Itineraries of Sultan Oljeituf

British Institute of Persian Studies
The Itineraries of Sultan ljeit, 1304-16 Author(s): Charles Melville Source: Iran, Vol. 28 (1990), pp. 55-70 Published by: British Institute of Persian Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4299835 . Accessed: 19/09/2013 04:50
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THE ITINERARIES OF SULTAN OLJEITU, 1304-16 By Charles Melville*

of Cambridge University In common with many of his royal contemporaries in East and West, the Mongol ruler Oljeitii was an itinerant monarch. Although he built a capital, at SultSniyya, he was, as we shall see, absent for long periods; and when he moved, members of the government departments moved with him. His journeys were, essentially, made between winter quarters (qishldq) and summer quarters (yaildq). In the context of Persian history, there seems nothing very remarkable in this. Xenophon is among the earliest writers to describe the seasonal movements of the rulers of Iran, noting that Cyrus the Great spent seven winter months in Babylon (on the Euphrates), three months in spring in Susa (Shfish) and, in the height of summer, two months in Ecbatana (Hamadan).' The Parthian kings too spent their summers in Ecbatana "for Media is a cold country", but their winter residence was at Seleucia on the Tigris:2 an alternation that is followed closely by Oljeitii in the middle period of his reign. This resemblance between Oljeitui and the ancient rulers of Iran is superficial, but it prompts comparisons between them, on the one hand, and between his movements and those of his counterparts in mediaeval Europe, on the other. As for the Achaemenians, J. M. Cook writes that, if the rulers moved seasonally between three or four capitals, the court would have spent a quarter of the year on the road; "and it is difficult to see how chancery business could have been conducted in so bureaucratic a state without any permanent base, for we are not here dealing with a simple feudal monarchy like Plantagenet England.3 He therefore plays down the extent of the kings' itinerancy and argues that Susa ultimately became the recognized centre of Achaemenian government.4 Does this contrast with the Plantagenets (or Angevins) apply also to Oljeitii, who inherited the services of a bureaucracy with traditions reaching back to the Sasanians and beyond?-or is the Mongol state in Iran closer in this respect to the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century states in Europe? In either case, how was the business of government affected by the regular and wholesale movement of Oljeitui's court? A more fundamental contrast than in degrees of administrative sophistication is hinted at, but discarded by David Morgan, writing of the Saljuq period
*Earlier versions of this paper have been tried out on two unsuspecting audiences and several "Wedding-Guests"; I am particularly grateful for the helpful suggestions and encouragement of Peter Burke and Jonathan Shepard, without whose intervention this would have been considerably feebler than it is. I also thank PeterJackson for his comments and for condoning my intrusion onto the patch of which he is head gardener.
in Iran around the turn of the eleventh century. He notes that the court "was essentially itinerant, and it might be possible to argue that the old nomadic way of life still had its appeal". He goes on to point out, however, that Henry II of England (1154-89) lived no less itinerant a life, and "no one has yet accused the Angevins of harking back to nomadic origins". Morgan suggests rather that the main reason for the itinerancy of the Saljuq court was to put an effective check on the power of local potentates.5 This may be so, but at the same time any comparison between Henry II and the Saljuq sultans is highly flattering to the latter, and does not entirely dispose of the suspicion about the Saljuqs' attitude to their nomadic heritage.6 Nomadism, then, is the central interest here, and in the case of the Mongols, at least, the question is not in doubt-the I1-Khans throughout their rule retained their nomadic habits.' This is seen largely in terms of the seasonal migration, but it is important to stress that this is essentially an economic activity within the sphere of transhumant pastoralism. Hence Oljeitii's merely superficial resemblance to the Achaemenians, who were palace-centred, urbanized monarchs and whose seasonal movements, notwithstanding the incidental political advantages doubtless involved, were made chiefly to avoid extremes of heat or cold. Hence also a distinction between the Mongols and the rulers of mediaeval Europe, whose motives for travel, if also partly economic, were certainly not linked to the rhythms of pastoral existence. The present paper seeks to explore the nature of Oljeitii's itinerant rule, with reference to other examples of peripatetic monarchy. The emphasis remains on the "geochronology" of Oljeitii's journeys,8 though a focus on the movements of the king raises questions such as, why was he travelling; what did he do en routeand, more particularly, were his perambulations a distinctive and necessary element in the projection and maintenance of his rule? It is easier to pose these questions than to provide answers, but our investigations may throw some light on Oljeitii's reign and, more generally, on Mongol rule in Iran. They may also suggest comparisons with later dynasties of nomadic or tribal origin, which were a feature of Iranian history until the end of the nineteenth century.
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I Sultan Oljeitii's reign (1304-16) lends itself to such an investigation for a number of reasons. First, his reign is often overlooked.' He is overshadowed by the character and achievements of his brother GhiazSn (1294-1304), whose immortalization was carried out by the vazfr Rashid al-Din. Oljeitii's son and successor Abui Sacid (1316-35) was the last of the effective I1-Khans, and his reign attracts attention because of the clues it should contain to the coming collapse of the dynasty, and perhaps also for the colourful romantic events that occurred. Yet Oljeitii's reign should have been the high point of Mongol rule in Iran. He carried on in the manner of his reforming brother GhazSn, though perhaps in a less committed way, and he was served throughout by Rashid al-Din, whose inspiration lay behind Ghazan's reforms.'0 The vazFr's long spell in office should have provided the opportunity for the enforcement of the measures that had still failed to take hold under Ghazan, particularly since (if the evidence of his Correspondence is genuine), the provincial governorships were packed with members of his own family. Oljeitii's reign is, indeed, mentioned by Mustaufi as the high point of I1-Khanid rule, an accolade that is admittedly not uniquely accorded to Oljeitii." Nevertheless, all contemporary authors refer to his clemency and justice and to the good order of the kingdom, which were the main criteria for judging such things. 12 Secondly, and more specifically, Oljeitii's reign was by and large a period of peace. The first unruly phase of Mongol rule was over-symbolized by Ghazmn's conversion to Islam-and whereas his predecessors' movements were determined mainly by their need to meet and defeat their enemies, Oljeitii was able to move around without such compulsion. The underlying nomadic patterns of his movements are not therefore masked by military operations; to what extent were they influenced by other considerations? Oljeitii's itineraries can be assessed in terms of the sultan's own inclinations, and as an aspect of his exploitation of the state's resources, as well as for their place in the conduct of domestic politics. In consequence, the effects of migration on the practice of government in Mongol Iran can best be looked for during this period. The third and most immediate reason for concentrating on Oljeitii's itineraries is that the means exist (in some measure) to do so. Our main source of information for the reign of Oljeitii is Abu 'l-QSsim which was comKSshmni's chronicle, Tdrfkh-i Uljdytu, pleted early in the reign of Oljeitui's son and successor Abui Sacid. The author seems to have been close to the court and was certainly well-placed to obtain information about the deeds of the ruler and the governing class. The chronicle is arranged in annals and the organization of material within each annal is also
predominantly chronological. The editor of the work says that its rough-and-ready manner raises the possibility that it had its origin in some sort of courtcalendar or diary. Certainly there is sometimes an almost daily coverage of events. This feature is particuessential-for the reconstruction larly useful-indeed of the movements of the sultan and the court. Regrettably, Kashani suffers periodic lapses over dating, and seems not to have revised the work. There are frequent internal inconsistencies, as when the sequence of days of the week does not correspond with the sequence of days of the month; some months appear to be out of order, and in one annal the dating of events seems to run on into the following year. On the other hand, accurate use is occasionally made of the luni-solar Turkish animal calendar, although the years in the cycle tend to be one year in advance.'" These defects are not, on the whole, of great significance, but it is unfortunate that there are so few independent sources of factual data against which Kashani's most detailed chronology can be checked. The most useful of these are the chronicles of Vassaf (to 1319), Banakati (to ca. 1320) and Mustaufi (to ca. 1330)."4 Of these, Vassafs is the most valuable. His dating of certain episodes, such as Oljeitii's expedition against Rahba on the Euphrates, is clearly preferable to KashSni's and is corroborated by contemporary Arabic chronicles from the other side. Mustaufi, Banakati and, later, Timurid historians contain items of information not found in Kashani, but they also fail to confirm most of the details he does provide. Reconstructions of the itineraries of the Angevin monarchs in England rely only as a last resort on chronicles of the reign-indeed, one of the stated purposes of Eyton's itinerary of Henry II is to verify and correct the facts alleged in the chronicles.'" The standard sources used are the Chancery rolls, royal charters (from Richard I onwards) and, by the time of Oljeitii's contemporary, Edward II (1302-27), the records of the Wardrobe, the Privy Seal, the Secret Seal and the Chamber-all of which, in the last days of Edward's reign, can be seen to go off in different directions as his support disintegrated.'6 It is regrettable, but will not surprise historians of the Middle East, that archival material of this sort is totally lacking for Oljeitii. At best, a few dated documents have survived, such as the sultan's letter to Philip the Fair of France (1285-1314), hinting at an alliance against the Mamluks, which he wrote at Barzand (AlivSn) in MfighSn in 704/1305; an item, incidentally, which Kashani's record of Oljeitui's movements that year helps to date.'7 II Reflecting the relative dearth of sources, the itineraries reconstructed for Oljeitui are for the most
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part sketchy and incomplete, and many ambiguous points of detail cannot be resolved. Even when specific places are mentioned, these have not all been identified.'" The most valuable contemporary geographical information is provided by Mustaufi's Nuzhat al-qulab (written ca. 1340), which apart from enumerating and describing individual towns, traces the main routes leading from Sultaniyya to all parts of the Empire. '9 Mustaufi reports that Oljeitii was responsible for measuring various roads and setting up milestones, so it may be supposed that the routes he mentions and the distances along them are applicable to Oljeitui's time. When Kaishani uses some phrase such as "he proceeded stage by stage until arriving at so and so",20 it has been convenient to assume that the route taken is the one outlined by Mustaufi; and this may be particularly appropriate to the route between Sultaniyya and Baghdad. But Mustaufi only provides details of the main highways and the details of other routes are not certain. There may in practice have been many deviations. Indeed, Jean Aubin has already drawn attention to the "double circulation" of movement-the caravan routes linking the main urban centres, and the nomad routes following pasturage-which became increasingly prominent with the great influx of pastoral peoples after the eleventh century.21 Oljeitii's itineraries alone are inadequate to reveal this distinction; but on the other hand, the problem mainly applies to northwest Iran, an area relatively sketchily covered by the classical Arabic geographers. The information provided by Mustaufi, and embodied by the movements of Oljeitii, itself points to the greater frequency of "pastoralist" movement in this area, and the likely directions this took. Oljeitui's itineraries, so far as they are recoverable, are tabulated in Appendix 1. Various geographical and statistical aspects of these journeys are discussed below, such as the patterns of Oljeitii's movements and the routes he followed; the timing of his journeys; the distances and rates of travel involved; and the proportion of time he spent travelling and stationary. The main patterns of Oljeitii's movements are conveniently summarized by Kashani at the outset of each annal, in terms of where the sultan had his summer and winter quarters.22 To start with, the summer quarters were in fjjan, which was also used as a capital by Oljeitii's brother and predecessor Ghazan Khan. Later, the summer was spent in Sul~tniyya, which was developed as the new capital by Oljeitii from the outset of his reign. The winters were spent either in Arran and the MiighSn steppes, south of the Kur and the Aras rivers, or in the neighbourhood of Baghdad. The only departures from these basic patterns are when the sultan was on campaign, namely (a) in the summer of 706/May-June 1307, when Oljeitui led an army into Gilain; (b) in the winter of 712/December 1312January 1313, when he led an expedition against
Rahba on the Euphrates; and (c) when he spent much in Astarmabd and of the winter of 713/1313-14 Mazandaran, to be on hand to meet the threat of an invasion of Khurasan by an alliance of Chaghatai princes.23 Oljeitii's annual movements between these camps fall into three discrete groups, each characteristic of a different period of the reign. In the first period, between 704/1304 and 708/1309, he moved between fjan or Sultaniyya and the Mfighan steppes.24 The route taken is seldom specified, but generally encompassed Tabriz, as Oljeitii made a point of visiting his brother's tomb in the Sham-i Ghazan, west of the city, on his way by. In 705/1305 and 706/1306 he went north via Nakchivan to Alatagh or direct to in other years, possibly via Ahar, Arran and Mfighan; the route described by Mustaufi, which may also have been the way he returned to Ujan from Pilasuvar. Lesser trips were made in the area between Ujan, Maragha and Tabriz, usually for hunting. In the second period, starting with the winter of 709/ 1309-10, Oljeitii shifted his winter quarters to Muhawwal, to the west of Baghdad, and returned there each year until 713/1313-14, when as we have just seen, he spent the winter in Mazandaran. This change of winter quarters can be connected with his conversion to ShiCi Islam. Coins bearing a Shici legend were issued in 709 A.H., following Oljeitii's visits to the ShiCi shrines around Najaf that winter, i.e. early in 1310.25 Combined with the evidence of the coinage, Kashani's dating suggests that the visits to these Shici centres finally resolved Oljeitii's long period of indecision over adopting the new faith.26 Oljeitii's last winter in followed his expedition Baghdad, in 712/1312-13, against Rahba, a campaign which he might have seen as exhausting his territorial ambitions to the west, and therefore removing the need for his presence there.27 His feelings for Baghdad may be associated with his infatuation for a Baghdadi singing girl, on whom he is said to have lavished incalculable wealth,28 but for any Muslim ruler, heir to the CAbbasid empire, residence in Baghdad might also have retained some residual political significance.29 and between The route followed Baghdad Sultaniyya is likely to have been that described by Mustaufi, although only Chamchamal (near Bisitfin) and Hamadan are specifically mentioned. After spending two summers and an intervening winter in Sultaniyya, Oljeitii spent his last full winter (715/1313-16) back in ArrIn and Mfighan by the Aras river. Here perhaps, away from the proximity of the and in the more traditional Mongol environcatabadt ment, he might have had second thoughts about Shicism, if we are to believe Ibn Battfita's story concerning Qaidi Majd al-Din Shiraizi's appearance at Oljeitii's court in QarSabagh.30 In 716 A.H., in Kaishaini's words, which encapsulate
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is madeto depict the surrounds his Fig. 1. A schematic representation of theitineraries of SultanOljeita.No attempt fact thatsomeuncertainty movements bothin Arrdn andMtghdnandonhunting An arrow thedirection when marks a route was only tripsin theMarigharegion. of travel usedin onedirection; other itineraries bothways,orindicate round Datesareshown werefollowed expeditions). for mostof the trips(e.g. hunting marked seeAppendix). Thicklinesdepict times.The several between TabrizandGavbdrT journeys (forfullerdetails, routesfollowed journey (via andSultaniyya in 706, 707, 708 and 716; between Sultani Pflasuver)was madein 704, 707, 708 and 715 A.H.; between yya and Gdvbadr between and Tabrizin 704, 705, 707 and 708. Thejourney Mardghain 705, 707, 708 and? 712; between Mardgha Ujanand Tabriz (via six times,in 704, 706and715A.H. andtheroute between andBaghdad seven timesin theperiod marked. Only Sacdatbad)was made Sul.tdniyya in theitineraries aremarked. P = PTlasuvtr; B = Barzand; A = Ardabrl; K = Khalkhdl. Theinsetshowstheareacovered placesmentioned to theapproximate extent withthelocations andBaghdad marked withsolid bythemapin relation of theIl-Khanid empire, of Tabriz,Sultdniyya dots. the underlying importance of Oljeiti's annual cycle of movement, the sultan made his summer quarters in Sult~niyya and his winter quarters in the yart of the next world and the palace of everlasting peace. Oljeitii died aged 35 (lunar years) at the end of Ramadan/midDecember 1316, shortly after a hunting expedition around Chaghan Ni'iir (near Farahan). A most picturesque epitaph is given by Mahmiid-i Tabrizi: "If he was a man, I believe all the rest are merely paintings on the bath-house door".3, It is clear from a glance at Oljeitii's itineraries (see Figure 1) that his movements were confined to the north and northwest quadrant of Iran-effectively within a triangle with Mdighan, Sultiniyya and Baghdad as its apexes. This is no great revelation. It has long been appreciated that the Mongols gravitated towards Azarbaijan and the high pastures of eastern Anatolia. These regions were suited to the grazing of their extensive flocks. The implications of this for the effectiveness of Oljeiti's rule will be touched on later; here it is sufficient to note that, if we are to regard the sultan's movements as political actions, they only extend over a small proportion of the whole realm. If, on the contrary, his movements were motivated primarily not by politics but rather, as we suppose, by pasture, this might be demonstrated by the timing of his annual migrations. Studies of the tribes of Iran that still practise trans-
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humance have underlined the importance of the decision to migrate (kach kardan) and the considerations underlying the decision: primarily the need for new pasture or to exclude rivals from that pasture.32 Control over the decision to move, and the order of departure, is still notionally made by the Elder or Ilkhani, even though the tribes of modern Iran now have little scope for large-scale changes from the pattern that has survived through the various restrictions on their independence. No such restrictions affected the Mongols. As for the authority of the chief, it is relevant to note the report that GhazSn Khin exercised such dominance over his amirs that they could not even ask him when they were going to break camp, but accepted his decisions on when to move and when to halt because they could see that his powers of decision making were far superior to their own.33 The allocation of pasture was the duty of an official called a yartchT,who went on ahead once the decision to move had been taken.34 Tapper notes that the Shahseven now arrive regularly in Mufghan on 5 November, or later in the month if the rains are late.35 No such obvious pattern emerges from the dates given for Oljeitui's seasonal migrations, either in terms of departure or arrival (see Table 1). There is too little information available at present for any conclusions to be drawn from these data, which do not suggest very regular cycles of movement-dates vary by between five and eight weeks, though not for all destinations. There may be some correlation with fluctuations in the weather, about which nothing is known. The variation may equally well be due to fluctuations in the social calendar, royal or noble marriages or the presence of foreign embassies, or the unrecorded decisions of the astrologers.36 The departure dates given are those when KashSni says the intended destination was winter or summer quarters; it is usually not clear how much of an interval elapsed between the decision to move and the departure date. The first stage was generally a short one, as seen in Oljeitii's departure from Muhawwal in 1310 and 1312.37 For many of Oljeitii's journeys, the date of either departure or arrival is not given. The exact distances of most of the journeys are also unknown, since the routes are not clearly specified. It is practical, therefore, only to calculate and compare his rates of travel for a few journeys on the main highways, such as the routes to Sultaniyya from the Dasht-i Miighan and from which are described and accurately Baghdad, measured by Mustaufi. From Tabriz to GavbSri, which was ca.60 farsakhs (via Ahar), was covered in 60 days in 1304 (probably by a very indirect route) and only 20 days in 1308, the latter indicating an average rate of about 10 miles (16 km) per day. From Pilasuvar to fjSn, a slightly
TABLE 1 Dates of Departure and Arrival (a) Winter quarters Date of departure and Miighdn: for Arrdn 13 October 1304 c.24 September 1305? 4 September 1306 c.12 September 1307? 10 October 1308 1 October 1315 for Baghdad: 14 September 1310 Murddn: for Nf'zm 7 September 1313 Spread of: 39 days (b) Summer quarters Date of departure from Arrdn/Mfighdn: 4 March 1305 10 March 1306 17 April 1307? from Baghdad: 30 March 1310 3 April 1312 15 April 1313 from Mdzandardn: 2 March 1314? Spread of: 44 days Date of arrival at Ujdn: 28 May 1305 29 June 1306 at Sultdniyya: 11 May 1307 20 May 1310 30 April 1312 12 June 1313 7 June 1316 Date of arrival at Gdvbdrf: 12 December 1304 28 November 1306 2 November 1307 30 October 1308 at Baghdad: 2 December 1309 14 December 1310
45 days
60 days
shorter distance, took 37 days in 1306, or about 5 miles (8 km) per day. The journey from Gavbari to Sultiniyya (via Ardabil and Khalkhal), about 77 farsakhs, took 24 days in 1307, when the sultan was hurrying back to prepare for the Gillin campaign, at a rate of about 12 miles (19 km) per day. Journeys between Baghdad and Sultfniyya (118 farsakhs)38 apparently took 91 days in 1310 and 27 days in 1312; the following year the journey was done in only 21 days travelling, or about 20 miles (32 km) a day. The variations in these overall rates are, of course, due to the length of stops at different places, not necessarily to variations in the speed of travel itself. The lengths of halt are usually not documented, and much time was spent in hunting. Oljeitui's new palace at Sultdnabad (Chamchamdl) near Bisitfin claimed
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some of his time as he passed through each year. The fastest journey time recorded, if accurate, is four to five days between Hamadan and Sultaniyya in May 1310, an average speed of more than 25 miles (40km) per day. More time needs to be spent compiling these and similar journeys by the other I1-Khans, before any real sense of the rate of travel of the sultan's horde can be gained. Marco Polo mentions that the postal stations (jdm, Pers.ydm) set up under Ogedei were 25-30 miles apart, which was a day's journey; but this was presumably for ordinary travellers and messengers, rather than the whole paraphernalia of a royal horde. Nevertheless, it is interesting to note, purely for comparison, that King John and his court often achieved 35-40 miles a day, and sometimes even 50 (55-80 km). Edward I averaged about 20 miles (32 km) a day on his expeditions; Charles IX about 15 miles (25 km) on his royal tour. Shah CAbbas's itineraries suggest that he regularly covered 25 miles (40 km) a day on his journeys.39 Oljeitii's horde probably moved every few days, as pasture ran out, in the way mentioned by Qummi (concerning Shah CAbbas) and as particularly exemplified by the progress of the khans of the Golden Horde, up and down the east bank of the Volga.4' As noted above, Oljeitii's rates of travel are disguised by the length of time he spent at places along the way, halts that are not dated and which doubtless saw extensive hunting expeditions. It is similarly difficult to determine how long Oljeitii resided in the main camps at his destination, for the same reasons that vitiate other statistical analyses of his journeys. Appendix I is relatively full for some years and hopelessly incomplete for others. A very crude calculation suggests that Oljeitii spent about 100 days a year on his migrations. Some very long periods were spent in Mfighan, sometimes four or five months. Similar, though generally shorter, periods were spent in Sultaniyya: an average of about 150 days per year, or approximately 40% of his reign, since 707/1307.41
III This discussion puts into perspective the true sense in which Sultfniyya was Oljeitii's capital. As in the case of Maragha, OUjn and Tabriz under earlier I1-Khans, it must rather be considered as his chief seasonal residence.42 These residences were all in the northwest, not only near the Mongols' main pasturages, but also along the principal commercial routes from Central Asia to Anatolia, underlining the two main sources of the I1-Khans' revenue. The Mongol invasions had largely destroyed Iran's agricultural economy and efforts to revive it were short-lived and half-hearted. The evidence seems to suggest that income derived from agriculture remained a small proportion of the
income which the I1-Khans obtained from trade and urban taxes, which were stimulated by the impetus the Mongols gave to trans-Asian commerce.43 But while an interest in such urban activities, together with the evidence of substantial building projects, suggest that the court, at least, had lost some of its aversion to settled life, the Mongols were far from becoming citydwellers. Professor Lambton notes that the decision to build Sultaniyya may represent a realization that the nomadic economy, was, after all, the state's best and last resort.44 Sultfniyya, which slowly lost its importance with the demise of the I1-Khans, is situated in a sufficiently large plain to accommodate the encampments of the horde, but was not surrounded by a wellcultivated region. The Mongols lived outside the city, which became a capital by virtue of the presence of the royal ordu.45 It is possible that the sultan's treasure was permanently stored there, as well as official government records, but I am aware of no specific evidence to this effect.46 In fact, the ordu itself was a mobile city. There are no descriptions of Oljeitii's ordu, but it may be supposed to have had many points in common with the ordus of his son Abfi Sacid and of the rulers of the Golden Horde, of which various accounts exist.47 When on the move, the camp set off at dawn and marched till late morning, preceded by musicians who sang ten numbers, punctuated by passages on pipes and drums. Strict order of march was maintained, each unit moving off when the signal was given on great drums. When they encamped, the sultan and his household formed one camp, and each of his wives a camp of her own. Markets and mosques were erected-"so that the ordu is like a great city that goes along and sets down with (the sultan)." Everything that was available in the largest cities was to be found in the ordu, even down to a quarter for tailors, but prices were high because of difficulties of transport, only meat being plentiful.48 When the camp broke up on the departure from winter or summer quarters, the costly palisades were burnt, to destroy snakes and vermin, and an official stayed to tidy up and recover animals or slaves that had been left behind.49 This mobile city (unlike that of Batfi Khan) was also the administrative centre of the empire. Ibn Battilta, describing Abui Sacid's progress from Baghdad in the spring of 1326, says that each amir camped separately, as did the vazfrs, secretaries and officials of the finance department, and they presented themselves for duty in the late afternoon.50 The duties of the yrtchl (pasturemaster) specifically included allocating pasture for the vazfrs and the members of the dv~an(ashab-i dv~an),who camped to the left of the sultan'syurt, in contrast to the amirs who camped on the right.51 Al-cUmari also notes the presence of the chief store-masters (acydn alalhawasilyya al-ru'asa),52 dzvan officials (.tawdif of and members the culam. scribes dawdwn), (kuttdb)
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The vazfr used to go into the sultan's tent every morning while in camp."53These observations apply particularly to the reign of Abui Sacid, but Kashani's chronicle confirms that during Oljeitii's reign, the vazfrs did indeed follow the royal ordu. In September 1308, for instance, Rashid al-Din is stated to have followed on after the sultan when he set off for are Maragha; the parallel movements of the two vazTrs also reported in April 1312, April 1313, and March and October 1316.54 There are numerous other indications, beyond these specific references to the travelling arrangements of the vazFrs,of their attendance on the sultan, and Rashid al-Din's prolonged absence from the court in late 715/1315, due to gout, causes comment.55 and at least some of the Clearly, therefore, the vazTrs secretarial departments were invariably in the ruler's entourage, whether in residence at the .seasonal encampments, or accompanying him on his progresses between them. What is harder to determine, because of the vagueness of the terminology used, is the extent to which subordinate officials in the bureaucracy, such as the chief munshi's, mushrifs and mustaufis, along with their departments, were attached to the person of the ruler. It seems likely, however, that a large portion of them, at least, were present at court, rather than based at a permanently fixed centre.56 This was the case under the Great Khan Mongke in China, despite the existence of a large quarter in Qara Qorum exclusively for administrative personnel. The bureaucratic classes are not referred to among those with whom Oljeitii more or less forcibly populated his new "capital" at Sultdniyya.57 It is therefore appropriate to speak of Oljeitii's horde as a "wandering capital", a term that has been applied also to the court of the Ethiopian rulers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.58
IV
If it is relatively straightforward to demonstrate that Oljeitii was at the centre of a form of peripatetic government, it is less easy to evaluate the significance of this in the political and administrative history of late I1-Khanid Iran. To the extent that the Mongols' preoccupations as rulers cannot have differed greatly, in many respects, from those of their royal counterparts elsewhere, it may be helpful to look first to mediaeval Europe to illustrate some of the issues involved. It is a well-known aspect of early mediaeval kingship in much of Europe that the court and, initially, the government were to a greater or lesser extent peripatetic. Scandinavia furnishes an early example: a certain Onund the Roadmaker "had a house built for himself in every district of Sweden, and went over the
whole country in guest-quarters."Indeed, he died in an avalanche one autumn, travelling between his mansions. The kings and court of Norway subsisted in this manner for many generations, in royal progresses throughout the districts in turns, without any palace, castle or fixed abode.59 Ottonian government in tenth-century Saxony was all about travel and communications, over which the king had a near-monopoly and in which horses and messengers were the leading actors. The royal migration (iter) was the most essential and carefully administered institution of Ottonian rule and to some extent a substitute for the absence of a bureaucracy. The kings were effectively crowned migrants, who moved around the more accessible districts of their empire to promote its cohesion and emphasise the sacred nature of their rule through a series of church dedications and religious festivities. "In order to rule the kings had to appear in person, ... dispense justice, make peace between enemies, reward and punish", and "those who had business to transact or favours to seek must first find him and follow his iter." At the same time, in view of the difficulties of communication from outlying provinces, it was essential to have a friend at court who had the king's ear, if one's affairs were to be promoted successfully.60 England under the Normans and later the Plantagenets (Angevins) provides the most frequently used example of itinerant monarchy. William I was constantly moving through the land, mainly to secure the obedience of remote parts, partly to save the expense of sending the produce of royal manors about the country, and also to enjoy hunting in the royal forests."6 Walter Map describes how arrangementsfor the transport of Henry I's household and the places at which it would stop were made far ahead and known to all. Foreignersas well as English merchants would come to the planned stopping-places, so that "plentiful markets" were found wherever the king went.6' Henry II, too, travelled in, "unbearably long stages... [and was] ... merciless to the household that accompanied him"; if the king stayed long in one place, it was because business kept him there, such as settling of disputes arising from the anarchy of Stephen's reign.63 The itinerary of King John (1199-1216) is the first to provide day-to-day details of the king's whereabouts. In every journey the essentialsof government (the hospitium regis)followed the court: a train of from 10 to 20 carts and waggons.64His itineraries and those of the first two Edwards (1271-1327) show the extent to which the king himself was on the move, and with him the chief organs of executive rule, such as the Privy Seal and the Wardrobe. These royal movements were remarkably numerous-King John made about 150 moves a year and Edward I averaged nearly 100.65 The inconvenience of this wandering court for those who wished to see the king was such that John was
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obliged to agree in the Magna Carta that "Common pleas shall not follow our court, but be held in some fixed place", and during his reign the Court of Common Pleas became established at Westminster. Before this time, suitors were compelled to chase round in attendance on the king, in pursuit of justice.66 Nevertheless, the King's Bench continued to itinerate until early in the reign of Edward III, when the permanent headquarters of the Chancery were also located in Westminster, although parts of the department still itinerated with the king.67 Professor J. C. Holt has summed up the quality of Angevin government in the single word "restless".68 Their fundamental concerns were war and diplomacy, finance and justice, and their recreation was the chase. Whether by inclination or compulsion, for many mediaeval monarchs a life of perpetual motion was the norm, if their authority was to be upheld in the distant parts of the realm and they were to gain access to the resources of their kingdoms. In the words of Tout, "economic necessity alone kept [the king] plodding through his continued journeys. So great was the dearth of means of communication, and so difficult was the transport of bulky commodities, that it was much easier to take men and horses to their food than to In general, their authority bring their food to them."''69 was not undermined by absence from "the capital", and indeed the notion of a capital was itself slow to develop. Rather, their power was extended by their mobility, although, in time, the price was the growing independence of the bureaucracy. In countries such as France and England, the art of government evolved out of the household administration of an absentee or vagrant monarch.70 Viewing the case of Iran in the light of these examples, we can note apparent similarities and contrasts, but we are enormously hampered from doing much more than identifying the issues that are of interest. The same dearth of archive sources that impoverishes our knowledge of Oljeitii's itineraries also restricts our insights into the exact functioning of his household as a system of government. The business of the various departments, and the extent to which they acted independently of the ruler (even when he was present), are barely hinted at in the narrative sources of the time. Similarly, it is not clear to what degree Mongol rule, or the tone set by the rulers themselves, modified or upheld the pre-existing administrative practices of the traditional Persian bureaucracy. The concluding section that follows offers some general observations on Oljeitui's itinerancy as an aspect of late I1-Khanid rule in Iran. V As emphasised earlier, and also by Kashini,71 Oljeitui's reign was predominantly peaceful; regular or seasonal
warfare plays little part in determining his whereabouts. Many of Ghazan's movements were dictated by military or strategic considerations, and it could be argued that Oljeitii's presence in northwestern Iran, too, was a response to the potential (though diminished) threat from the Golden Horde, and in Baghdad likewise as an advance base facing the Mamluks.72 But Oljeitii's own campaigns suggest that he personally had little taste for military adventures. His involvement in the Caspian campaign of 706/1316, in which the Mongols received a bloody nose from the resilient Gilakis, lasted barely a month. He soon tired of the Syrian campaign of 712/1312-13, returning to Baghdad for no apparent reason, according to one Mamluk source. Ibn al-Dawadari remarks that he was no warrior.73 The Khurasan campaign of 713/1313-14 was precautionary, rather than belligerent, in intention and most of the winter was spent agreeably in bazm rather than razm. Other military operations were entrusted to the senior amirs. Campaigning does not in itself necessarily imply itinerant rule; but, with the possible exception of the Gilan expedition, Oljeitii seems to have been attended throughout these expeditions, as at other times, by the core of the government.74 Although, as in the case of the Angevins, political activity naturallyfollowed the sultan's whereabouts, it is difficult to see affairs of state determining his presence at any particular place. The reception of ambassadors and appointment or punishment of senior officials are reported, but not the settling of disputes and organising of local affairs, which are invariably mentioned as the general context for travels of a ruler such as Shah cAbbas I. Nevertheless, the fact that Oljeitii itinerated within those regions where Turco-Mongol populations were concentrated, suggests that he was at least moving among his nomadic Mongol subjects, ensuring their obedience and projecting his authority, in a way that might not have been possible had he become static in a permanent capital city. Kashani regularly notes the arrival at court (the royal ordu) of the amirs ChiipS-n, Trenjin and others from their own seasonal pastures and posts, bringing presents and maintaining their position.75 By contrast, Oljeitii was content to let southern Iran slide out of control. By his reign, the important provinces of Fars and Kirman were ruled (at least in theory) directly by the I1-Khan, although in Kirman a hereditary governorship remained in place.'76But it is clear that in this region Mongol administration, or the lack of it, superimposed on the run-down traditional Persian system, led to fiscal chaos and widespread expropriation.77 It may be that the presence of the ruler in these southern districts would have ensured a stronger commitment to establishing efficient rule there. It is indeed interesting that Oljeitui found it unnecessary to show his face in other corners of his extensive ter-
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OLJEITU,
1304-16
63
ritories. Towards the end of his reign, he appointed his son and heir Abui Sacid as governor of Khurasan (under the tutelage of the amir Sevinj), which could be seen as a more direct extension of the royal presence in the area. Yet at the same time, in 714/1314 the Kart ruler of Herat, Malik Ghiyath al-Din, was given a Great Seal which made him effectively an independent sovereign.78 This suggests that Oljeitii was not primarily motivated by political or judicial considerations any more than military ones. This narrows the field to economic and recreational motives, making it hard to see a dilution of the underlying nomadic nature of Oljeitii's movements-he moved about because he was a nomad chief, whereas the Angevins, for example, were nomadic rulers because they moved about. This is hardly surprising in one who was originally named "ass-herd", in honour of the first object his mother saw after giving birth to him. Apart from his three campaigns, the only reasons specified by Kashani for Oljeitii's movements are the decision to depart for yaildq or qishldq, or to go hunting. In fact, what evidence there is suggests that, no less than the Angevins, Oljeitui's court and ordu steadily ate its way round the country,"79or at least around those parts that were climatically suited to them. This amounts to an economic motive for travel, but within a pastoral economy, rather than the agricultural economies of contemporary western Europe. How effective mediaeval government was depended largely on the character of the sovereign. The evidence of al-cUmarl's oral sources, both of whom had firsthand knowledge of the Il-Khanate under Abui Sacid, is that the I1-Khans had no interest in governing and left most business to the vatzrs. The latter was responsible for drawing upyarlfghs and orders, on which the ruler's name came first, followed by those of the four chief amirs, even if they were absent; the vazfr's name came last. The sultans' addiction to drink was among the reasons given for this delegation of affairs of state; hunting was another. Thus preoccupied, the sultan was not normally available for audiences and the hearing of complaints. In theory, complaints concerning the army were heard by the amirs of the 91s (tribal groups), and those concerning the country, taxation, and the subject population were heard by the varzr.But since the amirs of the Glis were usually unavailable in the ordu, being away in summer or winter quarters, hunting or on expeditions to the borders, in practice complaints coming under their jurisdiction were mostly referred to the vaTr.80 Other Mamluk sources, naturally hostile, specifically note Oljeitui's preoccupation with drinking and amusing himself with his boon companions.81 The implication is that the rulers remained on horseback while the bureaucrats ran the country. That Oljeitui was devoted to hunting cannot be denied; but the extent to which he was involved in the actual business of government is difficult to gauge.
Ahari notes the paramount influence of his sister Olejetei, probably because she was the paternal grandmother of Shaikh Hasan Jalayiri.82 The vazfrs appear from our sources to have enjoyed almost unlimited powers, but the fact that there were two of them put a practical restraint on this, and necessarily involved the sultan as an arbiter, though at the cost of stimulating factionalism at the court.83 As we have seen, Oljeitii, though itinerant, was not absent from the country nor from the centre of government. The slow rhythm of his migrations imparted a semi-permanent air to the dTvdnsestablished in the ordu. This was something of a change from the early days of Mongol rule in Iran, when Juvaini, attached to the drvan of the viceroy Arghfin AqS in Khurasan, complained that his scholarly activities had been curtailed by the constant travel. He could only "snatch an hour or so when the caravan halts" to work on his history. The administration of Arghfin Aqa has indeed been called a "mobile secretariat".84 The practical problems of running an empire in such a way are obvious, but become less so once the movements slacken in pace and frequency. The transport of documents and treasure, which can be implied though not illustrated, would not have posed insuperable problems, when one considers the effort of transporting the physical fabric of the ordu itself. Furthermore, although we lose sight of the sultan during most of 1309, when it seems likely that Kdshani was away from the court, Oljeitui must have been between GSvbari and Sultiniyya for most of the year, as in previous ones, barring hunting excursions. His regular migrations and lengthy encampments made it relatively easy for foreign envoys, plaintiffs and others to find the king, and thus again to give the mobile court a semipermanent character, quite different from Walter Map's hectic hell of the court of Henry II. In such circumstances, it was unnecessary for the bureaucracy to function somewhere apart, in a fixed centre, while proximity to the sultan remained desirable or unavoidable. Although theoretical distinctions, which now seem somewhat blurred, existed in the Mongol period, as before, between state and crown lands (and therefore revenues), and between the dargdh (court) and davdn (bureaucracy), it is not clear how or whether in practice this was translated into a separation between service to the state and service to the person of the ruler. The notion of personal rather than public service has been stressed, on the one hand, and the absence of a tradition of integrity and independence on the part of there existed the bureaucracy, on the other-although at least in theory a sense of duty to the subjects (racbyyat, pl. racdya).85 Discouraging as circumstances were under the Mongols, it remained true that the best chance of fulfilling this duty lay in identifying the interests of the ruler with those of the state. No genuine bureaucratic
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independence could exist while the arbitrary power of the ruler remained unchecked by constitutional restraints. But the rulers and the bureaucracy were mutually dependent on each other; the process of absorption, integration and assimilation held the key. Oljeitii's reign thus illustrates a point along the continuum of the interaction between the nomadic and sedentary ethics of government. If, under the Saljuqs, settled, palace-centred rule in the manner of the cAbbasids, with whom they lived in uneasy coexistence, still lingered on, under the Mongols, as demonstrated by Oljeitii's itineraries, nomadic rule was totally predominant. Although the Mongol period marks the peak of this influence, subsequent dynasties (generally of tribal origin), tended to become urbanized only gradually, while periodic changes of capital only delayed the establishment of a fixed and permanent administrative centre. The Qajar court regularly migrated to summer quarters outside Tehran until well into the nineteenth century and Qajar government was still essentially a household and court institution."86 The Persian bureaucracy, whose traditions of administrative continuity helped to preserve Iran's identity through the trauma of the Mongol invasions and other lesser vicissitudes, was confronted from the I1-Khanid period onwards by a series of rulers who were most at home on horseback or in tents.
Muharram 22 Safar 8 Safar 14 Safar 25 Safar 27 Rabic I 10 Rabl' I 11 Rabl' I 12 Rabic II 8 Jumidd I 13 Shacban 6 Shacbdn 28? Ramaddn 2 Ramadan 25 Shawwal 18 Shawwal 24 Dhu l-Qacda 3 Dhu 'I-Qacda 20 Dhu l-Qacda 25 Dhu Il-Hijja17 Dhu '1-Hijja 18 705 Muharram 1 Safar 26
August 25 September 10 September 16 September 27 September 29 October 11 October 12 October 13 November 8 December 12 1305 March 4 March 26 March 29 April 21 May 14 May 20 May 28 June 14 June 19 July 11 July 12 July 24 September 17 1306 March 5 March 9 March 10 May 4 May 23 June 29 September 1 September 2 September 4 November 28 1307 InjukP April 17 May 11 May 16 May 21
May 29 May 31 June 2
hunting in Namai'u and Badiya CAzi; ordus to Seh Gunb, sultan to Seh Gunb, to Pil-i Surkh-i Maragha88 hunting near Mar; leaves arrives in Tabriz Sham-i GhSzan to TiginSbad89 to Pil1-i Chaghin? arrives at GSvbari crosses Kur, return south90 Dilln N'uir9' sets off with ordus to Pilasuvar sets off towards Gulistan92 Barzand93 Haravan?94 arrives at Ojan to Tabriz Shim-i GhSzan Rubc al-Rashidi (Tabriz) departs for Cjan to Qonqur Oleng hunting near Mara via Nakhchivdn to and An MufighSn hunting in land of Gushtaspids96 returns via the coa, from Gavbari to Jfi Nau in Pilasuvdr97 from Pilasuvar via Gulistin98 to Ojan to Tabriz Sham-i Ghizan departs for Alatagh via Nakhchivan to Arran arrives at GivbirPi departs from via Khalkh1i'00 arrives at Qonqur Oleng leaves for Gilan'?' from Kfirin Dasht Deh Kiishan on
Shhriud'02 attacks TalishSn to borders of Daila camps on river
APPENDIX THE ITINERARIES
1: Shacb5n 18 ShaCban22 Shacban 23 Shawwdl 19 9 Dhu Il-Qacda Dhu '1-Hijja 16 706 Safar 21 Safar 22 Safar 24 Jumidi I 21
OF SULTAN OLJEITU The following list provides an outline of where Oljeitii was at any given date in his reign. It is not a full chronology of his actions, and does not contain the dates of events concerning him unless they indicate a change in his location, or help to determine his whereabouts when there is no direct evidence for his movements. This "geo-chronology" is based on KSshani's annals; the notes discuss departures from (or problems with) Kashani's printed text, and identify entries due to additional sources. Minor chronological problems, such as the mismatch of dates and weekdays, are generally ignored. Date A.H. 704 Muharram 6 Muharram 7 Muharram 8 Date A.D. 1304 August 9 August 10 August 11
Place/movement Summer quarters in Ojdin to Sacidabad to Tabriz Sham-i Ghazan (Tabriz); then sets off to Ojdn and Yiizaghdch to MarSgha
Shawwil 13 Dhu )l-Qacda 8 Dhu )l-Qacda 13 Dhu )l-Qacda 18

Dhu l-Qacda 26 Dhu 'l-Qa'da 28 Dhu Jl-Qacda 30
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65
Dhu 'l-Hijja 4 Dhu 'l-Hijja 5 Dhu 'Il-Hijja6 Dhu I-Hijja 11 Dhu l-Hijja 19 Dhu l-Hijja 21 Dhu :l-Hijja 27 707 A week later Rabic I 8
Rabic I 13
June 6 June 7 June 8 June 13 June 21 June 23 June 29 ca.July 6 September 7 September 12 November 2 1308 March 2 May 12
through the Gilan passes in the Lahijan forests via Rusta? to Lahijn' 03 crosses Safid-rfid and camps near Kiichasfan camps above Safid-rfid starts back via Kuihdum, Safid-rfid and Misa-abaid'04 leaves GilSan arrives in Sultniyya goes hunting round Hamadan and Kharraqin?'05 stops hunting via Marigha and Tabriz to Gavbaril'6 at Gavbari'07 in Gulistan in Ojin'107a summer quarters in Sultaniyya court to Yfizaghach to Maragha hunting grounds Sham-i Ghazan Tabriz Sham-i Ghazan leaves Tabriz arrives Gavbari at Gavbari'08 summer quarters in Sultfniyya near Bisitfin'?9 visits arrives Baghdad, Madd'in to Muhawwal to Hilla, Kifa, Karbala to Deh Mukarim and then to Najaf"o returns to Muhuiawwal visits shrine (of ~Al?) returns to Muhawwal leaves Baghdad departs towards Hamadan at Kiishk-i Sultfin leaves Hamadan" arrives at Sultaniyya summer quarters in Sult~aniyya"2 rides off to hunt stops hunting departs for Baghdad arrives in Baghdad,
1311 Shacban 25 711 1312 Ramadin Dhu l-Qacda 25 Dhu l-Qacda 26 Dhu Jl-Hijja 16 Dhu ll-Hijja22 712 Muharram 24 Jumada II 1 Rajab 9 Rajab 30 Shacban 14 Shacbin 27 Shac'bn 28
Shacban 29
January 13
January April 3 April 4 April 24 April 30 June 1 October 4 November 10 December 1 December 15 December 28 December 29 December 30 December 31 1313 January 4 January 25 February 7 February 19 February 20 March 28 April 15 April 26 June 2 June 12 September 7 1314 January 1 February 18 March 2
Jumada I 5 Ramadan 8 Dhu l-Qacda 20 708 RabiYI 22 Rabic I 27

Rabic II 15 Rabic II 16 Rabic II 21 Rabic II 23 Jumada I 14
September 9 September 14 October 2 October 3 October 8 October 10 October 30 1309 April 19 November 15 December 2 December 12 December end 1310 January 19 February 2 March 23 March 26 March 30 March 31 May 15 May 16 May 20 August 4 August 8 September 14 December 14
Ramadan 1 Ramadan 5 Ramadan 26 Shawwil 9 Shawwil 21 Shawwal 22 Dhu l-Qacda 29 Dhu 'I-Hijja 17 Dhu ~l-Hijja28 713 Safar 6 Safar 16 Jumdfi I 15 Ramadian 13 Dhu l-Qacda 2 Dhu l-Qacda 14 714 Muharram 25 Safar 22 Safar 24 Jumfidfi I 6 Jumfidfi II 25
stays in Muhawwal winter quarters in Muhawwal to Nahr-i Ghazani and Karbala"3 summer quarters in Sultaniyya to Baghdad winter quarters in Muhawwal in Baghdad"4 leaves Muhawwal departs for Chamchamal"I leaves Hamadan reaches Sultaniyya summer quarters in Sultiniyya at Sultaniyya16 leaves Sultfniyya for Kushif arrives Ma'sar? goes hunting"' leaves for Sinjar"18 at Sinjir"l along R. Khaibir crosses Khibfir, camps near Qarqislya to the Euphrates'20 crosses Euphrates121 arrives at Rahba'22 leaves for Baghdad'23 arrives Baghdad; to
Muhawwal'24
Dhu l-Qacda 8 709 Jumada II 10 Jumidf II 27 Rajab 8 Rajab end

Shacban 7
to Baghdad to Muhawwal to Baghdad'25 leaves for Sultaniyya arrives Sultfnfbdd (Chamchamal) leaves Chamchamail26 to Sultfniyya leaves for Mazandaran Nim Murdin to Sultfn Duvin'27 leaves for Khurasan'28 Tfis region?129 turns back for Sult~aniyya'30 in Sultfaniyya'3' goes hunting returns to Sultfiniyya hunting round Abhar hunting round Chaghan Nffir'32 winter quarters in Sult~aniyya summer quarters in Sult~aniyya
Ramaddin 1 Shawwal 20 Shawwal 23 Shawwal 27 Shawwil 28 14 Dhu 15 Dhu ~1-H.yijja I-H.ijja 19 Dhu 1-Hijja 710
Rabic I 7 Rabic I 11 Rabic II 18
May 11 June 7 June 9 August 18 October 6
715
1315
Rajab 21
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Rajab 1 Rajab 5 Rajab Rajab Rajab Rajab 23 24 26 27
October 1 October 5 October October October October 23 24 26 27
decides to leave for Arrfn departs via Siydh-kfih and the Safid-rfid'33 reaches Ojainl34 at Rubc-i Rashidi at Shim-i Ghizan leaves for Mfighin and Arrfn, hunting, to Deh-i Mahmfid716 1316
Rabic I 15 Shacbin 15 Ramadin 1 Ramadin 30
June 7 November 3 November 17 December 16
abad (GdvbSri), the Aras winter quarters un leaves Givbiri to Ardabil reaches SultSniyya to Chaghan Ni'fir' returns from huntil feels ill dies in Sultdniyya"
VIII.6.22, tr. W. Miller, Loeb Classical 'Xenophon, Cyropaedia, 111.5.15. Library [LCL] (London, 1979), II, 421; cf. the Anabasis, 2 Strabo, Geography, XI.13.1, tr. H. L. Jones, LCL (London, 1969), V, 303; Seleucia was on the opposite side of the Tigris from Ctesiphon, and in the vicinity of Babylon. 3J. M. Cook, "The Rise of the Achaemenids and the Establishment of Their Empire", CHIr, II (Cambridge, 1985), p. 238. 4Ibid., pp. 236-8. There must also have been considerable coming and going between Susa and Persepolis. Persia1040-1797(London, 1988), p. 35. 5D. Morgan, Medieval 6 See also M. F. Sanaullah, The Decline of the Saljaqid Empire (Calcutta, 1938), esp. pp. 7-8. The impossibility of reconstructing the movements of the Saljuq sultans in any detail makes it difficult to analyse their motives. Hunting features prominently in stories about them, and it could be argued that Nizim al-Mulk need not have written the Siydsat-ndma had his masters been genuinely interested in governing their empire in person. andChange in Medieval Persia,Colum7A. K. S. Lambton, Continuity bia Lectures on Iranian Studies, 2 (Albany, 1988), pp. 26, 254. deFrance de royal.Le voyage 8 The term is used by Boutier et al., Un tour Charles IX (1564-1566) (Paris, 1984), p. 17. I am grateful to Peter Burke for drawing my attention to this fascinating book. 9 For standard accounts see H. H. Howorth, Historyof theMongols. III. theMongols of Persia(London, 1888), pp. 534-84, and J. Boyle, "Dynastic and Political History of the Il-Khans", CHIr,V (Cambridge, 1968), pp. 397-406. '0I. P. Petrushevsky, "Rashid al-Din's Conception of the State", Central AsiaticJournalXIV (1970), pp. 148-62. " Hamd-Alldh Mustaufi, Tdrfkh-iGuzrda,ed. 'A. Navi'i (Tehran, Shaikh 1362/1983), p. 606 on Oljeitti; Abil Bakr al-Ahari, Tdrrkh-i Uvais,ed. and tr.J. B. van Loon (The Hague, 1954), p. 149, tr. p. 51, says Abfi Sacid's reign was the best period of the Mongol domination. It is largely a question of when (and for whom) the author was writing. 2 E.g. Ahari, p. 148, tr. p. 50; Shams al-Din Amull, Nafacisal-funan II, ed. I. Miydnji (Tehran, 1379/1959), p. 257; ft cardyis al-cuyan, ed. K. (Tehran, H~fiz-i Abrfi, Dhail-i Jami` al-tavdrfkh, Byamni 1350/1971), p. 66, and especially Abu'l-(asim Kishdni, Tdrfkh-i Uljdyta,ed. M. Hambly (Tehran, 1348/1969), esp. pp. 228-9. " For a masterly treatment of the animal calendar, see L. Bazin, Les et medidvaux. Calendriers turcs anciens These, Universite de Paris III, 1972 (reprod. Lille, 1974), esp. pp. 593 ff. Conversions in the des present paper are based on the tables in P. Hoang, Concordance chinoise et europdenne chronologies (Chang-Hai, 1910), pp. ndomdniques 270-1. '4 Vassif Shirizi, Tajziyat al-amsdrva tazjiyatal-a'sdr, ed. M. M. Isfahlni (lith. Bombay, 1269/1852), summarized by cA. Ayati, Tahrrr-iTdrTkh-i Vassdf(Tehran, 1346/1967); Banikati, Tdrfkh-i ed. J. Shi'cr (Tehran, 1348/1969). Bandkatt, and Itineraryof King Henry II ' R. W. Eyton, Court. Household (Dorchester, 1878), p. iv. 16 E. M. Hallam The 1307of EdwardH and His Household. Itinerary 1328. List and Index Soc. 211 (London, 1984), p. 15.
t Philippe le Bel (Harvard, 1962), esp. pp. 84-5. Aryunet OlJeitii also Appendix 1, n. 93. "Despite the detailed work of D. Krawulsky, Trdn--DasReich Eine topographisch-historische Studie.TAVO 17 (Wiesbad Tlhdne. 1978). '9Nuzhat al-qulab,ed. G. Le Strange (London, 1915), pp. 163trans. Le Strange (London, 1919), esp. pp. 160-2, 172-4. 20E.g. Kishini, pp. 51, 88, 89, 151, 154. 2' J. Aubin, "Reseau pastoral et reiseaucaravanier; les grand'rot du Khurassan A l'epoque mongole", Le mondeiranienet l'Isl I (1971), 105-30 and the references cited on p. 106 n. 3. 22 This is reminiscent of the annalists of mediaeval Europe record where the king spent Christmas and Easter every year. 23 Al-cUmari, Masdlikal-absdrJfmamdlik ed. K. Lech, al-amsdr, Weltreich (Wiesbaden, 1968), p. 87, says the sumrr Mongolische were spent in Qarab~gh and winters in Ojdn or Baghdad, but h not specifically referring to Oljeitii's reign. 24 Ahari, p. 148, tr. p. 50 says this alternation occurred "for sevt years" 1 S. Blair, "The Coins of the Later Ilkhanids: a Typolog: Analysis", JESHO XXVI (1983), esp. pp. 297-9. 26 He had been vacillating since the summer of 1308, cf. Kdshi p. 99. For the well-known story of the reason for his disgusl Sunnism, see CHIr, V, pp. 401-2, 544. 27 He was certainly less aggressive in this direction than Ghdz though his intentions remained basically hostile. See also bel, nn. 72 and 73. 28Al-cUmari, p. 115. of the Catholt 29 Ibid., p. 91, on the sultan's residence at the palace in Baghdad, formerly belonging to the Dawddir. This refern Abil Sacid's reign. II, tr. H. A. R. Gibb (Cambridge, 19( 30 The Travels of IbnBatt!ata, p. 303; he says that Qarabdgh was the sultan's summer quar (masyaj).Amuli's story (pp. 258-9) concerning the sultan's visi Bkufi probably refersto the first period of the reign. Some autl like to see Oljeitti's second thoughts about Shicism behind execution of Sayyid Tij al-Din Avaji in Baghdad in 711/1312 Appendix 1, n. 115), e.g. Mustauff, Guzfda, p. 608, and Mamluk historian Baibars al-Mansiiri, Kitdb al-Tuhfat ed. A. S. Hamdin (Cairo, 1987), p. 237. His coin2 mulakiyya, however, bore a Shici legend until the end of the reign. 31 Ahari, p. 149, tr. p. 51; Banakati, p. 476, is rather more raptur( For the conflicting dates for his death, see Appendix 1, n. 13" andLand.TheEconomics of Powerin a T? 32J.Black-Michaud, Sheep Society(Cambridge, 1986), esp. pp. 182-3; R. Tapper, Pasture and Ritualamongthe Shahseven Politics.Economics, Conflict Nomaa Iran (London, 1979), esp. pp. 177-95; L. Beck, Northwestern Qashqa'iof Iran (London and New Haven, 1986), pp. 211Persia, Most of these ideas derive from F. Barth, Nomads of South Basseri Tribeof the Khamseh (London, 1961). Confederacy 33Rashid al-Din, Jadmic al-tavdrTkh. Tdrrkh-i GhdzTnIKhdn, K. Jahn, GMS (London, 1940) [hereafter TGK], p. 176.
de 1289et 1305desill 7 A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves, Les Lettres
THE
ITINERARIES
OF SULTAN
OLJEITU,
1304-16
67
34
Muhammad b. Hindfishih Nakhchivini, Dastzral-kdtibfitacrn alII, ed. A. A. Alizade (Moscow, 1976), pp. 62 ff. The post mardtib, was an old one. Despite the injunction to find pastures away from the subject population, one of the yartchfs is named as the perpetrator of unlawful extortions from a certain Amin al-Din cAttar,to whom he was forced to make redress,ibid.,p. 326. There is a reference to the Safavid Shah 'Abbas himself making the allocation of yarts, see Munajjim Yazdi, Tdrfkh-i 'Abbedsf yd MulldJaldl, ed. S. Vahidniyd (Tehran, 1366/ 1987), p. rizndma-yi 369.; cf. C. Melville, "The itinerariesof Shah 'Abbas I (995-1038/ 1587-1629)", in press. Tapper, p. 85. 35 36Kdshini's phraseology sometimes reflects the presence of astrologers in the wings, eg. pp. 52, 62, 89. Munajjim Yazdi was conspicuous in determining the appropriate moment for many of movements. Shah CAbbas's 37On both occasions Oljeitii merely skirted Baghdad and got on to the "Khurasan highway". The departure for Mfighdn from Tabriz is often the second stage of a journey that properly began in Ojin or Sultdniyya. For the possible advantages of unpredictable departure dates, see D. Nordmann, "Les expeditions de Moulay XIX (1980-1), p. 148. Tamuda Hassan. Essai statistique", HespirisThis essay is full of useful points for comparison with Oljeitii's movements. 38 Mustaufi's measurements are accurate: the distance of ca. 420 miles/675 km yields a conversion of 3.5 miles/5.7 km to the farsakh. of MongolRule in 39For the ydm in Iran, see D. O. Morgan, Aspects Persia,unpubl. PhD. thesis (London, 1977), ch. 5. See also T. D. Hardy, "Itinerarium Johannis regis angliae. A Table of the Movements of the Court ofJohn, King of England", Archaeologia XXII (1827), p. 125; B. P. Hindle, A Geographical Synthesis of the RoadNetworkof MedievalEnglandand Wales, unpubl. PhD. thesis (Salford, 1973), p. 62; Boutier et al., p. 119; Melville "Shah 'Abbas". The overall average daily journey by 'Abbis is 9 miles (14 km), but this figure is certainly too low. I am grateful to Brian Hindle for a copy of ch. 5 of his thesis, and other help. ed. I. Ishrdqi (Tehran, al-tavdrfkh, 40 Qadi Ahmad Qummi, Khuldsat 1364/1985), p. 911. On the Golden Horde, R. Fletcher gave an illuminating seminar at the Mongolian Studies unit at Cambridge in 1989 entitled "The Summer Encampment of Batu Khan", to be published; see also B. Spuler, "Der mongolische Nomadismus in einer sesshaften Gesellschaft:die Goldene Horde", Bull. desEtudes XXX (1978), pp. 201-8. Orientales 4' Kashani refers to Qonqur Oleng as Sultdniyya from 707/1307 onwards, though the development of the site started earlier. It was completed in 713/1313-14. See Donald P. Little, "The Founding of Sultdniyya: a Mamluk Version", IranXVI (1978), pp. 170-5. It daulatfor may be significant that Kishani uses the term markaz-i Sultaniyya for the first time in this year; see p. 164. It should be stressed that these calculations are extremely approximate, but there is a coincidental resemblance to 'Abbas, who was travelling about one-third of the reign, resident in a capital for one-third, and "static" in other locations for the rest, Melville, "Shah cAbbas".Boutier et al., p. 18, find that a proportion of one day in four on the move is characteristic of the examples they study. 42I.P. Petrushevsky,"The Socio-Economic Condition of Iran under the TI-Khins", CHIr,V. pp. 507-8; see also Lambton, p. 169-171 on the Mongol capitals, and S. Blair, "The Mongol Capital of Sultiniyya, 'the Imperial' ", Iran XXIV (1986), pp. 139-51. 3 P. Remler, "New Light on Economic History from Ilkhanid Accounting Manuals", St Ir XIV (1985), pp. 172-3; Lambton, pp. 173-84. SLambton, p. 184. Note also the yirtcht's duty of finding pasture grounds well away from the agricultural lands of the villages, Nakhchivani, p. 64. 45Its fiscal importance increased in years when the ordu was there, Mustaufi, Nuzhat, p. 56; prices, too, responded to the presence of the sultan, see al-'Umari, pp. 87, 89, and al-Qalqashandi, Subhala'shd(ed. Cairo, n.d.), pp. 422-3.
SUnder earlier Il-Khans, treasure had been stored by Lake Urmiyya, and Ghazan Khan established an archive for the tax administration in Tabriz, which perhaps Oljeitii maintained; see Rashid al-Din, TGK, pp. 182, 187-8, 262. According to Sanaullah, pp. 7-8, the Saljuqs took their treasure with them. 47Ibn Battfita, tr. Gibb, pp. 342-4, 481-6, and the observations of Plano Carpini and William of Rubruck, in TheMissiontoAsia, ed. C. Dawson (London, 1980), e.g. pp. 55-7, 126-9; see also n. 40 above. Clavijo's account of Timfir's camp outside Samarqand is 1403to Tamerlane also of interest, see G. Le Strange (tr.), Embassy 1406 (London, 1928), e.g. pp. 223-43, 272-5. 48 Ibn Battfita, p. 343; al-'Umari, pp. 86-7, 90, 98; al-Qalqashandi, pp. 423, 427. Al-Umari, p. 87, cf. Nakhchivani, p. 67. 49 50 Ibn Batt0ita, tr. Gibb, pp. 342-3. and the religious classes 5' Nakhchivani, p. 63; the [main ?] mosque were in the centre, opposite the sultan'syart.Ibn Battfita notes that the mahallaof each khdtinhad its own mosque, suggested by the presence of muezzins and imams, pp. 343, 482. 52 The exact meaning of this term is not clear, cf. Lech's notes p. 339, but it perhaps signifies treasury officials, or the equivalent of the officers of the "Chamber". Al-Umari, pp. 98-100; al-Qalqashandi, p. 427. 53 Kshani, pp. 83, 133, 147, 199. 54 55 Ibid., p. 195. Cf. Ahari, p. 148, tr. p. 50. 56 Kashdni, p. 196, mentions the presence of the mustauff'Ald'al-Din Muhammad in Gdvbari, in 715/1315-16. " Thomas T. Allsen, Mongol Imperialism (University of California Press, London, 1987), p. 98. The people Oljeitii brought in were merchants, weavers and craftsmen, presumably to serve the ordu as well as to foster urban industries, see Shihib al-Din al-Nuwairi, fJfunan al-adab,part 27, ed. Sa'id cAshilr (Cairo, Nihdyatal-arab 1985), p. 419. As for the Golden Horde, the administrative centre of their domains was permanently fixed in Sarai, to which the khan returned in the winter. See R. J. Horvarth, "The Wandering Capitals of Ethiopia", Jnl. 5 of AfricanHist. X (1969), pp. 205-219, who sees the moves as primarily a responseto military considerations;and R. Pankhurst, "Ethiopian Medieval and Post-Medieval Capitals: their Development and Principal Features", AzaniaXIV (1979), pp. 1-19, who notes (p. 4) that even after the founding of Gondar in 1636, it remained effectively only a headquarters for the rainy season. Thanks to Roland Fletcher for these references. ruler had a fixed residence at Uppsala, 59By contrast, in Sweden, the and in Denmark, at Leidre and Odense, see Snorro Sturleson, The or, Chronicle of theKingsof Norway,tr. S. Laing, 3 vols. Heimskringla; (London, 1844), I, 248. I am grateful to Prof. Malcolm Lyons for this reference. in an Early MedievalSociety: K. J. Leyser, Rule and Conflict Ottonian 60 Saxony (London, 1979), pp. 103-4 and "Ottonian government", in 900-1250 (London, 1982), pp. andits Neighbours, MedievalGermany 94-101. I am grateful to Jonathan Shepard for these references. Leyser (1979), p. 103, quotes Bishop Adalbold of Utrecht as saying that "the land whch the kind does not visit most often abounds in the outcries and woes of the poor". Kings such as Henry II spent at least half their time on the road. The earlier Carolingian kings (eighth and ninth centuries), too, journeyed ceaselessly through their vast territories,undertaking at least one large military campaign a year; see R. W. Scholz, Carolingian Chronicles (Michigan, 1972), e.g. pp. 10, 12. 61 D. M. Stenton, English Societyin the Early Middle Ages, 4th ed. (Harmondsworth, 1967), p. 17. One may note William's creation of the New Forest (as a royal game preserve) as the most conspicuous evidence of his passion for hunting. By the time of Henry II Plantagenet, royal forest may have covered as much as a third of the whole country, see W. G. Hoskins, The Makingof the 2nd ed. (London, 1977) pp. 90-1. EnglishLandscape, 62 Stenton, p. 19; cf. Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, rev. ed. and tr. M. R. James (Oxford, 1983), pp. 439, 471-3. 63 Stenton, pp. 36, 38, cf. Map, pp. 477, 485-7.
68
JOURNAL
OF PERSIAN
STUDIES
64J. E. A. Jolliffe, "The Chamber and the Castle Treasures under to Frederick King John", in Studiesin MedievalHistory Presented Maurice ed. R. W. Hunt et al. (Oxford, 1948), pp. 118-19. Powicke, The Ottonian court following the king's iter was at least "some hundreds", Leyser (1982), p. 96. See also n. 39 above, and J. C. Holt, "King John", repr. in Magna Cartaand MedievalGovernment (London, 1985), pp. 95-6. 6 See the figures in B. P. Hindle, Medieval Roads (Princes Risborough, 1982) and the same author's thesis (1973) ch. 5. See Stenton, pp. 38-40, for the example of Richard of Anstey 66 early in the reign of Henry II (1154-89). Similar examples in Persian history are not hard to find; from Oljeitii's reign, see K~shdni, p. 76, and the case of Malik Ghiydth al-Din of Herat, who seems to have been at court defending himself for three years, see Fasiih Khwdfi, Mujmal-i ed. M. Farrukh (Mashhad, Fas.hi, 1961), III, pp. 20, 23. to theAdministrative 6' S. B. Chrimes, An Introduction of Medieval History England,3rd ed. (repr. Oxford, 1981), p. 210. 6 Holt, "The End of the Anglo-Norman Realm", repr. in Magna Cartaand MedievalGovernment, p. 30. 69T. F. Tout, "The English Civil Service in the Fourteenth CenLib. III (1917), pp. 188-9. tury", Bull. J. Rylands States in andRulers 70On the question of capitals, see BernardGuen&e, LaterMedieval (Oxford, 1985), pp. 126-36. In England, the Europe Treasury and the Exchequer became fixed by the end of the twelfth century, Chrimes, p. 31. Holt, "Ricardus Rex Anglorum et Dux Normannorum", repr. in MagnaCartaandMedieval Government,pp. 67-83, discusses the extent to which Richard, the most absentee of English monarchs, was nevertheless able to conduct government business de ultramare. 7~Kishdni, pp. 24, 228-9. 2 Relations with the Golden Horde remained strained, but open hostility was perhaps checked by the lack of co-operation from Cairo, cf. Kdshdni, pp. 82, 146, 175-6, 212. Peter Jackson, The Mongolsand India, 1221-1351, unpubl. PhD. thesis (Cambridge, 1977), esp. pp. 150-2, sees Oljeitii's inactivity in the west as allowing him a respite for purposes of consolidation in the east. Gilan and Mdzandardn were the gateway to Khurasan. 73Al-Nuwairi, p. 418; see also Ibn al-Dawiddri, Kanz al-durar, IX, ed. H. R. Roemer (Cairo, 1970), p. 254. The Persian sources give a variety of reasons, see refs. in Appendix 1, nn. 122 and 123. 74Oljeitii left the ordus and members of his family (aghriq) in the charge of the senior amirs Puldd Chin Sdng and Isen Qutluq; Rashid al-Din too stayed behind to tend Oljeitii's wife, with orders to join the sultan when she recovered, Kdshcni, p. 236, cf. of H.fiz-i Abril, p. 73. This does not, however, amount to the nomination deputies to act in the sultan's absence on campaign, as regularly occurred under the Golden Horde, cf. L. Kwanten, Imperial Nomads(Leicester, 1979), p. 207. For the presence of the whole entourage in both Syria and Mazandaran, see Vassif, p. 554 and Kdshini, p. 154. Kshdni, pp. 52, 83, 89, 152, 166, 179. 75 76 Kishdni, p. 43, Mustaufi, Guzfda, p. 536, Fasih Khwdfi, III, p. 12. I follow PeterJackson's interpretation of the continutation of local semi-autonomy in Kirman. 7 See the important article by Lambton, "Mongol Fiscal Administration in Persia", StudiaIslamicaLIV (1986), pp. 79-99, and LV (1987), pp. 97-123. The people of Shiraz complained that their affairs were being neglected for the sake of Ghazin's designs on Mamlik Syria, see Vassfif, p. 417. Saifi Haravi, Tdrfkh-ndma-yi 78 Hardt,ed. al-Siddiqi (Calcutta, 1944), p. 620; cf. Fasih Khwifi, III, p. 23. 79See also M. Aafif, "Les Harkas Hassaniennes d'apres l'oeuvre d'A. ibn Zidane", HespirisTamudaXIX (1980-1), p. 159, implying that taxes as well as pastures were consumed. 8oAl-cUmari, pp. 93, 96, 100; cf. al-Qalqashandi, p. 428; he says that in effect, the vazfrwas the sultan, p. 423. Oljeitui'sletter to Philip the Fair provides an example of the signing of documents, cf. Mostaert and Cleaves, op. cit. 81'Ibn al-Dawdfrir, p. 254, al-Maqrizi, Kitdb al-sulik, II/1, ed. M. M.
83
Kwanten, pp. 244-9, sees this factionalismas the main factor in t collapse of Mongol rule in Iran. It is interesting also to note t division of the Justiciarship in England under Henry II, Chrimes, p. 38. 84 Allsen, pp. 106-7. 85Morgan, Aspectsof Mongol Rule, pp. 155-6. See also Lambtc "The Internal Structure of the Saljuq Empire", CHIr,V, p. 2A andChange, and Continuity esp. pp. 61-8, 297-309. 86 See Hasan Fasi'i, tr. H. Busse, TheHistory Qajar Ri of Persiaunder (London and New York, 1972), e.g. pp. 81, 134, 142, 155 etc. S also G. Hambly, "A Note on Sultaniyeh/Sultanabad in the Eai 19th Century", AARP II (1972), pp. 89-98, and J. M. Scar( "The Royal Palaces of the Qajar Dynasty; a Survey", in C. Bosworth and C. Hillenbrand (eds.) QajarIran.Political,Sociala CulturalChange,1800-1925 (Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 333-41, es p. 338. In addition to Sultiniyya, the Qajars also favoured Oji considered to be one of the coolest places in Persia (a consider tion that doubtless appealed also to Ghdzdn Khdn), see Barthold, An HistoricalGeography of Iran, tr. S. Soucek, ed. C. Bosworth (Princeton, 1984), p. 223. has a Tuesday. The date chosen is t] 87 Kdishini, p. 31, merely second of three options from the context. Here and elsewhere, ti text reads qur.n.ghof Marigha, for qurfgh= quruq, "huntil grounds". Most of these localities have not been identifie Nam'ilrd possibly corresponds to NTsir D5ll, between Ojdn at Tabriz, or N.m.rzirin the Ab-i Shiar region, cf. Rashid al-Di bis Gai&h derIlhane TGK, p. 104, and ed. K. Jahn, Geschichte Aba3ag (1265-1295) ('s-Gravenhage, 1957) [hereafter ABG], p. 58. Kdshini, p. 31, merely has a Wednesday. 89 Not identified. The sultan was heading for winter quarters Misghin and Arrcn; Vassdf, p. 472 has Aldtigh, where Oljei spent the winter hunting waterfowl. The fact that it took 60 da would seem to support the implication in Vass to reach Gtvbiri travelled via Aldtigh (as in the following two year! that Oljeitii holds the key to this itinerary, at The location of Pill-i Chaghtn from the context of Kishdni, pp. 41-2, it would seem to be Mfighain, a few days from Givbdri. This uncertainty is n reflected in Figure 1, where the route is taken to be through Ah and Pilasuvdr. ~ The fact that Oljeitii crossed the Kur indicates that he h, previously been north of the river; it is perhaps at this time that ] visited Bdkfi, cf. nn. 30, 96. 9' Kdshdni, p. 43, has Wednesday, 8 Shacbhn, which is not consiste with the chronological context on pp. 42-3. Vassff, p. 475, mere reports Oljeitii's return from Arrn in the spring. Dlaln Nd' ("Seventy lakes") was at one end of the defences along t] southern bank of the Kur, to keep out the Golden Horde, Rash al-Din, ABG, p. 9, and cf. TGK, pp. 118-19. 9 The location of Gulistin is unclear; the village in Qardbdgh th gave its name to the treaty between Russia and Iran in 1813 is ti far north. Another Gulistin, southwest of Ardabil, is a possit alternative, if Oljeitii returned to fjdn on the route south of Kill Savaldn (through Sardb) rather than, as seems more likely, to t north. Mustaufi, Nuzhat, p. 199, mentions a mountain call Gulistdn in Mifghan, which is the most probable location, thoul I have not identified the mountain in question. See also belo n. 107. " Oljeitii's letter to Philip the Fair was apparently written Barzand (Alivan) sometime before 23 July 1305, see W. Kotwi< "En marge des letters des Il-khans de Perse (1)", Rocznik XVI (1950), p. 402. The Italian translation of the Ori, letl talistyczny gives the date as 5 April 1306. Boyle in CHIr,V, p. 399, has 5 Ap 1305. I am not aware of a definitive solution to the Mongoli date of the letter; but Oljeitui should have been near Barzai sometime between leaving Pilasuvairand reaching Ojain, cf. t route in Mustauft, Nuzhat, pp. 181-2. Krawulsky, map 3, mas Aivan as Alvin, the name probably earlier th Mustaufi's its construction by CAlishih.See also above, n. 17. the date ofRib.t-i
2 Ahari, p. 148, tr. pp. 50-1. She is barely mentioned by Kashdl
Ziyvda (Cairo, 1941), p. 159.
THE
ITINERARIES
OF SULTAN
OLJEITUi,
1304-16
69
Kishini, p. 44, has H.rvin, possibly Kalkhfirin, just north of Ardabil, or Hirfi-ibid (Khalkhdl), though neither of these are on the direct route to Ojin. Nor is the most plausible reading, Khfirvinaq, a village in the Dizmir district north of Tabriz, about 15 km south of the Aras, see Mustaufi, Nuzhat,p. 88, Krawulsky, p. 529. 95 No dates are given for Oljeitii's departure for winter quarters, nor his arrival. Vassif, p. 475, appears to have Oljeitu in the Chaghitfi valley in Jumidi I 705/beg.19 November 1305, but the date must be too late, cf. Boyle, CHI, V, p. 398. 96 For this territory, which contained many military iqdtas,see Mustaufi, Nuzhat,pp. 92-3. Oljeitu* may also have visited Bdkii at this time, cf. above, nn. 30, 90. 97 Tij al-Din Gursirkhiwas executed on this date following a dispute with the vazgrs, Kishdini, p. 50. Mustaufi, Guzfda,p. 607, has 20 Shawwil. is confirmed 98 Kishdini, p. 51. Oljeitii's subsequent presence in ]Ojin des Nestoriens(1281by the Histoirede Mar Jabala III, Patriarche 1317), tr. J.-B. Chabot (Paris, 1895), p. 149. 99Ibid., pp. 52-3, gives Turco-Mongol dates for both the departure from Tabriz and arrival at Givbair, which support his hijri dating, to within a day or two. p. 55, has 13 '00Injk/ITnjka/sfihas not been identified. Dhu'l-Qacda, but see also p. 61. He hasKishmni, probably confused this with the date of Oljeitii's departure from Sultiniyya. Mustaufi, Guzfda,p. 607, puts this in Dhu'l-Hijja 706. Banikati, p. 475, has the Year of Sheep, which is correct. AI-Nuwairi, p. 417, puts Oljeitii's Gilan expedition in 707 A.H., two years after one led by Qutlugh Shih. 10' Kishini, p. 236, describes an incident involving the young prince Taiflir on Friday 29 Shawwil 706/3 May 1307 (a Wednesday), when Oljeitii had left Qonqur Oleng and the royal encampments, for the Gilan campaign. The date should perhaps be 29 Dhu 1Qacda/l June (a Thursday). 102 Compare with Howorth, p. 541: via Lussan and the Safid-rfid. and Hifiz-i Abrfi, Dhail, p. 73, gives the sultan's route as Mount Darafk (Dulfak), where he stayed three days. T.rum Howorth, loc.cit.,vocalizes Russita, which Kishini, p. 62, says was 103 on the Qazvin road. The previous date is confirmed by the TurcoMongol equivalent given by ibid., p. 66. 104 Boyle, p. 400, has Oljeitii's return via Kfihdum, which is preferable to "Kfitam", a town on the Caspian (cf. Mustaufi, Nuzhat, p. 163; Krawulsky, map 3; V. Minorsky, Hudadal-'Alam,2nd ed. C. E. Bosworth, GMS (London, 1970), p. 390). Misi-fibid is perhaps near the modern Miisi-kfih, near Ffimin. That it was in the Rasht area seems to be confirmed by the fighting reported by Kishani on p. 66: the date should be Tuesday, 18 Dhu il-Hijja/20 June, as confirmed by the Turco-Mongol date given. The Turco-Mongol date agrees. Kdshdni, p. 73, reads Karmiyin, 105 which I have not identified. ?06Apartfrom the directness of the route, Oljeitii's presence in Marigha and Tabriz is suggested by the fact that Kishini, p. 73, records events in these cities on 11 and 24 Rabi II/10 and 23 October respectively;he may himself have been present (with the court). On the other hand, Rashid al-Din's arrival in Tabriz on 1 Jumidd 1/29 October and subsequent departure, with Bilfighin Khitfin, for Arrdn, must have occurred after Oljeitii's departure, if indeed he arrived in Givbiri four days later. S07See Kishini, p. 76. The date of departure from Givbiri is unknown. He stopped in Gulistin in a lodge built by Ghaizin Khain, cf. ibid., p. 98. de Mar Jabala, p. 150. Some time after Mar Jabala's visit Histoire '~07a to Ojan, Oljeitii visited the Catholicos's convent at Marigha, see ibid., p. 151. Kishini, p. 83, places this trip in September. Oljeitii's son Biyazid died in Glvbri on this date, ibid.,p. 84. Alm0 Nuwairi, p. 418, puts his death in 709 (perhaps confusing him with Bistim, see below). Oljeitui'sson Bistlim died on this date, between Chamchamil and '~09 Sahna, Kishani, p. 87, cf Hafiz-i Abrfi, p. 120, for the place. Vassfif, p. 522, recordsOljeitui'sdeparture for Baghdad in Teshrin
94
709/October 1309. ''0 Kishini, p. 90, has Dhu lI-Qa'da, by which time, in fact, Oljeitui was approaching Hamadan. The visit to Najaf is linked to the and sikkato Shici formulae, which Kashini later, change of khutba more accurately, places in Shacban, see p. 100. Deh Mukirim (thus vocalized in Le Strange's translation) is about 15 miles north of Baghdad, Mustaufi, Nuzhat, p. 36. "' Kashani, p. 88, places Kfishk-i Sultin in the region of Hamadan. Oljeitii's departure is confirmed by the Histoirede Mar Jabala, pp. 164-5. The preceding narrative of the persecution of Christiansin Irbil confirms the ruler's presence in Baghdad at the end of March (ibid., p. 159) and mentions various subsequent contacts with the royal camp, without indicating where this was. It is possible that Kishini's date for the sultan's departure from Baghdad is too early. "' The next set of dates are found in Kishini's annal for 709, p. 89, and could fill in the first part of that year, which is something of a blank. The match of dates and weekdays is, however, better if the year is 710. 3 Kishini, p. 109, reads Mashhad-iJibiri, for Hiyiri = IHi'iri. For Nahr-i Ghazini, see Rashid al-Din, TGK, pp. 144, 203-4 and Krawulsky, p. 481. S4 Oljeitu received an embassy in Baghdad this month, Vassif, DLvdn p. 504. On 10 Shawwil/19 February, Sa'd al-Din the Sd4hib-i was executed in Muhawwal, Vassif, p. 537, Banikati, p. 475-6, Mustaufi, p. 608. Guzzda, " Sa'd al-Din's associate, Sayyid Tij al-Din Avaji, was also executed this year, on the day Oljeitiu left for Chamchamil, according to Kashini, p. 132. He had earlier, however, put his trial and execution at the beginning of Dhu 'l-Hijja (p. 131), a date supported by Vassff, p. 438 and Mustaufi, p. 608, and so, if Kishini is to be believed, some time after Oljeitii's departure. Kishani's weekdays are badly adrift for the sultan's return to Sultaniyya. 116 Vassif, p. 544, presented his work to Oljeitiuon this date. He also suggests, p. 541, that the sultan was in Baghdad on 22 Rabic 1/28 Tij al-Din 'Alishih. The July 1312, being entertained by the vazrr, date must be an error, for there is no confirmation that Oljeitu was ever in Baghdad during July. Vassif himself says (p. 553) that the renegade Mamlfik amirs were received in Sultiniyya in Jumidi I this year; Kishini, p. 141, says Rabi I. " Ibid., p. 142, says Oljeitiu left Sultiniyya at the beginning of Jumidi II and arrived at M.c.s.r. (?) on 9Jumidi II/12 October, which seems highly improbable, assuming this place is near Mosul. Kushif is south of Mosul, and opposite Haditha on the Great Zib. Vassif, p. 553, says Oljeitii went (straight) to Mosul; Hifiz-i Abrii, p. 104, says he went first to Baghdad. Ghizin Khin took 21 days from Tabriz to Kushifin 699 and 49 days to return to Ojin in 702 A.H., both times through Kurdistan, see Rashid alDin, TGK, pp. 125, 149. Oljeitui's route is not known. I have therefore added a month to Kishini's date, encouraged by the fact that both 9 Rajab and 10 November were Fridays. This merely leaves Oljeitiuless time for hunting on arrival! Mustaufi, Guzeda, p. 609, inaccurately has Shawwil 712.
""Vassaf, p. 554.
"9 Ibid., p.
554: Oljeitui held a review of the army. The date of his arrival at Sinjir is not given, but his progressthere was slow (Jhista Ibid., p. 555, the date also implied by Kishini, p. 143.
harakat mffarmed). '20Vassaif, p. 555.

'2'
loc. cit.; Vassif, loc. cit., has 6 Ramadin. tr. P. M. Holt, The Memoirs of a Syrian Prince Abu'l-Fidi, (Wiesbaden, 1983), p. 62, says Oljeitui was there from the end of p. 254, and al-Maqrizi, p. 119, give 1 Sha'bin. Ibn al-Dawidiri, Ramad1in for the start of the siege; Howorth, pp. 566-7, gives various dates. Al-Nuwairi, p. 418, reports a story that Oljeitti himself stayed on the opposite bank of the Euphrates. '3 Abu'l-Fidfi, tr. Holt, p. 63; al-Nuwairi, p. 418, al-Maqrizi, p. 119. Vassif, p. 557, has 24 Ramadin (see also p. 610) and Ibn alDawidiri, p. 256, implies the end of the month. Kishini, p. 143,
'22As given by Kishini,
70
JOURNAL
OF PERSIAN
STUDIES
has 27 Shawwdl/25 February, which prolongs the siege unduly and is certainly a mistake. Bringing Kdshdni's subsequent dates forward by a month helps resolve his otherwise confusing chronology for the rest of this year. '24Kishlni, loc. cit., has a Wednesday in Dhu 'l-Qacda (read Shawwdl); the date chosen is the second of the three Wednesdays possible, allowing him a reasonablejourney time (route unknown, but probably following the Euphrates). Dhu 'I-Qacda has also been changed to Shawwdl for the next two entries. Kshani's dating is resumed here; in the intervening month, "25 Oljeiti was ill, was purged, and went to the baths, see p. 144. The days of the week are briefly inconsistent here, and again at the end of the year: 28 Dhu 'I-Hijjashould have been a Thursday. Vassif, p. 610, says Oljeitii left for Sultdniyya in the spring of 713 A.H. (sic); see also Hafiz-i Abri p. 105. 126 Kishini, p. 151, merely has a Monday, which should have been 8 Safar/4June, but the date is given as Abu Sacid'sanniversary (sar-i sdl); he was born 8 Dhu'l-Qacda 704/2 June 1305, ibid., p. 44. 127Cf. Hafiz-i Abru, pp. 105-6. 28 Kishini, p. 164, reads Sultdniyya for the place of departure, instead of Sultdn Duvin. Boyle, CHIr, V, p. 405, appears to have been misled by this. Vassdf, p. 611, says Oljeitii set off at the beginning of winter (i.e. '29 late 1313) up to hudEd-iTas before hearing news of Kebek's retreat. The sultan retired to Mdzandardn to hunt and in spring 714/1314 returned to Sultdniyya. Hudad-i Tas is rather a loose expression; the messenger bringing news of the retreat came from Juvain (Kishani, p. 164), which may be as far as Oljeitii reached, particularly if the next date is correct. 30 The date given is two days after a feast celebrating Oljeitii's anniversary (sar-i sdl) on 12 Dhu 'l-Qacda/28 February. Oljeitti was born on 12 Dhu 'l-Hijja 680/24 March 1282, Bandkati, p. 472, Mustaufi, Guzfda,p. 606. This suggests Kdshdni is a month out here, and his erratic dating of the surrounding events makes this
quite possible. On the other hand, the anniversary of his birth should perhaps have been kept according to the solar calender (cf. n. 126), but 12 Dhu 'l-Hijja is equivalent to 30 March. The phrase sar-i sdl in modern Persian refers to the death of the person concerned. 13 He was there to receive an embassy from the Golden Horde on this date, Kdshdni, p. 165. 132Klshdni's dates on pp. 166-7 show many inconsistencies. I have repeated the date given. For Chaghdn Nfilr, see Mustauff, Nuzhat,p. 69. Kdshdni, pp. 177, 178, gives two separate dates for the departure '33 for Tabriz, perhaps in error (cf. p. 59, n. 37 above). 134 Kashdni, p. 178, has 24 Rajab, which does not agree either with the weekday, or with the time Oljeitti spent outside Tabriz, avoiding sickness in the city. '3 Abu'l-Fidd, tr. Holt, p. 72, confirms Oljeitii's presence near Qonqur Oleng in JumdaT II/September. 136 Kashani, p. 199, has 15 Rajab (and 22 Rajab for the return of the vazfrsto the capital). Vassaf, p. 616, says Oljeitti went hunting in of October for 20 days, returning Chaghan N'iir in towards the end of Shacbmn/end the month/mid-November. A compromise has been adopted here. 137 Kishini, p. 222, has Wednesday 27 Ramadin, a date also given by Abu'l-Fida, tr. Holt, p. 72. Kashani contradicts himself on the next page, and gives the Turco-Mongol month as Chaqsdbit-ay, which began on 15 December in 1316. Other sources range between 29 Ramadan and 1 Shawwal, Vassaf, p. 617; Banikati, p. 476; Amuli, p. 261; Mustaufi, Guzida, p. 610. Hdfiz-i Abril, p. 119: the differencesarising in part because he died in the early evening. Mamluk authors are understandably less accurate: al-Maqrizi, p. 159, has 6 Shawwdl; al-Nuwairi, p. 419, has 7 Shawwal; Ibn alDawadari, p. 288, has 6 Dhu 'I-Hijja, and produces the story that Oljeitti was poisoned.

Itineraries of Sultan Oljeituf

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Itineraries of Sultan Oljeituf

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British Institute of Persian Studies

THE ITINERARIES OF SULTAN OLJEITU, 1304-16 By Charles Melville*

C Rahba amakhchiadan S70670 0704,

SSultanabad-SultanChaghan Mosul Mosul Snatan!yya -7120 Kushaf K714 MaraghanBaghdad g 36

APPENDIX THE ITINERARIES

Shawwil 13 Dhu )l-Qacda 8 Dhu )l-Qacda 13 Dhu )l-Qacda 18

Jumada I 5 Ramadan 8 Dhu l-Qacda 20 708 RabiYI 22 Rabic I 27

Dhu l-Qacda 8 709 Jumada II 10 Jumidf II 27 Rajab 8 Rajab end

May 11 June 7 June 9 August 18 October 6

Rajab 1 Rajab 5 Rajab Rajab Rajab Rajab 23 24 26 27

October 1 October 5 October October October October 23 24 26 27

Rabic I 15 Shacbin 15 Ramadin 1 Ramadin 30

June 7 November 3 November 17 December 16

de 1289et 1305desill 7 A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves, Les Lettres

2 Ahari, p. 148, tr. pp. 50-1. She is barely mentioned by Kashdl

Ziyvda (Cairo, 1941), p. 159.

harakat mffarmed). '20Vassaif, p. 555.

'22As given by Kishini,

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