Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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ink — The savercign will ultimately try apd control our lives. The military proves.
Miche! Foueauft. Chair at the College de Frpnice, 1977, Discipline & Punish: The Birth
of the Prison, Pg. 149-151
TF The time-table is an old ineritjnce. The strict model was nof_
doubt suggested by the monastic dommunities. It soon spread. Irs
three great methods ~ establish rhythms, impose particular occups
tions, regulate the cycles of repetiion were soon to be found in
schools, workshops and hospitals, The new disciplines had no difi-
tly in taking up their place in the pl forms; the schools and poor-
houses extended the life and the dezularty of the monastic com=
Imutties 10 which they were ofign auached. The rigours of the
industrial period long retained a feligious air; in the seventeench
century, tie regulacions of che erat manwfactories lid down the
txercises that would divide up the working day: ‘On arrival in the
morning, Before beginning their work, ali persons shall wash their
hands, off up theit work to ele make the sign of the cross’
(Goin Maur, article 1); but even inthe nineveenth century, when the
rural populations were needed inj industry, they were sometimes
formed into ‘congregations’, in arf attempt to inure them to work
ithe workshops; she Srameseok) of the ‘Tacrory-monastery’ was
imposed upon the workers. In the Protestant armies of Maurice of — FE eg
Orange and Gustavus Adolphus, military discipline was achieved ~E =
through a rhythmics of time punchuated by pious exercises; army | a
fife, Boussanelfe was later 0 say, should have some of the ‘perfec~ a
tions of che cloister itself" (Boussanell, a; on the religions character
of discipline in che Swedish army, cf. The Sweats Discipline,
London, 1632). For centuries, the rligious orders had been masters
of discipline: they were the specalfts of time, the great rechnicians
of shythm and regular activities. Bur the disciplines akered chese
methods of temporal regulation for which they derived. They
sleced cher fst by refining chert, One Began co count in quarter
hhours, in minutes, in seconds. This happened in the army, of course:
Guibert systematically implemented the chronometrie measurement
‘of shooting that had been suggested eatlier by Vauban. In the ele-
mentary schools, the division oft ‘Bly minute;
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their arm crossed and their eyes loWered. Whea the prayer has been
said, she reacher wil surike the signtl once co indicate chat the pupils
should get up, a second time as sign that they should salute Christ,
and a chind chac they should sie down’ (La Salle, Conduite. .., 27-8).
Tn the early nineteenth century, tf following time-table was sug-
gested for the oles muruelés, of “mutual improvement schodls
B45 entrance of the monitor, 8.5 the monitor's summons, 8.56
entzance of the children and prayet, 9.09 the children go 10 ther
benches, 9.0 fist slate, 9.08 end of dictation, 9.12 second slat, ete.
(Tronchot, 221). The gradual exttnsion of the wage-earning class
brought with it a more detailed partitioning of time: ‘If workers
arrive later than 2 quarter of an hour after the ringing of the bell...”
(Amboise, article 2); “if any one |of ce companions is asked for
during work and Joses more than five minutes -..”, ‘anyone whois |
not at his work at the correct tim...“ (Oppenheim, article 7-8).
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‘The reason the sovereign tooks for power is to control. The abili
sy manipulation of
Michel Foucault, Chair at the College de F
allows €:
s citizens,
of the Prison, Pg. 218-219
“G+. Generally speaking, ir might be said that the disciplines arf)
echniques for assuring the ordering of human multiplicities. is
true chat there is nothing exceptional or even characteristic in this:
every system of power is preserted with the same problem. But the
peculiarity of the disciplines is that they «ry to define in relation to
the muleiplicites a tactics of pofver chat fulfils three criteria Sirs,
obtain the exercise of power af the omest possible cost (economic
ally, by the low expenditure ic ipvolves; politically, by is diseretion,
tts Iow exteriorizanion, its relate invisibly, the litle resistance i
arouses); secdndly, t0 bring theleects of tis social power to cheie
‘maximum intensity and to extedd them 25 fie as possible, without
either filuze oF intervals thirdly to link this ‘economic’ growth of
power with the output of the pppararuses (edacational, military,
industrial or medical) within hich it is exercised; in’ short, 26
increase bath the docility and the wail’ of all che elements of the
system. This triple objective of the disciplines corresponds to 3
weeli-enown Kistorial conjunctixe, One aspect of this conjuncture
was the large demographic thrfst of the eighteenth century; an
increase in the floating populatipn (one of the primary objects of
discipline is to fix; it is aa antifnomadic technique); a change of
_quaatitative seale in the groups, to be supervised or manipulated
(from the beginning, of the seventeenth century 10 the eve of the
French Revolution, the schooll population had been increasing,
rapidly, as had no doubs che Hospital population; by the end of the
figheeenth century, the peacestitne army exceeded 200,000 men).
The other aspect ofthe conjunctuke was the growth in the apparatus
of production, which was becompng more and more extended and
complex; it was also becoming mpre costly and its profirability had
10 Be increased. The development of the disciplinary methods
corresponded to these rwo pracesfes, or rather, no doubt, tothe new
need to adjust their correlation. Neither the residual forms of feudal
power nor the structures of che 4dministrative monarchy, nor the
Jocal mechanisms of supervision] nor the unstable, tangled mass
they all formed together could] carry out this role: they were
hindered from doing so by the irrqgular and inadequare extension of
their nerwork, by cher offen conflicting functioning, but above a
by the ‘costly’ hature of the powfr that was exercised in them. Ic
‘was costly in several senses: becauke divectly it cost a great deal
the Treasury; because the system $f earrupe offices and farmed-out
taxes weighed indirectly, but very heavily, on the population;
because the resistance it encounteded forced i into a eyele of per~
petual reinforcement; because it qeaceeded essentially by levying
(levying on money or products by royal, seigniorial, ecclesiastical
taxation; levying on men or tite [by corvées of press-ganging, by
locking up or banishing vagabond). The development of the disci
plines matks the appearance of elednentary techniques belonging «o
a quite different economy: mechanfsms of power which, instead of
proceeding by deduction, are integrated into the productive effi-
ciency of the apparatuses from
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Link - Controlling activitigs
biopolitical control. When the sover
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humans become objects.
Miche] Foucault, Chair at the College de France, 1977, Discipline & Punish: the Biett
of the Prison, Pg. 159-160
[itis this Sicily time that was gradually imposed on peda
ogical practice ~ sptciaizing the time of training and detaching it
from the adult time, from the time of mastery; arranging difierent
stages, separated fron} one ancther by gaded examinations; drawing,
up programmes, eac{ of which must akA place during a particular
stage and which involves exercises of incresting difficulty; qualifying
individuals according to the way in which they progress through
these series. For the ‘hitiatory’ time of traditional eaining (an over-
alll rime, supervised by the master alone, authorized by a single
‘exdmination), discipbnary time had substiruted its muleiple and
rogresive series. A whole analytical pedagogy was being formed,
‘precufous in ts decal! (i broke down the subjece being tought inte
its simplest element, hierarchized each stage of development into
smal steps) and also Yery precocious ih its history (it largely antici
pated the genetic analyses of the /dologues, whose technical model
stappears to have beep). At the beginning. ofthe eighteenth century,
Demia suggested a dlvsion of the process of learaing to read i
seven levels: the first for those who are beginning to learn the fetes,
the second for those fuho are learning 10 spel, the third for those
‘who are learning to|join syllables together to make words, the
fourth for tose who are reading Latin in sentences or from punc~
tuatin to punctuatiog, the Ath for chose who are beginning, o read
French, the sixth for he best readers, the seventh for chose who can
read manuscripts. Bu where there are a great many pupils, further
subdivisions would ifave to be introduced; the first class would
coubprise four stream: one for those who are learaing, the ‘simple
lens"; a second for fhose who are learning the “mixed” lstersy a
third for those who dre learning the abbreviated letters (4, 2.
a fourth for those whp aze learning the double leters (ff 22, 1)
“The second class woul be divided into three streams: for those who
“count each lever aloxfi before spelling the syllable, D.O., DO'; for
those ‘who spell the fnose dificult syllables, sucl as dene, Sand,
spine’, etc. (Demia, 19-20). Each stage in the combinatory of e-
ements muse be inscrfed within a great remporal series, which i both
angtural progress of the mind and 2 code for educative proceduics.
nd creating hierarchies are the f¥o key aspects to
n can have power over time and
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n decides what we see
tions produce power relations, The panopticos
we deal it. |
Ronmelzer, professor of Engi a $t Joseph's Universite, 1993 [Panopicism and Posumodern
Pedazogy. Foueaulgand the Citi of tnsiutions 127-128 1
ranopticon, the BEnthamite prison machine, an ‘architecture transparent
the admnistratpn of power, made st possible to substitute for force oF
tp
4 other violent constraints the gentle efficiency of total surveillance.
age ecwhe an efficient means of control by authorities From &
WE central vantage pint, inspection of prisoners was continuous, general
"82 and facile The pafopticon allowed relatively few officials to control large
& numbers of prisongrs by foregrounding both hierarchy and visibility The
Ay
REAL o ganopticism | addtess here foregrounds neither, it does, howeves enable
© retculous contro over the network of power relations that produce and
WX
SERN Mersin the truth flaims of 3” institution by means of an economic
"ee faiveillance. Kt muftiplies and mystifies che visible and cenvered #a7¢ of
In:
le opetation is distributfd to every body in a system of power relations
that constitute an institufion, It works percasivel Every
works perasively and invisibly Every fin
thr spam becomes anf tat ses ahora ns toe
that itis often litle more than subliminal echo
ers
the machine into the oo instances of observation of a mechanism
ina reais so nature
"anoptitism blinds to other ways of seeing and controls gazes
lemon Binds abe vo foun cbeciston tof hauing become st
ae a ql zht line. Moreover, panopticism seems to work most efficiently
en bes are set in opposition"
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€ ) Know ledno
Link - Knowledge is the internal
are able to have power over those
Michel Foucault, Chair at the Colle
of the Prison, Pg. 224
3-|Taken one by of
history behind them. B
was that, by being co
at which the formato
regularly reinforce one
the Hisciplines cross
hospital, then the schol
ply ‘reordered? by the
apptpatuses such thar
used in hem as a8 in
power could give rise
it wes this link, prog
possible within the di
meilcine, psychiatry,
the racionalieation off
(and
cumulation of a
‘moldgical ‘thaw” thr
a Of the [fens of pomer sheough the foration
‘ho do not.
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ink to power. Those who have the most knowledge
Je de France, 1977, Discipline & Punish: The Birth
1 what was new, i the eighteenth century,
ined and generalized, they attained a level
of knowledge and the increase of power
nother ina eireuar process. At this point,
the “echnological” threshold, First the
1 chen, later, she workshop were not sie
disciplines; they became, thanks to them,
any mechanism of objectification could be
rument of subjection, and any growth of
them to possible branches of krowledges
to the technological systems, thar made
iplinary element ehe formation of clinical
ld. psychology, educational psychology,
ue. Its double proves, then: an epise=
igh a refinement of power relations; a
forms of keowledge:). Beh Y
fe, most of these techniques have a long /CNDE 06
Bion.
Steve/Cyrus'Ruby?
Lin, Amett, Burshteyn
Affirmative’s use of the law to create change reinforces the domination of power.
Link-| Law
Dreyfus, Professor of Philosophy at Berkeley. 1982, Michel Foucaul, hessond stctetisny ane
hermeneutics. page 130
Wiew of power the juridico discursive” (HS 82).
power aind truth are entirely external co each
“limit and lack." It ays down the law
se then limits and cireumscribes. Punishinent far
It is thoroughly negati
other. Power produces dothing but
and the juridical discou
disobedience is always
ucavlt offers twp additional reasons why this view of power has
been so readily accepted into our discourse. First, there is what he calls
sthe eke (AS 6), Jn. the pose of the univers intellectual
ty. the speaker solemnly
Tus, will sh y
‘Afterall, “wouter. truths and promise bliss
ior fromm which to speak “The waLeTestaal
SBokeSman for conscie’ce_and consciousness
‘paviléged Yor He is loutside of power and within the eich. His
Sermgns—statements ofjonpression and promises of a new order—are
pleastrable to pronounce and easy to accept. Of course, this could be
taken 2 @ description of Foucault's own privileged stance and to some
extent he is not exempt fom this charge. However, as genealogist he is
certaily not claiming to be outside of power, nor to promise us a path 10
utopid or lis
The ease of acceptgnee is Foucault's second point. He argues that
smodiemn power is tolerable on the condition that it mask iselt—which it
has dgue very effectivelf. If truth is outside of and opposed to power
then the speaker's benef is merely an incidental plus. But iC uth and
gowerare not eterna ach oer as Eau obvi wi
of A FGUEATIT paRe-A, “Power a6 a pure Tibi set oh
freedom is, at Teast in ouf soctely; The getieral form of iis accentabiliy™
SWI ABS ==CNDI ‘06
Biope
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Lin, Amett, Burshteyn
Link- Law -
Power inherently acts through hy any law reform only masks this.
Dreyfus, Professor of Philosophy
t Berkeley. 1982, Miche! Foucault. beyond strvcturabism sol
ics, page 130-1
{The r00t of thisis historical. Accoxding to Foucault, before iLtcok
sel ywcin fact acted through prohitition and festiant.
Te major instiutiongof power—The monarch and teWeN=—arose oR
4 80a of focal and confficting forces. Out of myriad local Bonds and battles
the rise of monarchy operated, grosso modo, to regulate, arbitrate, and
deareate. At the sa ine i Sought to break the bond of feudal tradi
tioh and custom. 11 forked (0 establish a more centralized order from
these multifocal fefigns. “Faced witha muriad of glashing forces. these
‘a principle of Fight that ra
ca eet of
Seer, of cous. bundnany sonics. Given the ecem work of
cores Buby and hi tidents on th prod an piven the cenaliy
cf hese themes we dupest sch eabraton of thse poten er
volumes.
One of Foucault
matin foun
‘opponent of a
de itself Boring The Classical Aue, criticism of We French
Fone unontacad aaetan tie moerche tabiaeaT hee er
riigal critiques of the aie tried 10 demystify the way bauneeois rezime
‘Bampilated Tees sivantage, What was wrong Wzih
fo Foucault hirnsell, who challenges the modems
es of power by hinting that ideals of the law
with the social onder established by political
institutions and discou
are in permanent tensig
technologies.1 130 ~
and law increases the efficiency of disciplinary power
Affirmative’s use of politic
bara, Nov., 1992, Journal of Polities, Vol. $4. py 977-1007. is
Digeser, Prof at UC Santa Bi
Fine way the practige of politics incrggses the efficacy of disciplinary power
is gh aR ae Sa st er
framed throughout the world since the French Revolution, the Codes writ-
ten and revise, a whple continal and clanorousleidanee sean, We
were the forms that nade an essentially normalizing power acceptable
(Foucault 18806, 144), And: “the great continuity of the carceralsvstesn
throughout the law ard its sentences gives a sort of legal sanction to the
ascip’inary mechanisrh, to the decisions and judgments that they enforce’
as nofmal and reasonable. In what Foucault calls the art of governmentality”
(Foucault 1979), law anfl polities reinforce and legitimate various techniques
of diseiplinary power. Ror example, the normalizing tactics of psychiatry are
nifed ehesihccriinal nw Foucault pcsente tie
seaUly expaTET and
awa mg Tess Codcemed with what the defendant has done, and more
concerned with establifhing who the criminal is; his or her aature, back
sround, what psychological mechanisms are at work, and why someone
would do something like’ this (Foucault 1985). Judicial authority i fixed vipon
the offender and not the offense (Foucault 1988, 140). Its imprimatur cane
tions and makes reasonable the close interrogation and definition of the of
fender y
en enitelatnne
eeCNDI “06
Lin, Amett, Burshteyn
Biopow
Steve!CyrusRuby Nic
Link-Medicnl Dincouese
James W. Bernauer, Professor of P!
Link ~ Medical disepurse
i
Foucault's Force of
c
Since at least 1963, Foucau|
modern valle discussions, nfmely, the pre
discourse Poficie is nov a
represented by the shift from
language of fslvation to one
notice the piivileged role that
quality of lifp theme has had i
fon such matters a5 rights co
environment are characterist
topics have become common
manner ia which knowledge
its needs. Both Surseiller ec
(hereafter VS) are actempts
knowledge and the type of
political chobght and action.
his routes ipco this functioni
cour politcal condition ene
seems to bé on the periphes
according tq Foucault, by ef
inherepty biopolitical.
losophy at Boston Coltege. £990, Michael
fat, fg. 122-123
1. TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING oF CONTEMPORARY POLIT!
[chad been struck by 8 pecubiar cone in our
ize they accord to medical
phere isolated from the cultural transition
1a debate conducted largely in the religious
reoecupied with heaith, One cannot fail co
‘whole cluster of issucs revolving around the
the modem age: contemporary controversies
alth care, 1o one’s own body, to a sanitary
‘of modern politics in general.'° ‘That such
la the chambers of government is deterinined,
rays power operates in our society and by the
ticulaces our society's conception of itself and
junir (heseafter SP) and La volonté de savoir
10 uncover the funetioning of the form of
ower that constitute the parameters of our
Foucault's choice of the prison and sexuality as
gis a brilliant one. In having the characier of
._ on the one hand, from an institution that
‘of society, and on the other hand, from @
dimension that is regardedlas interior and intimate, he fashions an insight
has, cet all the divifions of public and private, social and personal,
makes unfenable any disas
ciation of personal and policical existence
‘The foundation of contemporary politics is found in what Foucaale calls
“bio-politics” (bio-politigne), a politics of life fabricated by the knowledge
and power operative in the moder age. The members of western societies
have ere asa poise preoccupied with its biological life and
‘engaged it a political con
His studis on the prison
the emergence of this bio-pdli
human bdy and the otheF
whole. Although these rok
1 dedicated 10 the adminiseration of that life.
3d sexuality treat «wo dimensions as crucial for
ties: one concerned with the disciplining of the
addressing che health of the social body as a
limensions are inseparable in his understanding
of contemporary politics, the following two sections—the carceral archipel
ago and fe birth of Bio-foliies—respect both their distinetion and the
i their presentatipn by Foucault .
calendarNDI “06
Iriope.
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Lin, Amett, Burshteyn
D- pilier
allows for the object
Michel Foucault, Chair at the College de France, 1977, Diseipline & Punish: The Sith
of the Prison, Pg, 162-163
repuledly most skilful shidies. Inthe course of the elasicat period,
ssed over toa whole set of delicate articulations. The unit —
regiment, batalion, section and, later, ‘division’ — became a sort
one
of mpchine with many pars, moving in elation «© one anoder, ia
ordef to arrive at a cOnfiguration and to obtain a specific result.
‘What were the reasons|for this mutation? Some were economic: to
make each individual useful and the raining, maintenance, and
arming of troops profitable; to give to each soldier, a precious unit,
maximum efcieney. Bbe these economic reasons could become
determinant only with technical transformation: the invention of
the rfe:!® more accurate, more rapid than the musker, it gave
_greattr value 10 the soldiers skill: more capable of reaching a pare
Ficular targe, it made it]possible to exploit fire-power at an indivi-
dual (eve and, ef it eurned every soldier into a possible
target, requiring by thg same token greater mobility; ix involved
therefore the disappearahce ofa technique of masses in favour of an
art rhpt distributed unitgand men along extended, celarively Aexible,
mobile ines, Hence che need to find a whole calculated practice of
indivjéual and collectife dispositions, movements of groups or
isolated elements, changes of position, of movement from one dis-
position to anothers in short, the need to invent a machinery whose
principle would no longer be the mobile or immobile mass, but a
Beomlecry of divisible stgmenes shose basic uaiey: was the mobile
vd, no doubt, below the soldier himself, che
soldier with his vife;!*
ani gees the ellmenary stages of actions, the fragments of
sed occupied or easersed. 3-163
Link ~The miljtary makes falge dichotomies between its soldiers. These separations
tion for the Sother™ soldiers to help the “better” ones.Biope:
NDI ‘06 Steve/Cyrus/Ruby/Nt
Lin, Amett, Burshteyn |
@O- Milton, _
Link ~ Life is fost when you are in the military. From a young age you are taught
the kill to savelmentality. |
Michel Foucault, Chait athe Goll
of the Prison, Pb. 164-166
de France. 1977, Discipline & Punish: The Birth
(2} The various chroologice! series that discipline must combi)
10 farm 2 composite tthe are also pieces of machinery. The time
ext mu beaje oe n of hoes ins way diate
smaxtmum quantity of forces may be extracted from each and com-
binef! with the optimufn result. Thus Servan dreame of a military
machine thar would cover the whole teritory of the nation and in
‘whigh each individual Would be occupied without interruption but
in a Hfferent way accofding to the evolutive segment, the genetic
sequtnce in which he finds himself. Military life would begin in
childhood, when young children would be taught the profession of
armslin ‘military manor; it would end in these same manors when
the tera ight up thei st ay, would tech he children,
‘exercfse the recruits, prfside over the soldiers’ exercises, supervise
themwhen they were cafrying out works in the public interest, and
finally make order reign in the country, when the troops were fight
inga the ones. Thess not single momento if om which
one chnnor extract forced, providing one knows how co diferentiare
it and combine it with others, Similarly, one uses the labour of
childgpn and of old people in the great workshops; this is because
they ave certain elementary capacities for which it is not necessary
to us¢ workers who haye many other aptitudes; furthermore, they
ir force; lastly, if they work, they are no
longet at anyone’s charge: ‘Labouring mankind’, said 3 tax collector
‘of an prterprise at Angets, ‘may find in this manufactory, from the
age often to old age, respurces against idleness and the penury that
follosls from it’ (Marcheay, 360). But i was probably in primary
‘education that this adjustmene of diferent chronologies was to be
carried out with most subtlety. From the seventeenth century to the
introdbetion, at the beginning of the nineteenth, of the Lancaster
rmethofi, the complex elogkwork of the mutual improvement school
‘was bifle up cog by cog: firs she oidest pupils were entrusted with
tasks ibvolving simple supervision, then of checking work, then of
teachirgs in the end, all de time ofall ghe pupils was occupied either
with aching or with belng taught. The school became a machine
for leafning, in which eaeh pupil, each level and each moment, if
correcdy combined, werd permanently utilized in the general pro-
cass offteaching. One of the great advocates of the mutual improve-
ment stools gives us sore idea of this progress: ‘In a school of 360
childreh, the master who jwould like to instruct each pupil in turn
fora sqsion of thee hous would not be able co give alfa minute
to ekch. By the new mathod, each of the s6o pupils writes, reads or
(Ceounts for to and a Half hours’ (ef, Bernard).> IY 6G
Gal
constitute a cheap abotBiapos
Steve/Cyrus/Ruby/Ni
CNDI ‘06 |
Lin, Ameit, Burshteyn |
Lines Militar. _
|
Link — Thosf in the military lose their individuality. They are seen as a unit that is
used by the fovereign to dojits bidding. .
977. Discipline & Punish: The Biri!
hel Fouchult, Chair at the College de France. |
of the Prison] Pg, 210-211
1. The functional inversion of the diviplines. At Bist, they were)
pected ¢ neutralize dangers, to fx useless or disturbed popula-
tons, t0 avoid the| inconveniences of over-large assemblies; now
they were being asked to play a positive role, for they were becom-
skg able t0 do 50, to inerease the possible utility of individuals.
liar dip fv Jonge a mere mess of preventing oaing,
sertion oF failure fo obey orders among the troops; it has become
asic technique «q enable the army to exist, not a5 an assembled
ow, bu as a unify chat derives from this very unity an increase
its forces; discipline increases the skill of each individual, co-
Plinates these skllp, accelerates movements, increases fire power,
oadens the fronty of attack without reducing their vigour, in
sases the capacity or resistance, etc. The discipline of the work-
lop, while remainidg a way of enforcing respect forthe regulations
1d authorities, of preventing thefts or losses, tends t0 increase
ieudes, speeds, output and therefore profits; i still exeris 2 moral
ffuence over behabiour, but more and more it teats actions in
«rms oftheir results} introduces bodies into a machinery. forees into
economy. Whe, in the seventeenth centary, the provincial
sdhools or the Chastian elemenciry schools were founded, the
tiications given for them were above all negative: those poor
‘who mere unable to bring up their childcen lef them ‘in ignorance
their obligations) given the difficulties they have in earning @
Uifing, and chemselfes having been badly brought up, they 2:6
upable to communitate a sound upbringing that ahey themselves
ndver had’; this invdlves three major inconveniences: ignorance of
Cha, idleness (with fts consequent drunkenness, impurity, larceny,
bigandage); and thd formation of those gangs of beugars, always
R
dy to stir up public disorder and ‘virtually to exhaust the funds
the Hotel-Dieu’ (Demia, 6o~61). Now, at the beginning of the
rvolution, the end) laid down for primary education was to be,
‘ong other things, 10 ‘fortify’, 10 ‘develop che body’, t0 prepaze
thd child ‘for a futued ia some mechanical work’, to give him ‘an
lervat eye, a sure fand and prompt habits’ (Talleyrand’s Reperc
to fhe Constituent Asbembly, ro September 1791, quoted by Léon,
104). The disciplines function increasingly a8 techniques for making
usdfl individuals. Hence their emergence from a marginal pasion
| the confines of speiety, and detachment from the forms of
txdlsion or expiaticn, confinement or retreat. Hence the slow
lahering of then with eligi reais and enclosures,
Hehce also their roofing in the most important, most central and
imdkt productive sectqrs of society. They become attached to some
of fe great essential incions: factory production, the transmission
of knowledge, the diffusion ‘of aptitudes and skills, the war-machine.
Hehee, 100, the double tendency one sees developing shroughour
the eighteenth century to increase the number of disciplinary insti-
Cnttons and eo discipllne the existing apparatuses 310~ 2! |
| mmm,| Ropes
NDI +06
Steve/Cyrusiluhy/Ni
}
Lin. Arnett, Burshteyn, |
Coy itt 4
J
Link — The makes bieratehies within itself, It is this false dichotomization
0
that allows for comin
James W. Bernaudr, Professor of Philosophy at Boston College, 1990, Michael
Foucault's Force of Plight, Pe. 130 _
[These powers of discipline and the practices they Fequire—che dexwing up 7
bf eables, che prescribing of movements and exercises, the tacts for making
combinations—are made to fenction successfully through a simple instru
rental techfology of three mbjor components Whether the space in which (2)
individuals [find themselves jisteibuted is that of a military camp, a
‘working-clabs housing project, or a school, 2 constaft hierarchical observa. Mkerérchg|
tion is taking place. The archifectural composition of such space, while lss
corporeal tHan the power of the torturer, is mare subtly physical. Second, sos
these spacesfare illuminated bf the constant appearance of judgments on the W%/ 40
observance pr nonobservancd of norms. Rewards and penalties are ingre-
dieats of iis continually prdrounced normalizing judgment. Finally, the gp
examination conceetizes and] combines these two other techniques: the |
success of tihining and the individual's progress are evaluated.” The powers 4\\0w
and technolpgy of discipline fepresent neither enslavement (bodies are not Loe |
appropriate) nor asceticism {renunciation is not ite goal), but someching.
a difficule objectives the greater utility of che MOMS Rak
a
‘quite distinge. Discipline aims
body seas the same professes that make it more docile. A political 4
anatomy offehe body attempt to increase its farce, to make it more useful,
dean)
and at the ame time to diminish its political force by making it more
obedient. fd sum, “it dissociftes power from the body” and establishes in
she tees “link between aol increased aptitude and an increased domina- yw
PO |- ae
Gion .CNDI +06
Lin, Amett, Bursbleyn
National service
character and pe
Eric Gorham, Pr
Service, Citizensh|
\
inks
pirically dis
sonality traits
ip and Political
produced by the
[manual implore
sense discipline
tor, disciplined
‘The manual
ing discipline t
aepoliticize cor
unnecessary, a1
entollees,
constructive ch
traits” whore no
ativity,” and “hi
relationships."
jone-ta-one Folati
(waa) closely far
and unique per:
friend”—ond thi
al Service Corps:
ed that a dossia
thing related to
‘The Labor Depai
regularly by con!
fessor of Political Scie
(The Job Corp
ite corpsmember
ketable skills, Thi
such discipline
‘the discipline an
‘was most effoct
late his or her oud behavior.
in inculcating the apol
First, they w¢
tial advisor RA)
~ Nokia nal Sery
that did not fit their bio political caste
¢ at Loyola University. 1992, Nati
Education pg. 122-123
also Was designed (o discipline and normalize
fas much gg it was meant to give them mar-
Js is evident from the Residential Living Manual
Jepartment of Labor for the program. However,
1s hot particularly harsh, and the authors of the
¢ residence directors to involve the enrollees in
‘to be “Texible” in meting punishment In this
Jas democratic: the community, not.jusk. the direc
.e offending party. Consequently, social contro)
‘as a tieuns by which the individual could regu:
so suggests that the government Was daterested
litical ideology of service. Instead of promot:
fard rigid norms, the Job Corps attempted to
members, or reinforce their political passivity
‘and aa This, in then, could make coareive discipline
id deflect any contestation on the part of the
je to “dinect behavior patterns and attitudes into
wnels* by modifying “character and personality
ssary. The Corps emphasized “Nlexiblity,” “ere-
nization,” and tried to nurture “supportive
fot they isolated the individual by establishing a
ship between tho conpsmember and 2 residen
‘The RA was “the one person in the Conter who
iar with the individua? corpsmember as a aca?
mn.” The RA was the “mentor,” the "concerned
‘was the RA’ institutional duty. Like the Nation:
ind Peuce Corps before it, the Job Corps demand:
be compiled by the RAs, marking down every-
hat person in order to compile a “total” record.
ment proposed that corpsmembers be monitored
ant attendance-taking (at exch part of tho day),
and frequent daytime dormitory ehecks."\> 722 -r=y
wee
ional
po?
Biope
Steve/Cyrus!itubyN
plines and normalizes corps modifying individestNDI 06
Lin, Amett, Burshteyn
Biope-
Steve/Cyrus/uby/N
Liqes ~ Nestornl Servite
|
‘The goal of ational service is to conform the individual to meet the bia-political
norm
National service looks to indjviduals as an instrumental justification for
normalized tHought as. means to further their own burcauera
Erie Goran Professor of Pplitical Science at Loyola University. 1992, National
Service, Cit
nship and Political Education pg. 110-115
one That
dovelop an ethic of servi
Yet wnat deed it mean to
Serenata, ond that guides one’s life, one that situate itself as
ce and practice? It means: (1) establishing philo:
‘maine that make ita form of behavior to
“OY establishing clear
lo body of knowles
lsopAicat principle
such indifidal
sles of procedurp as to whet constitutes service knowledge and
practice, (@-devel rganizalions whose sole or primary pur-
Jpose is Lo serve abd promote service, (4) establishing within those
organizations. norins of professionat-vondice which conform to the
agenda
Erie Gorham, Professor of Pafitical Science at Loyola University. 1992, National
Service, Citizénship and Politieal Education py
119
Gh the provious séchion Targued that the vory premises of the con-
cpt of service belid a politicoeconomic context in which It flourish
eb, and that this distorts the practice of the civic, For in this can-
xt, civic practichs entail pursuing onds that privilege some
forests over othefs. This violates the promise of equality upon
thich sccaunts of democratic citizenship, and defenses of national
vice, are often Based. But, mtore importantly, service rhetoric
id ideology close flown discussion about its necessarily political
bare, and in doidg s0, the citizen is silenced In this section, 1
camino the actua! pructice of service groups that have heen estab:
shed by federal agd stats governments. | argue that these prac
very practices national service proponents
fansoond, Furthermore, these very some offices
organizational regimes of normalization and
jon toward instrumental, individualist think-
ts the development of the civic 28 TLin, Arnett, Burshteyn|
National Serv
Eric Gorham,
biges — Narteral gern
|
pe inevitable exerts bio power over the education system
— re inom imei Ga ‘iniply doing companuniby service
: Tr
ri ‘programs in eight high schools, Ratter
Pptpertormance of eocialy derived
necessarily results,
or politica) order
spate ete
nde ‘of the particular DroS
nity to i Paty eneauraged
aa oo ih anne
format rer nae ir of een eae sae
rere ome ar eget
enrages tS
“ambeaatering
al Education pg. 107
ter [assess in
ater detail the political and educational ideology
“of service poli
Largue that service, while-ellestive in some
raining.
ally, | diseuss-two aspects of service: (1) the argu
yainst service Jearning, as well aa those which bot
icroppaments ignore; and (2) the practice of se
is and young adults—what do young people learn.
jencd tuggests that learning through service is not
beneficial, or public spirited, Participants also
lvity on the Job—young service participants are
service, but often servility, not only dissipline, but
ion, not only independence, bue atten individua:
fe participant. who serves is politically and socially
the tools and materials come from a postindust
rofessor of Polftical Science at Loyola University, 1992, National
Service. Citizesship and Politidal Education pe. 62-63
fs methods effectively teach participant's subject
Professor of Political Seience at Loyola University, 1992, National
Biopo
Steve/Cyrus/Ruby/NCNDI ‘06 ___ Biopo
Lin, Amett, Bursbieyn Steve/Cyrus/Ruby’N
Lahics — Nationa | 520'e
y via the repression of
National service represents sabj
individuals through experimentation, research and investigation
Eric Gorham, Professor of Political Science at Loyola University. 1992, National
Service, Citizenship and Political ducation pg. 75-75
uch « propdsal also directly threatens unions that currently
supply labor to police forces, prisons, and parole systems through:
cut the country. The problem is endemic to all areas of service, but
especially sovore fn the security field, whore unions ar weil orga-
nized. Some proppsals have tried te appease the unions by setting
limits on where the participants would work, and the police corps
‘ill even offers the same benefits to children of officers without
their participatign.® Nonetheless, well-trained service workers
‘ould be used tolbreak-up strikes, or otherwise prevent union,
Imembers from baigaining for a decent wage.
‘The ironie problem remains of who would discipline lackuduist
feal workers—the ervice program, or the crimina) justice institu
ons themsetves. Would the police have the authority to penalize
}oae workers who did not abide by regulations, or who did not
work up to their kapacity? Would the national service program
ave to take on disciplinary powers and procedures in order to
lain its sovereighty ever the participant in this regard?™
‘Mas! importahtly, service in this sector, and in institutions
juch as mental hofpitals, is qualitatively different from services in
other sectors. Nt only do participants serve the community st
Ihree, but they work for institutions which “work upon”
ipaividuelo That fg, the service they render involves the violation
the stato ofthe dovereignty of some individuals body. Such ini
duels contsibutelin whatover way to “the intensification of the
{y_~with its exploitation as an object of knoWledgo and an te
ont in relations ¢f power.”® They beceme part ofa systetn that
tracte informatish from individvals, and uses that knowledge to
shersise power over|vhem. In this sense, they sorv institutions that
th ropresent and fnpose particular etratogis of power upon thelr
shbjocts.
‘indeed, these ibstitutions are ones that constitute subjection
aba subjectivity, far they repress individuals (their avowed pur~
hee), But they aiso generate knowiedge about them (aften im order
resocalize ther) Throwgh experimentation, research, and inves
{pation they compile dossiers abot those people that define them
whesin the institations, Thoy generate the Knowledge about those
viduals they with to incareerate,Gopor or azest, and in ing
si perpetuate a ayatem whors people ave perceived thus, This 3s
Duh en indignity tp thoae individuals, and a technigue by which
reinsert theig hegemony over those individuals. In this way.
NBPS participate in payatom that docs not teat certain individuals
a} onds in thomocl¥es. Moreover, it substitutes for community &
rime where bodieg ere analyzed, eguated, and interrogated, and
itpubstitutes for public disecurse a projection of state power onto
tile individual" Copscquently, NSPS, intevsatheir clerical fine
tigne, are part ofa system that dogs mare than serve, National ser
vibe in institutions oferiminal justice Becomes # misnomer, because
th intent of thse lfetitutions is rot simply to serve the publi, but
alfoto generate information and apply power onto subjects "FSCNDI ‘06
Lin, Amett, Burshteyny
National Sericejn
je
not allow this un:
Bric Gorham, Prq
Service, Citizenshy
National servieg is
for any alternative
Eric Gorham, Profe
Service, Citizenship]
Ng
“al
fk Political 30
a ‘equally Feasible
Ls - National serve,
‘eingly oppressive organization to take hold in ou;
fessor of Polit
|p and Political ducation pg, (5
jion ic the means by which scciely transmits
social orientations, and the processes through
‘Sasi potitical
which individuals Joarn to behave appropriately in politiea) and
Social contexts, Taf definition foquses lest on éeveloryneital ot
tesaee, oF prychotogical mechanisms ef politcal learning, for I eon
tof political education, Rather, stitutions
‘ll s0e that some proponents of national serve ceek to inclcate
this idea of evility fo all young people. While this goal is an impor
jannors have atten made jt the central, or the
Terviee, und the eomesstone af good citizen
ship,
Political education consists of those processes thal help ind
fut palicics and socicty, and to reason sbout the
ities! community. This model of politica) and
vidual to think at
purposes of the
ovia} learning emphasizes the critica! nssesseront vf & poll
the Behavioral norms of that polity. Democratic education en
Individuals ing cite dialogue With thei soclety, and encourages
penpleto learn aboblt thir society by participating init. Democrat
fe political eduestiqh, then, is not a process of transiissiz, i fs &
twovray oxchange fetween the individual and his or her society—
lone in which the ilvidual learns Irom others but in which others
[also learn {rom hig or her Political edueatjon treats potitival
oncepta as materidl for discussion and learning, and thus citizen:
ship becomes an sda! eboue which students ean rewson. 7 Ay AUS
sed as an instifutionalized cure-all overwhelming
Biopo
SteverCyrasRuby
\olds normalized behavior to further their own agenda; we must
ir commettities
i Scieriee at Loyol University. 1992. National
the possibility
icy }
‘ty, 1992. National
1 of Political Science at Loyola Unive
land Political Education py, 27-28
‘the rhetorical alrategies Moskos deploys. He treats the
false troats these institutions 8 I sey
polities Thus, the “Financial infeasibility”
lective bargaiming. Moreover, i hices the
‘margin at private hospital i simp too
charitable® care of some of the mentally
Moskos ignores the political ond economic context ja which the
nena of Caring for pre mentally 3) theives, and this allows ime
ake daologica!stapemente under the guise of fac.
‘Finally, and most fovealingly, he argues that without national
ice “the alternatife will be cities crowded with insane and
Inearted people. The alternative? | suspect there might be
dene" In applying this sort of curosall,
surefire cure, disfuraive strategy, nations] sorvice becomes
thea just amothed policy it becomes che alternative
Te elaiming that ational servico ean sulve these probletns—
Geinstitationaliged] mentally 3] and unemplayet welfare recipi
erotional serviceemerfes ae pert of ar extensive system of
foliging strategies igvolving not only the servers, bub the reipi
‘sk well, Natione: gorvce demonstrates that “the obligations of
eenship will a asp solvent for most of the dilferencos arvor,
Warious kinds of ronal servers." ZB.
pA
eeCNDI 06 Binype
Lin, Amett, Burshteys] SteveiCyrus/Ruby/®
Sepvile
ice is a newfoynd institution of bio political power
Professor of Plitical Science at Loyola University, 1992, National
snship and Political Education pg. 24
‘Michael SHerraden and Donole Bho take slghtly ai
appraceh in defending netionsl service, though they share many of
the eaane goal forthe progeam. x one article they examine the
rights and resqoneibiliting of etuzone in America, The authors sug
est thet, conttary to tho dominant trends in Western culture, one
‘ugh nt to think of rights and responsibilities as eppositen, bac
leqontary to exch other" After eentering thom:
'Uhortarians of the Right end Lett” Milton Fried
Knoll, the authors offer a panoply of new “rights”
sonsibility, and which malionat seviee ean olfer
layment, the right to “sel out a nes” and enrich:
‘and the rightrive to a “promising futine."
fain that a philosophy of rights and responsibllitios
“nex soca! institution [thet) can Infact restore
vidual opportunities.“ Sherraden and Eberly
uate individbal npportunity within « socioeconomi Vacs sd
address the Gabe of rights and responsibilities” bo ap sudince of
Iibertarians: “Ip short, there haa been a diminution of the role of
the individual fo meeting the noode of the society, and an accom
Danying alienafion of individuals Irom government and fron enc
other.” Yet byfocusing the problers om tie “roe ofthe individual
Sherraden ancl Eberly aloo imply that socialization can cure the
problems alioting America. Moreover, they ignore the interme
ary inatitutionp and organizations that provont alienation. from
that society, anft pose the prcblem a2 ane ofthe individual versus
society at larg. We would expect their solution to be ane that
Actually ereatep state institutions to enable individuals to meet
“the novds of the society.” And their propusat im the urticle com
firms this, for fhey recommend a national service program that
“would bem do faci civilian service created by Uy expan af the
conscientious ojesiar provision in the draft law™ Thus they uz
‘gest ths! ratio) corvice become a “new social institution” (and
hot, for exampld, a new educticnal institution),
l en
National Ser
Eric Gorhas
Service, Citi
rolber as cacy
salvos betwoo
rman and Bev
whieh ieaply
the right to
ing experience
‘They maing
‘should under
and augraont
s in the cultural assinailacion of immigrants why'tt
National senvice part
instilling a dommon set of Yalues and norms
Eric Gorhath, Professor of Political Science at Loyola University, 1992, Nations}
Service, Citifenshin and Pofftical Education pg, 21
‘These argufoents imply that serviee ought to be o mechanism
‘of cultural assfmiation, not merely acculturation oe pluralisen
{Civic “edveatiog” ought firs co provide all residents of the United
ot of values and norms, and the peoeram
ea theae racfenis wn might mae tory
"Esta e alo seni hat atioalvoree
facts "new commen.” Yet this impetan
inal servis partpan onic tho
ne peak guns, Tous sme proponents suggett OME
Peer Seite deinen ould beame pre of border Fate
se eed ubupplment te poecional border pals) YH"C
Seates with a co
should ty to 255
Adapt well to th
Goeht to help ell
fobld justify ustNDI +06
Lin, Ameit, Bursmeya
La
The prinjary goat of n
‘establish
Erie Gor}
Service,
nition car Be as
ents to contend
orf national so
coptualized in
feconomistic and
Ihave etrong moral
ship, the ations
the workings oF
Ideals of partici
Individual it
reproduces that 3
National sex
for its parti
Fric Gorhay
Service, Citi
pants
. Professor of
enship and Pol
far the expense of
snoggests (hat ne
fo "avoid stvena
will “counestr
frowblo” and
Moskos farthe
the Fehest co
vy srippled &;
‘underelass.*
of an unassimil
Boverver,
beaver for
d norms of m:
am, Professor
itizenship and
In he fist parfof tis ok, fcanctude thay national service ix
its ost proven:
these rest on the ida thet citizenship ean be defined ur chat a def
toward preestabls
{ot the eontestabil
‘ean be justified ie
Sn the second
of the consopt afc
for natiotal servi
political edvcatio
Cthroughout i
nig claim that oo
citioensnip. Yet}
fs military serbice—th
ley - National secure,
ality and citizenship
of Political Science at Loyola Univers
Political Education pg, 14
Vorms daca not inculcate citizenship, because
Seemann’
tical Education py, 26-27
ebook, Moskos makes arguments which supp
sion fy the must important aspect of shared
‘practices which ensure cohesion may susceed
flindividol sights ond diversity. For instance, Re
jana verve ough! to be a requirement in order
Pt also recommends that national service Be
used a8 an altefmalive sentencing program dirceted at teens “ww
are Peel go
ci ene
SteveiCy
‘ifional service is to socialize individuals towards pr
ie not unlike military service establishes national norms of be!
Binpe
us/Ruby:
Nationa’
“litical Science at Loyola University, 1992, NationttBlope
rus/Ruby/\
CNDI ‘06
Lin, Arnett, Burshiey
Stevery
Ling) ~ Narre serutee
Aid is not a eruteb for the needy, those not accustomed to aid workers are often
treated so poorly they fear to ugk for heip effectively dehumanizing the in
when one has tojlive in fear of the aid their society offers
Eric Gorham, Pyotessor of Political Science at Loyola University. 1992, National
Service, Citizen: ical Education py. 113-134
‘Social contrpl involves different characteristics. Some who are
of ho use as wpriers—the aged, the disabled, the insane—ors
treated 80 poorly that they ‘instill in the laboring masses a fear of
the fate that avfpits them should they relax into heggary and past
perism.” Lowspage Work i enforced through statutory regulation
and adminietrabive methods And relief agency practices degrade
the relief recipignt, for example in the practice of surveillance. The
cite i freed surrender commonly accepted rights fe pri
acy] in exchange for nid." The welfere explosion of the 19608
expanded those surveillance and mgulaive practices in the name
of "relief" Oneleffect of these programs has beon to shift the func.
service agencies from the regulation of civ disor-
tion of relier a
der to ths regulation of labor”) ay i304 .
then teach yolr kids to think for themselves as individuals the clue:
Rathe|
systen{ trains one to be susceptible to state power
Eric Gprham, Professpr of Political Science at Loyola University. 1992, Notion
themselves in
ate interest i
polities—ty anglyeing political and secial problems, and how those
Drobleme ave apeolved west profitably. Hence, politics! interest,
may not be gaperated by the peveees of sociaitation a8 T have
Aletined it For socialization traine people to bshave toward vartain
forms, and if fee of those norms Is apathy. then the problem f
ave just descpibed perpetuates itself. Rether, io a polity that
reproauces an Apathetic citizenry, some form of rnumter-sotlizn
ton may be népessry, ane where individuals are sdvested and
sctivated in orfer to transform the Sci conditions which breed
palitieal spats} I would argue. then, that political interest enn be
taught, ang not mereiy bansmiled between generations"
Finally, eife or political education can also be ennebli
ways that polifeal socialization cannot, Education and political
activism can (fash stizens the nobility of that office. Through
lis, either by discussion or aetivity, individuals
olitcal ideas that have significance fer the nation
Political aocialzation merely provides the beh
Jearning about
exporione the
Sh eommuity
inet santo nfwnsh inaiduals ars taught to et in partelar
easnrilyengoing ther in oie! nes Tas
By being soiled to parila nav, the iva i hot corm
pelled to undenfand why those norars are worthy ones, or why Une
Smmonity nape he shelve wah Ae Ase 4
ways, withoutNDI ‘06
Lin, Amett, Burshtey’
Link — Nation:
citizens, It is
docile bodies.
Michel Foucau|
of the Prison. Pg
©) Metiene) Service
service isa cdvered used by the sover
136-139
eighteenth censury so muck? Tt was certainly not the Ss time that
the body had become the objece of such imperious and pressing
Jevestments; in every society, the body was in the grip of very
strict powers, which imposed on it constraints, prohibitions or
obligations. However, there were several new things in chese teche
niques. To begip with, there was the scale of the control ir was &
question not of teating the body, en masse, ‘wholesale’, as if it were
fn indissociable nity, but of working ie ‘eta’, individually; of
exercising upon ita subtle coercion, of obtaining holds upon itt the
level of the methanism itself ~ movements, gestures, attitudes,
pidity: an infifitesimal power over the active body. Ther shere
vas the object of he control:is sas not or was no Jonge the signify
ing elements of behaviour or the language of the body, but the
economy, the effcieney of movements, their internal organization;
‘constraint bears Yon the forces rather than upon the sigss the only
“Phat was a in these projects of docilty that interested SE]
truly important feremony is that of exercise. Lastly, there i the
modality: it implies an uninterrupted, constant coercion, stiper~
vising the procefees of the activity rather than its result and it is
exercised accord}ng to a codification thar partitions as closely as
possible time, space, movement. These methods, which made
possible the mefculous control of the operations of the body,
which assured tie constant subjection of ies forces and imposed
upon them z reladon of dociity-utlry, might be called ‘disciplines’
Many disciplinary methods had long been in existence ~ in monas.
tories, armies, workshops. But in the course of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centufies the disciplines became general formulas of
domination. Thel were different rom slavery bscause they were
rot based on a felation of appropriation of bodies; indeed, the
‘elegance of the dikcipline lay in the fact that it could dispense with
this costly and viglent relation by obtaining effect of uly atleast
as great. They were different, to0, from ‘service’, which was a
constant, total, fnassive, non-analytical, unlimited relation of
domination, estalished in the form of the individual will of the
master, his ‘apric’. They were different from vassalage, which was
2 highly coded, Dh distant relation of submission, which bore less
Jon the operations of the body than on the products of labour and
the ritual marks of allegiance. Again, they were different from
asceticism and frofn ‘disciplines’ of a mowastic type, whose function
was to obtain rehunciations rather than increases of utility and
which, although they involved obedience to others, had as their
principal aim an ifcrease of the mastery of each individual over his
rwa body. The hiftorical moment ofthe disciplines was the moment
nen an art of tht human body was bora, wich was directed not
lonly at the growth of its skill, nor at the intensifeation of its
y caw"
blind service that allows the discipline that ultimately leads to
Biay
Steve/Cyrus'Ruby
n Co have control over its
Jt, Chair at the Gollege de France, 1977, Discipline & Punish: The [ithCNDI ‘06
Lin, Amett, Burshtey1
4 all Vuuy
jection, but atthe formation ofa relarion shee in the mechanism
fife makes it more obedient as it becomes more useful and con-
sly. What was then being formed was a poly of coercioas
tifac act upon the bidy, a calculated manipulation of is elements,
inf gestures, its behafiour. The human body was entering 2 machin.
‘of power that efplores it, breaks it down and rearranges it. A
livcal anatomy’, which was also a ‘mechanics of power’, was
ing born; it define how one may have a hold over others’ bodies,
pronly so that they| may do whar one wishes, bur so thet they ray
ate as one wishes, with the techniques, the speed and the ef
cflney that one detefmines. Thus discipline produces wubjected and
Phectised bodies, ‘pce’ bodies. Discipline increases the forces of
de body (in econospie terms of wilty) and dieminishes these same
ffrces Cin political etms of obedience). In short it dissociates power
‘dom the body; on the one band, it zens ie ino an ‘apcicude’, «
“Gpacity’, which ie Fs to increase; on the other hand, i reverses
the course of the enray, she power thar might result Geom it, and
thons ic into a relagon of strier subjection, If economic exploit-
afion separates the force and rhe product of labour, tec us say
cesses, of difereh origin and scazered Jocztion, which overt,
peat, oF imitate Gre anatier, support one another, distinguish
themselves from anf another according ro theie domain of applice
tion, converge and gradually produce the blueprint of a general
Jethod. They weraat work in secondary education aca very eal
te, later in primary schools; they slovely invested the space of the
Upspiral; and, in al few decades, they rescuctured the miliary
nization. They] sometimes cieculated very rapidly from one
int ro another (etneen ehe army and the technical schools or
jcondary schools), sometimes slowly and discreetly (the insidious
ltarization of ahd large workshops). On almost every occasion,
they were adopted in response to particular needs: an industil
novation, « reneged outbreak of certain epidemic diseases, the
“ifvention of the is the vietories of Prussia. This did not prevent
sm being totally jnscribed in general and essential eransforma-
Unfors, which we muft now try 10 delineste..> 136 ~/37
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©; Nasional Service Steve/Cyrus/Ruby?ENDS +06
Lin, Arnett,
Burshiey
Service, C
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Steve/CyrusRuby
ial behavior and act
effectively abusing and driving away t
1m, Professor of Political Science at Loyola University. 1992, Nation
izenship and POlitical Education py. 120-124
For instancd, ihe polities of the Peace Corps have revolved
‘around its function as a socializing institution. T. Zane Reeves
Ergucs that, sigce its incuption, the Peace Corps has been &
areaueratic, rafher than a deliberative body, and that this has
inhibited the frep and open exchange of ideas.” Founded as an ide.
ological weapon|against communism, the corps developed « com
mitment eulturg that forced it to avoid controversial issues. Ir
was a relatively hetivist agency until 1968, when the Nixon adinin.
istration reorgadized it under the Office of Management and Bud.
get. This, Reeved argues, depolitieized it and its activist culture, in
its place, the Nixonian ideology promoted service, volunteerism,
‘and achievement orientation a important values to inculeate into
ite participants) The admainiatration even established “program
‘ming institutes’ fo ensure indoctrination.
‘The corps wps repoliticized temporarily under Sam Brown in
the Carter admipistration. But the Reagan administration sought
to dismantle th program, by cutting much of its financial base.
More importantly, Hooves argues that the administration's policy
essentially kille whatever activist culture remainod," The Peace
Corps was to be d servioo organization, rather than an advorary ene.
‘The Peace Gorps also embodied disciplinary organizational
tendencies.**Il rfyulated the sexuality of participants, it conducted
constant security checks an the volunteers, and it set out behav
oral guidelines lin systematic form," Sargent Shriver wrote the
booklet The Sogiat Behavior of Volunteers in which he laid out
guidelines an dfess, language, drinking habits, and the use of
Tejsure time. The guidelines expanded to the point that some of
the staff and vollinteers even complained outright of the adminis:
tration’s attompth at behavioral contro.
‘The corps defeloned a comprohensive testing system under Dr.
Nicholas Hobbs, a psychologist who became the Peace Corps first
chief of solectioy It gubjected participants to “continuous testing
and review," abd compiled an “assessment survey” of cheir
tion. Finally, in fraining, individuals could be cavegorized and dos-
elected if necessary. "Poor performance during training, health
logical instability, or goneral unsuitability wore
all potential groups for ‘deselection,”®
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the spirit of yolumseerisns
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Steve/Cyrus/Ruby
NDI “06
Lin, Amett, Burshteys
© ~ Pole
ltimate tool of the sovereign to exercise contrat ave
Link - The pplice force is the
its citizens.
Miche! Foue
of the Prison,JPg, 213-214
Chair at thé College de France, 1977, Discipline & Punish: ‘The Birt
‘The onganiaption of a centralized police had lorig been regarded]
even by cont s, 28 the most direct expression of royal
absolutism; the sovereign had wished ro have ‘his own magistrate to
whom he might ditectly entrust his orders, his commissions, inten
tions, and wh) was enrusted with the execution of orders and
‘orders under the King’s private seal’ (a nore by Duval, firs secretary
at the police magistrature, quoted in Funck-Breneano, 1) In efees
in taking over & aumber of pre-existing functions ~ the search for
criminals, urbap surveillance, economic and political supervision ~
the police magitraures and the magistrauce-general that presided
lover them in Pris eransposed them into a single, strict, administra-
tive machine: {All the radiations of force and information chat
spread from the circumference culminate in the magistrate-geneval
«Tris he wha operas all the wheels thar together produce order
The effecs of his administration cannot be better
and harmon;
compared thay] to the movement of the celestial bodies! (Des
Essars, 344 and 528).
Bur, athougit the police as an institution were certainly organized
in the form of a state apparatus,,and although this was cerrainly
linked directly to the centre of political sovereignty, the type of
power that it exbrcses, the mechanisms it operates and the elements
to which it applies them are specific, Iris an apparatus that must be
coextensive with the encite social Body and not only by the exteeme
limits that ie enpbraces, but by the mimuteness of the details st is