Smith 2003

Nationalism, Virtue, and the Spirit of Liberty in Rousseau's "Government of Poland" Author(s): Jeffrey A.
Smith Source: The Review of Politics, Vol. 65, No. 3 (Summer, 2003), pp. 409-437 Published by: Cambridge University Press for the University of Notre Dame du lac on behalf of Review of Politics Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1408932 . Accessed: 31/10/2013 15:46
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and the Spirit Nationalism, Virtue, in Rousseau's of Liberty Government ofPoland

A. Smith Jeffrey
the"loveofliberty," toRousseauin TheGovernment when Poland, of According virtue of the and citizens. The citizen's cultivated, engenders patriotism properly of liberty; it is his fiery love of liberty, is nothis enjoyment however, longingor national whichhas enduredin thehearts ofPoles owingto the passionfor liberty, tobelieve constant threat UnlessthePoles continue posed byRussianimperialism. their is threatened, of liberty theywillbeginto believetheycan enjoytheluxury down thefamiliar and thenPolandwillstart possessingliberty; pathofbourgeois in despotism. Rousseau's proposed "reform" Therefore, corruption, culminating of Polishinstitutions in factaims to refine "theadvantageousevils" of Poland's weakness and anarchy.His intentionis to intensify and to orchestratethe ofall Polishcitizens-againstinternal as well as external threats defensiveness to thatstateof soul to be "the leaven" of the liberty-forRousseau understands virtues oftheancients. magnificent
According to the "standard picture" of its genesis, the of liberalism intendedto replacehuman philosophicprogenitors excellenceor virtuewith peace and orderedliberty as the only in The case aims of the state. made was, part, proper pragmatic: they menwho disagreewithan ideal aretoooften willingtokilland die in orderto resist itsimposition Better it is forthestate upon them. to aim to securethose"low" or basic humangoods whichall men can agree it should secure,thanto coercesome men to live up to And though other men'ssubstantive ofthebestlife. the conception "makersof modernliberalism... neverdreamed thata politics based" on individualliberty could flourish of the independently of human private stewardship important qualities, they were to citizens' abuse their wide licenseas a of willing accept certainly misfortune thatis nonetheless to thestateto preferable dedicating theperfection oftheir virtue.1
For their on versions of thisessay,theauthorwould liketo thank comments Tim Duvall, Eve Grace,Jonathan PatchenMarkell, Marks,Jonathan Hand, Sean and the Editor and Anderson, Milena Hruby Smith,Harvey Flaumenhaft, reviewers of TheReview ofPolitics. anonymous 1. PeterBerkowitz,Virtue and theMakingofModernLiberalism (Princeton StuartMill, On Liberty, ed. S. Collini Press,1999),pp. 16-17.Cf.John University 88-90. Press,1989),pp. 80-84, (Cambridge: Cambridge University
THE REVIEW OF POLITICS of license Rousseau,of course,bemoansthecultural triumph in TheGovernment Poland.2 overvirtue-mostplaintively His cry of in is nota dirge, his however, notwithstanding poorprognosis, other inmodern for the ofancient citizens times texts, resuscitating virtues And as Rousseauconsidered Corsica I,40). while, of1762, (cf.Emile, theonlycountry oflegislation" thatcould produce "still...capable thosevirtues(OSC, II, x, 75), he has evidently become muchless about modernman's prospects pessimistic by the timeofPoland, hisfinal treatise. "Evennow...theleaven[theancients] used political in theheartsofall men,and awaits,in orderto produce is present itsfermentation, institutions" (GP, onlyactivation by appropriate ofPoland, Rousseauappearstohave shifted IV,23).Alsobythetime dearth WhileintheEmile theblamefor oftrue citizens. modernity's is somehowresponsible he hintsthatthechurch (Emile,I, 40), in Polandhe declaresthat"thepassions ofnarrowself-interest" and in all "indifference to thewelfare have been "inculcated ofothers" in whichwe findno traceof our hearts institutions, by ill-devised the hand of genius" (GP, II, 5). It is the "base philosophy" of rather thantwo millennia ofChristianity, which (proto)liberalism, riseinWestern culture standsaccusedinPoland, and itsmorerecent may help to account forthe tone of urgencywhich underlies "Whatprevents us aboutourloss ofvirtue. Rousseau's complaints In from Poland, were?"(GP, 5) beingthekindofmen[theancients] II, apparently,Rousseau's sanguine answer is: Things could be in modernpoliticsif only our thinking about politics, otherwise were make and merely otherwise. To "citizens ofa new type" politics, are out of "the citizensyou have," the onlyrequisites, evidently, new institutions, and time(GP,XV,115). Butwhatoftheroleplayedbynationalism? To some commenithas seemedthat Rousseau'spolitical tators prescriptions generally, on his are predicated and even thosefoundin Polandspecifically, and estimation of the character of a nation prepolitical given high thefeeling ofunity towhichitcan giverise-or in other words,on 410
2. Editionsof Rousseau's worksused, and citation forms are: The followed, trans. Willmoore Hackett Government Kendall(Indianapolis: ofPoland, Publishing trans. Co., 1985) (GP,ChapterNumber, J. Page Number);On theSocialContract, St.Martin's Masters Press, Number, (New York: 1978)(OSC, BookNumber, Chapter thetheMasters Political also from orOn Emile, translation; Page Number); Economy, Education on theOriginand the (trans.A. Bloom,Basic Books, 1979); Discourse Second from Rousseau: Foundations Men,i.e., Discourse, of Among Jean-Jacques lnequality and Essay on theOriginofLanguages, The Firstand SecondDiscourses trans.V. Gourevitch Discourse on (New York: 1986)(SD, Page Number); HarperTorchbooks, Arts the andSciences, also from theGourevitch translation i.e.,First Discourse, (FD, ed. Bernard Compl'tes. Page Number).Oeuvres Gagnebinand Marcel Raymond 1959)(OC, VolumeNumber, (Paris:Gallimard, Page Number).
ROUSSEAU ON POLISH GOVERNMENT
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of of politicsforthe cultivation his doubts about the sufficiency would seem to be supported by virtue.3That interpretation of theincorrigibility maximregarding remarked Rousseau's often And in the Social Contract On mores established (II, viii). already tothe"national Rousseau's references citedfor Poland itself is often theethnic itis inferred, parochialismphysiognomy"-therefrom, in the Polish he aims to preserve people.4In thelightcastby such orsuprapolitical whether as prepolitical itis nationalism, exegeses, Acthatemergesas thesinequa nonofRousseauianvirtue. unity, to thatinterpretation, legislators mayaspireto be virtue's cording circumstantial caretaker nationalisms) preexisting, preserving (by or at mostitsmidwife-butnotitsfather. In fact,however,Rousseau considersnationalismto be not only manipulable but also wholly devisable, and perhaps even of secondary importance.Afterall, his ideal prescriptionfor Polish virtue, in itself practically impossible, would entail attachments ofmostPoles from severingall politicaland cultural of theirunfortunate a sizeable minority (GP, V, 26; countrymen have of this, more later). Moreover,as several commentators character Poland national Rousseau noted,throughout presents of legislation,"5 as a mere "effect claimingelsewhere that "the lies in therelationsof thestateto its members"(OC, fatherland ofcultureor notin any prefigurement III, 1535),and apparently circumstances. Indeed, in Social Contract-thoughit is seldom noted-Rousseau allows that there can be exceptions to his on the of mores,depending maxim regardingthe incorrigibility states constitutions II, viii, 70-71). (OSC, Depending particular of in other words,a corrupt people's onlyon politicalarrangements, mores may be altered, its virtue restored. Considering his optimismin thetextabout the"leaven...presentin theheartsof all men," the careful study of Poland promises to disclose Rousseau's general principles concerning the conditions
and Nationalism Rousseau 3. For example,Anne M. Cohler, (New York:Basic a people are of coursedistinct: and nationalism Books,1970).Nationalcharacter to with individuals does not character that have a dispose identify prepolitical may whole. Whenhe speaks of national each as partof a homogeneous one another, Rousseauseemstohaveinminda setofcharacteristics inPoland, character however, Goodness TheNatural Cf.Arthur identification. that Melzer, of givesrisetosuchtotal ofChicagoPress,1990),pp. 195-97. Man (Chicago:University Rousseau: Dreamer 4. James Miller, (New Haven: Yale University ofDemocracy 196 n22. Natural Goodness, Press,1984),p. 128.Cf.Melzer, p. in TheLegacy ofNationalism," "Rousseauand theOrigins 5. MarcF.Plattner, of N. Tarcov and ed. C. Orwin Press, Rousseau, Chicago (Chicago:University of 1997), p. 192; cf. PierreHassner, "Rousseau and the Theory and Practiceof in TheLegacy International Relations," ofRousseau, pp. 209-210.
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THE REVIEW OF POLITICS
Nationalist within thosehearts. for virtue'scontrivance necessary is one such conditionforRousseau, but its originand sentiment mode are political rather than ethnic or organic, and it is engenderedby a specificpublic teachingabout, as well as the ofeach citizen. orchestrated of,thethreatened liberty experience For Rousseau, then, there is a deeper cause of virtue than thatperhapsrevealshow patriotism and an etiology nationalism, could be produced even within "the psyche of the naturally asocial individual."6 In thisessay,I disclosethatcause as an aspect ofsoul by anain Polandfor Rousseau prescribes lyzingthepoliticalinstitutions cultivatentails virtue. Rousseau's plan ofancient thecultivation ing the "love of liberty"as a firststep. That tenetmay seem oflicense, culture ofmodernity's givenhisindictment paradoxical, but the untilone notesthatit is notthelove ofindividualliberty, which or national self-determination, love of collectiveliberty Rousseau means to cultivatein the Poles. In fact,though,indicannotbe separated in practiceas vidual and collectiveliberty in thought. As Rousseau reveals are as easily they distinguished thesecuringof in his diagnosisofEurope's decadence in Poland, and for for citizens' nationalfreedom leisure, longing engenders to enjoyit as one pleases. Poland's ascenttowardcivic theright virtueindeed requiresthatPolish citizenslove collectiveliberty, oftheEuropeans,thatthey to theindifference butalso, in contrast is that their believe never liberty completelysecure. Thus, for is notto enjoyit;it is to long forit,as "love Rousseau, to liberty" will if it were (or soon be) lacking.In Poland,Rousseau aims to of institutions a complement sustainthatlongingby prescribing thatnaand sharpencitizen'sperceptions whichwill perpetuate leave Poland is at risk, and whichwill in actuality tionalfreedom itsimperialist in a precarious neighbors. By the positionvis-a-vis "love of Rousseau's of these emerges liberty" prescriptions, lights and protecting national liberty, as the fiery passion forwinning of possessing theluxury desiretoenjoy thanthesedentary rather which activatesthe is that It directed, properly passion, liberty. and "the virtuesthatalways accompany "leaven" of patriotism it" (cf.GP,IV,23; XII, 87; III, 12).
Arthur Natural 6. Melzer, "Rousseau,Nationalism, Melzer, Goodness, p. 195;cf. thePrince: in Educating and thePoliticsof Sympathetic Identification," Essaysin MD: Rowmanand ed. M. Blitzand W.Kristol Honor (Lanham, Mansfield, ofHarvey Littlefield Publishers, 2000),pp. 122-26.
ROUSSEAU ON POLISH GOVERNMENT The Strange Accountof"Liberty" in Rousseau's Poland
413
Rousseau seemsquietly aware that At severalpointsin Poland, cannotdeliveron themain institutional "reforms" his proposalfor soughthis advice in the first good forwhichhis Polish admirers (GP,III, 11; againstRussianimperialism place-namely,protection XII, 80, 87; XV,114,115). He buoys the Poles' hopes fornational themthatPoland may "successfully independence onlyby telling to imitate themilitary resist itsneighbors" policiesof by refusing thegreatnation-states (GP,XII, 80-81).But even theSwiss citizen themon whichhe initially militias praisesto thePoles, defending associated the groundsthattheydo not produce the corruption withregular armiesand fortified places (GP,XII,84,86), are evenless characterized as dependable a safeguard of Polish tually Parthians"-in thanthemilitary "freedom" "style"ofthe"ancient warfare other words,cavalry-based (GP,XII, 85-86).Ifhis guerilla is intended the Parthian reasonfor emphasizing by Rousseau way his silence should be ofas manbe to unspoken, perhaps thought in notunlikesolemnity presenceofthedead. nerly, be On theother hand,his quietnessaboutPoland's fatemight intendedas an instructive lessonforhis audience ofwould-bereIn thelastchapter Rousseauadvisesthosepotential leaders formers. even tobeginits "torevealyourplan in all itsdetails"tothenation, slow implementation of) timeafduringthe tranquil(remainder war with The Russia's forded XV, (GP, 115,114). sanguine Turkey by ofRousseau'splan is good notbecauseitwould publicpresentation to the doomed; apparallow a final(albeitillusory)hopefulness it would useful to the actual and be quite strangely, ently, of and after before, during, anysubjugation preservation "liberty" ofPoland by a foreign power.
is so different from that Yoursituation Romans'] [the youcannot possibly off eventhefirst attacker. Youwillalwayslackoffensive fight power;for a longwhileyou will lackdefensive poweras well.Butyou soon will a capacity for orrather even that, have, self-preservation youhavealready, willassureyoursurvival, and keep ifyouaresubjugated, your government intheir and alive true-their which isthe hearts your liberty only-sanctuary, ofPolishcitizens. (GP,XII,80,emphasis added)
Rousseaucannot heremeanthenational independence By"liberty" accorded to Polish citizens, of Poland, nor any individualrights In short, willendure"evenifyou aresubjugated." sincethat liberty to any realized,or extensive, Its cannotrefer this"liberty" liberty.
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nor is neither theorgansofgovernment, orstronghold "sanctuary" hearts" "the homeland-but rather, thelaws,noreventheancestral therepublic's "Thosehearts ofcitizens.7 are,tomymind, onlyplace itnoreven reachit" (GP, can neither force there ofrefuge: destroy "love inPoles' hearts, ofliberty III, 10).Itis thelove alongwiththeir tosubjugate," will"makePolandimpossible that ofthefatherland," Rousseau imat least in thelong run.Trueor meaningful liberty, it in more or "intensive" is nature, precisely, plies, fundamentally the idea libmean of to seems Rousseau is intentional. By "liberty" would be meantthelongingfor and thusby "love ofliberty" erty, In light oftheseidentificaor manifestation. thatidea's realization claimsthat make sense of Rousseau's to it is tions, possible strange have what "free" thePoles can remain merely by remembering they established oncegloriously lostor evenwhatsome ofthem (cf.GP, in TheGovernment of"liberty" In other characterizations ofPoreformers on Polish of land,Rousseau stopsjust short instructing alwhich of publicsilenceabout the "price" thenecessity liberty for reason to pay For example,Rousseau's citizens ways requires of thePolish in theenfranchising incrementalism recommending and ofliberty theserfs...worthy has moretodo with"making serfs the with the than it" of self-interest, "misguided capable bearing Seemthe owners" of and the 30, VI, (GP, prejudices 29).8 pride, ingly,it would even be good if,at the outset of theirgradual thesternwerenotenlightened theserfs regarding emancipation, ness and the"burden"whichalwaysattendtrueliberty.
I should stillbe afraidofthevices and slavishnessoftheserfsthemselves. Libertyis a food thatis good to tastebut hard to digest: it sets well only a good strong stomach. I laugh at those debased peoples that let without and dare to speak ofliberty be stirred themselves up by agitators so much as having the idea of it; with theirhearts still heavy with the vices of slaves, theyimagine thattheyhave only to be mutinousin order in TheGovernment 7. Kendall, "How toRead Rousseau'sGovernment Poland," of Political in Rousseau's Philosophy ofPoland, p. xiii. Cf. Daniel E. Cullen,Freedom 133. IllinoisPress,1993),pp. 120-21, (DeKalb,IL: Northern of this:yourserfs themethod, whatever 8. "Butkeep yourselves reminded, that tobecomeeverything thecapacity have in them aremen,evenas youare;they their bodies and notto towork, taskis tosetthat before free capacity youare;yourfirst their souls"(GP,VI,30,emphasis added).Theitalicized phraseprovides havefreed you or even fundamentally, for Rousseauis notmerely, freedom evidencethat succinct of andIntegrity an extensive (Chicago:University Hypocrisy good. Cf.RuthGrant, Rousseau StevenJohnston, Tragedy: Encountering pp. 105-107; ChicagoPress,1997), Order and theProject Press,1999),91-92; (Ithaca:CornellUniversity ofDemocratic Rousseau, Miller, pp. 128-30.
23;XII,87). 12-13; IV,19-20, III,10-11,
ROUSSEAUON POLISHGOVERNMENT
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Ifthey thosewretched to be free. butknewher, Proud,sacredliberty! thepriceat whichshe is won and held;if butunderstood men;ifthey as thetyrant's theybut realizedthatherlaws are stern yokeis never the of that would have to be slaves hard,their souls, passions sickly hauledoutbytheroots, wouldfear a hundred times as muchas liberty herinterror woulda burden fear servitude. wouldflee as they they They them. aboutto crush (GP,VI,29-30)
the Even theBarist"patriots" of 1768 "who saved [Poland] from yoke" of the Russians,at least fora while,now "staggerunder theburdenoftheir fatigue.... Theywish,I believe,fortwo things thatcannotkeep house together. Peace, in myopinion,is incomOne mustchoose" (GP 13). Rousseau further patiblewithfreedom. instructs thereformers to eschew their dreamsofmakingPoland into a greatnation-state, over a vast and well-popusovereign lated territory; would do better to give some of theirlands they it Rousseau finds "miraculous... thatPoland's vast Indeed, away. territorial extensionhas not already" fostered despotismin Poland, and concludes, contrary to the expectations of his reform-minded audience,that"if[Poland]has slippeddownward that areinseparable thusslowly, itis onlybecause ofadvantages from theevilsfrom which you wish to deliveryourselves"(GP, V, 26, emphasisadded). In thelatter theadvantageousevil enduredby Poland context, is its stateof "anarchy"(GP,V, 26; cf.I, 3). Like the reformers to whom he writes, Rousseau understands Polish "anarchy"in severalways,butunlikethem, he sees advantagesin certain causes of Rousseaulaments as that thelaws" for anarchy. anarchy "contempt shownby some Polishmagnates who maintain armiesand private therefore do as they wish,lawlessly(GP,IX,55; cf.III, 17). But,as I willexpoundlater, Rousseauis muchlesscritical ofPoland'sliberum vetoand imperative themaincauses ofstasisin thelaw mandate, and thusofPoland's inability toforestall itsperiodicconstitutional whichRousseau also refers to as anarchy crises, (cf.GP,I, 2).9The insuchunstable extraconstitutional devicestowhichPolandresorts timesare the armed confederations, each of which establishesa salubrious "intervalof violence in the lifeof the republic,"and Rousseau praisesthemas "a political and masterpiece"
9. As theinstitutional ofPoland'sprinciple ofunanimity, theliberum expression ofanynobleindividual veto was the tovetolegislative the resolutions; right imperative in thenational mandate boundall localrepresentatives assemblies tocarry outtheir instructions without variation or compromise. Bothinstitutions tendedto specific A Short See NormanDavies,Heart ofEurope: of History paralyzePolishlegislatures. Poland Oxford Press, (Oxford: 1984), pp. 333-36. University
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a new means of preserving the constitution. Withoutthe confederations therepublicof Poland would long ago have ceased to exist;and I greatly fearthatitwill not long survivetheconfederations should you decide to abolish them. Look at what has just happened. The state, but for the would have been subjugated; your liberty would have confederations, been destroyedforever. (GP,IX, 60)10
to"whathasjusthappened"-the Barists' Rousseau'sreference (puin ofRussia-relatesto a third tative) repelling usage of "anarchy" in whichRousseau cautionsreformers the text, thatthough"you ... itwas anarchy in itsbosomthe findanarchy hateful that formed who saved you from heartsof thosepatriots the yoke" (GP,I, 3). forRousseau thusalso refers to thosesalutary situations Anarchy created threats to Polish such as the oreven invasion, by sovereignty, the domestic of a Asked how Poland only intrigues, foreign power.n can reform theorgansofitsgovernment so thattherepublic is neitorn its own stasis nor ther Rousseau Russia, apartby subjugated by ineffect, itwouldbe wisefor that Polandtoacceptsomerisk replies, ofbothofthese"evils."Itwould be wise,apparently, because these their existence forevilsare"inseparable is from"-indeed, required the of one great advantage: preservation liberty. "Liberty-wherever
10. Ibid., p. 335. thelate 11.Itis notclearhow muchRousseauknewaboutPolishaffairs during theConfederacy ofBaras themainreasonPolandhas remained 1760s. He identifies in fact tothis theBarist nobleswereunabletoaccomplish independent point, though their fractious couldagreeupon-namely, that theone thing Poniatowski, leadership had tobe removed from thethrone. atthat time viewedas Catherine's puppet, widely Barist guerilla attacks upon Russian troops were undermanned,sporadic, from and did little realdamage;Russiawas deterred more uncoordinated, sending inFall1768. tothe outbreak ofwarwith Even into Polandowing troops mainly Turkey of Bar in the"Generality" the Confederation October 1769 government proclaimed by initspowers was radically limited decisions ofother confederations bythesovereign inlocalesacrosstheCommonwealth which had beengradually ofnobles, established The 1768. SeeJerzy Partitions sincethe initial atBarinlateFebruary Lukowski, uprising 1772,1793,1795(London:LongmanPress,1999),pp. 44-51.Rousseau's ofPoland: inpraising as Poland's He saviors "mistake" the Barists mayormaynotbe an accident. Michal claims toknowPoland'ssituation the account through provided himby mainly a Barist solicitor andhimself Thus Rousseau'sPolish Wielhorski, (GP,I, 1-2). diplomat be a Barist Rousseau's"mistake" the result of his misinformed being maymerely by havebeenmadedeliberately in ofevents; orthat mistake might coloring byRousseau, thereformers them real their order nottoalienate of his assessment of by informing andfuture Inthe efforts latter must arise: Buttowhatend? case,the prospects. question Ifhewishes liketheirs andyet confederations tocontinue, knowsthat itisunlikely that willbe able to repellargenation-states, suchfuture theadvantage of confederations theconfederations mustbe different thantheadvantage Rousseauextols preserving on thesurface ofthetext. Cf.Kendall, "How toRead Rousseau's," pp. ix-xii.
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in realdanger" often and very underattack, itprevails-is constantly aware thathis is Rousseau Not (GP,IX,60,emphasisadded).12 only Poland secure cannot reforms for againstRussia,but,conproposal it also appearsthathe neverwould have sideredin thisnew light, thatproposalto do so, evenwereitpossible(cf.GP,II, 86; intended OSC, I, iv,49; III,iv,85). in TheGovernment Consideredin thislightas well,"liberty" of Poland seemparadoxical-as ifRousseau'sPolescouldsomemight thecloserthey how becomemorefree gettobeingconquered.13Itis can stillmeancuriousenough thatRousseau claims thatliberty if are "in of Poles "even the hearts" endure subjugated" you ingfully Polish insists that also but he the Russians XII, 80), (GP, liberty by attacksupon thatliberty, of constant can only prevailin context to subjugatePoland Russianattempts future including apparently that is funWhile the former IX, (GP, 60). "liberty" passage implies the in idea of nature-an intensive and/or freedom, longing damentally forits realization-thelatter passage impliesthatthistrueintenwithwhich enduresonly accordingto the frequency sive liberty is extensive (or realized)liberty seriously jeopardized.IfthePoles' would less threatened were extensive secure), (orcompletely liberty at free free not Rousseau hold themtobe less "truly" all)? Ifso, (or be undermined of the dream would truefreedom, by liberty, being to would be eroded in proportion trueliberty itsveryrealization; itspossessionis enjoyed.In whichcase, one would have theextent forRousseau is but "an empty whether"liberty" to ask further a stateoflongname" (GP,XII,87),or if,as an idea thatengenders foritseffects.14 is somehow in the human good "liberty" spirit, ing
Natural 12. Cf.Melzer, Goodness, p. 210. 13. Kendall,"How to Read Rousseau's,"p. xiii 14. Of course,Rousseau tells thePoles thatthat"[thelove ofliberty] will,ifit burst intoflame one day,ridyou oftheyoke,and in yourhearts, keepson burning ofall makeyou free" (GP,XII,87). ButRousseauis aware that"themostinviolable thefar and he acknowledges is thelaw ofthestrongest," thelaws ofnature superior of theRussians(GP XII,80,79). Indeed,Kendallsuggeststhat"Rousseau strength beforehe submittedhis manuscriptto must have known about the Partition Wielhorski" (Kendall,"How to Read Rousseau's,"p. xiii).So why writePoland? The answer may simplybe thatthoughhe knows Poland will eventuallybe whichthePoles notsurewhen.Anystate-building Rousseauis simply subjugated, could onlyhelp toprolong thefinal storm thecalmbefore engagein during might See also Judith eventualsubjugation. after their forcollective their liberty longing Social A Study MenandCitizens: Shklar, Cambridge Theory (Cambridge: ofRousseau's Press,1969),p. 176;Kendall,"How to Read Rousseau's,"pp. xvi-xvii. University Beginningwith the next section,my analysis considersonly the Poland that and whichhe would create Rousseauenvisions bymeansofhisideallyappropriate under willbe,i.e., thedispersed rebels mostlikely notthePolandthat prescriptions, a free Poland. for a Russianoccupation, agitating
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For Rousseau, as I will now argue,prolonging thatlonging ofthePolishpeople, would be good forthevigoror youthfulness even ifthey weresubjugated, would tendtopromote which, (or,in their "virtue." thecase ofPolishrebels, preserve)
The Love ofLiberty and the ofa People Youthfulness

ForRousseautosay,in On the SocialContract, that Corsicais the in all of Europe is not to say "one country capable of legislation" fulfill all Rousseau's ideal criteria for a thattheCorsicans perfectly "Whatmakestheworkoflegis"people ... suitedforlegislation." after lationdifficult," all,"is notso muchwhatmustbe established Thus one aspectof thesuitability of as what mustbe destroyed." of to the ideal legislation Corsicafor Corsicans, tractability pertains to adapt to,and be changedby, Rousseau's that is,their propensity The for measures. helps to exrequirement tractability purgative that an ideal half at one of Rousseau's least people stipulation plain "thestability ofan ancient would combine people withthedocility ofa new people" (OSC, II, x, 74-75). in a ofyouthfulness is thefruit toRousseau,docility According II In "most like peoples, people. OSC viii,Rousseau explainsthat this men,are docile only in theiryouth,"and thencharacterizes of as thatmoment "timeofyouth"notas "childhood"but rather ifyou prefer, of"maturity thatmust comingofage, thebeginning of a themto laws. But the maturity be awaited before subjecting it is the and to is not if anticipated, recognize, always easy people to "make it culworkis ruined,"as PeterruinedRussia by trying whenitonlyneededtobe made warlike"(OSC, II,viii,70-71, tured emphasis added). For the Russians,as foralmost all European ofthecivieffect theyouth-corroding is no stopping peoples,there notonly ultimate from its and thus no end; escape lizingprocess, towarddespotism, are such peoples slidingineluctably according Even suitedfor arealso no longer toRousseau,they anything else."5 theresult would to occurin anyoftheir werea revolution nations, ofthepeopleoflaw butthebreaking-up notbe a reinvigoration little rise of so the and,apparently, respective despots."Free many be maxim: Freedom can remember this acquired,but it peoples, can never be recovered" (OSC, II, viii, 71). Why,according to Rousseau, should despotismbe the fate of so many European in thename ofliberty? peoples,even thosewho revolt
Natural 15. Melzer, Goodness, pp. 217-225.
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whichRousseauidentifies Thefewexceptions pointtowardthe and towardhis teaching about thevirtues whichare posanswer, sible only fora youthful people. Thoughsuch "eventsare rare," to Rousseau, according
there sometimes occur thelifetime ofStates violent when during periods have the same effect on peoples as do certaincriseson revolutions whenhorror ofthepastis equivalent toamnesia, and when individuals; itsashesand theState, setafire so tospeakfrom bycivilwars,is reborn resumes thevigor ofyouth death'sclutches. from Spartain byescaping the time ofLycurgus andRome were andamong after the like this, Tarquins after theexpulsion us so wereHollandand Switzerland ofthetyrants. (OSC,II,viii,70-71)
Thus,following specialcasesofcivildiscord-special owingto"the constitution oftheexceptional State"(OSC, II, viii,71)particular certain be polities may stunned bythe"horror" already-established of eventsand thereafter of the their vigor regain youth.In these in civil revolutions and wars do not usher civic cases, disintegrathem.But what tion and future despotism,but ratherforestall and the"particuthesesalubrious distinguishes periodsofdiscord, which determinetheircharacter, lar" constitutions fromthose whichRousseau characterizes disturbances as either futile or catawhich and the constitutions make them so? The "Greek strophic, in are mentioned towns,"Holland,and Switzerland again On the fortheir SocialContract Rousseau (III, xiii),there praisedby ability to resist smallness their ofsize; states, subjugation bylarge despite and theconstitutional oftheir is emarrangement systems military in his of Rousseau and Rome, phasized by praise Sparta,early Switzerland as models "foreveryfreestate"in TheGovernment of Poland(GP,XII,81). are their rotapolicies ofpermanent Particularly noteworthy tion of militaryservice throughout the entire citizenry.In forexample,everybridegroom is conscripted as a Switzerland, "militiaman" "tourofduty"at regular who is called to a constant intervals but who is also always a member ofa "local company," drilledduringthe summersand on every the Sundaythroughout year,readyin case of pressinglocal need (GP, XII, 82-83).While Rousseau mainlyextolssuch a systemin Polandforits principle of rotation-on thelatter, morelater-its permanent conscription ofcitizensas reserves would seem to bear on Rousseau's distinctionbetween salubrious and futile "disturbances" (orcatastrophic) in On theSocial Contract (II, viii). On the one hand, the "exceptional State" is able to regainthe vigor of its youthbecause its of the entiremale effects the mobilization constitution "11special"
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in timesof greatdiscord;thus,in these special cases, citizenry the stunning"horror"of almost all men experiencefirsthand become docile again and capable ofbeing events,and thereafter On the otherhand, typicalstates (and all improvedby reform. modernEuropean nations-GP, XII, 80), by consigningdefense from concernsto regulararmies,insulatemost of the citizenry It would and their effects. ofdisturbances theexperience purgative cannot reestablish[the seem, then,thatparticular"revolutions do not directly in those revolutions such states because people]" of rather but the entire onlyparts it,thatis, the populace, engage toexplainwhy, elites(cf.GP,II, 8-9).16Butthisis merely according reto Rousseau, almostall Europeanpeoples are precludedfrom it to those is not of their the explain why docility youth; gaining and eliterevolutions, peoples are likelyto "fallapart" following to be easilysubjugatedby little despots. "doom" inPoland, ofEurope'simminent In hischaracterization ofyouthfulness is nottheonlyfruit Rousseau revealsthatdocility to Rousseau,even thoseEuropean"nations in a people.According out withthemostmagnificent thatstarted including legislation," with death" and are "threatened early "republics," self-governing with decline contrasts Rousseau then 2). (GP, European despotism I, Poland: ofanarchic situation thesalutary
to its and oppressed, ButPoland,depopulated, devastated, wide-open andofanarchy, still showsall the inthedepths ofmisfortune aggressors, to life, to demand It makesbold,as ifit had justsprung of youth. fire meansof and laws!Polandis inirons butis busydiscussing government no is the kind of and within itself free feels strength tyranny remaining toconquer. (GP,I,2) enough strong
to Polandnow acts"as ifhad justsprung nation, Thoughan ancient imitation of not owed to its is but itsnewfound life," youthfulness mentioned states" ofthe"exceptional theconstitutional arrangements thevigor Polandhas regained Contract. Social byRousseauin On the ... and "misfortune because itis engulfed ofitsyouth anarchy" by are confronted as all menin thewell-organized Just by the polities Poles all the oftheir horrors salubrious disturbances, enjoy periodic from the evil of being thatsalutary advantagethatis inseparable withoppression, or of actually threatened being"in irons."While inPolandmaybring thedocility ofyouth ofliberty theendangerment and initswake,itfirst recalcitrance, defensiveness, anger, engenders is no tyranny strong thefeeling of "thekindofstrength enoughto "all the of within the Polish fire youth." people--inshort, conquer"
16.Ibid., pp.220-25.
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MostEuropeanpeoples can no longer fire, regainthisyouthful and are therefore for civic beand despotism, disintegration ripe of possessing cause theyhave been enabled to enjoytheluxury the freedoms accorded to (extensive)liberty-and,in particular, In individuals. On theSocialContract (II, viii), Rousseau explains that whereasmostpeoples are docile in their youth, they"become and as theygrowolder.Once customsare established incorrigible itis a dangerousand foolhardy have takenroot, underprejudices towanttoreform them" Rousseau (OSC, II,viii,70).In Poland, taking have underscoresthatmodernEuropean peoples, in particular, with fatal "customs" and associated the use or developed passions of their their freedoms economic freedoms). (especially enjoyment In securing thegreat nation-states commerce, peace and promoting have made itpossibleforeach citizento enjoyhis individualfreethose eachcitizen doms;butinenjoying freedoms, acquires passions forpleasuresthatsupplantthepassion (or longing)forindepenpassionsformaterial goods,and forthewealth dence.7Acquiring in to obtain each citizen factbecomesdependent them, necessary on thenation-state thatsecurestheir (GP,XI,67). Each is provision therefore morelikelyto accept any transition to despoticrule so (or especiallyifdespotism longas thedespotdoes notdiscontinue ofthosediversegoods thathave become theenjoyment facilitates) theobject ofthecitizen's freedom. Modem Europeans thusno longer because theyhave acquired possess thefiery passion forfreedom too manypassionsfor material for varieties of goods-for example, foods and tastes." Furthermore, theirincorrect of freeequation dom with the enjoyment of freedom preventsthem,along with "debased peoples," from "11are realizingthat"the laws" of liberty stern as thetyrant's is never hard" VI, (GP, 30). yoke "laws" do notyetexistin Poland,or at leastnotall of Liberty's but itsanarchic situation and thethreats thataccompanyit them,
17.ThoughRousseaudoes notuse thephrase"individual inPoland, he rights" the and and criticizes culture of license "the new man of certainly European liberty liberal society" which it spawned; the quoted phrase is fromAllan Bloom, in TheLegacy "Rousseau's Critiqueof LiberalConstitutionalism," ofRousseau, p. 145.Cf.GP,II, 8,9; XI,67. 18. Rousseau's examplesof thisphenomenon are not restricted to modem understood well theutility "a tastefor ofpromoting Europeanpeoples.Alexander and for a conquered theagreeable Arts within superfluities" people,and he keptthe on him"bybanning their and compelling "dependent Ichthyophagi fishing lifestyle them "toeatthefoodscommon toother ofThlascala, peoples"(FD, 5n).Therepublic on theotherhand, "saw the traphiddenbeneath"theMexicanempire'soffer to with ofcharge, saltfree and chosetodo without it.ThustheThlascalans, supplythem their andthis smallstate, enclosed within toRousseau, freedom; "preserved according thisgreat was finally theinstrument ofitsruin"(OSC, II, x,74n). empire,
thargicslumber,"Rousseau remindshis audience; "the storm the youthful "already" revivified "capacityforself-preservation evenifyou aresubjugated," will keep liberty "alive" in Poles' that, The hearts collective for XII, (GP, 80). capacity (collective) self-presI suggest, arisesfrom a desirethat is sharedbyindividual ervation, Polishcitizens, to each by felt threats whichhe sees othimparted ers also feel,and by their resistance to those threats. cooperative Thatdesireis thelonging for communal and for thepresbelonging of thewhole to whichone belongs.The concentration ervation of thatlonging within thePolishcitizenry is thevery"fire ofyouth" have restored(and inflected which "its current misfortunes" as in inthePoles' defiance) thePolishpeople,and itis expressed angry demandsfor national and theright ofcollective selfindependence determination (GP,I, 2; cf.XII,80). ButthePoles' love ofcollective whichhas been revived can onlybe circumstances, liberty, by their sustained-should theyoutlastthosecircumstances and win their freedom-iftheygive themselves certain "laws" and eschew others. In particular, thoselaws mustsomehow (and verycarefully) enor promote of collective re-create thoseprecarious conditions in that the which inculcated love first dangerment place. itprevails-isconstantly and very underattack, "Liberty-wherever inrealdanger"(GP,IX,60,emphasisadded). To preserve their often the for free Poles must be aware always acutely longing liberty, willtheliberfrom it.Onlythen that areneververyfar lacking they unrelated to enjoythatbeneficial to the ated Poles continue effect, their of of recovery liberty, prolonging longings. youthful
THE REVIEW OF POLITICS 422 morethansustain in thehearts thepassionate love ofliberty of Poles."Time was when[Polish werefalling lepatriots] deepinto
awakened them" threats to Polishliberty have (GP,I, 3). Russian
The Prolonging ofLongingand theCultivation ofVirtues

thelove Rousseau does notclearly from distinguish patriotism "One is to make of(collective) Poland thing enough imposliberty. sible to subjugate, love of the fatherland and of liberty" namely, ... is merely an empty name" (GP,XII,86,emphasisadded); "liberty in nations"where... patriotic fervor is absent"(GP,XII,87). Thus, ofproto identify thecultivation effect ofvirtueas thatbeneficial not least is to not Poland's point(at longing merely) youthfulness to thecultivation of patriotism. Indeed,in two places in the text, Rousseau alludes to other"virtues"which always "accompany" theloveofliberty and offatherland (GP,III, 12;XII,87).And though Poland's circumstances have alreadyconsiderably the intensified
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ofmanyPolishadults(GP,I, 2-3;XII,80), Rousseau repatriotism mindshis audienceat theend oftheworkthat"citizensof a new (GP,XV,115).It would appear, typecannotbe createdovernight" virtues are less intensethan the that those other then, presently that result from that love and fatherland, they Poles' love ofliberty of a future and elements as constituent (cf.GP,XV,113),and that, better human type,theyare in some sense higherin importance them. Butwhichare those whichcan engender thanthepatriotism or in what sense,are theyhigherthanpatrioothervirtues? Why, And finally, how can patriotism and the love of liberty tism?19 them? engender ofgood laws,whichRousseau Theycando so onlyinthecontext toconstitutions" as thoselaws appropriate or "relative understands of particular states(GP, XII, 82). Poland should not pursue conwould fail, notonlybecause their but attempts quest,for example, with of form is also because "offensive power incompatible your of never favorto cultivate a "cast and tends mind, government" thatis characteristic of [constantly-mobilized] able to freedom, Poland should imitate armies"(GP,XII, 80, 82). In such matters, and "leave the wide open" to rather than Rome, country Sparta to build outpostsand forpotential aggressors byrefusing military as the tifications 84; OSC, II, ix,73). Just (GP,XII,86; cf.XII,80-82, and came toposwere"awakened"bytheRussian"storm" Barists all thePoles,so ofpatriots" sess the"hearts (GP,I, 2), so too might remain threatening. long as conditions in The Government ofPoland, By means of his prescriptions to Rousseau depictsthe otherlaws and institutions, appropriate Poland, which would sustain those riskyconditions-and even of externaland internal make morevivid the Poles' perceptions The must be made to experience to collective Poles threats liberty. collective risk muchmorefrequently or even (i.e., perceive, imagine) thanPoland could everbe invaded.As well,stepsmustbe takento or weatheran could repelan invasion, makethePoles believethey
to answerthisverycomplicated 19. I willnotattempt questionin thisessay see Leo Strauss, Forrelated Cf.GP,X,63-64; OSC, II,xii,76-77. SD, 132-33; analyses, of Chicago Press,1953),pp. 270Natural and History (Chicago: University Right An Interpretation 74; JohnC. Hall, Rousseau: (London: ofHis Political Philosophy ThePolitical Macmillanand Co., 1973),pp. 25-28;RogerD. Masters, of Philosophy Princeton 316-22; Press,1968),pp. 76-89,158-65, (Princeton: University Rousseau of Toronto Asher Horowitz,Rousseau:Natureand History (Toronto:University AlexanderKaufman, Natural Goodness, Press,1987),pp. 36-49;Melzer, pp. 120-49; ofFreedom in thePolitical and Legitimacy: "Reason,Self-legislation Conceptions LaurenceD. Politics 59 Review Rousseau and of 42-43; Kant," (1997): of Thought and theProblem Park,PA: Nature, oftheGoodLife(University Cooper,Rousseau, PennStateUniversity Press,1999).
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ofrisk, thanhopelessnessor rather internal crisis;it is thefeeling will that sustain the Poles' longingforcollectiveliberty despair, and their Still more must be done. Thoughitis "impospatriotism. thepassionsofmenwillnotcorrupt" sibletomakelaws that (GP,I, to (and suspicionsof) 3), it is possibleto organizemen's relations one another weaken so thatthosepassions,whichwill ultimately within morenarrowparochialisms begin to cultivate patriotism, the populace, whichsecuresurrogate advantages.Those advanvirtues" that for the"other tagesaresurrogates alwaysaccompany and of fatherland, love of liberty and theyare surrogate because in scope. But,likepatriotic fervor itself, theyare morecontracted thosevirtues can initially be extendedas well,ifonlyfora while. Theirextension, no less than theircontraction, depends on the on citizens'acculof collective and the risk, properarrangement to riskrightly turation xii, OSC, II, (cf. 77). arranged EDUCATION that toRousseau,"itis education Aboveall,according youmust counton to shape thesouls of the citizensin a nationalpattern" of and thusto make them"patriotic passionately, by inclination, Rousseau a educa(GP,IV,19). prescribes two-pronged necessity" tion foryoung Poles, comprisedby "negative" education and "national"education.Whilemanyinterpretations of Polandfocus theacon national Rousseau characterizes education,20 exclusively ... not only negativeeducationas "mostimportant companying but even more because it develops strong, constitutions, healthy ofeducation"(GP,IV,21). Indeed, because of themoralobjective ofeducation"cannot be achievedby themere "themoralobjective in of or maxims a classroom, per national presentation "precepts" in conjunction witha education;morallessonsmustbe presented or education" which reinforces them proper"negative" "physical But to their relevance relevance IV, tangible(GP, 21). by making what?"One can makemenactonlybyappealingto their self-interest.That I know."But Rousseau also teachesthatthereare better forexand worseways to appeal to self-interest; of"all interests," in is "that the most the most the evil, vile, ample, pecuniary gain On the other readiestto be corrupted" XI, hand, (GP, 70).21 by ap20. For example,Plattner, "Rousseau and the Originsof Nationalism," pp. One's Own Thoughts: and theCitizen," Geraint 192-93; "Thinking Parry, Autonomy in Rousseau and Liberty, ed. R. Wokler Manchester Press, (Manchester: University 1995), p. 114. 21. Cf. Shklar, Men and Citizens, and p. 20; Melzer,"Rousseau,Nationalism, thePolitics," pp. 114-18.
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from childhood toother kindsofself-interest, men onward, pealing, can come to possess virtues(including classicalmoderation) that inclinethemto self-restraint. The latter be appeals mustcertainly made inspeech-throughinstruction orpresentation ofideas-but as (and precededby) physicalexperitheymustalso be arranged ences whichall children undergo."Even now ... the leaven [the ancients]used is presentin theheartsof all men,and awaits,in orderto produceits fermentation, onlyactivation by appropriate with the kinds ofgameschildren institutions," beginning play (GP, IV,23; cf.I, 4).22 and be By age sixteen, everyPole shouldbe able to recognize, tocelebrate, inclined the"mark"thatattests to the"naturalright of of some over others GP, III, (cf. 15-16).23 superiority" By way of the latter Rousseau instructs the Poles to education, commencing "let [children's] be and in shared with order to all," games public, accustomthem,"froman earlymoment, to rules,to equality, to to to with the of their fellowfraternity,competitions, living eyes citizensupon them,and to seekingpublic approbation"(GP, IV, kindsof competition-for financial 22).24But certain gain,forexin men (GP,XI, 69-70). ample-produce onlyself-serving knavery theparticular Indeed,itseemsthat gamesRousseauenvisions might forthevictors, or worse.As they engenderthelosers'resentment becomecapable ofparticipating in them, Polishchildren and adolescents should"try their and skill"againstone another in strength that areonly"lesscruel"thanthe"fights "open-air spectacles" [that] were customarily used" as an attraction at Polishcircuses(GP,III, hisprescriptions for 15).Rousseauclaimsthat youth"competitions inhorsemanship, for not unlike tournaments," example," "knightly aim to enable "thosewho are some day to exercise commandover others"to "provethemselves, from superiorto those earlyyouth, in everysense" (GP,III, 15,15-16; others cf.XII,83-84).Yetitseems thattheuse offorce overothers, evenin games,might producethe effect and hatred for the opposite engender stronger-asRousseau, in fact, ithas done in thecase ofPolishmemories ofcruelsuggests tiesperpetrated the Russians (GP,III, 13). by
22. For a generalaccountof therelation betweenmoeurs and self-interest in Rousseau'srepublican see Zev M. Trachtenberg, Citizens: Rousseau's project, Making Political Fora critique (London:Routledge Press,1993), ofCulture Theory pp. 70-75. of Trachtenberg's thecase of Poland,see Victor argument, regarding specifically "Recent Work on Rousseau,"Political 26 (1998):551-52. Gourevitch, Theory 23. Carol Blum,Rousseau and the (Ithaca:CornellUniversity ofVirtue Republic Press,1986),p. 116. 24.By"equality" Rousseauheremeansequality ofbirth, notequality ofmerit. Cf.GP,IV,20-21.
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to But, on Rousseau's view, the young Poles' acculturation will their moderation force (physical) regarding engender superior as a necessary ofstudyhe prescribes betters, program owingtothat oftheir relative weakness. totheir individual experiences supplement of directed "the round to usual studies, by contrary Apparently Rousseau's plan for"nationaleducation" and priests," foreigners ofPolishheroism Pole tomajorin thesubject (GP,IV, requires every in "should be carvedinsacred 20).One "glorious episode" particular oftheBarists' thestory characters namely, upon each Polishheart," But thepresentation (and the againstRussianhegemony. uprising children's memorization)of the rebellious events at Bar, and ofother suchheroic acts,mustfocusin particular upon presumably it that and the ofthat theabsolutenecessity suffering great victory that should Poles be 12-13). (GP, defending taught Young required III, deed "shouldwipe that a single heroic so urgent Polandis a priority even for"those who may of a lifetime," out the transgressions thecommon cause" (GP,III, 13). Thus have betrayed subsequently intimes virtues a soldier's "national education" thechildren's presents thanother moreimportant ofdangeras beingfar virtues, including and evencivicattachment justice itself.thatPoland is everin seriousjeopardy, The resulting inference, it is complemented by-the youngPoles' expericomplements-as fellows. On theone a few oftheir of enceofthephysical superiority which others' thepain from tolearn, thechildren hand, superior begin there is a kindofselfthat causesthem force contests, during physical thanthe desireto gain or acquire.Their moreimportant interest to overwilldisposethem tophysical cultivated jeopardy sensitivity or perhaps threats offoreign theseriousness estimate perceive, they are none. in fact, there threats even to believethey where, perceive todivide in tend interest their to Andwhereas gain pecuniary appeals to tend self-interest to and isolate citizens, "enlighten" appeals bodily The more and cooperate. needtoband together their them regarding eachPole the more to Russia Polish education be, depicts threatening selfwithcollective inbasicself-preservation hisinterest willidentify education hand-national on the other Thus-and preservation. in toviewtheir Poles(andolderspectators) superiors disposesyoung of collecTheir natural leaders. as their contests perceptions physical to theconclusion lead them education whichtheir tiverisk, distends, to accepttheruleoftheknightly basicself-interest thatitis in their Poland'sdefense. for as necessary champions,
One's Own Thoughts," 25. Cf.Parry, p. 114.See also Trachtenberg, "Thinking betweenpassive and active Citizens, p. 283 n21,as well as thedistinction Making 127-29. in 24, 110, Freedom, Cullen, pp. citizenship
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ROTATIONOF MILITARYSERVICE Butsuchegoistic and calculatedmoderation fallfar patriotism shortof thatstateofbeingtiedto rulers, muchless to all of one's "with bondsofaffection." Thusthepeople shouldjoin countrymen, therulers"frequently on occasionsset aside forpleasure,"so that their sharedexperiences thepeople thattherulers convince might careabouttheir rather than the mere welfare, possessionofpower But much more can and should and done. be (GP,III, 16).26 expected, in Political his Rousseau stresses that "the Indeed, Economy, greatest miraclesofvirtuehave been producedby patriotism," and he citesas examples"commiseration," "thesentiment of humanity," and "theecstasiesof tender hearts"(Political Economy, p. 219). By meansoftwo other laws Rousseau prescribes, and theinstitutions and "customs"whichthose laws create,the Poles will be raised from theoutlookof enlightened self-interest up to another"level ofspiritual ofpatriotic zeal, ofhighesteemforthequalities vigor, thatare truly expersonal... ofwhichwe have no contemporary These means of acculturation IV, (GP, 23). amples" operate whichonly"tells"youths thannational about education, differently the gravestdanger.These othermeans compel citizens'participationin seriousdanger, or at leastin activities thatremindthemof risk. great Polishcitizen "shouldserveas a soldieras dutyrequires," Every on a rotating basis whichreducestheburdenforeach individual of military ser(GP,XII, 81, 83). While Rousseau praises rotation vice in citizen militias on of he mainly grounds expediency, points to another thePoles that"constantly moadvantageby cautioning bilizedregiments" would engender composedofthesame soldiers a "castofmind,neverfavorable tofreedom, that is characteristic of in such armies"(GP,XII, 82). The Poles should establishrotation servicealso because it promotes a "stateofmindappropriate to a theindividualsol(GP,XII,84).27Whilerotation republic" prevents dier frominflating his own importance, it must also deflatehis estimation ofhis own individual Rotation cultivates independence. a fruitful of and Polish each citizen comes citizens, interdependence to developsentiments ofpride,loyalty, and gratitude all regarding his countrymen-including who were once militiamen his rulers,
26. Cf. JeanStarobinski, Rousseau: and Obstruction Jean-Jacques Transparency ofChicagoPress, B. Strong, 1971), (Chicago:University pp. 16-21; Tracy Jean-Jacques Rousseau: ThePolitics (ThousandOaks: Sage Publications, 1994),pp. ofthe Ordinary T. Scott, "Rousseauand theMelodiousLanguageofFreedom," 59-64; John Journal 59 (1997):803-829. ofPolitics 27. Cf. Shklar, Men and Citizens, pp. 14-16;Johnston, Encountering Tragedy, pp. 89-95.
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themselves Rousseau is aware thathis (cf.GP,XII, 83). Moreover, would create "situations whose mereexistence proposal military calls for theinstant confederation ofall Poland,"and themobilizainall locales, tionofmilitiamen due tothelackofstanding evidently armiesthatmightrespondwheneverforeign troops"set footon Polish soil" (GP,XII, 61). Thus everycitizensoon undergoesthe transformative ofviolent and being experience periods,defending defended fellow citizens at risk. The ofsuch by equally deployment and close cooperation "the of state"tightens strengthens spring thatis, theaffective attachments ofcitizensto one another and to thelaws (GP,IX,60; X,66). Whileas children theylearnedto long as a means to theirown, as soldiers forPoland's preservation Rousseau's Poles will come to long fortheir compatriots' security as an end in itself. SALUBRIOUS DISHARMONY But Rousseau acknowledgesthatcertainproblems--eachan instance ofthe tobe solved for thePoles. political problem-remain Rousseau's various solutionsdisclosehis ultimate assessmentof withinterritorially extensive natheprospectsforrepublicanism as well as his strategy forcontracting the scope, and tion-states, thusextending thelife, ofcivicvirtuein Poland. Those prospects in part, for"thebody are determined, by thepassage oftimeitself, ... at to die the moment of its birth" (OSC, III, xi,98), politic begins and therefore theeducationaland military thatprearrangements and Poland's can serve a while. perfect youthfulness do so onlyfor In that thosearrangements differ from thestrategy sketched regard in thissection, whichpertainsto the problemsthatemergeas a people grows older.But like Rousseau's proposals forPoland's and itsmilitary, that educational operatesby cultisystem strategy an awareness of collective risk within the and by vating citizenry, thatmeans,prolonging thesalubriouslongingforliberty. Unlike thoseotherproposals,however, thatstrategy operatesby illumiinternal threats to Polish It does so the nating liberty. by reforming civilservice, elites; thereby fostering disharmony amongpolitical exand it does so by inflaming provincial parochialisms, thereby the tending throughout populace. disharmony Rousseau characterizes his plan for Reform oftheCivilService. in civil Poland's service as the bestmeans promotion step-by-step forcultivating Polishpatriotism on thegroundsthatit is themost "efficacious" means(GP,XII,87). It is mostefficacious because itis ofa new typecannot mostsuitedtoPoles as they are,and "citizens be createdovernight," muchless out ofnothing (GP,XV,115).For want power moment Rousseau, at least some men in thepresent
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overothers forthesake,and pleasure,ofruling. proStep-by-step in government willputatively motion "awaken ... patriotic fervor" in Polishcivilservants, to Rousseau,because itrequires according "thatno manshallmoveupwardand win successexceptbypublic approbation...from the least of the nobles...up to the king thatsuch publicservice XII,87). It appears,however, himself"(GP, seemto be patriotic, would only,and intentionally, and in factbe the Rousseau benefits Indeed, self-serving. suggests great possible "ifall knewthatonlyby patriotism could a man win [thethrone], transformed now intothesecret desires"(GP, objectofeveryone's Ambitious citizens' of XIV,102). pretense patriotism mayproduce theside effect ofusefulserviceto thestate, butitdoes notseem to the"leaven" of citizens, and especiallyrulers, of a new represent "What is is to make laws that the type. impossible passionsofmen will not corrupt ... and to foresee and evaluate all the forms this will take is, perhaps,beyond the powers of even the corruption mostconsummate statesman" (GP,I, 3).28 In Poland, Rousseau forewarns his audience regardhowever, ofcorruption, thatreflect his ingone "form" offering prescriptions evaluationofitsdanger, and also itspromise, forthecultivation of virtues.That "form"first begins to take shape as the tyrannical ambitions ofthefew-such as Rousseau'sknightly who champions arehabituated, from to the stimulants of hononward, youth being oredand ofbeingtracked for "Untilyousolve" theproblem ruling. posed bythoseambitions, "youmaythink youhave made thelaws will men but do the (GP,I,3). Theinternal govern; governing" problem for Poland, as for all European nations, is the danger of despotism'srise;and forRousseau thatrise,as I have argued,is to corrupt thecitizens paced by despots'insidiousattempts by retheir fervor and for with divisive placing patriotic longing liberty passions formaterial pleasures. Rousseau acknowledges thatthere is onlyso muchthatcan,or even should,be done. Itwillnotbe possibletoabolishmoney(e.g., itwould be disadvantageous GP,XI,68,73) and apparently (as well as impossible) to abolishprivate and perhapseven propproperty, for Rousseaurejects (GP,X,65).29Similarly, qualifications erty voting the"naturalremedy"forthetyranny oftheruling class-increasofdeputiesintheDiet-because that would "make ingthenumber
28. Bertrand de Jouvenal, "Essai surla politiquede Rousseau,"inJean-Jacques Du contrat social(Geneva: Editionsdu Cheval Aile, 1947),pp. 1961-62; Rousseau, MenandCitizens, Natural Shklar, Goodness, p. 161;Melzer, pp. 265-66. 29. Cf.Bloom,"Rousseau'sCritique," Natural Melzer, Goodness, pp. 151-56; p. 175n35.
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fortoo muchagitation in thestateand would come tooclose tothe turbulence of a democracy" (GP,VII, 42). But Rousseau does not to limit theruling ambitions ofthenobles;rather,-his attempt systemof step-by-step increases thoseambitions promotion radically across the nobility, the throne itself by putting up forgrabs in a No servant is deterred XIV, (GP, 102). special throne-lottery public from that he become since Rousseau's hoping might king, plan for selection lot from the most civil servants (i.e., by among promoted the senators)prevents either the absolutely best or the mostcorrupted frombeing considered shoe-ins forselection (GP, XIV, And in additionto all theuseful"acts of devotion"that 104-105). would be done out of such highambitions, Rousseau assureshis audiencethat"itis hardtosee how a singleunworthy man" might be selectedfrom "such a company"ofelderpublicservants, each ofwhomhas been in pursuit ofthe"highest ofprizes"throughout his career(GP,XIV,105). ButRousseaudoes see how itis possible, and he also sees clearly that he cannot remark uponitopenlytohisaudience.He tellsthem, thatin his proposedsystem"chanceitself rather, operatesin the schemeas a meanstoa free and enlightened electoral choice,"since for thethrone-lottery is predicated on rank-advancement eligibility 105).Butwhiletheapprovalof through popularapproval(GP,XIV, thenationwillbe required foradvancement civilservants, ofmost Rousseau is aware thatthePoles will consistently advance a few on othergrounds.The spell whichRomanCatholicism others has cast over the Polish people is so powerful thatRousseau knows that"yourbishopscould not ... be giventerm but appointments" will rather retain their senateseatsforlife, no matter whathe prescribes toproscribe life-tenure (GP,VII,44). Rousseauwould prefer in thesenatealtogether, sinceit servesto create"an independent withitsown sectional itsown unavoidabletendency interest, body, to usurpation" "if But the (GP,VII, 43). bishopsalone had lifetenthe of the ure, power clergy, alreadyexcessive,would be much increased"(GP,VII, 44). Not onlywill thebishops remainin the willalso remain senatefor butthey as menwhose selection did life, notundergothesame rigors ofinspection accordedto othersenators, owingtothespiritual sovereignty possess overthePolish they individualamong theclergy, or later people. Thus, some corrupt corrupted by theclergy, might verywell "luck out" intothepossessionofthethrone, and appeal tohisspecialsovereignty tojustify a transition to his (or their) absoluterule.30
30.Cf.Davies,Heart Natural Melzer, Goodness, ofEurope, pp. 275-76; p. 144.
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Rousseau solves thisproblemby exacerbating it. His plan of for thethrone reform notonlyengenders ambition powerbymaking of those into a lottery prize,but it also promotesthe corruption to the paladins and grand ambitions by grantinglife-tenure inthesenate-fora totalofeighty-nine memcastellans permanent bers, including the bishops (GP, VII, 45). Such a strange and measureis thefirst to counterintuitive stepin Rousseau's attempt in to and the reducetheriskofexecutive Poland preserve tyranny virtues associatedwithpatriotism. Rousseauthen proposestoabolish the lifetenureof the many "castellansof the second rank," them with"terminal into"senator-deputies" turning appointments, two with each new Diet electing a new set,"and for perhaps years, themfrom for thethrone-lottery untilthey eligibility disqualifying have served threeterms(GP, VII, 45; XIII, 92). His proposal, aimsat a "well-nigh Rousseauclaims, change"which imperceptible wouldbecomequitemanifest werethat be to proposal implemented. His plan would reducethe riskof executivetyranny by creating senators-betweenthosewho have amongambitious disharmony to usurp power,and those who have been acquired a tendency elected(and whose advancement the requiresthem)to represent thepeople ofthenation(GP, interests oftheDiet,and byextension, else, theexposureoftherulers'disVII, 45; cf.VII, 33). Ifnothing in their ofcircumspection a spirit Polish might engender harmony of the "administration of of the small subjects, republics" typical theancients (GP,V,26). Stasisand Federalism. Rousseau apparently aims to Legislative inculcate civicdisharmony, it engenders, on and thecautiousness thecitizens other levelsas well-even between themselves. conBy ofcourse, ofhisthought trast, (and especially manyinterpretations of On theSocialContract) of civic presentRousseau as a theorist Poland and been has these lines as well.3' along interpreted harmony, as a few have commentators Rousseau's However, just emphasized fordividingsovereign has suggestedthat strategy power,another Poland is in "tension" with"thetoRousseau's idea ofa federated of the citizen with his fatherland and fellow tal identification citizens."32 Indeed,Rousseau embracesthattension, claimingthat a perfected federalism would grantas muchlocal sovereignty as
31. For example,Plattner, "Rousseau and the Originsof Nationalism," pp. 193-94; Miller, Rousseau, p. 128. 32. Hassner,"Rousseau and theTheory," p. 208; on Rousseau's divisionof see Derathe, Richard Rousseau Fralin, Rousseau, 287-91; Jean-Jacques sovereign power, A Study and Representation: Institutions oftheDevelopment ofHis Concept ofPolitical Press,1978),pp. 43,54. (New York:ColumbiaUniversity
432
can sever possible,"at thesame time... makingsurethatnothing thebond ofcommonlaws, and ofsubordination to themainbody of the republic, thatties themtogether" (GP, V, 26).-3Evidently, Rousseau intends to strain Polishpatriotism to thepointofbreakinto so local attachments, ing apart many stronger but-somehow-no further. Poles from different locales mustbecome mutually butremain resolved. waryovertime, mutually SeveralofRousseau'sprescriptions for Polandpreserve (oreven institutions that had undermined the Poles' strengthen) historically as was well known at the cohesiveness, throughout Europe time.3 Rousseauhimself citestheprivate armiesofmagnates as one ofthe main causes of Polishanarchy, three but also excuses themas.the the lords can be allowed,even though onlyluxury great they "may infactions, result and (GP,III, 17;cf.IX,55). More, parties, quarrels" Rousseau insistson retaining theimperative mandatein theDiet, and even an attenuated form oftheliberum each ofwhichhas veto, contributed to thelegislature's to act appropriately and inability in timeofneed,and to forestall Poland's periodicconvigorously stitutional crises(GP,VII, 36-37;IX,58-59).3And whilehe restricts the use of the golden veto to "genuinelyfundamentallaws," Rousseau prescribes remarkable for thepassage of supermajorities laws and the resolution of matters state of (GP,IX,58). It statutory would seem that he almost intends citizens from different to be at odds withone another over stasisin thelaw, palatinates and for Poland tobe in frequent need ofthe"political masterpiece" ofextra-constitutional, and typically confederations (GP, provincial, VII, 36; IX,60-61).36 theconfederations' from character comestheir Partly provincial as well as their to greatadvantage, danger.According Rousseau, theconfederations mobilize"greatenergies"so as "to fortify and restorethe constitution when it has been shaken," but he also that ifmisdirected, theseenergies, can easilydestroy acknowledges a government, as happenedin thecase ofRomandictatorship. Both thatdangerand thatadvantageshouldbe construed in lightofthe provincialism that Poland's confederationshad historically On theone hand,too muchprovincialism promoted. jeopardizes the commitment of the provincesto any measure of union or totighten attachments is torisk tolocalconfederations nationhood; "breaking the spring" of national government,as the Barist
33. Cf.Kendall,"How to Read Rousseau's,"pp. xxxviii-xxxix. 34. Davies,Heart ofEurope, pp. 280,331. 35. Cf.Kendall,"How toRead Rousseau's,"pp. xxxvi-xxxvii. 36. Ibid., ThePartitions Lukowski, pp. xxiv-xxv; ofPoland, pp. 44-51.
433
On theother illuminated hand,a sufficient (GP,IX,60).3" experience the number ofprovincial for confederations is useful strengthening ofeach province's distinct denizens, (orcontracted) owing loyalties to the sense of collective riskimparted to themby the varietyof inthenation.-Indeed,civicdisharmony interests and virtue present are farfromincompatible forRousseau. Citingthe authority of Machiavelliin On the SocialContract, Rousseau impliesthere to be an inverserelationship betweenvirtueand internal but stability; he subsequentlysponsors the more modest claim thata "little to souls, and it is not so much peace as agitationgives vitality freedom thatmakesthespeciestruly prosper"(OSC, III, ix,96n).39 In Poland,the confederations representRousseau's means for that salubrious and thereby the cultivating "agitation," inflaming the nation for that passion throughout liberty by parochializing each province anxiousaboutthethreats is,bymaking passion:that to itsliberty posed by all theothers. Butwhywould theprovinces, atodds withone another so often overPoland'slegislative noteventually resolve tosecedefrom stasis, the largernation?Whilesome disharmony may be necessaryfor thelove ofliberty and thevirtues itengenders, toomuch sustaining would seem to be sufficient forsundering the bonds of national union.Rousseau'sconfederations the(parochial) strengthen longing for Polish morefragile, butthey union making liberty bygradually mustnot make thatunion toofragile. How, then,does Rousseau intendto damp or modulatecivicdisharmony, so as to produceits benefits without too much of its harm? incurring Rousseau's reform ofPoland's military mayproduceone brake citizens' attention from upon disharmony, bytemporarily diverting nascentprovincialdissensions, and directing it towardtrulynational emergencies. As I have argued,Rousseau's prescriptions and forts border armies would makeall ofPoland against standing morevulnerable to foreign and would likelyincreasethe powers, in of their of the invasions; whichcase, confederations frequency
37. See thediscussion ofthefailure oftheBarists' in "Generality" government note11above. 38.Davies,Heart exercise of ofEurope, pp. 302,305,310,338.Fromtheveryfirst theright in 1606, ofconfederation "noone knewhow tostoptheright beinginvoked for trivial wereturning factions purposes.... and bytheendofthecentury political toarmedconfederation as a matter offirst resort" (Davies,Heart ofEurope, p. 302). oftheeighteenth Polandhad reached "thenadir"ofanarchy Bythelasthalf century, in "a stateof civilwar betweenthetwo confederated of Catholicsand factions" Protestant dissidents (ibid., p. 310;cf.pp. 275-78). 39. See also OC, III: 542,quotedin theMasters'1986edition ofOSC, Editorial Note 46 (p. 140).
434
entire realmwould be organizedmorefrequently as well. Periodic nationalconfederations could temporarily the corrosive mitigate ofprovincial effect either all Poles of confederations, byreminding in matters their ofnational orbycausing defense, interdependence themto undergothepurgative of violentdisruptions experience (cf.OSC, II, viii,70-71). But thelong-term effects veto(as well ofretaining theliberum as requiringsupermajorities forstatutory laws) may provide a more lasting counterweight to the unsettling legislative stasis whichuse ofthatsame vetowould (and did) immediately engender. Though historically veto"led to the nobles' rightof liberum interminable debates ... and to frequent delay or deadlock" in the nationallegislature, the principleof unanimity which it upheld "had a positiveside. It gave a strong sense ofcommitment to any consensus thatwas actuallyreached" and inspiredeach nobleman "to defendhis commitments as a matter of honor,"even to thepointofdyingin thefight done to his counagainstinjustices The "critics call it a fanatical Poles' trymen. penchant for their admirers call it a fine sense of responsibiltrouble-making; to a few unanimously ity."40While widespread commitment approved nationallaws may not rise to the level of patriotism, has begun to lower the "pitch"of especiallyonce provincialism such shared resolvemay preventdisharmony from citizenship, into demands for downward so local secession. spiraling many a few laws would susOptimally, generalconsensus regarding tain Polish unity by generating the mutual respect of the like-minded. the unanimity-supermajority principle Minimally, Poles from that would prevent believing passels oflaws aremerely ofother thevarieddevicesbywhichcoalitions citizens(including own advantage (cf.GP,X, 62"swarmsof lawyers")ensuretheir 63, 66).
and Rousseau's Conception oftheSoul Nationalism, Virtue,

That civicdisharmony is a guarantor of virtuein Polandsugat the that even a less extended nationalism least, (or gests, very is the not foundation of human excellence for patriotism) In fact, as I have shown,Rousseau's plan forcultivatRousseau.41 (and perhaps ing virtue in Poland entails cultivatingdifferent in "excellences" at different times the life of a people. A opposed) so as to attain thecivic be directed people whileitis youthful may
40. Davies, Heart ofEurope, p. 335. 41. Cf.Melzer,"Rousseau,Nationalism, and thePolitics," p. 123.
435
and humanity, butwhenolder oftenderness, virtues commiseration, cautiousmust be led to itsmembers developpolitical parochialism, todistrust certain ness,and perhapseven a proclivity countrymen. the former set thatprecipitates sentiment Because thenationalist to thenationally divisivesuspicionsthat ofvirtuesis antithetical can be said to be thecommonfoundaneither catalyzethelatter, tion of human excellenceforRousseau. Indeed, in lightof the immediate oftheir causes,is it even possibleforthose contrariety to arisefrom such a rootcause? setsofvirtues different in the A tempting recall Rousseau's distinction replymight of soul"betweenthe two original"principles SecondDiscourse therootofsuch and pity-as a basisfor construing self-preservation in humandisposition virtues as a naturalbifurcation different (cf. in SD, 132-33).A variationon thisreplyinsistson a dichotomy of the principleof self-preservation: Rousseau's understanding between the fear of death Hobbes thematized and a newly to expand energy" emphasized"positivelove oflife... a formless Whilethefearof deathmay or extendone's individualexistence. be experiencedin ways thatengenderpity or compassion,the allowsand canevenimpel natural toexpandone'sexistence impulse man to "feel similar" to his fellow citizens, so long as their "existences are especially transparent"to one another,their thecountryside hear, languagethesame,and so toothemusicthey the virtues stem food On this the view, see, patriotic they they eat.from of foundation theotherhalfof Rousseau's principle at their to one's existence. disposition expand self-preservation-the in Poland Buthis suiteofprescriptions suggeststhatRousseau oftheprinciples rather thana bifurcation, conceivesofa hierarchy, in one's he considersthebasic interest of thesoul. For one thing, thaneither or to be moreefficacious own welfare pity self-expansiveness,since the Polish parochialismand cautiousnesswhich are ultimately ensue from thatinterest deployedby Rousseau as a tendencies whichthemereubiqnascent despotic safeguard against in cannot Yet of feeling prevent. the basic interest uity patriotic welfare is notonlymoreusefulthantheother principles. In PolandRousseau also portrays thatinterest as the proper and ofthevirtues oftheother principles, therefore, underpinning from each youth's While moderation arises towhichthey giverise. of Poland's ofhisweaknessand hisperception (and thus experience virtues he will even the tenderand patriotic his own) insecurity, or even calculation eventuallydevelop stem fromhis reflection thefelt simithanfrom rather aboutsimilar matters, self-regarding
42. Ibid., pp. 124,125.
436
of his whole selfto otherselves.As I have shown,it is the larity ofmostofRousseau's prescripofrisk thatis theleitmotif sharing in in or culture not thesharingof territory, tions Poland, religion, does And when,inRousseau'spresentation, fellow-feeling general. ofthethreat each man'sassessment notarisefrom posed by a common danger,it is due to the gratitudePoles feel forpast acts Its beneficial to one another (cf.GP,XIII,95-99;I, 2-3; III, 10-11).43 or millennial thanprospective and calculativerather recollective to be rootedin enlightcharacter disclosessuch Polishpatriotism driveto expand one's insteadof a nonrational ened self-interest, forthetimethatit is Polishunity, whole selfinto,or over,others. notbyhopeand thankfulness is sustained defensiveness, by unity, ofresurgence. and thefeeling fulness One or the other of two conclusions follows regarding in welthebasic interest ofthesoul. Either Rousseau's conception oftheother as theorigin be understood cansomehow fare principles can and oughtto be inflected ofsoul, or forRousseau thatinterest oftheother in ways thatmoderate theeffect principles, especially If man's naturalexpansiveness. thegivenfactis indeed thesoul's ofthisinthenitwould seem,on thestrength natural bifurcation, theother Rousseau aimstosubordinate ofPoland, that terpretation to theexpecitizens to basic self-interest by habituating principles rienceofrisk.
Conclusion
of ancientinsti"thespirit would represent Such an intention it.ThoughRousseauclaimsthat as Rousseauunderstands tutions," whom he extolsin Poland"based their thethreegreatLegislators accountsforthedifferhe carefully on the same ideas," legislation as well as the whicheach legislated, encesbetweenthepeoples for Ruleach of the institutions characters different prescribed. specific in succeeded Numa somehow band of over a robbers, ing inrestrictive of means into citizens them "mildly by transforming inhisRomansubjects. ofsuperstition and thecultivation stitutions" "debased by servia on the other hand, people acquired Lycurgus, were suitablefor and so his subjects tude" insteadoflawlessness, in orderto eliminateall he prescribed the "ceaseless constraint" love ofcountry" (GP,II, 6-7). "burning passionsexcepttheir
canbe and serfs theaffections ofburghers that Rousseauclaims 43.Forexample, inner their tofare notbymaking them tiedtothefatherland better, merely byhelping ofthenobles(GP,XIII,95-99). similar tothat livesand culture oftheir experience
437
The different character of thoseprescriptions can be seen to coherearound Rousseau's estimation of the soul's basic interest in self-preservation. Alreadycorrupted by theirlawless acquisiin order to tiveness,the Romans had to be given superstitions notto reveretheir convincethemthatitwas too risky city;in this it makes sense for Rousseau to claim that Rome's sacred light, in set down fact had their foundations rites,though by Numa, laid by "fierceRomulus himself"(GP, II, 7). Only corruptedby their theSpartans werealreadyaccustomed servitude, bycontrast, to "ceaseless constraint"and perhaps even prepared for their transformation into"beingsmorethanmerely human"by means oftheir sharedexperience ofthegloriesofSpartanlifebut also of Sparta's frequent presencein "death's clutches"(GP, II, 7; OSC, II, viii,71; cf.GP,XII,86). Rousseau's Poles,however, resemble neither theSpartansnor theRomansbutrather that he depictsin his accountof people that the most ancientof the greatLegislators. The one nationis "deand toitsaggressors," devastated, populated, oppressed, wide-open the otherwas (and is "even today") "a swarmof wretched fugitives... without an inchofterritory to call their own ... a troopof outcasts upon thefaceoftheearth"(GP,I, 2; II, 6). Ifthesedescriptionsare dissimilar it is because Poland-the former nation-has notyetquiteattained thelatter's stateofmisfortune, towardwhich Rousseauknowsitis inevitably headed.Butsuchmisfortune, claims in has restored the "fire of Polish and his Rousseau, souls, youth" ideal reform-narrowing Poland's frontiers-would serve to only fanitsflames a smaller Poland at risk of forby placing yetgreater (GP,I, 2-3;V,26). Not onlywould such a reform eign subjugation tendto moderate boththecitizens'in(or itsfederalist surrogate) clination forcomfort and their clamorfornationalgreatness, butit in self-preservation would also inflect thebasic interest in a way thatintensifies virtue theneed forit.In that delimiting by sharply ofancient institutions way Rousseau upholdsthespirit byheeding the exampleof themostancientLegislator. "Each fraternal bond thathe established"amonghis people "became a further barrier, themfrom their and keepingthemfrom beseparating neighbors one with those Thus Moses a coming neighbors." preserved people "so oftensubjugated,so oftendispersed,so often, to all appearbut always utterly faithful to itslaws ... down ances,annihilated, intoour own times"by makingthem, to therestof "withrespect outsiders forever" mankind, (GP,II, 6).

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Nationalism, Virtue, and the Spirit of Liberty in Rousseau's "Government of Poland" Author(s): Jeffrey A.

and the Spirit Nationalism, Virtue, in Rousseau's of Liberty Government ofPoland

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