Eric Cunningham

University of Hawaii,
Department of Anthropology
Kyoto University,
Graduate School of Human and Environmental Studies
06.25.08

Otaki, searching for a road to the future:

fieldwork progress

Introduction
Though my time spent conducting fieldwork in Otaki has been short thus far, I’ve already gained
insights into the community, culture, and environment that have surpassed my expectations. My
fieldwork is still in it’s early stages, and there is much yet to be done, however, in this short paper I
would like to report on my progress, discuss some early themes, and propose some hypotheses and
areas for future inquiry. I’ll begin with a brief background sketch of Otaki, followed by a review of
the methodology I’ve employed thus far. Next, I will discuss some of the themes that have begun to
emerge from my field investigation. Finally, I will propose some early hypotheses that I hope to
pursue as my fieldwork continues.

Background
A recent television program produced by NHK called Otaki 　 追 い 詰 め ら れ た 村 (a cornered
village) and suggested that the village may be in the most dire situation among rural areas in Japan.
NHK’s assessment of Otaki can be said to be true in several senses. First, geographically Otaki is
located at the back of a long canyon that leads to the base of Ontake-san. A single winding road
links Otaki to Kiso-machi, the nearest modest sized town with a hospital, train station, and large
supermarket. The presence of this vital road means that Otaki is socially oriented towards the Kiso
Valley and Nagano prefecture; however, accounts of interactions with residents of present-day Gifu,
which borders Otaki on the west, suggest that this orientation has not always been exclusive.
Second, environmentally speaking, 80 percent of Otaki’s surface area is comprised of forestland.
This means there is little space for large scale agricultural, or other pursuits. We can also think of
Otaki’s environment in political terms, in as far as that 90% of the forestland there is owned and
managed by the national government.

Finally, Otaki has also been backed into a corner economically through a series of external impacts
and poor decisions. Japan’s rising importation of foreign timber resources from the 1960’s brought
a drop in domestic timber prices and effectively ended a forestry boom that had brought mild
prosperity to Otaki. As Japan began its miraculous economic climb, Otaki, with little natural
resources at its disposal, was at the mercy of larger national trends and faced an unstable future.
The completion of Makio Dam in 1981 brought a much needed influx of money and the promise of
a new way forward for Otaki. However, what was viewed as a blessing has evolved into a nagging
curse as a ski hill constructed with the dam funds steadily dragged Otaki into heavy debt. A bid to
amalgamate with neighboring municipalities in 2005 was denied to Otaki because of this debt.
Coupled with the national restructuring launched under Prime Minister Koizumi, Otaki’s debt has
forced this small mountain village into dire straits. The current village government is working, with
significantly reduced salaries, to make Otaki a stable and independent village.

Otaki now
The Otaki of today is somewhat difficult to define. The village seems to be in a state of transition:
attempting to find a new path into the future as it deals with the repercussions of decisions made in
the past. Geographically, Otaki has stayed much the same. At present its land area is 310.86 km 2 of
which 295.85 km2 (95%) is forestland.

Demographically, Otaki is undergoing drastic changes. The population structure of Otaki is similar
to that found in rural areas across Japan; a rising elderly population coupled with a decline in
overall population. Otaki’s population currently stands at 995, down from 1,768 in 1980. During
this same period the rate of elderly residents has risen to 32.4%. 　　 Though tourism remains the
primary industry in Otaki, tourist numbers (including skiers and worshipers) have declined in recent
years. After tourism, manufacturing jobs are the most prevalent, followed finally by agriculture.
On the ground, this pattern takes the form of elderly residents engaging in agricultural work, while
younger family members (if any remain in the village) work outside of the home.

At present Otaki is struggling economically. For 2008 roughly 3/4 of Otaki’s annual budget is
slated for administrative and financial operations, with almost a quarter of this being used to pay
back public debt. This leaves only a fraction of funds for use in providing basic services such as
sanitation, health, and education. Major cuts have been made to the salaries of village employees
and to money spent social, cultural, and educational activities.

Methods
My methodology thus far has consisted mainly of interviewing. Interviews are semi-structured,
with questions pertaining to participants’ views on life in Otaki, the natural environment, and
potential vulnerabilities. Each interview lasts about 45 minutes, with another approximately 15
minutes used to explain the content and goals of my fieldwork. Thus far, participants for interviews
have been recruited using snowball sampling techniques, where new interviewees are identified by
other participants. I plan to analyze information gathered from interviews using textual analysis
software called Nvivo to identify common themes and topics that I can use to direct further
inquiries.

Participant observation has been an important methodology in this early stage of fieldwork, and so I
have become active, through a variety of activities, in the daily life of the community. Thus far I
have participated in the planning and carrying out of a festival in my section of the village; attended
lectures and outings organized by the village office; and taken part in meetings focused on
revitalization efforts. Also, I am currently working as a volunteer delivering bentos to elderly
residents and also hope to begin an English class in the near future. In addition to these activities, I
try to spend as much time as possible out in the community interacting with residents.

Early Themes
Several common topics have emerged from my interview data thus far. However, because my
sample is still relatively small, and because I have not completed my analysis, these topics are only
preliminary and still require much more investigation.

Depopulation
A major theme that has appeared in most interviews I’ve conducted is that of depopulation. It’s fair
to say that from the perspective of Otaki’s residents the most pressing concern currently facing the
village is depopulation. Of course demographic numbers bear this perspective out as a reality,
however, several interviewees spoke about the phenomenon of depopulation in more personal
terms, using words like “lonely”.

During interviews residents also often referred to the Takigoshi section of the village. Takigoshi
lays about 12 kilometers to the west of Otaki’s center in a small, isolated valley accessible by a
single narrow road that winds along the Otaki River. Presently there are only about 15 individuals
living in Takigoshi. Among these residents is the I-family, a thirty-something married couple and
their 3 year old daughter—the first born in Takigoshi in 32 years. Apart from the I-family, all of
Takigoshi’s houses are occupied by elderly residents—either married couples or single residents.
Takigoshi has no permanent clinic, post-office, or store—bus service to the area has also been shut
down. Takigoshi wasn’t always such a quiet hamlet. In the past jobs brought many people to
Takigoshi. They came prior to the war to build the Miura Dam that sits to the west of Takigoshi
along the Gifu border and they came to cut timber that was hauled out along a train line that ran, up
until the 1970’s, from Takigoshi to Agematsu in the Kiso Valley. However, those times have past
and most of the people have gone, leaving Takigoshi with few economic or natural resources with
which to build a future. Listening to people I interviewed speak about Takigoshi I could sense that
it stands as a constant reminder of the uncertain future facing Otaki at large.

During my interviews I heard few concrete solutions to the problem of depopulation, but there was
a consensus that the problem is being driven by a lack of economic opportunity in Otaki. In other
words, there’s nowhere to work. Several people I interviewed talked of creating some kind of
industry in Otaki. However, this issue is framed in the minds of residents through Otaki’s colossal
failure in operating a successful ski resort. Otaki’s citizenry know the economic, ecological, and
social consequences of investing heavily in an industry that doesn’t bring desired benefits. There
seems to be a general sense that Otaki’s best option for the future is to develop the village’s unique
cultural and natural resources.

Recognition of assets
A second theme that has emerged from my fieldwork thus far is a sense of pride and love for
Otaki’s unique cultural and natural assets. It’s arguable that throughout history Otaki’s most
valuable asset has been its relationship with and status as an entryway to Ontake-san, one of Japan’s
holiest mountains. Among a segment of Otaki’s population there has been an effort to reemphasize
and raise awareness of this relationship through historical research, lectures, and the development of
important historical trails, monuments, and sites. Another group, dubbed the 観光再生協議会, has
formed with the purpose of developing and protecting Otaki’s cultural resources, such as local
methods of food preparation, as well as its natural resources through beautification activities. At
this stage I would suggest that these new movements are coming in response to Otaki’s current
economic crisis caused by debt incurred from the construction and management of the village-
owned ski hill. There seems to be a growing sense that Otaki’s residents will be best off by relying
on the resources that have supported the village historically, rather than depending on industries,
such as forestry or skiing, stimulated by larger social-political forces.

Urgency
Finally, the interviews I’ve conducted so far have left me with an impression of urgency on the part
of Otaki’s residents to do something to revitalize the village. Yet at the same time, the participants
I’ve talked with so far are largely at a loss in terms of what exactly should be done. A general
agreement exists that a primary concern for Otaki is securing fiscal health—namely, reducing the
village debt. At the same time, I have also heard a strong desire to develop new economic
opportunities in Otaki. These two perceived needs are closely connected and so questions arise as
to where residents should focus their efforts and resources. At present the focus of the village
government seems to be on fiscal responsibility and paying down debt. However, my investigations
so far highlight a variety of needs, concerns, and desires held by residents, which also require
money, making one wonder how long the current approach can last.

Topics for further inquiry

Though it’s premature to make any definitive conclusions at this early stage of fieldwork, based on
my experiences in Otaki up to this point I have developed three early conclusions that I hope to
pursue with further inquiry. First, many residents of Otaki articulate a movement towards
embracing a love and respect for the nature around them that was largely taken for granted before.
The second is new or renewed recognition by residents of the value of Otaki’s unique natural and
cultural charms, which include: clean air, delicious water, abundant nature, a slow pace, a cool
climate, and a friendly atmosphere. There is a desire among some residents to develop these assets
locally in order to create an economic base for the village. Finally, “tourism”, which we might label
a trope, has become a central focus of village development.

New consciousness regarding the value off nature

Residents of Otaki that I have spoken with often express respect for the natural environment around
them and speak of its value in aesthetic terms. Younger village members, most of whom are
transplants to Otaki, express these ideas quite easily, often citing them as reasons they first became
attracted to Otaki. Older, native residents, however, have suggested that this recognition of the
aesthetic value of nature is a recent phenomenon. It’s been explained to me that a respect and love
for nature existed, but it was so matter of fact that it was hardly recognized. It may be misleading
then to call this consciousness “new”, but it’s probably fair to say that it’s expression is more
widespread than in the past.

Without solid data regarding this trend it’s difficult to identify causes with certainty. However, it
seems fair to hypothesize several contributing factors for the growth of a consciousness of nature.
First, I would suggest that a growing national and international environmental consciousness over
the last century has contributed greatly to expressions of this consciousness at the local level in
Otaki. Second, an increasing number of younger residents who have moved to Otaki from the
urban areas have likely added to a growing consciousness of the natural environment. Many of the
younger residents I’ve met in Otaki have said that Otaki’s natural environment was a major reason
they decided to move here. In addition, a number of these younger transplants have started tour
businesses, offering services like kayaking and wild vegetable gathering, and therefore rely
economically on discourses concerning the value of the natural environment. For example, a lake
that was formed by a landslide after the 1984 Western Nagano Earthquake, and is used by one of
Otaki’s younger resident for kayak tours, bears the name 自然湖.

Despite this increasing emphasis on the natural environment, in my experience thus far I’ve not
encountered a depth of opinion concerning the environmental or ecological aspects of the 国有林
that comprises most of Otaki’s land area. Rather, 国 有 林 are often spoken of with a sense of
distance, as if they have little or noting to do with the life of the village. Historically, the 国有林
are recognized for their role in village life, but here the emphasis tends to be on their economic and
social aspects, such as forestry as a livelihood, or the 森林鉄道 that used to run through the village.
In other words, because the 国有林 belong to the nation there seems to be little attention given to
how these forests are managed, despite the impacts management decisions have for the health of the
local environment. I must note that this observation is likely shaped heavily by my own interest in
local resource management, which has been a central aspect of this research from the outset.

Local development from a local base

Finding a new economic base capable of sustaining Otaki into the future is a major concern of
many, if not most, residents. My fieldwork thus far suggests that recent discussions and efforts
related to economic advancement are directed at developing Otaki’s local natural and cultural
resources in order to attract tourists. For example, development activities that I’ve participated in
include: 御嶽山学習講座、料理開発の勉強会、and 花畑の整備作業.

I hypothesize several factors that are contributing to this new focus among Otaki’s residents on
developing a localized economic base. The first is a growing sense of the importance of local
economic control in light of Otaki’s unique history of economic activity stemming from outside of
the village; starting with forestry and ending with the ski hill. The second is a recognition that
economic investment, particularly in the form of factories, is unlikely to come from outside due to
Otaki’s inconvenient geographical location and lack of infrastructure. The final factor is the new
environmental consciousness noted above. This is accompanied by a renewed interest in the unique
cultural charms of Otaki and a deepening sense that it is important to value and protect these things.

Despite these positive moves, efforts at local development have not yet produced any major results.
There are several constraints—economic, political, social, and geographical--that may be
contributing to this. The first is the village government’s unwillingness to invest significantly in
infrastructural improvements directed at tourism. This stems from a focus on overcoming current
financial hardships related to the village-owned ski hill, which itself was supposed to be an
economic investment to promote tourism. A second constraint is stems from the fact that the vast
majority of Otaki’s land area is comprised of either national forest or reservoir, meaning that
residents have no ability to develop these areas as they see fit. This is extremely disadvantageous to
a community seeking to develop its natural resources in order to promote tourism. Social
constraints also contribute to the lack of development in Otaki. Several participants have
commented on factionalism in the village and the difficulties of achieving social cohesion
surrounding issues of economic development. A lack of leadership is also part of the equation. The
village government was recalled in 2005 after a failed attempt to amalgamate into Kiso-machi
revealed the severity of Otaki’s debt. This incident has shaken the confidence that Otaki residents
had in their government and therefore leadership roles don’t seem to be particularly coveted. A
final constraint is a geographical one; even in terms of rural areas, Otaki is isolated and difficult to
access. Therefore tourists are not easily persuaded to make the effort to travel to Otaki. This is
compounded with recent raises in the price of gasoline.
Navigating the trope of tourism
As the residents of Otaki make move towards develop economic activity based on tourism they will
surely encounter a new set of obstacles and challenges. The ups and downs of Otaki’s own varied
economic, social, political, and ecological history serve as reminders of the future consequences
that decisions made now can hold. While attempting to access the larger national market for
tourism, I argue that it is important for residents of Otaki to consider how to promote the village’s
unique cultural and natural resources without significantly altering them or destroying them in the
process. At the same time, it is essential that care be taken to consider, as much as possible, the
social, economic, and ecological outcomes of decisions made now in order to avoid setting up
structures that might develop into future problems.

Conclusion
At this early stage of my fieldwork in Otaki it is difficult to make any solid conclusions. In this
presentation I’ve tried to give an overview of the sense of problem that I’m currently developing
through my investigations.

In consideration of the above topics I’ve discussed, I suggest that systems analysis and resilience
thinking will be beneficial in terms of planning and developing economic activities in Otaki that
take into consideration the long-term health of the local environment and community. An important
component of my dissertation research is finding ways to apply my knowledge to solving problems
on the ground in my host community. In line with this, my fieldwork thus far has focused on
gathering data at the local level that will allow me to develop a grounded model of vulnerabilities,
strengths, needs, and desires that can later be applied in planning and implementing activities that
can increase the health and resilience of Otaki.