Korean American Parental Control: Acceptance or Rejection?

Korean American Parental Control: Acceptance or Rejection? Author(s): Eunjung Kim Source: Ethos, Vol. 33, No. 3 (Sep.
, 2005), pp. 347-366 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4497898 . Accessed: 08/10/2013 07:12
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Korean
American
or
Parental
Control:
Acceptance
EUNJUNG KIM
Rejection?
ABSTRACT The purpose of this cross-sectional descriptive study was to examine relations between parental acceptance-rejection and behavioral control among 106 Korean American families in the Midwest. Independent self-report data were gathered from adolescents, mothers, and fathers, and analyzed with descriptive statistics, analyses of variance, analyses of covariance, and Pearson correlations. Both Korean American adolescents and their parents (mothers and fathers) reported the parents as warm and loving, as well as moderate to firm in their behavioral control. Nonetheless, within these ranges, results indicated that both adolescents' and mothers' reports of maternal behavioral control were positively correlated with less overall acceptance. Correlational results for fathers, however, showed that the more behaviorally controlling they reported themselves to be (within the moderate tofirm range), the warmer and more affectionate they reported themselves to be-but also the more hostile and aggressive they reported themselves to be. This apparent contradiction seems to be explainable in the context of Korean American adaptation to mainstream American cultural ideology. [parental warmth, parental behavioral control, Korean Americans, young adolescents, perception differences] he population of foreign-born and first-generation Asian Americans in the United States has grown rapidly during the last few decades. In particular, the Korean American population has increased more than 300 percent during the last 20 years (I. Kim 2004; U.S. Census Bureau 1980, 2005). Following Chinese and
Vol. ISSN ISSN 1548-1352. the Anthroelectronic American ETHOS, 33,No. 3,pp. 347-366, 0091-2131, by ? 2005 All allrequests orreproduce Association. reserved. Please direct tophotocopy article for rights permission pological the and Permissions content Press's ofCalifornia website, Rights through University http://www.ucpress.edu/journals/ rights.htm.
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Indian immigrants, Koreans are the third largest Asian-born population in the United States. Describing Korean American parenting is an important element for successful adaptation of first-generation Korean Americans. The limited number of studies has produced interesting but contradictory results about parental acceptance-rejection and parental behavioral control in this population, in part because of cultural factors. Specifically, adolescents in Korea perceive greater parental behavioral control as a manifestation of greater parental acceptance (Rohner and Pettengill 1985), whereas Puerto Rican, American, and Korean American children and adolescents perceive higher parental behavioral control as a manifestation of less parental acceptance (K. C. Kim 1998; Pettengill and Rohner 1985; Rohner and Rohner 1981; Saavedra 1980). The studies that have examined Korean American adolescents (K. C. Kim 1998; Pettengill and Rohner 1985) have not considered the adolescents' birthplaces. Therefore, it is not clear how the relations between parental acceptance-rejection and behavioral control differ between Korean-born adolescents and American-born adolescents. Also, no study has evaluated the relations between parental acceptance-rejection and parental behavioral control using first-generation Korean American parents' reports. The purpose of the present study was to determine the relationships between parental acceptance-rejection and parental behavioral control among Korean American adolescents, mothers, and fathers from data collected by independent measures. This study also specifically explored the effect of adolescents' birthplaces on participants' perceptions of parental acceptance-rejection and behavioral control. Participants were categorized into two groups: families with Korean-born adolescents and families with American-born adolescents. Two hypotheses of this study were that: 1) adolescents' reports of greater parental behavioral control would be positively correlated with less parental acceptance, and that 2) parents' reports of higher parental behavioral control would be positively correlated with greater parental acceptance. This study explored these hypotheses in relation to the adolescents' birthplace, Korea or the United States.
PARENTAL AND CONTROL ACCEPTANCE-REJECTION BEHAVIORAL

Researchers have identified parental warmth and parental control as two significant dimensions of parenting (Baumrind 1991; Maccoby and Martin 1983; Rohner 1991). According to Rohner's parental acceptancerejection theory (Rohner 2005a; Rohner, Khaleque, and Cournoyer 2005) parental warmth refers to the affectional and behavioral quality between parents and adolescents. Depending on the quality, parental warmth
KoreanAmericanParenting0 349
ranges from parental acceptance to parental rejection. Parental acceptance represents the presence of parental warmth/affection. In contrast, parental rejection represents the absence or significant withdrawal of the warmth/affection, and the presence of three elements: hostility/ aggression, indifference/neglect, and undifferentiated rejection. According to this theory, parental control indicates behavioral control, which refers to the level of parental limit-setting on adolescents' behavior and to the degree of parental reinforcement of the limits. It ranges from permissiveness, by which parents exercise minimum control over adolescents' behaviors and provide no direction, to strictness, by which parents put many rules and restrictions over adolescents' behaviors and limit their autonomy (Rohner 1991, 2005a).
AND THE RELATIONS BETWEEN CULTURAL IDEOLOGY PARENTAL AND ACCEPTANCE-REJECTION BEHAVIORAL CONTROL
There is a profound cultural difference in mainstream family system and values between Korea and the United States. The typical traditional Korean family system is patrilineal and patriarchal (Oak and Martin 2000). The father is expected to be the breadwinner, leader, and the authority figure in the household, whereas the mother is expected to be the housewife, primary caregiver of children, emotional provider, and healer (K. C. Kim and Kim 1995). These traditional paternal and maternal roles are well expressed in a popular Korean phrase, om buja mo, "strict father, benevolent mother" (U. Kim and Choi 1994; Rohner and Pettengill 1985:525). Adolescents are expected to be submissive and obedient to their parents, loyal to the family, and to fulfill their obligation of filial piety to the parents when their parents get older (Kelly and Tseng 1992; L. Lee 1995; Oak and Martin 2000). In childrearing, Korean parents assume full responsibility for their children and adolescents' behaviors and outcomes. As a result, they are extensively involved in family members' decision-making regarding children and adolescents' daily routines, choice of college, choice of profession, and choice of spouse (Lehrer 1996). Korean parents tend to consider their high level of control and extensive involvement with their adolescents' daily lives as a demonstration of their love and interest in their offspring's wellbeing. Korean adolescents, in turn, tend to perceive high parental control as a sign of parental love and interest in them. This relationship is well explained by Rohner and Pettengill (1985), whose study showed a positive relationship between adolescents' perception of parental behavioral control and parental warmth/affection, and a negative relationship between parental behavioral control and parental
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indifference/neglect. Adolescents' perceived higher levels of maternal behavioral control, however, were associated with higher levels of maternal hostility/aggression and undifferentiated rejection, while there were no significant relationships between paternal behavioral control and hostility/ aggression and undifferentiated rejection. Higher behavioral control may have been perceived to be contrary to mothers' expected role as nurturers and emotional providers, but consistent with the role expectation for fathers. Therefore, adolescents perceived only mothers' practice of higher behavioral control as an expression of hostility/aggression and undifferentiated rejection (Rohner and Pettengill 1985). When Korean families migrate to the United States, they encounter a very different family system and values. Family roles in the European American family system are more egalitarian than those of Korean families (Phinney et al. 2000). Although European American children have obligations to their families and parents, they also have greater equality with their parents and less obligation to obey them. European American parents encourage less interdependence in their children than do parents who migrate from a collectivistic culture (Phinney et al. 2000) such as Korea. The cultural norm of European American parenting is to raise adolescents to be autonomous, independent, and self-reliant (Holmbeck et al. 1995; Oak and Martin 2000). European American parents try to nurture their adolescents to regulate their own behaviors and to act in a socially appropriate manner without explicit parental behavioral control (Grolnick and Farkas 2002). Because the European American norm of parenting is to raise adolescents to be autonomous, in the United States strict parental behavioral control can be seen as an intrusion on, and inhibition of, adolescents' growing autonomy. Consequently, higher parental behavioral control is associated with hostility/aggression, undifferentiated rejection, and overall low acceptance among American school-age children, Puerto Rican adolescent boys, and Korean American adolescents (K. Kim 1998; Pettengill and Rohner 1985; Rohner and Pettengill 1985; Rohner and Rohner 1978; Saavedra 1980). In addition, adolescents' reports of higher maternal and paternal behavioral control were related to adolescents' report of higher parentadolescent conflict among Korean American adolescents (Pettengill and Rohner 1985). That Korean American adolescents perceive higher parental behavioral control as low overall acceptance may suggest that Korean American adolescents acquire more American culture, which they learn from peers and school, than Korean culture, which they learn from their home environment. However, it is unclear whether first-generation Korean American parents adopt the cultural norms of European American parenting.
KoreanAmericanParenting @351
In summary, previous studies suggest that the relationship between Korean American adolescents' perception of parental acceptancerejection and parental behavioral control is influenced more by the cultural ideology of American society than by the cultural tradition in which they grew up at home. In Korea, parental greater behavioral control is related to more parental acceptance, whereas in the United States higher parental behavioral control is often related to low parental acceptance.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY

The current study was designed to address gaps in the existing knowledge base. First, compared to previous studies that collected data from only adolescents and not from parents (K. Kim and Rohner 2002; Rohner, Hahn, and Koehn 1992), this study collected data from both adolescents and their parents. Because most Korean American parents are firstgeneration immigrants who migrated to the United States as adults, it is possible that Korean American parents may share views about parental behavioral control that are similar to those of adolescents in Korea. If parents view greater parental behavioral control as a manifestation of higher parental acceptance, and their adolescents equate higher behavioral control with low parental acceptance, conflicts in Korean American families are likely to emerge. Second, compared to previous studies that examined a wide adolescent age range, this study focused on early adolescence. Parenting of young adolescents (age 11-14) has been shown to be more challenging and stressful due to the rapid developmental changes that occur during this period and to the rising importance of peer group norms (Small et al. 1988). The rapid developmental changes may affect the parent-child relationship by increasing irritability and the negative emotionality of young adolescents (Holmbeck et al. 1995). Finally, this study explored the influence of cultural ideologies by dividing the Korean American families into two groups. One group consisted of families with Korean-born adolescents who had lived in Korea and whose parents had lived in the United States for a shorter period of time. The other group consisted of families with American-born adolescents who had not lived in Korea and whose parents had lived in the United States for a longer period of time. Phinney and colleagues (2001) found that adolescents' birthplace could be a reliable demographic variable for dividing groups in their study of cultural values among immigrant and nonimmigrant families.
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METHOD
Sample
The participants were 106 Korean American families, including 106 young adolescents with ages ranging from 11 to 14, 104 mothers, and 97 fathers. Inclusion criteria were that: 1) the adolescent was between the ages 11 and 14; 2) both the mother and father were Korean American; 3) the family lived in the United States at the time of the study; and 4) at least one parent was willing to complete the surveys. Single-parent families were excluded from the study. "Korean American," in this study, was defined as a person who lived with his or her biological Korean parents and resided in the United States, regardless of birthplace, at the time of the study. The young adolescents (47 boys and 59 girls) in this study had a mean age of 12.40 (SD = 1.12) and had lived in the United States for 10.69 years (SD = 3.66), regardless of birthplace. The characteristics of mothers and fathers revealed significant differences with respect to age [t (93) = -8.0, p < .001], educational level [t (89) = -5.82, p < .001], work hours [t (91) = -8.17, p < .001], and length of stay in the United States [t (91) = -4.10, p < .001]. As summarized in Table 1, fathers were older, more educated, worked more hours, and had lived in the United States longer than mothers.
Procedures
Korean American families were recruited from Korean organizations such as churches and language schools in the Midwest United States. Written informed consent was obtained from participating parents, and a completed assent form was obtained from their young adolescents. When there was more than one young adolescent in one household (aged 11 to 14), the questionnaire was administered only to the oldest child to represent the family's first experience with the adolescent transition, and parents were asked to respond based on their relationship with this
Parents andTheir American Adolescents of Korean 1. Characteristics Table

Adolescents
(n = 106) M (SD)
Mothers
(n = 104) M (SD)
Fathers
(n = 97) M (SD)
Age in years U.S. residency in years

Education in years Working hours per week
12.40 (1.12) 10.69 (3.66)
42.15 (3.95) 14.51 (3.21)

15.08 (6.96) 26.64 (21.32)
45.00 (4.66) 16.36 (3.84)

16.84 (7.10) 47.84 (14.18)
KoreanAmericanParenting 0 353
oldest child. Questionnaires were administered in participants' preferred language, English or Korean. Questionnaires were completed independently. After participants finished the questionnaires, each returned the completed questionnaire by mail to the researcher in a self-addressed, stamped envelope, which was provided for each parent and adolescent separately.
Measures
The study variables of parental acceptance-rejection and parental behavioral control were measured using the Parental AcceptanceRejection/Control Questionnaire (PARQ/Control, Rohner 1991). Both the adolescents' version and the parents' version of the instrument contained the same scales and same question items, worded appropriately for developmental level. The PARQ/Control, originally developed in English, has been translated into 28 different languages, including Korean, and has been used nationally and internationally (Rohner 2005b). Several studies using the questionnaire in Korean American populations have shown the instrument to be culturally appropriate (K. Kim and Rohner 2002; Rohner et al. 1992). The PARQ portion of the PARQ/Control (PARQ, Rohner 1991) was used to assess adolescents' and parents' views of parental acceptancerejection. The PARQ is a 60 item, four-point Likert-scale instrument consisting of four subscales including parental warmth/affection (score range 20-80), hostility/aggression (15-60), indifference/neglect (15-60), and undifferentiated rejection (10-40). Total PARQscores can range from 60-240; scores more than 120 indicate rejection and scores over 150 indicate severe rejection (Veneziano and Rohner 1998). Sample question items are shown in Table 2. Rohner (1991) has reported evidence for convergent, discriminant, and construct validity for the PARQ. The PARQ subscales were significantly correlated with the acceptance, hostility, and rejection scales of the Schaefer's Child's Report of Parent Behavior Inventory (Rohner 1991). Internal reliability using Cronbach's alpha coefficients for the PARQ subscales in the current Korean American sample range from .74 to .88 for mother, from .72 to .89 for father, from .77 to .90 for child-mother, and from .72 to .92 for child-father data. The Control portion of PARQ/Control (Rohner 1991) was used to measure adolescents' and parents' perceptions of parental behavioral control. The Control portion is a 13 item, four-point Likert-scale instrument. Scores on the Control Questionnaire range from 13 to 52; scores of 13-26 indicate permissive control, 27-39 moderate control, 40-45 firm control, and 46-52 strict control (K. Kim 1998). Sample question items are shown in Table 2. Internal reliability using Cronbach's alpha coefficients of the
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Items of the Parental 2. Sample Table QuesQuestion Acceptance-Rejection/Control tionnaire 1991) (Rohner
Sample question item for parents and adolescents I say nice things about my child. Warmth/affection Myfather/mothersays nice things about me. Hostility/aggression I say unkind things to my child. Myfather/mothersays many unkindthings to me. Indifference/neglect I forgetevents that my child thinks I should remember. forgetsthings I think she/he should Myfather/mother remember. I wonderif I reallylove my child. Undifferentiated Myfather/motherdoes not reallylove me. rejection I tell my child exactly what time to be home when he/she Control goes out. Myfather/mothertells me exactly what time to be home when I go out. Subdimension
current sample is .60 (mother), .72 (father), .75 (child-mother),and .75 (child-father).
Data Analysis
Descriptivestatistics were computed for all variables.To determine adolescentsdifferedfromfamilieswith whetherfamilieswith Korean-born the American-born adolescents, study samplewas dividedinto two groups. adolescents and their One group consisted of families with Korean-born families (26 adolescents, 26 mothers, and 24 fathers),and the other group consisted of families with American-bornadolescents and their parents (80 adolescents, 77 mothers, and 72 fathers). To check the effect of unequal sample size on variance,homogeneityof variancein two groupswas checked using Levene statistics and Levene'stest for equalityof variance. Both tests revealedthat inequalityin groupsize was not an issue and that and analyses of covariance (ANone-way analyses of variance (ANOVA) and COVA)were appropriatestatistical procedures. Therefore,ANOVA were conducted to look for differencesbetween the two groups. ANCOVA were tested using Pearsoncorrelations. hypotheses Finally,
RESULTS on Based Characteristics inFamily Members' Differences Group Adolescents' Birthplace

analysesof dataon familycharacteristicswere conducted Preliminary adolescents and to look for differencesbetween familieswith Korean-born
families with American-born adolescents. Approximately 25 percent of adolescents were born in Korea and the remaining 75 percent in the United States. (See Table 3). There was no difference in mean age for the two groups. American-born adolescents had lived twice as long in the United States as Korean-born adolescents [F(1,103) = 86.73, p < .001]. There were equal numbers of boys (50 percent) and girls (50 percent) for the Korean-born families, and there were more girls (57.5 percent) than boys (42.5 percent) in the American-born families. All mothers and fathers were born in Korea, with the exception of one mother and one father, whose data were not analyzed by birthplace. The characteristics of parents revealed that mothers of American-born adolescents were less educated [F(1,102) = 6.34, p < .05], and had lived in the United States longer [F(1,102) = 87.57, p < .001] than had mothers of Korean-born adolescents (Table 3). Fathers of American-born adolescents were older [F(1,96) = 6.20, p < .05], and had lived in the United States longer [F(1,96) = 102.04, p < .001] than had fathers of Korean-born adolescents. No significant differences were found in terms of family income.
American Parental and Korean Parental Acceptance-Rejection Behavioral Control

Overall, the adolescents perceived their mothers and fathers as warm and moderately behavioral controlling (Table 4). Correspondingly, both mothers and fathers reported themselves as warm and moderately (father) to firmly (mother) behavioral controlling. Korean-born adolescents perceived their mothers as less indifferent/neglecting [F(1,102) = 5.42, p < .05], less undifferentiated rejecting [F(1,102) = 4.15, p < .05], and more overall accepting [F(1,102) = 4.11, p < .05] than did Americanborn adolescents. No difference was found in the adolescents' reports of maternal behavioral control, paternal acceptance-rejection, or paternal behavioral control between the two groups. In addition, no differences were noted in terms of parents' reports of parental acceptance-rejection and behavioral control. Mothers of Korean-born adolescents were more educated than were mothers of American-born adolescents. Results indicated that mothers' years of education had a significant main effect on adolescents' perceptions of overall maternal acceptance-rejection [F(1,99) = 4.41, p < .05]. Controlling for the significant effect of mothers' education, however, removed the effect of child birthplace [F(2,98) = .99, p = ns] on adolescents' perceptions of overall maternal acceptance-rejection. In addition, there were no main effects of either mothers' education or child birthplace on adolescents' perceptions of maternal indifference/neglect and undifferentiated rejection.
Differences andGroup Families American of Korean of Two Table 3. Characteristics Groups

Adolescents (n = 106) Korea (n = 26) M (SD) 12.7 (1.2) 6.29 (4.34) America (n = 80) M (SD) 12.3 (1.1) 12.07 (1.96)*** Mothers (n = 104) America (n = 78) M (SD) 42.3 17.8 14.1 28.7
Korea (n = 26) M (SD) 41.7 (4.6) Age in years 6.7 (4.7) U.S. residency in years 15.9 (2.8) Education in years 20.6 (24.3) Working hours per week Note. Korea = Families with Korean-born adolescents; America = Families with *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p< .001.
(3.8) (5.2)*** (3.2)* (20.0) U.S.-born ado
4. Differences in Perceptions Table on Parental w andControl between Families Acceptance-Rejection Adolescents

Mothers Total (n = 104) M (SD) 67.31 (9.76) 28.48 (8.48) 25.06 (6.31) 19.15 (5.64) 105.41 (27.18) 36.44 (5.45) Korean (n = 26) M (SD) 69.73 (9.25) 26.08 (5.45) 22.62 (6.11) 17.23 (3.68) 96.19 (20.93) 34.96 (5.88) Mothers Korean American (n = 26) (n = 78) Parents' reports M (SD) M (SD) Warmth/affection 73.38 (5.65) 74.54 (6.33) 72.99 (5.39) 29.96 (6.26) 28.08 (5.57) 30.59 (6.39) Hostility/Aggression 20.81 (3.97) 19.69 (4.00) 21.18 (3.91) Indifference/Neglect Undifferentiated rejection 15.97 (3.62) 15.42 (3.58) 16.15 (3.63) Overall acceptance-rejection 93.36 (16.13) 88.65 (15.69) 94.94 (16.06) Control 40.89 (3.95) 40.38 (3.75) 41.06 (4.03) Note. Korea = Families with a Korean-born adolescents; America = Families with *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p< .001. Total (n = 104) M (SD) American (n = 78) M (SD) 66.50 (9.86) 29.28 (9.16) 25.87 (6.19)* 19.79 (6.04)* 108.49 (28.42)* 36.94 (5.24) Total (n = 103) M (SD) 65.05 (9.97) 26.80 (7.05) 26.74 (6.66) 18.23 (4.88) 106.87 (24.57) 35.12 (5.66)
Adolescents' report Warmth/affection Hostility/Aggression Indifference/Neglect Undifferentiated rejection Overall acceptance-rejection Control
Total (n = 97) M (SD) 70.74 (6.84) 26.60 (6.26) 22.20 (4.52) 14.94 (3.78) 92.91 (16.07) 38.91 (4.98) a U.S.-born ad
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between Parental and Parental Relationship Acceptance-Rejection Behavioral Control: Adolescents' Reports
Pearson correlations were conducted between adolescents' report of parental acceptance-rejection and parental behavioral control to test the first hypothesis that adolescents' perceptions of parental behavioral control would be positively related to less parental acceptance (Table 5). Results indicated that young adolescents' perception of maternal and paternal behavioral controls were positively correlated with several attributes of maternal and paternal acceptance-rejection. Specifically, adolescents' perception of maternal hostility/aggression, indifference/neglect, and undifferentiated rejection increased with higher perceived levels of maternal behavioral control. Accordingly, overall perceived acceptance decreased as behavioral control increased. Meanwhile, adolescents' perception of paternal hostility/aggression and undifferentiated rejection increased with perceptions of higher paternal behavioral control. Therefore, the first hypothesis was supported. When adolescents' birthplace was considered, Korean-born adolescents' reports of maternal and paternal behavioral control were not correlated with any of the maternal and paternal acceptance-rejection attributes. American-born adolescents' perception of maternal and paternal hostility/aggression and undifferentiated rejection increased with higher maternal and paternal behavioral control. Consequently, American-born adolescents' perception of overall maternal acceptance decreased as perceived maternal behavioral control increased.
between and Parental Parental Relationship Acceptance-Rejection Behavioral Control: Parents' Reports
Pearson correlations were conducted between parents' reports of parental acceptance-rejection and behavioral control to test the second hypothesis that the parents' perceptions of higher parental behavioral control would be positively related to greater parental acceptance (Table 5). Results indicated that mothers' perceptions of their own hostility/aggression, undifferentiated rejection, and overall acceptancerejection of their adolescents increased with greater behavioral control over their adolescents. In contrast, fathers' perception of their own warmth/affection increased with their perception of higher behavioral control over their adolescents. Fathers' perception of hostility/aggression also, however, increased with their perception of higher behavioral control. Therefore, the second hypothesis was only partially supported by the fathers' data. When adolescents' birthplace was considered, in both groups, mothers' perception of their hostility/aggression and undifferentiated rejection
Table 5. Correlations between Adolescents' andParents' of Parental Perceptions Acceptance-R

Warmth/ Affection -.14 .12 -.20 .10 .30 -.00 Warmth/ Affection -.03 .04 -.04 .41*** .52** .38*** Hostility/ Aggression .46*** .23 .52*** .39*** .17 .45*** Hostility/ Aggression .39*** .48* .36** .29** -.12 .40*** Neglect/ Indifference .20* .06 .21 -.09 -.17 -.06 Neglect/ Indifference -.13 -.21 -.12 -.18 -.36 -.14
Adolescents' report Maternal control (n = 104) Korea (n = 26) America (n = 78) Paternal control (n = 103) Korea (n = 26) America (n = 77) Parents' report Maternal control (n = 104) Korea (n = 26) America (n = 78) Father (n = 97) Korea (n = 24) America (n = 73)
Undifferentia rejection
.47*** .32 .49*** .32*** .15 .36**
Undifferentia rejection .32*** .42* .29* .18 .18 .18
Note. Numbers represent Pearson correlation coefficients. Korea = Families with a Korean-born adolescent; America = Families with a U.S.-born adole *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p< .001.
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increased with perceptions of their greater behavioral control (see Table 5). Meanwhile, in both groups, fathers' perceptions of their warmth/affectionincreased with their perception of higher behavioral control, but only for fathers of American-bornadolescents did perception of their hostility/aggression increase with higherpaternalbehavioral control.
DISCUSSION
This study examined relationships between parental acceptancerejection and parentalbehavioralcontrol amongKoreanAmericanyoung adolescents, mothers, and fathersusing independentmeasures.It further explored the relationshipsaccordingto adolescents'birthplace.
Korean American Parental and Acceptance-Rejection Behavioral Control

Overall, both Korean American young adolescents and their parents (mothers and fathers) reportedthat the parents tended to be warm and loving, as well as moderate to firm in their behavioral control. These findingsare congruentwith previous studies among KoreanAmericans (K. Kim and Rohner 2002). When child birthplace was considered, Korean-bornadolescents perceived their mothers as less neglecting, less undifferentiatinglyrejecting, and more overall accepting than did American-born adolescents. These differences,however,disappeared when mothers' education was controlled for. In fact, mothers' higher education was the significantpredictor of overall maternal acceptance. This findingis consistent with Shrake's(1996) findingthat KoreanAmerican adolescents with college-graduatemothers perceived their mothers as warmer and less hostile than did adolescents with less educated mothers.
and Parental between Parental Relationship Acceptance-Rejection Behavioral Adolescents' Control: Young Reports
As expected in the first hypothesis, young adolescents' reports of greaterparentalbehavioralcontrol were positively relatedto less parental
acceptance when adolescents' birthplace was not considered. Specifically, adolescents perceived both their mothers' and their fathers' higher behavioral control as more hostile, aggressive, and undifferentiatingly rejecting. This adolescent perception is probably related to the cultural value of autonomy and independence in the United States. In particular, as young adolescents enter middle school, they are given more freedom and are
expected to be more self-reliant than they were in elementary school. Consequently, young adolescents struggle to increase their autonomy and independence. They may perceive their parents' greater behavioral control as an indication that parents don't understand their lives and their need for more autonomy. These adolescents may experience more conflicts with their parents and may argue with them about parental behavioral control, resulting in increased perceptions of parental hostility and lowered warmth/affection. These adolescents may also perceive more behavioral controlling mothers as being more indifferent or neglecting of their need for autonomy. This finding is congruent with previous findings among Korean American adolescents and school-age American children (K. Kim 1998; Rohner, Hahn, and Rohner 1980; Rohner and Pettengill 1985). When adolescents' birthplace was considered, however, only American-born adolescents' reports of maternal and paternal behavioral control were positively correlated with attributions of lower parental acceptance. Korean-born adolescents' reports of maternal and paternal behavioral control were not correlated with any of the attributions of reduced parental acceptance. This may reflect how the values of a society can affect adolescents' views of parental behavioral control. Those who were born and raised mainly in the United States may have adopted the value of independence and autonomy, whereas those who were born in Korea and migrated to the United States might perceive higher parental behavioral control as a sign of parental acceptance-rejection and acceptance, similar to adolescents in Korea. It seemed somewhat evident, although not statistically significant in this small sample, that Korean-born adolescents' reports of greater parental behavioral control tended to be associated with their reports of greater parental warmth/affection and less indifference/neglect.
between Parental and Parental Relationship Acceptance-Rejection Behavioral Control: Parents' Reports
The second hypothesis concerned relationships between parents' perceptions of their own acceptance-rejection and behavioral control. It was predicted that parents' reports of higher parental behavioral control would be positively correlated with higher parental acceptance when adolescents' birthplace was not considered. Contrary to the prediction, mothers' reports of greater maternal behavioral control were not associated with greater parental acceptance, but were positively correlated with maternal hostility/aggression, undifferentiated rejection, and less overall acceptance. Compared to the Rohner and Pettengill (1985) sample, Korean American mothers in this sample lost the positive relationship
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between maternal behavioral control and warmth/affection, and the negative relation between maternal behavioral control and neglect, while maintaining the positive relation between maternal behavioral control and hostility and undifferentiated rejection. This comparison suggests that these mothers might have actively changed their perceptions of parental acceptance-rejection and behavioral control. Specifically, as their adolescents' primary caregivers, they may have realized that their adolescents did not perceive parental behavioral control and authority as parental warmth/affection or as interest in them, but instead that perceived parental behavioral control led to adolescents' perceptions of their parents as hostile, aggressive, and rejecting. Mothers' sensitivity toward their adolescents' perceptions may have resulted from cultural adaptation. Korean American mothers in this sample worked outside the home an average of 27 hours per week, whereas fathers worked an average of 48 hours per week. With more time available, these mothers may have had more opportunity to become friends with European American neighbors or parents of their adolescents' friends. Through them, these Korean American mothers may have had more opportunities to learn about mainstream European American parenting practices. This conclusion is similar to Harris and Verven's (1998) finding that more acculturated Greek Americans (both men and women) tended to reject hierarchical family roles and parental behavioral control significantly more than did less acculturated Greek Americans. Women in particular were significantly more acculturated and tended to reject traditional family values more than did men (Harris and Verven 1998). Perhaps mothers' sensitivity to their adolescents' perceptions was related to their social status within the traditional Korean family system in which, historically, Korean women and children were of secondary importance. They were expected to be submissive to their husbands and fathers in the household (Abelmann 1997; Lee 1995; Oak and Martin 2000). This status of being subordinate might have predisposed Korean American mothers to identify themselves with their adolescents more than with their husbands. Consequently, these mothers might have more easily adopted their adolescents' viewpoints. No difference was found between mothers of Korean-born and American-born children, indicating that Korean American mothers changed their perceptions during the early years of their residence in the United States. As expected, fathers' reports of higher paternal behavioral control were positively correlated with their reports of higher warmth/affection. This finding is consistent with the traditional view of Korean fathers, who perceived themselves as the main authority of the household (Lehrer 1996; Rohner and Pettengill 1985). Korean fathers practice their authority
KoreanAmericanParenting @363
through extensive involvement in adolescents' decision making and controlling adolescents' behaviors (Lehrer 1996; Rohner and Pettengill 1985). Therefore, Korean American fathers might still express their parental acceptance and interest in their child through higher levels of behavioral control, resulting in a positive correlation between fathers' report of parental behavioral control and parental warmth/affection. In other words, Korean American fathers maintained traditional Korean parenting attitudes. However, even for fathers, higher paternal behavioral control was positively correlated with more hostility/aggression because these fathers may have adapted to their adolescents' perceptions through the process of heavily involving themselves in their decisions. When adolescents' birthplaces were considered, paternal behavioral control in both groups of fathers was positively related to parental warmth/affection. This finding might suggest that Korean American fathers consider their paternal behavioral control as warmth/affection and are highly resistant to change. In addition, only fathers with Americanborn adolescents showed a positive relationship between paternal behavioral control and parental hostility/aggression. This might indicate that change in fathers' viewpoints about parental acceptance-rejection takes a long time to achieve (the average was 20 years of residence in the United States for the current sample).
CONCLUSION
This study found that Korean American family members had different perceptions of parental acceptance-rejection and parental behavioral control, which may reflect adaptation to the mainstream, European American cultural ideology of the United States. Specifically, young adolescents and mothers viewed greater parental behavioral control as a sign of less parental acceptance, whereas fathers viewed higher parental behavioral control as a demonstration of greater parental warmth/affection. Further research is needed concerning Korean American adolescents and mothers regarding the transition in parenting from traditional Korean to mainstream European American ideology. It is questionable whether Korean American fathers will change their perceptions of paternal behavioral control as an expression of parental acceptance. It is necessary to examine the role of both adolescents' and parents' perceptions of parenting during the cultural adaptation process. Previous research has found that different rates of cultural adaptation were related to family conflicts, which in turn were related to problem behaviors among minority children (R. Lee and Liu 2001; Szapocznic et al. 1986; Szapocznic and Kurtines 1993; Uba 1984). Therefore, it is necessary to determine the relationship between
364 @ETHOS
different rates of cultural adaptation among family members, family conflicts, and Korean American adolescents' problem behaviors.
KIM EUNJUNG isAssistant Professor ofFamily and Child atthe ofWashington. University Nursing
NOTES
Acknowledgments. This article is based on Eunjung Kim's doctoral dissertation at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. This article was presented at the 32nd Society for CrossCultural Research Annual Meeting, Charleston, SC. The author gives thanks to her advisor and dissertation committee: Marilyn McCubbin, Patricia Becker, Patricia Lasky, Stephen Small, and Inge Bretherton. She also gives thanks to Dr. Ronald Rohner and the Korean American families that participated in the study. This study was funded by NRSA fellowship from the NIHININR#NR07499-02. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Eunjung Kim, The Department of Family and Child Nursing, University of Washington, PO Box 357262, Seattle, WA 98195. E-mail: eunjungk@u.washington.edu.
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Korean American Parental Control: Acceptance or Rejection?

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Korean American Parental Control: Acceptance or Rejection? Author(s): Eunjung Kim Source: Ethos, Vol. 33, No. 3 (Sep.

PARENTAL AND CONTROL ACCEPTANCE-REJECTION BEHAVIORAL

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY

Parents andTheir American Adolescents of Korean 1. Characteristics Table

Age in years U.S. residency in years

12.40 (1.12) 10.69 (3.66)

42.15 (3.95) 14.51 (3.21)

45.00 (4.66) 16.36 (3.84)

RESULTS on Based Characteristics inFamily Members' Differences Group Adolescents' Birthplace

American Parental and Korean Parental Acceptance-Rejection Behavioral Control

Differences andGroup Families American of Korean of Two Table 3. Characteristics Groups

(3.8) (5.2)*** (3.2)* (20.0) U.S.-born ado

4. Differences in Perceptions Table on Parental w andControl between Families Acceptance-Rejection Adolescents

Table 5. Correlations between Adolescents' andParents' of Parental Perceptions Acceptance-R

.47* .32 .49* .32* .15 .36

Undifferentia rejection .32*** .42* .29* .18 .18 .18

Korean American Parental and Acceptance-Rejection Behavioral Control

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