Professional Documents
Culture Documents
SCHOOL OF LAW
ALUMNI ASSOCIATION
Methodology:
All of the information presented in this report was derived from the self-reported data submitted to the ABA by each school, respectively. This was the best way to compare and contrast the schools respective statistics. Unless otherwise specified, the years referenced in the data refer to the year of publication of the data, not the year of collection of the data. Thus, data tagged 2014 may actually have been collected by each school in 2011. This detracts from the usefulness to student consumers of reviewing a single years ABA report; but by comparing the data over a period of years, useful trends, patterns, and conclusions emerge. In some cases, for the benefit of visual clarity, data from the Charleston School of Law has been compared to an average of the data collected from the Infilaw Schools. All data compiled for each school is appended to the end of this report.
Sources:
Current ABA school reports are available at http://officialguide.lsac.org. Prior ABA school reports are archived online at http://www.lsac.org/lsacresources/publications/official-guide-archives. NALP reports are available only for the current year at http://www.nalplawschoolsonline.org. While the NALP data did not form the basis of any of the charts contained herein, because they present a nearly realtime snapshot of enrollment data for each school, they are a helpful resource for anyone wishing to learn more. ABA employment data is available at http://employmentsummary.abaquestionnaire.org i
1L Enrollment:
808
800
722
638
620
643
671
580
196
205
220
241
237
300
224
174
200 100
Each of the Infilaw schools is significantly bigger than the Charleston School of Law in terms of enrollment. While both Phoenix School of Law and Charlotte School of Law opened their doors after CSOL did, both schools have 1L enrollments that are roughly double that of the Charleston School of Law. This size differential raises important questions:
What are appropriate enrollment numbers for the Charleston School of Law? What factors should trigger increases in enrollment? If the Charleston School of Law were to significantly increase its enrollment, how would it address the space issues within the relatively small footprint of the Charleston peninsula? How would pressure to increase enrollments at Charleston School of Law affect the schools admissions criteria and selectivity?
1L Academic Attrition:
14%
12%
10%
8%
6%
4%
2%
0%
2009 7% 1.0%
2010 8% 1.8%
2011 6% 1.3%
2012 8% 1.7%
2013 8% 1.3%
Inlaw Average
Charleston
Students leave law school for a variety of reasonsthey transfer to other schools, determine they do not wish to practice law, have medical or family emergencies, or decide law school is simply no longer their desired path. But leaving law school due to academic attrition that is, leaving school for failing to meet academic standardscan have some of the most devastating personal and economic consequences: student loans must begin to be repaid as soon as students are no longer in school, and re-admission is often difficult, if not impossible, leaving students with little to show for their efforts other than debt. In recent years, due to decreased enrollments, law schools around the country have been reporting downward pressure on admissions standards like the LSAT and undergraduate GPA. So it is not surprising that academic attrition might begin to increase. But the contrast between the academic attrition at Infilaw schools versus the Charleston School of Law over the last few years shows, CSOLs rate of attrition remaining low, while Infilaws has continued to creep up to alarming levels. At 10% attrition, with average 1L enrollments around 500 students, that means an average of 50 students per school per year fails out of law school in the first year.
1L Median LSAT:
154
152
150
148
146
144
As noted in the previous section, schools around the country have faced considerable downward pressure on admissions standards as applications to law schools have dropped off over the last few years. Clearly both the Charleston School of Law and Infilaw schools have experienced this drop off, but the Infilaw drop-off appears to have been steeper. These numbers raise important questions, some of which will not be able to be answered for several more years, given the lag between data reporting regarding admission to law school and the bar examination:
How will a schools decrease in admissions standards correlate to the bar passage rates of its graduates? Will an increase in 1L enrollment, if any, at the Charleston School of Law result in further downward pressure on admissions standards?
Among Infilaws most powerful arguments for its admissions algorithm and strategy is that it opens its doors to historically underserved communities. And when the Charleston School of Law is compared to Infilaw on percentages of minority students1whether for 1Ls or graduates, Infilaw clearly does come out ahead. But while Infilaws minority enrollment is admirable, the comparison made here between minority enrollment in the 1L year, versus minority percentages among graduatesraises a troubling question:
What accounts for the significant discrepancy between the rates of 1L minority enrollment at Infilaw schools, versus the rates of minority graduation?
For the purposes of this comparison, minority is interpreted in the way the ABA interprets it, to included all people of Hispanic, Native American, Asian, African American, Pacific Islander, or mixed race heritage.
1
35%
31%
28%
26%
24%
22%
23%
22%
28%
17%
17% 15%
16%
15% 10% 5%
0%
0% 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Charleston JDs awarded as percentage of total enrollment Inlaw JDs awarded as percentage of total enrollment
2008
Among the alumnis chief concerns is that for students as consumers. Students want to know that if they start law school, they will finish law school. Because full-time students ordinarily finish law school in three years, absent significant enrollment fluxuations or part-time student populations, we might expect to see graduates numbering roughly one-third of a schools total enrollment each year. And yet, at the Infilaw schoolswhich have significantly smaller percentages of their students participating part-time than Charlestonthose graduate numbers have hovered between 15 and 23% for the last few years. Charleston, on the other hand has had numbers much more in line with what would be expected for on-time graduation rates. This raises worrisome questions:
Why do so few of Infilaws students graduate each year? How long does it actually take to graduate from an Infilaw school?
2012 Rate
2011 Rate
0.00%
10.00%
20.00%
30.00%
40.00%
50.00%
60.00%
By and large, law students go to law schools because they want to be lawyers. So when evaluating the claims of law schools make about their employment statistics, students want to know how many graduates at each school are employed full-time as lawyers within the first year after law school. While the legal job market has been difficult throughout the United States during and since the recession, the job prospects for students at the Charleston School of law were clearly significantly better in 2011 and 2012 than those for students at Infilaw Schools.
1L Median LSAT
School
Florida
Phoenix
Charlotte
Infilaw
Average
Charleston
2014
146
145
146
146
151
2013
147
148
148
148
152
2012
149
150
149
149
154
2011
150
151
151
151
153
2010
150
151
150
150
153
2009
151
153
n/a
152
154
2008
151
n/a
n/a
151
154
22%
16%
15%
17%
17%
23%
22%
36%
28%
26%
24%
28%
31%
n/a
79.4%
83.9%
83.3%
80.1%
75.2%
70.7%
83.4%
70.0%
73.1%
74.1%
69.7%
70.0%
66.7%
56.2%
Tuition
School
Florida
Coastal
Phoenix
Charlotte
Charleston
2014
39370
39,533
38,606
37,874
2013
36968
37,764
36,916
36,774
2012
34712
36,036
34,990
35,606
2011
32662
34,396
33,166
34,618
2010
2009
2008
30816
28870
27088
31,562
28,640
29,968
32,970
30,598
28,680