Livia Knaul

The Habit of PerfectionA Summary of Fukunaga Mitsuji's Studies on the Chuang-tzu Tradition
In: Cahiers d'Extrme-Asie, Vol. 1, 1985. pp. 71-85.

Citer ce document / Cite this document : Knaul Livia. The Habit of PerfectionA Summary of Fukunaga Mitsuji's Studies on the Chuang-tzu Tradition. In: Cahiers d'Extrme-Asie, Vol. 1, 1985. pp. 71-85. doi : 10.3406/asie.1985.860 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/asie_0766-1177_1985_num_1_1_860

Rapport de recherche THE HABIT OF PERFECTION A Summary of Fukunaga's Studies on the Chuang-tzu Tradition LIVIA KNAUL

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In 1982, Fukunaga Mitsuji fg^c^W] retired from the Institute of Humanistic Research at the University of Kyoto at the age of 63. During a distinguished career at various Japanese universities, he has taught and discussed the Chuangtzu %-?' text and its varying interpretations throughout Chinese history of thought. He is the author of a long list of outstanding works and will certainly continue his productivity. Aside from numerous articles, popular lectures, and scholarly papers, his major work is a complete translation of the Chuang-tzu,1 which served as a basis for Burton Watson's English translation of the text. A number of his interpretations in this work have also been translated into modern Chinese.2 In his Sshi $-?, Fukunaga gives the original text conveniently arranged in short paragraphs, followed by its Japanese kambun M~$C reading and a very free translation into modern Japanese. Therein he explains in contemporary language the concepts and stories contained in the text. Like Kuo Hsiang MM, the great huang-tzu commentator of the 4th century, Fukunaga attempts to understand the Chuang-tzu as one meaningful whole, while keeping the different layers of the text in mind.3 In his notes he includes explanations based on later commentaries, especially the one by Lin Hsi-i ffi^M of the Sung which greatly influenced the Chuang-tzu reception in Japan.4 In addition, Fukunaga provides copious crossreferences so that one can easily check whether a term was similarly used in the Tao-te-ching MMlM. or in other important philosophical works of the Warring States period. He tries to systematise central concepts, to explore their origin and trace their development in later schools, especially in the Chinese Buddhist tradition of Ch'an pp.5 In a postface to his translation, Fukunaga reveals that his interest in the Chuang-tzu is not merely of a philosophical nature, but based on a deeper involvement. By providing a particular way of dealing with life and death come Fukunaga's articles are listed separately in the bibliography below. The notes refer to them by their year of publication. 1) Fukunaga Mitsuji, Sushi Wf; (Tokyo: Asahi, 1978), orig. 1956. 2) Burton Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang-tzu, (New York: Columbia, 1968); Fukunaga Mitsuji, Chung-kuo ts'un-tsai chu-i 't'IlliFfcit (Taipei: San-min, 1975). 3) Fukunaga wrote two articles on the subject (195^ and 1964). On the textual problems of the Chuang-tzu see A.G. Graham, "How much of Chuang-tzu did Chuang-tzu Write?", Journal of the American Academy of Religions 47, 35 (1980), 459. 4) For Lin Hsi-i's commentary see Ch'u Po-hsiu ttfS^?, Nan hua ihen-ching i-hai tsuan-wei ^$K &&&X1K Tao-tsang, fasc. 467-87. 5) See especially his article on "No-mind" in both traditions, 1969.

72 what may, the Chuang-tzu for him has a religious significance.6 This attitude together with his knowledge of the Chinese tradition and the facilities provided by the research institutes where he worked gave Fukunaga's Chuang-tzu scholarship its direction. His work as a whole can be divided into three parts: 1 . The understanding of the Chuang-tzu by poets and thinkers in the Wei, Chin, and Six Dynasties' periods. The ideas of the Chuang-tzu as a way of life for man in the whole of the cosmos. 2. The role of the Chuang-tzu in the introduction and adaptation of Mahyna Buddhism: Chinese Buddhism as a continuation of the Chuang-tzu, or LaoChuang %$t, tradition.7 3. The study of the Tao-tsang JHjc is his more recent field of study (since 1970); especially Taoist religious symbols and major deities as seen in their relation to Buddhism and Japanese Shinto ftf jH. In this paper, I intend to concentrate on the first part of Fukunaga's scholarship. Before examing the role of the Chuang-tzu in the world-view of various poets, let us now look at Fukunaga's understanding of the Chuang-tzu as such. Salvation la Chuang-tzu For Fukunaga, the Chuang-tzu belongs into the category of shky tetsugaku 2j?#fcHf#j "religious philosophy", a term he defines as not only denoting religion as a body of beliefs and rituals, but more generally as a concern and striving for the Absolute, a yearning for harmony and unity, for being "at-one".8 In this sense, the Chuang-tzu is the classical Chinese "religious philosophy", a fact which is made very clear in comparison with the Tao-te-ching. Here Fukunaga sees iive major points of difference:9 1. The "Inner Chapters" of the Chuang-tzu stress the individual's development and conspicuously lack any political or social concern. Words dealing with politics occur only in a negative sense. The sage, the ideal man, is the one who realizes himself as a "True Man" (chen-jen M), rather than as the sage (shengjen E) of the Tao-te-ching, who primarily is the ideal ruler. 2. The Tao M is understood in the Tao-te-ching in the sense of the 'mother of the world', the basic force responsible for the harmonious working of nature and as such concretely implies the perfect, good old, quiet life of antiquity to which man and society should return (fu-kuei ^M)- In the Chuang-tzu, the concept is more abstract, the Tao is not an entity underlying existence, but the very flow of being as such, the principle of the universe. The aim consequently is to become one with this flow, to float along with the rhythm of the world (yu-hsin M'). 6) 7) dhism?", 8) 9) Sshi (1978), I, 341. On this part of Fukunaga's work see my paper, "Chuang-tzu, the Father of Ch'an Bud forthcoming. Fukunaga on T'ao Yan-ming, 1963, 74, note 3. Sshi (1978), I, 16; Fukunaga, 1946, 42.

73 3. Similarly the concept of history differs. In the Tao-te-ching one finds the assumption of an ideal past, a mythical age. The historical development is seen as a decline leading down to the present. It should be reversed back towards original harmony. In the Chuang-tzu, there is no reversion, but only the ongoing flow, a never ceasing change. Harmony is reached by realizing the present moment as it is, to go along with whatever comes. 4. Non-action (wu-wei MM) in the Tao-te-ching is a way of dealing with the things of this world, with government, material goods, and culture. In the Chuang-tzu it appears as an inner state, the True Man's quality is one of wu-wei, he is self-less, and always acts with no-mind (wu-hsin M') in response to the present. 5. Human consciousness according to the Tao-te-ching is one result of the historical decline in the universal development from One to Two and on to the Myriad Beings (ch. 42). Return to original harmony is therefore achieved by lessening knowledge and increasing simplicity of thought and culture. The Chuang-tzu, on the other hand, holds that any consciousness as such is evil. One should dissolve one's conscious mind into chaos (hun-tun W$L), one should forget oneself completely (wu-chi $S), one should let go of life (wang-sheng iS^) and thereby realize no-mind. In summary, Fukunaga states that in the Chuang-tzu a shift has taken place from the outside to the inside, making the structure of the human being the center of concern. Man is separate from the Absolute not because of his actions, but because of his mind, his dualistic concepts. He is unhappy because he sets up categories to deal with life and thereby distorts life, which in reality is nothing but a process of change. Man thus comes to hate death and love life, to shift between extremes, emotionally and intellectually. Good and bad, joy and anger, right and wrong, striving for the one and trying to avoid the other this represents the basic error of human existence. The solution to this predicament is the iden tification with all, the complete acceptance of whatever there is, i.e., "making all things equal" (ch'i-wu ^%). Fukunaga thus concludes that "this Chuang-tzu concept is not to be understood as a mere theory of looking at the world in an indiscriminate way, but was rather born from an intense experience of all the suffering brought about by dualistic thinking. As such it represents a way to overcome suffering."10 In the Chuang-tzu, the first step to overcome suffering is again a mental one: to realize the error of passing judgement, of having positive or negative feelings about things, and the error of conceiving oneself as separate from the Absolute. In reality one is part of this very Absolute now and here and everywhere.11 With this realization one can go deeper and examine the source of the distor tions. Overcoming the latter one gains a new and unified vision of the universe. The source of the distortions lies in the tendency to split up one's identity by comparison and choice. There is the I that is richer than X, the I that is not as 10) Fukunaga on Sun Cho, 1961, 45; Sshi (1978), I, 58. 11) Fukunaga, 1946, 48.

74 smart as Y. There is the I that wants to live on and on, and yet another I that will die. Any conscious ego identity will merely be a one-sided definition in relation to others or to various experiences. This as Fukunaga understands the Chuangtzu is the bond of suffering which fetters man. By freeing oneself from perceiving beings (wu %) on the outside and categories (lei H) on the inside one will be enabled to go along with everything and merge one's mind with chaos. The gradual merging with chaos is a disintegration of the conscious mind. First there is no more clear distinction of dream and reality, then the delineation of man and animal will become vague.12 The butterfly-dream of Chuang-tzu is an illustration of this chaotified consciousness, there is no more knowing, no more clinging, no more definite identity. With the end of the distortions of perception, life and death cease to exist. Fully at-one with the flow of existence, with the Tao, one is then able to enjoy everything as it is. For Fukunaga this is the actual meaning of the Wandering" {hsiao-yao-yu "Perfect Happiness" tjM) of the (chih-lo Chuang-tzu. 3s^) and Since of "wandering" the "Free and is Easy thus understood as a mystical state and "seeing things as equal" as a practical meth od,Fukunaga comes to describe the Chuang-tzu as shky tetsugaku S^ik^l^ "religious philosophy", a system of thought not only describing the world, but also showing a way to salvation. The unique philosophy of the Chuang-tzu is easily compatible with other social and political trends of thought inasmuch as it con centrates largely on the individual and his perception of reality. This compatibili ty may serve to explain the near omnipresence of the Chuang-tzu in metaphor, phrasing, and concepts in various Chinese traditions of thought. The Chuang-tzu in medieval Chinese thought In order to answer the question of what position a religious salvational teaching like the Chuang-tzu occupied in the world-view of a Chinese literati, Fukunaga examined the lives and works of several famous poets, thinkers, and artists : Juan Chi gc$f Hsi K'ang S0 Wang Hsi-chih EEti Sun Cho MB T'ao Yuan-ming |M^ Hsieh Ling-yn MMM These six men lived in a period of over 200 years, Juan Chi being born in 210 and Hsieh Ling-yiin having died in 433. As has already been pointed out by E. Balazs and D. Holzman,13 this particular period was one of intense political instability and unrest, so that sons of good family aspiring to office and rank could never be sure for how long a particular government would last. Well educated 12) ibid., 64. 13) E. Balazs, "Entre rvolte nihilistique et vasion mystique", Asiatische Studien Etudes Asia tiques 1/2 (1948), 27; D. Holzman, La vie et la pense de Hi K'ang, (Leiden: E. Brill, 1957); D. Holzman, Poetry and Politics: The Life and Works of Juan C/ii(Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1976).

75 and trained to see official service as the main fulfilment of life, many men then had to cope with a life without public functions and therefore without obvious meaning. Taking refuge in music, poetry, nature, or alcohol, they nevertheless sought for philosophical explanations of the situation in which they found thems elves, and tried to develop ideal ways towards a better, more stable society. In the theoretical endeavors of the six men described by Fukunaga, the Chuang-tzu served as the major framework of concept and metaphor. Thus one can under stand their eclectic thinking by looking at their respective interpretation and use of the Chuang-tzu. In their time, the Chuang-tzu was seen as part of the Lao-Chuang tradition as it was interpreted by the philosophers of "Dark Learning" (hsan-hseh ^^). Lao-Chuang, Confucianism, and since the 4th century Buddhism were called the three doctrines (san-chiao Hfjc) and together constituted the basic framework of thought in the Six Dynasties' period. Whereas Juan Chi, Hsi K'ang, and Wang Hsi-chih found their philosophical home in different combinations of Confucian ism and Lao-Chuang, with Sun Cho, in the middle of the 4th century, Buddhism began to play a significant role of its own. Early Chinese Buddhists used the Chuang-tzu to explain the concepts of Buddhism to the Chinese elite,14 and traditionally educated Chinese poets and thinkers raised on Chuang-tzu termino logy and imagery were drawn to Buddhism. The same process of interaction that lead Seng-chao to identify prajM with the unknowing or non-knowledge (wuchih $n) of the Chuang-tzu15 (and caused Fukunaga to find close similarities in the concept of no-mind in Chuang-tzu and Ch'an16) is at work when Hsieh Lingyiin identifies Chuang-tzu's "accordance with spontaneity" (tzu-shih gM) with the enlightenment of the Buddha, and when he propagates the doctrine of sudden enlightenment as well as the concept that the Buddha-Nature (alias the LaoChuang 'Principle', li M.) is inherent even in the most unenlightened person. Each interpretation of the Chuang-tzu by these poets and thinkers in their a ttempts to find a viable philosophy of life can therefore be understood as a further step in the Chuang-tzu's adaptation to the changing intellectual scene of China, changes which ultimately resulted in a near complete merging of the Chuang-tzu and Buddhism in Ch'an Buddhism, as well as in Taoist mysticism. Juan Chi Um (210-63) Going first through various disappointments in his official career, Juan Chi then attempted to find a lasting identity within the framework of the religious and social models of his time. He passed through six phases, outlined by Fukunaga as follows:17 14) Richard Robinson, Early Madhyamika in India and China, (Milwaukee: Univ. of Wisconsin,. 1967), 99. 15) Walter Liebenthal, Chao-lun, the Treatise of Seng-chao, (Hongkong: Hongkong Univ. Press, 1968), 64. 16) Fukunaga, 1969, 9. 17) Fukunaga, 1958, 155.

76 1 . The Confucian ideal of the steadfast gentleman (chiin-tzu Hrf) whose be havior was solidly rooted in moral principles had been the heritage he received from his family.18 But its realization was rendered impossible by the fact that he could not serve in the government without betraying his legitimate ruler. Also, the decay of Confucian morality, the distortion of the old ritual system grown rigid and exploited for personal profit alienated him from his proper tasks (Collected Poems 39, 60, 62, 67). 2. Above all formal relations, truth should be found in the close friendship with other men. Though rejecting Confucian formality, Juan Chi still remained within the orthodox pattern, as this ideal of informal friendship was still oriented towards social relations (Coll. Poems 37, 62). But rather than finding trust and closeness, he discovered only hypocrisy and treason. 3. Next he withdrew completely from society, making the birds and beasts his companions in his efforts to realize the simplistic life-style of the men of old. However, he found no escape from the restlessness of his heart and returned to the world (Coll. Poems 42, 59, 72; Ta-jen hsien-sheng chuan j^hJt^M)4. Occupying now the position of an aloof and unconcerned observer, he began to realize the constant flux of everything, the principle of change. The I-ching J?$S, where he found the consolation that nothing lasts forever, became his fa vorite classic. In order to perfectly agree with the principle of change, he always sought the right time for any action. Yet in due course it dawned on him that waiting for the right moment was no self-realization in the here and now, since he still relied on something outside himself (Coll. Poems 18, 24, 30, 66; T'ungi-lun MJyfjra). 5. He then found true realization of himself in complete transcendence of all dimensions, in a "far journey" (yiian-yu -&M) to the remotest ends of the universe, to a paradise without suffering. He aspired to a mystical freedom, symbolized by the divine immortals (shen-hsien jpf-ftll). Their eternal happiness in the Heaven of Great Purity Juan Chi frequently celebrated in his poems (Coll. Poems 10, 24, 32, 40, 45, 57, 80, 81 ; Ta-jen hsien-sheng chuan; Ch'ing-ssu-fu fft&f). However, in his actual life, they remained inaccessible, and he found himself helpless and able only to dream of the divine. 6. Finally he did find a way to catch a glimpse of true transcendence and really leave all worldly distress behind in an ecstatic union with the universe, an ascent to the divine immortals. Through music he reached complete forgetfulness, the ultimate of spiritual harmony. Playing the zither, he sat in a trancelike state, his spirit purified and floating in chaos (Teh-lun ^W&; Ta-chuang-lun jUjffilm; Ch'ing-ssu-fu). Music served as his personal vehicle to the state of "wan dering" and "at-oneness with the spontaneous process of nature" (tzu-te [=!#) He thus fully realized freedom from the conscious ego and experienced a mystical union with the Tao. As Fukunaga remarks, the Chuang-tzu served Juan Chi as a source of transcend18) Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 2-9 and 110.

77 ence and ecstacy, as a given pattern through which he was able to conceive and express his personal mystical experience. Yet he had to pass through many different models of intellectual identity before he accomplished the transformation from an orthodox Confucian into a mystical ecstatic. Music, especially the zith er,was one of the six arts requisite for a good Confucian, and a favorite pastime of the literati.19 It was this conventional medium which Juan Chi used to achieve his mystical states, which he then expressed in the language of the Chuang-tzu. The special concoction Juan Chi mixed for himself from a traditional Confucian art, paradise ideals, and mystical union certainly shows the great adaptability of the Chuang-tzu world- view to individual needs and personal tastes. Hsi K'ang jg| (223-62) Fukunaga analyzes Hsi K'ang's situation in terms of an alienation manifest on three different levels: 1. Political alienation his personal failure in the official world. 2. Moral alienation his concern with the ideal human society. 3. Religious alienation his belief that the ultimate true life was an eternal life. Hsi K'ang resolved this alienation as follows: 1. His famous wanderings in the Bamboo Grove accompanied by a group of freely minded literati constituted the realization of his social aspirations. Here, the Chuang-tzu concept of "wandering" was concretely understood as a way of behavior, a freedom among others and within nature.20 In activities such as hunting, hiking, garden parties, etc. the natural feelings and needs of one's soul were satisfied (Tang-sheng-lun ^f; Ssu-chiu-fu ig^K; Chiu-hui-shih *g#ff).21 Hsi K'ang's objective being withdrawal from the corrupt world of the ruling clique, he cultivated the friendship of famous recluses like Sun Teng ^l in this period. The Bamboo Grove gave him the security he had lacked in the political world as well as the possibility of realizing an ideal society. What could not be achieved in the political state as a whole he realized for himself in a limited time and space. 2. Similarly he overcame his moral alienation within the setting of the liberated society of the Bamboo Grove. Like Juan Chi, Hsi K'ang rejected all established moral values and propagated his own inner naturalness.22 This he formulated into a theory of morality, saying that as the innermost part of man does not know good and bad, real goodness is selfless. Categories appear only when feel ings {ch'ing f^f) are related to an egotistically conceived reality (Nan tzu-jan hao 19) R.H. van Gulik, The Lore of the Chinese Lute, (Tokyo: Sophia Univ., 1940). 20) Fukunaga, 1962, 22. 21) ibid., 24; cf. also Holzman, La vie et la pense, 83, 97. 22) ibid., 26. On the issue of morality cf. R.B. Mather, "The Controversy over Conformity and Naturalness during the Six Dynasties", History of Religions 9 (1969), 166.

78 hseh lun Hg^Jffpff; Chn-tzu-lun WlJ-ff). Acting with pure feeling, the sage's no-mind mirrors the old Chuang-tzu con cept of the True Man who is not ensnared by his emotions. Hsi K'ang added the concept of "opening one's inner truth" {hsien-ch'ing IHtef), or "obstructing the inner truth" (jo-ch'ing BE'Ipf). The former, the gentleman's way, is good for everyone (kung and shan H), the latter, the way of the petty man, is good only for oneself (tzu %. and shan H) . Highest morality therefore lies in the truth ful following of one's inner feelings. But as people differ, only the ideal, exceptiona l man (chih-jen MA) can realize this without any particular exertion on his part. The average person, however, must make some effort. This reflects the Confucian concept of the possible improvement of man. All is there in potential, the realization of truth can be acquired by means of learning and self-cultivation. Hsi K'ang claimed that a conscious effort was necessary to realize one's nature (tzu-jan i$S). This nature is not just there to be returned to, but it must be de veloped. This was a major addition to the philosophy of the Lao-Chuang tradi tion, to which he otherwise remained faithful in logic and phrasing {Shih-tzu-lun W%Wa; Ming-tan-lun WMWa). 3. As concerns his religious alienation, Hsi K'ang postulated that everybody had the latent potential to live truly, i.e., forever. But the divine immortals possessed a special energy or breath {ch'i H,) whereas others must practice im mortality techniques for a long time. These techniques include dietary and medical practices as well as meditative ones.23 Their ultimate goal was a comp lete transcendence of all worldly relations. His formulation of this ideal shows a Buddhist tinge, yet it is difficult to determine whether and to what extent he was influenced by Buddhism.24 Salvation takes place in two phases. First, one has to put "oneself in order" (hsiu-shen |^#, a term from the Ta-hsueh ^C#). For Hsi K'ang, this includes bodily health as well as the effort to live one's life in harmony with the changes (Tang-sheng-lun; Ta Nan Yang-sheng-lun ^fHifr^fejNjf)* Only then can one set out on the path of purification and progress towards the realization of the true, eternal life. Like Juan Chi, Hsi K'ang thought highly of playing the zither as a vehicle to exaltation : the truth (ch'ing fpf ) is already within man and the impulse from an outer agent, in this case music, can make emotions {ch'ing fpf) arise. Perfect music will stimulate complete harmony and tranquillity of emotions, i.e., a state of "perfect happiness". Then one rests in non-action and realizes one's natural being in utter forgetfulness (Ch'in-fu i^K;. Sheng wu ai-lo lun S^jS^lra) .25 23) Fukunaga, 1962, 41. 24) Fukunaga discusses this problem in his article 1962a. He lists the various occasions when Hsi K'ang might have met with foreign monks (96ff) as well as the astonishing similiarities be tween his Shih-tzu-lun and Hsi Ch'ao's fM Feng-fa-yao $ftl? of over a century later (102). He concludes, however, that even though Hsi K'ang certainly knew of Buddhism, it is impossible togauge exactly to what extent his world-view was influenced by it. Similarly Holzman considers. Buddhist influence as "peu probable"; La vie et la pense, 78. 25) For the Ch'in-fu cf. R.H. van Gulik, Hsi K'ang and His Poetical Fssay on the Lute, (Tokyo t Sophia Univ., 1941) ; for the Sheng wu ai-lo lun see Holzman, La vie et la pense, 68.

79 Chuang-tzu Criticism around A.D. 300 The Chuang-tzu^ world-view as a substitute for the degenerated traditional values became very fashionable in the 3rd century philosophical school of Dark Learni ng. This trend culminated in the Chuang-tzu commentary by Kuo Hsiang, who formulated a coherent system along the lines of the original text integrating the philosophical tendencies of his age as well as a concern for social applicability.26 Simultaneously there developed a wave of Chuang-tzu criticism which gained momentum in the 4th century. A combination of Confucianism and the Tao-teching evolved, with a search for return to a simpler society.27 Tai K'uei WML (ca. 335-96), for instance, accused the "Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove" of using the Chuang-tzu as an excuse for laziness and moral laxity (Fang-ta wei-fei tao-lun ik'MM^ilm) P'ei Wei Ufg (267-300), one of the earlier critics, rejected the endless hairsplitting disputes on non-being (wu $) and contended that one should take reality seriously and not shy away from responsibility (Ch'ung-yulun ^^Ws, "In Praise of Being").28 Both these critics upheld the Tao-te-ching's ideal of simplicity and combined it with the Confucian belief in the Golden Age of the past that was to be restored. Though the Tao-te-ching also mentioned 'non-being', it had been completely misunderstood by the "Pure Talk (ch'ingt'an flflf) disputants and by commentators like Wang Pi zED. The uselessness of the Chuang-tzu in the practical life of politics and its lack of directives as to the conduct of a good official were the major points of criticism raised by Wang Tan-chih l. (330-75) in his Fei-chuang-lun MMM and by Fan Ning f^ (ca. 280-340) in his Wang Pi Ho Ten lun ^{5J#it Liu Kun gl|3S (271-318), in his Ta Lu Chen shu ^SUSUr, on the other hand, and Ko Hung J|$^, in the "Ying-ch'ao-p'ien" MMM of his Pao-p'u-tzu J/f^S rejected especially the second chapter of the Chuang-tzu, "Seeing Things as Equal" (Ch'i-wu-lun ^%/J|b). Ac cording to them, it was too sophisticated, theoretical, and irrelevant for practical reality. It only encouraged the excesses of effeminate and pampered aristocrats. As the voices raised against the Chuang-tzu gained influence, its religious meani ng for the individual disappeared from sight. The Kuo Hsiang system was accepted by the literati as the most adequate Chuang-tzu understanding. This is the reason why most of the earlier Chuang-tzu commentaries and editions are lost today.29 Kuo Hsiang's commentary to the Chuang-tzu, a classic of the Dark Learning, was soon turned into the theoretical basis for the integration of Mahyna (Prajfi-parmit) Buddhism. The Chuang-tzu as a religious system did not survive in the main stream of aristocratic thinking which was then too pre occupied with the problems of society, nor as a valid life-style for disappointed literati or pious Taoists. It survived in an almost complete merging with Bud26) Fukunaga 1954 and 1964. 27) Fukunaga, 1960, 632. 28) Mather, "The Controversy . . .", 173; Balazs, "Entre rvolte . . .", 51. 29) On the problem of Chuang-tzu editions, cf. my paper "Lost Chuang-tzu Passages", Journal of Chinese Religions 10 (1982), 53.

80 dhist doctrines, for which it had prepared the way in Chinese minds. Wang Hsi-chih 3^2. (307-65) Wang Hsi-chih, the father of Chinese calligraphy, shows similar tendencies regarding his philosophy of life as those mentioned above. Fukunaga distinguishes six features :30 1. While serving as a government official, Wang Hsi-chih was very concerned with society. The desire to help his era never left him, even though he retired early in 335. 2. He harshly criticised the emptiness and loftiness of the Pure Talk and the Chuang-tzu as useless for practical and political life (Shih-shuo hsin-y, "Ten-yup ten \>Lt]XiW\tm> nnffij3. On the other hand, he put a strong emphasis on emotion, postulating its necessity and naturalness. Thus one should feel sadness, if a close friend dies, and not, like Chuang-tzu in the famous story about the death of his wife, sing and beat the drum.31 Wang Hsi-chih regarded this as repressing one's natural instincts and feelings (Lan-t'ing shih-hsu W^fWPf)- This particular point of Chuangtzu criticism had also been raised by Sun Ch'u ^JeI (? 293) in his Chuang Chou tsan lEH^. Wang Hsi-chih postulated that one should always partake in nature as apparent in the seasons as well as in the joys and sorrows of man's heart. 4. Likewise one should live with nature. He considered landscape to be the ultimate symbol of harmony and tranquility. One could realize this by with drawing to the country and living the contemplative life of a recluse (Pao Tin Hao shu ^tWC^^l Fa-shu yao-lu f*^i| 2, 40, 101, 273). 5. Though death is a natural part of life, life as such is enjoyable and should be preserved. Wang Hsi-chih's family was connected with Taoism, and he hims elf took great interest in medicine and drugs, not only to assuage the rheumatic pain in his legs, but also to ensure a longer, more intense life (Tung-shu-t'ang t'ieh jJCftgf). 6. He found his greatest joy in a complete absorption in landscape. Unable to walk, he was frequently carried out in order to savor the breath of nature and to experience the here and now in its greatest concentration {Fa-shu yao-lu 74, 273, 372, 357). In these tendencies one can already glimpse the strong nature mysticism of Sun Cho and, later, of Hsieh Ling-yiin. The connection with Taoism and the recluse ideal stem from this time. Whereas before nature had represented the opposite of culture, simplicity versus complexity, tranquility versus involvement, it now began to symbolize the ideal of trancending both and the means of becomi ng one with the universal Tao. The major ideal was naturalness, like in the earlier philosophy of the Dark Learning. Only there nature (tzu-jan i!$&) had 30) Fukunaga, 1960, 638. 31) Chuang-tzu 18; Watson, The Complete Works, 192.

81 been defined as the ever changing and unceasing course of the universe, including all opposites and transcending them. Now thought and emotions as such were identified with naturalness, the so-being of the world : one is most natural when one experiences all ups and downs intensely. Landscape in this context came to be regarded as the concrete realization of the principle of Nature with which one wants to identify. The Chuang-tzu is still present in this trend of thought, in the wish to "wander", to roam freely through nature, to leave all restrictions behind. Yet the emphasis placed on emotions and the gratification of instincts reveals some hedonist touch; attention turned away from abstract metaphysics and towards concrete pleasure. Sun Cho WM (ca. 310-90) Unlike Wang Hsi-chih, Sun Cho integrated Buddhism into his system of beliefs. He combined Confucian social responsibility, the Lao-Chuang ideal of contemp lation, and Buddhist enlightenment. He was the first to make a conscious a ttempt at integrating the three doctrines into one system.33 In doing so he reinterpretated all of them. Fukunaga describes his synthesis as follows : 1. Confucianism. The sage or ideal ruler for Sun Cho is a True Man (chen-jen Jj|A) who has overcome all distinctions and realized no-mind. This concept is taken from Kuo Hsiang's Chuang-tzu commentary. Yet the sage is concerned with the world, feels compassion for the suffering of the people and educates them. He achieves his sainthood through a hard and painful process of learning and purification. This latter point shows Buddhist influence (see his commentary on the Lun-yil !h!b as quoted in Huang K'an's jUlfS, Lun-y i-shu filnitii;) 2. Lao-Chuang. To withdraw from the world into pure nature is justified for Sun Cho because reality is only dust and grime in which a realized life is not possible. For him, Mount T'ien-t'ai represented the paradisiacal abode of the immortals. Ascending this mountain Sun Cho was lead to a "mystical experience of identity with the non-actual reality embodied in mountains and streams"34 (T'ien-t'ai-shan fu ^l-UiS; Lao-tzu tsan ^-f-^; Wang-hai fu ^^^; T'ai-p'ingshan ming A^lU^S). 3. Buddhism. Sun Cho sees the Buddha as an enlightened teacher who, like Confucius, strove to save mankind. Their teachings are essentially one, differing only in expression because of the different audiences addressed. The sage may kill, according to Sun Cho, because his action is performed in a state of no-mind, and therefore will leave no trace, i.e., will not result in any karma. Similarly, the sage embodies utmost filial piety since "the greatest filial piety is the complete forgetfulness of filial piety", an idea expressed in ch. 2 of the Chuang-tzu in regard 32) The exact dates of Sun Cho's life are difficult to determine. Mather gives 310-379 in his. article "The Mystical Ascent of the T'ien-t'ai Mountains: Sun Cho's Tu T'ien-t'ai-shan fu" , Monumenta Serica 20 (1961), 226. 33) Fukunaga, 1961, 35. 34) Mather, "The Mystical Ascent. . .", 231.

82 to benevolence {T-tao-lun %MMsm, Ju-fo i-chih lun Sun Cho's system resolved the tensions between political activity and religious purification in the figure of the True Man, the sage the enlightened teacher and ruler. His morality is perfected into non-morality, i.e., one may leave the family or society because this is the ultimate of filial piety or loyalty. Absorption into nature effects the realization of life as such in a state of mystical union. The path to such enlightenment leads through an experience of suffering in a dualistic world to an understanding of the principles of the universe. Illumination is the realization that "the tension-ridden dichotomy between Actual and Nonactual is all delusion".36 Fukunaga sees this system as a Lao-Chuang way from a Confucian basis to a Buddhist goal. T'ao Tan-ming MWM (365-427) Fukunaga studies T'ao Yuan-ming's personal beliefs by examining the meaning of his central concept of "truth" (chen M), of which he sees five different aspects:37 1 . The inner workings of the universe, the continuous process of existence as such (tzu-jan |J$) where all is revolving and yet without life and death, are "true" (Shih tso chen-chun ts'an-chn ^fFili^Sp-). 2. This intact whole declined with the passing ages, and only in nature as landscape and in human emotions has "truth" survived. Thus the harmonious life of following one's inner feelings and savoring the simplicity and beauty of nature means "truth" for oneself (Kuei ch'u-lai hsi tz'u M^^^1$)3. In daily life, however, interaction with people and affairs causes one's heart to be moved and to receive all kinds of impulses. To mind the affairs of one's everyday life and enjoy them as they come along is a "true" life (Shih-yiln ^M', Kuei yan-t'ien chu HrpilEHjgj). 4. Yet another "truth" is found through complete forgetfulness of oneself and the world in the blessed state of drunkenness. Wine, T'ao Yuan-ming's great pas sion, helped him to gain the "truth" of ecstacy {Tin-chiu $M; Hsing-ying-shen 5. The feeling of being at-one can also be reached through absorption in nature. T'ao Yuan-ming strove to atune the "truth" of natural processes with his own inner "truth", thus creating the "true" state of no-mind, of realized oneness (Tu tsung-ti ching-yan l^'$zW>kML\ Chiu-jih chien-chu ^LBHHH). The ultimate "truth" for T'ao Yuan-ming is reached in a state of utter di ssolution of all annoyances and unpleasant feelings. In such a state he felt free to feel and realize the Tao underlying all opposites. His striving to eliminate unpleasant experiences sounds hedonist, but his need to concentrate on every 35) Cf. A. Link and T. Lee, "Sun Cho's T-tao-lun: A Clarification of the Way", Monumenta Serica 25 (1966), 169; H. Schmidt-Glintzer, Das Hung-ming-chi und die Aufnahme des Buddhismus inChina, (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1976), 57. 36) Mather, "The Mystical Ascent. . .", 233. 37) Fukunaga, 1963, 54.

83 detail of reality in the ideal state reflects the ideal of the Chuang-tzu as interpreted by Kuo Hsiang.38 Hsieh Ling-yiin Hfllpll (385433) To name the ultimate reality within the human heart, Hsieh Ling-yiin used the Chuang-tzu term tzu-shih Bj, "accordance with spontaneity". He called the wish for absorption in nature an instinct to purify and rectify oneself ( Tu rning shan-chih M^\U]^).S9 The final illumination, however, is not given to every one,neither can one learn to reach that stage. The ultimate Tao or "Principle" (H M.) is there within one's personal nature, which includes all emotions, but one can realize one's identity with the cosmos only in a sudden experience of enlightenment (Pien-tsung-lun ^^?|m).40 All formal religious practices and techniques as well as all devotional beliefs become completely superfluous once mystical union is achieved. Buddhism, Lao-Chuang, and Confucianism are one. They only try to delineate a way to the ultimate, but never really reach it. The realized one or the Buddha interests Hsieh Ling-yiin only because of his enlightenment, never because of his teaching. Teachings are necessary for the ignorant masses, especially for the slow-witted "barbarian" Indians, who are inferior to the civilized Chinese (Pien-tsung-lun; Wei-mo-ching shih-p'i ts'an W-W^rV^W.\ Fo-ying-ming #f^|). Increasingly disappointed towards the end of his life, Hsieh Ling-yiin began to acknowledge the value of a doctrine not centered solely on the present life. He came to accept the belief in the three worlds, past, present, and future. Fur thermore, he started to see emotions as obstructions to enlightenment and r ecognized the religious value of self-denial, thus altering his concept of inborn nature. Since the ultimate Principle was free from all opposites, all dualism, emotions and strife, all these have to be rejected in favor of purity and intuitive wisdom, prajfi (Shan-ch-fu \UJB$$,)- From a very strong involvement with the hedonistic tendencies in the Chuang-tzu, Hsieh Ling-yiin developed into a straight follower of Buddhism, but stayed a lay donor, unwilling to give up material security and the ideal of participation in politics. Conclusion Fukunaga values the Chuang-tzu as the source of a religious tradition, the final goal of which is the state of no-mind and the experience of "wandering" freely through the universe along with the continuous process of existence. Since this religious philosophy, as Fukunaga calls it (shky tetsugaku tk%MW)> postulated 38) ibid., 69; see also Fukunaga, 1969, 16. .39) Fukunaga, 1958a, 33; see also R.B. Mather, "The Landscape Buddhism of the Fifth Cen tury Poet Hsieh Ling-yn", Journal of Asian Studies 18/1 (1958), 67; J. P. Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream: The Life and Works of Hsieh Ling-yiin, (Kuala Lumpur: Univ. of Malaya Press, 1967). 40) Fukunaga, 1958a, 39.

84 neither specified rules of behavior nor devotional beliefs, nor even demanded a strict personal discipline, it was easily compatible with different life-styles, social positions, and philosophical persuasions. On the other hand, it had a. strong appeal mainly for the educated elite serving to complement traditional Confucian morality. Very often it provided self-confidence to disappointed literati. Since it allowed complete eclectic freedom, one finds varied mixtures of attitudes often combining a frustrated wish to serve in office with the striving for an ecstatic union with the Tao. Whether individual literati then held an office or not, whether they believed in physical immortality and practised Taoist techniques or not, did not alter this pattern in any decisive way. Their eclecticism makes it difficult to assign them to any of the major intellectual traditions of Chinese history. Yet their mystical endeavors and experiences reached through music, wine, or absorption in nature are an important part of the native Chinese religious tradition. While the Chuang-tzu, on the one hand, served them in formulation of their respective notions and ideals, on the other hand, they also contributed to the development of Chuang-tzu thought in the described period. In this sense they can be seen as part of an intellectual lineage leading from the Chuang-tzu all the way to Ch'an, Buddhism. As Fukunaga points out, the doctrine of sudden enlightenment has its four major characteristics in common with the tradition of the Chuang-tzu :41 1 . the full reliance on non-action and naturalness ; 2. the impossibility to convey the experience in words; 3. the full and intense realization of this life here and now, without postponing salvation to some future; 4. the concept that the Tao/Buddha is present in everyone and everything.

41) Fukunaga, 1946, 208.

85 Bibliography of Fukunaga's Articles 1946 "So Shu no y ni tsuite" ffl<D|tCo^t ("The 'Wanderings' of Chuang Chou"), Shinagaku ^M 12, (3-4) 33-73 1954 "Kaku Sh no Sshi kaishaku" ^MKDfltTMW ("Kuo Hsiang's Chuangtzu Commentary), Tetsugaku kenky ^W^% 37, 108-124 and 167-177. 1958 "Gen Seki ni okeru osore to nagusame: Gen Seki no seikatsu to shis" UW^&fZ>'BfohM&: lEft^^f t B M ("Terror and Consolation in Juan Chi: His Life and Thought"), Thgakuh %3]&Wl 28, 34-50. 1958a "Sha Reiun no shis" MMM^BW. ("The Thought of Hsieh Ling-yun"), Th shky ^Lljt 13/14, 25-48. 1960 " Gishi no shis to seikatsu" #SiS t f ("The Life and Thought of Wang Hsi-chih"), Aichi gakugei daigaku kenky hkoku ^jftl^WkJZ^W^Wi^ 9, 631-52. 1961 "Son Shaku no shis" licgf, ("Sun Cho's Philosophy"), Aichi gakugei daigaku kenky hkoku 10, 33-48. 1962 "Kei Ko ni okeru jiga no mondai Kei Ko no seikatsu to shis" ^JIfiC tetf-ZB&omm fMO&fkBf ("The Problem of the Self in Hsi K'ang His Life and Thought"), Thgakuh 32, 1-69. 1962a "Kei Ko to bukky" Jffigf#gfc ("Hsi K'ang and Buddhism"), Thshi kenky ^U$M$ 20/4, 92-119. 1963 "T Genmei no 'makoto' ni tsuite T Genmei no shis to sono shhen mmmom^^^mmm<DMt::cmm ("The 'Truth' of T'ao Yuanming His philosophy and Its Setting"), Thgakuh 33, 1-81. 1964 "Kaku Sh no Sshi chu to Ko Shu no Sshi chu" MM.O$=?-&kfa^<D l^S: ("Kuo Hsiang's and Hsiang Hsiu's Commentaries to the Chuang-tzu"), Thgakuh 36, 187-215. 1969 "'No-mind' in Chuang-tzu and Ch'an Buddhism", %imbun 12, 9-45; trans lated by L. Hurvitz.