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Toward a Career-Technical Education System for the Capital State of the 21st Century
Office of Career & Technical Education District of Columbia Public Schools Draft, Version 1.5 March 2005
TOPIC
Contents Introduction: Education, the Workforce, and the Future
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CTE Today & Tomorrow: 21st Century Skills for a 21st Century Economy 10 Education, Workforce, & Economic Development (Diagram) 14 Models of Work-Related Secondary Education (Chart) 17 DCs ChoiceHigh Skills or Low Wages: American Education and the American Dream Solution to a Dual Crisis: High Skills Education CTE: Training of Choice for the Careers of the Future CTE in DCFrom Decline to Rebirth & Reinvention State Appropriations for Secondary CTE, PY 2005 The Gateway AgendaHighways to College & Careers: 1. Universal High Performance Education 2. World Class Learning Standards 3. Comprehensive K-Adult Career Development System 4. Individual Opportunity Plans for All Students 5. Gateway Planning Templates Four Paths to College & Careers (chart) 6. Career Academies: CTE-Based SLCs Industries/Clusters/Academies Crosswalk Matrix 7. College/Tech-Prep Program Majors Approved CTE Program Majors, SY 2006 (table) Pro-Tech Sample Programs of Study 8. DC Regional CTE Delivery System 9. Accelerated Transitions to Postsecondary Education 10. DC State Education Transition Policy 11. New Columbia Gateway Center 12. Jobs for Americas GraduatesDistrict of Columbia 13. DC Consortium for Career-Technical Education 14. Projected Performance Outcomes of CTE Renewal Endnotes Appendix: Selected OCTE Activities, School Year 2003-2004 Colophon 2
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CONTENTS
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reparing the workforce of the future is one of the most fundamental and essential tasks of any educational systemboth from the individual standpoint, and from the perspective of society as a whole. From the individual standpoint, success in the labor market is usually a necessary (although hardly sufficient) foundation for success in other arenas of adult life. From the perspective of society as a whole, the economic foundations of society must be maintained as each generation transitions to the next; if not, every other value of social life and civilization will soon be compromised.
INTRODUCTION
When the National Institute for Literacy (NIFL) set out in 1994 to identify the knowledge and skills that every American must master as prerequisites for success in the 21st Century, they defined 16 universal Equipped for the Future learning standardsorganized, not in terms of academic subject areas, but in terms of three primary roles of adult life: parent/family member, citizen/community member, and worker/workforce member (cf. http://eff.cls.utk.edu/fundamentals/eff_roles.htm). The case can readily be made that success in third role area, the labor market, is an all-but-absolute prerequisite to success in the other two, family and community lifeat least for the majority of ordinary Americans.
From an educational and training standpoint, the labor force can be divided up into ranges of occupations with similar skill prerequisites. Models offering sufficient precision for most planning purposes identify five basic sectors1: The professional sector is made up of careers which typically require a four-year baccalaureate degree or higher as a prerequisite for entry; The technical sector includes careers which typically require a two-year associate degree, a diploma, or other postsecondary certificate; The high skills sector includes careers which require formal on-the-job training but no a postsecondary credential; Semiskilled occupations require only a high school diploma or GED; Unskilled occupations require no more than an eighth grade level of literacy, or less. 3
Around the turn of the 20th Century, when the foundations of the American public high school system were laid, the vast majority of occupations fell into what is now the Unskilled categorythey required no more than an eighth grade education as prerequisite for entry. Today, a century later, completely unskilled occupations represent barely 20% of the labor market. In very round numbers, the five sectors defined above can be treated as roughly equal labor market quintiles. Unskilled and semiskilled occupations account for roughly 40% of all jobs. Professional occupations account for slightly over one in five. Technical and high skills careers make up almost another 40%2.
INTRODUCTION
ntil the passage of the School-to-Work Opportunities Act (STWOA) ten years ago, relatively little public attention was paid to an apparent paradoxat least from the perspective of workforce preparationin the allocation of U.S. educational resources. For the better part of half a century, upwards of 80% of the energy, enthusiasm, and dedication of the mainstream of public education was focused on preparing students for barely 20% of all jobs. In 1957, Harvard President James B. Conant launched a grand crusade to mobilize American education to meet the challenges of the Cold War3. Within a decade, the public schools of the United States had largely become focused on a single, overriding objective: to seek out the best and the brightest among American youth and prepare them to enroll in a four-year, baccalaureate degree program. Today, both individual achievement and school performance are expressed in terms of SAT (Scholastic Aptitude Test) scores and AP (Advanced Placement) course takingonly partially supplanted of late by the AYP (Adequate Yearly Progress) scores of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). A high percentage of College Prep students has been the badge of a quality high school. The percentage of seniors who declare their intention to enter a four-year program has been an index of teacher accomplishment. Guidance counselors have seen their primary role as one of helping students gain admission to the 4-year college of their choice. Students who make other choices are said to have failed to go to collegewith a not-very-subtle emphasis on the word failed. 4
The upside of this postwar focus on preparing students for fouryear colleges and professional careers is obvious. The emphasis on mobilizing the Best and the BrightestConants vision of a kind of warrior meritocracy to mount the ramparts of the Cold Warsuccessfully fostered a significant democratization of higher education in the United States. A much broader section of American society has access to higher education today than was the case at midcentury. In the first half of the 20th century, legacy admissionsthe children of old money alumnidominated enrollments at Ivy League universities and other elite institutions. Today, almost any talented and energetic student, regardless of gender, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status, can realistically aspire to matriculate at Harvard, Yale, or an equivalent entry portal to what used to be a closed Old Boy network. Until the 1950s, high ability was not a prerequisite to college admission, nor high achievement a universal goal of attendance; the Gentlemans C represented a perfectly acceptable level of performance. Today, American college graduates meet world class levels of performance in virtually all disciplines, and Americas postgraduate institutions have few equals anywhere in the world. Many rapidly growing occupations require a four-year degree, and (except during periods of recession) the real earnings of college graduates have resisted the general decline in living standards since 1973. he downside of the near-exclusive focus on four-year College Prep has been the not-so-benign neglect of what might be called the Forgotten 75%the over three-fourths of our students who do not secure entry into a professional career. At the high school level, most school systems offer students a choice between three different courses of studynominally organized around alternative career objectives. Typically, at least a third of students have been enrolled in College Prep primed to pursue a baccalaureate degree and thence a professional career. Upwards of another third have been enrolled in vocational/career-technical/workforce education preparing for direct entry into a skilled craft occupation, traditionally without the benefit of postsecondary education. The balance have been consigned to the General course of studya watered-down version of the liberal arts curriculum which generally prepares no one for anything in particular. 5
INTRODUCTION
Alternately, learning styles have sometimes been said to be an organizing principle of secondary educationwith abstract, classroom learners assigned to College Prep, applied, shopbased learners assigned to vocational education, and cooperative education reserved for experiential, work-based learners. Even in those terms, the systems priorities have been clear and unmistakable. In the eyes of many teachers and administrators, College Prep students are there to be educated and vocational students are there to be trainedwhile General students are there to be warehoused, neither educated nor trained. But in reality, perceived ability levels, not career perspectives or learning styles, are the true differentiating factoror to put it another way, the three courses of study have come to be treated as tracks. College Prep has become the track for the upper quartile. General educationor more recently, Tech Prephas been defined as the track for the middle 50%. And in recent years, traditional vocational education has often been stigmatized as a refuge for low achievers and special needs students, presumed to represent the bottom 25%. As early as kindergarten, a form of educational triage takes place in many classrooms, as entering students are sorted out into the College Bound and the Not College Material primarily on the basis of teacher assumptions about their inherent, genetically-determined cognitive ability and/or learning style. And not always, but all too often, students judged Not College Materialand the programs designed to serve themare relegated to the margins of the educational enterprise. There is an obvious issue of equity and civil rights posed by ability-based tracking: research suggests that I.Q. as we understand it is fundamentally an artifact of the testing process, and that socioeconomic discrimination in fact underlies the process of grouping students on the basis of teacher-perceived ability4. Middle and upper-middle class students make up the ranks of the College Bound. The children of ordinary working people are usually defined as Not College Material. And the children of the poor are disproportionately categorized as at-risk or special needs students.5 6
INTRODUCTION
ut the larger problem presented by what might be termed the College Prep Hegemony is that it functions as a kind of low performance education system programming the majority of students for low achievement and that it perpetuates an increasingly profound mismatch between the outcomes of education and the needs of a high performance economy.
INTRODUCTION
A national survey released in November 1993 by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) reported that almost 85% of high school students surveyed declared an intention to enroll in a four-year college or university program when they graduated from high schoolwith almost 60% intending to pursue a professional career and 25% planning to become independent business managers or entrepreneurs. But just a few months earlier, what is now the Government Accountability Office (GAO) had reported [in Transition From School to Work, September, 1993] that only 15% of entering high school students actually complete a four-year degree within ten years. Many nominally College Prep students never actually matriculate in a four-year institution, and nearly 50% of those who do enroll drop out before graduation. The lower a students family income, the greater the likelihood they will drop out. Beyond that, around 20% of college graduates never secure a professional career (upwards of 40% of technical and community college students have previous college experience; upwards of 15% have already earned a baccalaureate or higher degree). A recent NCES study concluded that 43% of all four-year degree holders were underemployed, and fully 2/3 of those with liberal arts degrees6. The hard fact is that the demand for college graduates is not supply-elastic. The number of jobs which truly demand baccalaureate degrees as a prerequisite for entry is independent of the number of applicants. In job markets with an obvious oversupply of four-year degree holders, many employers start demanding baccalaureate degrees as a qualification for nonprofessional occupations, simply as a way of pre-screening for older, more disciplined applicants. But according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the percentage of professional occupations has hovered around 20% for over five decades. BLS projections suggest that, even in the year 2010, less than a fourth of all jobs will require a B.A. or B.S. degree or higher.7 7
Inevitably, when a four-year degree and a professional career is touted as the ultimate objective of American education, but only one in five can ever reach that objective, the morale of the majority of students is underminedparticularly in the context of pervasive ability-based grouping. However it is packaged, the real significance of the rigid system of what has been called tracking American style (or The Great American Sorting Machine8) is not lost on the students and not surprisingly, its effect on the motivation and self-esteem of those deemed Not College Material is often quite catastrophic. Finding themselves predestined to failure in a system whose overriding objective is to prepare students to go on to a fouryear college, the Not College Material react in a variety of ways. Some act out in an unconscious effort to get time off for bad behavior. A few become superachievers, to confound the systems gloomy forecast. Many simply drop out in place and wait until they are old enough to drop out for real. Most students enter public schooling intensely curious and fully motivated, with high self esteem and a love of learning. But all too typically, they exit school twelve years later, if not before, disinterested and poorly motivated, with low self-esteem, low aspirations, and an active dislike of learning. This is the central paradox of ability-based grouping: a classic self-fulfilling prophecy, it functions as a powerful engine of low performance. Although no teacher, no principal, no school board ever set out to achieve this objective, the myth of the best and the brightest relegates everyone else to becoming inferior and dim. ronically, this is, it seems, just what the economy needed at the time. As John Dewey once observed, every society gets the educational system it deserves.
INTRODUCTION
The hidden curriculum of American education for the Not College Material has been high tolerance for boredom, low selfconfidence, fear of tardiness, acceptance of regimentation, lack of curiosity, indifference to quality, and unquestioning acquiescence to rigid external disciplineand these are exactly the workforce survival skills needed in an era of long-run, assembly line, industrial commodity mass production, the characteristic mode of production for most of the 20th Century. 8
The unanticipated but functional side effect of ability-based grouping and the hegemony of four-year College Prep has been, in effect, to numb up and dumb down the Forgotten 75%, so that they could tolerate the dominant industrial regimen of the past six to eight decades. Today, at the dawn of the third millennium, the Cold War is long over. Today, the national interest of America and the human community as a whole requires a different kind of global strugglea struggle against poverty, disease, discrimination, oppression, genocide, terrorism, war, environmental decay. In the global economy, the standard of living and quality of life of all Americans depends upon the labor force as a wholenot just four-year college graduatesmeeting or exceeding world standards. Programming the majority of students for low performanceto follow orders, do the minimum needed to get by, dont ask questions, dont rock the boatmay have been tolerable when the real core curriculum of education for the Not College Material was adapting to the discipline and the tedious routines of the traditional factory. But in a production environment that stresses flexibility instead of docility, creativity instead of conformity, teamwork instead of atomization, communication skills instead of silent acquiescence, imagination instead of blind obedience, technology instead of time-motion studies, active learning instead of rote memorization, we cant afford to undereducate, undermotivate, or underemploy any of our citizens. The human resource potential of everyone, not just professionals, must be realized to the fullest. The entire labor force must be mobilized on a high engagement, high performance basismust become the Best and the Brightest. And to create this new kind of workforce, a new approach to workforce education is required. In 1990, the Commission on the Skills of the American Workforce, a project of the National Center on Education and the Economy, published a far-reaching reportAmericas Choice: High Skills or Low Wagesthat laid much of the conceptual foundation for just this new iteration of vocational education. The STWOA of 1994, followed by the Carl D. Perkins Act of 1998, have set the stage in Federal statutes and appropriations for a career-technical education for the 21st Century. 9
INTRODUCTION
n implicit underpinning of both the School-to-Work Opportunities Act of 1994 (P.L. 103-329, now sunsetted) and the Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Technical Education Act of 1998 (P.L. 105-332, scheduled for reauthorization this spring) is a comprehensive yet integrated vision of high skills workforce development built upon a foundation of universal high performance education. Enacted on October 31, 1998the latest reauthorization of Federal vocational education legislation dating back to the Smith-Hughes Act of 1917Perkins III represents the fifth major rewrite since the inception of the modern vocational education program in 1963, and the third version to carry the name of the late Representative Carl D. Perkins (D-Kentucky), a stalwart champion of vocational education. The original period of authorization expired June 30, 2004, and the House and the Senate failed to reach a consensus on Perkins IV prior to the 2004 election. However, hearings have been held by both the House of Representatives and the Senate, and successful reauthorization is anticipated in the spring of 2005. Pending reauthorization, an automatic extension will maintain the authority of States and the Federal government to continue programming supported under the Perkins Act through June 30, 2006. Under Perkins III, the term vocational and technical education refers to school-based, career-specific workforce education programs: coherent sequences of courses, offered at the secondary, postsecondary, or adult levels, designed to develop the academic and workplace skills specific to a particular occupation or career cluster requiring less than a baccalaureate degree. In many States, including DC, the term vocational education has generally been replaced over the last several years by career and technical education, career and technology education, or simply career-technical educationabbreviated as CTE or career-tech. At the secondary level, career-tech programs are sometimes confused with a variety of other offerings linked to the practical arts tradition in education: broad career exploration programs (career education); nonoccupational family and consumer sciences programs (home economics); technology education programs (industrial arts); and, applied academics (education through occupations). 10
Under earlier reauthorizations of Federal vocational-technical legislation, many programs and activities falling under those headings were potentially eligible for Federal support, but that is not the case with funds appropriated for CTE under Perkins III. Until recently, secondary career-technical education was divided into two basic categories: occupational preparation programs, designed to prepare students for immediate labor market entry, into occupations that dont require postsecondary education as a prerequisite; and, technical preparation programs (Tech-Prep or 2+2), designed to prepare students for enrollment into an associate degree, certificate, or apprenticeship program (at a community or technical college), en route to a technical career. But since the passage of first the STWOA and then Perkins III, Federal policy has assumed that all students should be prepared for both postsecondary education and careers. In practice, occupational prep and technical prep have been converging. In a growing number of States and localities, again including DC, CTE programs have begun rising to meet the standards set by Tech-Prep. From a statutory standpoint, two separate funding streams are authorized under Perkins III: Basic Grants to States under Title I, 8, and Tech-Prep Grants under Title II, 208. But despite formal distinctions between the two funding programs (Basic State Grants are defined under CFDA No 84.048 and Tech-Prep Grants under CFDA No. 84.243), the activities supported under each authorization have become increasingly difficult to differentiate. In recognition of this fact, the House has proposed that Tech-Prep Grants be absorbed into Basic State Grants in the course of the coming reauthorization. A complementary trend that is emerging in the District of Columbia and other States is the involvement of the careertech community in preparing secondary students for entry into both associate degree and baccalaureate degree programs. A number of Statesagain including DChave established rigorous core academic requirements for all CTE programs that satisfy the minimum entry standards of four-year as well as twoyear postsecondary education programs. 11
CTE programs in such States are typically categorized as College/Tech-Prep pathways, and students who complete such programs are identified as dual completersqualified to enter either an AAS degree program at a two-year community or technical college, en route to a technical career, or a BS degree program at a four-year college or university, en route to a professional career. In addition, a growing number of Tech-Prep articulation agreements are being negotiated as open-ended, 2+2+2 agreementssometimes referred to as Pro-Prep (professional preparation) articulationswhich prepare students to pursue baccalaureate degrees and professional careers through associate degree programs and technical education. Moreover, an increasing number of CTE programs have become dual focus programs that simultaneously prepare students to pursue either technical or professional careers in the same career area or industrial sector. As an overall category, these emerging pre-baccalaureate career-tech programs are sometimes categorized as Professional-Technical Education (PTE or Pro-Tech). The Senate proposal for Perkins reauthorization extends explicit formal sanction to these program variants by removing the language in 29 that limits CTE to preparation for occupations that require less than a baccalaureate degree as a prerequisite for entry. In effect, it institutionalizes Pro-Tech.
Underlying Perkins III, three basic themes can be identified: Regardless of career objectives, all students must master the universal, common core knowledge and skills academic, career, and life competenciesrequired for success and self-sufficiency in a global economy; All students should enroll in and successfully complete (without remediation) at least one year of postsecondary education, and be prepared for further education or training and lifelong learning; All students should be prepared for high performance, high productivity employment (in high skills, high wage sectors of a high technology economy) and for openended educational and career advancement. 12
Specific statutory objectives for the use of Perkins III resources include the following (citations are representative, not exhaustive): 1. Ensuring that all career-tech students master Stateestablished academic and skill standards, enroll in and complete postsecondary education (without the need of remediation), and make a successful entry into a high skills, high wage career [113(b)(2)(A)]; 2. Affording equal, nondiscriminatory access to a full range of quality CTE programs for individuals who are members of special populations, and providing the services and supports needed to ensure their success in those programs [122(c)(8)]; 3. Fostering career-tech programs that prepare women for nontraditional training and employment in current and emerging high skills, high wage sectors [134(b)(9)]; 4. Developing, increasing, and expanding the use of state-ofthe-art technology in CTE, and increasing access for CTE students to high tech, high growth industries [124(b)(2)]; 5. Providing comprehensive professional development programs for CTE teachers, designed to ensure they stay current with industry standards and are prepared for Perkins III accountability requirements [135(b)(4)]; 6. Supporting high quality career-tech and career guidance programs for individuals incarcerated in State correctional institutions, including women and young people [122(c)(18)]; 7. Fostering partnerships to support high achievement by CTE studentsamong secondary, postsecondary, and adult education; school-to-work programs; employers and unions; parents and students; elected officials; and members of the community at large [124(b)(6)]. Overall, CTE under the Perkins Act serves as a critical nexus of education and the economy in the 21st century. At one and the same time, it represents: the career-specific component of high performance public education; the school-based, first-chance arm of high-skills workforce development; and, the competency-based, education engine of high wage economic development. 13
CTE