ARTlCLES

NANCY ScIl EPER- H ucHES

A.ffu.r,(ool Coa.< h(t-
1Ao. I , TI'. - '/1, l'i
k
'
Depanmenl of Anlhropology. UniversilY of California, Berkeley
MARGAKt."T M .
Dcpanment of Humaniti es and Social Studies in Medicine . McGilI Uni versi ty
The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future
Work in Medical Anthropology
COllcepl;ons ofrhe body are central nOI on/y ro subslantive work in med-
kal (In/hropology, bul also 10 Ihe philosophical u/Jderpinllings af/he ell-
I;re discipli/Je of onthropology, where Weslern oSSl/mptions aboul the
mind ond body. lhe individual aOlI society. affecl bol/ lheoretical vie",-
poinrs {JfJd reseureh paradigm.r. These same cOIICt'ptiO/IS olso influelJCt
ways in which heallh ('are is planned ond delivered in Weslern sode/ies.
In Ihis anide we advocale Iht' demnslruelion of received eonceplS OboUI
tire body and begin /his proCt'ss by e.ramining lhree from 1
whieh he bOOy ",ay be viewed: (1 J as a phenomeoolly experieneed indi-
vidual body self; (2) as a social body. a natural symbof for lhinking I
aboat relalionships among nalure, soeie/)'. and culturt': and (JJ as a
body polilic. an arlifact of social and political cantrol. Afrer discussing J
wa)'s in which anthropofog;sfs, Olht'r social sciemisrs, ond peoplefrom
\'arious cultures hove conceptuoJiud Ihe bod)'. "'1" propose the sludy of
emolio/u as an orea of inquir)' Ihat hofds promist' for providing a Il ew
approoch 10 tht' subjul_
The body is lhe finol and mosl nalUfa! 1001 of m:m-Marcel Mauss ( 1919[1950])
D
esPite its tille Ihi s anide does nO{ prclend 10 offer a comprehensive
of the anthropology of Ihe body. which has ilS anteceden!s in
psychological . and syrnbolic anthropology. as well as in elhnose ie.nce .
phenomenology, and semiotics.
'
Rather. il should be as an altempt .10 IOfe-
grale aspecls of anthropological discourse on Ihe body lOto current work. m med-
ical anthropology. We refcr 10 Ihis as a becau$C we .Ihal
n$Ofar as medical ant hropology has failcd to problematlze Ihe body. IIIS destmed
10 fall prey 10 Ihe biological (all acy and related assumplions Ihal are
10 biomedicine. Foremosl among Ihese assumplions is Ihe much-nOled Caneslan
dualism that scparates mind from body. spirit fmm malter. and real (j.e., visible.
6
THE MJNDF\JL Boov
7
palpable) from unreal. Sioce Ihis epistemological lradiliOll is a cultural and his-
torical construclion and 001 one Ihat is uni versally shared. il is cssential lhat we
begin our project in medical 3nthropology with a suspension of our usual bclief
and cultural cornmitmcnl lO me mindlbody, scenlunscen , naturaVsupcmatural .
magicallrational, ralional/irrational. and real/unreal opposilions and assumptions
Iha! have charnctcrized much of ethnomedical anlhropology 10 dale. We will be-
gin from an assumption of Ihe body as simultaneously a physical and symbolic
anifacl, as both naturally aOO culturally produce<! . and as securely anchored in a
particular hi storical momen!.
In lhe following pages we will critically examine and cal l inlO queslion var-
ious concepls that have becn privi legcd in WeSlem Ihinking for centunes and
which have delermincd Ihe ways in which the body has becn perceivcd in scien-
lific biomcdicine and in anthropology. Thi s anicle is descripljve and diagnoslic .
lIS goal is bo!h Ihe defini li on of an importanl domain for anlhropological inquiry
and an inilia! search for appropri ule conceplS and analYlic lools.
We are wriling for Ihree audiences . Firsl, we hope 10 inlroduce general an-
Ihropol ogisls lo Ihe polential contribulions of medieal anthropology toward un-
dentanding an intelJeetual domain we all share-the body. Second. we want 10
draw !he attention of medical anthropologists 10 writings on Ihe body 001 usually
reeogoized for Iheir rdevance 10 Ihe field . And Ihird, we wish (Q speak 10 dini-
cans and olher heallh praclitioners who daily minisler to mindful bodies. The
resuhing erfan is necessarily partial and fragmenlary, representing a sornewhal
personal jlincrary !hrough paths of inquiry we believe 10 hold particular promisc
for thcory bui lding and further research in anthropology gene rally. and in medical
anthropology particularly.
The Tbree Bodies
EssentiallO our lask is a consideration of Ihe relattons among whal we wi U
refer lo here as lhe "rnree bodies. 'z Al Ihe firsl and perhaps masl self-evident
level is lhe individual body. unders!ood in lhe phenomeoological sense of me -1
lived experience ofl he body-sclf. We may reasonably assume Iba! alJ people share
al leasl sorne intuitive scnse of the ernbodied self as existing apart from other J
indivi dual bodies (Mauss 198511938]). However, Ihe consliruent par1S of lhe
body-mind, maller, psyche. soul. self. etc. - and their relalions 10 each othcr,
and me ways in which Ihe body is received and experienced in health and sickness
are, of course, highl y variable.
At !he second level of analysis is Ihe social body. referring 10 !he represen:(
tali?nal uses of Ihe body as a natural syrnOOI wilh which 10 !hink aOOm namre,
soclety. and culture, as Mary Oouglas (1970) suggesled. Here our discussion fol- J
lows fue well-trodden path of social . symbolic . and slrucl uralist anthropologisls
who have demOflstraled !he constanl exchange of meanings between !he " natu-
ral" and Ihe social worlds. The body in health aITers a model of organi c whole-
ness: che body in sickness o(fers a model of social dishannony. conflicl, and dis-
incegration. Reci procally, sociely in "sickness" and in " heallh" offen a rnodel
for understandi ng!he body.
At the !hird leve! of analys is is the body poli tic, refemog to!he regulalion.
surveillance. aOO control ofbodies (individual and collective) in reproduc!ion and
, MfDlCALANTHROPOLOGY QuAIITEIU. V
scxualil y, in work and in \cisure, in sickness and other fonns of dcvian<:e and
human difference. There are many types of polity. ranging from Ihe acephalous
anarchy of "simple" foraging societics. in which deviants may be puni shed by
total social ostraci sm and consequentl y by dealh (see Briggs 1970: Tumbull
1962), through chi eflai nships. monarchies, oligarchies, democraci es. and mod-
cm totalitarian states. In all of Ihese polities Ihe stability of he body polic resls
on il s abi lity lo regu! .. !e populations (lhe social body) and 10 di scipline
bo(lies. A great deal has been wri uen about lhe regul aton and control of IndI vId-
ual and social bodies in complexo industrialized societies. Foucault' s work is ex-
'cmplary in this regard (1973,1975, 1979, 1980a). Less has.been
me ways in which socielies control. Iheir ando mstltullon-
alize means for producing doci1e bodies and phant mtnds tn Ihe servtce of some
defi nition of collecli ve stabi lity. health. and social well-being.
1....- The " three bodies" represento then. nOI only three separale and overlappi ng
units of analysis, but also Ihree different Iheoretical approaches and epstcmolo-
ges: phenomcnology (individual body, Ihe lived seU), structurali sm and symbol-
ism (Ihe social body). and poSlslrucluralism (the body politic) . Of these, Ihe IhiTd
body is the msl dynamic in suggesling why and how certain t inds of bodies are
soci ally produced. The following :mal ysis will move back and forth between a
di scussion of "Ihe bodies " as a useful heuristic concepl for understanding cul-
Ilnes and soceties, on Ihe one hand , and for iocreasing our knowledge of the
cultural sources and meanings of health and ilIness. on the other.
The Individual Body
HOI\! Real is Real? The CarlesiaTJ Legacy
A si ngular premi se guiding Westcrn science and clinical medici ne (and one.
we hasten to add , Ihat is responsible for ils awesome efficacy) is its commitmenl
lo a fundamental opposition belween spiril and malter. mind and body. and (un-
derlying Ihis) real and uncea\. We are reminded of a grand rounds presentalion
before a class of firsl-year medical students Ihat concemed the case of a middle-
aged woman suffering from ehronic and debilitating hcadaches. In halting sen-
lences the pat ien! explained before tbe class of two hundred Ihal her husband was
an alcoholic who occasionaJl y beat her, that she had been virtually housebound
for Ihe past fiye years looking after her seoile and incontin,ent mot.her-in-Iaw,
that she womes eonstantl y about her leenage son who lS Ilunkmg out of hlgh
school. Although the woman ' s slory elicited considerable sympalhy from the stu-
dents, many grew restless with the lioe of clinical questioning, and one finall y
intcn'Upted Ihe professor to demand " But what is Ihe real cause of me head-
aehes?"
The medical sludent , like many of her classmales. interpreled the SlrCam of
social infonnation as eXlrallCous and irrelevanl 10 the real biomedical diagnosis .
She wantcd informati on on Ibe neurochemical changes whi ch she understood as
constiluling lhe IfUe causal explanati on. This kind of radically think-
ing, characteristic of clinical biomcdicine, is Ihe product of a Westem epIstemol -
ogy extending as far back as Aristotlc's starkl y bi ological view.of!he
in De Anima. As a basis for clni cal practice, it can be found m the Hlppocratl c
THE MlNDFUL Booy 9
corpus (ca. 400 B.C.) . Hippocrates
1
and his students were delennined to erradi-
cale Ihe vestiges of magico-reli gious Ihinking about Ihe human body and lo intro-
duce a nllional basis for clinical practi ce thal would challenge Ihe power of Ihe
aneien! folk healers or "charlatans" and " magi," as Hippocrales labeled his
medical eompelitors. In a passage from hi s lreal ise on epi lepsy, ironicall y entitled
" On me Sacred Disease," Hippocrates (Adams 1939:355--356) cautioned the
Greek ia/ros (physician) to lreal onl y what was observable and palpable 10 Ihe
senses:
I do noc believe thal Ihe so-caUed Sacred Di sca5C is any more divine or sacred
than any ocher disease. bul lhal on Ihe contr.lTY, just as olher diseases have a
nature and a delini(e cause. so dpes Ihis one. too. have a nature and a cause ..
1I is rny opinjon (ha! those who first caUcd {his diseasc sacred were (he sort of
peop!e Ihal we oow eall mag'. TIu:se magicians are vagaoonds and charlatans.
prelending 10 be ha!y and wisc. and pretending 10 more knowledge than (he)'
have.
The naturallsupematural, real/unreal di chotomy has taken many fonns over
Ihe course of Westem hislory and civilizat ion, bUI il was the philosapher-mathe-
malician Rene Descartes ( 1596- 1650) who mOSI clearly fonnulalcd the ideas thal
are me immediale precursors ofcontcmporary bi omedical conceplions orthe hu
man organismo Descartes was delermined 10 hold nOlhing as lrue unlil he had es-
tablished!he grounds of evidence for accepting il as such. The single category 10
be lakcn on faith , as il were, was the intuited perccption of Ihe body-self. ex-
pressed in Descartes's diclum: Cog/o, ergo s/lm- I Ihink. therefore J amo From
Ihis intuitive consciousness of his own being. Descartes proceeded 10 argue Ihe
existence of two classes of substance that logether const iluled Ihe human orga
nism: palpable body and inlangible miTJd. In his essay, "Passions of Ihe Soul ,"
Descartes soughl lo reconeil e material body and divine saul by Jocating Ihe soul
in the pineal gland whenee il directed the lxx:Iy's movemems like an invisible rider
on a horse. In Ihis way Desc::tnes, a devout CathoJic, was able (O preserve Ihe soul
as !he domain of theology, and 10 legitimate the body as Ihe domain of science.
The rather anificial separalion of mind and body. Ihe so-called Cartesian dualism.
freed biology 10 pursue Ihe kind of rddically maleriali sl lhinking expressedby Ihe
medi ca! sludenl aboye, much to me advantage ofthe natural and clinical sciences.
However , il caused Ihe mind (or soul) to recede 10 Ihe background of clinical
theory and practice for the next Ihree hundred years.
The Cartesian legaey to clinical medicine and 10 Ihe natural and social sci-
ences is a rnlher mechanistic conception of the body and its funclions, and a fail-
ure lO coneeptuali ze a "mindful" eausation of somatic states. 1I "",!ould take a
scruggling psychoanalYlic psychialry and Ihe gradual developmenl of psyehoso-
malie medicine in the early 20lh cenlur)' to begin Ihe lask of reuniting mind and
body in clinical theory :lnd practice. Yel, even in psychoanalYlically infonned
psychiatry and in psychosomatic medicine Ihere is a tendeney to eategorize and
lrCal human affliclions as ir Ihey were ei ther wholl y organic or wholl y ps)'chol og-
ical in origin: "it" is in the body, or " it " in Ihe mind. In her astute analysis of
multidisciplinary case eonferences on chroni c pain pati ents, for examp!e, Corbett
( 1986) discovered the intrdclabilit y ofCartesian Ihinking among sophi sticated cli-
nieians. These physicians. psychiatrisls. and clinical soci al workers " knew" thal
pain was "real " whelher or nOI Ihe souree of il couJd be verified by diagnostic
10 M EDICA!. AI'o'TtlROfOUlGY QuAItTERL Y
tests. Nonctheless, thcy could nOI help bul express evident relief when a . 'truc"
(Le., single, generally organic) cause could be discovered. Moreover, when di
agnoslic tests indicatcd sorne organic explanati on, the psychologieal and social
aspects of me pain tended 10 be alJ bUI forgotten . and when severe psychopalh-
ology could be diagnosed. he organic eomplications aOO indices tended to be
ignorcd. Paio, il seems. was eilhu physical or mental, biological or psycho-so-
cial-lICver bolh nor something not.quite-either.
As both medical anthropologisls and clinicians slruggle 10 view humans aOO
the expcrience of iIIness and suffering from an integrated perspeciive, they oflen
find themselves U'apped by Ihe Cancsian legacy. We lack a precise vocabulary
with which 10 deal with mind-body-socicty interactions and so are left suspended
in hyphcns, lesli fying 10 !he diseonneclcdncss of our Ihoughts. We are foreed to
reson 10 such fragme nted concepts as lhe bio-social, lhe psycho-somalic. Ihe so-
mato-social as altogelhcr feeble ways of expressing Ihe myriad ways in which the
mind speaks mrough the body, and the wa)'s in which sociely is inscribed on Ihe
expectanl canvas ofhuman flesh . As Kundera ( 1984: 15) recentl )' observcd: " The
rise of science propelled man int o lunncls of speciaJi z.ed knowledge. With every
step forward in scicnt ifi c knowledgc, !he less cl earl)' he could see lhe world as a
whole or hi s Own self. ' lronicall)', lhe consciou$ attempls 10 temper Ihe materi-
alism and Ihe reduclionism of biomedical science oft en end up inadvenent l)' re
creating the mindlbody opposition in a new fonn. For example, Leon Eisenberg
( 1977) elaboraled Ihe distinclon betwecn disease and iJl ness in an dfon 10 distin-
gui sh the biomedical cooception of " abnonnalities in the structure andlor func-
lion of organs and organ s)'slems" (diseaSt') from Ihe pal ient's subjecti ve expe-
rience of malaise (illness). While Eisenberg and hi s associates' paradigm has cer-
tainl y helped 10 create a single language and discourse for both clinicians and
social scienti sts, one unanticipated effect has been that physicians are claiming
both aspccts of the sickness experience for me medical domaio. As a result, the
" illncss" di mension of human distress ( i.e., Ihe social relalions of sickness) are
bcing medicali zcd and indivKiualizcd, ralher than polilicizcd and collecli vized
(see Scheper-Hughes and Loek 1986). Medicalization inevitably entails a missed
idenlification between Ihe indi vidual and Ihe social bodies, and a tendency lo
transfonn Ihe soci al into lhe biol ogical.
Mindlbody dualism is relaled 10 other conceptual oppositions in Westem cp-
istemology, such as those between nature and cultu:, passion and reason, indi -
vidual and society--dicholomies Ihat social lhinkers as diffcrenl as Durklleim,
Mauss, Marx, and Freud underslood as inevitable and orten unresolvable COnln-
dictions and as natural and universal categories. Althougb Durkheim was primar-
il)' concemed with the relationsbip of the individual 10 saciety (an opposition we
will discuss at grcater lenglh below), he devoted sorne altenlion to !he mindlbod)' ,
oature/saciety dichotomies. In The l:.'lementary Forms 01 he Religious Lije Dur-
kheim wrote Ihat " man is double" (196111915] :29), referring 10 Ihe biological
and the social. The physical body provided for lhe reproduclion of saciety Ihrough
sexuality and socializalion. For Durkheim sociely represenled Ihe "highcst reality
in Ihe inlelleclual and moral order." 1llc body was me storehouse of el1\()(ions
that were Ihe raw materials, lhe "stuff." oot of which mechanical solidarity was
forgcd in lhe interests of me collectivi ly. Building on Durkheim, Mauss wrote of
Ihe "dominion of Ihe conscious Iwill] over emotion and unconsciousness"
TIIE MINDf\lL 800v
11
(19791195OJ: 122). The dcgree to which Ihe mndom and chaoti c impulses of the
body were di sciplined and reslmincd by soci al institutions :vcaled the stamp of
higher civiliulions.
Freud introduced yet anotller inlerpretation of the mindlbody, nature/cult ure,
individual/saciety sel of Opposilions wi th his lheory of dynamic psychology: the
indi vidual ae war wi thin himself. Freud p ~ a human drama in which nalural.
biological dri vC$ locked horns wilh Ihe domcslicaling requi:ments of the social
and moral order. nic resulting rcpressions of lhe libido through a largely painful
process of sacialization produced lhe many neuroses of modern life. Psychialry
was caJled on 10 d.iagnose and treal Ihe di s-ease of wounded psyches whose egos
were not in control of the rest of Iheir minds. Civilization mld ils Discontents may
be read as a ps)'choanal ylic parable concerning lhe mindlbody, nature/culture,
and indi vidual/saciely opposilions in Weslem epislemology.
For Marx and hi s associales the natural world exisled as an external, objec-
live realil )' Ihal was lransformed by human labor. Humans di st inguish themselves
fmm animals, Marx and Engels wrote , "as soon as the)' begin to produce: their
means of subsi stence" (I970:42) . In Capital Marx wrote Ihal labor humani zes
and domestieates nature. It gives fe 10 inanimate obj ects, and it pushes back the
natural fronlier, leaving a human stamp on allthat il touches .
Allhough Ihe nature/culture opposi lion has becn interpreted as (he "very ma-
trix of Weslern melaphysics" (BcnoiSI 1978:59) and has " peneualed so
deeply ... thac we have come to regard it as natural and inevitable" (Goody
1977:64), lhere havc alwa)'s becn altemali ve ontologies. One of Ihese is surel y
Ihe view Ihat culture is rooted in (rather than aga;nsl) nature (Le. , biology), im; -
tat ing it and emanating directl y from il. Cultural materialisls, for example, havc
tended to view social instilutions as adaptive responses 10 cenain fixed, biological
foundations. M. Harris (1974, 1979) rd ers to cullure as a "banal " or "vul gar"
solution 10 lhe human condition n$Ofar as it " resls on the ground and is hu ill up
out of gulS . sexo energy" (1974:3) . Mind collapses inlO body in these formula-
li ons.
Simi larly, sorne human biologislS and psychologislS have suggested thallhe
mindlbody, nature/cullu:, indi viduaVsocielY oppositions are natural (and PTe-
sumed universal) categories of Ihinking insofar as they are: a cogniti ve and sym-
bolic manifeslation ofhuman biols:lgy. Omstein ( 1973), forexlImple, understands
mindfbody dualism as an overly delennined exprcssion of human brain laterali-
z.ation. Accordi ng 10 lhis vi ew, the uniquely human specializ.alion of lhe brain 's
Idt hemisphe: for cogniti ve, rationaJ. and analytic functions and or the ri ghl
bemisphere for inluit ive, expressive, and artisl ic funclions withi" he contex o/
kft-hemisphere dominanCl! seis lhe stage for Ihe symbol ic and cultural dominance
of reason over passion, mind over body, culture over natu:, and male over fe-
male. Thi s kiOO of biological reductioni sm is, however , rejccted by most contem-
porary social anthropologisls who slress , instead, me cultural $Ources of mese
oppositions in Westem mought.
We should bear in mind that our epislemology is but one among man)' sys-
tems or knowledge :garding the relalions held lO obtain among mi nd , body, cul-
ture, nature, and $OCiely. We would poinl, for example, to lhose non-Western
civiliz.alions that have developed altemati ve epislemologies thallend to conceive
of relations among similar entities in moni slic rather man in dualistic terms.
por aca
12
MEDICAL AI'OlROPOUX;Y Qu ...RTERL. Y
RepresentationsofHo/ism in Non-WtSlem Eptemologies
In defining relationships between any sel of concepts, principies of cKcl usion
and nelusion come into play. Representati ons of holi sm and monism tcnd toward
inclusiveness. Two representalons of"holistic lOOugh! are particularly common.
The firsl is a conceptioo of hannonious wholes in which everything from he cos-
mos down 10 he indi vidual organs of he human body are undcrstood as a single
un!. Thi s is oflen cxprcssed as he relationship of microcosm 10 macrocosmo A
5e1:ond representation of holi sc thinking is Ihal of complementary (nol opposing)
dualities. in which he relationship of parts 10 he whole is emphasized.
One of he beucr known representations of balanced complementarily is lhe
ancienl Chilese yinl yang cosmology. which firsl appears in !he I Ching somewhal
before the 3rd century B.C. In Ihis view. Ihe entire cosmos is understood as poised
in a state of dynamie equilibrium. oscillaling belween Ihe poles ofy!n and yang.
masculi ne and femininc, light and dark. hot andeold. The human body is likewise
understood as moving baek and forth between the forces of yin and yang-some-
ti mes dry. somelimcs mois. somelimes flushed. and somelimes ehil1cd. The
evolving tradilion of aneienl Chinesc medicine borrowcd!he )'inlyangcosmology
from Ihe Taoisls and from Confueianism a concem wi!h social elhics, moral con-
dUCI, and the importanee of maintaining hannonious rclations arnong individual.
fami l)'. communily. and slalc. Conceplions of the heallhy bod)' were pancmcd
after he healthy Slale: in bolh Ihere is an emphasis on order, harmony, balance,
and hierolrchy wilhin the context of mUlOal interdependencies. A rebellious splcen
can be compared 10 an insubordinate servanl. and a lazy intc.sline compared to an
indol ent son. In he Nei Chingo Ye/low Empero" s Class;r: o/Interna/ Medi-
cine, Ihe Prime Ministercounsels: "Ihe human body is an imilation ofheaven and
earth in all its delails" (Yci!h 1966: 115) . The hcalth of iodividuals depends on a
balance in the nalural world, while the health of each organ depends on i15 rela-
tionship lO all other organs. Nothing can change without changing Ihe whole. A
conceplion of Ihe human body as a mixture of yin and yang, forces of which Ihe
enlire universe is composcd. is altogether different from Western body concep-
tions bascd on abWlute dichOlomies and unresolvable differences. In aneienl
Chinese cosmol ogy he emphasi s is on balance and resonance; in Westem cos-
mology, on lension and conlradi ction.
IslOlmic eosmology-a syn!hesis of early Greek philosophy, Judeo-ChristiOln
concepts. and prophelic rcvelations set down in !he Qur'an--depicts humans as
having dominance over nature, but this potcntial opposition is tempered by a sa-
ercd world vicw that stresses the complementarity of all phenomena (Jachimow-
iCl 1975: Shariati 1979). Al the core of Islamic belief es the unifying concept of
Towhid, whieh Shariali argues should be understood as going bcyond the serictly
reli gious meaning of "GOO is one, no more than one" to encompass a world view
that represents all existence as essentially monistic. Guided by the principIe of
Towhid humans are responsible to one power. answcrable 10 a single judge, and
guided by one principie: the achievement of unity through the complemenlarities
of spirit aOO body, Ihis world and the hereafter, substance and meaning, natural
and supematural, etc .
The concept in Westem philosophicallraditions of an observing and rellex-
ive "1." a mindful self Ihal stands outside the body and apan from nature. is
THE MtNDI'Ul Boo'!' 13
ano!he.r of Canesian dualism thal contrasts sharply wilh a 8uddhisl fonn
of subJcctLvlI):' Olnd relation to !he nalOral world. In wriling about !he Buddhist
Nepal. POlul suggesls that they do not perceive their inlerionly or their
SUbJCCllVllY as "hopclessly cut off Olnd excluded from the rest of nature, bul
lra!her as] . : '. connected 10, indeed identical with, Ihe enti re essential being of
{he cosmos" ( 1976: 131). .
In tradilions the world (thc world of appearances) is a procl -
uct sense Ihal the enure cosmos is essentially " mind." Through
mdlVldual minds .can merge wilh Ihe universal mind. Underslanding
IS reached not through Olnalyllc mc!hOOs. but rathcr through an intuitive synthesis
in momeOls oftranscendence thal are beyond speech, language, and
wntten word. For, the essence of world meaning is unspeakable and unthinkable.
It is received as .a perception of the unily of mind and body. self
and other, mlnd and nalure, belOg and nOlhingness.
The Buddhisl philosopher SUluki ( 1960) contrastcd Eastcm and Western
aesthetics and altitudes loward nature by contrasling two pocms. a 17lh-century
Japanese haiku and a 19th.ccnlury poem by Tennyson. The Japanese poet wrote:
WheIl I look carcfull y
I see he Il3zuna bloomiIlg
By Ihe hedge\
In contras!. Tennyson wrote:
Rower in the cranIlied waU,
I pluck you out of lhe crannics.
1 hold you !lere. roo! and a!l, in my hand.
Linle nower-but if l coutd
Whal yoo are, roo( artd alt, aIld all in aU,
1 should know whal God aoo man s.
. SlIzuki obser:ves. that !he Japanese poet 8asho does nol pluck thc nazuna, bm
IS content lo admlrc lt from a respectful distance: his feelings are " too full , too
da:p, and he has no desire to conceptualize il" (1960:3). Tennyson, however, is
aclivc He rips the plant by ils mo15, deslroying it in the very act
of 1( . " He does nol apparenlly care for ils deseiny. Hi s curiosity muSI be
sallsfied. As some medical scienlists do, he would vivisecl !he flower " (Suluki
1.960:3). Tennyson's. vio.lenl imagery is reminiscenl of Francis Bacon 's descrip-
tlOn ofthe natural SClcntlsl as one who mUSI "torture nature' s sccre15 from her"
ando make her a "slavc" 10 mankind (Merchanl 1980: 169). PrincipIes of monismo
holt sm, and balanced complementan!y in nalure, wbich, like lhose described
aboye, can temper perceplions of opposition and conflicto have largely given way
(O !he anOllylic; urge in the history of Westem culture.
Persono Selj, and Indi vidual
The relation of individual 10 society, which has occupied so much of contem-
porary social !heory.' is based on a perceived "natural" opposition between the
demands of Ihe and order egocentic drives , impul ses, wisbes.
and nccds. mdlVlduaUsoclcly OPlxlSIlion, while fundamental to Westem ep-
14
MEDIC ....I. ANTllROPOL.OGY Qu ....RTetLy
iSlemology, is also ra(her unique 10 it. Geertz has argued Ihat Ihe Weslem con-
ceplion of thc persoo "as a bounded, unique .. . inlcgratcd mOlivalional and
cognitive uni\'ersc. a dynarnic tentcr of awareness, emolion, judgement, and ac-
tion .. . is a ralhcr peculiar idea within Ihe context of the world's cullures"
( 1984: 126). lo fact, the modero conception of the individuaJ sclf is of recent hi s-
torieal origin, even in lbe Wesl . It was real ly only with {he publication in 169?of
lohn Locke's Essay Concerning Human Underslanding that we have a dclalled
theory of lhe persan Ihal idenlifies Ihe "1" or Ihe sclf wilh a stale of pennanent
Ihal is unique to Ihe individual and stable through Ihe Jife span and
physical change unt il death (WebeI1983:399).
Though nol as detailed, perhaps. il would nonetheless be di fficult 10 imagine
a people compl clely dcvoid of sorne inluilive perception of the iOOependenl self.
We think il reasonable to assume that aJl humans are endowed with a sclf-con-
sciousncss of mind and body, wilh an intemal body image. aOO with what neu-
rologists have identificd as Ihe pmprioceplive or "sixt h scnsc," our sense ofbody
self.awareness, of mindlbody inlegralion, aOO of being-in-Ihe-world as scparale
and apar! from other human beings. Winnicol regards the inluitive perception of
the body-sclf as "naturally" placcd in (he body, a precultural given (1971:48).
Whilc Ihis secms a reasonable assumption, il is important 10 di stinguish thi s uni-
versal awarenesS of the individual body-self from the social conccption of Ihe
individual as "person." a conslrucl of j ural rights and moral accountabili.IY
(LaFonlair"IC 1985: 124). LA persoll!le mora/e, as Mauss ( 1985( 1938)) phrased 11.
is lhe uniqucly Westem nOlion of the indi vidual as a quasi-sacred. legal. moral,
and psychological enlily, whose ri ghls are onl y limited by !he rights of other
equally autonomous indi viduals.
Modem psychologists and psychoanalysts (Winnicot among them) have
tended 10 interpret Ihe process o( individuation, defined as a gradual estrangement
from parents and other famil y members, as a ncccssary stage in Ihe human ma-
luration process (see also l ohnson 1985; DcVos, Marsella, and Hsu 1985:3-5).
This is, however, a culture-bound notion of human devclopment , and one that
confonns lo fairly recenl concepti ons of Ihe relat ion of!he individual to sociely_
In Japan, although lhe concePI of indi vidualism has been debated vigorously
since the cnd of Ihe last century, it is stilllhe family which i5 considered the most
" naI UrJ] ," fundamental unil of sociclY, nol the individual. Consequentl y, Ihe
grealesl lCnsion in lapan for at least the huodred has belween
one's obl igaliens to the Slale versus obhgallons lo lhe famlly, IndIvidual needs
and wishcs (1. e., Ihe unsocialized. uncultivaled side of humans) were met cov-
en ly. duri ng "lime oul" from real society, oflen in lhe " fiower and willow
world" of the night quarters.
The phil osophical tradilions of Shinloism and Buddhism have also militated
against Japanesc conceplions of The of Sbinto ,roslers
feelings of immersion in nature , whlle many of the tcchnlques of BuddhlSI con-
templalion encourage detachment from canhly desires aOO gross passions, cxpe-
rienced in lhe attai nment of mu or nothingness_ Neilher tradition encourages Ihe
deveJopmcnl ofa highly individuated self.
In a1l, l apan has becn repealedly dcscribed as a cullure of "social n:lativ-
ism." in which Ihe person is understood as acring within lhe conlext of a social
reJalionship, never simply autonomously (Lebrd 1976; Smith 1983), One's self-
n l E MINDFUL Booy
l'
identity change5 with the social context, particularly within Ihe hi erarchy of social
relalions al any given li me. The child's ideOlity is eslablished Ihmugh lhe re-
sponses of othen; confonnity aOO dcpcndency, even in adulthood, are nOI under-
stood as signs of weakness. bUI rather as lhe resull of inner strenglh (Reischauer
1977: 152). One fear, however, which haunls many contemporary Japanese is Ihat
of losing onesclf COinplelely, of becomi ng lotall y immersed in social obligalions.
One protective device is a distinc(ion made belween the extemalself (ratemae)-
Ihe persona, !he mask, lhe social self thal one prescnts 10 ()(hers--versus a more
private sclf (hol1l1e), lhe Icss controll ed, hidden sclf. Geenz has described a si m-
ilar phenomenon among lhe Javancsc and Bali nesc ( 1984: 127- 128) .
Read argues Ihal the Gahuku-Gama of New Guinea lack a concepl of Ihe
persan altogelber: " Individual idenlily and social identilY are IWO sides of the
same coi n" ( 1955:276)_ He maintains Ihat tbere is no awarcness of Ihe individual
apan from structured social roles, and no concepl of frie ndship--thal is, a rela
lionship betwcen IWO unique indi viduals lbal is nOI defined by kinship. neighbor-
hood, or other social claims. Gahuku-Gama scem 10 define the scl(, nsofar as
Ihey do so at aH, in terros of the body's consli tuent pal1$: limbs, facial features,
hair, bodi ly sccrelions and excretions. An assaull on any pan of Ihe body (steal ing
feces, for eKample) iSlantamouOl to an attack on Ibe persan, as occurs in sorcery
accusations. Of particular s ignificance is Ihe Gahuku-Gama conception of the so--
cial skin, which ineludes bolh Ihe coveri ng ofthe body and lhe persan 's particular
social aOO character lraits . Refen:nces 10 ene' s "good" or "bad" skin indicate a
pcrsons moral characlcr or even a person's lemperament or mood. Thi s is com-
patible with a society in which social relationship is expresscd in touching, fon-
dling, stroking, holding, and othcr immediate physical manifeslations. Gahuku-
Gama seem 10 experience themselves mos! intensely when in conlacl with others
and through fheir skins (see also LaFontai nc 1985: 129-- 130).
Such sociocentric conceplions of the self have becn widely documented for
many parts of Ibe world (see Shweder and Boume 1982; Ocvisch 1985; Fortes
1959; Harri s 1978) and have rekvance lo elbnomedical understandi ng_ In cultures
and socielies lacking a highly indi vidualized or aniculated conception of the
body-sclf it should nOl be surprisi ng Ibat sickness is oflen explained or attribuled
lO malevolcnt social relat ions (Le. or to the breaking of social and moral
codes , or 10 di shllmlony wilhin the family or Ihe vi ll agc community, In 5uch so-
ciet ies therapy, loo, Icnds 10 be coHectivized. Lvi-Strauss (1963) has noted tha!
in transcendental and shamanic heali ng, Ihe palient is almost incidentaJ 10 the rit-
ual , which is fecused on !he community allarge. The !Kung of BOIswana engage
in weekly healing trance-dance rituals Ihat are viewed as both curative and pre-
ventive (Kalz 1982) _ Loma MarshaJJ has described lhe dance as "one concened
n:l igious acl of lhe !Kung Ithall brings pcop[e into such union that Ihey become
like one organic being" (1965:270).
In contraSI 10 societies in which tbe individual body-self lends 10 be fuscd
with or by Ihe social body, Ihere are societies that view the indi vidual
as comprised of a multiplicity of sclves. The Borom (l ike Ihe Gahuku-Gama) un
dcrstand lbe inljividual enly as reflected in n: lationship 10 OIher people. Hence,
!he person of many selves-the sel f as perceived by parenlS, by othcr
kinsmen, by etl8mies, elc_ The Cuna Indi ans of Panama say Ihey have eighl
sclves , each associaled with a dirferent par! of the body. A Cuna individual 's tem-
J ' .
16
MEDICAL Af'ft'tIROI'OLOOY Qu.u.n:RLY
perdment is thc resull of domination by one of hese aspccls or parts of the body.
An intellectual is one who is govemed by the hcad , a hicr govcmed by lhe hand ,
a romantic by the hean. and so fonh. .
Finall )'. lhe Zinacanleco 5001 has 13 divisible parts. Eacb lime a pcrson
" Ioses" oneor more parts he or she becomes ill and a curiog is held 10
retrieve lhe mi!i5ing pieces. Al death !he soul leavcs the body and returns 10
whence il came-a saul "deposilory" kept by me ancestral gods. This saul pool
is used for the crealion of ncw human beings. each of whose own saul is made up
of J3 pans from the li fe-force of other previous humans. A person 's soul force,
and bis or her se]f. is therefore a composite. a synthcsis "oorrowet! " (rom ruan)'
otner humaos . 1bere is no scnse tbal cach Zinacanteco is a "brandnew" or lO.
tatly unique individual; ralhcr. eacb person is a fra.ction of lhe
social world . Moreover , lhc bealt by Zinacanleco IS one who IS 10 loucb wub the
divisible parts of bim or herself (Vogl 1969:J69--..374).
Wbile in the induslrialized WeSI tbere are onl y palhologized explanalions of
dissociat ive slales in wbich one experiences more tban one self
multiple personali ly di sorder , borderlinc, etc.), in many non- .cultures
dividuals can cxperience mulliple selves Ihrough Ihe normallve pracllce o spml
possession and other al lere<! slales of In and where
!he spiri ts of voodoo or condombl are beheved 10 have dlstlncl personahtles Ibat
are bolh in food, drink, and c10thing prderences and in panicular be-
baviOlal lrai ts, (hose in lraining as "daugbters of {he sainls" musl leam how to
change Ihdr own bchavior in order 10 " invi te" possession by panicular sai nlS .
Once possessed and in trance, Ihe spirit visilon are 10 come aOO go, appear
and disappear al will , much 10 Ihe and entertlllnmenl of all presen!. Such
ri lualized and controlled experi ences of possession are soughl after IhroughoUI the
world as value<! forms of religious experience and Iherapeulic behavior. To date.
however, psychoiogical anlhropologists have tended 10 thes<: al -
tcrcd states as manifestations of unstable or Pliycholic personal mes. The Weslem
conceplion of Ofle individual. O/le sel f effeclively disallows or .rejc<: IS social ,
ligious, and medical instilutions predicated on recogmze
as nonnali ve a multipl icl lY of selves. In recenl years some psychlalosls and psy-
cbolherapi sts io the United Stales have begun 10 acknowledg.e Inat "pos.sessi?n'
(as lhe experience of more than one self) m.y be a more valld and parslffiomous
explanation of ccrtain altered slal es of consciousness patients to
dassical psycho-palhological di agnoses such as Mulhple Personahly Olsorder
(MPD) (SCf: Anderson 198 1; Beahrs 1982; Crabtree 1985: All ison 1985).
Body /magtry
Closely relale<! 10 conceptions of self (perhaps central 10 them) is .whal psy
chialrislS nave labeled "body image" (Schilder 1970[ 19501; Horowllz 1966).
\
BodY image rcfers 10 the
enlertains aboul !he body In lIS relatlonsnlp 10 tbe envlronmenl. mcludmg mtemal
and exlernal perceptions, memorics, affecls. cogni lions. and aclions. existi ng
-literature on body imagery (al lhough largely psychiatric) has been vlftuall y un-
lappe<! by social and especially medical anthropologisls. who could benefll a grea!
THE MINDf\11. Bao"
"
dea! from attenlion to body boundary conceplions. di slort ions in body perceplion.
elc.
Sorne of Ibe earli esl and best work on body image W/l,S contai ned in cl inical
sludies of individual s sufrering from extrcmcly distoned body perceplions mal
acose from neurological. oeganic, or psycbiatric disorden (Head 1920; Scbi lder
197011 950): Luria 1972). The ioabi1ily of sorne so-call ed schizophrenics 10 dis-
tinguisb self froro other, or self from nanmate objects has becn anal yzed from
psychoanalytic and phenomcnological perspecti ves (Minkowski 1958; Binswan-
ger 1958; Laing 1965: Basagli a 1964). Sacks ( 1973 [1 970), 1985) has also writlen
rare ncurological disordcrs Ihat can pl ay havoc with Ihe individual' s body
defi cits and excesses as well as metaphysical transports in
mmd-body expeneoces, Sack's message mroughout bis poignant medical case
bi slories is Ibal humanness is. nOl dependenl upon rationalily or intell igence-i.e"
an intact mind. Thcre s. he suggeslS, something intangible. a soul-force or mind.
self mal produces humans even under Ibe moSI devaslat ing assaults on lhe brain,
neTVOUS system. and sense ofbodi ly or mi ndful inlegrity.
While proround distortions in body imagery are rare, neurolic anxieli es
aooul Ihe body. ils.orifi ces, boundari es, and fluids are qu ile Cflmmon. Fisher and
Clcveland (958) demonstrateJ me relalionship belween patienls' "cboice" of
symptoms and body image coneeptions. The skin. for example, can be experi -
eoced as a proteclive hide and a defensive armour prolecling me softer and more
intemal orgaos, In Ihe lask of prOlccling lhe inside, however. lhe OUI.
slde can take quile a beating. manifesled in skin rashes and hi ves, Conversely.
tbe skin can be imagined as a penneable screen. leaving the intemal organs de.
fenseless and pronc 10 attacks of uleers and colitis. Few medical anthropologisls
have examint:J social dimensions and colleclive represenl alions of body imagery,
allhough Kl emman's work on the somati7.ation of depression in me ac\les and
pains of Chinese and Chinese-American palients is one example ( 1980; Kleinman
and Kleinman 1985), Another is Scheper-Hughes's descri ption of impoveri shed
Brazilian mothen:' distone<! perceptions oflheir breastmilk as sour, curdled, bit.
ler. and diseased. a metaphorical projeclion of mei r inability 10 pass on anylhing
untainted 10 Iheir cbi ldren (1984:54 1-544),
Panicul ar organs. body fluids, and functions may also hllve special signifi-
canee lo a group of pcople. The iver , for example. absorbs a deal of bl ame
ror many diffetent ailments among the French, Spanisb. Portuguesc, and Brazil-
lans. bUllo our know1e<!ge only Ihe Pueblo Indians or lhe Soulhwesl suffer from
",ft ipped liver" (.l.eeman 1986), In lhei r nal ional fantasy aboul lhe medical sig-
mficaoce of me hver !he Freoch have erealed a rnystical " phanlom ofgan." one
allogether fi er;ce in i!s tyranny over the rest of!he body and its abil ity 10 infliCI
suffenng (MllJer 1978:44). The English and lhe Germans are, by com-
panson, far more obscssed with Ihe condi tion and health of Iheir bowels. Dundes
lakes Ihe Gennanic fi xalion witb the bowels, cJeanli ness. and analily as a funda-
mental constellation underlyi ng Gennan nalionaJ characler (1984), while Miller
writes mal " when an Englishman eompl ai ns about conslipation. you never know
wbemer he is lal king aboul bis regularity. bis Jassilude, or his depression"
( 1978:45),
Once an oegan caplUres tbe imagi nation of a people. mere appears 10 be no
end lO the melapborieal uses 10 whicb il may be pul . Among "old stock" Amer-
"
18
MEOICAL ANTHROPOl.OGY QoAATEltI.. Y
can Midwestcm famlers, for example. Ihe backbonc has great cultural and elh-
nomedical significance. Whcn iIIness slrikes at Ihese industrious and "uprighl"
people. bc:i ng forced off meir fee! comes as a grave blow 10 me ego. Even among
lhe elderl y and nOrm. weJl -bei ng is defined as lhe abil ity 10 'gel around," 10 be
on ooe's rcet. Obviously,lhe abi lity 10 slay " upri ghl " Is nol confined 10 the mere
techoical problems of ocomotion; il carnes symbol ic weighl as well. As, Erwin
Strauss poioled OUI, Ihe expression " 10 be uprighl" has 111.'0 connotauons 10
Americans: Ihe first, 10 stand up. 10 be on ooc's (ect; and me second, a moral
implication " nol 10 SIOOp 10 anything. 10 be honesl and just, 10 be true friends
in daoger. 10 stand by one's conviclions" ( 196&: 137). Amoog rural Mldwester-
ners lazioess is a masl serioos moral faili ng, and "spinelessness" s as reviled as
godl essness. It is liule wonder that a therapy concemed with adjusti.ng pe.rc.civ:<,
maJalignmenls of the spi ne---<hiropraclic medici ne-would have 115 ongms In
middle America (Cobb 1958) .
Blood,on Ihe otber hand. s a nearly universal symbol of human life, and
sorne peoples. I:Jo(h ancient and contemporary, have tuen me quality of the
blood. pulse. and ci rculati on as the primary diagnosti.c of or i.llness.
The traditional Chincse doctor. for example, madc hls diagnoSIs by fcehng Ihe
pul se in bolh oflhc pat ienl's wrisls and companng lbem wilh his own. an elabo-
rute ri tual Ihal could take sevcral hours. The doctor was expected 10 take note of
minute vanations, and Ihe Ching slates Ihat the pulse can be "sharp as a hook ,
fine as a hair, taul as a musical string, dead as a rock , smooth as a flowing stream,
or as continuous as a slring of pearls" (Majno 1975:245). Snow (1974) has de-
scribed Ihe rieh constellation of ethnomedical properties and significanees al-
tached lO the qualil Y of Ihe blood by poor black Americans, who suffer
"hjgh" or "Iow," fast and slow, Ihick and thin, bitter and $wect blood. Lmke
(1986) has anal yzed Ihe conceptofblood as a predomi nant metaprnx in
cuhure , especiall y its uses in political ideologies, such dunng the
SimiJarl y, !he multipl e sti gmas suffered by North Amencan AlDS pal1ents 10-
elude a preoccupation wilh the "bad blood" of di seascd homo$exuals (Lancaster
1983).
Hispanic n)()lhers from southem Mexico 10 northem New focus
sorne of Iheir body organ anxieties on the infant's fontanelle. Open, 11 exposes Ihe
newbom 10 the evil infl uences of ni ght airs , as well as the envious looks and
wishes of neighbor.i . Unli l il clases over, there is always Ihe Ihreal of mollera
caida, " fallen fonlanelle, " a life-threatening pedialric disorder (Scheper. Hughes
and Stewart 1983).
In short , elhnoanalomical perceptions. including body image:, offer a ri ch
source of dala both on Ihe social and cullural meanings of bei ng human and on
thc various threats 10 hcall h, weJlbeing, and social inlegration !hal humans are
believed to experience.
Tbe Social Body
The Body as Symbol
Symbol ic and strucluralist anthropologists have demonstrated elltenl .10
which humans find Ihe body "good 10 think: wilh." The human organlsm and LIS

19
products of blood, milk, tears, semen, and excreta may be used as a cog-
map to represen! other nalural. supematural, social , and even spati a) rela-
Ilons. body, as Mary Dooglas observcd. is a natural symbol suppl ying sorne
of our ncheSI sources of metaphor ( 1970:65). Cultural construclions of and abouI
Ihe body are useful in sustaining particular views of socicry aOO social rclalions.
. . for exampl e, poinled out sorne of Ihe frequently occurring asso-
clatlOns lo nght- aOO left- handedness, especiall y lhe symbolic equalions, on Ihe
one hand, belwcen Ihe Idt and thal which is inferior, dark, di rty, and female, and,
?n lhe other hand, between Ihe righl and Ihal which is superior, hOly, lighl , dom-
aOO male . Needham caJled attent ion 10 such uses of the body as a conve-
menl means of justifying particular social val ucs and soci al arrangements such
as Ihe "nalural" dominance of males over femaJes ( 1973:109). His poin! is Ihat
tbese common symbolic equat ions are nOI so much natural as lhey are useful, al
leasl 10 those "on the top" am! lo the righl.
.ln$Ofar; as me body is both physical and cullural artifact, il is not always
where .nature e.nds and begins in he symbol ic equalions .
. JUSI as It IS true hat everythlng symbohzes the body," wriles Douglas, "so il
IS equaJl y true ';hat the symbol.izes everything else" ( 1966: 122). For Ihe psy.
SOCial are rderTed back lo Iheir unconscious repre-
o[ tbe sel f wlth lhe body; symbol jc anlhropologists work
In opposlle dlrectlon, tumg he experienccs of Ihe body as represenlat ion of
soclcty. Whcre Bruno BCltleheim auributcs Ihe pr-Jctice of Australian subincision
to male envy of the procreative femalemother, since the practice transfonns tbe
maJe peni.s int.o a facs im!le of!he femal e vul va (1955). Mary Douglas suggests
Ihat 15 bel ng carved m human fl csh during this public ritual is a graphic image
of soclety: the two halves of he Australian moiety ( 1966).
Ethnobiological theories of reproduclion usuall y renecl !he panicular char-
acler of their associated kinshi p system, as anthropologists have long observed.
In societies with unilineal deseent it is cornmon to cncounter fotk theories lhat
emphasize !he reproducti ve contributions of females in matrilineal and of males
in palrilineal societies. The matrilineal Ashanli mue the distinction between flesh
and blood Ihal !ntlerited through women, and spirit that is inherilcd through
Shavante, among whom patrilineages fonn lhe core of po-
hll.cal lhal Ihe :ather fashi ons the jnfanl through many acls of
COItos, durmg whtch the mother 1$ only passive and recepcive. The felus is "fully
made," and co','CCption is compk ted onl y in the fifth monlh of pregnancy. As one
explamed lhe process 10 Mayoory- l..ewis, while tick:ing Ihe months off
Wtth hls fi ngers: "Copulale. Copulate, copulate, copulale, copulate a lot . Preg-
nant. Copulale, copul ate. copulate. Bom" (I967:63).
Similarly, lhe Westem Iheot} of cqual mal e and female conlributions 10 con-
ception Ihat spans !he reproductive biologies of Gal en 10 Theodore Dobzhansky
(1970) probab.Jy 10 Ihcory's compalibiJily with the European ex-
and.stem kmshlp syslem lhan lO scientifi c evidence, whtch was
lackmg untd rdallvel y rccentl y. The principIe of one falher . one molher one aet
of copulation leading 10 each pregnancy was pan of the Westem ttadilion roe more
than Ihousand years before the discovery of spennatozoa (in 1677), the femaJe
ova (m 1828), and !he aclual process of human feni lization was full y
understood and descn bed (m 1875) (Bames 1973:66). For ce.nturies me Iheory of
20
Mt;OICAL. AN'THR()I'OUlIGY QuAII.TERI.. Y
equal maje and female contributions 10 conceptioo was supported by th,e erro-
necus belief Iha! females had me sanie reproduclive an,d as
males , excepllhal . as one 6th-cenlury Bishop pul I, ",he"s are tris/de the body
and not outsidc t" (Laquer 1986:3). To a grea! talk about the body and
abom sexualil y ends 10 be talk about the nalure of SOClely.
or particular relevance to medical anthropologiStS are the frequentl y en
countercd symbolic equations bctween conceptioos of he aOO he
healthy society. as .....eU as he diseased body and he ;>OClelY. Jan-
zen ( 1981) has noled Ihal evcry socicly a utoplan of heallh
Ihal can be applied metaphorical1y from SOClely 10 anO versa. One,
lhe most c"duri og ideologies of individual aOO sOCial health IS tha.t of the
balance, and of harmony. integration, wboleness are found LO the
medical systems of China, Greece, Ind\3, and Persla. 10 Na!! e
American cultures of the Southwest (Shutler 1979). Ihrough bohsllc heahh
movemcnl of the 20th century (Grossi ngcr 1980). '. 11Iness an<t. jeath
can be auribuled 10 social tcnsions, contradictions, and hosuhl lCS: a5 mamfested
in Mexican pcasanls' image of Ihe. good .1965), the
syndrome and symboli c imbal ance 10 folk (Cumer 1969), and
io such folk idioms as wilchcraft, eV11 eye, or "stress (Scheper-Hughes a.nd
Lock 1986). Each of Ihese bcliefs exempl ifies the link belweeo Ihe health or 111-
ness of Ihe individual body aOO the social body.
Thl! Embodied World
One of Ihe mosl common and richl y delailed uses. of \he human
OOdy in the non-Westem world i.s 10 domeslicate the m whlCh
side. Baslien has wriUen extenslvel)' about Ihe Indlans 10
dividual and social body conecpts ( 1978. 1985). The Qollahua)'8S al Ihe fOOl
of Mt . Kaata in Bolivia aod are known as powerful healers . lords of lhe
medicine bag.' Having pracliced a sophisticated and surgery
. A O 700 Qollahuayas' 'undersland heir own bcxhes 10 lerms oflhe moun-
SlOce .. , f h . 1 " (1985' 598)
tain and Ihey consi der the mountain in lerms o I elr own ana omy .'
The' human body and !he mounlain consist of interrelaled 'pan.s: hcad. chest and
heart. Slomach and viseera. breast and nipple. The hk.e !he mUSI
be red blood and fallo kccp il SlronS and heallh)'. Indlv!dual IS under-
slood as a disintegral ion of!he body. likened 10 a mouolalO landshde or eanh-
quake . Sickness is caused by disruptions betwetn and the land. stx<:lficall)'
betwetn residcnts of differenl sections of Ihe mounlalO: thc hcad (mountatn IO.p) .
heno (center village). or fcel (Ihe base of lhe Healers cure b)' gathenng
\he various residents together 10 feed Ihe mouol31O aOO 10 restore wholeness
and wellness Ihal wascompromised. " 1 am thesame as the mountalO, says Mar-
celi no Yamahuaya \he healer. "(Ihe mounlainJ takes care of bod)', and I mus!
give rood and drink 10 pachemama" (Basten 1985:597). Basllen Ihat
Qollahua)'a body conccpls are fundamentall)' holi stic rather Ihan dualtsllC. He
suggests that
The woole i5 grealer lhan lhe sun\ of lhe parts .... Wholeness (health) of the
body is a process in which centripela! aOO centrifugal (orces pull logether lnd
TIIE MINOfUL Boov
disperse ftuids Ihal provide emolions. thoughu, nUlrienl5. and lubrieanls for
members of the body. [1 985:598]
21
Possibly, however. he most elaborate use of the body in nal ive cosmology
comes from lhe Dogon of !he Weslem Sudan. as explained by Ogotemmeli 10
Mareel Griaule (1965) in his descriplion of lhe ground plan of the Dogon com-
munit y. The village must eX1eoo from nonh 10 south like lhe bod)' of a ruan I)'iog
00 his back. 1t head is the couoci] house. bui]1 in lhe center square. To!he caSI
and west are the rTjenSlrual huts which are "round like wombs and represenl Ihe
hands of Ihe vi ll age" ( 1965:97). The bod)' metaphor also infonns the interior of
Ihe Dogon house:
n.e veslibule. which belongs to lhe master oflhe hou:w:. l"CJXeSCnlS the male par1
or lhe couple, the outsidc: door beinl; his sexual organ. The big eenml room i5
thedomain and lhe symbol oftlle woman;!he Slore-r00m5 eaeh sjdc: are her :ums.
and !he communicating door her parts. The ccntnl.l room aOO lhe store
rooms logelher rexes.enl Ihe W0l1l3n Iyjng on her baek wilh OUlslretched aom.
lhe door open. and he woman ready fur intercourse. 11965:94-95)
We could multipl )' b), the dozens ethnographic il1w>lTations of the symboli c
uses of Ihe human bod)' in classif)'ing IInd "humanizing" natural phenomena.
human anifacts. animals, and IOpograph)' . Among somc of Ihe ffi()ft well-knowo
eumples are the weSlern Apache (Basso 1969). \he Indonesian Atoni (Cun-
ningham 1973); lhe Ocsana Indians ofthe Colombian-Brazilian border (Reichel-
Dolmatoff 1971>.: Ihe Pira-pirana of!he Amazon (HughJones 1979): lhe Zina-
canlecos of Chiapas (Vogl 1970); and the Fali of nonhem Camcroon (Zahan
1979). In such eS!'>entiall )' monist ic and humani stic cosmologies as Ihese. princi -
pIes of separatioo and fusiono imminenee and lranscendence influence interpre-
tations of il1 ness arnl the praclice of hcaling.
Manning and Fabrega (1973) have summarized \he major di ffere nces be-
tween masl of!hese non-Weslem elhnomedical s)'stelrni and modern biomedici ne.
In the latler bod)' and self are underslood as dislinct and separable emities; illness
resides in eilher the body or lhe mind. Social relalions are secn as partitiooed,
!lCgmenled. and sit ualional-general1)' as disconlinuous with health or sickness.
B)' contrasl, man)' ethnomedical nOllogically distinguish body. mind.
and self. and therefore il1ncss cannOI be silualcd in miOO or body alone. Social
relatioos are also understood as a ke)' contribulor 10 individual health and illness.
ln short. lhe bod)' is secn as a unitary. integraled aspecl of sclf and social relalions .
It is dependenl on, and vulnerable 10. lhe feel ings, wishes, and aClions or othcrs .
including spirils aOO dcad ancestors. The bod)' is DOI understood as a vasl and
complex machine, huI rather as a microcosm of the univetse.
As Mannjns and Fabresa nOle. what is perhaps most significanl aboul the
s)'mbol ic and metaphorical exlension of Ihe body iolo the natural. social. and su-
pemalural realms is Ihat it a unique kind of human aUlonomy that
seems lO have al1 bul disappearcd in the "modern." induslrial ized world. The
confidenl uses or the bod)' in speaking about lhe external world conve)'s a scnse
Ihat humans are in control. It is doublful thal tbe Colombian Qollahuayas or!he
Desana or the .oogoo experience an)'lhing 10 !he degree of body a1ienalion, SO
common to our civili z.alion, as expressed in the sehizophrenias, anorexias, and
22
MWlCAL ANTHIt()f'()L()CY Qu"RTERLY
bulemi as. or the addiclions. obsessions. aOO fcti shi sms o( "modem" life in the
postinduslrialized world .
EKistential psychiatrisls have cxpounded al length on (he conlemporary
themes a f sel f-alienalion. cstrangement. and ils pathological conscquences (see,
for example. May. Angel , and Ellenbcrger 1958). The alienation may be ex-
pressed by patjents as a sense af a disembodied self. ar a selfless body. ar 10 use
R. O. Laing's tcnn, a divided self(l965). The lossoflhe senseofbodily ntegTil}!,
af wholcness. af cominu;!y aOO rdatedness 10 lhe res! af lhe narural and rodal
wortd is suroly me cumulativc: efftet of forces WC: have discusscd aboYe: the Carte-
siao legacy and he materialism snd individualism ofbiomcdical cHoieal practice.
However, (he mindlbody dichotomy and the body alienation characteri stic
o contemporary society ma)' also be linked 10 capi talist modes of production in
which manual and mentall abors are divided and ordcred into a hierarch)' . Human
labor, thus divided and fragmented, is by Marxist definition "alienated, " and is
rdlected in the marked distonions o bod)' roovement. bod)' imagery, and self
conception that E. P. lbompson (1%7). aroong otbers, has describcd. Thompson
discusses thc subversion of natural. body time to the d ockwork regimentation
and work discipline required by industrialization. He juxtaposes the factory
workcr, whose labor is ext nleted in minute. reeorded segments, wilh Ihe Nuer
pa.storalisl, for whom " the daily timcpiece is Ihe cattlc dock" (Evans-Pritehard
1940:100), or the Aran Islander. whose work is managed by the amounl of time
len before twilight (Thompson 1967:59).
Similarl y, Pierre Bourdieu describes the "regulated improvisations" or AI-
gerian peasanlS, whose movemenlS roughly correspond lo diurnal and scasonal
rhy!hms. "Al me relum of lhe Azal (dry season)," be \llriles. "cverything wilh-
OUt exeeplion, in the aetivities of men o \IIomen and children is abruptly altered by
Ihe adoPlion of a new rh)'thm" (1977: 159). Everylhing from men's work 10 the
domestic activities of women, 10 rest pcriods. and ccremonies, pra)'ers, and pub-
lie meetings is set in lenns of me narural tmnsition fmm the wet 10 the dry season.
Doing ooc's duly in Ihe village context means " respecling rnymms, keeping
pace, no! falling out of line" (1977: 161) wim one's reHow vi\lager.; . The slovenly
housewife, me la1.)' or tbe overl)' eager peasanl violales the fundamental vinue of
confonnity, which is expressed in a kind of organic solidarity ralher like a piece
of choreogmphy. Although, as Bourdieu suggests, these peasanlS may suffer from
a species of false consciousness (or "bad failh' ' ) mal allows Ihem 10 misrepresenl
10 themselves their social world as the onl)' possible way 10 think and 10 '>ehave
and 10 perceive as ""natural" whal are, in fael, self-imposed cultural rulo, thcre
is lill le doubl mal Ihese Algerian villagcrs live in a social and a natuml world Ihat
has a dccidcdl)' human shape and fecllo il. We mighl refcr 10 meir world as em-
bodied.
In conlrast , me world in whieh mOSI of us 1ive is laeking a comfortable and
familiar human shape. Alleast one source of body alienallon in advanccd indus-
trial 50Cieties is me symbolic equalion of humans and machines, originall ng in
our industrial modes and relations of produeuon and in me commodity feli shism
of modem life, in which even !he human body has bcen transfonned inlO a com-
madi l)'. Agai n, Manning and Fabrega capture this so weJl :
In primitive sodety !he body of man 15 !he pandigm rOl' lhe dcrivalion o !he
pans and meanings of o!her significant objects: in modem sociely man has
adopIed o !he machine to describe his body. This reversa!, wherein
man sces In tenru of!he external world. as a relkaion ofhimsclf is the
reprcscnlauve formula for eXnrP.uing !he ..
/1973:2831 y'- presen! snuallon of modem man.
2J
We rely lhe each li me we describe OUJ" somattc or
psychologlcal statcs m mechamsllc tenns sayl,. Ihal we are "w "
"wound up " h . oro OUI or
'. or .. en we sa)' !hal we are " mn down" and Ihat our " baueries
need rechargmg. In recent )'ears lhe melaphors have moved from ah '
10 an (we ale " Iumed off," "'tuned in." we . 'gel a
lenl us a. hosl of new expressions,
.. ami lar comp amI: my energ)' 15 down.
to IS tba.1 tbe slruclure of individual and colleclive senlimenlS down
. cel of s and lhe naluralness of one's posil ioo and role in the
order 15 a SOCIa l eonslmcl. Thorras Belmonle deseribed the bod
",)'mms of!he faclory worker: y
The .....ori: of faCloty "'orkcrs is a Sliff militar)' drill. a regimen! of arms welded
te =: aod wheels. Man;, Veblen and Chnrlic ChapJi n havc powcrfully
?' . on tl'le asscmb!y line, man nci!hcf makes nor uses tool5 but
IS wllh 1001 as a miaute, final allachmenllo lhe mmive
machrne. 1919:139]
machines have changed. since Ihose early da)'s of Ihe assembly line. One
mtnks no! of lhe of huge gri nding gears and wheels, bul mther of
s.llence and samlrzed pollution of Ihe mieroc!ectronics industries lo
w ;C IdeAIII.mble fingers. slrained eyes, and doci le bodies of a new. largely fe-
e an sta? labor ale now melded. Wbat has nol chan ed 10 an a re-
clable dcgree IS t.he of human bodies to the
cenlury forms of mduslnal capitalism.
8?d nonindustrializcd pcople are "calle<! upon 10 m' k Ih
thelr (O'NeiIJ 1985: 151). Like Adam and Eve in he
t ey exerclse power, by naming lhe phenomena and crea-
11\ Ihelrown image aOO Jikeness. By eonlrase, we live in a world
IC l e . uman shape of .even the human shape o humans wi!h
hearts and plasnc.hlps} IS in retreat. While the cosmolo ies of
nOlllndustnahzed people speak lO a conSlan! exchange of metaphors from t
and ba,ck 1.0 body again, our melaphors speak of machine 10 body
cqualJons. O Nel ll suggeslS Ihal we have becn " pUl on Ihe machine" of b'O! h
of us by radical surgery and geneeic
parts or (1985:153- 154). Uves are saved, or alleasl
. Ih ale postponed. bul 11 IS possible mal OUT humanilY is being eompromised
10 e process.
The Body Politk
The relationships belween individual and soci al bodies concem roo 1m
and coll eclive representations of lhe natural and lhe
e re also aboul power and control. Douglas (1966) contends fO;
example, .lhat when a communi lY experienees i!Sel f as threatened. it will resPooo
"
MEDICAL AN'mROPQLOGY QuARTIlRL y
by expandi ng me numbcr of social controls rcgulating me group's boundaries.
PoiOls where outside threalS may infiltr61e aOO pollulC the nside bccome the foc us
of particular regulalion and surveillaoce. The three bodies-indi vidual , social.
and body pol ilic-may be closed off. protecled by a nervous vigilance aboul exits
and enlnlnccs. Douglas had in mind witchcraft crazes and hyslerias (rom the
Salem trials through contemporary African societies and evcn poltica! witch
hunts in lhe Uniled In cacb of these instances the body politic is likened
10 Ihe human body in which what is "inside" s good and al! ,hat i5 "oulside" Is
cvil. The body polit ic under threat of attack is casi as vulnerable . leading 10 purges
oftraitors and social deviants, whi le individual hygiene may focus 00 lhe mai o
tenance of ritual purily or 00 fears of osog blood. semen. tears. or milI.: .
Thrcats ro lhe continued existence of lbe social group may be real or imagi.
nary. Even when lhe Ihreats are real, however, Ihe true aggressors may not be
known, and witchcraft can become Ihe metaphor or me cultural idi om for di Slrcss.
Lindenbaum (1979) has shown, for example, how an epidemic of Kuru among
Ihe Soulh Fore of New Guinea Icd to sorcery accusalions and counleraccusations
and auempt s tO purify bolh (he individual aOO collect ive bodies of their impurities
and cont aminants. MuJlings suggests mal witchcrafl and sorcery were widely
used in contemporar y West Africa as "metaphors for soc ial relations"
(1984: 164). In the context of a rapidly industrializing market lown in Ghana.
witchcraflllccusations can express anxieties over social contradictions inlroduced
by capilalism. Hence. accusalions were directed al those individuals and fami lics
who, in the pursuit of economic success, appeared mosl competit ive , greedy. and
individualistic in Iheir social relations. While Foster (1972) mi ght label such
witchcraft accusations a symplom of envy among the less successful, Mullings
argues Chat witchcrafl accusalions are an inchoate expression of res;stance to !he
erosion of rradicional social values based on reciprocity. shari ng, aOO family and
community loyally. Mullings does not, of course. suggesl Ihal witcbcraft aOO sor
cer)' are unique 10 capitalisl social aOO economic fonnalions. bUI rather that in the
conlexl of increasi ng commoditi zation ofhuman life, witchcrafl accusalions poin!
10 the social di stonions and di s-ease in me body politic generated by capilalism.
When the sense of social order is mreatened. as in lhe cumples provided
aboye, the symbols of self-control become inlensified along wilh mose of social
control. Boundaries belwcc:n Ihe individual and polilical bodies become blurred.
aIKI lbere is a strong concem wilh mauen of rilual and sexual pUril y, oflen ex-
pressed in vigilance over social and bodily boundaries. Individuals may express
hi gh anxiely over what goes in and whal comes OUI of Ihe two bodies. In wilCh-
crafl-feanns socielies, for example , Ihere is often a concem wilh me di sposal of
onc's excreta. hair cuttings, and naH parings. In smaJl, Ihrealened, and therefore
oflen conservativc peasant communiti es. a similar equat ion between social and
bodily vigilance is likely to be found. For example. in Ballybran, rural lreland.
villagen were cqually guarded about what they 1001.: inlo Ihe body (as in sex and
food) as they were about being " Iaken in" (as in "coddi ng," ftallery, and blar-
ney) by oulsiders, especially those with a social advantage over Ihem. Concem
wilh me penetraton and violation of bodi ly exils, entrances. and boundaries ex-
lended to material symbols of the body----the home, wilh its doors, gales. fences.
aIKI Slone boundaries, around which many protective rilual s. prayers, and social
THE M I!'IDI'lIL Booy
"
served 10 create social dislance and a sense of personal control and se-
cunty (Scheper-Hughes 1979).
In addilion. te oonlrolli ng bodies in a lime of cri sis. societ ies regularly repro-
soclahze lhe kind of bodies (hat lhey nced. Aggressive (or threalened)
soclel les, fOl' fierce and foolhearty warriors. The Yano-
mamo, .who, hke a11 Ame':lndlan pe.oples living in lhe Amazon. are oonstanll y
stege from. ranchlng and mining inleresls, place a greal pre-
mlUm en aggresslvlly. The body of Yanomamo males is both medium and mes-
sage: moSI adults: are criss-crossed by ballle scars mo which red dyes are
rubbed. The men s are kepl citan and shaved for display; lheir
sears are wllh a rchglous as well as a poltical significance-tbey rep-
resenl the .nvers of on Ihe moon whcre Pore, Ihe Crealor-Spirit of the Yan-
hves In creating a fine consonance among lhe
phYSlcal , matenal , pohllcal, planes of existence. many Yaoomamo
men are 10 pUl thelT bodles---especiall y Iheir heads-in the service of
Ihe In ma.ny soc: ieties (i ncluding our own) the culturally and poJiti -
cal ly. body IS rhe beautiful. strong, and healthy body, although Ihe
glven ro obesity and thinness, 10 the form and shapc of body pans to
and denlal slruct ure, as well as the values pl aced on endurance agilit
fertll!ty, and .(as indicators of strength and health). vary. ' y.
Body decoralion IS a means through which social self-identities are con-
slrucled and and Strathern 197 1). T. Turner developed tbe
concept of Ihe social skm ro expresslhe imprinting of social categories on !he
body-self 1980). F.or me surface of lhe body represenls a " kind of com-
mon whlch bccomes Ihe symbolic slage upon which me drama
of socl all lallOn IS enacled" (1980: 112). CIOIhing and other forms of bodi ly
become the language which cullural idenli ly is expressed.
may.serve as adve,:usement or as displ ay of strengm and vitalilY, a
warnmg 10 poten.ha! cnemles. The Nuba of lhe Sudan, a people known for
Ihelr elaborate pamllng, shun d oming which conceals lhe body in prefer-
ence for body pamt mal and exaggeratcs the human fonn. ClOIhing is
reserved for the the. mfirm, and lhe deformed (Farris 1972).
In our own lncreasmgly "heallhist" and body-conscious culture. tbe polit; -
body sexc.s is the kan, slrOng, androgenous. and physicall y
. form mrough WhlCh the core cultural values of autonomy. toughness com-
are readily manifest (Pollitt 1982). He'allh is
mcreaslOgly vlewed 10 lhe Umted States as an achievcd ralher Ihan an ascribed
status, and each indiv.idual 15 e.xpected to "work hard" at bei ng strong, fit, and
healthy. Converse.ly, 111. health lS no longer viewed as accidental , a mere quirk of
natufe, ramefls 10 the individuaJ's failure to li ve right. to eat wel l
lo exerclsc, etc. We mlght ask whal il is our sociely " wants" from Ihis ki nd of
(1.984) has lhat Ihe fitnessfloughness craze is a reflec-
of an mternallonal preparahon for war. A hardening and toughening of the
nallOnal fiber corresponds 10 a toughening of individual bodies. In a"ilude and
self help and fitncss movemenl s articulate both a militari st and a So-
Cial Darwmlst elhos: the fasl aOO fil win; Ihe fal and flabby lose and drop OUI of
the human race (Scheper-Hughes and Slein 1987). Crawford ( 1980. 1985) I\ow
ever, has mallhe filness movemenl may reft ccl, inslead, a pather'ic ami
26
MEDlCAL AI'I"rnIlOPOLOOY QuAR1'U.L y
individualized (a1so wholly inadequale) defense agajos! me threal of nuclear hol-
ocaust.
Rathcr Slrnog and lit . lhe politically (and economicall y) correel body
can cotai! grotcsque dislonions ofhuman anatorny, inctuding in vanous times and
places lhe bound feel of Chinese women (Oaly 1978), me 16-inch waists of ano
tcbel1um Southem social iles (Kunzle 1981 ). lhe tubcrcu]in wanness oC 19Ih-ceo-
tury Romant ics (Sontag 1978), and !he anorexics and bulemics of contempomry
society. Crawford (1985) has interprcted Ihe ealing disorders and di slonions in
body mage expressed in obsessional jogging. anorexia, and bulemia as a syrn-
bolic mediation of lhe conlmdiclOry demands oC posti ndustrial American society.
The doublc-bi nding injunction 10 be self-controJled, fil . and producti ve workers.
am! 10 be al (hc same lime self-indulgent, plcasure-secking consumers is espe-
cially destrucli ve 10 Ihe sdf-image of the --modem,'- " liberated " American
woman. Expectcd 10 be fun-loving and sensual , she musl also remain thi n, lovely,
am! self-di sciplined. Since one cannot be hcdoni Slic and controUed simultane-
ously, onc can allemate phases of binge cating, drinking, am! druggi ng wi th
phases of jogging, purging, and vomiting. Out of this cyclical resolution of Ihe
inj unclion lo consume and 10 conserve is bom, according to Crawford, Ihc currenl
epidemic of eal ing disorders (cspecially bulemia) among young women. sorne of
whom literally eal and diet to death.
Cultures are discipli nes Ihat provide codcs and social scri pts for !he domes-
licalion of Ihe individual body in conformity 10 Ihe nceds of lhe social aOO political
order. Certainl y the use of physical tonure by Ihe modern 5tate provides the mOSI
graphie iIIustralion of the subordinalion of lhe individual body 10 the body politi c.
Foucault ( 1979) argucd that the spectade of state-mandated tonurc. of criminals
and dissidents-brutal, primiti ve, and utterl y public-was compatible wi th the
political absoluli sm of lhe Freneh monarchy. A more gende way of punishmenl
(through pOsons, refonn schools, and ment al institut ions) was more compatible
witb republicanism and a "democralization" of power. T?nure Ihe
soul Ihrough Ihe vchicle of Ihe body: contempora!)' psychl alry, medlcme, aOO
"corrections" address Ihe body througn the soulllnd mi nd of me pati ent or in-
mate . 8 0th, however , serve !he goal of producing " normal " and "docile" bodies
for the slate. Tonure offers a dramatic lesson to " common folk" of Ihe power of
(he politi cal over me individual body. The hi story of coloni alism contains sorne
of !he most brutal inslances of lhe polilical uses of tonure and tite "culture of
terror" in Ihe inteTests of economic hegemony (Taussig 1984: Pelers 1985) .
Scarry suggests that torture is increasingly resaned 10 today by unstable regimes
in an allempllo assen !he "inconteslable realily" of thci r control over tbe popu-
lace (1985:27).
The body polit ic can, of course. exen its control over individual bodies in
less dramalic and mundane, bUI no less brulal , ways. Foucault"s ( 1973, 1975,
1979, 198Oc) analyscs of!he rol e of medi cine. criminal juslice, psychiatry, and
the various social sciences in producing new fonns of powerlknowledge over bod-
ies are illustrativc in thi s regard. The proliferalion of disease categories and label s
in medicine and psychi atry, resulling in ever more restricted definilions of (he
normal. has crealed a sick. and devianl majorilY, a problem !hal medical and psy-
chiatric anlhropologists have been slow 10 explore. Radical changes in Ihe orga-
niution of social and public Ji fe in advanced industrial societles, ineluding !he
ThE MINDf\lL 800v
27
of lraditional cultural idioms !or Ihe expression of individual and
col lecllve (such as wilc.hcraft , sorcery, ritual s of reversa! and travesly).
have aU?wed medlCUIC psychi atry 10 assume a hegemonic role in shaping and
respondmg to human dlstress. Apan from anarchic forros of I'Ilndom Slreet vio-
lence and other forms of direel assaull and con!rontalion, illness somati u tion has
a metaphor for expressi ng individual and social complaint.
hostll e feeli ngs can be shaped and Iransfonned by doctors and psy-
chatnsts. mIo of new di.seases such as PMS (prcmenstruaJ syndrome)
or A.ttent.lon DefiCII Olsorder (Manin 1987; Loek 1986a; Loek. and Dunk 1987:
Rubmstem am! Brown 1984). In Ihi s way such negali ve social scnlimenlS as fe-
male boredom or schaol poobias (Lod : 198&) can be
and." symploms" rather than as socially signifi-
slgns. Thls funnelhng of dlffuse but real complaints inlO (he idi om of
has led 10 !he problem of "medicalization" and to the overproduction of
IIJ".CSS m advanced induslrial socielies. In Ihi s process lhe role of
doctors: workers, PSychiillrisls, and criminologi sts as agents of social con-
sensus As Hopper.< 1982) has suggesled, the physician (and ot her social
15 rredlsposed to "fall to see Ihe secrel indignation or the s ick. " The med-
ICal gaze IS, then, a controlling gaze, Ihrough which act ive (although funive)
forms of protesl are transformed inlo passive acts of " breakdown."
. !he medicalizalion of life (and ilS pol itical and social control func-
11005) IS undcrslood by critical medical social sciemiSIS (Freidson 1972' 20la
1972: 1976: deVries 1982) as a fairly pennanent feat ure'of in-
SOCletlCS, few medical anlhropologisls have yet explored Ihe imme-
dlalc cffeCls of " medicalization" in those arcas of the world where Ihe process is
occumng for the firsl time. In !he followi ng passagc, recorded by Bourdieu
o.ld KabyJe woman explains whal il mean! to be sick before aOO
after medlcahzatlon was a feature of Al gerian peasant li fe:
days, fol"- didn' l kIlO ..... what ilJness was. 1bey WenllO bed and Il"II:y
It s only nowadays Ihal we' rc learning words like Jiver, Iung ... inles_
tIMes, stomach . . . , and I don' [ know whal! Propl e only use<! 10 know [pain in]
!he beUy: Ihal's .....hal cveryone who dicd dicd of. unlcss il was the rever ....
Now everyooc' s sick, everyonc: ', complaining or sonlClhing .... Whos iII
nowadays1 Who's wcll1 Every,one complains. bUI no one slays in bed: l!ley all
fUn lO the doclor. EvcryOflC knows whal 'S wl"Oflg with him no ......
Or dMS everyone? We would the 10 Ihe body politic of fi ltering
mor,e and more human unrest , dl ssansfactlon, longi ng , and prolesl inlo!he idi om
of slckness, which can !hen safely managed by doctor-agents .
An anthropology of relatlons between lhe body and lhe body po/ilie inevit -
ably leads to a .consideral ion of the regul alion and control nol only of individual s
bul of poplalloos, and therefore of sexualily, gender, am! reproduction--whal
Foucaul t refers to as bio-power. Pri or 10 the publicat ion of Mallhus's An
on 01 PopuUJtioll in 1798, t!tere exislCd a two-mill ennia-old
trad.ltJon of lile heal th , strength, and reproductive vigor of individual
bodles .as a slgn of the heslth and wel l-being of the stale (Gallagher 1986:83) .
however , Ihe a body with a healthy body
pohll c was recast. Ihe unfellcred fenlhty of IOdlvlduals became a sign of an en-
fecbled social organismo The power of !he state now depended on !he ability 10
28
MWICAL AN"OlROPOLOOY QuARTElU. y
control physical polency and fertil ity: " lhe healthy and, consequentl y reproduc-
ing body lbecame} ... Ihe harbinger ofthe disoroered socicl)' full o( slarvi ng bocI-
es" (Gallagher 1986:85).
In short. [he heal thy human body. incJuding its appctites and desires, became
probl ematizcd beginning in Ihe 19th cenlury. and various di sciplines centenng
amund {he control of human (espedall y female) sexuaJity have come lO the rore.
B. Tumer ( 1984:91 ) suggests Iha! (he govcmmcnl and regulation of female sex-
ualil )' involves. al lhe inslutional level, a syslem o patriarchal for
cootrolling fenility; lll1d al [he individual level. ideologies of personal asceuclSrn.
Thus. late ffi3rriage , celibacy. and religious ideologies of sexual puritanism were
a stlllclUral requirement of European societies untillhe mid- l9th ccntury (Imhof
(985) and of rurnl lreland Ihrough thc late 20th cenlury (Scheper-Hughes (979).
Biomedicine has often served the inlerests of Ihe state with respecl 10 lhe
control of reproduction, sexuality, women. and sexual' 'deviants. ,> A particulllIly
poignant iUustralion of medical interventi on in the definil ion of gender and sexual
nonns comes from Foucaulfs (198Ob) introduclion 10 the diary of Herculine Bar-
bin, a 19th.century French hennaphrodile. Al that lime il was Ihe opinion of med-
ical sciencc in Europe mal nature produced in humans (unlike other animals) ollly
two biological sexes. Once discovered to be sexually ambiguous, Herculioe was
foreed in adul thood 10 confonn to a medicall y and legall y mandated sex and gen-
der transformaton, based on her "devian!" sex ual preference for female part-
ncrs . Although fully sociali7.ed 10 a healthy personal aOO social idcnlily as an adult
female, Hereulne was foreed 10 accepl a medical diagnosis of her " 'rue" scx as
male, which rcsulted in her suicide a few years laler.
Emolion: Medialrix 01 Ihe ThrH Bodies
An 3fll hropology of the body necessarily entai ls a theory of emotions. Eme-
tions afreet the way in which the body, illness , and pain are experi enced and are
projected in images of the well or poorly body
To date, social ant hropologists have tended 10 rcMnct thelr mlereSI 10 emOllons to
occasions when thcy are formal, public, riluali zed . and "distanced," such as !he
highly slylizcd maumi ng of lhe Basques (W. I or lhe pIar of
a Balinese cock fi ght (Geertz 1973). The more prlyate and IdlOsyncrauc emotlons
and passions of individuals have tended 10 be lefl 10 and ps.ycho-
biological anlhropologisrs, who have reduced them to a dl scourse mnale
drives. impulses. and inslincrs. This di vision.of labor, on a false
belween cultural senlimenrs and natural passlOns, leads us nght back 10 the mmdf
body, nature/culture . individuallsociety muddle ,:",ilh whi.ch .we
began this anide. Wc would eoo 10 J.om Wlth (1980) 10
whether any express ion of human emollOn and pubhc or
vate. individual or coJleeli ve, whcther repressed or exploslvety expressed- ls
ever free of cultural shaping and cultural meaning. The most eXlreme st!cn-..:nl
ofGeertz' s pasilion, shared by many of the newer psychological and :m-
Ihropologisls, would be !.hal wil hoUI culture we would si mply nOI km'w h. ,w h'
fecl.
1" Insofar as emotions entail both feelings and cogn;tive orlcm:l[ i. lus, ,"I>I,,'
\ moralit)', and cullurai ideology, we that they providc an imp n:ml . ' II"' !'>
TIIE MJNOR;L Roov
29
j link" capa.ble ofbridgi ng and body, individual. society, and body poI-
rllC. As Blackmg (1977:5) has staled. emotions are the catalysl !.hat transfonns
koowl edge human understanding and Ihal brings inlensily and commit ment
to human Rosal do ( 1984) has recently charged social and psychological
anthropologlslS 10 pay more allention 10 the force aOO inlensity of emotions in
motivati ng human action.
Certainly, medical anthropologisls have long been concemed wilh under-
standing lhe power of emOlion aOO feelings in human life, and il is time !.hall hcir
sJJC:Cific were recognized beyond thc subdiscipl ine aOO the mpli -
catlOns of rhelr broughr lo bear on general theory in the paren! di scipline.
We woul d refer 10 particular to those phenomenological . elhnopsychologi cal, and
medical anlhmpologisrs whose Stock-in-trade is the exploralion of sickness, mad-
ness, pain, depression. disabililY, and dealh-human evenlS lilerall y seelhing
wi ,h elTlOlion (e.g., Schieffelin 1976, 1979; M. Rosaldo 1980, 1984; Kl einman
1982, 1986; Lutz 1982, 1985; Levy and Rosaldo 1983; Kleinman and Good
1985). It i$ sorDetimes during !.he expcrience of sickness. as in momenrs of deep
trance or sexual transporto Ihat mind and body, self and other become one. Anal-
yses of Ihese evenls orrcr a key 10 undersranding the mindful body, as well as Ihe
self. social body, and body polilic.
. ScaITY.cla!ms to ha\'C discovered in [he exploration of pai n (especiall y
pam Illtenllonall y tnfhcted through torture) a sourcc of human crcali vity and dc-
slructivencss which she rcfers to as the " making and unmaking of !he world"
( 1985). Pain destroys. disassembles . deconstruCIS lhe world of Ihe viclim. We
would offer that illncss, injury, disabili ty, and death likewise deconstrucl the
worl d of the patient by viMue of Iheir seeming randomness, arbitrari ness. and
hence lheir absurdily. Medical anlhropologists are privileged. however. in lhat
their domain inc/ udes nOI only the unmaking of the world in sickness and death
bul al so the remaking of the world in healing. especial1y during those intensely
emotional and collccli ve experiences of trance-dllnce. sings, and charismati c f3th
heali ng.
John Blacking ( 1977) rders ( O Ihe . 'wave.s of fellow. feeling" Ihat wash over
and betwcen bodiesduring rituals involYi ng dance, music, movement , and altered
states of consciousness. These "prOlo-ritual s" accur, Blacking suggcslS, in a spe-
cial space !hat is " withoul langua,ge , withoul symbols, " drawing upon experi -
eoces and capacil:i es that are specics specific. The language of the body, whet her
expressed in geslure or ritual or articulaled in symplomatology (he " Ianguage of
i.s vasll.y .more ambi guous and overdelennined Ihan speech. Black-
IOg s tnSlghl r5 remlmscenl of lean-Paul Sartre's observalion (1 943) that lan-
as j I reprcsents aboye aH a being-for others. presupposes a prere.
fl exlve relauonshlp wllh o!her human bei ngs. We mighl , perhaps. think of lhose
t sscntiall y wordl ess encounltrs between molher and infant, lover and beloved,
mortalJy ill palien( and in which bodies are offeced, unreservedl y pre-
sented lo ()(her, .as protOlypl cal. In collective healing rituals there is a merging.
a commUlllOll of mlOd/body. self/()(her, individuallgroup Ihal aCI$ in largely non-
verbal and tven prereBexive ways to " feel " 'he sick persan back 10 a state of
well ness and wholeness and lo remake the social body.
. ki lls; belief heals. wrile Hahn and Kleinman ( 1983: 16), although
they ffilght as accur.ltely have stated it " feel ings kil i; feelings heal. " Their essay
.1
lO
MEDICAL A",-nIROf'OlO(iY QuAJlTERL y
is part of (hat tradition in psychiatry. psychosomali c medicine. and medical ano
Ihropology tha! soeks to understand human cvents in that muriy realm (dosc to
rcligion and parapsychology) where the causes of "sudden dealh" or of "mirae-
ulous cure" cannol be explained by conventional biomedical sciencc.' Al (he one
pole for Hahn and Kleinm;ln is "culturogenic" dealh involving voOOoo. bone
pooliog, evil eye. sorcery. fright , "stress, ,. and other slales involving strong and
palhogenic emolioos. Thesc me)' abel "o,ocebo" Al the o,lhcr, and
apeulic. pole are unexplained cures altnbuled 10 fallb , suggestlOn, cathar.:ls.
drama, and ri tual. 1bcse me)' label placebo effcclS. Mocnnan ( 1983). repor1mg
on remarkable improvements in coronary bypass surgery patients (in which
surgery was a techoiea! failure) , atl.ributes cause 10 Ihe .powe,:,"ully
( effects oflhe opcratiOll as a cosmi c drama of death aOO rebllth. Hl s anaJysls slnkes
rnany chords of resonance wilh previous interprelalions of "efficacy of sym-
I bo15" in shamanic and other elhnomedical cures (e. g. , Lvl-Strauss 1967; Ed-
gerton 1971; Herrick 1983). Whal is apparent is Ihal nocebo and
are inlegral lo 01/ sickness and healing, for Ihey are con,cepts Ihal re(er In an m-
complete and obliquc way to the interaClions between mmd and body and among
lhe three bodies: individual, social , and poltic o
Concluding Observations
We would like 10 think of medical anlhropology as providin& Ihc key toward
Ihe developmenl of a new epistemology and mClaphysics or the '.'"indful body a.nd
oflhe emotional, social , and political sources ofillness and heahng. Clearl y, bl6-
medi cine is still caughl in rne c\utches o( lhe Cartesian dichotomy and ils relaled
opposiliOlls of nalure and cul lure , natural and real unttal . lf
when we Icnd 10 think reduetionisticall y aboUI the mmd-body, It 15 because II IS
"good for LIS 10 Ihink" in Ihis way, To do othcrwise, using a ra.dicall y differe.nt
metaphysics. would imply Ihe " unmaking" ofour own assumpllve worl d and
culture.-bound definilions of realily. To admillhe "as-ifncss" of our elhnoepls-
lemology is 10 court a Cartesian fear Ihal in Ihe absence of asure,
objective foundation for knowledge we would fall into!he void, inlo the chaos of
absolute relat ivism and subjccli vity (see Geenz 1973:28-30).
We would condude by suggesling Ihat while the condition may be serious,
it is far from hopeless. Despite!he technologic and mechanisti c lum Ihat orthodox
biomedicine has laken in lhe pasl few decades, the time is al so one of great
menl and resUessness, wilh me appearaoce of allcmalive medical hcterodoxles.
And as Cassell ( 1986:34) has recemly pointed out, there is hardl y a palienlloday
who'does nO! know that hi s mind has a powerful effecl on hi s body both in sick-
ness and in bealrh. We might also add, with reference loourcombined experience
leaching in medical sthools, Ibal moSI clini cal today
often in a nonlhcoretical and inluiti ve way) lhal mmd and body are mseparable m
!he experiences of sick.ness, suffering, and healing, although they are wilhoul me
vocabulary aOO concepts to address--Iel alone the. 10015 10 pf"Obe....-this mindful
body (Loc:k and Dunk 1987), . .
In our experi ence, moSI clinicians today krM?w that back pam 15 real , e.ven
when no abnormalities appear under!he pcnelrallng gaze of!he x-ray machlnc.
And man)' are aware, further , of the social prolest thal is often expressed Ihrough
THEM1NDF\.JLBooy
JI
Ibis med,ium. Mosl surgeons know nOI 10 operale on a patienl who is sure she will
sU,rvlve whal may be a ralher minor surgical procedure . And, while most psy_
kno",:, Ihal !he effectiveness of lricycl ic antidepressanls has $Omelhing
to J:o. wllh !helr effects on brain Inmsmiuers , few believe Ihat chemi cal abnor-
lhe $Ole causes of depression. Thcrefore, Ihcy invariably explore !he
palnful IIfe events and difficulties of their pIltients.
increasi ngly looking. lO medical anrnropology
and lO the. .softe! dlsclplmes of cultural psychlalry. medical sociology.
and epldenuology fOl lhe answers 10 lhe ult imate and persislenl exis-
are not reducible lO biologicaJ or 10 malerial " facIS." Why
hu person, of all pcople? Why Ihi s particular discase? Why Ihis particular organ
or syslem? Why this "choice" of symploms? Why now?
Whal we havc lried 10 show in these pages i5 the inleraclion among me mindJ
body and!he soCi al. and body poljlic in Ihe producli on and expression
of health and lllness. Sickness is nOI jusI an isolaled evcnl nor an unfortunal e
brush wilh 11 is a f?'ID of communication-the of !he organs-
Ihrough WhlCh nal ure, soclety, and culture speak simultaneously. The individual
body should be $Cen as Ihe mosl immedialc, Ihe proximate teITain where social
and social contradicl ions are played OUI , as well as a locus of pcrsonal and
social resislance, creati vi ly, and struggle.
NOTES
Ac:kno ... ltdgml'flls. This artide is ba=J on a c:hapler of our forthcomi ng book. Tht
IInthropolQgy 01 lt.jftictiQII: Critical Prrsptc/,'tS QII Medica/ IInthropology (New York:
Free Preu), '!le wish lO lluInl!:: Elil.3tx:th Colson, Georgc: Foslc:r, SIc:phen Foslc:r. David
Mandelbaum. M. Love/I. Gal Kl igman, Aihwa Ong, Vincenl Sarich. and various
anonymous rcVlcwers fOl' their careful and critical rcadi ngs of carlicr dra{1J
' See, ror cumple , Bateson and Mead 1942: Hewes 1955: 1960; Herl :;
Merlcau-Ponly 1962; Darwi n 1965[ 1&72J; Slrauss 1966a: Brown 1968:
19701 19501: Hinde 1974; Noedham 1973; Davis 1975: Englc:hardt 1975; Blaek-
Ing. ed, 19n: Daly 1978; Polhernus 1978; Bethc:ral 1979; Baleson 1980; Rieher 1980;
Kunzle 198 1; Konnc:r 1982: Johnson 1983.
' MIU)' Douglas rcfc:rs 10 " The Two Bodics ," lhe: physical and the sodal in
Natural Symbols (1970). More n:cently John O' Nc:i11 has written a book ent illed Fvr Bod-
its: Hum:m ofMOfhrr StK:itty ( 1985), in which he discusses the physical body,
the body: lhe world' s body, the social body, the body politic, consumcr
bodlCS, bodlCS. We admit lbat Ihis proli{enioo of bodies had our dccidedJy
rnmds SI,umped roe a bit , bul the book is DOneIheless a provocalivc: and
mSlghlful 100m, are mdebled lO OOdl Oouglas and Q' Neitl bul also 10 Bryan Turner's
.and SOCI.tty: ExplorotjQIIS in Social Thtory foe belping liS 10 define and dclimit
the Inparutc domam we have mapped QUI here.
' We do nO! wish lO .suggest lbal Hippocr.ucs' s understanding o !he body was analo-
gous 'O: of or of I1"1Odem praclitioners. Hippocrales's approach
10 medlcme and healmg can only. be dcscnbed as organic and holislic. Noncthclcss, Hip-
pocmes was, from hl s worts demonstrales, espccially concemed 10 introduce
of SCleOC1! (observllioo, paipation, diagnO!is, and prognosis) into clinical
pniChce and 10 dlsc:redil all lhe "irralional ' and magical praclices of traditional foIl: heal -

"Ibis js not ink: ndcd 10 be a review ol lhe field of medical anthropology. We
would rder lnlercstcd rcader.. to a few excellent review$ oflhis Worsll:y 1982; Young
32
MEDICAL ANTHROf'OU)GV QUARTElU. V
1982; Landy 1983. With particular regard lO lhe ideas cxpresscd in atlide, MweVcr,
sec also Taussig 1980. \984; Eslroff 198 \ ; Good ami Good 198 1; NlChler \98 1; Obeye
sckere \981; Ladc:nnan \983, 1984; Comaroff 1985; Devisen 1985: Hahn 1985; Htlman
1985; Lo .... 1985.
'See al,o " TIIe Surgeon As in Sdzer (1974).
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