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economic way of thinking, we can and will take a giant step toward a better understanding of business management. Economists also study broad macroeconomic subdivisions of the economy, such as the total output of all rms that produce goods and services. Instead of concentrating on how many bicycles or PDAs are sold, macroeconomists watch overall production level and overall price level. These and similar issues are of more than academic interest, as the dramatic downturn in the world economy in 2008 demonstrated once again. But we hasten to repeat that this book and course are devoted primarily to microeconomic theory and applications, although you will nd that our study will not avoid addressing the microeconomic foundations of the macroeconomic debacle of 2008 and beyond. We make microeconomics our focus because we are rmly convinced that an understanding of the macroeconomy is necessarily dependent on an understanding of the microeconomy. Many of the microeconomic concepts developed in this book supply and demand, adverse selection and moral hazard, risk aversion, and incentives will speak to the worlds economic problems of the early 2000s, which originated with a credit binge in the 1990s, if not 1980s, that quickly morphed into a stock-market bubble (and bust) in the late 1990s and a housing-market bubble (and bust) in the early 2000s.
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depend upon the choices of others. We start with a discussion of the emergence of property rights in a game-theoretic setting in part because property rights are necessary for trade to ourish and in part to ease students into familiarity with game theory to which we will return throughout the textbook.
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the soil, to mine the soil, to offer those rights for sale, etc., but not to have the right to throw soil at a passerby, to use it to change the course of a stream, or to force someone to buy it. What are owned are socially recognized rights of action (Alchian and Demsetz 1973). Property rights are not necessarily distributed equally, meaning that people do not always have the same rights to use the same resources. Students may have the right to use their voices (i.e. a resource) to speak with friends in casual conversation in the hallways of classroom buildings, but they do not, generally speaking, have the right to disrupt an organizational behavior class with a harangue on their political views. In other words, property rights can be recast in terms of the behavioral rules, which effectively limit and restrict our behavior. Behavioral rules determine what rights we have with regard to the use of resources, goods, and services. The rights we have may be the product of the legislative process and may be enforced by a third party, usually the government or, more properly, the agents of government. In this case, property rights emerge from legislation.
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economy organized by collective action through government and that section organized through the actions of independent individuals. When government regulates aspects of the market, it redenes behavioral limits (in the sense that people can no longer do what they once could) and can be thought of as realigning the property rights between the private and public spheres. When the government imposes price ceilings on goods and services (as it does with rent controls), or price oors (as it does with minimum wage legislation and agricultural price support programs), it is redening the rights that sellers have regarding the property they sell. One of the purposes of economics is to analyze the effect that such realignment of property rights has on the efciency of production.
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If Fred and Harry nd stealing a reasonable course to take, each will have to divert resources into protecting that which he has produced (or stolen). Presumably, their attacks and counterattacks will lead them toward a social equilibrium in which each is applying resources to predation and defense and neither nds any further movement of resources into those lines of activity protable (Bush 1972, 58). This is not an equilibrium in the sense that the state of affairs is a desirable or stable one; in fact, it may be characterized as a Hobbesean jungle in which every man is Enemy to every man (Hobbes 1968, rst published in 1651). In an economic sense, resources diverted into predatory and defensive behavior are wasted; they are taken away from productive processes. If these resources are applied to production, total production can rise, and both Fred and Harry can be better off both can have more than if they try to steal from each other. Only through winding up in a state of anarchy, or seeing the potential for ending up there, do they question the rationality of continued plundering and unrestricted behavior; and it is because of the prospects of individual improvement that there exists a potential for a social contract that spells out legally dened property rights. Through a social contract they may agree to restrict their own behavior, but they will do away with the relatively more costly restraints that, through predation and required defense, each imposes on the other. The fear of being attacked on the streets at night can be far more conning than laws that restrict people from attacking one another. This is what John Locke meant when he wrote, The end of law is not to abolish or restrain but to preserve and enlarge freedom (Locke 1690, 23). Once the benets from the social contract are recognized, there may still be, as in the case of voluntary behavioral norms, an incentive for Fred or Harry to chisel (cheat) on the contract. Fred may nd that although he is better off materially by agreeing to property rights than he is by remaining in a state of anarchy, he may be even better off by violating the agreed-upon rights of the other. Through stealing, or violating Harrys rights in other ways, Fred can redistribute the total wealth of the community toward himself. Consider table 1.1, which illustrates the kind of games involving actions and reactions of individual players we and other economists use to draw out strategies people will (or should) use to deal with given situations. Table 1.1 contains a chart or matrix of Fred and Harrys utility (or satisfaction) levels if either respects or fails to respect the rights established for each as a part of the contract. (The actual utility levels are hypothetical, but serve the purpose of illustrating a basic point.) There are four cells in the matrix, representing the four combinations of actions that Fred and Harry can take. They can both respect the agreed-upon rights of the other (cell 1), or they can both violate each others rights (cell 4). Alternatively, Harry can respect Freds rights while Fred violates Harrys rights (cell 3), or vice versa (cell 2).
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Table 1.1 The games Fred and Harry can play with property rights
Harry respects Freds rights Cell 1 Fred 15 utils Cell 3 Fred 18 utils Harry violates Freds rights Cell 2 Fred 8 utils Cell 4 Fred 10 utils
The payoffs (measured in util terms) from Fred and/or Harry either respecting or violating the others rights are indicated in the four cells of the matrix. Each has an incentive to violate the others rights. If they do violate each others rights, they will end up in cell 4, the worst of all possible states for both of them. The productivity of the social contract can be measured by the increase in Fred and Harrys utility resulting from their moving from cell 4, the state of nature, to cell 1, a state in which a social contract is agreed upon.
Clearly, by the utility levels indicated in cells 1 and 4, Fred and Harry are both better off by respecting each others rights than by violating them. However, if Harry respects Freds rights and Fred fails to reciprocate, Fred has a utility level of 18 utils, which is greater than he will receive in cell 1 that is, by going along with Harry and respecting his rights. Harry is similarly better off if he violates Freds rights while Fred respects Harrys rights: Harry has a utility level of 16, whereas he will have a utility level of 10 utils if he and Fred respect each others rights. The lesson to be learned is that inherent in an agreement over property rights is the possibility for each person to gain by violating the rights of the other. If both follow this course, they both will end up in cell 4 that is, back in the state of anarchy. There are two reasons why this may happen. First, as we stated above, both Fred and Harry may violate each others rights in order to improve their own positions; the action may be strictly offensive. By the same token, each must consider what the other will do. Neither would want to be caught upholding the agreement while the other one violates it. If Fred thinks that Harry may violate his rights, Fred may follow suit and violate Harrys rights: he will be better off in cell 4, i.e. anarchy, than in cell 2. Thus, Fred and Harry can wind up in anarchy for purely defensive reasons. Many wars and battles, at both the street and international levels, have been fought because one party was afraid that the other would attack rst in order to get the upper hand. The same problem is basically involved in our analysis of the fragile nature of Fred and Harrys social contract. The problem of contract violation can grow as the community grows in number because individual persons violations are more difcult (and more costly) to detect.
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We need not concern ourselves with the total number of the fruit each has; we need only indicate the relative satisfaction Coconut (utils) Papaya (utils) that Fred and Harry receive Fred 10 15 from the marginal units. Harry 90 30 Suppose the marginal utilities in table 1.2 represent the satisfaction they received from the last coconut and papaya in their Table 1.3 Specializing in production and trade possession. In table 1.2, Fred receives Coconut production Papaya production more utility from the last Fred 4 8 papaya (15 utils) than from the Harry 6 24 last coconut (10 utils). He would be on a higher level of utility if he could trade a coconut for a papaya. He would lose 10 utils from the coconut but would more than regain that with the additional papaya. On the other hand, Harry receives more utility from the last coconut than from the last papaya. He would gladly give up a papaya for a coconut; he would be 60 utils of satisfaction better off (90 minus 30) than if he did not make the exchange. The two should continue to exchange rights to the coconuts and papayas until one or both of them can no longer gain via trade. In this example, we are not concerned with production of coconuts and papayas; we are concerned merely with the benets from trade resulting from the initial allotments of the fruits. The trades are comparable to those that took place in the POW camps as described by R. A. Radford at the start of the chapter. If the social contract allocates to Fred and Harry rights to produce the fruit, we can also demonstrate that both can be better off through specializing in their production and trading with each other. Consider the information in table 1.3, which indicates how many coconuts or papayas Fred and Harry can produce with, say, one hour of labor. In one hour of labor Fred can produce either 4 coconuts or 8 papayas; Harry can produce either 6 coconuts or 24 papayas. Even though Harry is more productive in both lines of work and thus has an absolute advantage in both goods we can show that they both can gain by specializing and trading with each other. This is because each has a comparative advantage in one good. That is, each can produce one good at a relatively lower cost than the other person can. If Fred produces 4 coconuts, he cannot use that hour of time to produce the 8 papayas. In other words, the cost of the 4 coconuts is 8 papayas, or, which amounts Table 1.2 Relative satisfaction from marginal units consumed
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to the same thing, the cost of 1 coconut is 2 papayas. Fred would be better off if he could trade 1 coconut for more than 2 papayas, because that is what he has to give up in order to produce the coconut. To determine whether there is a basis for trade, we must explore the cost of coconuts and papayas to Harry. We note that the cost of 1 coconut to Harry is 4 papayas; this is because he has to give up 24 papayas to produce 6 coconuts. If Harry could give up fewer than 4 papayas for a coconut, he would be better off. He could produce the 4 papayas, and if he has to give up fewer than that for a coconut, he will have papayas left over to eat, which he would not have had without the opportunity to trade. To summarize: Fred would be better off if he could get more than 2 papayas for a coconut; Harry would be better off if he could give up fewer than 4 papayas for a coconut. If, for example, they agree to trade at the exchange rate of 1 coconut for 3 papayas, both would be better off. Fred will produce 1 coconut, giving up 2 papayas, but he can get 3 papayas for the coconut. Hence, he is better off. Harry can produce 4 papayas, giving up 1 coconut, and trade 3 of the papayas for a coconut. He has the same number of coconuts, but has an additional papaya. Harry is better off. Although relatively simple, the above example of exchange is one of economists most important contributions to discussions of social interaction. So many people seem to think that when people trade, one person must gain at the expense of another. If people in the United States trade with people in Japan, someone must be made worse off in the process, or so the argument goes. We will deal with such arguments in more detail in chapter 5 in which we take up international trade. For now, we wish to emphasize that we have demonstrated that, through trade, both Harry and Fred can be better off. This was demonstrated even though we postulated that Harry was more efcient than Fred in the production of both fruits! [See online Video Module 1.3 Comparative advantage] Trades that emerge from exploitation of comparative advantages among traders can have even more profound effects than those already indicated. This is because of the efciency benets of specialization of labor (or any other resource). By specializing in the production of papayas, Harry can become more skilled in their production, producing more papayas in a given time period because of the greater skills and because less time will be wasted moving back and forth between the production of coconuts and papayas. The same can be said for Fred because of his specialization in coconuts. The result is that their joint production can increase for two reasons:
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First, both Harry and Fred can produce the good in which they are relatively more efcient in production and, thus, have a relatively lower cost of production. Second, both can achieve an even greater production because of the economies of specialization of resource use.
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Restrictions on market trades (tariffs and quotas, for example) can have two adverse effects: They can reduce the ability of traders to exploit their comparative advantages in production. Second, they can narrow the scope of markets, thereby reducing the potential specialization in resource use and economies that could ow from the missed specialization (points economists as far back as the venerable Adam Smith, author of The Wealth of Nations [1776], have had in mind when they have opposed trade restrictions). While this argument has been couched in terms of two independent persons trade of coconuts and papayas, we stress that the gains to be had from exploitation of peoples comparative advantages and specialized talents are fully evident within business rms. CEOs might be more talented and productive in accounting, law, and advertising than the assistants they hire. However, they hire assistants to exploit their relatively greater comparative advantage in running entire rms. Accountants hire bookkeepers not because their bookkeepers are more talented and productive in recording transactions but because they have comparative advantages in understanding what summary accounting statistics convey about the overall operation of their rms. Firms are full of people with specialized talents who are exploiting those talents at a higher level than would be possible if all sought to be jacks of all trades. Indeed, rms very survival depends upon their understanding the gains from trades and resource specialization.
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The same can be said for all other resources whose owner does not exercise the right to exclude cattlemen. Communal property rights can be employed with tolerably efcient results so long as one of two conditions holds: 1 there is more of the resource than can be effectively used for all intended purposes (in other words, there is no cost to its use), or 2 people within the community fully account for the effects that their own use of the resources has on others. Without the presence of one of these conditions, the resources will tend to be overused. The biologist Garrett Hardin (1968) characterized the problem of overused (and abused) communal resources as the tragedy of the commons and considered why a pasture might be overgrazed if cattle ranchers access to the pasture were unimpeded by property rights. In deciding on how many cattle to add, each cattleman likely will be compelled to reason that the addition of his cattle and his cattle alone to the pasture will make no difference to the amount of feed available to the cattle of other herdsmen. One persons cattle just dont eat that much, given the size of the pasture, but the grass eaten by one ranchers cattle is grass that cant be eaten by the cattle of other ranchers. This means that he can impose a portion of the costs of his cattle grazing on the pasture on other ranchers, which is justication enough for all ranchers to put more cattle on the pasture than they would if they individually incurred the full grazing costs of their cattle. The result is that the cattlemen can collectively face an outcome a tragedy in the form of overly thin cattle that none of them would want:
Therein is the tragedy. Each man is locked into a system that compels him to increase his herd without limit in a world that is limited. Ruin is the destination toward which all men rush, each pursuing his own best interest in a society that believes in the freedom of the commons. Freedom of the commons brings ruin to all. (Hardin 1968)
The prospect of the emergence of a tragedy under communal ownership has been a very powerful argument for conversion of communal rights to private property rights, which is an institutional setting under which the owners simultaneously have both usage and exclusion rights. Under communal ownership, if the resource is not presently being used by someone else, no one can be excluded from the use of it. Consequently, once in use, the resource becomes, for that period of time, the private property of the user. The people who drive their cars onto the freeway take up space on the road that is not in use; no one else (they hope!) can then use that space at the same time. Unless
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the drivers violate the rules of the road, they cannot be excluded from that space; and if they are rational, they will continue to use the resource until their cost of a little additional use equals their benets from that additional use. They may consider most of the costs involved in their use of the road, but one that they may overlook, especially as it applies to themselves personally, is that their space may have had some alternative use, that is, by others. Their presence also increases highway congestion and the discomfort of the other drivers (potentially nontrivial costs). As a result, they may overextend the use of their resource, meaning that they may continue to drive as long as the additional benets they, themselves, get from driving additional miles is greater than the additional cost. The state can make the driver consider the social costs of driving in an indirect way by imposing a tax on the drivers use of the road (through either a tax on gasoline or a tax on the miles driven, as determined by GSP-based monitoring devices that several states were considering deploying at the time of this revision), causing less driving, and fewer costs that drivers impose on others. This is called internalizing the social cost. Once the state does this and it is commonly done through gasoline taxes and/or tolls the rights to the freeway are no longer communal; the rights have been effectively attenuated by the state. There are two additional ways that social costs can be internalized.
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First, people can be considerate of others and account for the social cost in their behavior. Second, the right to the road can be turned into private property, meaning that individuals are given the right to exclude others from the use of the resource (i.e. the road). This may seem to be a totally undesirable turn of events unless we recognize that private owners can then charge for the use of the road: they can sell use rights, in which case the marginal cost of driving will rise, resulting in an increase in the cost that individual drivers incur from trafc congestion (a form of the tragedy of the commons all too familiar to MBA students commuting to work or class).
The prime difference between this private ownership and government taxation is that, with private ownership, the revenues collected go into the coffers of individuals rather than those of the state; this is either good or bad, depending upon your attitude toward government versus private uses of the funds. Furthermore, under private ownership and without viable competitors (and we have an example in which competition may not be practical), the owners may attempt to charge an amount that is greater than the social costs in table 1.1; they may attempt, in the
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jargon of economists, to acquire monopoly prots, and in so doing cause an underuse of the road. For that matter, the state-imposed taxes may be A monopoly (see chapter 10) is a single seller of greater than the social costs. The state may also act a good or service that can charge higher prices like a monopolist. State agencies may not be perand reap greater prots by restricting the mitted to make a prot as it is normally conceived, quantity of the good it sells. but this does not exclude the use of their revenues for improving salaries and the working conditions of state employees. Monopoly prots may be easy to see on the accounting statements of a rm but may be lost in bureaucratic waste or overexpenditures under state ownership. State ownership ve does not necessarily lead to waste, but it is a prospect, and one that only the na will ignore. More is said on this subject at various points in the book. We have now considered the distinction between private and communal property. Several examples will enable us to amplify that distinction and to understand more clearly the limitations of communal property rights and the pervasive use of private property.
Pollution
Pollution of streams, rivers, air, etc. can be described as a logical consequence of communal property rights. The state and federal governments, by right of eminent domain, have always held rights to these resources; but until very recently they have inadequately asserted their right to exclude people and rms from their use. As a result, the resources have been subject to communal use and to overuse, in the same sense as that discussed above. By dumping waste into the rivers, people, rms, and local governments have been able to acquire ownership to portions of the communal resource they use it and pollute it. Furthermore, because of the absence of exclusion, those people doing the polluting do not have to pay to draw the resource away from its alternative uses (such as beautiful scenery) or to reimburse the people harmed by the pollution for the damage done. Under communal ownership, in which government does not exercise its control, the rm with smoke billowing from its stacks does not have to compensate the people who live around the plant for the eye irritation they experience or the extra number of times they have to paint their homes. Pollution is often thought to be the product of antisocial behavior, as indeed it often is. Many who pollute simply do not care about what they do to others. However, much pollution results from the behavior of people who do not have devious motives. People may view their behavior as having an inconsequential effect on the environment. The person who throws a cigarette butt on the ground may reason that if this cigarette butt is the only one on the ground, it will not materially affect anyones sensibilities, and in fact it may not. However, if everyone
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follows the same line of reasoning, the cigarette butts will accumulate and an eyesore will develop. Even then, there may be little incentive for people to stop throwing their butts on the ground. Again, a person may reason on the basis of the effects of his own individual action: If I do not throw my butt on the ground here with all the others, will my behavior materially affect the environmental quality, given the fact that other butts are already there? This type of reasoning can lead to a very powerful argument for conversion of communal rights to private or state rights, with the implied power for someone to exclude some or all of this kind of use. (More will be said on the economics of pollution in chapter 5.)
Theft
The prevalence of theft can affect peoples willingness to create, invest in, and enhance property. This is because theft reduces the rewards from property. Theft can come in forms that quickly come to mind, muggings and break-ins, but it can also come in other more widespread forms, such as customer shoplifting and employee pilferage. The greater the prevalence of theft of property, the less people can be expected to willingly invest in and build up their property. That rule is transparent in the bicycles people ride in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. While bikes are everywhere present, few bikes are less than thirty years old. Bikes without gears (or with no more than three gears) are common, and most show signs of wear. The reason is that bike theft is common. As residents of Amsterdam will freely admit, it simply doesnt pay to buy a modern bike. Indeed, parking a new bike on the side streets and alleys of Amsterdam is an invitation to thieves. The working rule among bike owners in Amsterdam is that the amount spent on bike locks should be greater than the amount spent on a bike. It also very likely follows that the higher the cost of theft detection, the greater the theft problems business will have. If the cost of monitoring customer shoplifting and employee pilferage goes down, then more monitoring and less shoplifting and pilferage can be expected. Both honest customers and honest employees can have good reason to want at least some monitoring of the thieves among them. The penalties can abate a tragedy of the commons in business added costs of doing business. The meted out penalties imposed on thieves can contain the prices of products customers buy and increase the potential pay and job security of employees. However, in closing this section, we add a note of caution. While the assignment of property rights is important to the efcient use of resources and the smooth functioning of a market economy, there is a case to be made for the development of some balance in the assignment of property rights. If there are too many rights claimants, resources can be underutilized, giving rise to the tragedy of the anticommons, or so legal scholar Lawrence Lessig (2001) has argued, especially with
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regard to copyrights, which are a form of property right for intellectual property. You can read more about this tragedy in Perspective 1 on the publishers website for this book.