The Class Structure of Burma Continuity and Change

Department of History, National University of Singapore
The Class Structure of Burma: Continuity and Change Author(s): Moshe Lissak Source: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Mar., 1970), pp. 60-73 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Department of History, National University of Singapore Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20069847 . Accessed: 18/11/2013 01:02
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The
Class
Structure
of Burma:
Continuity
and Change
MOSHE LISSAK
I
Introduction The in the of purpose stratification a more of this of modern countries of has done these article Burmese class have their been on the is to review since can some the be of the that have taken changes and to what find out and of what about it is a the on conducive place extent
signs
society structure great
thirties, discerned
consists. to common elites within the of the
Developing rapid modernisation be different. has Many to
economy written
in difficulty and society.
conditions creating To this bring obstacles encountered
goal of both civilian and military

Much been of
regimes,
about of
though
the
their style and mode

by are
of action may relatively

going from
these countries
research them. related
in the political,
societies,
ideological
and
social
cultural
stratification is one,
spheres, but
that fairly are
little
processes of which
Burma
pluralistic
ethnic, linguistic and religious point of view and ethnic and religious affiliation is distinctly
status and This concentration. political geographic a high level of national the emergence and integration a modern, of structure at class devoid elements various of open particularistic the hierarchy. stratificational it is not There of the only obstacle. stages Obviously, is the interaction also town and country, between the westernized the traditional elite and ? the vast economic and cultural strata between all problems different sectors, disparity are no less that interrelation of the ethnic than the minorities and their important interferes category, occupational of with the attainment interaction The contains the with vulnerable numerous the dominant spots of ethnic a religious sector. society, revealed and the especially an by economic of one examination differential sectors ethnic that developing, heterogeneous are best ethnic enclaves, structure and tend and
particularistic
of the following
(a) (b) (c)
issues:
in the occupational scope and rate of change between social different strata, of the real potential the population, to what and for social and economic mobility
the aspiration the
the various between
extent in these variables any changes and occupational affiliation ecological led to psychological, normative and structural different as is status groups. far no known, as a modest
to obscure
identity
prestige conditions
?whether categories that stimulate greater
they have interaction
between As these
on has been in Burma conducted comprehensive study we and examined the data material have substitute issues, published at various for different and usually from those we are concerned times, purposes compiled even some with to cast here. this rather material is likely Nevertheless, fragmentary light sketchy as on militarv on the occupational the coud problems structure on and in question. the process mobility and The of material urbanization; and social of referred and to relates to includes further changes some in the rather as well until the
information social of
hierarchy 1962.1
patterns the stratification
status and image the population of
symbols, Burma
i The is a list of books and papers the history, dealing with population, following geography, J.S. Furnivall, The Government Institute of Burma: and religions Burma, economy, of Modern to the 1960. J.S. An Introduction of Pacific New York, Relations, (Second Furnivall, edition) and House, 1957. Political Literature Committee Economy Rangoon, Aye of Burma, People's in Burma Journal "Trends of Economic Growth and Income Distribution 1870-1946", Hlaing, June The Vol. XLVII, Nash, 1964, Part I, pp. 89-148. Society, Manning of the Burma Research to Modernity: in Contemporary and Son, John Wiley 1965. Road Golden Burma, Village Life Yale W. Politics Search Lucian and Nation Burma's Pye, for Identity, Personality Building: 1962. in M.G. Government and Politics Josef Silverstein, Press, University "Burma", Kahin, of and Politics E. Smith, Religion Southeast Donald Asia, Cornell Press, 1959, pp. 75-182. University in Burma, 1965. Hugh Tinker, The Union of Burma, Oxford Princeton Press, University University a Welfare in Burma of Pacific 1961. Frank N. Tr?ger, State Institute 1948-1956, Press, Building
60
The
Class
Structure
of Burma:
to some were the
Continuity II
and
Change
61
We will be
shall the
refer last for
mainly of decade although these
British
post-independence in Burma. rule changes in so the that
the point but of period, was made distinction No stratification only the order more took important
departure between
sub-periods, the British be mentioned.
period,
marginal,
place during ones need
Let us first present some of the findings of the 1931 census, the last one published under British rule. From the occupational distribution given in Table 1 it is evident
that of ? and agriculture the population, processing was the dominant category forestry occupational comprising 69.6% two some were that the other had categories significance industry ? other of rice and with foodstuffs and trade, with 9.0% 10.7%
mainly
Table
Occupational Structure, 1931 (%)
Occupation
Workers
Agriculture
and Forestry
69-6 0-6 10-7 3-6 90 0-5 0-7 Arts 3-2 01 0-7 0-9 0-4
Exploitation of Minerals Industry

Transportation Trade
Public Force Public administration

Professions Persons Domestic and Liberal on Living Services Income
Insufficiently described
Unproductive
Total
Source: Study. Surider K. Mehta, The Ph.D. Thesis, University Labor Force of Chicago, in Urban Burma 1959, p. 52. and Rangoon,
1000
1953, A Comparative
The agricultural population was divided into three broad categories. 1. Owner cultivators (38% of the principal workers)
2. 3. Tenant Agricultural were and of landless cultivators ? labourers 22% ? 40%
(See Table
2)
In plain
agriculture century most lower would
language this means

continued of
that by
1931 about 62% of all persons

of War. evictions Thus, which not began only did
engaged
in the the over
in
19th
to a long process owing until the Second World
whelming majority
it consisted the Burma, indicate.2 of in
of the labour force

rural percentage urban
live in rural areas and engage

the country, than the
in farming, but
in especially overall figures force, and were trade.
In some of parts proletariat. was of land owners still smaller
Most engaged
the the
processing
as as many population, and of materials supply
75.0% in
of
the
urban
labour
industry,
transportation
About
Relations, Twentieth
12% were classified under administration,

New
public security and the free professions.3

The 1955-1960, Cornell Burma, of Asian Burma Studies, Research
1956. Louis J. Walinsky, in Burma Economie York, Development 1962. A History John F. Cady, Fund, New Century York, of Modern 1958. Press, University 2 or Multiple?", "Southeast Asian The Journal Dual Nash, Society, Manning, Vol. XXIII, No. 1964, p. 419. 3, May 3 R. M. Journal "Urbanization: The Burmese Sundrum, Experience", of Vol. XL, June 1957, Part I, Table XVIII. Society,
M. 62 Table 2 Rural Agricultural Population 1931 by Type of Farmer
Lissak
Type of Farmer N % Cultivating Owner Tenant Cultivators Agricultural Labourers Total: Principal Workers Working Dependents 38 1,118,000 22 690,000 1,292,000 3,100,000 515,000 TOTAL 3,613,000
from R. M. Sundrum, Adjusted of Economic in Burma, Department 13. In a colonial society, on the Labor Force and the Income Census Data of Rangoon, Statistics and Commerce, University Distribution 1958, Table
40 100
particularly
a multi-ethnic
one,
such
as Burma
became
through
the influx of Indians and Chinese after the British conquest, the occupational structure it being related to the ethnic distribution. of the population alone means little without In 1931 the ethnic composition of the population of Burma was as follows: Burmese 65-7% Other indigenous groups Indian 70%
Indo-Burmese 1 0-2
24-6%
-2 %
Chinese
Europeans
1-3%
%
Total Table
structure of They and the in total are, public
1000% relationship
trade and represented in mining, are
3 clearly
1931. In
shows
the
between
industry, or more
ethnic
the less
origin
and
occupational
of 56% numbers.
agriculture,
Burmese
are figure employment however, under-represented administration. They
transport,
according the public
consisting to their in
surprisingly
over-represented
forces security the professions
and liberal arts, probably because the Buddhist monks were classified in this category.4 The Chinese, on the other hand, consisting of only 15% of the total of persons
employed, in trade. are This over-represented more is even in mining, industry, the marked among transportation non-Burmese-born and still Indians, more whose so
share in the total employment was only 8% but who made up 43-4% of the public security forces; 43-2% of the transportation sector; 36-3% of the mining sector and in the 1930s this applies to other Already 26-6% of the public administration. the Chinese and especially the Indians occupied rather categories as well. Accordingly,
important generally positions as known in most the by-products occupations of and places modernization. offering The exposure on effects to new ideas, social mobility
"An ethnic division and on the stratification hierarchy of the thirties are obvious. of labour placed the Burmese at the bottom of the ladder, concentrating them in the lent by small agricultural and extractive sectors of the economy, tying them to money 5 capitalists, and binding their welfare to the fluctuations of the world market in rice." the in in forties. also not the but situation the describe These figures thirties, only
4 represents the with the 1931 occupational figures given structure in Table in 1 1953-4, is possible, and some no exact although can be inferences
Table
comparison made.
The percentage engaged in agriculture was 62-7% instead of 69.6% in spite of the population growth. The professional category went down from 3-2% in 1931 to
4 R. M. Data Census Sundrum, of Economics, Statistics Department 5 M. op. cit., p. 413. Nash, on the Labor and Commerce, Force and University the Income Distribution of Rangoon, 1958, p. in Burma, 17.
The
1-2%
Class
in in
Structure
1953-4, relates the
of Burma:
Continuity
and
Change
63
categories group
be it must that of and "one the most remembered important though were to persons in religious who the professional orders included under were omitted but from the classification census, pre-war occupational in was in the in relative later the census",6 administration terms.7 its share sector; since did evidently the number the thirties
as being institutional persons altogether not The increase go up. significant only servants of civil in absolute and grew
Clearly,
Table 3 Labour Force Participants by Race and Occupation,

In In dians dians Born out Indo Euro peans
1931 (%)
Other All
Races
Born in Chi nese Bur ma
Bur
mese
Indige neous Races
side
Bur ma
Burma Races
And Allied Races
Anglo In dian
Other
Races
All
Occupations Farming
Mining Industry
Transport Trade
Public Forces Public Ad

ministration Professional and other
1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 100-0
55-8 56-7 33-5 56-7 40-5 59-2 31-3
321
38-0
1-5 0-5 9-8 2-3 2-6 6-9 0-3 1-3
1-6 1-6 10 11 2-5 1-6 20 2-3
7-9 2-5 36-3 14-7 43-2 15-6 43-4 26-6
0-9 0-7 0-3 0-9 1-5 2-2 0-8 1-9
01 1-4 01 0-6 01 5-8 0-8
01 0-4 01 0-6 01 0-5 1-7 01 01 01
150
24-1 8-3
141
15-9
37-4
25-5
Liberal Arts
Source:
1000
Mehta,
671
op. cit., p.
24-8 399.
0-7
0-8
4-4
0-8
0-5
0-6
01
Table 4
Labour Force Participants, by Occupation, 1953-4
(Estimates)
Occupations
Percentage
Professions Managerial Sales Farming
1-2 1-9 9-6 62-7 0-5 1-8 10-6
Mining
Transport
Crafts
Services Miscellaneous Source: R. S. Sundrum, Ibid, Table IX. 17. increased
111
0-4
6 R. M. Census ..., op. cit., p. data Sundrum, 7 to one source, the number of clerks According See H. Tinker, 1961, op. cit., p. 156. figure.
to 250,000,
three
times
the pre-war
64
no of significant change and societies. is relevant that aspect sector distribution statistics distinguishes to or an of of the the stratification labour had even occurred of in the structure, occupational as discerned be and compared
M.
salient with may
Lissak
symptoms typical
stagnation industrialized Another is the economic
regression
respect, 1. 2. hired hired Table 1931
Burmese workers workers 5
employment between:
understanding status
force.
hierarchy In this
sector in the private sector in the government that an farmers additional that the are divided distinction almost was own
3. 4.
unpaid
workers self-employed workers land and
shows where it seems
equally made account sector
between between
private tenants
owners,
(36-8%) and hired workers

figures
(32-0%).8
It is difficult
to compare were
these figures with not
the
labourers
(see Table
Nevertheless, mainly persons of the
2), but dependents

Hired
or unpaid
of
family workers
also
listed separately.
stable.
percentage in the labourers in crafts.
workers
in mining and employed ? sector rural farming, more hired labourers significantly
private Hence
and mining "own account" than
considering ? crafts
in agriculture remained of the majority constituted the three occupations only appears When that all there were occupations the 24-2%
it
workers.
are taken
sectors) were
into account,
hired the workers
it is seen that 401%

and 35-7% hired self-employed. labourers
(including
the private
and government among the
Moreover, is still impressive.
considering
of unpaid
self-employed,
family workers,
proportion
many
of
of whom
should probably
be classified
Table 5 Labour Force Participants, by Employment Status, 1953-4
Occupations
Private
Government
Own
Account
Workers
Unpaid Family
Workers
Total Urban Total Rural

Professional
41-7 38-6 25-5
13 3
1-5 42-8 45-4
38-9 35-7 30-9 39-5 24-8 22-3 79-8
61 24-2 0-9
151
Managerial Sales 28-2
470
38-6 01 0-5 01
391
10-5 3-9 Farming 33-6
9-6
841
48-7 36-8 6-6 10-7
120
17-2
320 Mining
Transport 93-4
311
0-2 1-4 3-3 4-9 12-8 0-8 01 0-2
861
47-7 42-9 65-4 49-5 Services Miscellaneous 0-3 Source: 8 The among these R. M. Sundrum, 95-8 96-9
Crafts
101 91 90
5-7 19-4 21
40-8 50-7 20-7
320 40
0-9 1-9 XIV, and p. 17. presumably more or
961 970
Ibid., Table workers
rest were unpaid two categories.
family
were
less
equally
divided
The
than
Class
Structure
the
of Burma:
situation in the in cities the were
Continuity
was rural quite sector,
and
similar. the
Change
There difference were was only more not
65
employees As big.
In principle, many in private same
self-employed, as 42-8% of
as although the professionals
government
rest were the while firms, the managerial workers. among systematic structure data after
self-employed. on the Trade, are Burma available became
and employees, The proportions other on hand, the was
worked 25-5% were the about concentrated
heavily
in the hands of private merchants

no Unfortunately, ethnic and occupational and was The Indians. In sum, in the fifties, of the hired
to the extent of 79-8% in 1953-54.9

independent. between the relationships It is clear, however,
that radical changes have taken place since mainly

Burmese labourers, absent labour small from force
due to the departure of the Europeans

both and middle in the urban which and and rural civil until sectors servants. the late
composed Burmese
mainly were
traders the
craftsmen class,
conspicuously
fifties consisted of Chinese
and Indians. Ill
Students importance of effects undesirable from at to
of
the the
relationship well known
between desirable for
stratification effect countries example when large are slow on on rate the the
and one
modernization hand and the As hand.
attach far
great undesirable as the
urbanization effects are and short
large scale in the least to what
in developing concerned they rapid urbanization run, such either
other
the or
unskilled
disruptive masses
tendencies
resulting
economically,
socially
examine
extent
Urbanization
in Burma
apprehensions a rather was
as justified and restricted
cannot be integrated, We shall try to politically. far as Burma is concerned.10 process. Moreover, although
it began as early as the beginning of the 19th century, there also seem to have been some trends in the opposite direction. (See Table 6) Thus, the proportion of the urban population went down during the first quarter of the 20th century, and was restored to its former size only in the late forties and early fifties when large numbers moved to the towns; at least 756,000 in 1948-1952, and about 127,000 in 1953.11 The decrease
of from the urban the sector to in the first quarter areas of in the the 20th century was largely decrease due to expansions have been
of the rural sector brought about by the transfer of some of the indigenous population
towns uncultivated provinces. The might
Table 6 Urban and Total Population, 1891-1953
Urban
Population
Total
Population
Percentage
(000)
1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1953 947 991 1,127 1,292 1,520
?
(000)
7,722 10,491 12,115 13,212 14,667
16,824
12-3 9-5 9-3 9-8 10-4

?
2,579
19,045 13-5
Experience", The Journal of Burma
R. M. Source: Sundrum, "Urbanization; Vol. XL, Research June 1957, Part Society, 9 Within also
The Burmese III. 1, Table
1931 from this context the growth of the urban 10-4% to 15-4% since population a as the slight as well in cities with rise in the percentage of living be mentioned in cities of more in the percentage the slight decline of less than 10,000 and population living 1953: A and Rangoon in Urban Burma The Labor Force than 100,000. See Surider K. Mehta, of Chicago, Ph. D. Thesis, 1959, pp. 45-46. Study, Comparative University 10 See for Asian Drama, Urbanization G. Br?ese, Pantheon, 1968, p. 470. example G. Myrdal, in Newly Prentice Countries, 1966, pp. 44-46. Hall, Developing 11 R. M. "Urbanisation: The Burmese Sundrum, op. cit., p. 123. Experience", should
66
greater "alien The of land was the so still races" trend that had ? was it not Indians reversed when the flow until to absorb and the of the been and when the such political rural for a simultaneous invasion the last of the quarter in the towns of in beginning suffered agriculture into debt and into As by the evicted
M.
Chinese, sank 19th
Lissak
of century.
members
thirties
farmers Second
heavily were consequently cities cities had this was the were, many
economic This least
depression from their movement
sustained
proletariat World War.
the
resumed. at
unprepared administration
a massive apparatus.
immigration,
economically, on the repercussions
to describe the process of urbanization generally without It would be misleading Table 7 shows its rapid growth stressing the prominent role played by Rangoon.
compared with the Burma. other It attracted three should not big cities be the
1891.
population notably
By
1953, Rangoon
of
had 737,000
again only
inhabitants ?
underlined indigenous
(Mandalay,
Moulmein that the cities but
and
Bassein) and towns
ever
since
one quarter of
races, primarily
the total urban

of Burma, and Indians
Rangoon,
Table 8 indicates that in 1931 the indigenous races accounted for only 59% Chinese. of the urban population and not until 1953 did they constitute 84%, more or less
equivalent of of the to their weight of Rangoon. in Burma, in the total population.12 But even as late as 1953 the so
called exogenous
population Urbanization
groups made
up about
30%.
In 1931 these groups constituted
65%
of Rangoon reminiscent the is very growth especially of in other Southeast Asia societies and patterns underdeveloped was in many the same Asian countries. the starting In several countries.13 respects, point core the but the of In both the formed instances cities urbanization, process royal reason is were for main The this its consequences and divergence widely divergent. a The took colonial under in the developing urbanization that countries regime. place urbanization
bland
entire the
assumption
economic metropolis,
that colonial
development these of interests
rule curbed urbanization

the and colonies their was underlying geared
is misguided,
to the were specific
but
since
interests
the
of
alien
ideology
naturally
reflected
in this process as well. A salient example is the liberal policy adopted towards Indian and Chinese immigration which was promoted by the British, because they considered
the Indians and the Chinese to be best suited for administrative, military, and economic functions.
Table 7 Population Growth inRangoon and Other Cities
Rangoon Census Population
Secondary Average
Towns Populations Ratio
(000)
180-3 1891 234-9 1901 293-3 1911 3420 400-4 1931 7371 1953
R. M. Sundrum, Ibid., Table
(000)
1-97 91-5 91-4 2-57 3-57 77-7 406 84-3 86-4 4-63 603 122-2
IX.
1921
Source:
12 Not to concentrate in the tended educated but also the more groups, only minority people and and higher degrees in Rangoon. In the thirties 2/3 of persons with cities, particularly college were law and medicine in engineering, education, living in Rangoon. 3/4 of persons holding degrees of the urban to add that until the fifties It may also be the age-sex composition interesting was because of the large floating in Rangoon, abnormal, mainly highly especially population, in the higher in the post-war is reflected of foreign migrants. The sharp decline period population sex ratio found in the 1953 census. 13 For a countries in Europe and developing of patterns of urbanization analysis comparative 1965. see: Past and Present, The Free Press, The Pre-industrial Gideon City: Sjoberg,
The
A what over next etc.),
Class
most have the other
Structure
characteristic been called cities
of Burma:
feature of of cities'. a of
Continuity
urbanization The country: city cities exists the in 'primate in size also 'primate
and
Southeast
Change
67
'primate towns and this
True, largest city. to in contrast but
kind
the European
is the emergence Asia of is one which city' predominates as large as the it is many times in Europe (London, Copenhagen, city' was developed by strangers,
and its rate of growth was conditioned to colonial policy rather than by the interests of the colony's hinterland. The impact of the metropolis was felt both in its physical
in the composition of its population. and outlay and between the primate estrangement city and ? was sector far greater than between European The other cities result ? was not that and of the their alienation the rural hinterland. to mention
"primate be as commercial cultural
cities"
Small wonder
for their own financial over, its feet.
then, that these cities "failed

a way transactions such as or
to perform
to even
their natural
centres
function
internal to
(in and
trade, More get on
in countries), centres for internal of foreign
because
dominance,
native
industrial
clearing was enterprise
ground".14 unable
IV A more comprehensive picture of the Burmese class structure may be obtained by
Here it must be borne in mind studying the income distribution and its development. that in the fifties Burma was one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia. According to figures quoted by Russett,15 Burma ranked in 1957 as the 113*5th among 122 countries
in terms and of G.N.P. annual per average capita incomes which of was various $57 a year. Table in occupations 9 presents 1953-4. both The the lowest aggregate income
was
(K. 377?$75)16 earned by the service occupation and the highest by administrative The total average employees who earned about 4 times as much (K. 1,420?$284). income was K. 592 ($118).
Compared with the rather unsystematic pre-war should than income a ratio be data, noted.18 in the it seems that since the thirties
real income had decreased.17

urban category sectors, wages (see Table in the 1:2. civil 10), cities
With
two were in the farmers between
regard to the income distribution

higher highest with
in the rural and

occupational ratio being servants and
points
approximately was between The income
Second, servants and
span of
in every First, the rural areas, was between civil
services employees with a ratio of 1:3:5, while

income differentials Table occupations, instructive
in the urban areas the highest differential

1:3. and sexes on the is only urban one income sectors information
aspect of social differentiation.

category.
Another
important aspect
is the relative size of each

distribution
11 provides
Table 8 Urban Population, by Ethnic Composition and Sex Ratio
1931Census
Race Percentage Sex ratio races 59
1953Census Percentage Sex

ratio
Indigenous
Indians & Pakistanis Chinese 5 Other 6

Source: 14 R. M. 15 B. M. R. M. Sundrum,
30
101 27 49 96
XIII.
84 10 6
103 55 83 83
Ibid., Table
"Urbanism ..., op. cit., pp. 111-112. Sundrum, Russett and others, World Handbook and Social Yale University Indicators, of Political and London, Press, New Haven 1964, pp. 155-157. 16 $ i = K5. 17 These See also H. Tinker refer to national averages. op. cit., p. 155. findings 18 For further see L.J. Walinsky, op. cit., p. 37. details,
68 M. Table 9
Occupational Classification of Personal Incomes, 1953-54
Lissak
Occupations
Total
Income
Average
Income
(inmillions of Kyats) Professions Managerial Sales Farming Mining Transport Crafts Services Miscellaneous TOTAL
Source: R. M.
(Kyats)
131 1,193 277 1,420 514 638 539 1,805 754 32 177 755 567 467 377 332 35 1,311 3,710 592
Sundrum, Census Data ..., op. cit., Table XVII.
sector in 1957.19 It appears that in dollars, two-fifths of the urban working population earned less than $157.50, more than half, less than $210 and more than 85% less than $ 420 per annum (or $35 per month).20 Table 10
Labour Force Participants, Income, by Occupation, - 54
and Average
1953
Occupation
Average Urban
Income
for Census
Year Rural
(Kyats)
Professions Managerial Farming Mining Transport Crafts Services Miscellaneous TOTAL

Source: R. M.
1,789 1,088 2,275 1,269 Sales 1,133 551 713 707 1,020 688 1,136 852 749 311 1,579 1,264 502 1,102
Sundrum, Ibid., Table VII.
508
517
From all this it may be concluded that: (a) Burma in the fifties still ranked at the bottom of the scale in standard of living as measured
by per-capita income. !9 The in 252 centres classified industries and cottage 1957 census gathered data on population to 3-3 million. Data a total population of close with households 708,000 townships, including who had been 11 years or more, taken from a sample of 11 million income were persons aged the year of the census. time during for at least some occupied gainfully 20 For a Welfare State ..., op. cit., p. 73. see in F.N. further information, Building Tr?ger, Asian Vol. and Diplomatic", in Burma: "Problems Josef Silverstein, Survey, Political, Economic, VII, No. 1967, p. 120. 2, February as on
The
Class
Structure
of Burma:
Continuity Table 11
and
Change
69
Urban Population by Income Groups, 1957
Per Cent Average Annual Income
Persons
above
the
age
of
11
of Total Sample
who did some work the year (thousands)
during
Total Under K 250 K 250-K 499 K 500-K 749 K 750-K 999 K 1,000-K 1,999 K 2,000-K 2,999 K 3,000-K 3,999 K 4,000-K 4,999 K 5,000-K 7,499
K 7,500-and over
1000
8-8 14-9 17-2 12-2 32-9 6-3 3-9 1.2 1.4 1.0
1,108-7 97-2
164-9 190-6 134-4 364-2 700 431

13.3 15.9 11.5
Source:
Walinsky,
Economic
Development
in Burma,
op. cit., Table
3, p. 37.
(b)
In most
the forties,
occupations
and was course, 1:30. occupations in or
the real average

it seems
income had not risen since the beginning

actually the of a gone extreme supreme down.
of
in some
to have and The between income
(c) The
average
income
about much
differential
1 to 4, greater.
between
the highest
and
income judge,
lowest
occupational
span was
categories of was,
the groups for example,
about K.
ratio (d) if) For of all
3,000 ($600) and that of an unskilled worker

the income level in the cities was a
about K.
twice that in
90 per month,
the rural than areas.
(e) Again
Employees employees
the income level of men was
twice that of women.

higher income private
(g) The annual income of more than 62 % of the labour force in the cities was between ? K. 500 and K. to Walinsky, that part of the 1,999 ($100 $400). According as belonging to the middle class (earning more which be defined population might than $2,000 per year), in 1957 consisted of less than 0-5% of the population. Accor
dingly, between Chinese a very from the were small the economic aspect the social and positions the differentiation ethnic in in the fifties was
sectors earned government-public even than persons. self-employed
the same as in the thirties.
practically
The only difference being
in the changed
relationship
Indians but after and only Burma
economic-occupational ousted from their segment of the
population,
The composition. and trade administration, new elite which emerged
achieved
its independence,
reaped
the benefits
of
this change.21
So
far
some for and
basic any
statistical
data
have
been
indispensable the cultural
of stratification, analysis of the manifestations symbolic
presented. one certainly stratificational
Although should order
those
data
are to of
attention pay as well. Some
these manifestations, especially those associated prestige and status will be discussed here.
The governed open to channels by rigid of mobility religious and in norms Burma, nor even were
with mobility
in there in the any the
and
the components
of
pre-British other
were period, moral sanctions and in the
never that spatial Survey,
prescribed a rigid stratified system in terms of the quality and the number of alternatives
individuals groups. "Social place The hierarchical of 21 R.A. "Burmese Holmes, VII, No. 3, March 1967, Domestic Policy: 188-197. pp. Politics Burmanization", Asian
Vol.
70
sense, was not fixed. There was fluidity, change, intrigue, and the rise and
M.
fall
Lissak
of royal
and individual fortunes."22 This substantial conceptual flexibility conflicted with the cruel rigid reality, especially after the British conquest. De facto, channels of mobility
were into Those for the all practical purposes of modern spheres nevertheless one of a direction officialdom."23 decade or more of independence the small The Also parties, the the and the rise the slight the of few signs a new civilian political chose non-existent. the economy. The They career, one were avenue Burmese were did also not and could in the not move restricted few political openings. ? toward
field by the obstacles

who
the British put in the way of a broadly-based

a political to left with of only
national movement.
career
At most
had only the domain After as before
they could attain cabinet posts

in which
lacking any real responsibilities.

turn, possible
"The ambitious
advance
elite, the principal channels of mobility

the little with coup, scope its for the gained came of peasantry, economic expansion. and when of their diversification. the various own.
seem to have changed but little.

traders, only in active industrial of new
After,
workers mobility
as well
had are
discernible
change a bureaucratic Even
in the bureaucracy,
expansion came about apparatus less information
the traditional
channel of mobility.
political to prior of
Most
opportunities
some measure field, the coup, established the bureaucratic nature
is available than is available of
on on
possible effective occupations
effects class in
of
of bases
the channels
social and
of mobility
and
and social aspiration,

various
the conception
structure. the status
of
the ideal pattern
stratification, symbols" of absence
relative
prestige sanctified and
institutionalized
ascriptive
"status Studying Burmese the society, and variables criteria of
is immediately apparent.
is reflected images and evaluation of One of in some personal
The
of
relative flexibility
the key and
and universalistic
flavours of the status

power-relations
prestige
these of the concepts key relationship, in that is someone has there who Awza. The every group being thing we would of Awza the characteristics include with associate components power: normally ? and a degree influence them wisdom and among prestige respectability, knowledge, a commanding of religiosity, ease and and in handling Awza skill presence, authority. a likeable a touch also sex of modesty, and considerable implies personality, usually important
used in descriptions concepts social position. is Awza. is a function "Awza
in itself may not be absolutely essential, but one must give the appeal. Wealth impression of not being worried about matters of daily living, of being able to live
one's visible means, beyond still living comfortably."24 Nash and contends and to move influence will, this refers that to this only or best of all, of having no visible means of support but
authority. destiny "It even social
two Pon in conjunction with other and Gon concepts the relationship between define power, together properly Pon to carry to bend out plans, "means to one's others power to one's of a man with stems The Awza Pon from advantage. concept all three
his personal
world."25 or of or piety, dimensions
(italics mine)
connotes the
powers,
a of trait
his marked
personal
and conspicuous
character disputes. content."26 of
abilities
to succeed
in
sterling
relations.
in impartiality Gon is the moral
special Pon and
religious learning are Awza power
The interesting thing in these definitions is their particularistic They are far from being as dominant as similar concepts would
of To power-relations a great extent is needed Burmese great in the the traditional qualities for them society to referred be of by India these or in feudal are concepts their authority
and ascriptive element. be in the terminology

societies, personal does not for and instance. although necessarily
authority
to
materialized,
derive
traditional The
from a traditional power

society. which importance
position,
Burmese
despite
attach
the importance
and Gon
of
implies
such position
a great respect
in
to Awza
p.
22 M. Asian "Southeast Nash, 21 L.W. Pye, op. cit., p. 63. 24 L.W. Pye, op. cit., p. 147. 25 M. Nash, "Party Building 147. 26 Ibid.
Society
.. ", op.
cit.,
p. 418.
in Upper
Burma",
Asian
Survey,
Vol.
Ill,
No.
4, April
1963,
The
for attach power
Class
the
Structure
of Burma:
Continuity
and
Change
71
so. to do are "There that the authority few and cultures exercise of power as a value the Burmese. of to power than Consideration greater importance even so in Burma to become social that life tends status and relationships " permeate
highly politicized.
These and and and The from they Many Gon qualities are very
27
are highly
intensified referred of Burmese
the loosely by as a means of
structured exchange and
character
of
the of
society, power
accumulation to the At result for in
prestige.28 but characteristics are they certainly is traditional is of the not be attributed may society the only social determinants. and the other is a direct of this accumulated merit of Awza images two other least of modernization. the attainment or non-human of
criteria
are present; one traditional criterion
concept in
religious
the
goals.
constant
"The goal
cycle
toward which
rebirth
all Buddishts
or other worlds,
are
struggling
human
is the escape state in the
form.
next human which
The goal of Nirvana,

existence, form. in is balanced
or more
immediately of rebirth in a higher
existence."29
or rebirth or non in a "lower" existence by a fear of hell store bliss is dependent eternal the of Karma toward upon Progress or demerit in this the merit actions turn is dependent earned upon by one's to this criterion The sectors in traditional attached especially importance the to monks, status is not whose social narrow and instrumental meaning popular of of religious religious life which, the and values, vows and according also scriptures, of ideals, based of these and on economic terms, but or Bur is so
the reverential attitude explains in and political pre-eminence on rather their "association morality. mese have In a the monks' living
with
observance example
visible,
precepts to their from in the
concepts ... the view,
full of merit
and as free from
sin as
the
is possible
in this world."30
stems
The high
social
status of the monks, at least in as a literate elite versed role, cultural values to the young.31 The and the modern criterion of for social means is establishment
eyes of in Burmese
believers, Pali
their significant transmission of
education.
Since
the
a modern mobility. social for
avenue promising and virtually only
administration, Since at one and economic
conquest education time
Burma has
by become was
the the
British most best urge the
college
degree many
advancement,
parents
their children to go to college regardless of whether they are qualified and whether their studies prepare them for the more technical jobs that have since become available. High school and university education became so highly regarded that "the university
to try year after year,"32 who their examination student failed continued till they acquired was to which to education The the title conferred not, however, they aspired. prestige as such but only as a means for entering the administration. status The of academicians was not very high esteem and has apparently decreased in post-independent The days.33
in which
of the
education was held was not coupled with
an equally high regard for the skills
specialist. VI
Burma's and flexible.
class Burma
order was
especially
its
social
a certain measure enjoyed The tion. commitment 27 L.W. 28 An
to escape lucky of social mobility of Burma's leaders
hierarchy the Indian and to
is thus basically of caste. blight extremes avoided of and their
structured loosely Its citizens have economic well meant, stratifica though
socialism
Pye, op. cit., p. 146. of the importance of these qualities and of their impact on everyday illuminating example life is given The Golden Road ..., op. cit., Ch. by M. Nash, 3, and Ch. 7, and M. Nash, ...", op. cit. "Party Building 29 David E. Pfanner and J. Ingersoll, "Theravada Buddhism and Village Economic Behavior: A Burmese and Thai Comparison", Journal Vol. Studies, 3, May 21, No. 1962, p. 343, of Asian and Mya Maung, "Cultural Values and Economic Asian Survey, Vol. IV, No. Change", 3, March 1964, p. 759. 30 D.E. Ibid. Pfanner, 3i D.E. op. cit., pp. 344, 349. Pfanner, 32 Josef and Julian Wohl, Silverstein Students in Burma", and Politics "University Pacific Vol. XXXVII, No. 1, Spring 1964, p. 54. Affairs, 33 Joseh Universities in Southeast State University Fischer, Press, Ohio, Asia, Ohio 1964, p. 29.
72
unsuccessful, attempt of to build a welfare state (Pyidautha), has at least on
M.
the
Lissak
normative
level also helped

channels economic as of mobility. component
to blur potential
of
and real differences
and
to
to legitimate universalistic
belittle and the deprecate to describe Burma are are a legacy founded
was an effort made Moreover, nevertheless status It would social distinct in the status course
a country any lacking totally rule or have colonial emerged
group. of modernization
be wrong Most such while
groups some
on
subjective also
status
images.
made
The
between
legacy of
"Westerness"
colonial
and
rule
is reflected
of to internal between from the be
in the highly
culture in of the
significant
distinction
adherents
traditional concentrated cohesion
which
includes some in between

and occupational and the military, attracted
groups.
economic certainly another the to
The
fact that in colonial

tended the
times the most
highly respected the bureaucracy Westernized group. The and groups the the the
functions reinforced
party bureaucracy traditional groups. were in many In between had fact,
Although closer respects if there was
social group, placed came who politicians the and intelligentsia conflict with class as
the Westernized these intermediate civil servants
higher
they did not necessarily mitigate

difference. clash
the conflict with

any the
the "Westerness"
or help
to bridge
precisely elite internally their and
apparently contradicting frustration tiveness for not The elite. from most and only
and "politicians attained considerable their way of to much rifts culture role other did not status were it was
administration".34 solidarity especially
it was overtones, The administrative a under result British of two rule
internal
developments: as natives whose sense was of alienation it unable was
achievements, to the top this realize less status its
was barred. The distinc power positions was not diminished group by independence, it was old but ousted aspirations gradually and personal act its be as integrated ambitions between sense Below nor do of than and the the administrative political leaders and
positions. elite political profound
key
cohesive by to to can
Incessant
caused able
intensive
and
ideological differences
of opinion.
contribute groups are diffuse a not
Though
as an intermediate group
broker top subjective discerned. and unity the national
in terms of
solidarity. the elite
to Western exposure this the "masses" By that classes include and of large a class politically no
social order
is fairly undifferentiated
structure. or People in more constitute some respects or as the a
and
class
there
is hardly
a stratification
they organize however, group view.
approaching
as separate not does from an before
conscious
non-political
who monks, in and institutional the urban
distinct, from also
though a political Both
This, settings. not homogeneous, point the trade of are of
Already and the
1962 they had gone a long way

with organization as a focus may be proletariat rather served class in Burma's employers,
towards
peasantry. political The heritage. prompted private curbed
independent
tool in the for lack rise
political
hands
organization
unions the political Some between unions, ones to
compared
farmers' elite of than them
of
consolidation. political which
reasons The the
this of
employees services trade
sought and and
complex. confrontation trade
exploited employers'
of militant were the
organizations
unions
in the West,
joint whose government activities
may
and were
also be partly
ventures by law.
responsible;
for
only
in Burma
the public
have strong
VII
Summary The and Preliminary Conclusions facts and evaluations presented characteristics of the Burmese class-structure. its modification various occupational here were Of during to three helped or outline seems four in this some to of be the the The
designed particular the last also
relevance
structure and occupational income distribution among
decades. characteriza
groups
tion. The differentiation together with the setting

the patterns of mobility In this context roles 34 For 48, 77. a detailed
and cooperation between the different elites was described, in which they function, the qualification for admission and
the image the clash standard were between of aspirations with discussed including these two elites, the the see L.W. channels rough Pye, available. after op. status cit., pp.
comparing status and analysis of
The
Class
Structure
status
of Burma:
and the
Continuity
and
Change
hierarchy in strata in so terms far as of distinct
73
social
components, occupational preferred symbols cohesiveness the internal the of social Finally prestige. are concerned was self-conscious entities examined. The 1. The material population be summed may presented was of Burma into split up as follows:35 two main parts:
small
elite
concentrated
in government on the one hand, and the military administration, party bureaucracy small on the other the peasants, and business and hired labourers In hand. traders, between the two is a very of middle-class skilled workers. small and group people
2. Although
span between
the average
the highest
income
and
level was
lowest
exceedingly
categories the main and as
low, at
was
least until
great.
1962, the
income
rather
3. The modern
elite was
small and
Before administrators, and freedom
though
the coup
the internal differentiation

adversary students. was an no
is slight the
is considerable. antagonism were the underground) enjoyed except bureaucracy. the small little the autonomy
politicians of action the military
groups (excluding The elite groups alternative outlet
there and
government bureaucracy, The weakness the of number of independent
legal economic
party underdeveloped trade and unions, opposition parties it difficult made for organizations
in relatively independent elite to develop and be institutionalized oppositional This had many repercussions on the already limited ability of power positions.
the 4. Despite political the and were and social centre universalistic insignificant restricted the created but de to to cope with generally not the few This recruits, and criteria, facto certain elite to and political problems. in the elite various acceptance such channels for mobility, upward sectors of the political and government for exert much influence from on the pressure unemployed groups chanelling or under were economic
groups, mobility
bureaucracy. of desirable
enabled
ruling
permanent aside,
employed
5. Leaving
high
the
school and university

minorities and There and the the
graduates.
crystallized of class-oriented to Western very This the flux.
ethnic received
rare, and
of town majority education and of
the main
criteria for belonging

amount was rural
to the few that existed were

exposure culture.
the type
dividing
line drawn by
countryside. the urban
these criteria did not

little population.
coincide
in be in
entirely with
this a respect of the as
that between
between extensive institutionalized between gap there would between
difference to
Burma's structure class appears Accordingly, It would the primary that seem, therefore, problem differentiation strata. This would of sub-elite the the the elites elites and "non and the rest of the be more population status groups and
state a more
is to
achieve
bridge particularly facilitate communication of serving population. as
congruent"36 the more
sophisticated,
capable differentiated
intermediaries
35 If minorities are included, this statement has to be modified. Without the effects ignoring of the interaction on the class structure, between ethnic minorities and the Burmese this majority to be related issue seems rather to the vulnerability of the political structure and the problem of national identity. 36 For to questions the relevance of the concept "status of social congruency" integration see for example: and mobility, John Galtung, "Rank and Social A Multidimensional Integration. in Joseph Zelditch, Theories Jr., and Bo Anderson (eds.), Sociological Berger, Morris Approach", in Progress, Mifflin E. Lenski, "Status Gerhard Co., Boston, 1966, Vol. 1, pp. 145-198. Houghton A Non-Vertical of Social Dimension American Vol. Status", Crystallization: Review, Sociological in Israel, Israel Universities Moshe Social Mobility 1954, pp. 405-413. Lissak, 4, August 19, No. 1969. Press,

The Class Structure of Burma Continuity and Change

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Department of History, National University of Singapore

society structure great

consists. to common elites within the of the

Developing rapid modernisation be different. has Many to

in difficulty and society.

conditions creating To this bring obstacles encountered

goal of both civilian and military

their style and mode

of action may relatively

the aspiration the

the various between

?whether categories that stimulate greater

they have interaction

patterns the stratification

status and image the population of

refer last for

mainly of decade although these

post-independence in Burma. rule changes in so the that

sub-periods, the British be mentioned.

place during ones need

Occupational Structure, 1931 (%)

Exploitation of Minerals Industry

Public Force Public administration

language this means

1931 about 62% of all persons

to a long process owing until the Second World

of the labour force

live in rural areas and engage

In some of parts proletariat. was of land owners still smaller

as as many population, and of materials supply

12% were classified under administration,

public security and the free professions.3

M. 62 Table 2 Rural Agricultural Population 1931 by Type of Farmer

are figure employment however, under-represented administration. They

according the public

forces security the professions

Table 3 Labour Force Participants by Race and Occupation,

Born in Chi nese Bur ma

Indige neous Races

And Allied Races

Public Forces Public Ad

1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 100-0

55-8 56-7 33-5 56-7 40-5 59-2 31-3

1-5 0-5 9-8 2-3 2-6 6-9 0-3 1-3

1-6 1-6 10 11 2-5 1-6 20 2-3

7-9 2-5 36-3 14-7 43-2 15-6 43-4 26-6

0-9 0-7 0-3 0-9 1-5 2-2 0-8 1-9

01 1-4 01 0-6 01 5-8 0-8

01 0-4 01 0-6 01 0-5 1-7 01 01 01

Professions Managerial Sales Farming

1-2 1-9 9-6 62-7 0-5 1-8 10-6

stagnation industrialized Another is the economic

respect, 1. 2. hired hired Table 1931

Burmese workers workers 5

workers self-employed workers land and

shows where it seems

equally made account sector

(36-8%) and hired workers

these figures with not

2), but dependents

percentage in the labourers in crafts.

and mining "own account" than

it is seen that 401%

and government among the