19 Zen Vol2 Issue3 March12 PDF

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International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research Vol.2 Issue 3, March 2012, ISSN 2231 5780
NATIONALIST AND SWADESHI COMMERCIAL TRADITION: A STUDY OF CONTINUITY IN BAZAAR-STYLE MARKETING

DR. SUJATA MENON*
*Advisor Arise Free India A U.S. based NGO for Oral History; A free lance Oral Historian working with Freedom Fighters.
ABSTRACT Early twentieth century Swadeshi movement deployed domestically produced commodities in general to posit economic autonomy as a basis for the claim to nationhood. Consequently, Indian domestic goods, circumscribed into local Haats and Bazaars, got outlet into metros and cities by reveling on the Swadeshi clarion. Alongside, the marketing techniques of domestic goods too were reinstated vis--vis technologically mediated marketing of the foreign goods. Some of the popular methods employed in marketing local goods during this period were networking with respective community members and local people and circulating printed images of products emphasizing on the ethics and ethos of firms. Interestingly, these marketing techniques facilitated in popularizing indigenous product and the industries as well. How does this framework of the popular local methods of marketing ingrained in countrysides bazaars and Haats, mediated well between elite and popular, colonial and native, urban and rural, formal and informal, bourgeois and feudal and whose presence and validity persist well after Independence? This paper makes an attempt to examine the relevance and popularity of the Bazzar style marketing in two periods the colonial period in which the Bazzar style was popularized by the movement like Swadeshi and the contemporary period marked by technically sophisticated marketing strategies. The paper is into two sections, one, a retrospect on the Bazaar technique of marketing in the colonial period; second, the relevance and popularity of Bazaar technique vis--vis sophisticated marketing communication methods. KEYWORDS: Nationalism, Swadeshi, Bazzar, Haat, Marketing Communication, relevance, popularity. INTRODUCTION
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SECTION 1 DR. SUJATA MENON, ORAL HISTORIAN This section of the paper elucidates the triumph of word of mouth techniques of marketing amidst technically sophisticated marketing strategies during the Gandhian era. The period (19001947) is significant mainly for the national movement spearheaded by charismatic leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru and others. Nonetheless, local markets across the country largely became a common site to realize political objectives set by the political leadership of this period.i By reveling on the vigor of Swadeshi and boycott movement, the local markets like periodic market, Haat Bazaar, nationwide thronged into rapid business. Hitherto, the general business and activities in local markets and Haat Bazaars was circumscribed to rural
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areas. These markets were central and a special attraction to rural areas in the country. Nearly all of the rural demands were fetched by the exchange of goods by these markets. In fact rural areas were self sufficient through the existence of these markets during this period. Concurrent to this scenario, was the trickling down of colonial goods (British manufactured goods) into the Indian local markets. These goods were much cheaper than the home made goods and had been the primary cause for the decline of many indigenous manufacturing and handicraft industries. ii Textiles industry in Bengal and Gujarat for instance suffered enormously due to the import of machine made clothes from abroad during the 19th and early 20th century. The process however seems to be slow but steady in local markets like Haat Bazaars of villages than the city based markets which were largely flooded with foreign goods. The tradition of Haat bazaars which is still in continuity and a major source of attraction for consumers and tourists, have been the specialty of the rural sector, and a special market zone where several vendors would sit in a row and sell different types of products, articles and commodities.iii One of the characteristics of Haat Bazaar is the existence of primitive system of exchange of goods or the barter system. Most of the dealings in such markets are conducted in the traditional fashion. At the same time, these Bazaars provide numerous platforms for community gatherings and showcasing and marketing of specialties of various communities of nearby region in such Bazaars. Further, the marketing strategies applied to promote goods in such markets are another source of attraction for consumers. These marketing strategies are primitive and culturally rooted. Widely used marketing communication means in Haats, Mandi and Melas is folk Media such as puppet and magic show, demonstration, leaflet, and interpersonal communication. ivThe element of cultural touch and human interface involved in these strategies attract people towards these markets. During the Gandhian period, the idea of stimulating and rejuvenating Local Market became an essential part of the nationalist agenda of promoting Swadeshi goods and culture.v Local market itself came to be denoted with Marxist ideology for creation of a society free from exploitation. According to this ideology, when the produce manufactured in home based units and in the countless small units would necessarily sell locally, then there can be no doubt about the general happiness and prosperity inhabiting the life in rural and local areas (anchal). Gandhiji shaped the idea of Khadi, village industries and localized consumption to fight imperialism. Existing local markets and rural Haats came to form a major agency in promoting local goods and markets for home made products.vi Throughout the colonial period, farmers, artisans and tribals resisted vigorously against colonial economy. This is evident in the history of tribal struggles and history of peasants across the country during this period. Colonial economy steadily turned the vibrant Indian market into a major source of raw materials and a dump yard of manufactured and finished foreign goods. One of the major factors for the decolonization process was launching of the idea of Swadeshi and Boycott by the nationalists of this period. To realize the goals of Swadeshi, a large number of local products such as indigenous soaps, oils and industries largely textiles were popularized at the country level. These were the small efforts or symbolic gestures against century long
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struggle to protect Indian markets from colonists. Local markets provided the basis for an organized and long term struggle against this. The ideas of lokavidya, anchal and swadeshi-samaj along with local market were taking shape as ideological basis of a struggle for creating an exploitation-free society. In Gujarat long back, the Swaraj movement commenced. Eminent people from various commercial communities were encouraging Swadeshi economy. With the advent of Gandhi in politics, Swadeshi movement vociferously talks of promoting household industry and the artisans. This way khadi and village industries occupy a central place in Gandhis scheme of Swadeshi economy. It is necessary to mention here that khadi and village industries provided the political basis for challenging imperialism in Gandhis time.vii Swaraj movement of 1900 largely initiated the process of integrating and organizing the local markets into the mainstream economy. Indian Industrialists and intellectuals of this period made enormous propaganda and marketing of Swadeshi products virtually by word of mouth. In Bengal Barrister Jogesh Chandra Chaudhury was one of the earliest pioneers in the field of industrial revival. It was he who first started an industrial exhibition of Swadeshi articles as an annex to the Indian National Congress in December 1901. The efforts of the Dawn Society to popularize the cause of Swadeshi goods by lectures and exhibitions, organized sale and propaganda through its journal, the Dawn, were remarkable and together served as a prelude to the Swadeshi Movement of 1905. Along with bonfire or burning of foreign clothes (Boycott movement) marketing of indigenous products and items via exhibitions, interpersonal contacts, increasingly became a common site in cities and towns during this period. The clarion call given by Gandhi to wear Khadi largely boosted home based textile industries.viii Along with machine made textiles, the textile production shifted to household based power looms. These looms were the base of indigenous textile markets and a major source of earning to artisans. Activities such as weaving, dyeing, printing etc. were basically household activities widely done by men and women of artesian class. The local market was both the arena to challenge the colonialist economy and opening up avenues for indigenous knowledge and product. Home made products found local Bazaars and Haats as a major avenue to sell their products during the Swaraj movement. Thus, Swadeshi culture of domestic manufactures emanated largely from the bazaars and Haats. In response to Gandhis call for Swadeshi, many local entrepreneurs began to market their home made products to metros and towns of this period. A case in point is Bhavanishankar Atmaram Oza. Oza was one of the many Gujarati businessmen in Bombay who responded to Gandhis call for Swadeshi, and was imprisoned several times. On one such occasion, in 1928, the Gandhian activist and doctor, Jivraj Mehta (who went on to become Gujarats first Chief Minister) suggested to Oza that he start manufacturing a product that would compete with a foreign brand. In 1912, Bhavanishankar Atmaram Oza moved to Bombay from a village in Saurashtra and opened a chemists shop on Princess Street. In 1922 he was joined in this venture by Vamanbhai Kapadia, who opened a branch of their dispensing chemists firm in Calcutta; they later extended their operations to Dacca and Rangoon. Oza rose to the challenge, pitting his own Babuline
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(pronounced Babu-leen) Gripe Water against Woodwards, the popular British brand of infant digestive.ix The contemporary profile of the Oza family business that emerges from these links is consistent with that of others from the Lohana community to which Oza belonged: migrating from Saurashtra to Bombay, starting out in trade and then venturing into manufacture and even multinational partnerships after the First World War, but without relinquishing their bazaar-style trading base, all the while actively participating in a community ethos and maintaining links with an ancestral place of origin. These features, of keeping one foot in bazaar-style trade or speculation while venturing into modern manufacturing and of maintaining close ties with the community and giving back to ones place of origin while also expanding geographically and forging new associations, also characterize family businesses emerging from other bazaar communities. The Swadeshi gesture of B.A. Oza and others like him constituted the nation as both market and locus of production, adding the mediating category of the nation-space to the bazaars networks of commerce and community. Early twentieth-century Swadeshi generally deployed domestically produced commodities in general to posit economic autonomy as a basis for the claim to nationhood. Interestingly, promotional techniques of domestic products by local traders vis--vis foreign brands created spaces for the development commercial art and sub-cultural/traditional techniques promoting products. Indeed Swadeshi market facilitated in generating interest and enthusiasm among the artists of the period who, experimented with the modern and traditional styles in print media. One of the outcomes of these experiments was popularity of calendar art largely used for commercial purposes like advertizing. Much has been written by scholars on development and popularity of calendar art of this period.x One thing that to be mentioned here is that calendar as a promotional technique remain largely effective in wooing consumers. Following pictures gives a vivid idea about calendar art used as a medium for advertising domestic products around 1920s:
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Sources: Press advertisement for Shimla Hair Oil, M. V. Dhurandhar (1920-1944), courtesy Ambika Dhurandhar); Calendar for Woodwards Gripe Water, M.V. Dhurandhar (1932); Label for Ashokarishta tonic for women, manufactured by the Bharatiya Aushadhalaya, Mathura (circa 1940s or 50s, courtesy S. Courtallam As mentioned at the outset, folk media, another traditional method and most humble technique remain largely prevalent in periodic markets or Haat Bazaars. However, marketing of Khadi propagated by Gandhian activists was done largely through word of mouth. Numerous folk songs depicting several Indian cultural milieu underlying khadi connected activities were sung and floated by activists and artisans alike. The spinning wheel ( charkha) became the symbol of Swaraj. Khadi hand spun and hand woven cloth and charkha became the subject matter of many popular songs. In 1922, Maganlal Bapuji (Godhrawala) composed a song in the folk form of garba (a dance form of Gujarat) which was addressed to women. It became very famous and popular. Here, the poet appealed to women to give up foreign cloth, pomp, show, fashions and adopt Khadi, however coarse it may be. He adds: "by doing so, Oh, my sister, we shall easily win Swaraj." Another popular song was entitled: 'Balak ni Mangani' (A child's demand) written in simple language, by an anonymous poet. The song is Oh mother: give me a Khadi cap, a Khadi Peharan (shirt) a dhoti, a Khadi bag and Khadi shoes. Make me look beautiful oh, mother, with Khadi.xi Local market was a calling of the age. Swadeshi movement was supported and facilitated largely by the existence of extensive local market across the country. Charged with the spirit of nationalism and Swadeshi, many local traders and entrepreneurs were able to challenge the foreign firms and commercial establishment. Despite electronic and other advanced mode of
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communication, the local products were able to compete with foreign brands by using humble and culturally rooted promotional techniques. SECTION 2 This section briefly examines first the continuity of local Bazaars mainly Haat Bazaars and second adoption of traditional marketing and latest marketing strategies in contemporary India. As mentioned at the outset Haat bazaars have been the central attraction from the rural sector, and a special market zone for the city dwellers. In such markets, several vendors would sit in a row and sell different types of products, articles and commodities. These Bazaars are sometimes periodic i.e. once a week referred as Sunday markets and sometimes permanent.xii Periodic markets are a common sight and great attractions for people in India. Many of these markets however, do not have a proper and adequate space. Such markets are packed with small vendors who for a short duration sit at a particular spot and try best to sell their products. Customers are attracted to such vendors, as their products are cheap and in abundant variety. Vendors market their products primarily attracting the customer through word of mouth screaming, singing and demonstration. A variety of other factors too works for the continuity of local Bazaars like Haat Bazaars even in the present scenario of hi tech communication and advanced marketing modes. One of the foremost factors is that consumers find these places as a great sightseeing spots of variety of local goods. High bargain power among consumers and deals between consumers and seller are one of the common aspects in such market. Such markets provide larger scope for interpersonal interaction among the consumer and sellers. The role of intermediaries is minimal. Another attraction in such markets is the availability of local goods and Indigenous products mainly art and craft at a reasonable prices. Goods reaches to final consumer through a better distributing channels largely arranged by the producers themselves mainly the artisan and the community. To keep up the tradition of Haat Bazaars alive and to provide a better market to rural artisans various government and non government organizations have come forward to regulate and sponsor such markets. Government sponsored and regulated Haat Bazzars have provided a means of livelihood to many rural artisans and a platform to display and sell their handicrafts. Thus, regulated Haats are viewed as arts and crafts outlets. Goods sold here are in reasonable and fixed prices and of better quality.
A rural artisan finds Haats as a great platform for trading purpose and as a forum for community gatherings and means of recreation, socializing and fun element to them. Haats are seen as a medium through which rural based and small artists can come in direct contact with public at large. By getting regulated and sponsored by various organizations, Haat Bazaar is reinventing itself as new medium accommodating rapid market changes as well retaining the tradition or heritage. It represents a medium between all the creativity and culture which exists at the grassroots of the India society and the global demand that it can meet in the cities and metros. It is a medium
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between the hands made craft products and the hands that use the products globally. Haat is thus, an extension of traditional practices in marketing in India. The contemporary urban Haats in India are seen as a cultural oasis where craftsmen, artisans, merchants and artists from all over the country assemble. The Haat gives them an opportunity to directly market their wares. One can see the assembly of artists selling products like textiles, handicrafts, lampshades, pottery, ceramics... the mehendi artist, the micro calligrapher who'll write your name on a grain of rice, the magician, astrologers... and spices all in one place specially earmarked for such markets. Haat Bazaar is a cultural extravaganza because visitors get to see the diversity in India, witness spectacular performances and also savor Indian Food. While contemporary Haats stay at some defined urban locations and spaces, and the craftspeople change from time to time... the traditional Haat originated as impermanent marketplaces that are either set up on certain days or move from one place to another. The traditional Haats are evolving into the more contemporary, urban Haats. So village goods find their way to a more urban and global market. This 'culture of Haats' is spreading across the country! And there is a huge market! The unique, hand-made goods are quite a crowd puller amongst Indians and foreigners alike. The Delhi Haat in New Delhi and Swabhumi in Calcutta are examples of such spaces that offer a kaleidoscopic view of Indian Culture through its Arts, Crafts,and cultural heritage. Likewise, there are around 47,000 permanent Haats, mostly concentrated in Bihar (including Jharkhand), Kerala, Madhya Pradesh (including Chhattisgarh), Maharashtra, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh (including Uttaranchal) and West Bengal, all relatively backward parts of the country. The marketing strategies of Haats and its perennial popularity have led many corporate industries to follow their suits. Some of the corporate have found places within local markets mainly in Haats to sell their products. This has enabled them to plunge into rural areas and create their market. Tata Shaktee has covered 2,000 Haats that has given them 25% upswing in sales. By next 2 years then they reached 36-38 lakh consumers through various Haats, says Tata Shaktee Brand Manager Santosh Antony. The company now plans to set up sale stalls at the Haat itself. We have planned a pilot project in 100 haats to set up direct selling stalls, Antony says.xiii
Tata Agrico has also begun using Haats as direct selling points. Sarvesh Kumar, Chief of Marketing and Sales at Tata Agrico says, Haats complement its established retailer base. Retailers themselves participate at these haats to augment sales. The company has covered about six states through mobile stalls. We also explore new Haats, say Kumar. That has upped Tata Agricos market share, he claims. Since we began leveraging haats as marketing centres, our market share has increased from 30% to 40%.xiv Another corporate giant Reliance Retail too is planning to use Haats as marketing their products in weekly village markets. Currently we do not have any plans, but we may utilize them in future, says Sanjeev Asthana, Head of Food and Agri business.xv The company is considering
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setting up its own Mandis or sourcing centers. We have obtained licenses in about four to five states to set up our own Mandis. We will buy directly from farmers. So, in a way, purchases from weekly haats will also happen, he says.xvi The Mandis, numbering roughly about 7,200 across India, are actually primary wholesale markets. These are governed by the Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee Act, and are located at the district headquarters as well as smaller taluks. In contrast, weekly haats are unregulated. Unlike Mandis, there are fewer intermediaries at these Haats. Producers directly sell to consumers. This makes procurement from Haats cheaper. However, Haats face some inherent problems. Poor infrastructure is one. Haats do not have basic facilities like platforms for sale or auction, electricity, drinking water, facilities for grading, sorting and so on. There are not even organized toilets for the participants. Take Marico, which had marketed Parachute hair oil in 2003 at select Haats in Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. The marketing programme was fairly successful, but we had to discontinue our activities at the Haat because of poor infrastructure, says Ashish Bhargave, Maricos Head of Marketing (Personal Care Products.) xvii Pradeep Kashyap, MD of Mart, however disagrees on the limitations of Haats. On an average, Rs 2.25 lakh worth of products changes hands at haats. Although the quantities offered are in small lots, the consolidated transactions are huge, Kashyap says, citing the example of Assam, where Mart, in association with the World Bank, has helped convert such weekly haats into wholesale fish markets. The government is also doing its bit. It is helping haats to upgrade, a task that would cost it Rs 2 lakh per haat. The Ministry of Rural Development has earmarked funds that can be used by rural agencies.xviii Similarly, Nabard is in the process of drafting a pilot project for developing infrastructure for Haats. These initiatives from the government and by corporate houses in reshaping the local markets would definitely lead rural Indian markets to a new beginning. A CASE STUDY OF AHMADABAD HAAT With the objective of making urban market available to the handloom and handicrafts artisans, Ahmedabad Haat has been developed under the Urban Haat Scheme. The Government of India sponsors this Haat. The total expenditure incurred on this Haat is Rs.382 lakh.This includes contributions of Rs. 59.50 Lakh from the Development Commissioner (Handicrafts), Government of India, its 59.50 lakh from the Development Commissioner (Handloom) Government of India and its 253 Lakh from the Government of Gujarat. Ahmedabad Urban Development Authority (AUDA) has provided total 8368 Square Meter of externally precious Land at a minimal rate for this Haat. Some of the important features of this Haat for the Handloom and Handicrafts Artisans includes: Stalls for Artisans, Platforms shops for Artisans, Souvenir Shops, Exhibition Hall, Craft Gallery, Amphitheatre (Capacity of 2000 Audience), Library, Meeting Hall, Class Room, Food Court,
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Ticket Window, Security Office, Dormitory for (with separate facilities for male and female artisans), Bank Counter, Car Parking (99 Capacity) and Two-Wheeler Parking (277 Capacity)
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Source: www.ahmedabad.metromela.com
CONCLUSION According to McLuhan's equation, The Medium is the Message' When we look at any medium many of its characteristics are fairly obvious. We often miss the changes that are introduced rather subtly, or over a period. We generally know what it might replace or what the advantages and disadvantages might be. But when we look back, after some time and experience, we notice a lot of effects that we were unaware of at the outset.xix Indian Rural market center like Haat Bazaars over a period underwent various changes. From being a simple rural market place Haat Bazaars became crucial medium to sponsor and propagate Swadeshi products during
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the freedom struggle. Now Haats are significant medium of livelihood to rural artisan and a means to exhibit and preserve rural market, rural heritage. i See , Ananad A. Yang, Bazaar India, Markets, Society and the state in Bihar, 1999, London ii Irfan Habib and Tapan Raychaudhari (ed), The Cambridge economic history of India. Vol.1,1982, p.169 iii Sanal Kumar Velayudhan, Substititability of Haat and Markets: A study across the state of India, in Marketing to Rural Consumers- Understanding and Tapping the rural market potential, 3, 4,5 April 2009,IIMK iv See, Kashyap, P and Raut S. , The Rural Marketing Book: Text and Practice , New Delhi, 2006 v Dr. Anil Bhuimali, Relevance of M.K. Gandhis Ideal of Self-Sufficient Village Economy in the 21st Century , Sarvodaya, Vol. 1, No-5, Jan-Feb, 2004 vi Workshop on The Commercialization of Local Knowledge , Co-organized by the French Institute of Pondicherry, The Centre for Global History and Culture, The Centre of History of medicine and the Eighteenth-Century Studies Centre at the University of Warwick, and the Centre dtudes de lInde et de lAsie du Sud, Paris., 5-6 November2008French Institute 11, Saint Louis Street Pondicherry. vii See, S Rohini , Whither Khadi? Economic & Political Weekl, March 28, 2009 vol. xliv no 13 viii Dr. Dilip Shah, Gandhi and the Twenty First Century Gandhian Approach to Rural Industrialization International Workshop on NON-VIOLENT STRUGGLES IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND THEIR LESSONS FOR THE TWENTY FIRST, October 5-12, 1999, New Delhi] ix See, Kajri Jain, New Visual Technologies in the Bazaar; Reterritorialisation of the sacred in popular print culture in Sarai Reader 2003: Shaping Technologies, pp.44-46. Also see, web site (http://babuline.com) xCoomaraswamy, Ananda K. Introduction to Indian Art (Teosophical Publishing House, 1923, Madras); and The Present State of Indian Art (in The Modern Review August 1907; reprinted in Sharma, R.C. and Rupika Chawla (eds) Raja Ravi Varma: New Perspectives National Museum, 1993, New Delhi); and The Transformation of Nature in Art (Dover Publications, 1956, New York). xiKunjlata N. Shah , Patriotic Songs in Gujarat (1920-1947): The Gandhian Inspiration in
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Pushpanjali - Essays on Gandhian Themes , edited by - R. Srinivasan, Usha Thakkar, Pam Rajput, 2007 xii Business Standard, Tuesday, December 01, 2009 xiii Business Outlook, May 20, 2007, pp.14-15 xiv Ibid, p.14 xv Ibid, p.15 xvi Ibid, p.15 xvii Ibid, p.16 xviii The Hindu, April 20, 2006 xviii Marshall McLuhan, The Medium is the Massage: An Inventory of Effects with Quentin Fiore, produced by Jerome Agel; 1st Ed.: Random House; reissued by Gingko Press, 2001 ISBN References Ananad A. Yang, Bazaar India, Markets, Society and the state in Bihar, 1999, London Business Outlook, May 20, 2007 Irfan Habib and Tapan Raychaudhari (ed), The Cambridge economic history of India. Vol.1,1982 Kashyap, P and Raut S. , The Rural Marketing Book: Text and Practice , New Delhi, 2006 Dr. Anil Bhuimali, Relevance of M.K. Gandhis Ideal of Self-Sufficient Village Economy in the 21st Century, Sarvodaya, Vol. 1, No-5, Jan-Feb, 2004 Backstorm K. , Understanding Recreational Shopping: A new Approach , in International Review of Retail , Distribution and Consumer Research , 16(2), 2006 Velayudhan, S.K., Rural Marketing: Targeting the Non Urban Consumer , (2nd eds), New Delhi, 2007 Benedetti, Paul and Nancy DeHart. Forward Through the Rearview Mirror: Reflections on and by Marshall McLuhan. Boston:The MIT Press, 1997
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ZENITH

NATIONALIST AND SWADESHI COMMERCIAL TRADITION: A STUDY OF CONTINUITY IN BAZAAR-STYLE MARKETING

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