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Based on these uninterpreted (as of now!) historical data, I assert that the
karmic theory of death for power holders should gain credence. To put it
simply, my take on the karmic theory of death for power holders is as
follows: Excessive abuse of power by power holders leads to homicide
attempts on them which largely succeed, irrespective of higher level of
surrounding security. It is based on the degree of abuse of power. I’m sure
that millions of pious Hindus and Buddhists subscribe to this karmic
theory. But for reasons of political correctness and expediency not many
are willing to articulate it publicly and thus it is not given adequate
academic scrutiny.
For this analysis, I should record that I benefited from the lecture notes of
a valuable summer course taught by Prof. Barbara Sirvis (currently,
President of the Southern Vermont College) two decades ago at the
University of Illinois. The title of that course was ‘Death Education’.
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Suppose a zoologist walks along a jungle tract, and comes across two toe
nails of a tiger. She then tries to present her finding and its implications to
biology to her colleagues in a professional meeting. She provides her
analysis relating to the age of the tiger (based on the size of two toe nails
found), and the prey of the tiger (based on the remnants of flesh entangled
in the toe nails). To this extent, her interpretations would be gladly
accepted by her colleagues. Suppose, based from her finding of two toe
nails, if this zoologist exaggerates her inferences beyond reasonable limits,
to quantify the heart beat of the tiger or the blood proteins of the tiger or
the number of progeny of the tiger which lost its two toe nails, then she
would be laughed off the podium. This is how new findings are scrutinized
in my professional parish. But, in the world of Tamil Tiger observers,
scrutiny of facts in context has been a missing element relating to the
political assassinations. Thus, much muck is mixed with kernels of truth.
In this chapter, I present an analysis of LTTE’s political assassinations as
viewed in a world-wide frame.
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If the readers (which may include American Poo Bahs and politicians) of
this report prepared by the ‘Federal Research Division, Library of
Congress, Washington DC’ show ignorance on recent South Asian affairs,
it is not easy to blame them since blind regurgitators of mangled facts such
as Rex A.Hudson behave like the zoologist I referred to at the beginning of
this chapter.
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The Assassin
The Victim
“None of these people had ever been psychotic; however, the primary
victims in cases one through six all had demonstrated deviant social
behavior. Victim one had robbed and murdered on multiple occasions to
obtain material goods; social sanctions in his village had failed to
rehabilitate him…
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The Provocation
…Victims in each case held authority over the group to which the assassin
belonged. Furthermore, the positions occupied by all four victims were
appointed rather than elected ones. Thus, popular vote was not an available
means for exerting pressure against the victim, and political means have
not evolved for the removal of appointed officials who prove to be
incompetent.”
Assassin as Deviant
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“On the other hand, informants in societies where assassins remain at large
may gloss over their assassins’ deviant behavior, since in most cases they
do not view the assassination itself as a criminal or deviant act. Quite the
contrary, it is often viewed as a responsible or courageous action. Since
the assassins continue their lives as before (perhaps with enhanced
prestige), psychopathology may not be so likely to emerge or be noted.”
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presently available.”
Victim as Deviant
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Four modes of death exist for humans. These are, natural death, accident,
suicide and homicide. For convenience of remembering, they are identified
in abbreviation as NASH. One of the subcategories of homicide is
assassination. The English word ‘assassin’ (defined as, one who kills,
especially one who murders a political figure) is derived from the Arabic
word hashshashin, relating to users of hashish. Political assassination is a
sub-subcategory of homicide.
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Surprisingly, this pattern does not hold for nominal political power
holders, power sharers and power peddlers (among which are to be
included informants, spies, collaborators). However, vilifying
Pirabhakaran is a cottage industry of the Colombo press since 1985. Here
is a short passage of vitriol penned by one W.T.Singha in mid 2002, under
the title, ‘Prabhakaran – Is he Goethe’s daemon?’
While (1) paying due allowance the fact that W.T.Singha appears
completely ignorant of the classic analytical study of Westermeyer in Laos
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Both studies which deserve attention (but have been conveniently ignored
by LTTE’s critics) originate from USA, and are from two institutions with
rather impeccable credentials- namely, the New York Times and the CIA.
These are as follows:
Leiden and colleagues (1968) had identified the assassination victims into
six ranks. To the rank no.1 was assigned, ‘Head of State, head of
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Since the time frame studied by both groups overlap between January 1965
and October 1968, six heads of state and former heads of state who died
during this overlapping period would have been counted in both studies.
Taking this into consideration, from the extensive tabulated listing of
Leiden’s group, I counted 63 heads of state and former heads of state as
assassination victims between November 1918 and December 1964.
[Leiden group’s data on heads of state and ex head of state is presented
below as Appendix 1.] The study presented by Pyenson’s group, informs
that between January 1965 and December 1996, 52 heads of state and 16
former heads of state died by violent means.
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(2) Of these 261 world leaders, 118 died while in office; only 66 (56
percent) died by natural causes. Remaining 52 died by violent
(unnatural) causes, of which 35 died by assassination. To reiterate, 30
percent of titular heads of state died by assassination during their terms
of office. R.Premadasa was one of the 35 heads of state to die during
this study period.
(3) Among the 143 world leaders who died after leaving office, 16 died by
violent (unnatural) causes, of which 10 were by assassination. Rajiv
Gandhi was one of the 10 ex heads-of state to die during this study
period.
(1) World leaders are not superhuman. By all accounts, they receive the
best medicines, technology and professional services their country can
offer or import, and generally they can travel to the best institutions in
the world when required…
(2) It is not at all unusual for leaders to die violently, especially while in
office. Death from assassination or other external means occurs
commonly among world leaders, often wile they are in office. Almost
half of those leaders who died were still in office, and almost half of
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“The long line of sovereigns is divided into two distinct classes; the kings
of Maha-wanse or ‘superior dynasty’ of the uncontaminated blood of
Wijayo, who occupied the throne from his death, B.C. 505, to that of
Maha Sen, A.D.302; and the Sulu-wanse or ‘inferior race’, whose descent
was less pure, but who, amidst invasions, revolutions, and decline,
continued, with unsteady hand, to hold the government down to the
occupation of the island by Europeans in the beginning of the sixteenth
century.
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formed the pure Wijayan dynasty, two were disposed by their subjects, and
nineteen put to death by their successors. [Foot-note by Tennent: There is
something very striking in the facility with which aspirants to the throne
obtained the instant acquiescense of the people, as soon as assassination
had put them in possession of power. And this is the more remarkable,
where the usurpers were of the lower grade, as in the instance of Subho, a
gate porter, who murdered King Yasa Silo, A.D. 60, and reigned for six
years (Mahawamsa, ch.xxxv.p.218). A carpenter, and a carrier of
fire-wood, were each accepted in succession of sovereigns, A.D. 47; whilst
the great dynasty was still in the plenitude of its popularity. The mystery
is perhaps referable to the dominant necessity of securing tranquility at
any cost, in the state of society where the means of cultivation were
directly dependent on the village organisation….]”
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heads of state between 1965 and 1996. In a subsequent page, Tennent had
provided the following statistic:
“Of the sixty two sovereigns who reigned from the death of Maha Sen,
A.D. 301, to the accession of Parakrama Bahu, A.D. 1153, nine met a
violent death at the hands of their relatives or subjects, two ended their
days in exile, one was slain by the Malabars and four committed suicide.”
[ibid, p.385]
This means, during a period spanning 852 years, ten of the 62 sovereigns –
nearly one in every six – were eliminated by violent deaths. In the
post-Parakrama Bahu period, between A.D. 1153 and A.D. 1527,
according to Tennent, fates of seven sovereigns were decided by
homicides. [see, Appendix 2 below for a complete listing of sovereigns
who were victims of homicide.] In sum, a total of 32 of the 153 sovereigns
– one in five who ascended to the throne – were homicide victims, during
the 2,000 years of recorded despotic monarchic tradition of the island.
The pattern of death seen for the pre-colonial Buddhist monarchs of the
island seems to prevail even in the post-colonial Sri Lanka, lasting only 55
years. The labeling of post-colonial Sri Lanka as a democracy by the
international press is a misrepresentation of serious proportions committed
by reporters and analysts who do not bother to do their home work. The
pre-colonial monarchic tradition continues to hold, so that the Sri Lankan
version of democracy is in reality a despotic nepocracy (feudal nepotism
laced with bells and whistles of democracy) , with seven of the heads of
state emerging from only two families : Senanayakes (father and son) and
Bandaranaikes (husband, wife and daughter). Two other heads of state,
namely Kotelawala and Jayewardene, were related to these two families by
lineage and marriage.
Of the ten heads of state, two died by assassinations and one died by
accident. In addition, there were assassination and devious dethroning
attempts on another three heads of state. The data is as follows:
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Among the ten post-colonial Sri Lankan heads of state, two outsiders
[Dahanayake and Wijetunge] were stop-gap ascensions, following
successful assassinations. LTTE is implicated with the dethroning attempts
of Premadasa (#8) and Chandrika Kumaratunga (#10), of which that of
Premadasa was successful. Technically, when LTTE’s dethroning attempts
occurred in 1993 and 1999 respectively, LTTE was in war with its
adversary - the Sri Lankan government, and the Sri Lankan head-of-state
was the nominal Commander in Chief.
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Thus, even the assassination of the then Jaffna mayor Alfred Duraiappah
in July 1975, a loyal retainer of the despotic Bandaranaike clan, by
Pirabhakaran has to be viewed from such an anthropological context
presented by Joseph Westermeyer.
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report: ‘U.S. admits it’s trying to kill Taliban Leader’, by Michael Gordon
and Tim Weiner, International Herald Tribune, Oct.17, 2001, p.2]
If Bush administration can adhere to the old principle of warfare that ‘The
commander of an enemy army is fair game’, there is nothing illogical to
advance a claim that the LTTE’s past attempts on two Sri Lankan heads of
state also fall within the boundaries of the old principle of warfare. What’s
good for the goose is good for the gander as well, isn’t it? I should add
that I’m not validating LTTE’s assassination attempts on the two Sri
Lankan heads of state. Rather, I have presented an answer to the ‘why’ on
the assassination attempts of 1993 and 1999 from LTTE’s point of view. It
should not be forgotten that in the context of war-time strategy, attacks on
the adversary’s command and control is not a deviant measure, especially
if one like Pirabhakaran was facing such a measure from his adversary.
Only an ignoramus and one who is inadept in military tactics could label it
as ‘terrorism’.
Appendix 1
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Appendix 2
Unnatural Deaths of pre-colonial Ceylonese Buddhist Sovereigns
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