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Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes: An International Quarterly

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The evolution of the ancient Greek garden

Patrick Bowe Version of record first published: 25 Aug 2010.

To cite this article: Patrick Bowe (2010): The evolution of the ancient Greek garden, Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes: An International Quarterly, 30:3, 208-223 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14601170903403264

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The evolution of the ancient Greek garden

patrick bowe
To study the origins of the Western tradition of gardening, it is necessary to study the evolution of the gardens of ancient Greece. Yet, garden historians and archaeologists, with some notable exceptions, have devoted little attention to them.1 The evidence is scant and scattered. Yet, a compilation and an attempted systemization of the evidence that is available may lead to an increased interest in the subject. In particular, the advances in garden archaeology exemplified in recent years in Pompeii and Herculaneum may be applied to Greek sites. No complete description or depiction of an ancient Greek garden is available. No complete archaeological excavation has been made. We are obliged to assemble a picture using a variety of occasional references and images. Poetic evidence for gardening activity in Greece exists from at least the eighth century 2 BC through Homers epic poems, The Iliad and The Odyssey. Occasional references by playwrights, philosophers, historians and orators such as Aristophanes, Aristotle, Demosthenes, Euripides, Isaeus, Pindar, Plato, Theophrastus and Xenophon give much useful, if scattered and incidental, information on gardening in the fifth and fourth centuries BC. Their relative accuracy must be weighed. Most useful of these writers is Theophrastus (371c. 287 BC) whose An Enquiry into Plants and De Causis Plantarum are exceptional sources of information about the plants then under cultivation and their planting.3 Later authors such as Theocritus, Philostratus the Elder and Athenaeus provide sporadic evidence of Greek gardens in the Hellenistic age. In addition, visual evidence of various gardening activities can be found in occasional Greek vase paintings of the fifth and fourth centuries BC. As yet, a relatively small amount of evidence can be derived from archaeological investigation.

The Archaic period (eighth century BC to sixth century BC)

Although the descriptions of gardens in the poems of Homer, The Odyssey and The Iliad, are of imagined gardens, it is reasonable to assume that they are based on his experience of gardens of the time. One of the gardens he refers to in The Odyssey is described as located adjoining a town.4 Another is located in the suburbs its site is described as about as far from the town as a mans voice can carry.5 A further garden is located on a farm deep in the countryside.6 All being described by Homer as royal gardens, they can be understood as exceptional in their size and sophistication. The town garden evoked by Homer is adjacent to the courtyard of a royal palace. Approximately four acres in extent, it is enclosed within a hedge or wall and is traversed by two streams.7 One stream runs straight through the garden whereas the waters of the other are distributed throughout the garden. This seems to imply a garden that is laid out on a slope, the water traversing it by gravity flow, as well as a system of watercourses, even a rudimentary one, for irrigation. Such an irrigation arrangement is confirmed for orchards, at least, by a passage from the sixth-century BC poet, Ibycum of Rhegium, who refers to quinces and pomegranates watered by streams8 and, further, by a passage from the seventh-century BC poetess, Sappho, who describes how cold water babbles through apple-branches.9 Homer mentions the practice of blocking and unblocking a gardens watercourses with a spade or mattock, directing the waters flow only to those plants in the garden that are, at any time, in need of it.10 To give regular access to the watercourses for this purpose, a corresponding network of pathways, even informal ones, will have been necessary. An arrangement for irrigation by watercourses, and a corresponding arrangement of access
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pathways, may have been the chief characteristic of the layout of large gardens of the period. The city garden evoked by Homer is divided into three distinct areas: an orchard, a vineyard and an area of small plots, presumably, for the cultivation of small plants such as flowers and vegetables. Such an orderly division represents a considerable advance on a garden of the time that may have had an ad hoc or haphazard arrangement of its different plants. The orchard, containing apples, figs, olives, pears and pomegranates, is imagined first, indicating its importance.11 The vineyard is pictured next, suggesting its position as that adjoining the orchard. Homer evokes an image of vines trained on poles, a method that must have given a distinctive appearance to vineyards of the time.12 The part of the garden devoted to small beds or plots is described as located beyond the last row of vines and therefore, perhaps, in an area of the garden furthest from the palace.13 Homers description of the orchard and vineyard as fruiting, and the small plot garden as blooming, through the year suggests that a considerable variety of different fruit and flower cultivars were grown.14 The pomegranate aside, a similar range and variety of fruit trees is pictured by Homer in the country garden.15 An indication of the scale of the garden is given in his reference to its vineyard with its fifty rows of vines.16 The fact that the vines are described as growing in rows suggests there was an ordered formality in the planting. There are many references in the poems to the care with which gardens are maintained. Thetis claims that she raised her son as one tends a plant in a goodly garden.17 Odysseus father is seen as an old man apparently taking more care of his garden than he is of himself.18 Professional gardeners, such as Dolius, the first gardener to be named in Western literature, are also employed.19 Odysseus sentimental attachment to his fathers garden, as conveyed by Homer, indicates that gardens were already seen as more than mere utilities. vineyard and an area of small plots, presumably for vegetables and flowers. The variety of fruit trees and vines is such that fruit is produced throughout most of the year. Homers references to vines as planted in rows suggest an incipient formality of layout and planting. A garden may have been valued already in this time for more than its mere utility.

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The Hellenic period (fifth century BC to fourth century BC)

Random pieces of evidence indicate the existence of city gardens. A message scrawled on a sixth-century pottery shard found in Athens refers to a garden gate, presumably in the city.20 The fourth-century orator, Isaeus refers to the purchase by an Athenian of an adjoining property and the demolition of its house in order to make a garden.21 In the cities of Eretria and Olynthos, archaeologists have interpreted as gardens certain enclosures attached to houses that have been left unpaved or half-paved.22 Extensive clusters of suburban gardens were located outside some cities.23 The suburban garden of the orator, Demosthenes, outside of Athens was enclosed and entered through a gate.24 It had a dwelling associated with it25 as had the garden of the famous fourth-century painter, Protegenes, outside the city of Rhodes.26 Other suburban gardens do not seem to have had a dwelling attached. Rather they were owned by city dwellers who visited them to work in them and to enjoy them.27 Plato avers that: Water is the most nourishing food a garden can have28 Many suburban gardens seem to have been located close to a reliable source of water a river or a spring. It was advantageous for the irrigation required in a dry climate. So many were the gardens established to benefit from the waters of the river, Ilissos, south of Athens, that the entire area became known as The Gardens.29 Although some gardens may have been hand watered from a well,30 large gardens were watered more efficiently by the creation of a system of watercourses along which water might flow of its own accord to the plants requiring it. A character in Euripides play, Electra, extols a garden that is irrigated with streams of river-water.31 For an efficient arrangement of watercourses, irrigation water will have, ideally, entered a garden at its highest level and then flowed, by gravity, through the garden to its lowest level.32 Although the philosopher, Aristotle, alludes to a hierarchy of channels in a garden, he provides no evidence as to their distribution or layout.33 If the rational system of dividing a garden into three sections

Summary
The evidence for gardens of this period comes principally from Homers poems The Odyssey and The Iliad. They imply that substantial gardens, essentially kitchen gardens, were an attribute of kingship. Of the series of royal gardens that he evokes, one is in or adjoining a city, another is in a suburb, yet a third is in the country. A picture emerges of gardens that are enclosed, traversed by an irrigating stream or streams and divided into three sections an orchard, a

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that appears to have evolved in the Archaic period were continued in the Hellenic period, the arrangement of watercourses will have been different in each of the three sections. Within an orchard, the distribution channels will have been relatively permanent and few as the trees will have been relatively large and long-lived.34 A similar arrangement of channels will have been appropriate for a vineyard as vines were allowed to grow often to tree size.35 By contrast, channels leading to the small vegetable and flower plots will have been more numerous and less permanent since these plantings will have been both small and shortlived, perhaps changing from year to year in their location and direction. As a result many of these channels will probably have been simple, furrows in the soil.36 Efficiency of irrigation will have dictated that watercourses run straight, the shortest distance between two plants, being a straight line. In any well-organized garden, the overall arrangement of the irrigation system, and, consequently, of the garden itself, will have been a geometric or formal one. It is reasonable to speculate that the principal channels of the more important gardens may have been lined with a water-impervious material to reduce water loss and soil erosion but although stone-lined water channels to irrigate trees have been excavated in the Athenian agora, evidence for their use in gardens has not been found. The opening and closing of the watercourses controlled the flow of water, directing it to those plants that required it most.37 This procedure will have necessitated an attendant system of access pathways with a similar geometrical layout. In more modest gardens, the paths were probably informal ones of beaten earth, in the more pretentious gardens they may have been paved. The pathways in the royal garden at Syracuse in which king Dionysius walked were, presumably, sufficiently comfortable for the royal exercise.38 Equally comfortable must have been the paths imagined by Euripides in his play Electra for the perambulations of the king of Mycenae who is described as walking in a well-watered garden to pluck a wreath of tender myrtle-sprays for his head.39 Just as efficiency of irrigation necessitates a formal system of watercourses in a garden, it also necessitates a geometrical arrangement of planting. The aspiration to formal planting is seen in the admiration of Lysander, the Spartan general, for Persian orchards, the accuracy of their growing, the straightness of their rows, and the regularity of their angles.40 Theophrastus, evidencing the practice of formal planting in Greek orchards, recommends planting pomegranates, myrtles

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figure 1. A depiction of an olive grove with trees planted approximately ten to twelve feet apart as recommended by Theophrastus. The practice shown here, known as cudgelling, of beating the trees with sticks so that the ripe olives fall to the ground is decried by Theophrastus as it can damage a tree by breaking the branches. A detail from an Athenian black-figure amphora, 550500 BC (British Museum, London).

and bays at regular intervals of no more than nine feet, apples and pears at slightly larger intervals and almonds, figs and olives at intervals that were larger still41 (figure 1). Both Aristotle and Theophrastus imply that vines were grown in rows, the former seeming to suggest that each row was staggered in relation to the next in a geometric pattern that was referred to, in later, Roman times, as a quincunx.42 Although there is no direct evidence, it is probable that vegetables and flowers were also grown in rows, perhaps in drills. Certainly, crops in the fields were aligned in ridges as is indicated by the chorus in Aristophanes play, Peace.43 The range of orchard trees expanded from that pictured by Homer to include myrtle, bay, almond, mulberry, medlar, cornel cherry, sorb and hazel. Of each

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species of orchard tree, there were now different named varieties.44 Platos assertion that fruit was grown for the sake of amusement and pleasure illustrates the fact that orchards were no longer seen as producers only of basic food crops45 (figure 2). Although the flowering of trees did not impress Theophrastus none
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of them have distinct gay colours orchards were considered sufficiently attractive to serve as locations for intimate social gatherings. The fifth-century poet, Pherecrates evokes a fantastical gathering, its picnic: spread out beneath myrtle boughs and poppy anemones, the most beautiful apples ever seen hung over their heads.46 Vines were grown in ways more sophisticated than on the simple poles evidenced in the Archaic period.47 One method involved the formation of what Demosthenes refers to as tree-vines.48 In this method, three or more vines were planted close together and then trained spirally upward and around each other so that they fused to form a tree trunk. At head height, the new growth was trained outwards to form branches, the spreading branches being supported at their tips by forked wooden props.49 So, eventually, a tree-like canopy was formed (figure 3). A second method consisted of training two or

figure 2. The elegance of attire of the women picking fruit suggests that an orchard was not only a place of production but also of enjoyment. An Athenian red-figure column krater, 500450 BC (Metropolitan Museum, New York).

figure 3. A tree-vine with its multiple, spirally trained trunk and its lateral branches supported by forked props. A detail from an Athenian black-figure amphora, 575525 BC (Musee du Louvre, Paris).

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three closely planted vines upwards in an open spiral so that they fused, in this case only at intervals, to form an open tree trunk. Subsequent growth was trained as an aerial espalier or hedge50 (figure 4). Of the variety of vine cultivars grown during this period, Theophrastus writes: . . . there are as many kinds of vine as there are of country . . . .51 Confirmation that a vineyard might be seen as a place for the enjoyment of leisure, even of lovers dalliance, comes in a fifthcentury vase painting of the mythical meeting of the god, Dionysos, and his bride, Ariadne, in a vineyard52 (figure 5). The area of a garden devoted to small beds for vegetables and flowers must have been in flux as a result of the constant sowing, watering, manuring, hoeing and cropping indicated by Theophrastus throughout his books as necessary for their cultivation. For maximum efficiency of irrigation, plants would have been grown in rows in rectangular beds, perhaps separated from each other, by informal or formal access paths.53 While vegetables were grown for the table, flowers were grown mainly for the wreaths, crowns and garlands, the use of which was an integral part of Greek life. Xenophon writes of the soil that it produces the flowers that decorate altars and statues and with which men adorn themselves accompanied by the most pleasing odours and appearances.54 Theophrastus descriptions of the vegetables and flowers cultivated in the different seasons of the year allows us to conjure a picture of a fully productive vegetable and flower garden of the period. Spring sowings of vegetables such as leeks, long onions and orach might be brightened by rows of early spring blooming wallflowers and gillyflowers, the latter in different colours, and laterblooming meadowsweet and narcissus, the latter in two different forms.55 In summer, rows of cucumber, radish, gourd, blite, basil, purslane and savory might be lightened by the flowers of rose campion, lavender, marjoram, iris, soapwort and lilies, the latter in different colours including an especially attractive crimson one.56 In autumn the flowering of autumn crocus might have given the plots a renewed brightness of colour. In winter, sowings of cabbage, radish and turnip would have furnished the beds with their green foliage57 as would the yearround vegetables such as beet, lettuce, rocket, monks rhubarb, celery, mustard, coriander, dill and cress.58 Dropwort and violets, if carefully cultivated, would bloom all year.59 Theophrastus writes of the varied contribution flowers made to a garden: . . . in herbaceous plants, the flowers show many and various colours, both simple and in combination, and further, some of them have scent.60 That plants were appreciated for their beauty as well as their usefulness is confirmed by

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figure 4. A fifth-century lekythos illustrates two vines trained upwards in an open spiral, the subsequent growth being trained as an aerial espalier. (Landeshauptstadt Hannover, Museum August Kestner).

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figure 5. A vineyard as a place of recreation and relaxation is depicted in this scene of the myth of the meeting of Dionysos and Ariadne in a vineyard. A detail from a late fifth-century volutekrater by the Creusa Painter (Toledo Museum of Art).

Xenophon who praises Persian gardens because they are full of the good and beautiful things that the soil produces.61 Luxury fruits and vegetables of high quality and often out of season were produced in addition to the basic food crops as a result of improvements in the techniques of gardening.62 The Athenian orator, Isocrates, boasts: as for the fruits of the earth, our city . . . instructed the world in their uses, their cultivation and the benefits derived from them.63 The luxury that was associated with the consumption of vegetables at this time is typified by Aristoxenus, the Cyreniac philosopher, who watered his garden lettuce with honeyed wine in the evening before he picked it so as to improve its flavour.64 Other plants known to have been cultivated include herbs such as calamint, bergamot mint, rue, thyme65 and sweet marjoram,66 the latter two frequently transplanted from the wild.67 Roses, in gardens such as

figure 6. In some gardens, roses were grown in separate beds. A woman enjoying the scent of a rose is depicted in a detail on a sixth-century Attic red-figure vase (Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preusis Kultrubesitz: Antikensammlung).

that of Demosthenes, were grown in beds of their own68 as violets may also have been69 (figure 6). As yet, there is no indication where large shrubs such as oleander, chaste bush, mallow and southernwood, all known to have been cultivated, were grown.70 They may have been scattered throughout the garden. The enjoyment of leisure in a garden may have led to the erection of structures to facilitate it. A garden seen as a pleasant place in which to write the fifth-century playwright Euripides used his garden as a place in which to write plays71 may also have been the impetus for the erection of such

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figure 7. In the shade of a grapevine arbour, Herakles relaxes on a bed to enjoy a banquet. Note the trunk of the vine emerging from the ground behind the bed. A detail from an Athenian redfigure amphora, 550500 BC (Munich, Antikensammlungen).

figure 8. A garden scene in which a group of figures are shown in the shade of a grapevine arbour from which a comic mask is suspended. A Lucanian red-figure nestoris, 400350 BC (British Museum, London).

structures. The dwelling in the royal garden of Syracuse in which Plato lived for some time was, probably, a substantial structure.72 However, more typical may have been the grapevine arbours depicted in fourth- and fifth-century vase paintings. The use of an arbour as the location for a banquet is shown on a sixth-century amphora73 (figure 7). Figures relax in the shade of an arbour on a fourth-century nestoris. From the cross bar of the arbour hangs a decorative mask, known as an oscillum, because it was designed to oscillate or swing in the wind74 (figure 8). These masks, usually representing gods associated with the soil, were often hung temporarily during annual festivals such as those of the sowing season. The couch depicted in the former arbour boasts much decorative detail as well as richly patterned textiles suggesting that furniture used out of doors may have been just as elegant as that used inside.75 Artefacts such as pots

played a role in the garden. Although simple clay garden pots have been excavated in Athens and at Eretria, more elegant, decorative pots, with foliage being tended, are depicted in a fifth-century vase painting of the mythological queen, Alcestis76 (figure 9). Of the arrangement of pots, we know only of the general observation of Xenophon: pots have a graceful appearance when they are placed in a regular order.77 An exceptional use of garden pots occurred during an annual festival known as the Gardens of Adonis. Broken pots, planted with small quantities of short-lived lettuce, fennel, wheat or barley, were exposed on the rooftops of houses so that they grew and withered quickly. The practice was designed as a reminder of lifes transience78 (figure 10). Small-scale garden artefacts of a more utilitarian character included baskets,79 trellis woven from flat-stalked lettuce80 and stakes or posts on which to grow ivies81 (figure 11).

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figure 9. Plants are being arranged in highly decorated pots in preparation for the wedding of Alkestis, the mythological Greek princess who is seen relaxing in a portico. A detail from a red-figure epinetron, 450400 BC (National Archaeological Museum, Athens).

Summary
The gardens of which there is evidence during this period are the gardens of the citizens of the city-states of Greece. Walled enclosures, they were located both in the cities and in their suburbs. It is assumed that they were divided rationally into three sections orchard, vineyard, and vegetable and flower gardens as is evidenced in the Archaic period. A system of irrigation, often comprising a geometrical arrangement of watercourses, was a key determinant of a gardens layout. Its efficiency also depended on a system of planting in rows. This resulted in gardens with an overall formal layout that may also have been the result of an aesthetic sense that manmade beauty involved geometrical order. Not only useful plants but also luxury fruits and vegetables were grown. Arbours and bowers provided shade for outdoor living. Elegant furniture and
figure 10. A broken clay pot with plants is about to be raised on to the roof of a house during the festival known as the Garden of Adonis. Note that the clay pots on the ground are raised on pedestals. An Athenian red figure lekythos, 425375 BC (Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum).

artefacts were characteristic of domestic exteriors as much as interiors. There was a developing sense of the garden as a place for the enjoyment of leisure and, in addition, an appreciation of the beauty of plants for its own sake. The fifthcentury statesman, Pericles, referred to the gardens around Athens as accessories that embellish a fortune indicating that they had also become vehicles for the display of wealth.82

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figure 11. Artefacts seen in ancient Greek gardens included decorative woven baskets being used here to carry the fruit crop. A detail from an Athenian red-figure hydria, 500450 BC (San Simeon, Hearst Historical State Monument).

Hellenistic period (third century BC to first century BC)

As there is no substantial source like that of the writings of Theophrastus, the literary evidence for gardens during this period is sporadic. Vase paintings are no longer a source of pictorial information. However, archaeological material, especially that derived from excavations of the palaces of the Hellenistic kings, is more substantial than it is for earlier periods. There appears to have been an increase in the number and quality of urban gardens. The citizens of Tegea in the fourth century BC expected to have gardens adjoining their houses, or, at least, close to their houses.83 The city of Thebes, newly rebuilt in the third century BC, boasted more gardens than any other city in Greece.84 There is a reference to a Theban garden with a well.85 A garden hand watered from a well may have been appropriate in small or city gardens, water having to be carried only short distances (figure 12). Professional water carriers might be employed for the task.86 The garden layout might be informal, free from the geometry associated with gardens irrigated by an efficient system of watercourses. A new conception of a city garden is associated with the philosopher, Epicurus. Pliny the Elder relates: Epicurus, that connoisseur in the enjoyments

figure 12. Hand watering was an option in gardens that did not have an irrigation system. Here, Eros is depicted while watering flowers from a water pot. A fifth-century Athenian red-figure lekythos (National Archaeological Museum, Athens).

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of a life of ease, was the first to lay out a garden at Athens; up to his time, it had never been thought of, to dwell in the country in the middle of the town.87 Plinys emphasis on Epicurus aim of creating the illusion of the country in an urban setting indicates a desire to create a garden for some aesthetic effect rather than one solely devoted to fruit and vegetable production. Extensive clusters of suburban gardens, with their walls, hedges and ditches, continued to surround cities not only in Greece but in other areas of the Eastern Mediterranean also.88 Polybius records that the suburbs of Pherae, a town in Thessaly, were full of walls and gardens.89 Although there is only one reference to a specific garden in the suburbs of Athens, that of Aristomachus, which was located near the Academy of which he was one time principal,90 the gardens around the river Ilissos, in the area that was known as The Gardens, must have continued in production. Evidence of formal planting continues. A passage in Theocritus Idylls refers to vine rows.91 A late Greek painting depicts an orchard in which the trees are planted in rows.92 Another late Greek painting depicts an orchard with a path along which to walk bordered by grass tender and pleasant to lie on and the fragrance of apples hangs over the orchard.93 The orchard is conceived as a place of pleasure as well as of production. The appreciation of ornamental plants is evident in Theocritus praise of: a tall cypress that rises above a garden . . . and graces it.94 In an earlier passage he writes of slender cypresses suggesting that the fastigiate form of the Italian cypress may already have been in cultivation.95 Further evidence of his appreciation of ornamental plants lies in his preference for the showy, cultivated flower rather than the simple, wild flower: . . . but briar and windflower cannot compete with the rose which blooms in its bed by the dry-stone wall.96 These concerns were exemplified to a greater extent in the gardens of tyrants and kings. A series of tyrants ruled Syracuse in Sicily, then part of the wider Greek world, since the Hellenic period, laying out gardens on a scale unmatched in mainland Greece. Dionysius I had plane trees conveyed to the city of Rhegion where they became a prominent feature of his palace complex.97 His son and Platos patron, Dionysius II, had an enclosed garden next to his residence in Syracuse in which he used to walk. Aghathocles is described by Polybius as proceeding to the theatre at Syracuse along a covered walkway adjoining the Meander garden. This, called after the winding river, Meander, must have been a garden laid out on a sinuous site or a garden with sinuous paths and plantings.98 If the latter were the case, this would be a rare reference to an ancient Greek garden of informal design. Hieron II commissioned a shipboard garden that exemplified monarchic extravagance. Garden-beds along the promenade decks were full of plants watered by means of concealed lead pipes. Screens of white-berried ivy and grapevines, planted in large pots and watered in the same way as the garden beds, provided shade for the gardens walkways that ended at a shrine dedicated to Aphrodite.99 This garden seems to be among the earliest of Greek gardens to have been designed for pleasure, its productivity in fruit and vegetables being of secondary, or of no, importance. A political and social change took place as a consequence of the conquest of the whole of mainland Greece by the Macedonian kings during this period. The increase in their kingly power was expressed in a fourth-century royal palace at Vergina/Aigai. Excavations have uncovered its great raised terrace, protected by an extended ornamental balustrade, that signals a new monumentality in Greek residential garden design.100 The terraces outward orientation, located so as to overlook an extensive plain, also signals a new departure in domestic gardens, which until this time tended to be enclosed and inwardly orientated in design. As a result of the conquests of Alexander the Great in the subsequent fourth century BC, many Greeks came in contact with the monumental gardens and parks of the rulers of the Persian Empire. Individual Greeks such as the historian, Xenophon, the Spartan general, Agesilaus and the Athenian general, Alcibiades had seen these gardens a generation before. They had noted such characteristics as their great extent, the precise geometrical layout,101 their beauty of aspect,102 their pavilions and water elements,103 the variety of their tree plantings and their produce in all seasons.104 Alexander and his colleagues were not only to see the gardens of the Persian royal palaces such those at Susa, Pasargadae and Persepolis but also, living in them during their military campaigns, were to become very familiar with them. They became familiar with the Assyrian palace of Nineveh and must have been impressed, when they were in Babylon, by the scale of its famous Hanging Gardens.105 The Greeks experience of these gardens influenced them in the creation of similarly monarchic parks and gardens in their newly conquered territories. In their scale and complexity, these gardens mark a new departure in Greek garden design. The most important was the park of the royal palace of Alexandria begun by Alexander and continued and added to by his successors, the Ptolemaic kings (figure 13). Occupying eventually about a

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Earthen mounds were familiar to the Greeks from their ancient tradition of erecting funerary or commemorative mounds. This is the first evidence of an installation in a park or garden and represents a desire to look beyond the enclosure of a garden similar to that represented by the outward-looking terrace of the Macedonian palace at Vergina/Aigai. It is suggested that the garden may have boasted a fountain or fountains as it was perhaps only here that Apollonius Rhodius, of the Library of Alexandria, may have had the opportunity of experiencing the kind of extravagant garden fountains he describes in his book, Argonautica.108 King Ptolemy II had a collection of rare animals109 and king Ptolemy VIII Physcons interest in birds was such that he wrote a treatise on them110 suggesting that the park may have boasted a menagerie and an aviary. The park was the location of intermittent celebratory festivals. King Ptolemy Philadelphus erected a magnificent temporary pavilion for such a festival. Surrounded by an open gallery, it was roofed with branches of laurel and myrtle and the floor was strewn with flowers even though it was winter.111 The royal park must have boasted a luxuriant planting. Since Theophrastus time, the Greeks had been aware that Egypt enjoyed a mild climate such that there was practically year-round growth112 and that many trees that were deciduous elsewhere were practically evergreen there.113 Such was the reputation of the Egyptian coastal climate that Athenaeus, writing later, asserted that no flower, including roses and snowdrops, ever completely stopped blooming.114 Among the native trees mentioned by Theophrastus as under cultivation, are two palms, the date palm and the doum palm and other fruiting trees such as the sycamore fig, the Egyptian plum tree, and the persea, a member of the avocado family.115 Imported tree species were also grown, most notably the olive, the fig, the myrtle and the pomegranate.116 The pomegranate took on a special flavour, the myrtle a special fragrance, when they were grown in Egypt.117 Of the smaller decorative plants flourishing in Egypt, Theophrastus mentions roses and gillyflowers.118 The conquests of Alexander had given new impetus to the exchange and acclimatization of plants between one part of his empire and another. For example, native Mediterranean plants such as the laurel, the myrtle and the box tree were cultivated in parks beyond the Euphrates.119 Harpalus, Alexanders friend, introduced many new plants to gardens in Babylon.120 It is likely that the royal garden at Alexandria will have benefited from the plant exchange that characterized the new empire.

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figure 13. Alexandria. The plan of the city with the regularly laid out royal park marked basileia, shown unshaded (W. Hoepfner, Von Alexandria uber Pergamon nach Nikopolis. Stadtebau und Stadtbilder hellenistischer Zeit, in Akten des XIII. Internationalen Kongresses fur klassische Archaologie Berlin 1988, Mainz 1990, pp. 275285).

quarter to a third of the city in area, the park included not only a number of different palaces but also many pavilions and other buildings. It appears to have been regularly laid out as were its Persian antecedents.106 However, its regularity was broken by an element known as the maiandros. Called after the winding river, Meander, its name is thought to indicate a winding water-channel or canal. This element suggests, as does the Meander garden at Syracuse, a gradual loosening of the formal geometry that until this period was associated with Greek garden design. Another conspicuous feature of the park was the mount or artificial hill known as the Paneion because it was dedicated to the god, Pan. A spiral path wound to the top from which views over the city and its surrounding landscape could be enjoyed.107

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Urban gardens became more numerous during this period while extensive clusters of gardens continued in cultivation in cities suburbs. The literary evidence, though sporadic, indicates that gardens continued to be enclosed and formal in planting and that there was an increasing emphasis on the pleasurable aspects of gardens and plants. Of an order of magnitude and diversity hitherto unknown in the Greek world were the gardens created by the Hellenistic kings under the influence of the gardens they had seen during their military campaigns in the Near East. Though generally still enclosed and formal in layout, they display, for the first time, a desire to look beyond the garden enclosure into the wider landscape and to incorporate informal elements within an overall formal layout.
figure 14. Ptolemais. Reconstruction of the south fac ade facing the garden courtyard with its central pool and flanking benches/balustrades shown in cross-section (from G. Pesce, Il Palazzo delle Colonne in Tolemaide di Cirenaica, Roma, 1950, plate VI).

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Conclusion
Although the evidence is scant and scattered, it is possible to discern a gradual evolution in Greek gardens. The earliest gardens of which there is evidence, albeit indirect, were enclosed, traversed by a stream and divided into three sections orchard, vineyard and an area of small plots for flowers and vegetables. Extensive and elaborate though they may have been, they were mainly what are now termed kitchen gardens. Although the gardens of the following Hellenic period were still mainly austere, orderly and disciplined kitchen gardens, the attitude to gardens had evolved beyond a purely utilitarian one to one that included recreational and aesthetic components. A further increase in emphasis on leisure and ornament characterized the gardens of the succeeding Hellenistic period. The Hellenistic kings created ornamental gardens of an extent and sophistication that was hitherto unknown in the Greek world. As their empire expanded eastwards, the Romans came into contact with these gardens and were influenced by them in the creation of their own. This assembly of information from many diverse sources, and its attempted systematization, shows that the ancient Greeks pioneered the Western approach to gardening and garden design. Their gardens may be said to represent the birth of the Western garden. Many aspects of their gardens reappear, in a modified form, in Roman gardens and in the gardens of later periods of Western gardens history.

After Alexanders death, his empire was divided into separate kingdoms ruled over by hereditary dynasties. These rulers created and maintained royal gardens of significant extent as has been shown in the development by the Ptolemaic dynasty of the royal park at Alexandria. The Seleucid dynasty laid out royal parks at Apamea in Syria,121 at Ai Khanoum in Bactria122 and at Daphne, then a resort near Antiochia.123 The park at Daphne was attached to a royal retreat as was the park in Jericho belonging to the Hellenized kings of Judaea. The latters regular layout, its pavilions and porticos, its formal pools set in large paved squares, all arranged in a large, enclosed park, seems to echo in its conception the park of the royal palace at Alexandria.124 On a smaller scale, there is evidence of the development also of the palace courtyard garden during this period. A two-story courtyard in the palace of the Attalid dynasty at Pergamon was found, on excavation, to have had no pavement, suggesting that it may have been laid out as a garden.125 The large courtyard attached to the first-century BC palace of the Ptolemaic governor of the city of Ptolemais was found, on excavation, to have a formal pool at its centre126 (figure 14).With steps leading down into it and surrounded on all sides by balustrades and benches, the cement-lined pool must have been used for bathing, the courtyard itself used as a garden or place of elegant leisure.

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studies in the history of gardens and designed landscapes: bowe notes

1. The exceptions are valuable. See: Robin Osborne Classical Greek Gardens: Between Farm and Paradise, Garden History Issues, Approaches, Methods, edited by John Dixon Hunt (Washington, DC, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1989), pp. 373391; Massimo Venturi Ferriolo, Homers Garden, Journal of Garden History, ix/2, 1989, pp. 8694; and Maureen Carroll-Spilleke, The gardens of Greece from Homeric to Roman times, Journal of Garden History, xii/2, 1992, pp. 84101. 2. Homer, The Iliad, translated by A. T. Murray (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1924) and Homer, The Odyssey, translated by A. T. Murray (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1919). All subsequent references to The Iliad and The Odyssey will be from these editions unless otherwise stated. 3. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, translated by A. F. Hort (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1926) and Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, edited and translated by Benedict Einarson and George K. K. Link (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1990). 4. This fictional garden is located by Homer on the island of the Phaeacians in the Ionian Sea. Homer, The Odyssey, book 7, card 107. 5. Homer, The Odyssey, book 6, card 288. Only a brief reference to the existence of this garden is made. 6. Homer, The Odyssey, book 24, card 327. 7. The method of enclosure is translated as a hedge in Homer, The Odyssey, translated by A. T. Murray (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1919), book 7, card 107, while it is translated as a wall in Homer, The Odyssey, translated by Samuel Butler (Project Gutenberg on-line book edition, 1999), book 5, line 58. 8. This is quoted in Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, translated by Charles Burton Gulick (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1937), book XIII, pp. 600601. 9. Sappho, frg 2, Greek Lyric, Sappho and Alcaeus, edited and translated by David A. Campbell (Cambridge, MA; London, UK: Harvard University Press, 2002) p. 57. 10. Homer. The Iliad, book 21, line 233. A further reference by Homer to the use of watercourses is in his description of Calypsos cave, the ground outside of which is traversed by four closely aligned watercourses irrigating beds of violets and other luxurious plants. See Homer, The Odyssey, book 5, card 50. 11. Homer, The Odyssey, book 7, card 107. 12. Homer, The Iliad, book 18, card 561. 13. Homer, The Odyssey, book 7, card 107. 14. Homers description has suggested to Robin Osborne that he is describing a utopic garden. See Robin Osborne, op. cit., p. 389. 15. Homer, The Odyssey, book 24, card 327. 16. Homer, The Odyssey, book 24, card 327. 17. Homer, The Iliad, edited by Samuel Butler, book 18, line 52. 18. Homer, The Odyssey, book 24, card 232. 19. Dolius maintained the garden of Odysseus wife, Penelope. See Homer, The Odyssey, book 4, card 715. 20. Robin Osborne, op. cit., p. 378. 21. Isaeus, On the Estate of Dicaeogenes Speeches, 5, translated by E. S. Forster (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1923), section 11; and Berthe Carr Rider, Ancient Greek Houses (Chicago: Argonaut Library of Antiquities, 1964), p. 213. 22. Lisa C. Nevett, House and Society in the Ancient Greek World (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 111. The excavations show that the area of these gardens was generally less than that devoted to the houses with which they were associated. 23. A problem must have arisen in such clusters with regard to neighbouring gardens for Solon, an Athenian lawmaker, recommended the adoption of a law restricting tree planting too close to a gardens boundaries. The distance recommended was nine feet in the case of olives and figs. See Plutarch, Solon, Plutarchs Lives, translated by Bernadotte Perrin (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1914, 1916), chapter 23, section 1. Demosthenes, Against Evergus and Mnesibulus Demosthenes, Speeches 4150, translated by A. T. Murray (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1939), line 53. Demosthenes, Against Evergus and Mnesibulus, op. cit., line 53. Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, edited by John Bostock, H. T. Riley (London: Taylor & Francis, 1855), book 35, chapter 37. Robin Osborne, op. cit., p. 377. Plato, Laws, Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vols 10 and 11, translated by R. G. Bury (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1967 and 1968), p. 845c. Athens was not the only place to have an area known as the gardens. An area outside the city of Bosporus on the Black Sea was also called the gardens. See Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, Aeschines, 3, translated by C. D. Lamb (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1919), section 171. Demosthenes, Apollodorus against Polycles, op. cit., line 61. Solon proscribed a law allowing a well to be dug on private property only if a public well was further than four furlongs away. See Plutarch, Solon, op. cit., chapter 23, section 5. Euripides, Hippolytus, translated by David Kovacs (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, forthcoming), line 75. Although irrigation by watercourses may have been efficient, it was not necessarily regarded as best for the plants, and it did bring problems. Theophrastus asserts: Fresh cold water is the best, and the worst is that which is

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25. 26.

27. 28.

29.

30.

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brackish and thick: wherefore the water from irrigation ditches is not good, for it brings with it seeds of weeds Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., II. VII.v. 2. See also Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, op. cit., III.8.3. Irrigation water flowed directly from a public supply or from a storage cistern on the property. See Theophrastus, The Unpleasant Man, Characters, translated by R. C. Jebb (London: Macmillan, 1870), chapter 20, line 9. Aristotle, Parts of Animals (668a, 1421) quoted by Robin Osborne, op. cit., p. 382. Irrigation channels leading to pomegranate and fig trees may have been larger or more numerous as it was considered they were in special need of water. See Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I. II.vi. 12. Theophrastus asserts that the vine is water loving and so, also, must have needed special irrigation. See note 34. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I. III.i. 35, and II. VII.vi. 23. Theophrastus notes that the seeds of perennial plants such as marsh celery were carried through a garden by its irrigation waters. Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, V.6.7. Plato, letter 7, 348. Euripides, Electra, The Complete Greek Drama, 2, edited by Whitney J. Oates and Eugene ONeill, Jr., translated by E. P. Coleridge (New York: Random House, 1938), line 775. Xenophon, Economics, Xenophon in Seven Volumes, translated by E. G. Marchant and O. J. Todd (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1979), book 4, chapter 1, 20. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit. I, II.v. 6. He reports olives, figs and vines to be suitable for low ground while apples pears and plums are recommended for the lower slopes of hills. In the choice of fruit trees, local and regional climatic conditions were to be considered and cultivated varieties were to be preferred to wild kinds. See Theophrastus, op. cit., I. I.iv. 12, I. IV.v. 3, II. VI.ii. 46, I. IV. xiv. 1012, I. II. viii. 13 and I. IV. xiv. 56. 42. Aristotle, Politics, Aristotle in Twenty Three Volumes, 21, edited by H. Rackham (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd. 1952), book 7, section 1330b.Theophrastus also intimates that vines were planted in rows. See Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I. IV.iv. 58. 43. Aristophanes, Peace, The Complete Greek Drama, edited by Eugene ONeill, Jr. (New York: Random House, 1938), line 1145. 44. Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, op. cit., V.1.8. 45. Plato, Critias, Plato in Twelve Volumes translated by W. R.M. Lamb (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1925), p. 115. 46. Quoted by Athenaeus, op. cit., book VI, section 239. 47. Theophrastus refers to a tree-climbing vine. See Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, translated by Benedict Einarson and G. K.K. Link (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1976), I.10.4. The perimeter of some vineyards may have been planted with olive trees as is suggested in Aristophanes, The Acharnians edited by Jeffrey Henderson (Newburyport, MA: Focus Classical Library, 1997), line 998. Theophrastus decries the practice of planting between vine rows because cultivation may damage the roots of the vines. See Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, op. cit., I.18.1. 48. Demosthenes refers to tree-vines. See Demosthenes, Apollodorus against Nicostratus, Demosthenes, Speeches 5161, translated by Norman W. DeWitt and Norman J. DeWitt (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1949) Speech 53, section 15.This method of training vines is shown on a kylix, catalogued 12.198.2, in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 49. Aristophanes indicates that vine props had about the length of a spear. See Aristophanes, Peace, op. cit., line 1260 and Aristophanes Wasps, The Complete Greek Drama, edited by Eugene ONeill, Jr. (New York: Random House, 1938), lines 1200, 1290. 50. Although not explicitly shown in the painting, it is likely these vines may have been trained on a wooden or rope substructure. 51. Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, op. cit., IV,11.6. 52. For other depictions of Dionysos and Ariadne in a vineyard, see Guy Michael Hedreen, Silens in Attic Black figure Painting (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992). 53. Some gardens may have had an area devoted to seedbeds as Theophrastus notes the practice of raising seeds to seedling stage before transplanting them into their final locations in the garden. See Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., II. VII.iv. 810. Other gardens had nursery areas. Demosthenes refers to his nursery beds of olive trees set out in rows. See Demosthenes, Apollodorus against Nicostratus, op. cit., speech 53, section 15. 54. Xenophon, Economics, op. cit., chapter 5, section 3. 55. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., II. VII.i. 23. Vegetables were cultivated in different varieties or cultivars. See Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., II. VII.iv. 46. 56. Ibid., II. VI.vi. 23, II. VII.i. 1, II. VII.i. 23 and II. VII.i. 23. Because of their need of water, Theophrastus sees an advantage in growing cucumbers around a garden well. See De Causis Plantarum, op. cit., V. 6.5. 57. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., II, VI.viii, 35. 58. Ibid., II. VI.vi. 35, II. VI.vi. 23.I. I.ii. 13, II. VII.i. 23. Celery, leeks and onion remained in the beds over two seasons. 59. Ibid., II, VI.vi. 23. 60. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I. I.xiii. 13, II. VII.ix. 24. 61. Xenophon Economics, Xenophon in Seven Volumes, Volume 4 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1979), chapter 4, section 13. 62. The practice of producing fruit out of season was ridiculed in Aristophanes lost play The Seasons. See Robin Osborne, op. cit., p. 386.

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33. 34.

35.

36.

37. 38. 39.

40.

41.

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63. Isocrates, Panegyricus, Speeches and Letters, edited by George Norlin (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1980), Volume 4, section 28. 64. Athenaeus, op. cit., book 1, p. 37. 65. Thyme, Theophrastus notes, though normally prostrate, i.e. growing in a mat along the ground, could be trained to form a vertical mat, perhaps hanging down over a wall. See Ibid., II, VI.vii. 5viii. 1. 66. Ibid., II. VI.vii. 24. 67. Ibid., I. I.iii. 13. Theophrastus records the practice of transplanting wild thyme from nearby Mount Hymettus for cultivation in Athens. See Ibid., II. VI.vii. 2. He also mentions it being transplanted from nearby mountains into the city of Sikyon. See Ibid., II. VI.vii. 2. 68. Demosthenes, Apollodorus against Nicostratus, op. cit., speech 53, section 16.Theophrastus notes that roses of many different sizes and colours are in cultivation. See Theophrastus, op. cit., II. VI.vi. 35. They included a multi-petalled form that grew on Mount Panageus that the citizens of Philippi transplanted into their gardens. See Ibid., I. VI.vi. 35. 69. Aristophanes, Peace, op. cit., lines 560579. 70. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., II. VI.vi. 23. 71. Ibid., book XIII, section 582. 72. Plato, Letters, Plato in Twelve Volumes, Volume 7, translated by R. G. Bury (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1966), letter 7, p. 347. 73. For an illustration of a further grapevine or, perhaps, ivy arbour, see a bell krater in the Vatican, collection no: 17370. 74. For an illustration showing three such masks suspended in an arbour, see a bell krater in the Vatican collection (collection no. not given) in A. D. Trendall, Red figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily (London and New York: Thames & Hudson, 1989), ill. 372. 75. Some furniture may have been used inside and out, being carried from one to the other as required. See a portable folding stool on a red figure loutrophorous (320 BC), Museo Nazionale D. Ridola Matera, vase no 328. See also furniture being carried on an Athenian red figure skyphos (475425 BC), Basel, Antikenmuseum und Sammlungen Ludwig, vase no 276060 and on an Athenian red figure pelike (500450 BC), Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, vase no 206330. 76. Pots are identified as garden pots because of the drainage hole in the bottom. See Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I. IV.iv. 24. Excavations around the Temple of Hephaiston in Athens confirm the use of pots for raising and transplanting plants in the Hellenistic period. See Maureen Carroll, Earthly Paradises (London: The British Museum Press, 2003), p. 92; and D. B. Thompson The Garden of Hephaistos Hesperia 6, 1937, pp. 396425. 77. Xenophon, Economics, op. cit., chapter 8, section 19. 78. A character in one of Aristophanes plays refers to pots of vegetables being offered to an unnamed god. See Aristophanes, Plutus The Complete Greek Drama, edited by Eugene ONeill, Jr. (New York: Random House, 1938), line 1195. There is a reference to a potted sevenleafed cabbage being offered to Pandora in the festival of Thargalia. See Hipponax, Greek Lyric Poetry, 121. 79. Baskets were woven from young twigs of hazel and willow. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I. III.xiii. 6, I. V.vii. 7, and I. III.xv. 2. 80. Ibid., I. VII.iv. 46. See also Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, edited by H. T. Riley and John Bostock (London: Taylor & Francis, 1855), book 19, chapter 38. 81. Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, op. cit., I.12.9, and Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I. II.i. 1. 82. Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War (London: J. M. Dent; New York: E. P. Dutton, 1910), book 2, chapter 62, section 3. 83. Robin Osborne, op. cit., p. 377. 84. Pausanias, Guide to Greece, trans. by Peter Levi (London: Penguin, 1971), Vol. 1, p. 323, n. 39. 85. Plutarch, Alexander, Plutarchs Lives, edited by Bernadotte Perrin (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1919), chapter 12, section 2. 86. Diodorus Siculus, Diodorus of Sicily in Twelve Volumes, Volumes 48, translated by C. H. Oldfather (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd,1989), book 17, chapter 47, section 4. Pliny the Elder, op. cit., book 19, chapter 19. The environs of Megara, near Carthage, were planted with gardens and full of fruit-bearing trees divided by low walls, hedges and brambles, besides deep ditches full of running water. See Appian, The Punie Wars, The Foreign Wars, edited by Horace White, (New York: The Macmillan company, 1899). Jerusalem was surrounded by gardens with hedges and walls which the inhabitants had made about their gardens and groves of fruit trees. See Flavius Josephus, The Works of Flavius Josephus, translated by William Whiston (Auburn and Buffalo: John E. Beardelsy, 1895), book 5, section 106. Polybius, Histories, book 18, chapter 20. See Hyperides, Against Demosthenes, Minor Attic Orators, translated by J. O. Burtt (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1962), speech 5. Theocritus, The Idylls, translated by Anthony Verity (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2002), idyll 3, line 48. Philostratus, Philostratus the Elder Imagines. Philostratus the Younger Imagines. Callistratus Descriptions, translated by Arthur Fairbanks (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1931), book I, section 6. Philostratus the Elder, op. cit., book 1, section 6. Theocritus, op. cit., idyll 18, line 30. Ibid., idyll 11, line 45. Ibid., idyll 5, line 95. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I. IV.v. 6. Polybius, op. cit., book 15, chapter 30. Athenaeus, op. cit., book V, p. 496. Inge Nielsen, Hellenistic Palaces (Aarhus, Denmark: Aarhus University Press, 1999), p. 81. Xenophon, On Economics, op. cit., book 4, chapter 1, section 20. Diodorus Siculus, op. cit., book 14, chapter 80, section 2.

87. 88.

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89. 90.

91.

92.

93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102.

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103. Plutarch, Alcibiades, op. cit., chapter 24, section 5. 104. Xenophon, Anabasis, Xenophon in Seven Volumes, Volume 3 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1980), book 1, chapter 4, section 10.The latter areas must have been distinct, for practical reasons, from the parks, or part of parks, described by Xenophon as stocked and maintained with wild animals. See Xenophon, Anabasis, op. cit., book 1, chapter 2, section 7. 105. Plutarch, Alexander, op. cit., chapter 73, section 2. 106. Inge Nielsen, op. cit., pp. 131ff. 107. Strabo, Geography, 7.1.810. 108. Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica, translated by R. C. Seaton (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1912), book III, line 215. Inge Nielsen, op. cit., p. 133. Athenaeus, op. cit., book XIV, p. 654. Ibid., book V, p. 449. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., IV,11.8 and IV. 12.3. Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, op. cit., I.11.5 and Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I.ix. 35. Athenaeus, op. cit., Book V, pp. 449479. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., IV.ii. 57. Ibid., IV.ii. 811. Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, op. cit., II,13.4. Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., VI. V.iii, 56. Ibid., book 15, chapter 1, section 58. 120. Theophrastus records that he was successful with box and lime but failed with ivy. See Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, op. cit., I. IV.iv. 12. See also Plutarch, Alexander, op. cit., chapter 35, section 8. 121. Plutarch, Demetrius and Anthony, Lives, IX, translated by Bernadotte Perrin (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1920), Chapter 50, sections 16. 122. Inge Nielsen, op. cit., p. 127. 123. Strabo, op. cit., book 16, chapter 2, section 6; and Inge Nielsen, op. cit., p. 115 and n.222. 124. Inge Nielsen, op. cit., pp. 138 and 156. 125. Ibid., op. cit., p. 107. 126. Ibid., op. cit., pp. 146ff.

109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119.

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