If many festive meals are included in the overall and not subtracted when calculating ordinary rations, an error results. A related problem occurs if they are ajdusted and the source is mistaken in saying they are included, then the ordinary rations should still be increased. It would be more appropriate to calculate the portion reserved for festive meals subtracted from the total and divide that subtotal by the number of non-festive days rather than spreading holiday food bonuses. Specifically, as can be seen festive drinking doubled and mashed, cooked pulses increased a fourth, compared to ordinary rations established in 1973. The third area is not the least of earlier errors in the metrology. The examples are particular about many specific weights, but a <common key> is missing. In the 1973 article the Carolingian livre weighed 430 gm, it reduced weight to 409 gm in the 1982 article. Thus it shows for the hogshead or muid 34.5 liters in the early seventh century, 52 liters in 793-794, then under Louis the Pious 68 liters due to 16 setier / muid according Adalhard. Other weight conversion is usually estimated c. 30 kg based on the Roman libra [math unexplained]. ... This hogshead (muid) of 68 liters is an invention of Benjamin Guerard reused by Auguste Longnon and later, and is probably the best example of bad metrology history. Guerard, after his initial calculation, then felt the need to correct the estimate; according to him it did not apply to lands of Saint Remi of Reims in the eleventh century. So he resorted to the price of wheat. The 794 Frankfurt Capitulary showed a price of 3 denier per muid, and Gueard compared it to that of his own time (1840 AD) of 20.21 Francs per hectoliter, when the value of 3 <silver> deniers of 794 AD would buy 10.55 hl of wheat. <Prorata by price> the hectoliter capacity of the 794 AD muid is: 10.55 x 100 -----------------20.21 hl = 52.20188 liters [somehow 3 carolingian silver denier = 0.5220188 Franc]

After that date, Adalhard of Corbie reported the ratio of a "newly established" hogshead and its former equivalent as 2 new muids equal 3 older muid. Guerard concluded in 822 by the hogshead contained 68 liters. The learned Irminon <at Saint Germain des Pres> had <shown> that 52.20 x 3

-------------= 78.3 liters 2 but it is obvious that an error of 10 liters was not the slightest importance to Gueards bad analysis. Rouche, following this, therefore offers no authority that the capacity was 68 liters from 822 and as a half-hogshead is said to contain the 8 setiers. A setier is assigned a capacity of 4.25 liters by division. All figures then calculated by Rouche for bread, vegetables, salt, and foods besides wine derived from these values of muid and setier. One shudders at the idea of Guerard instead of diminishing the ability of the muid 10 liters had increased it as much. In fact in metrology one must as much as possible look for the answer in the <contemporary> source itself, not upon outside facts from a distant millennium. <And even gold prices have not been sorted, quite apart from money devaluation.> Without having resolved difficulties inherent in the old weights and measures, the historian sees ration prices tripled from the time of St. Benedict and Council Aix-la-Chapelle 817. * * * Rouche therefore adopted two successive weights for the Carolingian livre, first at 437 gm then 409 gm. But curiously the first Council of Aix-la-Chapelle delivered a recommended solution: "Because of the differences and inequalities among the measures that are most <common but> not equal according to the divine law, but according as used in each province we hold that the extent of food and drink must be given the canons by its weight * * * ... <Local weights> are usually very varied and uneven public weight imposed on by provinces to cities and metals must in no way suffer from differences and inequalities as well as the weight will equal the measure itself will be their assigned equal they all apply in these conditions a livre should not consist of more than 12 ounces ("noverint tamen generaliter omnes libram non amplius quam duodecim uncus constare debere"). This superb text is a beautiful illustration of the scientific content of the Carolingian Renaissance It was not until the eighteenth century Vauban and the Encyclopaedists to find such arguments in favor of abandoning <named> measures and adoption of weights. Rouche after giving verbatim this Latin quotation, concludes it is only the livre of Charlemagne valid for food and beverage, in which he not wrong <as far as it goes>. But, what he does is adopt that livre for monetary calculations as well as rations. In fact, we must insist on another point the Council adopts: the livre is 12 oz when weighing metals, in particular gold and silver. In terms of the measures there is greater diversity, which condemns the choice of hogshead of 68 liters throughout the empire. An ounce weight needs remain stable for understandable reasons: regulation of the international gold market. What an ounce gold weighs is known thanks to the work of historians and numismatists; they agree this ounce weighs between 27.2160 gm and 27.2875 gm and the [corresponding money] livre therefore weighs 12 ounces and 326.592 gm to 327.450 gm. [The old Roman libra, not the 437 or 409 gm used in commerce, noted above.] The medievalist scholar opted for monetary livre of 15 ounces * * * which reduced to 410 gm from 430 grams. So the Latin text which is an explicit reference to one pound of 12 ounces for money is presumed valid both for the food and drink but dismissed by Geurard without reason to favor a monetary livre of 430 grams, so the difference is 430 - 327 -------------327 x 100 = 31.498 % [overstated]

Normal supply of for monks and canons. Rule of St. Benedict was careful to regulate feeding of monks in Chapters 33, 39 and 40. It specifies the diet had to observe certain fast days including Wednesday and Friday. When Benedict of Amane replied in writing to ensure the widespread dissemination he reminded the requirements of the founder monks were allowed to eat two cooked daily daily soups

year and a third vegetable dish with an accompanying pound of bread. These meals were moistened with one emine of wine a day. Wednesday and Friday did not include the third [vegetable?] dish. Benedict had not changed the rule except to clarify one daily emine wine was enough everyone but the Prior could distribute more generous rations to take account the characteristics of the place of the difficulty of the work or heat <or diets of the infirm>. ... Theodomar, abbot of Monte Cassino (778-797) rather than changing the diet <reset> the timetable in a letter to Count Theodoric close to Charlemagne. Since Benedict always used the same measure for drinking whatever the season, during the fasting of Lent the monks ate fish, eggs and cheese at during a single daily meal; then they drank no wine and no * * * soup. In winter they never took a single meal without their ration of wine for the day. Those in heavy work were allowed two meals even on Wednesday and Friday, while fasting from sexte to none, i.e. the afternoon and evening. During major holiday feasts or for large work, food is increased by a slice of cheese or some other <item> and during a heat wave monks received wine to drink: a cup before lunch and another after none. They never ate meat but Christmas and Easter saw poultry distributing so then they ate <poultry> for eight days [four days after each holiday] while it remains. Theodomar also wrote Charlemagne showing the menu week: on meatless days (Wednesday and Friday) the brothers were content with two soups cooked but many held the bread and herbs from the garden without drinking wine. The other three days they ate <three> cooked soups (infusion of raw vegetables then disappeared) and Sundays or during great feasts they are distributing a fourth drink of soup. They received Saturday, Sunday, Tuesday and Thursday at Noon at large portion <of wine?>. In the summer holidays two cups, <another> one after they were given a fruit and a glass of wine, but those who worked haying were given a fourth portion of honey wine. Poultry was not a sin to eat at other times of year as Christmas and Easter <and 8 other feasts>. To support those feasts, Theodomar sent his famous letter laying a weight of livre . He found the monastery standard established by our Holy Father Benedict and the measures of the drink <conforming to that of the king>. The reformer Benedict reminded Amane of the requirements of the Founder of two soups daily and a vegetable dish with one pound of bread and an emine of wine. But it accommodated the rule on two points there allowed the brothers add <extras> to their daily food, <extra> in the soup except Friday, eight before Christmas and during the Quinquagesima. It also allowed the monks to eat poultry at Christmas and Easter for four days in total or two days for each feast. The original rule of Benedict had therefore undergone some changes and Amane arranged the initial requirements that violated it by adapting the food and drink to meteorological conditions like a heat wave or labor difficulties haying. Except one point he authorizes poultry during the week that followed Christmas or Easter to avoid waste. Things in perspective In fact the diet of clerics raised a difficulty. Leveque of Metz (St. Chrodegang) had fixed rations of the canons of his diocese. These were two meals a day: they had a sufficiency of bread, soup at noon, a meat ration for two ... <if not> entitled to two rations of meat and bacon. In Lent at noon, they received a portion of cheese for two and a soup and fish or vegetables they were given a third course. In the evening they shared a soup for two each received five bottles of wine. He <describes> two dishes early in the day, three at noon and two in the evening. The difficulty came from <the number of dishes> instead of meat and fat in food clerks. Emperor Louis the Pious supported by his friend Benedict summoned Amane to an assembly of monks and canons of Aixla-Chapelle in 817 to try harmonize these various dietary requirements. Nevermind documents preparatory to this meeting and let us examine decrees. The council authorized the <extras> to prepare meals except Friday or twenty days before Christmas and during Quinquagsima. Oblates could eat meat unless ill. Anyone who wished could eat poultry Christmas and Easter for eight days total. Finally pound of bread would weigh 30 solidi of 12 denarii, and the extent of the wine remained <unchanged> at one emine. These were directly inspired by Benedict <the Reformer>.

* * * One finds that Benedict set 817 daily meals for brother monks remained the same but the food was modified by intake of <extras> cooked in soups and authorization eat poultry during the two major holidays and during the three days thereafter. What is fundamental is the notion of ration each should have its extent and it was forbidden to give <more>. These rations were subject to the constant reminders and rule from Theodomar: "We also give instructions for the weight of a pound of 4 livre so that the weight of the bar is always equal to it can be divided into one pound each among four shares. The text of the sacred rule that weight as it was instituted by the Holy Father Benedict as deposited in place abbey of Monte Cassino)" Regarding the emine ,wine was a minimum fixed ration considering the weak or infirm patients and needs of those who not engaged in heavy labors. But preparatory texts of the Council at Aix-la-Chapelle noted an emine wine every day, but only can be increased without causing intoxication, see rule 51. It was therefore not to avoid satiety alone but drunkenness and in this context the Council seems to have fixed rations. Maximum permissible wine was distributed because of its abundance at 5 livre per day in the well-stocked wine monasteries. If missing wine, monks drank beer. They were allowed to take two pieces of wood, <something else> in proportion and a livre of wine or beer. The daily ration allowed can not exceed 5 livre and an emine is recommended [apparently < 5 livre]. .... The weight of the bread according to the law 817 Stated commitment to return the rule of St. Benedict Council gave two definitions of weight for monks bread: bread weighs up to a maximum of 4 livre of 12 onces; livre of bread weighs 30 sous of 12 deniers. {360 pennyweights?} What is the consistency of the livre of 30 sous? The Spaniard Ildefons, author of Revelatie quae osiensa est (probably written in 845 about the mystery of the Eucharist), clarified the relationship of the first metrological half of the ninth century in which he gives us a detailed answer: Three modern nummi have the same weight as 153 large grains of wheat [51 wheat grain/nummus]. These monetarynummi have weighed the weight of the great flood (hostia). Cooked by fire, weight decreases by a sixth. Little hostia weighs no more than a pound of little nummus. A little hostia is a nummus and three together weigh the weight of three nummi this is not without great mystery governed by Holy Trinity. About Pounds. The three talk about weight-nummi weighing more or less than the large hostia, if it was made according to ancient custom; the just pound is more or less the weight of 153 grains of coarse wheat as they have in them. And 300 nummi this kind weigh an ancient livre. And in 12 livre of this kind there are 3,600 nummi to make a setier, one of which makes 7 loaves which is enough food for a man for one week or one day for 7 men. Also a hogshead (muid) and equal and true has to be made equal to 17 <minot?> and in one day will God feed 119 men gathered at a table. Ildefons undertook to return ancient tradition to his contemporaries, and explain the consistency of the ancient livre. He does not speak of measurement of weight and capacity but the demonstration has its starting point. His whole system is based on the weight of the smallest wheat weight unit used by men of the Middle Ages and the ancients. The first indivisible unity that can not even weigh in but 153 comprise the stater. [107.6 gTroy = 6.97 gm]. No balance was indeed accurate enough to weigh such a small body <as one wheat grain> so we had to find a multiple: 3 nummi = 153 grains of wheat [@51 gW/nummi = 42.03 gT =2.7324 gm = Roman libra/120]. But research numismatists have clarified the weight of a grain of wheat weighed 0.0534 grams [=7/8 gTroy, x32 = 26.37 gTroy = 1.709 gm/novo denier]. As for nummus, it is nothing other than a <post reform denier or> denarius. We can therefore introduce the weight units returned by Ildefons under the following table: modius <muid?> 1 sextarius <setier?> 17 1 libra antica 204 12 1 solidus <sou?> 5,100 300 25 1

... Remember the weight in the above of the ancient livre is 817 grams and perfectly compatible with a weight of 30 ounces [@ 27.233 gm/ounce, cf old Roman uncia at 27.3 gm]. As for the bread whose weight is given by reference to the Eucharistic wafer itself as unit weight, relative to the pint (setier) and hogshead (muid) it is easy to see how much it weighed: loaf = 1/7 setier = 12/7 livre = 1/119 muid = 1.4 kg but as it loses a sixth in cooking its actual weight is reduced to 1.167 kg. However, the table probably deserves some corrections because Ildefons not grasp the complexity of the process of making bread. To calculate the weight bread from the grain must one must consider the entire process for milling grain, and the baking of bread. Abbot of Saint-Pierre de Corbie, Adalhard estimated from 24 hogsheads well winnowed spelt get 10 hogsheads farina, an extraction rate of 41.66%, <which should be> a white flour of good quality. One can estimate the density around 0.5 to 0.55 [kg/liter]. To transform the flour to dough add 60 to 65% <of water>, in addition to salt and yeast. During cooking, depending on time and oven temperature, water evaporates and weight diminution usually reaches minus 16% to minus 17% for a loaf size averaging 1 kg. Such bread keeps a strong moisture percentage [logical as high extraction flour should take up substantial water; . To summarize a 1 kg loaf cooked must use 1.17 kg of dough made from [994 gm of] flour [dough adds 17.7% to flour weight] after 710 gm was ground off of 1.704 kg of spelt. Between bread and grain wastage approximates 41.17% (1.7 kg grain - 1 kg bread). A setier of bread wheat weighing 9.804 kg [13.07 liter at SG 0.75] giving 7 loaves of bread of <comparable> weight. 9.804 kg - 41.17% = 5.768 kg one loaf = 1/7 setier = 824 grams However, the legislation adopted at Aix-la-Chapelle in 817 set a new weight of bread without further reference to the weight of grain 1 livre-of-bread = 30 sou of 12 denier = 32.68 gm/sou x 30 = 980.4 gm or a bread-pound of 36 ounces [@ 10 denier/ounce @ 27.233 gm], one quarter lighter than the weight of 4 livre of 12 oz [these seem to be moneyers livre]; another definition of the weight of bread adopted by the Council which intended this as a maximum weight not to exceed. It is obviously important to determine the weight and quality of bread consumed by the various categories of persons accommodated in a monastery. At Corbie the baker made some variety of breads, ... Meslin loaves weighed 3.5 livres and they were intended for the poor. Other hospital quality bread was called vassals' loaves, others were the loaves for "provendiers." Adalhard finally states that the bread of the brothers, i.e. commonly consumed by the monks, were made large and small. The average weight of the bread is now difficult to know, it is likely that as the bread was essential food so the loaves of the poor, "provendiers {"feed producers," low status prebendaries or

nummus modernmus 61,200 (denarius, novo denier) grana cerulei 3,121,200 (triticum, wheat) Weight in Grams Weight in Kilograms 166,668

3,600 183,600 9,804

300 15,300 612 817

12 51 1

32.68 2.72

0.0534

animal forage gatherers?}," brothers and rich guests could weigh each about 3.5 livre, if you are inclined to think that these lower categories are better fed, loaves might be each 4 livres. Future calculations will be based on three assumptions about loaves of 30 sou, 3.5 livre and 4 livre. Arithmetic of the learned Abbot of Corbie, Adalhard Editor of the Statutes, Levillain, corrupted his treatise with accounts thought unacceptable, stuffed with errors and confused approximate calculations. Something evil is good here: "the fact of the transcribed find errors that vitiate result argues for authenticity.." Curious to note, <while not exact, but sometimes the truth can be recovered.> In Chapter VI (Ratio vel panis numerus annonae seu qualiter custos panis Ulud debeat dispensare) Adalhard writes: He wants 750 corbi of spelt each year, well winnowed and pruned each corbe having 12 muid well packed and struck, using the new muid established by the [Carolingian] Emperor. Then follows a provision for the dependent villages as to where to bring the grain: He ordered the number of 750 corbes to be available each day of the year that is 365. He knows that 730 {2x365} corbes providing sufficient but they brought in 20 extra. As the grain is sometimes better and sometimes lower quality it makes ... more or less flour. He hopes carrying an average estimated capacity for these two corbes certainly give 10 muid of spelt flour. (Here after the text is obscure because it had a contradiction or an oversight, to which we can return later). Therefore Adalhard speculates, he rarely counts beyond the 300 writes about: "here are never less than 300 but between those who remain in permanent residence plus those occurring in the monastery are never more than 350. But we consider 400 are more or <perhaps> less than 400 but there can be a supplement then distributing generously. (This abbey may have overbooked visitors, not unlike modern grand hotels.) Therefore with 400 potential mouths to feed the Abbot mills an extra 4 muids daily for a supplement of 120 loaves, resulting sometimes a total of 420 loaves [120+300=420]. We then clarify the passage, despite some blacked out portions as : 4 hogsheads of flour give 120 loaves, 1 muid gives 30 loaves, and 10 muids give 300 loaves. So this passage should therefore be read: "... resumes its workforce, at confession service it was already rare to have 400 at the monastery but is still rarer to have 20 more. Adding a leitmotif dictated by economic conditions at the time, he goes on it is better to have too much than not enough [bread on hand]." ... This requires more than mills, so we see a muid mentioned again, as 450 loaves from 15 muids [again 30 loaves/muid]. Here instead is a transcription error because we read "et fiunt cotidie panes CCCCL Molinis XV" when it was obviously read "de modiis XV" given loaves: 300 +120 +30 = 450 muids: 10 +4 +1 = 15 thus 450 loaves at 30/muid = 15 muid/day The daily volume implies milling per total year: 365 days x 15 hogsheads = 5,475 hogsheads. This the Abbot then rounds this figure by adding 25 hogsheads. This is the second mistake: Just as the first [error], "addamus etiam XXV illis molinis," (ahh, these mills ar Corbie) read "illis modiis": 5,475 + 25 = 500 muid of flour. So this priest considers that 5,500 = 3,650 + 1,850. These are the 1,850 hogshead/muid supplement, requirements for all to be free from want. 3,650: 365 x 10 hogsheads @ 30 loaves [/muid] or 3650 : 730 corbes = 5 hogsheads of flour/corbe spelt or 10 hogsheads per two corbes 1,850: 365 x 5 muids (not 25 hogsheads) With 10 hogsheads make 300 loaves for 300 monks with 5 hogsheads he adds 150 additional loaves [again 30 loaves/muid] And abbot who forgets nothing in his calculations, concludes with a happiness which is pleasure is why he brought 20 corbes: 365 days 2 + 20 corbes = 750 corbes adding 400 daily provendier-loaves from the extra 25 hogsheads [16 provendier-loaves/muid, bit smaller]

... At the last, a doubt, asking why 1850? It is clearly an amount that does not satisfy the preceding computations, so he invents a good reason to add another 150 hogsheads to reach a round number 2,000. However, the number of monks are less than 400 but the mill, eggs, pigs, various kinds of poultry, dogs and even horses on pasture deserve this additional of 150 hogsheads. It is not irrelevant to note that these 5,650 hogsheads of flour are milling of 13,560 hogsheads of spelt, conveyed from the villages assigned management under the provost of the abbot or even more remote mill of 12 provendiers [prebendiaries?]. Transport of this cereal required 1,130 carts each year; it is obvious that the "corbe" is measuring a cartload in this operation. The system of measures at Corbie and the hogshead of Louis the Pious. Resolving the capacity of this hogshead is of great importance but raises a problem. How to match a weight unit to a volume unit is solved the problem by the use of specific gravity (SG), not as physicists compute mass but taking the goods delivered via the expertise of measurers, merchants, lords, millers and peasants. That is that we want to know; in fact, is the ability of containers used for transport to trade the payment of royalties and tithes. For this calculation, we choose meal or flour's SG = 0.525 and the rate of extraction at 41.67% We can calculate the weight of Imperial muid of Louis the Pious in use at Corbie in the time of Adalhard, knowing a muid of flour makes 30 loaves weighing between 30 sou and 4 livre /loaf weight: Hypothesis #1 #2 #3 weight of the baked bread 30 sou 3.5 livre 4 livre grams 980, 32.67 gm/sou 1,142, 326.3 gm/livre 1,305, 326.25 gm/livre weight of 30 loaves in kg 29.4 34.26 39.15 kg flour for 30 loaves 20.87 24.32 27.79 (assume 71% flour : bread by weight [+41% expansion over flour]) ... muid capacity, in liters 39.75 46.32 52.93 (SG spelt flour = 0.525) [e.g. 20.87/.525 = 39.753] corbe capacity, in liters477 555.84 635.16 (corbe = 12 muid (hogshead)) weight of 1 corbe spelt in kg 333.9 389 444.6 (SG spelt = 0.70) [e.g. 577*0.7=333.0] weight of muid spelt 27.82 kg 32.41 37.05 (hogshead = 1/12 of corbe) [e.g. 333.9/12 = 27.82 kg spelt/muid] weight of 300 loaves, kg 294 342.6 391.5 [required spelt flour/300 loaves 208.7 kg 243.2 277.9 reqd spelt/300 loaves @41.67% 500.84 kg 583.63 555.9 weight ratio bread ; whole spelt 58.7% 58.7% 58.7% if restate above as loss (100%-ratio) -41.3% -41.3% -41,3% [cf. Hocquet -44%] muids whole spelt/300 loaves 18.003 18.008 18.001 Hocquets ratio below uses overlarge divisor, and is remainder not loss as labeled, so makes little sense:] weight of 24 muid spelt*,in kg 667.68 777.84 889.2 =24x27.82 =24x32.41 =24x37.05 Thus remains bread: whole grain= 44% [=294/667.68] 44% 44% (ratio bread weight:grain weight) [300 loaves do not need 24 muid of spelt, only 18 as shown above; calculation below wants remainder] To careless conversion from muids [spelt] wheat at 68 liters and 272 kg of bread [/6 muid] using weight-for-weight, we add two errors: Guerard's (muid of 68 liters of grain at SG 0.67 [45.3 kg/such muid, x 6 = 272 kg; cf SG 0.7 above]) then equate a hogshead of bread with a hogshead of grain of equal weight therefore getting 1,636 kg of bread for monks every day [1636/272 = 7.2 half corbie @ 6 muid]. If we apply these 6 hogsheads of grain assumptions we get:

Hypothesis #1 #2 #3 6 hogsheads of grain, kg 166.92 194.46 222.3 =6x27.82 =6x32.41 =6@37.06 bread % grain by weight - 44% - 44% - 44% [actual above ratio is -41.3%] weight of loaves, kg 93.47 108.89 124.48 [e.g. 93.47/166.92 = 56%, implicitly applies (100% - bread ratio)] error in the solution weight for weight, kg 178.53 163.11 147.52 ratio 191% 149.79% 118.5% [272.67/93.47-1=191.7% 272.67/108.9-1=150.4% 272.67/124.48-1=119.05%] That accumulation of errors shows the fatal illogic: [apparent] daily consumption of bread is doubled or tripled. This is the consequence of error in measurements and weight and method (which did not distinguish ordinary day feast days and allowed monks to consume during the festive meal dishes in addition to those eaten during normal daily meals). Ignorance of manufacturing processes of bread making helped grow these errors. Adalhard can reproduce the measurement system in use Corbie: a half hogshead = 8 setiers, or a hogshead = 16 setier But the choice of hogshead was not fortuitous. There was indeed a measure of capacity called "situla." Measuring a setier gives the measure of the "calyx" or cup. The Abbot of St. Peter of Corbie was most keen on precision and justice. He went to fix the ration of wine for the poor in hospital. The drink they are given every day is half a hogshead of beer or 8 setiers, so share 4 setier between 12 paupers, so that everyone gets two cups [6 cups/setier], the remaining 4 setier being distributed to clerics who wash their feet and their servant named Vuilleran. ... Therefore 24 cups = 12 shares of two cups each are 4 setier or pints and one pint or setier contains 6 cups. We can then pass to another irritating problem: the capacity or an "emina" or _emine_ as Abbot Theodmar of Monte Cassino Theodomar describes in his correspondence with the illustrious Charlemagne: "we also sent a measure of the drink to be distributed to brothers lunch (prandio tempore) and another for dinner. These two measures, in the opinions of our older brothers are one 'emine.' But we also determine the extent of the chalice that the brothers of compliance should receive according to the text of the saintly Rule." Theodomar therefore sends a measure according to standard cup (calyx) preserved the monastery of St. Benedict. He actually sends two copies, one for twelve o'clock in the evening and another two cups together have a capacity one emine. So we know this system volumetric measures adopted Corbie after the Carolingian [measurement] reform: muid 1 situla 2 1 setier, pint 16 8 1 emine 48 24 3 1 chalice, cup 96 48 6 2 1 Admirable is that this system is based on multiples (calyx-emine setier-situla, situla-muid) with base 3 (emine-setier). To appreciate the volume of capaciy measurements in metric equivalents, say liters, our three hypotheses based on the weight of bread: weight of bread 30 sou 3.5 livre 4 livre in grams 980 1142 1305 muid in liters 39.75 46.32 52.93 [as with spelt above]

situla setier emine calice (cup)

19.875 23.166 2.484 2.895 0.828 0.965 0.414 0.482

26.465 3.308 1.102 0.551

It is difficult to make a choice between these three hypotheses but observe the muid of 52.93 liters, calculated based on three factors: bread weight, specific gravities of the grain and the flour. It is very close to the capacity the Paris minot. That minot retained a capacity close to 52 liters to the end of the Ancien Regime, where 1 minot = 4 boisseaux (bushels), whose value is determined not by the specific weight of the goods it contains, but its dimensions in "pouces." {translates as inches} Therefore a minot of Paris would inherit from the imperial muid (hogshead) of Louis the Pious. We would not be far from their actual value at the beginning of the ninth century, giving it a capacity about half of a hectolitre, at least 5153 litres. ... Corbie in 822 Excepting spelt flour we note see pork and bacon. We do not know the quantity of food stored in the monastery by the cellarer, the monk who watched the expense aka dispensation. The Abbot of Corbie made provisions of grain or flour and pork immediately after harvest or during slaughter, and entry in winter time only. Unlike other abbeys, the Abbot does not mentions salt. The rest of the vegetables and herbs from the garden, wine and cheese rely on deliveries from of its villae. Harvesting in the monastery gardens gives seasonal produce. * * * There is no way to know amounts actually fed in the monastery. The familia comprised 150 provendier, included perhaps 12 novices (varying numbers), 7 other clerics, 12 wardens, lay 30 or 31 working in the monastery and 40 on the outside, 13 provendiers working with the doorman on the reception of guests. Each helper had a specific task to accomplish and many were artisans, such carpenters, cobblers, parchment, goldsmiths, doctors, or simple wood carriers. It would be unwise to calculate the number of monks by simple subtraction. the total number of provendiers [prebendiaries?] in the monastery is a subject of speculation by Adalhad, who calculated rations of bread in three cases a number not under 300, a figure of 400 or 420 rarely reached and a fairly stable average number 350. The monastery has two social functions of primary importance is hospital and dwelling managed by the hospital porter for the poor, sick, infirm, the second function is as an hotel for wealthy travelers, pensioners, vassals, people arriving at the front door for the day the week, and the . This second category of people greatly disturbs forecast of the abbot, derived from the difficulty feeding in accordance with the requirements from the Council of 817, from the cellar, the domain's income reserves and tenures, the porter's recources, and tithes including the tenth of previous income. Adalhard is careful to avoid any confusion and so he assigned two recipes to two different possible expenditure. He prohibits starting early on the food reserves of the month, haunted by the fear of scarcity especially of grains. Hr expected to tithes from gardens and remote villas would be sold for money or exchanged for grain. Despite these precautions, perhaps because he had not built ovens at the main gate, his bakers baked all the bread porter who distributed bread at the main gate. * * * The hassle of hesitation when the Abbot regulated the flour supply had its source in this confusion [about who drew bread rations]. ... The most known rations are those of St. Peter of Corbie, which were distributed from the hospital for the poor and provided by the doorman who levied therefor 20% of the tithes assigned to the hospital. The hospital received daily 45 loaves of meslin mixture, at 3.5 livre and 5 rolls called "vassals' loaves" of wheat and spelt. The difference between the two is their bread is obviously composition, but it is not clear that the bread weighs 3.5 livre or vassals loaves 4 livres. In total this is but 50 loaves that could not be the fifth of the tithe since the ovens baked daily 450 loaves from 15 hogsheads of spelt flour to sustain: 12 people [allowed to] stay the night who received a loaf and half per day; 5.25 livre per day per person from 18 loaves; both hospitallers were entitled loaf each; and

 clerics passing through ate in the refectory, and the infirm were fed [each?] 5 loaves. These three categories [supposedly] consumed half of the bread, and the Abbot always faced more poor. He also had to attend the poor and needy without passing through the Abbey or stopping for the night. Each infirmarian distributed a quarter of a loaf [to each such pauper?]. Accompaniments, according to custom consisted of 30 weights (pensae} of cheese or bacon, 30 muid of vegetable, 20% of the tithe of eels and fresh cheese, 20% of the tithe of calves, lambs, foals herds sheep horses), wood and 4 denier in money. It is interesting to note that the veal sheep or horse is a food for the poor despised by provendiers who ate a lot of pork and rejected the rest, similarly the monks but for other reasons. Ale but not wine was given, 2 cups for each of the 12 poor housed in the Abbey. The food therefore seems fairly balanced. If we accept that the endowment of 30 pensae bacon or cheese and 30 hogsheads of vegetable is due monthly, that is one pensa per day and a hogshead of vegetable daily. A poorhouse offers 5.25 livre of meslin bread and 2 cups of beer at 0.9 liters, setting aside bacon or cheese alternately, gets a hogshead of 52 liters of vegetables, sometimes eel and fresh cheese on fast days or mutton or veal. The provendiers working in four large monastery gardens under direction of brothers gardeners were employed laity who [also] received beer, bread and vegetables. Each of the four brother [gardeners?] was allocated 100 "provendier" loaves, a muid of beer and vegetables as needed. But we can not draw any conclusion from these quantities for yard work <lacking a measure of the number of whole yard laborers or total compensation>. * * * The food was part of their renumeration and it was intended to treat residents of the monastery as familia as well as the tenants requisitioned from outlying villages for gardening chores. Curiously the provendier who will work the gardens are not recipients of pensae meat or cheese during their absence; for those who worked the great gate you had to give a thought of bacon or cheese per month. Note that Abbot remarkably juggles with ... numbers and it still fits the measures into the calendar is to say in time. In the Middle Ages the concept of measurement is much more concrete it juxtaposes two elements that one is related to the work of man on a product inseparable from life. For it is clear that Adalhard reckoned: one pensa per person per month = 1/30 pensa per day = 1 pensa/day for 30 provendier or so we saw the poorhouse. During major holidays (13 days in total should not be confused with 27 other days off, local saint rogations, quarter-times etc.). common provendiers got more: another half a vassals-loaf, half livre of pulmenti and a cup of wine or monks-grade beer. As monks we already know they received bread daily at their residence and a ration of wine. In front of each brothers plate in the refectory was an emine measure, and pulmentaria means as a soup made from the herb garden made of various kinds cleaned vegetables, peeled and prepared (as was the fish). The delicate problem of pork remains. 600 pigs not killed in the Abbey are supplied to it each year. The cellar was a real slaughterhouse. There were four parts to the pork distribution: 60, i.e 10%, are for the main gate, but the fat was removed; 370 are kept by the cellarer; 120 go to provendiers who receive it by weight (pensae, as above); and 50 are assigned a reserve. With its 370 pigs from the cellarer shall provide all needs, including meat for the infirm, vassals et cetera, but not the main gate. The assignment to provendiers from within or from outside are from 120 pigs listed above. The Abbot takes care to distinguish between the flesh and fat and minutta or hams, bacons and <little bits>. The 370 pigs hanging in larders present the opportunity to consume a pig a day. 370 pigs had been 12 shares as there are months in the year and each 12 shares were composed of 30 hams and pieces. So everyone was guaranteed to receive its daily share of meat and bacon fat.The Abbot gave the poor his 50 pigs, but may have had sudden doubts about the merits of his

arithmetic: for Fridays outside of Lent total 86 lean days, more on account of Chrismas vigil. The Abbot wisely resolved to slaughter fewer pigs, perhaps just 300 pigs when ... 120 pigs were distributed to provendiers at a rate of 10 per month; those at the main gate received a weekly portion so it would remain<fresh?>. Feed producers who were assigned 120 pigs received monthly 10 bacons enough to make a 10 pensae bacon, a little weight. We know how Adalhard is sensitive to the right measure at the right weight and gender. To each member of the familia from each according to his rank. A pig is well shared bacon and bacon pieces that each have preferred consumers and it seems that the bacons that are not cut pieces or lard or designate shoulders and thighs animal hams before and behind. It remains, however, that the cellarer in its entire 370 salting pigs has more pieces of pigs destined for [animal] proviendier and fat pigs from the Abbot for the main gate up a stock 50 whole carcasses. It appears monks were fond of bacon. Soup ingredients reminded the Council of Aix that inedible pig fat (sungiae) was sometimes used for lighting in abbeys. But pieces of meat or bacon can be eaten raw or cooked depending on the season. Such fats and meat seem to be used in soups of ordinary brothers, provendiers and guests, along with greens from the garden. Meat was mandatory outside the fasting during the octave of Christmas and Lent and Fridays, but every other day of the year community brothers shared a pig and a few other pieces taken from the share of the provendiers. Finally these dishes celebrate Christmas and Easter, The days following these holidays consisted of poultry, chickens and geese, reared in the backyard of monastery or in the barns of outlying villages. Familia and tenants delivered such poultry with the census. Eggs made it to the monastery with each delivery, and the porter at the main gate took his tenth. The feast were well "watered" too: a daily emine meant each brother was served many glasses of wine with great feasts, such as three cups at Christmas and Easter and Pentecost, two at 15 major festivals and one at 36 regular holidays plus at Saturdays and Sundays. This totals some 143 days yearly. Summarizing: the monks were one or two meals a day. Two meals -- prandium and cena -- depending on the timing and duration of the solar day between Easter and the Ides of September, and on Sundays and holidays or just one evening meal during autumn and winter week days. Whatever the number of meals and the amount of food and especially drink showed little variation except on Sundays and holidays. In other words, the same <amount of> food was distributed over two meals in summer was served in a single winter meal. These monks ate 4 livre of daily bread of good quality, one or two soups, soup or stew, greenery in which had long pieces of pork in it (or fish on fast days ) while the great feasts were celebrated worthily with poultry ... of goose or chicken. Eggs were often present on the table. Wine was extensively used. At the first opportunity <on the calendar> rarely less than two daily portions were offered. Daily food rations at Notre Dame of Soissons. The most complete of the dietaries, if not the best quality is from Notre-Dame de Soissons. However, we know the total number of stakeholders is 416 people including one third or 130 men are servants. To that should be added many of the poor and those "in service to the king." According to the abbess of Aix-la-Chapelle abbess welcomes guests from all conditions at her main gate using a tenth of her monastery's resources. We therefore assign a tithe of all the food stored <to this> can ignore the various guest classes. Thus the total and stable convent workforce was 416 mouths yearly, all based on the hogshead of 52 litres: wheat 2700 muid 140,400 liters vegetables 315 muid 16,380 liters cheeses 270 pensae 20,250 livre fats (inc. lighting) 90 muid 4,680 liters salt 180 muid 9,360 liters wine 2340 muid 121,680 liters

honey (flavoring wine)

9 muid

468 liters

Note that most of the volumes of food are multiples of 90 (90, 180, 270, 2700) and that these provisions were intended provide 151,840 rations (416 mouths x 365 days). An average daily monk's ration was therefore composed of: wheat 0.924 liter extracted to 0.646 kg processing into bread @ -44% = 0.361 kg [646 gm * (1-44%0 = 361 gm] vegetables 0.107 liter cheese 0.133 livre* wine 0.800 liter salt incl. curing0.061 liter (42 gm if SG = 0.70) honey 0.003 liter and finally the "friskingae," not suckling pigs or lamb but <edible> offal of slaughtered pigs or sheep: heart, liver, kidneys and tripe made into fricassee and stews for the restoration of bodily strength of the poor and sick nuns. These hearty rations maintain a good balance of fat, proteins and carbohydrates Jean-Claude HOCQUET * A pensa of cheese is 72 .. 75 livre, per Longnon reading the cartulary of St.Wandrille, but the size of the livre is assumed to be Carolingian by Hocquet. == NOTES, not translated, footnote calls in text not preserved ROUCHE Hunger Carolingian period test on some types of rations Food Historical Review Volume CDC 1973) pp. 308 and 317 ROUCHE The feast Carolingian period in Menjot ed. Eat and drink in the Middle Ages conference-Nice in October 1982 Food and Society Volume Nice 1984 pp 271 274 and 277 278 Cf also ibid Hunger. cit art. 315 The sources are listed in Hunger. cit art. pp 297-299 and deferred integration Lement in sub-paginales Notes ROUCHE Hunger. cit art. pp 305-306 Ibid 306 Ibid 306 305 Ibid Table Ibid 299 ad condiendos Cibos sanctimonialium vel supervenientium hospitum soiled modii ducenti) 10 Ibid 306 11 Ibid pp. 305-306 12 ROUCHE meals. cit art. 294 46 13 ROUCHE Hunger. cit art. 306 Note that the number of 120 monks scribe said ut putamus but the monks were all made to be able to count 120 estimate does not include the actual monastery but on Haec rations putamus autem ut ad usus centum Viginti monachorum sufficiunt

298 2) 14 Ibid 298 15 Ibid 300 16 ROUCHE meals. cit art. 269 17 Ibid pp. 267 and 269 18 Ibid 271 19 was used as a specific weight of 15 wheat ROUCHE meals. art cit. 272) 11 flour 12 pulses and 15 for ROUCHE The salt hunger. cit art. pp. 304-305 Apparently author to calculate a specific weight dividing the volume by the mass on the contrary he took the ratio of the mass by the volume it obtained for wheat specific weight 070,072 confirm that all special specialists agrarian history and millers 20 ROUCHE Hunger. cit art. 304 21 GUEPARD The polyptych abbot Irminon ... Paris 1844 Volume Prolegomena had indeed deducted the value of the hogshead of the surface of the mappa 14,047 acres and the amount of fro ment used to inoculate 183) 22 Ibid pp. 183-184 These figures were taken over by LONGNON The polyptych Abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Prs written in the time of Abbot Irminon flights Paris 1886-1895 pp 26-30 23 Baulant and Meuvret Price extracts cereal reprimand from Paris flights Paris 1960-1962 24 and perhaps have realized as evidenced by this statement peremptory The synod of Paris demand effectively prohibit the previous measurements. The clerical world ... rigorously applied the reforms it is concerned but it prevents he changed to the point as the amount of each ration Whatever the new weight of the book or the new capacity hogshead monks or canons are still being allocated pounds of bread or wine emine ROUCHE Hunger. cit art. pp. 303-304) 681 Page 23 POL nomic and Controversies 25 Ibid 302 26 Rouche meals. 278 27 Adrian VERH LST Karolingische Agrarpolitik Das Capitulare of villis und die Hun gersnte von 792/93 und 805/06 Zeitschrift fr Agrargeschichte und Agrarsoziologie 13 1965) pp. 175-189 drew attention to the difficulties scarcity or high cost of single eco Carolingian economy

Witth FT Mnzfuss Kiemgewichte laid Caroli und die Grundle Mass of nordeuropischen gung-und Zeit Franconian Gerichtswesens in Ostfildern 1984 returns 142 of this issue have been aware of this book after writing my article) 28 MGH CONCILIA Werminghoff ed. Vol II pp 402-403 29 Vauban Royal Tithe ed 1707 105 30 ROUCHE Hunger. cit art. 303 31 Ph GR rson Money and Coinage under Charlemagne BRAUNFELS and SCHNITZLER eds Karl der Grosse vol Dusseldorf 1965 pp 501-536 WITTH FT Mass und Gewicht im Jahrhundert Frnkische Traditionen im bergang von der Antike zum Mittelalter Vierteljahrschrift fr Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte Bd 70 1983) offre 463 un tableau commode du poids de once et des poids de la livre 32 WITTH FT Mass und Gewicht. art cit. 463 33 ROUCHE La faim. art cit. 304 Profitons de occasion pour tenter claircir un petit mystre de la mtrologie historique MABILLON Vetera nalecta IV 452 transmis la postrit un fragment de notice ge incertain reproduit dans MGH Concilia II 403 libra 12 unciae hemina 1/2 librae sextarium heminae modium 24 sextaria gomor 15 modia corum gomor Un tel systme est un compendium des mesures antiques smitiques gomor et kor ou romaines cf SEGRE Metrologia circolazione monetaria degli antichi Bologne 1928 62 mesures de capacit hbraques syriaques et phni ciennes et pp 513-514 Nous avons autrefois attir attention sur importance de ces mesures orientales J.-C HOCQUET Mtrologie du sel et histoire compare en Mditerrane Annales ESC 1974 407) la suite de la lecture du remarquable travail OXE Kor und Kab Antike Hohlmasse und Gewichte in neuer Beleuchtung Bonner Jahrbcher 147 1942) pp 91216 34 HANSLLK Benedicti regula Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum 75) Vienne 1960 pp 99-101 Ph SCHMITZ Sancii Benedicti regulae monachorum Maredsous 1955 95 MARTENE Commentarium in regulam Benedicti Paris 1960 536 35 BENO ANiANE Concordia regularum Patrologie latine 103 Paris 1851) 49 col 1130 ou 40 de la rgle de saint Benot) 36 DJ WYNANDY et HALLINGER Theodomari abbatis casinensis epistula ad Theodoricum gloriosum dans HALLINGER d. Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum torne Initia

consuetudinis benedictinae saec VIII et IX) Siegburg 1963 128 37 HALLINGER et WEGENER Theodomari abbatis casinensis epistula ad Karelm regem dans HALLINGER op cit. pp 163-166 38 Ibidem pp 162-163 Retenons-en un pondus pse livres contra ROUCHE La hunger. art cit. 304 vraisemblablement quivalent de la livre romaine 39 SEMMLER Regula sancii Benedicti abbatis Anianensis sive collectie capitulons dans HALLINGER op cit. Lxxiv 534 40 Ibidem LXXVII 534 41 ROUCHE La faim. art cit. 301 42 Provideat ut ... pinguedinem ad esm ... singuli eorum accipiant SEMMLER Synodi primae aquisgranensis decreta authentica dans HALLINGER op cit. XX pp 462-463 Sur la lgislation du Carme VACANDARD art Carme dans VACANT et MANGENOT Dic tionnaire de thologie catholique tome II 43 SEMMLER Synodi... op cit. xxi 477 44 Ibidem XLin 481 682 Page 24 J.-CL HOCQUET TABLE DES MOINES CAROLINGIANS 45 Ibidem 478 46 Ibidem xx 463 47 Contra RoucHE La faim. art cit. 302 qui voit une augmentation de of le pain et le vin entre saint Benot et le concile de 817 48 Ut unicuique fratri cibo et potu separatim porfio detur et de ipsa mensura alicui minime sit licentia dandi SEMMLER Regula... op cit. 533) 49 HALLINGER et WEGENER op cit. 162 50 BENO ARIANE op cit. 49 col 1130 51 SEMMLER Synodi primae Aquisgranensis acta praeliminaria dans HALLINGER op cit. xxvni 436 52 MGH Concilia II-1 403 53 Cf supra 665 et 28 54 Cf supra 667 et 45 55 THUILL BR d Ouvrages posthumes de Jean Mabillon et de Thierri Ruinart Bndictins de la congrgation de Saint Maur vol Paris 1724 pp 185-197 56 WITTH FT Mass und Gewicht. art cit. 465 57 Ibidem pp 472-473 58

LEVDLLAIN Les statuts Adalhard Le Moyen Age XIII 1900) 356 Levillain renvoie Gurard pour la capacit du muid On prfrera la nouvelle dition de SEMMLER Consuetudines Corbeienses ante 826) dans HALLINGER op cit. 375 59 ai retenu ce poids spcifique la suite de deux peses une farine de froment bien blute trs blanche du type de celle avec laquelle on fait le pain eucharistique une densit de 0476 1/4 litre 0119 kg) tandis une farine du type prparation pour pain complet un poids spcifique de 064 1/4 litre 160 g) 60 CALVEL Le pain et la panification Paris PUF 1964 87 KULA Les mesures et les hommes Paris 1984 signale 81 aprs la Gazeta Handlowa Gazette du commerce 1787 que on pouvait tirer de 100 livres de bl 124 livres de pain mais le taux extraction de la farine tait alors de 83 de 100 livres de grain on obtenait 83 livres de farine [Kula cites 1787 source saying they could make 124 livre of bread from 100 livre of wheat, extracting at 83%] HOSZOWSKI le grand spcialiste de histoire des prix Lvov tait un avis contraire 61 LEVILLAIN art cit. 358 62 LEVILLAIN art cit. 343 63 ROUCHE La faim. art cit. pense 303 que est le corbe qui est ras et non comble 64 Ibidem 300 au-del de 300 personnes la direction chappe aux chefs de poque carolingienne 120 aussi cf supra 13 Sur le nombre des moines vivant dans les abbayes bndictines BERLI RE Le nombre des moines dans les anciens monastres Revue bn dictine Maredsous) 41 1929) pp 231-261 et 42 1930) pp 19-44 65 Ces prtendus moulins ont donn lieu de nombreuses gloses prsentes par VERHU ST et SEMMLER Les statuts Adalhard de Corbie de an 822 Le Moyen Age 68 1962) pp 91-123 et 233-269 cf en particulier 242 et 246) 66 est une ide que ai souvent dveloppe depuis 1974 ainsi dans article Mtrologie du sel. cit 424 et qui est fondamentale pour expliquer la constitution des systmes de mesure qui reposent la fois sur une arithmtique simple et des procds de travail empiriques domins par le problme primordial de la manutention et des transports HOCQUET Das Bestreben nach Vereinheitlichung und Normung der alten runden MaBe in Europa und dessen Grenzen xv-xvii Jahrhundert Symposium Die historische Metrologie in den Wissenschaften Siegen RFA) sept 1984 Le muid tait donc le rcipient servant unit de mesure que homme pouvait porter sur le dos ou paule Quand il en avait vers douze dans une charrette il comptait un corbe un tait une mesure relle sac panier seau etc.) autre une unit de compte abstraite est pour cette raison outre accord grammatical que on ne peut parler de corbe ras Sur importance des transports dans conomie carolingienne et celle des monastres J.-P DEVROEY 683 Page 25 POL nomic and Controversies Les services de transport abbaye de Prum au ixc sicle Revue du Nord LXI 1979) pp 543-569 et du mme Un monastre dans conomie changes les services de transport abbaye Saint-Germain-des-Prs au ixe sicle Annales ESC no 1984 pp 570-589 67 ouvrage de

KULA Miary Ludzie Varsovie 1970 667 rsum en fran ais) hui traduit Les mesures et les hommes Paris 1984 attirait fortement attention sur les procds de mesurage conditionns par la place que on occupait sur le march et dans la socit De mme HERKOV Nase stare mjere utezi vod teoriju povij esne metrologi njezina prak tien primjena pri prouavanju nase gospodarske povijesti Vieux poids et mesures Introduction la thorie de la mtrologie historique et son application pratique la recherche en histoire conomique) Zagreb 1973 132 68 LEVILLAIN art cit. 354 69 Mensuram moiorum sextariorum et situlas per sextana octo MGH Capii 84 cit par RMEYER Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus art situla) 70 LEVILLAIN art cit. pp 354-355 71 De ce texte HALLINGER et WEGENER op cit. 163 autre dition dans MGH EE Kar Aevi II 1905) pp 510-514 Rouche donne une interprtation diffrente La faim. 309 II donc trois mesures celle du djeuner celle du dner et la coupe avec laquelle on verse la ration en plusieurs fois est difficile de trancher 72 Ad istum novum modium quem domnus imperator pos lit LEVILLAIN art cit. 356 PROU La livre de Charlemagne Mmoires de la Socit nationale des Antiquaires de France LIV 1894) 244 signal les textes par lesquels Charlemagne et son successeur ont essay imposer tout Empire un systme de poids et mesures uniformes et conformes talon royal dpos au palais avant 794 Le mmoire de vque Ildefonsus montre que la rforme imp riale pas t introduite dans tout Empire et que Aquitaine avait gard un systme de poids et mesures diffrent cf supra pp 664-665) 73 HocQUET Structures mtrologiques et dveloppement des anciens systmes de mesures le commerce et les transports Congrs international des sciences historiques Stuttgart aot 1985 74 Notamment abb Hilduin de Saint-Germain-des-Prs 100 muids BOUQUET d. Recueil des historiens de France VI 1749) 559 anne 829 et abb de Saint-Denis qui entrepose 200 muids de sel mesurs au muid utilis dans les salines de sale modia 200 cum ipso modlo quod solvi tur in sa ini ibidem 579 anne 832) 75 SEMMLER Consuetudines corbeienses op cit. pp 365-367 76 Ibidem 378 Sur la fonction des abbayes senodochium xenodochium) FAINELLI assistenza alto Medioevo Xenodochi di origine romana Atti Istituto vneto di Scienze lettere ed arti 92-2 1932-1933) pp 915-934 et LESNE Histoire de la proprit eccl siastique en France tome poques romaine et mrovingienne Lille et Paris 1910 pp 390-412 77 Mgr LESNE La dme des biens ecclsiastiques aux ixe et xe sicles Revue Histoire ecclsiastique XIII 1912) pp 477-503 et 659-673 rappelle les motifs de institution de la dme au concile de 817 au bnfice de htellerie prcisment et extension de assiette des dmes depuis les aumnes dposes la porterie des abbayes et sur les autels des glises paroissiales ou prleves sur les moissons et les rcoltes de fruits eYindominicatum Dans le tome XIV 1913) pp 97-112 et 489-509 il prolonge examen de la question des dmes et de leurs bnficiaires toujours grce une analyse minutieuse des statuts Adalhard

78 SEMMLER Consuetudines corbeienses op cit. 404 LEVILLAIN art cit. 379 79 VERHULST et SEMMLER art cit. 249 est l une magnifique pice verser au dossier de conomie-argent de conomie marchande montarise des temps carolingiens Cf le dbat rouvert par DEVROEY << Un monastre dans conomie changes. art cit 80 LEVILLAIN art cit. 384 81 Sur la diversit du pain du Moyen Age on dispose maintenant de excellente tude de Mme A.-M BAUT Pain et ptisserie dans les textes mdivaux latins antrieurs au xine sicle dans MENJOT d. Manger et boire au Moyen Age op cit. pp 33-65 82 LEVILLAIN art cit. 355 684 Page 26 J.-CL HOCQUET TABLE DES MOINES CAROLINGIANS 83 RucQuoi Alimentation des riches alimentation des pauvres dans une ville castillane au xve sicle dans MENJOT d Manger et boire au Moyen Age op cit. constate 301 que encore au xve sicle la viande est un mets rserv aux pauvres et aux serviteurs il agisse du uf de agneau ou du gigot de mouton alors que les riches placent au sommet des plaisirs de la table les volailles poulets oies ou perdrix J.-P MOLENAT Menus des pauvres menus des confrres Tolde dans la seconde moiti du xve sicle ibidem affine encore analyse en prci health 315 que le bovin est la viande des pauvres tandis que le mouton est rserv aux pauvres malades 84 LEVILLAIN art cit. 361 85 VERHULST et SEMMLER art cit. pp 116-118 et 237 86 DUBY conomie rurale et la vie des campagnes dans Occident mdival vols Paris 1962 103 87 LEVILLAIN art cit. 353 Notons que le four de abbaye cuit quatre sortes de pain le pain de meteil pour les pauvres panis de mixtura) le pain des provendiers panes provendaricios) le pain des vassaux pain de fte des provendiers panis vassalorum) enfin le pain des frres SEM MLER Consuetudines corbeienses op cit. 377 9) 372 10) 370 1) 376 21 et 381 23) 88 LEVILLAIN art cit. 368 ROUCHE crit je traduis pulmentum par pure plutt que par potage ou bouillie comme le voudrait usage ... Le vrai mot serait au fond italien polenta La faim. art cit. 301 ces deux polen tae Rouche en ajoute une troisime de lgumes secs crus sic) macrs dans eau 301 Bien entendu ces trois pures accompagnent kg de pain Il en fallait beaucoup moins pour touffer un chrtien ft-il moine En fait Adalhard est explicite ut sunt herbe cuiusiibet generis unde pulmentarium fieri debeat offerende mundande ordinande... et comme auparavant il signal ibi in coquina aut pulmentaria preparantur aut preparata ministrantur LEVILLAIN art cit. 368) il faut cher cher des correspondances dans alimentation italienne je suggrerais que le pulmentarium loin tre une polenta tait une minestra un bouillon de lgumes et de morceaux de

lard) un plat qui au demeurant justifie un accompagnement de pain Lapolenta le mot est attest dans des textes carolingiens tait alors une galette de farine orge grille partir du xvie sicle on la fit de mas 89 De illis poreis quos ad opus nostrum servan jussimus crit Adalhard LEVILLAIN art cit. 379) 90 Multo minus ut destruatur necesse erit sed magis ad fructum futurum crescere poterit ibidem 381) 91 On connat antienne magis volumus ut remaneat quam def ciat 92 De secunda autem parte ubi CXX sunt ad opus provendariorum qui illas pensas accipiunt debet per singulos menses baccones accipere ad decem pensas faciendum et de singulis bacconibus singulas pensas facer ... Quem tamen lardum... minutiam vero de ipsis CXX poreis salvam adat. SEMMLER Consuetudines corbeienses op cit. 407) 93 TESSIER Recueil des actes de Charles Ille Chauve II Paris 1952 494 94 SEMMLER Consuetudines corbeienses op cit. pp 405-406 idem dans LEVILLAIN 95 Ibidem 339 96 Dcompte tabli aprs dition de SEMMLER pp 368-369 97 Modo semel modo bis in die manducamus LEVILLAIN art cit. 358) 98 TESS op cit. doc 494 pp 639-645 est extrmement svre pour ce document apocryphe plein incohrences de cacographies de contradictions ordre chronologique Bref il le tenait pour une composition arbitraire faite une poque indtermine Rien auto risait cependant Rouche ajouter des incertitudes supplmentaires quant effectif des moniales de leurs serviteurs et de leurs servantes cf supra 662) 99 hospitalit royale accueil du roi de sa cour de sa suite grvent lourdement les res sources des abbayes de la Francie septentrionale surtout aprs le partage de empire quand les souverains doivent vivre un domaine triqu Au cours de leurs nombreux dplacements ils sont souvent tents de faire supporter leur entretien par les glises et les abbayes LESNE Histoire de la proprit op cit. fase II Le droit du roi sur les glises et les biens glise VIP-X sicle 685 Page 27 POL nomic and Controversies pp 387-402 le sjour du roi et des siens dans une villa de glise en puisait sans doute pour longtemps les ressources 398) mais Mgr Lesne ne prcise pas origine des revenus affects la rception du roi rcoltes des terres de la rserve ou dmes les tenanciers tant quelquefois obligs de contribuer entretien du roi durant son sjour dans abbaye par une contribution sp ciale paye in adventu regis 399 3) 100 Nous choisissons cette valeur la plus haute que nous avons calcule dans les trois hypo thses retenues au pralable abord parce elle accorde la capacit du minot de Paris par la suite nous avons dj dit mais aussi parce que Soissons se trouve comme Corbie au ur du domaine carolingien l o il tait le plus difficile chapper la rglementation royale ou imp riale Il est clair que le calcul des rations donne lieu tablissement une ration maximale puisque nous avons adopt la plus grande mesure du muid et que nous avons dfalqu seulement un dixime pour ensemble des charges de hospitalit Enfin nous avons toujours fait comme si aucune fraction de la nourriture mise en rserve ne se gtait ne abmait ou ne finissait sous la

dent des rats ou dvore par des insectes voire dtruite par inondation 101 LONGNON op cit. vol pp 26-30 signale que dans le cartulaire de Saint-Wandrille la pensa de fromage pse de 72 75 livres mais comme les documents ne prcisent pas le poids de la livre utilise je me suis content plus ample inform de convertir en livres carolingiennes 102 NIERMEYER op cit. art friskingae donne des citations qui contredisent totalement sa dfinition cochons de lait ainsi friskingas duas berbecinas duas autem reliquas por cinas ou encore friskingas vervecinas et porcinas similit