Dido the Epicurean Author(s): Julia T. Dyson Source: Classical Antiquity, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Oct., 1996), pp.

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JULIA

T. DYSON

Dido

the Epicurean

Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas atque metus omnis et inexorabile fatum subiecit pedibus strepitumque Acherontis avari. (Georgics 2.490-92) Happy he who could recognize the causes of things, and cast all fears and inexorable
fate and the screech of greedy Acheron under his feet.

Felix, heu nimium felix, si litora tantum numquam Dardaniae tetigissent nostra carinae. (Aeneid 4.657-58) Happy, ah, too happy, if only the Dardanian keels had never touched our shores. the tells us that the key to happiness is to recognize of the soul. The Aeneid of the gods and the mortality shows us a in which are overturned, a world of inexorable Fate with these principles at its center.1 Yet even as Virgil denies the truth of the Epicurean De Rerum Natura

THE world

indifference

greedy Acheron

world view, he recognizes its beauty. Lucretius postulates that human misery is caused by religio, superstitious fear of divine wrath; by conquering religio Epicurus made it possible for humans to live in tranquillity (e.g., DRN 1.62-79,
This paper has benefited greatly from the helpful comments of editor Amy Richlin, the anonymous Wendell Clausen, referees, and many friends and colleagues. In particular, I would like to thank Cynthia Damon, Joseph Farrell, Denis Feeney, Ralph Johnson, James O'Hara, Christine Perkell, Richard Tarrant,Richard Thomas, Clifford Weber, and Susan FordWiltshire. 1. For an opposite view, seeWilliams (1983) 213.

??~f 1996 BY THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

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3.1-30).2 In theAeneid, religio wins. The Dido episode belongs to a larger pattern in which Virgil employs Lucretian language and imagery to contradict Lucretian doctrine:3 thewords of the queen herself, of the narrator,and of other
characters continually remind us of the Epicurean ideal even as they show it to be

unattainable. I shall argue that Virgil portraysDido's fall partly as a clash between Epicureanism and the supernatural machinery of theAeneid.
This is not to say that Dido is an Epicurean, but rather that her shifting re

lationship toEpicureanism is an importantaspect of her character.Ancient "Epi cureanism" is itself a slippery term: it seems that the philosophy of temperance and tranquillity often degenerated in practice into sensualism and superstition.4 InCicero's De Natura Deorum, an importantunsympathetic source for lateRe publican Epicureanism, Balbus the Stoic quips that the voluptuous variety of succulent birds and fishes suggests thatProvidence is "Epicurean"(2.160), while Cotta theAcademic insists thatEpicureans-even Epicurus himself-exhibit an extraordinarilymorbid dread of death and the gods (1.85-86). Dido embodies
such ironies, mouthing apparently Lucretian sentiments even as she comes to

personify a Lucretian exemplummalum. She speaks words that recall ataraxia while engaging in political activities; while her poet sings a Lucretian song, she succumbs to thepassion Lucretius excoriates; she sarcastically points to the gods'
indifference her madness, Readers with Aeneas' a few seconds before she invokes their aid. Yet even an adherence are

to the purest Epicurean principles could not have helped her. Her serenity and
her love of Aeneas since Servius "Stoicism."5 and her loss of him, and finally her suicide,

brought about by thatdivine interventionwhich Lucretius declares impossible.

have noted While an Epicurean strain in Dido that contrasts the latter has received some fairly elaborate

2. See Kenney (1971) 3-4 for a concise summary of this philosophy and of how it differs from the common conception of "Epicureanism." 3. Mentions of this Kontrastimitation (so called by Buchheit 1972) appear frequently in discussions of Virgil's use of Lucretius; see, e.g., Farrell (1991) 169, Hardie (1986) 233 for bibliography. 4. As Kenney (1971) 4 points out, "Nothing in fact could be more misleading than the equation of Epicurean doctrine with mere hedonism. Rather the reverse is the case: the trouble with Epicureanism, and the main reason perhaps why it never enjoyed the general success of Stoicism, was not that it was too easy, but that it was too difficult, too austere, too unworldly." Pease (1927) 248 regardsDido's material and emotional self-indulgence as similar to thatof "those followers of [Epicurus]who won for the term 'Epicurean' its less favorablemeaning," though such indulgence is "far from the temperate and almost austere life of Epicurus himself." 5. On Aeneas' "Stoicism" see, e.g., Bowra (1933-1934) 366-76, Edwards (1960) 162-65, Galinsky (1988) 323-40. Pease (1935) 36-37 notes that "Dido exhibits not a few characteristics of the typical Epicurean, and as such stands in sharp contrast to the commonly observed Stoicism of Aeneas" (see p. 36 n. 285 for bibliography); Hahn (1931) 19makes a similar observation and equates Dido's Epicureanism with impietas; Feeney (1991) 172-73 observes, "the urge to read an Epicurean Aeneid founders with Dido, who is herself a character with an Epicurean reading of the poem's action-a readingwhich is proved comprehensively wrong." Pease (1927) 246-47 also points out some of the Epicurean "hints" I discuss below: the song of Iopas (1.742-46), Dido's sarcastic Epicurean outburst (4.379-80), andAnna's question about Sychaeus' shade (4.34).

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treatments,however, no parallel study exists thatdoes justice to the complexity of Dido's Epicureanism. Ihope to show that Virgil's Lucretian language, sentiments, and images in theDido episode, far from being isolatedmoments or incidental reminiscences, form a consistent pattern. There is a paradox in thewidespread appeal of Epicureanism among the elite of a society known for its pragmatism, political andmilitary prowess, and superstition.There are also paradoxes internal to Lucretius' poem: the idea of the "anti-Lucretius in Lucretius" holds some truth,even if it has been often misapplied.6 Virgil employs a series of Lucretian
allusions to explore and expose these paradoxes. It is sometimes asserted that

Virgil ultimately rejectedEpicureanism because he objected to political quietism;7 my sense ismore thathe found thephilosophy of ataraxia inadequate to explain or combat the reality of Evil.8 With our first glimpse of Dido, Virgil begins to foreshadow the conflict
between Epicurean calm and the role she is fated to play. It is notable that her

firstwords, which we might expect to soundHomeric orApollonian, insteadpoint to the goal of Epicurean psychology. She is confident and in control, counseling
the Trojans "Solvite to put away fear (metus) corde metum, Teucri, and care (cura): secludite curas."

(1.561)
"Loosen A character's fear from your hearts, Trojans, opening line often adumbrates put away your cares." his identity. While Aeneas' first

words contain a clear allusion to those of Odysseus,9 Dido's injunction to dispel

6. Segal (1990) 8 counsels against falling into the "appealing abyss" of the "anti-Lucretius in Lucretius"; Hardie (1986) 165 notes thatLucretius' technique of "writing deliberately contrasted and apparently irreconcilable passages...was one of the factors inviting the construction of an 'anti Lucrece chez Lucrece'." It is not my aim to treat this subject fully. Lucretius' doctrine of pure materialism, however, does seem tome to clash logically with his assertion of the reliability of the senses (1.699-700) and emotionally with his passionate repugnance at untimely death (5.221, and of course the plague at the end of the poem [6.1138-12861). Perhaps unconsciously, he assumes standardsof right andwrong that cannot be generatedmerely by atoms and void. 7. Michels (1944) 148 and Farrington (1963) 87, for instance, imply thatVirgil's "polemical inversion"of Lucretius springs largely from objections to his political views; Ferguson (1990) 2266 notes, "The theme of the glory of Rome is impossible in Epicurean terms." Such observations complement mine, thoughmy emphasis is different. 8. See Johnson (1976) 152-53: "In his fear, in his vast Epicurean sensitivity to pain and suffering, Vergil nevertheless turned from the calm, austere garden back to the world where unreasoning power is a reality thatmust somehow be persuaded or suffered and where pain must be inflictedor endured. The gardenwas impossible because he could not teach himself not to hear the screams and riot outside." 9. Both heroes call "three and four times blessed" those who died gloriously in battle rather than ignominiously at sea (Aen. 1.94-96, Od. 5.305-306). Harrison (1992) 124 points out that the strange discrepancy between Aeneas' opening words and his opening gesture-lifting his hands to heaven, as if to begin a prayer-may be a clue that "there is something about pius Aeneas and his pietas that is out of joint." But that is another story.

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metus and cura employs the vocabulary of Lucretius' famous formulation of the Epicurean ideal: nonne videre nil aliud sibi naturam latrare,nisi utqui corpore seiunctus dolor absit,mente fruatur iucundo sensu cura semotametuque? (2.16-19)
Do you not see that nature barks after nothing else for itself than that pain be absent, separated from the body, and that it enjoy amind with pleasant

sensation, removedfrom care andfear? Dido is not, of course, enjoining upon Aeneas' men the sort of mental utopia
Lucretius envisions; the Trojans' cura and metus are a rational response to their

situation, not a general groundless anxiety to be dispelled by Reason. But the very distance between theVirgilian and the Lucretian contexts gives her words irony and poignancy. Dido's own serenity of mind is itself a resultof supernatural manipulation, Mercury's fulfillment of Jupiter's command to soften theTyrians' hearts and create in the queen a "calm spirit and benignmind" (quietum...animum mentemque benignam, 1.303-304). The emotional quietude so coveted by the Epicureans, a state predicated on divine indifference to human affairs, has in Dido's case been implantedby gods obeying thedictates of Fate; thepathological
care and fear she is soon to experience will also be induced by the gods' poison.

By echoing Lucretius' words inDido's first line, Virgil may be hinting already at the impossibility of Epicurean tranquillity in theworld of theAeneid.'O
10. Certain phrases in the next few lines of her speech have a Lucretian flavor, strengthening the case for a Lucretian reference in her opening words: "solvite corde metum, Teucri, secludite curas. res dura et regni novitas me talia cogunt moliri et late finis custode tueri. quis genus Aeneadum, quis Troiae nesciat urbem, virtutesque virosque aut tanti incendia belli?" (1.560-66) (1) secludite. Servius comments on the strangeness of the prefix: "'secludite' vero pro excludite: quod fit aut propter hiatum, aut propter suavitatem, ut a, 'silice in nuda conixa reliquit' pro enixa." The OLD cites Virgil's secludite curas as the sole instanceof a figurative use of this verb. Though Servius' explanationmay be right as far as itgoes, the se- prefixmay also be a subtle allusion to the seiunctus and semota in theLucretian passage just quoted. (2) res dura et regni novitas. The word novitas occurs only here inVirgil, but frequently in Lucretius, especially in the famous novitas mundi passage (5.780-1135); though the word is too common to be called "Lucretian"per se, Virgil's res dura et regni novitas has some reminiscence of Lucretius' At genus humanummulto fuit illud in arvis durius, ut decuit, tellus quod dura creasset (5.925-26) or

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Dido's Lucretian words also stand in ironic contrast to herworldly position. This contrast, however, well reflects the reality of Epicureanism in the late Republic and early Empire:many who were designated Epicureans by themselves and others played active roles in thepolitical, military, and religious spheres." To take one notable example, C. Cassius Longinus the tyrannicide, a self-declared Epicurean, "defended his and Pansa's devotion to the doctrine of pleasure as the end of all action, while both were engaged in political andmilitary activity of the greatest importance,participation which according to Epicurean doctrine produced the greatest disturbance of the soul."12Dido first appears doling out
laws and statutes to her subjects from her throne in the temple of Juno (1.504

508). Her political activities are alien to pure Lucretian tenets but in linewith the actions of many Roman Epicureans. The religious setting points up a disagreement between Lucretius and themost influential of these: thoughPhilodemus drew on thewritings of Epicurus and others "to argue for full participation in traditional The cults," Lucretius' more "revolutionary"dogma mocked such participation."3 her to Dido's words and situation could be said between disjunction represent the tension between Lucretius' poem andRoman practice.

multaque praeterea novitas turnfloridamundi pabula dura tulit,miseris mortalibus ampla. (5.943-44) (3) genus Aeneadum. Servius identifies this as something thatVirgil should have revised: "satis propere dixit Aeneadas, quamquam ab Ilioneo audierit 'rex erat Aeneas nobis', nec haec in opere inemendatomiranda sunt." The formAeneadum occurs only once in extant Latin literature before Virgil: as the firstword, and hence in the title, of Lucretius' poem. Indeed, the use of genus with a genitive plural is a favorite construction of Lucretius; I count 19 instances. Virgil uses this construction in the beginning of themetempsychosis passage (inde hominum pecudumque genus vitaeque volantum, 6.728), generally regarded as his most Lucretian in language and least Lucretian inmeaning (see Norden [1957] ad 723ff., Catto [1989] 60-69). Austin (1977) ad 6.728 connects this linewith the beginning of the song of lopas, 1.742-43, discussed below. (4) tanti incendia belli. This is reminiscent of Lucretius' description of theTrojanWar: denique materies si rerum nulla fuisset nec locus ac spatium, res in quo quaeque geruntur, numquamTyndaridis forma conflatus amoris ignis,Alexandri Phrygio sub pectore gliscens, clara accendisset saevi certamina belli, nec clam durateusTroianis Pergama partu inflammassetequus nocturno Graiugenarum. (1.471-77) 11. See, e.g., Momigliano (1941) 151-53, Castner (1988) xix, Ferguson (1990) 2262 for lists of politically active or otherwise highly visible Epicureans. Nichols (1976) 45 notes that even the Memmius addressed inLucretius' poem was in all probability a "politically powerful and ambitious
man."

12. Castner (1988) xix. Cassius was not alone: Momigliano (1941) 153 observes that despite Philodemus' "firm conviction" thatEpicureans should remain aloof from politics, "not only did he fail to persuade his pupils and friends, but, as we saw, his escape from political passions was narrow and incomplete." 13. Summers (1995) 33.

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Similarly, her court is replete with precisely that luxury which Lucretius declares unnecessary, but which would have been common among those who used the doctrine of "pleasure" to justify debauchery.14 After stating that nature demands nothing more than a few necessities and freedom from care and fear, Lucretius paints a vivid picture of extravagant opulence: gratius interdumneque natura ipsa requirit, si non aurea sunt iuvenum simulacra per aedes lampadas igniferasmanibus retinentia dextris, luminanocturnis epulis ut suppeditentur, nec domus argento fulget auroque renidet
nec citharae reboant laqueata aurataque templa ...

(2.23-28) It ispleasing, from time to time, but naturedoes not go lacking, if thereare not golden statues of youths throughout the house carrying fire-bearing torches in their right hands, that lights may be supplied to nocturnal banquets; and the house does not gleam with silver and glisten with gold;
and citharas do not bellow through paneled and gilded rooms ...

Equipped with lighting for nocturnal banquets (1.726-27), "huge" (ingens) silver and gold on the tables (1.640-41), golden laquearia ("paneled ceiling," 1.726), and golden cithara (1.740-41), Dido's patently Homeric palace is peppered with Lucretian images of superfluous ornament.'5 In particular, the laquearia, which appears only half a dozen times in extant literaturebefore Virgil,'6 occursmainly in poetic and philosophical discourse describing unnecessary or ill-fated luxury.
In an Ode steeped in Lucretian language and sentiment,'7 Horace uses the word

as Lucretius does to represent ornament that cannot dispel anxiety (2.12.11).

the image harks back to Ennius' famous depiction of doomed Troy Undoubtedly with its "barbarian wealth, embossed and paneled roofs" (ope barbarica, /tectis caelatis twice quotes the Ennian lines in the laqueatis, Trag. fr. 90); Cicero

Tusculan Disputations, once to illustrate the fragility of greatness (1.85), once, interestingly enough, the bankruptcy of Epicureanism (in itsmore sensualistic
as a consolation for extreme grief such as Andromache's manifestation) (3.44 the speakers express their preference for a riverside 46). In the De Legibus,

locus amoenus (like thatof Lucretius, 2.29-33) as a place to discuss philosophy, scorningmagnificent villas, marble floors, and laqueata tecta (2.2). The only other
instance the appropriate of a laqueatum tectum before Virgil is in a temple laquearia, place for such ornament. Dido's (In Verrem II 1.133), then, would seem to

14. See Castner (1988) xvii. 15. As Gale (1994) 111observes, Lucretius' banquet scene is itself "reminiscent of thedescrip tion of Alcinous' palace inOdyssey 7." 16. I here take laquearia, laqueata tecta, laqueata templa, and laqueatum tectum as equivalent. 17. See Nisbet and Hubbard (1978) 254 for a discussion of Horace's debt to Lucretius, and especially to the proem of DRN 2, in this highly Epicurean Ode.

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Dido theEpicurean DYSON:

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recall both the Ennian description of the tragedy of Troy and the philosophical traditioncontrasting naturalpleasures with useless luxury. If Dido has a weakness for luxury, her fatal weakness is for love.'8 Here tooVirgil shows Dido falling prey to the vice inwords that recall theLucretian injunction to avoid it. Virgil implies that love and luxury are linked, showing Dido succumbing equally to the charms of Cupid-as-Ascanius and to those of the ominous Trojan gifts: praecipue infelix, pesti devota futurae, explerimentem nequit ardescitque tuendo Phoenissa, et pariter puero donisque movetur. (1.712-14) Especially unhappy, doomed to the plague that is to be, the Phoenician woman cannot satisfy hermind, and starts to burn throughgazing, and is moved equally by the boy and the gifts. Though the fire imagery in ardescitque tuendomay be derived from love poetry, theclosest grammatical parallel for this typeof line end-an inchoative verbwith
an ablative gerund-occurs in a passage that, though about love, is far from love

poetry. Lucretius counsels his readers to avoid love assiduously, describing its wounds in almost clinical terms: ulcus enim vivescit et inveterascit alendo inquedies gliscit furor atque aerumna gravescit. (4.1068-69) For thewound comes to life and grows inveterate through nourishing,
and day by day the furor grows and the sorrow becomes heavier.

This grammatical figure occurs only once more inVirgil's works, this time of the violence of Turnus: haudquaquamdictis violentia Turni flectitur; exsuperatmagis aegrescitque medendo. (12.45-46)
The violence of Turnus is turned not at all by the words; it rises up the

more and grows sick through remedying.

stated as the cause of Turnus' violentia, his response Though love is not explicitly between amor and arma: illum to Lavinia's blush makes clear the connection

turbatamorfigitque invirgine vultus; /ardet in armamagis ("Love disturbs him,

he fixes his glance on the maiden; he burns all the more for arms," 12.70-71).'9

18. Segal (1971) 342: "Luxury andDido's love are virtually inseparable." 19. That the violentia of Tunus owes something both to the Lucretius passage (4.1068-69) and to theDido passage (1.712-14) is perhaps confirmed by the line ending the opening simile of Book 12 (4-9), inwhich Turnus, balancing the comparison of Dido to a wounded deer (4.68-73),

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Virgil also alludes to theLucretian lineswhen describing theplague inGeorgics 3 (454), alitur vitium vivitque tegendo ("the fault is nourished and lives through With thesememorable phrases-ardescitque tuendo, aegrescitque covering").20 medendo, alluding toLucretius' inveterascit alendo and perhaps his own vivitque tegendo-Virgil plays brilliantly on theLucretian image. Lucretius spoke of love
as a dangerous wound; Dido burns with it, Turnus sickens, and both are as doomed

as the plague-stricken animal of theGeorgics. Unlike Lucretius' pupil, however, Dido has no possible defense against thewound inflictedby a god whose poisons
can subdue even Jupiter. The evils that Lucretius warns against have no remedy in

theworld of theAeneid. In themidst of Dido's suffering comes the song of lopas, mysterious and complex, with multiple layers of allusion:21 hic canit errantem lunam solisque labores, unde hominum genus et pecudes, unde imberet ignes, Arcturum pluviasque Hyadas geminosque Triones, Oceano properent se tingere soles quid tantum vel mora noctibus obstet. hiberni, quae tardis (1.742-46)
He sings the wandering moon and the labors of the sun, whence comes the race of men and beasts, whence rain and fires, Arcturus and the rainy and the twin Triones, why the winter suns hurry so to bathe Hyades

themselves inOcean, orwhat delay hinders the late-arrivingnights. Though Homer's song of Demodocus (Od. 8.266-366) andApollonius' song of main epicmodels for thispassage, Lucretius lies Orpheus (Arg. 1.496-511) are the
behind machinations it in several ways. omits any mention of the divine Iopas conspicuously that characterize the other two songs, but sings instead a didactic

is compared to awounded lion: "haud secus accenso gliscit violentia Turno" (12.9). The word gliscit occurs only here inVirgil; it seems likely that there is ingliscit violentia a reminiscence of Lucretius' gliscitfuror, and the fire imagery inaccenso Turno recalls the burning of Dido inardescitque tuendo. There may also be a reference toLucretius' "ignisAlexandri Phrygio sub pectore gliscens" (1.474), as Putnam (1965) 225-26 suggests: "Love leads towar, and Turus, thinking of war, finds its cause in love." Virgil probably had several Lucretian passages inmind. As Clausen (1987) 163 notes, "Aegresco, a Lucretian verb (see TLL s.v.), is not found elsewhere inVirgil, and theLucretian gerund (seeMunro on Lucr. 1.312) is suggestive." He cites DRN 3.521-22: ergo animus sive aegrescit, mortalia signa mittit, uti docui, seu flectitur amedicina. "Turnus suffers, Virgil seems to imply, from a latent disposition to violence, a sickness of the soul" (89-90). 20. Thomas (1988) ad loc. See also his commentary on the end of Georgics 3 (452-566) for numerous other connections between love and disease, "the twin calamities of Book 3" (ad 452). 21. See Segal (1971) 348: the song is "an example of Virgil's complex, integrative art in its richest form."

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poem on natural philosophy, de rerum natura.22The end of the description of the song is a verbatim quotation from a passage in the Georgics (Aen. 1.745 46 = Geo. 2.481-82) in which most readers see an allusion to Lucretius.23 Finally, lopas' choice of a scientific subject alludes to the scholiastic tradition that interpreted Demodocus' story as "scientific," anEmpedoclean allegory of the forces of love (Aphrodite= philia) and strife (Ares= neikos) in theuniverse;24this allegorization was itself "translatedback into poetic termswith especial felicity by Lucretius in the proem to book one of theDe Rerum Natura."25Thus lopas' poetic and philosophical predecessors, in addition to his subjectmatter, point directly or indirectly to Lucretius. The contrast that emerges between the song
and its context the immediate is not so much tumult inDido's the "calm, remote heavenly bodies and the sun and moon wander and labor breast"26-for between

too27--as it is between the assured rationalism of Lucretian poetry and themalign supernaturalforces thatare destroying Dido's reason.28
22. Knauer (1964) 168 observes thatVirgil has replaced Homer's divine farce with "de re rum natura"; Little (1992) 16 states that the song "is Virgil's summary of a comprehensive Lu cretian account of the 'natureof things', from the origin of life and matter"; Hardie (1986) 58 quotes the comment of Tiberius Donatus that Iopas' mentor Atlas teaches things "quae omnia ad rerum naturam pertinent" (i, p. 143 Georgii); Brown (1990) 318-21 demonstrates how both the song of Iopas and the Georgics passage (2.475-82) are modeled on Lucretius and other didactic poetry. 23. In Geo. 475-94 the poet presents two options-singing scientific poetry and enjoying a bucolic idyll-and says that he would prefer the first but would settle for the second; he then beatifies those who were able to attain these as felix and fortunatus respectively. Merrill (1935) 258 uses Georgics 2.490-92 (felix qui ...) as an epigraph for his commentary on theDe Rerum Natura. See Klingner (1967) 271; Buchheit (1972) 71; Dyson (1994) 12; Conington (1881), Page (1898),Williams (1979), and Mynors (1990) ad loc. For a different view see Ross (1987) 228-31 and Thomas (1988) ad loc. 24. See Knauer (1964) 168, discussed by Hardie (1986) 62 and Farrell (1991) 258-60, for the idea that the tradition of interpretingDemodocus' song as Empedoclean allegory was partly responsible for lopas' natural-philosophical subjectmatter. 25. Hardie (1986) 62. 26. Clausen (1987) 31. 27. The "wandering" (errantem) moon anticipates Dido's request to Aeneas to narrate his wanderings (errores, 755; errantem, 756); the "labors" of the sun recall the labors imposed on Aeneas by Juno (tot adire labores, 1.10). (The view of Richter [1977] 104 thatVirgil is using the word labor here in a scientific sense does not preclude such symbolic resonance.) See Poschl (1962) 151-54. 28. Many interpretationsstress the importanceof contrast bothwithin the song itself and between the song and its context: Eichholz (1968) 108 notes the "contrast between impersonal song and personal feelings"; Hannah (1993) 128-29 argues that oppositions between the stars named in it fit the theme of "similarity and opposition" also evident "in the groupings of sun andmoon, mankind and animals, water and fire,winter suns and late (summer) nights, Carthaginians andTrojans, perhaps even Aeneas and Dido"; Segal (1971) 344 notes that "the content of the song stands in an ironic tensionwith its setting";Kinsey (1979) 79 states, "Amid the good cheer of the banquet, lopas sings of a Universe of toil and uncertainty"; Brown (1990) 321-22, noting the parallel between Iopas' indirect questions and Dido's direct ones, points out that the "effect of this stylistic connection is to draw attention to and sharpen the contrast between the song of lopas and Dido's interrogation
of Aeneas."

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Recognizing something of Lucretius in Iopas may help to explain an odd detail for which there is no known epic model. At the climax of her banquet, immediately before lopas' song, Dido takes just a sip from her ceremonial cup, "barely touching itwith her lips" (summo tenus attigit ore, 1.737). Her restraint here contrastswith her imprudent imbibingof destructive love,which occurs after
the song:29

nec non et vario noctem sermone trahebat infelixDido longumquebibebat amorem ... (1.748-9) Nor did unhappyDido not also draw out the night with various conversa
tion, and drink a deep draught of love ...

This juxtaposition of temperanceand sensualism is emblematic of the ironies and contradictions thathave characterizedDido from thebeginning. But there ismore to it than that.Lucretius twice explains his strategy of sweetening his salubrious Muses' honey, likening his readers to childrenwho must be philosophy with the
deceived into drinking bitter medicine (1.936-50 4.11-25):

sed veluti pueris absinthia taetra medentes cum dare conantur,prius oras pocula circum continguntmellis dulci flavoque liquore, ut puerorum aetas improvida ludificetur labrorum tenus, intereaperpotet amarum absinthi laticem, deceptaque non capiatur, sed potius tali pacto recreata valescat, sic ego nunc, quoniam haec ratio plerumque videtur tristioresse quibus non est tractata, retroque vulgus abhorretab hac, volui tibi suaviloquenti carmine Pierio rationem exponere nostram, et quasimusaeo dulci contingeremelle,
si tibi forte animum tali ratione tenere

940

945

versibus in nostris possem, dum perspicis omnem naturam rerumqua constet compta figura.

950

But as doctors, when they try to give bitterwormwood to children, first touch the rims around the cupswith the sweet and golden liquorof honey, that the unsuspecting youth of the children may be deluded as far as the lips, butmeanwhile drink down the bitter liquid of wormwood, and, thoughbeguiled, be not harmed, but ratherrefreshed in such fashion grow strong; so I now, since this reasoning often appears to be rathergrim to
those by whom it has not been handled, touch itwith and the crowd cringes back from sweet honey, if perchance I

it, wished to expound our reasoning to you in sweet-speaking Pierian

song, and as it were theMuses'

29. See Brown (1990) 333-34.

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the DYSON: Dido Epicurean

might in such away hold your attention inmy verses, while you perceive thewhole nature of things, inwhat shape it stands arranged.

213

An allusion to this famous Lucretian simile would help to explain the puzzling elements in the Virgilian episode-Dido's just touching the cup with her lips, and the scientific nature of Iopas' song-and would reveal a deeper irony and sadness inDido's tragedy.As the children inLucretius' simile are beguiled and deluded "as far as their lips" (labrorum tenus) by the honey around themedicinal cup, so Dido touches the cup "with the tip of her mouth" (summo tenus attigit ore). But while the children "drinkdown thebitter"medicine (perpotet amarum), Dido "drinks a deep draught of love" (longumque bibebat amorem). The cup thatDido drinks is not healing philosophy but its opposite, the dangerous love thatwill destroy her reason, her sanity, and her life. The irony here is exquisite, enhanced by an important pun thatwas a favorite with Virgil and Lucretius: amarus ("bitter")and amor ("love").30 Jane Snyder, commenting on Lucretius' lines 1.939-41 quoted above, points out that such a punmay have suggested itself toLucretius: The word amarum, echoing the amorem ending line 924 [et simul incussit
suavem mi in pectus amorem/musarum] and placed in the context of

the etymological figure of line 941, may well be an intentional double entendre, implying thatwhat is amarus at first tastemay then become
a suavis amor (cf. line 924) when the "victim" has come to know the

natura rerum (line 950).31

We cannot say with or that Virgil would that Virgil certainty that Lucretius had such a double entendre in mind, have noticed it if he had; but given Lucretius' for proclivity as so often, inverted it.32While Lucretius' boy

wordplay, andVirgil's capacity for careful and insightful reading, it is probable

did see a pun-and,

drinks deep (perpotet amarum) the healing medicine, amarus but soon to turn
to amor, Dido drinks deep (bibebat amorem) the love that seems sweet on the but will soon turn to wormwood when her amor becomes amarus. lips not The Lucretian strain in the song of Iopas adds an important dimension to this scene but to the Dido episode as a whole. In an exaggeratedly epic

only

30. Snyder (1980) 114 points out that "punning on the twowords was standard" (see also 65), citing Quintilian's example of wordplay in theRhetorica adHerennium, "nam amari iucundum sit, si curetur ne quid insit amari" (4.14.20), and Virgil's Eclogues: et vitula tu dignus et hic: et quisquis amores haudmetuet dulces, haud experietur amaros. (3.109-10) See also Brown (1987) ad DRN 4.1134. 31. Snyder (1980) 115. 32. The ancients were farmore inclined thanwe to see such puns as reflecting the "nature of things."On the prevalence and significance of wordplay inLatin poetry, seeAhl (1985) 17-63.

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setting,33there are hints of Epicureanism inDido and her court. But the venenum ("poison," 1.688) of Venus-whom Dido innocently calls alma Venus ("fostering Venus," 1.618), like the life-giving deity of DRN 1.2-destroys any possibility of equanimity. Whereas Lucretius claims that his philosophical song will heal the listener as bitter wormwood heals the boys, the song of Iopas, a miniature De RerumNatura, is powerless to help Dido as she sickens with bitter love. The Epicurean referenceswe have seen inBook 1 are largely implicit,words or situations that invite comparison with Lucretius (and others) and challenge us to recognize Dido's distance from-or ironic adherence to-Epicurean principles and practice. Throughout Book 4, however, overt consideration of the status of the gods and the soul comes to the fore, as characters fromAnna to Iarbas toDido voice questions or statements that touch on Epicurean theory. Servius is useful here in alerting us towhen it is thatVirgil speaks "according to theEpicureans." Anna attempts towin over her sister by implying that the dead have no concern with the living: of Dido's contemplated infidelity,Anna asks, "id cinerem autmanis credis curare sepultos?" (4.34) "Do you believe that the ashes or theburied shades care about this?" Servius comments, quiamarito iuraverat,ut "non servata fides cineri promissa Sychaeo." et bene extenuat dicendo non animam, sed cineres et manes sepultos. dicit autem secundumEpicureos, qui animam cum corpore dicunt perire. Because she had sworn to her husband, as in "the pledge promised to the ashes of Sychaeus was not preserved" [4.552]. And Anna softens it well by saying not "soul" but "ashes and buried shades." She speaks, moreover, according to the Epicureans, who say that the soul perishes with the body. As Servius points out,Anna's Epicurean argument, though ithelps towin over the lovesick Dido, ultimately proves to be destructive: Dido's bitterest self-reproach
is that she did not preserve her pledge to her dead husband. Indeed, our last

glimpse of her inHades shows her reunitedwith his shade (6.473-74), implicitly
33. In addition to the references toOdyssey 6-8 andArgonautica 3 throughoutDido's banquet, therearemore subtle allusions toother epics in her query at the end of Book 1 (750-56). For instance, Dido asks to hear about the son of Aurora (1.751), aminor character in the Iliad but the hero of the Aithiopis. Her question about the horses of Diomedes (1.752) may allude to the cycle of Herculean epics: while the reference recalls the Iliadic incident inwhich Diomedes snatches Aeneas' horses (I1.5.323-24; see Lyne [1987] 138-39), it also may recall theman-eating horses of Diomedes of Thrace, notorious for their role in the laborsof Hercules. (Servius ad 1.741 informs us thatHercules, not lopas, was theoriginal pupil of Atlas' "naturalphilosophy.") The ambushes of theGreeks (1.754) are of course the subject of the Iliad, and thewanderings of Aeneas (1.754-56) recall theOdyssey and other nostoi.

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Dido theEpicurean DYSON:

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refutingAnna's words. Not only isAnna's Epicurean argument false, but it is used to encourage behavior thatDido, Virgil, and the reader all know to be wrong behavior that would accordwith seeing Epicureanism as self-indulgent sensuality, in opposition toLucretius' diatribe against immoderate sexual passion. The second passage that Servius (ad 210) identifies as "Epicurean"occurs in Iarbas' complaint to his putative father Jupiter: "Iuppiteromnipotens, cui nuncMaurusia pictis gens epulata torisLenaeum libathonorem, aspicis haec? an te, genitor, cum fulmina torques nequiquam horremus, caecique in nubibus ignes terrificantanimos et inaniamurmuramiscent?" (4.206-10) "Omnipotent Jupiter, for whom theMauretanian people, dining on em broidered couches, pours a libationof wine, do you see these things?Or, when you hurl the thunderbolt,dowe shudderat you invain, and do father, blind fires in the clouds terrifyour spirits andmingle empty rumblings?" Here the intent is the opposite of Anna's: while she embraces Epicureanism by implying that the soul does not survive after death, Iarbas implicitly denies it by challenging Jupiter-in whom, as a hundred altars testify (4.200), he does believe-to refute the Epicurean stance.34Lucretius goes to great lengths, with both physical andmoral arguments, to prove thatwe do "shudder in vain" at the thunderbolt (6.96-422). And yet the result of Iarbas' speech is to rouse the god's concern, which Lucretius would say is impossible. The questions of both Anna and Iarbaspoint up theEpicurean position in away thatdemonstrates its falsity. These passages prepare theway for theagon between Aeneas andDido, where Stoic meets Epicurean in a climactic confrontation.Aeneas defends his actions by citing Fate and the gods (4.340-61), andDido respondswith furious sarcasm:
"amissam classem, socios a morte reduxi

(heu furiis incensa feror!): nunc augurApollo, nunc Lyciae sortes, nunc et love missus ab ipso interpresdivum fert horrida iussa per auras.
scilicet is superis labor est, ea cura quietos

sollicitat." (4.375-80)
"His lost fleet, his allies I brought back from death (oh, I am on fire,

carriedby Furies!): now Apollo the augur,now theLycian lots, now even thego-between of thegods sent from Jupiterhimself carries the terrifying
34. The "Mauretanianpeople," as Nadeau (1970) 341 points out, is a learned reference to the land of the Western Aethiopians, recalling "the common Homeric motif of the gods being present at banquets among theAethiopians." Jupiter is thus characterized not only asHomeric but as interacting freely with humans, traits opposed to the serene isolation of theEpicurean gods.

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commands through the air.No doubt this is a labor for the gods above, this care troubles them in their quiet!" This last sentence is quintessentially Lucretian in tone, language, andmeaning: his gods are placida cum pace quietos ("calmwith placid peace," DRN 6.73), far removed from the cura inimical to ataraxia. Commentators note that she "is made an Epicurean for themoment."35 Yet the rest of her speech abruptly reverses this approach, as she appeals to divine justice to punish Aeneas (si quid pia numina possunt, "if the pious divinities have any power," 382) and declares that her Shade will torment him eternally (omnibus umbra locis adero, "Iwill be present everywhere as a Shade," 386). Servius astutely observes this shift from an Epicurean to a Stoic position:36 QUIETOS SOLLICITATCicero in libris de deorum natura triplicem de diis dicit esse opinionem: deos non esse, cuius rei auctor apudAthenas exustus est; esse et nihil curare, ut Epicurei; esse et curare, ut Stoici: secundum quos paulo post 'si quid pia numina possunt [4.382]': nam modo secundumEpicureos ait 'ea cura quietos'. TROUBLES THEM IN THEIR QUIET Cicero in his book about the nature of the gods says that there are threeopinions about the gods: that thegods do not exist, theoriginator of which view was burned atAthens; that they exist and do not care, as theEpicureans say; that they exist and care, as the Stoics say: according towhom a little later she says "if the pious divinities have any power": for now according to the Epicureans she says "[No doubt...] this care [troubles] them in theirquiet." This ambivalence onDido's part once again reflects the tension inher relationship toEpicureanism, with her desire for aworld freeof intrusivegods conflicting with her desire for divine justice and her own immortality.The dissonance thatbegan
when her, as she uttered Lucretian here comes to a head. of Juno, temple we met words from atop her throne in the

35. Austin (1955) ad 4.379f. Edwards (1960) 158-59 notes the contrast between this "great Epicurean outburst" and "her lastwords, an assertion that she has been following Fate's path all the time." Pease (1935) 324-25 cites ancient parallels and remarks that this passage is "anachronistic in attributing Epicurean doctrines to a lady of the heroic age." Ferguson (1990) 2266 observes, "The only expression of Epicureanism is put into the mouth of misguided Dido, and patently repudiated." 36. As Austin (1955) ad 382 points out, theremay be here an echo of Aeneas' "Stoic" response toDido's first speech: di tibi, si qua pios respectant numina, si quid usquam iustitiae est et mens sibi conscia recti, praemia digna ferant. (1.603-605) On mens sibi conscia recti, Servius comments, "secundum Stoicos, qui dicunt, ipsam virtutem esse pro praemio, etiamsi nulla sint praemia."Thus their firstexchange, in a sense, foreshadows their last.

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DYSON: Dido theEpicurean

217

When Dido's fury has settled into hatred, a Lucretian phrase once more expresses the conflict between Stoic andEpicurean with precision. Before cursing Aeneas she admits her defeat in thesewords: "si tangere portus infandum caput ac terris adnarenecesse est, et sic fata Iovis poscunt, hic terminushaeret..." (4.612-14)
"If it is necessary for his wicked head to touch the harbor and swim to

land, and thus the fates of Jupiter demand, here the boundary stone is fixed ..." Commentators notice the unmistakable Lucretian signature in hic terminus haeret,37but do not seem to notice the profound ironyof this phrase in its context in the Aeneid. For Lucretius, itoccurs first in a triumphant declaration of Epicurus' victory over the tyrannyof religio: unde refert nobis victor quid possit oriri, quid nequeat, finita potestas denique cuique quanam sit ratione atque alte terminushaerens. quare religio pedibus subiecta vicissim obteritur, nos exaequat victoria caelo. (1.75-79) Whence he brings back for us, victorious, what can happen,what cannot, in what manner, in a word, each thing has its power limited, and the boundary stone fixed deep.Wherefore religion, in turn,cast down under his feet, is crushed; the victory makes us equal to heaven.
The idea of the terminus haerens, the unalterable law of what can and cannot

happen-specifically, the impossibility of supernatural intervention in human affairs-is at the heart of Lucretius' philosophy.When Dido uses the phrase, the context is inverted: it sums up her defeat by supernaturalforces, the unalterable will of the gods. The Lucretian song of Iopas was powerless against themalign forces of love, supernaturally implanted;Dido's Epicurean argument toAeneas,
with its sarcastic implication that the gods scorn to intervene, can do nothing to

counter the (within the epic) very real interventionof the very human gods.When she finally concedes, she calls on the gods, declares the immortalityof her Shade,
and in her passion commits suicide-the climax of the Lucretian catalogue and victim of in a

human folly (3.79-84). Moreover, as A.-M. Tupet demonstrates, ritual language

and actions mark her death as a devotio, making her both priestess

37. So Austin (1955) ad 4.614: "Virgil has adaptedLucretius' alte terminushaerens (used of the finite power of things, i.77,&c.-one of Lucretius' great signature-phrases, likeflammantiamoenia mundi)." Nothing like terminushaerens occurs elsewhere in extant Latin literature.

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human sacrifice38-the climax of the Lucretian exposition of the evils of religio (1.82-101). In hermanner of death, she succumbs to the very evils thatLucretius seeks to combat. Her finalmoment on earth, like her opening line (solvite cordemetum, Teucri, secludite curas, 1.562), is a lastreminderof Epicureanism. This may seem strange, given the unquestionably supernaturalelements in her demise. Juno, pitying her long suffering, sends Iris to cut the fatal lock thatwill release her from life: ergo Iris croceis per caelum roscida pennis mille trahensvarios adverso sole colores devolat et supra caput astitit. "hunc ego Diti sacrum iussa fero teque isto corpore solvo":
sic ait et dextra crinem secat, omnis et una dilapsus calor atque in ventos vita recessit.

(4.700-705) Therefore dewy Iris,with her saffron feathers dragging through the sky
a thousand colors varying as the sun hits, flies down and stands above her

head. "On command, I bring this sacred [hair] to Pluto and loose you from this body": thus she speaks and cuts the hair with her right hand,
and all at once the heat slipped away and life receded into the winds.

Commentators compare theunforgettable andmarkedly Homeric lines describing the death of Turnus, ast illi solvuntur frigore membra/vitaque cum gemitu fugit
indignata death sub umbras ("but his similar limbs are loosed in cold and his she makes life flees with a great point sub imos

a groan, resentful, down to the Shades," 12.951-52). Dido's tirades before her
lead us to expect sentience /audiam from her Shade: et haec Manis

of her immortalitywith her memorable threat toAeneas, omnibus umbra locis

adero. dabis, improbe, poenas. veniet mihifama

will be present everywhere as a Shade.Wicked one, you will pay thepenalty. I ("I will hear, and this report will come to me deep among theShades," 4.386-87). But
what is remarkable about Dido's death is that we do not hear of her soul fleeing

resentfully to theShades. Turnus' escaping vita exhibits a strongpersonality (cum gemitu, indignata) and a clear direction (sub umbras); the state of Dido's vita, by contrast, is left ambiguous, with nothing in the final line of Book 4 to contradict Epicurean dogma.39Lucretius states that the primordial seeds responsible for life
are those of heat (calor) and wind (ventus):

38. Tupet (1970) 242-55. duBois (1976) discusses Dido's role as a sacrificial victim, noting inparticular that themyth of Iphigeneia is a "sub-text of theDido episode" (19) and pointing out the passage inwhich Dido herself alludes to thatmyth (4.425-30). The description of Dido's nuptial bed soon to become her funeral pyre (4.645-48), and her final curse upon Aeneas' fleet (661-62), recall and reverse Lucretius' description of Iphigeneia's abortive "wedding" to ensure safe sailing for her father's ships (1.95-101). 39. If anything, in ventos recessit implies dissolution: the only other object in the Aeneid said to recede in ventos is Acestes' flaming arrow, which is explicitly "consumed" (tenuisque recessit/consumpta in ventos, 5.526-27). The imago of Creusa, on the other hand, is said to recede

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Dido theEpicurean DYSON: noscere ut hinc possis non aequas omnia partis corpora habere neque ex aequo fulcire salutem, sedmagis haec, venti quae sunt calidique vaporis
semina, curare inmembris ut vita moretur.

219

est igitur calor ac ventus vitalis in ipso corpore qui nobis moribundos deserit artus. (3.124-29)
So that from this you may hot vapor know that not all bodies in the limbs. have equal parts nor the heat

equally support health, but rather those seeds which are of wind and of
take care that life stays It is therefore

and wind of life in the body itself which deserts our dying limbs. While Virgil's calor atque in ventos is not quite Lucretius' calor ac ventus, the phrases are similar enough to suggest that, inDido's death, Virgil has chosen to sound one lastLucretian chord. The epilogue (6.450-76) leaves no doubt where Dido's spirit has gone. Her resentful Shade undermines her Epicureanism as clearly as Aeneas' fierywrath (12.946-47) undermines his Stoicism. But Virgil reminds us in her death, as in Aeneas' moment of hesitation (12.940-41), what might have been if Fate and
human nature were not as they are.

Felix, heu nimium felix, si litora tantum numquamDardaniae tetigissent nostra carinae. University of Texas atArlington
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