Migration from Jamaica in the 1970s: Political Protest or Economic Pull? Author(s): Dereck W.

Cooper Source: International Migration Review, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Winter, 1985), pp. 728-745 Published by: The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2546106 . Accessed: 02/11/2013 14:29
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Migration Political

from Protest

famaica or Economic

in

the

1970s: Pull?

Dereck

W. Cooper University of Texas A number in both newspapers and journals have of commentators rates of from that the high Jamaica in the late implied out-migration 70s were essentially a response to the democratic socialist policies of the in that country. a more detailed However, Manley administration in previous of the data on patterns of migration examination years reveals not only that the high rates were part of an on-going trend set in rates soon after World War II, but also that the various fluctuations year to year countries receiving from more to the immigration policies correspond than to the policies of the sending nation. of

Writing in The Sunday Times (London) in July 1977, Carl Wirt comments on the growing concern in Jamaica "about emigration of skilled workers and a as result of taxation and the professional people high country's economic difficulties". Further, he states, "particular concern [has resulted from an] amendment to the income tax laws [which] has brought many fringe benefits into the revenue net" (Wirt, 1977:6). The implication is clear: the overzealous, redistributive of the administration were driving the better policies Manley educated and better trained members of the work force out of the country. in Koslofsky echoes this conclusion stating that, "With Manley reelected December 1976 and economic crisis settling in, middle strata migration soared" (Koslofsky, 1981:30). Details of the exodus follow: "[In 1977] the numbers of managers and administrators to the United States moving 1981: 30). quadrupled" (Koslofsky, Michael Manley's quest to build a socialist society in Jamaica Moreover, did not simply engender adverse emigration. the "brain drain" Paralleling and the loss to the country's labor force of large numbers of skilled workers, there simultaneously occurred a "strike of capital" (Mandle, 1982) which resulted in the virtual drying up of foreign and domestic investment in the in Jamaica fell from $164.4 million in 1970 to country. Net direct investment -$24 million in 1978 (Mandle, 1982:100). Thus, while the business community, both national and international, a mixture of entrepreneurial signaled hesitation and ideological from certain strata in individuals disapproval, their own Jamaican society apparently displayed negative feelings towards the left-leaning the too, regime, by choosing option of "going foreign". People voted with their feet, and the vote registered "nay". 728 IMR Volume xix, No. 4

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Migration

from Jamaica

in the

70s

729

this wholesale rejection 1977 and 1978 in particular supposedly exemplify of Manley's democratic socialism. In those years the figures both for members and administrative of the labor force classified as professional, technical, and as well as those as craftsmen who listed operatives, emigrated managerial, from Jamaica to the United States, show huge increases over previous years. from 715 in 1976 to 2,418 The total for the former group jumped alarmingly in 1978, i.e., an enormous 338 percent increase. The sum for those emigrants classified as craftsmen and operatives grew from 1,242 in 1976 to 2,310 in 1978, an 86 percent rise in a period of two years (Economic and Social Survey Jamaica [ESSJ]; 1979:15.9). followed 1977 and 1978 were, of course, the years which immediately the in 1976. The months to election reelection December prior Manley's witnessed what many have characterized both foreign interests and local opposition. as a "destabilization (Ambursley, campaign" by 1983:83-84; Beckford

and Witter, 1982:152; EPICA, 1979:74-76; Manley, 1982:131-144; Payne, a move the Such had aimed at about electoral defeat of 1984:38). bringing to his declared policies of democratic Michael Manley by those opposed Given the abysmal failure of the campaign to oust his admini? socialism. stration1, the reaction, ie., the decision to pack up and leave the country, of the middle classes initially appears quite under? many from especially standable. Nationalistic utterances of condemnation from supporters of the victorious such remarks which would label such people as emigrants, party greeted in his celebrated "We himself deserters of their national homeland. Manley as people who had these Jamaicans Are Not for Sale" speech described "decided to quit" (Manley, 1977:7). A few weeks later, Charles Sinclair, of the Senate, declared that, "persons who had migrated on the President their had surrendered that Jamaica was going communist presumption

rights of true citizenship". They had, "abandoned the 'ship of state'" (Sinclair, snarled that, 1977:1). Similarly, P.J. Patterson, foreign affairs minister, for we can obviously do without, "This category of persons [emigrants] with friends like these Jamaica needs no enemies" (Patterson, 1977:1). However, although this article will not dispute the existence of a sizeable "brain drain" from Jamaica during those years, nor the evident loss also of a of the data leads to a great number of skilled workers, a closer examination of these migratory events beyond somewhat more complex interpretation in bland, polemical statements of the left or right. In this those implied the migratory article, I shall argue that various factors help to explain notion that the in from the the 1970s simplistic Jamaica beyond patterns Island witnessed some widespread, but essentially political statement. Rather, figures for migration from Jamaica since the 1950s point to several important conclusions2. The actual totals of migrants for 1977 and 1978 do not in the 1The People's National Party (PNP), Manley's party, won 47 out of the 60 seats in parliament. 2 The leading criticisms appear in editorials of The Daily Gleaner(Kingston).

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730

International

Migration

Review

in the least reveal a sudden unprecedented or uncharacteristic upsurge numbers of people wishing to leave the Island. Changes have occurred, in the composition of the migrant popu? and in the destinations however, lation. Any increases in emigration rates among certain categories of workers during Manley's second term form part of the continuous pattern of high and fluctuating migration rates which have occurred almost every year since the early 1950s. Finally, and perhaps most important of all, the fluctuations over the years appear to follow changes in the immigration of policies countries as much if in the of not more than state the receiving changes Jamaican economy. MIGRA Table TION FROM JAMAICA

1 presents a backdrop to the story of migration from Jamaica since the are estimates of net migration from 1950 to 1983. As early 1950s. Recorded, can be seen, four periods than average somewhat experienced higher The first period occurred between 1955 and 1957 when many migration. were attracted to Great Britain - and indeed recruited by the British authorities for specific jobs until economic recession hit that country at the end of the 1950s. The run-up to the passage of the Commonwealth Act in Immigrants July 1962 marked the second period when large numbers moved to Great from many of the Commonwealth Britain countries before restrictive came into force. Thereafter, of those already legislation only dependents resident in the United Kingdom and suitably qualified persons were able to make the move to the "mother country". The late 1960s, the third period, witnessed a loosening in the United States and of immigration restrictions the door was opened primarily Canada - although to professionals and skilled workers. Finally, the period from 1976 to 1980, i.e., Manley's second term of office, saw the fourth rise in the rate of emigration from Jamaica.3 All these figures refer, of course, to legal rather than to illegal migrants, and, though difficult to calculate, this latter group should not be ignored. when Illegal migration from Jamaica comes to light, as it were secondhand, census counts and projected estimates differ population considerably, revealing thousands of "missing persons", as happened for Jamaica with the 1970 and 1982 censuses. Total migration for 1960 to 1970 was estimated at 1970 after the census was This represented an increase 302,400 published. over previous estimates of 112,000 persons (Economic Survey famaica [ESf\: in 1982 (based on births, estimated total population 1970:47). Similarly, deaths and migration) was 142,700 more than the figure reached by the 1982 3 As discussed in some detail by Smith (1975), the precise calculation of Jamaican migration figures presents enormous difficulties: to begin with, the records which have been kept on the question of Jamaican migrants are rather sketchy; next, the receiving and the sending countries often differ, on occasion by a wide margin, in their final tallies; finally, a tremendous amount of illegal migration is reckoned to have taken place.

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Migration

from Jamaica

in the

70s

731

Net Migration Year 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 Note: a Estimates. Total 1,700 4,450 3,880 4,300 8,400 18,900 17,400 15,200 8,200 13,100 30,300 38,500 28,700 7,300 13,500 6,500 8,900

TABLE 1 from Jamaica 1950-1983 a Year 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 Total 20,000 20,000 29,000 23,000 31,500 11,200 10,200 12,900 12,100 22,200 21,100 17,800 21,400 24,300 5,900 9,800 4,300

Sources: Demographic Statistics Jamaica:1983; Jefferson, 1972:22, Table 2.5 is reckoned to be Census Report. Again, a lot of the discrepancy Preliminary due to illegal migration (ESSJ, 1982:16.1). However, since no common border for an illicit crossing exists between Jamaica and the principal receiving one can assume that, apart from defaulters on farm worker countries, a disproportionately of illegal migrants come programs, high percentage from the middle classes, who would have better access to student, tourist and business visas enabling them to travel in the first place to another country. The principal receiving countries of Jamaican migrants since World War II have been in the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada. Table 2 sets out the figures for out-migration from Jamaica to these three nations since the 1950s. From the breakdown, a number of interesting facts emerge. To begin with, any major changes which did occur in the 1976 to 1978 period relate primarily to the composition rather than the volume of migrants. Any notion that the total number of people leaving the Island in those years from rocketed is quite erroneous. suddenly Average yearly out-migration 1964 1984 on all three for which data between and (the years Jamaica receiving from countries are available) stands at 20,736. Average yearly out-migration

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732

International

Migration

Review

Jamaican Migrants Year 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984

TABLE 2 by Receiving Country USA 252 798 940 1,168 1,207 1,300 1,732 1,472 2,757 5,619 l,650b 1,200 1,317 5,003 10,483 17,470 16,947 15,033 14,571 13,427 9,963 12,408 11,076 9,026 11,501 19,265 19,714 18,970 23,569 18,711 19,582 19,822

1953-1984 Canada NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA 1,762 1,214 1,407 3,459 2,886 3,889 4,659 3,903 3,092 9,363 11,286 8,211 7,282 6,291 3,858 3,213 3,161 2,553 2,593 2,423 2,479 Totala 2,462 8,947 18,197 18,470 14,294 11,292 14,528 33,532 41,960 28,398 9,149 12,522 11,691 13,269 22,049 24,996 23,535 22,064 20,233 18,139 21,198 25,091 20,681 17,506 18,821 23,889 23,664 22,780 26,543 21,745 22,394 22,650

UK 2,210 8,149 17,257 17,302 13,087 9,992 12,796 32,060 39,203 22,779 7,497 9,560 9,160 6,859 8,107 4,640 2,699 2,372 1,759 1,620 1,872 1,397 1,394 1,198 1,029 766 737 649 421 441 389 349

Notes: a 1953-1963does not include Canada. b Estimate of Smith (1975). Abstract andSocialSurvey Sources:Economic 1972,1982; 1975,1979, 1984;Statistical Jamaica: Jamaica: Indian and Caribbean Yearbook: West 1965, 1967, 1976, 1977; Smith, 1975.

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Migration

from Jamaica

in the

70s

733

(i.e., Jamaica to Great Britain alone in the ten years preceding independence from 1953 to 1962) is 17,484.1974 records the highest yearly figure during the 1970s, i.e., 25,091. That was the year in which Manley did make his declaration a policy of that the People's National Party (PNP) sought to implement came toward the end of the but the announcement democratic socialism, could not have affected the year's migration totals. The year and obviously lowest yearly figure happens to be 17,506 for 1976, the very year with which the succeeding high years are sometimes compared (See, Koslofsky, 1981:30). No surge, therefore, in total migration suddenly took place in the years 1976 for the country in the to 1978; indeed, given the smaller total population 1950s and 1960s, the actual rates in the 1970s indicate a slight tapering off of Table 3 shows that the estimated rate of out-migration de? total migration. 1.26 in 10 1969 1979 a of the between and from creased over high year period 1969 to 1.12 in 1978. A larger percentage of the country's population emigrated in 1969 (1.26%) and 1970 (1.17%) than in either 1978 (1.12%) or 1979 (1.09%). these changes in the volume of Jamaican migrants The key to understanding to the main receiving countries lies, it would appear, in the immigration countries, legislation of these three nations. As is the case in many developing is high and opportunity is limited, the idea of migrating where unemployment to a developed appeal. Yet, whether or not such a country holds considerable move is indeed a viable possibility depends to a considerable extent upon the

Estimated Year

Out-Migration Population

TABLE 3 Rates 1969-1980 Total OutMigration 23,535 22,064 20,233 18,139 21,198 25,091 20,681 17,506 18,821 23,889 23,664 22,780 %

1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980

1,863,700 1,890,700 1,911,400 1,953,472 1,972,100 2,025,000 2,060,300 2,084,500 2,109,400 2,140,500 2,164,500 2,186,100

1.26 1.17 1.06 0.93 1.07 1.24 1.00 0.84 0.89 1.12 1.09 1.04

Statistics various years; Demographic various Sources: Economicand SocialSurveyJamaica: Jamaica: years.

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734

International

Migration

Review

laws of receiving countries. immigration Only then can desire and option legally converge. A further look at Table 2, accompanied of immigration by an examination laws in the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada, reveals the following patterns since the 1950s. First of all, the actual number of migrants from Jamaica to Great Britain has decreased since the early considerably in that country of prohibitive in 1962. 1960s with the introduction legislation Before then, migration to the UK was "open" since the country formed part of the British Empire. In 1963 net migration from Jamaica to the United Kingdom stood at 7,300, the lowest level recorded since 1953; 1963 was the first complete year "in which the effects of the United Kingdom Common? wealth Immigrants Act were felt" (?S/:1963:21). A further tightening of controls took place in 1965, and by the end of the 1970s, "the only categories of workers gaining entrance to the United Kingdom (were) doctors, dentists and ministers of religion, of overseas firms together with representatives and newspaper representatives" (ESSJ 1980:13.5). The bulk of the immigrant population from Jamaica to the United Kingdom since the 1960s has consisted of dependents. Second, the "slack" has been taken up by the United States and Canada. Both countries began to loosen their immigration policies towards Jamaica in the mid 1960s. For Canada this began in 1962 when "certain changes were made in the Canadian Immigration Laws which permitted] skilled persons " to enter the country to a greater extent than before (ESf, 1963:22). Two years later the Canadian moved to "rearrange and liberalize its government immigration policy with the new emphasis on attracting skilled immigrants" the changes included the provision of (ESf, 1966:42). More specifically, assisted passage to immigrants from non-European countries and the setting office in Jamaica itself in 1967. The United States also up of a migration instituted changes in 1965 when "as part of a programme of U. S. immigration and Tobago were granted non-quota status" reform, Jamaica and Trinidad These new U.S (ESf, 1965:42). policies resulted in "a very sharp rise in the visas issued to Jamaicans" (ESf, 1966:41). number of permanent immigration to the United States Third, migration dipped slightly in the early to mid increases those of to Canada 1970s, yet during years Jamaicans migrating for U.S. The loss of outlet to the adequately compensated opposite took any in 1970s the late and with the number of to place people migrating beyond the United States picking up once again and the numbers this time to Canada decreasing. Figure I indicates the inverse patterns of migration to these two countries to Great along with the considerable drop in people moving Britain since the 1950s. These changes in migratory flows to Canada and the United States in the 1970s need to be viewed in the light of immigration in the two legislation countries during that decade. By 1973/1974 the United States and Canada

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Migration

from Jamaica Figure I

in the

70s

735

Jamaican Migrants by Receiving Country 1953-1984

(000' s) 40| 39 38 37 36 35 34 33 321 311 301 29| 281 271 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 34567890123456789012345678901234 -1950s-1960s-

UK_ USCanada

Year

-1970s-

-|?1980s-

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736

International

Migration

Review

This changed had become roughly equal recipients of Jamaican immigrants. restrictive in 1974 after the Canadian authorities certain measures passed and tended to favor which both reduced the total number of immigrants as opposed to "independent applicants". The measures had "an dependents in all categories of immigrants". a noticeable decline effect, [...] increasingly The cause of the decrease was quite clear: "The trend for Canada [i.e., the continues to reflect the effects of new reduced flow of Jamaican immigrants] (ESSJ, 1976:237/8). regulations" to the increases in the numbers of Jamaicans emigrating Concomitant to the 1965 Act which came into United States resulted from modifications effect at the end of 1976: "The 1977 increase may have been due to the change in U.S. migration announced toward the end of 1976 in which regulations the old system was replaced with a system of 'first come, first served' within of future trends the preference (ESSJ, 1977:272). A warning categories" appeared with the following statement: "If the latter [the number of migrants from Jamaica to the United States in 1977] is an indication of future out-flows from Jamaica, [... ] an even greater exodus to the U. S. in 1978 can be anticipated" based solely on figures of Jamaican (ESSJ, 1977:272). Thus, any argument, from Jamaica migrants to the United States, which suggests that migration a dramatic, overall increase proves false. Much of the suddenly underwent increase to the United States in the late 1970s and beyond merely compensates for the fall in migration which rates to Canada and the United Kingdom in those two countries. followed the various pieces of restrictive legislation MIGRATION AND OCCUPATIONAL STATUS

the total number of migrants from Jamaica has not varied spec? Although tacularly over the years and has, in fact, merely fluctuated somewhat from one year to the next in response primarily to legislation in receiving countries, the occupational composition of this population calls for detailed examination to ascertain if any important shifts have occurred at this level. Table 4 breaks from Jamaica to the United States and Canada down the migrant population since 1967 into certain labor force categories in the following manner. First, are subtracted from the total number of migrants classified as dependents 1967 to 1984. This leaves the work force to each from migrants country ? column (2) ? of some the component migrant population although who as well end soon as are classified up fairly part migrants dependents may of the work force in the receiving country. Columns (3) and (6) present the and managerial totals for professional, administrative workers technical, who migrated from Jamaica to the United States or Canada respectively, (i.e., the "brain drain" those who may ostensibly be considered to comprise Columns (4) and (7) give these numbers as a percentage of the component). to total work force component of the migrating each population country.

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Migration

from Jamaica

in the

70s

737

Migration and Administrative

TABLE 4 of Professional, Technical, Managerial Workers from Jamaica to the U.S. and Canada 1967-198^ Canada Total Migrant Work Force (5) 2,397 1,784 2,459 2,997 2,344 1,619 6,136 6,096 2,648 2,139 2,096 1,306 1,053 1,067 895 997 1,068 1,145 Prof., Tec, etc. (6) 444 309 391 386 250 199 490 652 364 391 490 287 174 170 115 111 64 51

United States Year Total Migrant Work Force (2) 7,649 13,524 11,808 8,035 7,254 6,311 4,205 4,920 4,470 3,806 5,175 9,112 9,506 NA NA 8,157 9,725 10,618 Prof., Tec, etc. (3) 1,467 1,927 1,880 1,278 1,261 1,004 720 741 684 715 1,725 2,418 2,472 NA NA 1,775 1,725 1,852

% (4) 19.2 14.2 15.9 15.9 17.4 15.9 17.1 15.1 15.3 18.8 33.0 26.5 26.0 NA NA 21.8 18.0 17.4

% (7) 18.5 17.3 15.9 12.9 10.7 12.3 8.0 10.7 13.7 18.3 23.4 22.0 16.5 15.9 12.8 11.1 6.0 4.5

(1) 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984

Note: a Great Britain is excluded from this table since any non-dependent migration to that country after the implementation of the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962was negligible. andSocialSurvey Sources:Economic 1975, 1979, 1982; Jamaica:1970, 1972;Economic Jamaica: Survey Abstract Statistical Jamaica:1972, 1982. Clearly, the percentage of workers in these "brain drain" categories increased between 1976 and 1977, from 18.8 percent to 33 percent in the considerably United States and from 18.3 percent to 23.4 percent in Canada. Taken alone these figures appear to confirm the "brain drain" thesis as a for Jamaica im? which occurred with particular severity phenomenon A reelection. look at the available broader following mediately Manley's As of this data, however, leads to significant modifications early conclusion.

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738 Table

International

Migration

Review

5 shows, the totals of these types of workers lost to the United States and Canada in 1977, 1978 and 1979 differ little from the numbers lost in 1968 and 1969 - 2,215, 2,705 and 2,646, compared to 2,236 and 2,271 - the latter when the base population was somewhat smaller. A "brain drain" of such Second, the actual rate of this type of severity did not mark a new occurrence. administrators and executives) to technicians, migrant (i.e., professionals, the number of such workers in the Jamaican work force as a whole has actually decreased over the years as can be seen from Table 6. The rate fell from a high of 7.25 in 1968 to a low of 1.62 in 1976, rising again, but only to 3.92, in 1978. Thus, Jamaica lost 7.25 percent of its professional, technical, administrative and managerial workers through emigration in 1968 compared to only 3.92 percent from the same group in 1978. The "brain drain" was surely more telling in the 1960s than in the 1970s while the Jamaica Labor an "open door", "Industrialization Party was still pursuing by Invitation" economic policy.

TABLE 5 Migration Administrative of Professional, Technical, Managerial and Workers from Jamaica to the U.S. and Canada 1967-1979 (combined) Total Migrant Work Force 10,046 15,308 14,267 11,032 9,598 7,930 10,341 11,016 7,118 5,945 7,271 10,418 10,559 Professional Technical etc. 1,911 2,236 2,271 1,664 1,511 1,203 1,210 1,393 1,048 1,106 2,215 2,705 2,646

Year 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 Sources: Same as Table 4.

% 19.0 14.6 15.9 15.1 15.7 15.2 11.7 12.6 14.7 18.6 30.5 26.0 25.1

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Migration

from Jamaica TABLE 6

in the

70s

739

Rate of Emigration of Professional, Technical, Executive and Administrative Workers (PTEA) from Jamaica i967-i979A PTEA Workers 30,891 30,850 34,900 38,041 41,464 45,501 43,200 51,400 63,500 70,200 69,500 70,250 70,400 PTEA " Emigrants 1,911 2,236 2,271 1,664 1,511 1,212 1,247 1,413 1,069 1,134 2,243 2,751 2,684 Rate of Emigration 6.19 7.25 6.51 4.37 3.64 2.66 2.89 2.75 1.68 1.62 3.23 3.92 3.81

Year 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979

Notes: a This table extends an idea from Palmer (1974) to include the late 1970s. " Figures differ slightly from Table 5 since farmers and farm managers have been added to be consistent with Palmer's calculations. Sources: Palmer, 1974:577;The Labour Force: various years. Finally, something needs to be said about the percentage of emigrants who or managerial workers are classified as professional, technical, administrative make up of the so with the that workers classified percentage compared for the whole. The fact labor force as a Jamaican economy alarming country's is that even the low figures in Table 5 for these workers as emigrants in 1973 and 1974, i.e., 11.7 percent and 12.6 percent are still much higher than the which this group forms of the total work force of the country. percentage This latter figure hovers around 7 percent (The Labour Force: various years). The "brain drain", therefore, forms a chronic feature of the Jamaican economy, a permanent sapping process of much needed labor, not simply an occasional event capable of being explained primarily by the political position of a particular politician. It is somewhat more difficult to discuss trends in the emigration patterns of skilled workers from Jamaica to the United States and Canada because of countries classify such people. the ways in which these latter two receiving

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740

International

Migration

Review

Data exist for both the United States and Canada on the numbers of craftsmen, workers arriving from Jamaica ? for 1967 to 1972 for skilled and semi-skilled the United States and for 1967 to 1971 for Canada. Category changes occurred such that from 1973 to 1979 the at the beginning of the 1970s, however, United workers as "Craftsmen, States classifies these types of immigrants and Kindred Workers". Foremen, and Kindred Workers" and "Operatives and Mechanical Trades" Canadian data use the classifications "Manufacturing for the period 1972 to 1981. Laborers do remain a and "Construction" separate category in the official recordings of both countries; thus, a separation seems to be maintained between skilled and unskilled workers. makes it difficult to know the An absence of more detailed information extent to which the later classifications of what may be termed "blue collar" workers parallel the earlier ones, or whether the categories used in Canadian Table 7 States tabulations. data accurately reflect those used in United is be said that the lack of presents the figures for the two countries. What may in 1972 1973 and for the numbers and percentages between dramatic shifts United States and between 1971 and 1972 for Canada appears to indicate that similar groupings, at least, are being measured. These classification changes, create several restrictions to the inferences which can be drawn from though, is given of trends in what appear this material. Although some impression most be for the figures for the migration of skilled and semi-skilled part to workers to the United States and Canada, numbers for the two countries be added (as was done with professional, cannot justifiably technical, ? See, Table 5) administrative and managerial except for the years migrants 1967 to 1971 since such additions would possibly compound any error; and remain somewhat tentative. all conclusions Given these reservations, the data in Table 7 do point to a number of trends. Although the number of skilled and semi-skilled workers interesting to the United States jumped from 1,242 to 2,453 between 1976 and emigrating ? the actual 1979 ? a virtual doubling that these workers percentage ? from 32.6 percent to 25.8 percent. represent of the migrant work force fell has been fairly consistent since 1970. Indeed, the decline in this percentage Further, it appears that a far greater volume of skilled and semi-skilled workers were migrating to the United States in the late 1960s and early 1970s in 1976. The actual totals for 1968, 1969 and than after Manley's reelection 1970 are 3,134, 3,490 and 3,601 respectively, much higher than the 2,310 and who in left 1977 and 1978. 2,453 The Canadian figures show a similar fall in the percentage of the migrant a labor force classified as skilled or semi-skilled well as as gradual fall in the absolute numbers of this category from 1973 to 1981. The highest yearly volumes of skilled workers migrating from Jamaica to Canada (in 1973 and to Canada, i.e., the early 1970s 1974) reflect the periods of high migration before the restrictive legislation in enacted that country at the end of 1974.

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Migration

from Jamaica TABLE 7

in the

70s

741

Migration of Skilled and Semi-Skilled Workers from Jamaica to the United States and Canada 1967-1981a United States Total Skilledb & Migrant Work Force Semi-Skill. (2) (3) 7,649 13,524 11,808 8,035 7,254 6,311 4,205 4,920 4,470 3,806 5,175 9,112 9,506 NA NA 1,646 3,134 3,490 3,601 2,919 2,553 1,495 1,833 1,703 1,242 1,211 2,310 2,453 NA NA Canada Total Skilledc & Migrant Work Force Semi-Skill. (5) (6) 2,397 1,784 2,459 2,997 2,344 1,619 6,136 6,096 2,648 2,139 2,096 1,306 1,053 1,067 895 548 534 783 1,048 853 511 2,320 2,274 912 639 501 271 273 252 158

Year (1) 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981

% (4) 21.5 23.5 29.6 44.8 40.2 40.0 35.6 37.3 38.1 32.6 23.4 25.4 25.8 NA NA

% (7) 22.9 30.2 31.8 35.0 36.4 31.2 37.8 37.3 34.4 29.9 23.9 20.8 25.9 23.6 17.7

Notes: a It is very possible that figures for the last years for both countries (i.e.,post 1972 for the United States and post 1971for Canada)reflect slightly smaller groups than would have appeared were the earlier classifications still in use if only because the later classifications break down the work force into more divisions. b Definition 1967-1972= "Craftsmen"and "Other Skilled"; definition 1973-1979= "Craftsmen, Foremen and Kindred Workers"and "Operators and Kindred Workers". c Definition 1967-1971= "Craftsmen" and "OtherSkilled";definition 1972-1981= "Construction" and "Manufactureand Mechanical Trades". and SocialSurvey Sources: Economic Jamaica:1970, 1972;Economic 1975, 1979, 1982; Jamaica: Survey Statistical Abstract Jamaica:1982. All in all, any assertion that Manley's political bent drove out large numbers of skilled workers that the country could ill afford to lose is not borne out by these figures. Such workers have been leaving in large numbers since the 1960s, and recent years merely continue the pattern, if anything, though, in somewhat pational reduced groups. numbers from earlier years for these particular occu?

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in receiving It was argued above that immigration countries legislation the total volume of migrants from was a decisive factor in determining since the 1950s. it can now be that such Similarly, argued legislation Jamaica of the migrant population, affected the composition too; not just the balance and independent between dependents workers, but also between, on the one in the whether skilled technical, etc. group, or workers, hand, professional, other hand, unskilled on the etc. the craftsmen, operative, group, and, to the United Kingdom in the workers. Since the virtual open immigration countries have not in general wanted late 1950s and early 1960s, receiving from of the migrant population and the unskilled workers, composition of this policy. successful implementation Jamaica indicates the reasonably Even though the yearly totals of migrants in particular skilled categories do of all the fluctuate, the percentage of the total migrant work force population various classes of these skilled workers always exceeds the percentage which each skilled group represents of the national labor force. of people already the dependents For obvious humanitarian reasons, in most cases; to receive enter in the countries permission receiving residing indeed, this group often makes up over 50 percent of the migrant population. referred to above stresses the preference for However, most of the legislation workers when non-dependent skilled and professional migrants become the and the Jamaican authorities issue. This again is not a new phenomenon, have been sensitive to the problems for many years. As early as 1970 they the loss of skilled personnel as a result of migration patterns were bemoaning "This selective established: well helps to quality of migration already side side with the which exists the of trained personnel by shortage aggravate surplus of unskilled labor" (ESf, 1970:49). through Jamaica: personnel countries. Yet the key to understanding why Jamaica has many developing number of lost such a disproportionately technical, large professional, and managerial workers on the one hand, and skilled "blueadministrative of collar" workers on the other, seems to lie far more in the legislation in of the domestic ad? the orientation than policy foreign governments ministration. CONCLUSIONS of a developing The economic conditions country play a large part in the in search of a better life. Jamaica decisions of people to migrate, presumably is no exception to the frequently found Third World country pattern of high in the as job opportunities diminish internal rural-to-urban migration in the rates of and cities, (Smith, 1975), high population growth countryside in in the absence of this case, However, Kingston. employment especially, in the urban setting exacerbates the problem, and Jamaica has opportunities loss of skilled The problem international is not unique to afflicts migration

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for decades. International been plagued by high unemployment migration, for many then, is neither a surprising nor novel answer to these difficulties an outlet which has been used to a considerable It represents Jamaicans. degree since World War II. The increases in migration rates of professional, technical, administrative etc. in 1977/78 did not and managerial workers, and skilled craftsmen, a political reaction to Michael Manley's herald a new event, nor particularly democratic socialist utterances. High rates of migration for these categories of workers have existed for several years, and if anything may well have in the 1960s. to the country's economic well-being proved more deleterious result from the type of do not primarily The patterns of such migration political regime which happens to be in power in the country. Rather, as in the three receiving countries plays a shown, the immigration legislation role. much more significant of Jamaica to Stone (1982:64), 60 percent of the population According and the would go to the U.S. to live if given the chance. The volume of the actual migrant population, however, are decided in the composition in other parts of the world. And although Jamaica's main by legislation problem has been eased over the years by as much as 50 percent population of the country's natural increase being "removed" by migration4, any possible of a beneficial nature because of this loss must be effects on unemployment seen in the light of the type of person who has left the country. To be sure, fewer people remain to be employed; but many of those who actually left to were of the type whose skills and know-how might well have contributed ? em? the national economy and in ways which might well have created ployment for others. socialist policies must be seen then as merely one Manley's democratic moment in the context of a much longer and well-established process of he took well before The process began from the country. out-migration will and 1980s after he left office in 1972, has continued into the office5, likely continue into the future ? whether the more conservative Jamaica Labour Party led by Edward Seaga stays in power or whether Michael Manley is to make the countries continue returned to office ? as long as receiving for departure available. Loss of skilled labor remains a chronic opportunity feature; pull is a permanent aspect of Jamaican society. The economic legislative pull, though, is the key.

4See, Economicand SocialSurveyJamaica, various years, for figures on natural increase and net migration. 5Some available figures show the continuation of the "braindrain" into the 1980s.Emigrants in the relevant categories numbered 1,175 in 1982, 1,749 in 1983, and 1,852 in 1984[ESSJ, 1984:15.6).

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REFERENCES Ambursley, F. 1983 "JamaicaFrom Michael Manley to Edward Seaga". In Crisisin the Caribbean. Edited by F. Ambursley and R. Cohen. Kingston, London: Heinemann. Beckford, G. and M. Witter 1982 Small GardenBitter Weed:Struggleand Changein Jamaica.London: Zed Press. West Indian and Caribbean Yearbook. Toronto: Canada. Various years. EPICA 1979 Jamaica: Caribbean Challenge. Washington: Epica Task Force. Jamaica Statistics Jamaica,Statistics Office, Kingston, Jamaica. Various years. Demographic EconomicSurveyJamaica,National Planning Agency, Jamaica. Various years. Economic andSocialSurvey National Planning Agency, Kingston, Jamaica. Various Jamaica, years. The LaborForceJamaica,Statistics Office, Kingston, Jamaica. Various years. Abstract Statistical Statistics Office, Kingston, Jamaica. Various years. Jamaica, Statistical Yearbook Jamaica,Statistics Office, Kingston, Jamaica. Various years. Jefferson, O. 1972 The Post-War EconomicDevelopmentof Jamaica. Kingston, Jamaica: ISER. Koslofsky, J. 1981 "Going Foreign ? Causes of Jamaican Migration", NACLA,15(1):2-31.Jan./Feb. Mandle, J.R. 1982 Patterns of Caribbean Development.New York: Gordon and Breach. M. Manley, 1982 Jamaica: Strugglein the Periphery.London: Third World Media. 1977 "Manley Addresses Nation on Economic Matters", The Daily Gleaner, Jan. 6. Pp. 7, 13. R.W. Palmer, 1974 "A Decade of West Indian Migration to the United States, 1961-1972", Socialand Economic Studies,23(4). Dec. Patterson, P.J. 1977 "Patterson Denounces Persons Leaving Jamaica", The Daily Gleaner,March 21. Pp. 1, 16. Payne, A. 1984 "Jamaica: The 'Democratic Socialist' Experiment of Michael Manley". In Dependency UnderChallenge.Edited by A. Payne and P. Sutton. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Sinclair, C. 1977 "Senate Leader Scores Those Migrating Due to 'Communist Scare' ", The Daily Gleaner, Feb. 24. Pp. 1, 15.

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Smith, S. 1975 "Industrial Growth, Employment Opportunities and Migration Within and From Jamaica, 1943 to 1970", University of Pennsylvania. Ph.D. dissertation. Stone, C. 1982 The PoliticalOpinionsof theJamaican People. Kingston, Jamaica: Blackett Publishers. Wirt, C. 1977 "JamaicanExodus", The Sunday Times,(London). July 24.

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