W.J. Rorabaugh The Alcoholic Republic An American Tradition 199

THE
ALCOHOLIC
REPUBLIC
AN AMERICAN TRADITION
w. J. RORAAUGH
W W
New York Oxford
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
1979
THE GROG-SHOP
o come le t us all to the grog-sho:
The tempest is gatheri ngfast-
The re sure l is nought like the gog-shop
To shield from the turbulet blat.
For there will be wrangli ng Will
Diputi ng about a lame ox;
And there will be bullyi ng Billy
Challengi ng negroes to box:
Tob Filpot with carbuncle nose
Mii ng politics up with his liquor;
Tim Tuneul that sings even prose,
And hiccups and coughs in his beaker.
Dick Drows with emeral ees,
Kit Crusty with hair like a comet,
Sam Smootl that whilom gew wise
But retured like a dog to his vomit
And there will be tipli ng and talk
And fudli ng and fun to the lie,
And swagering, swearng, and smoke,
And shufi ng and scufing and strie.
And there will be sappi ng o horses,
And betti ng, and beati ng, and blows,
And laughter, and lewdness, and loses,
And winning, an woundi ng and woes.
o then let us oto the grog-shop;
Come, father, come, jonathan, come;
Far drearier far than a Sunda
Is a storm in the dulness o home .
GREEN'S
ANTI-INTEMPERANCE
ALMANACK (1831)
PREFACE
Tm PROJECT began when l discovered a sizeablecollec-
tion of early nineteenth-century temperance pamphlets .
As lreadmosetracts , lwonderedwhathadprompted so
many authors to expend so much effort and expense to
attack alcohol. l began to suspect that the temperance
movement had been launched in the i 8zos as a response
to a period of exceptionally hearty drinking. The truth
was startling. Americans between i ;o and i 8o drank
more alcoholic beverages per capita than ever before or
since. !ittlehasbeenwrittenaboutthisveritablenational
binge, and some reectionconcening the development
ofAmerican historiography explains theneglect.
lnthenrstplace,throughoutmostofAmericanhistory
alcohol has been a taboo subject. While nineteenth-cen-
tury librarians nled references to it under a pejorative,
the 'liquorproblem, ' properpeopledidnotevenmention
strong beverages . either did historians, who long ne-
glected the fact that the United States had been one of
theworld'sgreatdrinkingcountries. Arecentbiographer
ofPatrick Henry, Ceorge Willison, tells us that one of
Henry's early biographers transformed that patriot's
taven-keeping for his father-in-aw into occasional visits
to that drinking house. And a few years later Henry's
grandson wrote a biography that did not even mention
the taven. Sometimes, late nineteenth-century authors
7
Preace
became politely vague. When Richard H. Collins in his
Histor of Kentucky (!ouisville, i 8;;), ;6;, described
Thomas F. Marshall , adrunkardnephewofChief|ustice
|ohn Marshall , he wrote, 'ln spite of his great
weakness~a weakness which often made him disagree-
able and unwelcome to his best friends, the weakness
most common among men of brilliant promisehe was
intrutharemarkableman. . . . "Thuswastheinnuendo
closed with a dash, as the authorretreated behind a fa-
cadeofrespectability.
ln the second place, American historians traditionally
have focused upon political events, especially upon such
obvious turning points as the Revolution and the Civil
War, withthe consequence thatlifeduringtheyears be-
tween those wars has often been ignored. Even scholars
who have written on the early nineteenth century have
emphasized politics , including Arthur M. Schlesinger,
|r. , in his path-breaking The Age o Jackson. That work,
published in i , led a generation ofhistorians to see
|acksonian America primarily as the era thatgave birth
to moden liberal values . This viewgavethe period afa-
vorable reputation until it was discovered that Andrew
|ackson, that primordial liberal , had been a holder of
slavesanda slayeroflndians .
During the i6os, while scholars were recoiling from
|acksonandlosing interest in his times , Americans were
living through unprecedented turmoil. We discovered
that social change had the potential to be as tumultuous
and alarming as political change. Historians began toex-
amine more closely thesociaI changes that had occurred
in the United States in past times, and they began to
question theutility ofsuch turningpoints asthe Revolu-
tionortheCivil War. A number ofstudies ofewEng-
land towns during the colonial period pointed to the
importance of evolutionary change as the basis for
lon
[
-termrearrangementsofthe socialorder. The impact
7
Preace
of industrialization during the mid-nineteenth century
began to attract more attention, and that interest stimu-
lated a number ofworks focusing on such developments
as the American railroad. A rising consciousness about
ethnicityled to studies ofimmigrant groups . Thechang-
ing roles of women were investigated. Most of these
inquiries, either explicitly or implicitly, eroded the im-
portance of such customary dividing points as the
Revolution or the Civil War, and, indeed, the prolifer-
ation of social history threatened to leave much of the
American past without signincant turningpoints.
The present study sugests a new turning point. The
changes indrinkingpattens that occurred between i ;o
and i 8o were more dramatic than any that occurred at
anyothertimeinAmericanhistory. Furthermore, theas-
sociation of particular pattens in the consumption of
alcoholwith certain socialandpsychological traits has led
metoconcludethattheUnited Statesinthoseyears un-
derwent such profound social and psychological change
that a new national character emerged. lndeed, the
American of i 8o was inassumptions, attitudes , beliHs,
behavior, andmind closertotheAmerican of i 6o than
to his own grandfather. ln other words, the early nine-
teenth century was a key formative period in American
social history.
Thisprojectbeganwithmoremodestaims . Aslbegan
toinvestigate the period ofhighconsumptionduringthe
earlynineteenth century, l considered who drank, what
theyimbibed,whenandwheretheyconsumed. Hadthis
work never advanced beyond those questions , it would
havebeenasuggestivethoughinchoateessay in manners .
What has enabled me to consider broader questions has
beentheuseofthetheoreticalliteratureon theconsump-
tion of alcohol . From the work of social scientists who
examined the drinking mores in particlar cultures and
made cross-cultural comparisons ofdrinking in primitive
7
Preace
societies , llearned thatdrinkingcustoms and habits were
not random but reective of a society's fabric, tensions,
and inner dynamics , and ofthepsychological sets ofits
people. Becausethewealthofthis material enabledmeto
apply social science theory to many of my observations
ofdrinkingpattensinnineteenth-centuryAmerica, lwas
able, consequently, to draw conclusions concerning the
psychology and social behavior of Americans in that
period. At the same time, this inquiry became a kind of
laboratoryin whichtotest hypothesesfromthe literature
onalcohol . lnthatsense, theorists ofdrinkingmotivation
can viewthework as a historical case study.
And here l will add a waning. Because this book
mixeshistoryandthesocialsciences, itemploysmethods
that are not traditional to any single discipline, and its
conclusions are sometimes more suggestive than
rigorously proved. My justincation for such speculation
is that there is a need for books that provide questions
ratherthan answers . ltmatters less that my speculations
are correct, although l hope that some of them will be
proved in time, than that l have provoked the reader to
think and explore for himself. That is why l wrote the
book.
Finally, bywayofappreciation, l wouldliketooffersev-
eraltoasts. First, tothemany cooperativelibrarians, par-
ticularlythoseatthe Congregational Society !ibrary and
Harvard's Baker Business !ibrary Manuscripts Depart-
ment; to helping friends , Suzanne Aldridge, Steve Fish,
BillCienapp,KeithHoward,TonyMartin, Steveovak,
Roy Weatherup, Hugh West, and Kent Wood; and to
friendly critics , |oe Corn, Harry !evine, Charles Roy-
ster, |oseph Ryshpan, and Wells Wadleigh. l also raise
my glassto DavidFischerfor suggesting alogical format
for presenting consumption statisti cs ; to Bruce Boling
7
Preace
and
Kirby Miller for access U many lrish immigrantlet-
ters; toEdward Pessen forcomments on my dissertation;
and U Michael McCiffert and Cary Walton for critiqu-
ingearlydraftsofchapterstwoandthree,respectively. An
earlier version ofmy consumption estimates appeared in
Estimated U.S. Alcoholic Beverage Consumption,
1790-1 860, " Journal o Studies on Alcohol, 37 (1976) ,
357-364. Thenext roundhonorsAlfredKnopf, lnc. ;th
Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore; and the Rhode-

lsland Historical Society, respectively, for permission to
reproduce three illustrations. Photographs were made at
the University of California, Berkeley, and the Univer-
sity ofWashington. Permission was given to quotefrom
several manuscript collections. Benj amin Rush Papers ,
Historical Society of Pennsylvania; Michael Collins Pa-
pers, Duke University; Robison Family Papers , Maine
Historical Society; |. H. Cocke Papers, Mrs . Forney
|ohnstonandtheUniversityofVirginia; and BaconFam-
ily Papers, YaleUniversity.
l also salute the members of my thesis committee at
Berkeley, Troy Duster, Winthrop|ordan, andespeciaIly
chairmanCharles Sellers. Heshepherdedthisworkfrom
its inception to its completion as a thesis, waned me of
numerous pitfalls , and made many helpful suggestions,
including the title. The University ofCalifornia, Berke-
ley,gavennancial supportasaTeachingAssistantand as
a Dean's Fellow with a travel allowance. l owe a special
toast to Elizabeth Rosenneld. Her generosity in provid-
ing a place to write and inimitable dinner conversation
sped my thesis toits conclusion. Minewas the sixthdis-
sertationwritteninherhome.Morerecently, shehasex-
ercised her editorial skill upon the manuscript. We did
notalwaysagree. herwhiskieis Scotch;mine,as anative
of Kentucky, is not. My nnal salutes are to Richard R.
|ohnson, Otis Pease, andmyothercolleaguesatthe Uni-
versity of Washington; to Ann Pettingill , whose assis-
7
Preace
tance was madepossible by a grant from the University
of Washington Alcoholism and DrugAbuse lnstitute; to
SheldonMeyer,whogaveearlyencouragement;to Susan
Rabiner, Phyllis Deutsch, and everyone at Oxford; and
to my sister, Mary Rorabaugh, who helped solve a last
minute crisis.
W. |. R.
Seattle
June
13, 1979
7
CONTENTS
Chapter
A NATION OF DRUNKARDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3
2 A GOOD CREATURE .... .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
3
3
TH SPIRITS OF INDEPENDENCE . . . . . . . . . . .
59
4 WHSKEY FEED . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
5
TH ANXIETIES OF THIR CONDITION. . . . . . 12
3
6 TH PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i47
7 DEMON RUM .. . .. ...... . .. . .. .. .. . . . ... 1
8
5
Append
1 ESTIMATING CONSUMPTION OF ALOHOL . . . . 22
3
2 CROSs-NATIONAL COMPARISONS OF
CONSUMPTION. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
3
7
3
COOK BOOKS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240
4 REVIEW OF DRINKING MOTIVATION
LITERATURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + .. . .. . . 241
7
Contents
5 QUANTITATIVE MEASUREMENTS e .. e e . e e e 247
6 A RECIPE e . e e e e ... e e . e e e . e e . e e e e e 250
Bibliographical Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 251
Ke to Abbrevitions ........................ 254
ht kL|0h0L| KtlL|
Notes e o e e e o e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 256
Index .................................... 295
7
PLENTY
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W
\AS EARLY nineteenth-century America really a nation
ofdrunkards?Certainlytheclergymenwhowerecrusad-
ingfortemperancethoughtso, asexcerptsfromtheirser-
mons and addresses attest. These self-appointed moral
guardians, convinced that a hearty indulgence in alcohol
was commonplace, increasing, and unprecedented, were
nlled with apprehension, their sermons nlled with de-
spair. lntemperance, they warned, waswidespread, too
obviousnottobenoticed;'socommon, asscarcelytobe
thought criminal;' the fashionable vice of the 'day. '
They noted, too, that the United States was among the
most addicted ofnations, that in this respect it had out-
stripped all Europe, and that no other people ever in-
dulged, souniversally. 'Evenmore alarmingintheireyes
wasthe factthatthis intemperancewasspreadingwider
and wider;'liketheplague;' throughoutourcountry;'
withthe rapidityandpowerofatempest. 'otonlydid
theyseeexcessiveuseasthe cryingsinofthe nation, but
they believed it to be agrowing evil ;' ''til increasing; "
until America was fast becoming a nation of drunk-
ards . '
A similaralarmwasvoiced bythe nation's mostprom-
inent statesmen. lt was not so much the use of alcohol
tbat worried themthey all drankto someextent~as its
excessive use. Ceorge Washington, a whiskey distiller
5
: ~,=.: m mmmmm
The Alcoholi c Republic
himself, thought that distilled spirits were the ruin of
half the workmen in this Country. . . . ' |ohn Adams,
whose daily breakfast included a tankard ofhard cider,
asked, . . . is it not mortifying . . . that we, Ameri-
cans, should exceed allother . . . peoplein the world in
this degrading, beastly vice of intemperance:' And
Thomas |efferson, inventor of the presidential cocktail
party, feared that the use of cheap, raw whiskey was
spreading through the mass of our citizens . ' ln I 82 I
Ceorge Ticknor, a wealthy Boston scholar, warned |ef-
ferson, lfthe consumption of spirituous liquors should
increase for thirty years to come at the rate it has for
thirty years back we should be hardly better than a na-
tion of sots. ' The Founding Fathers, fearful that the
Americanrepublicwould be destroyed ina ood ofalco-
hol, were anguished and perplexed.
Otherobservers, more dispassionate butno less articu-
late, found Americandrinking habits deplorable. Foreign
travellers, forinstance, were surprisedand shocked atthe
amount of alcohol they saw consumed. A Swedish visi-
tor, Carl D. Arfwedson, reported a general addictionto
hard drinking, ' while a visitor from England, lsaac
Holmes, noted that intoxication pervaded all social
classes. lt was not surprising that Basil Hall, a retired
Royal avy Captain hosnle to the new nation's demo-
craticideals, should beperfectlyastonishedattheextent
ofintemperance. 'But even the sympathetic English re-
former, WilliamCobbett, deplored American tippling. l
almost wished, ' he wrote, that there were Borough-
mongers here totax these drinkers. '
The more discerning visitors observed that while
heavy drinking was widespread, public drunkenness was
not common. This fact led William Dalton to suggest
that Americans betterdeservedthe appellation oftipplers
thanofdrunkards . lnfrequency ofconspicuous drunken-
ness, however, was not inconsistent with an extensive
6
A NATON OF DRUNKARDS
overuse of alcohol . As a shrewd Scot by the name of
Peter eilson pointed out, thenation's citizenswerein
a certain degreeseaoned, andconsequentlyit[was]by no
means common to see an American very much intoxica-
ted. ' lnotherwords, as a resultofhabitualheavy drink-
ing Americans had developed a high degree oftolerance
for alcohol . Even so, in the opinion of lsaac Candler,
Americanswerecertainlynotsosoberasthe Frenchor
Cermans, but perhaps, ' he guessed, about on a level
withthe lrish. '
American travellers expressed similar views . They
found a great want ofeconomy in the use ofspirituous
liquors , 'notedthatdrunkenness waseverywherepreva-
lent, 'and pronounced the quantity ofalcohol consumed
to bescandalous . 'Thewell-travelledAnneRoyall, who
spent much ofher life crisscrossing the country in stage
coaches, wrote, When l was in Virginia, it was too
muchwhiskeyin Ohio, too muchwhiskeyin Tennes-
see, it is too, too muchwhiskey| '
lt was the consensus, then, among a wide variety of
observers that Americans drank great quantities ofalco-
hol. The beverages they drank were for the most part
distilled liquors, commonly known as spiritswhiskey,
rum, gin, andbrandy. Ontheaveragethoseliquorswere
45 percent alcohol, or, in the language of distillers, 90
proof. lt was theunrestrained consumption ofliquorsof
suchpotencythatamazedtravellersandalarmedsomany
Americans. And there was cause for alarm. During the
nrstthirdofthe nineteenthcenturythetypical American
annually drank more distilled liquor than at any other
time inourhistory.
A briefsurveyofAmericanalcoholconsumptionfrom
the colonial period to the present will help us put the
early nineteenthcenturyinproperperspective. As Chart
. shows,duringthecolonial periodtheannualpercap-
ita consumptionofhard liquor, mostly rum, reached 3.7
7
. .. ,.. ,,,,,,,,,,,,
The Alcoholic Republi
6
4
Chart 1.1. ANNUAL CONSUMPTION of DISTILLED
SPIRITS (i.e., Rum, Whiskey, Gin, Brandy)
per CAPITA, in U.S. GALLONS.
gallons . Afterthe Revolution, becauseofdecreased trade
withthe Westlndies, highimportdutiesonWestlndian
rum and on the West lndian molasses from which ew
Englandrumwasmade,andanewtaxondomesticwhis-
key, the consumption of distilled liquors declined by
one-quarter. Butby i 8oo, prosperity, improveddistilling
technology, the growing popularity ofwhiskey together
with illicit and the
efore untaxed distilled spirits had

combined to raise per capita consumption to the i ;;o
level . Then, between i 8oo and i 8o, annual per capita
consumptionincreaseduntilitexceeded gallons~a rate
nearly triple thatoftoday'sconsumption. After i 8othe
temperancemovement, and lateronhighfederaltaxation
discouraged the drinking of distilled beverages . Annual
percapita consumptionfellto less than z gallons, a level
fromwhichthere hasbeenlittledeviationin morethana
century.
8
A N A nON OF DRUNKARDS

4
2
I720 I770 I820 I870 I20 I70
Chart 1.2. ANNUAL CONSUMPTION of ALCOHOL
CONTAINED in ALL ALCOHOLIC BEVERAGES
per CAPITA, in U.S. GALLONS.
ln addition to distilled spnts, Americans drank
weaker fermented beverages: beer (% alcohol), hard
cider ( i o%), and wine (i 8%). Colonial beer consumption
was negligible, except for home brewed 'small beer,'
which was only one percent alcohol . Until i 8o annual
per capita consumption of commercial beer at no time
reached z gallons, anditwasnotuntilafterthe CivilWar
thatitrosedramaticallytowardtoday'srateofmore than
i 8 gallons. But hard cider was a different matter. Pre-
Revolutionary cider consumption, heaviest in the apple
country from Virginia northward, was probably as high
if not higher than in the early nineteenth century. ln
fact, so much cider was drunk that colonial Americans

probably ingested more alcohol from that beverage than
from their much more potent rum. And even with the
increased popularity ofdistilled spirits aner i 8oo, thean-
nual per capita consumption of hard cider was i or
9
The Aloholic Reublic
more gallons . lt continued until the 1 830S to accountfor
a signincant proportion ofall the alcohol Americans im-
bibed. Hard cider disappeared only after the leaders of
the temperance movement succeeded in persuading
farmers tocutdowntheirappletrees. Wineconsumption
wasandalwayshasbeenrelativelylight . ln 1 770 thetyp-
ical American annually drank only one-tenth ofa gallon,
between 1 770 and 1 870 less than a thirdofa gallon, and
even today less than one and a halfgallons .
From thequantityofeachbeveragedrunkand theper-
centage of alcohol in each, it is a simple matter, of
course, to compute the total amount of alcohol con-
sumed. AsChart 1. 2 shows,in 1770 theannualpercapita
i
_
take of alcohol from all sources was 3.5 gallons. ln
the years following the Revolution the amount declined
asthe consumptionofspirits declined. But after 1 800, as
the quantity of spirits consumed increased, the total
quantity of alcohol consumed from all sources increased
until it reached a peak ofnearly 4 gallons per capita in
1 830. This rate ofconsumption was the highest in the
annals of the United States. After reaching this peak,
consumptionfell sharplyunderthe inuence ofthe tem-
perancemovement, and since 1 840 itshighestlevelshave
beenunder 2 gallonslessthanhalftherateofconsump-
tion in the I 820S.
6
Drinking in the young nation was obviously hearty,
not to say excessive. However, the charge made by
alarmed clergymen and statesmen that in this respect
Americahadoutstrippedeveryothernationwasexagger-
ated. A comparison of the annual per capita intake of
alcohol in the United States with thatinother countries
during the early nineteenth century shows that Ameri-
cans drank more than the English, lrish, or Prussians,
butaboutthesame asthe Scots or French, andlessthan
the Swedes. The nations with high consumption rates
tendedtosharecertaincharacteristics . ExceptforFrance,
1
........~~-~~.~-+~
L
A NATION OF DRUNKARDS
where wine predominated, the remaining heavy drinking
countries, Scotland, Sweden, and the United States,
weredistilledspirits strongholds. Thesenationswereag-
ricultural , rural, lightly populated, and geographically
isolatedfromforeignmarkets;theyhad undercapitalized,
agrarian, barter economies; they were Protestant . ln all
three cheap, abundantgrainfed the distilleries . By con-
trast, consumption was low in lreland and Prussia be-
cause their economies lacked surplus grain and, hence,
could not support ahighlevelofdistilled spirits produc-
tion. ln England high spirits taxes had encouraged the
populace to switch from whiskey and gin to beer. Al-
thoughearlynineteenth-centuryAmericansdid notdrink
more than reIatively afuent Europeans of that era, by
modern standards they drank a lot. A recent survey of
alcohol consumption in ten European countries shows
only France with a higher per capita consumption than
the American rate during the early nineteenth century
and shows nve countries drinking at less than half that
rate.
SothetypicalAmericanwasdrinkingheartily, butnot
all Americansdranktheirshare. ltis impossibletoobtain
anexactaccounting, buttheAmericanTemperance Soci-
etyestimatedthatduringeachyearofthelate 1 820S nine
million women and childrendrank 12 million gallons of
distilled spirits,threemillionmen, 60 milliongallons . At
this high point the average adult male was imbibing
nearly a halfpinta day. Few, however, were average. lt
was calculated that halfthe men drank 2 ounces a day;
one-quarter (habitual temperate drinkers"), 6 ounces;
one-eighth (regular topers, and occasional drunkards"),
1 2 ounces, and another eighth (connrmed drunkards'),
24 ounces. Thus, halfthe adult males-ne-eighthofthe
total population~were drinking two-thirds ofall thedis-
tilledspiritsconsumed.8
While men were the heartiesttopers, women werenot
I I
The Alcoholic Republic
Men were the heartiest toers.
faint-hearted abstainers . Little, however, can be learned
abouteitherthereputed i oo,ooofemaledrunkards orthe
more numerous women who consumed from one-eighth
toone-quarterofthe nation's spirituous liquor. The sub-
jectreceivedscantattentionbecauseitwas'too delicate'
to be discussed. The ideal offemininity did discourage
tippling, for a woman was supposed to show restraint
consistent with virtue, prudence consonant with deli-
cacy, andapreferenceforbeveragesagreeabletoa fragile
constitution. The public was not tolerant of women
drinking at taverns or groceries, unless they were trav-
ellers recoveringfroma day's arduousj ourney. Then the
ladies might be permitted watered and highly sugared
spirituous cordials ."
The concept of feminine delicacy led women to drink
alcohol-based medicines for their health; many who
regarded spirits as 'vulgar' happily downed a highly al-
12
coholic 'cordial or stomachic elixir. 'Furthermore, there
were some social occasions when it was proper for
women to imbibe freely and openly. For example, east-
ern ladies drank in mixed company at society dinners,
suppers, and evening parties, and at pioneer dances the
'whiskey bottle was . . . passed pretty briskly from
mouth to mouth, exemptingneither age nor sex. 'A sur-
prised Frances Kemble learned that ew York ladies
whovisitedthepublicbathswere'prettyonen' supplied
withmintjuleps . Still, becauseawomanhadtoconform,
at leastoutwardly, to the social precepts ofthe day, she
wasmostlikelytodrinkintheprivacyofherownhome.
There shecould suitherself. Theusualrolesofmaleand
female were reversedwhentemperancereformerEdward
Delavan called upon Dolly Madison. After the teeto-
taling Delavan declined a drink, the ustered hostess de-
clared that 'such an example was worthy of imitation'
and proceeded to mix herselfa toddy.
t
Southern slaves, like women, drank less than their
share ofliquor. Masters usually provided watered spirits
as a work incentive during harvest time, and many al-
lowed their bondsmen a three-day spree at Christmas.
The law, however, generally prohibited blacks from
drinking at other times . This prohibition was only par-
tially effective. Blacks in some districts were reputed to
be amajority oftaverncustomers, and slavesoften found
that they could acquire liquor by bartering their own
garden vegetables or hams purloined from the master.
OneWarrenton,orthCarolinamancomplainedthaton
Sunday afternoon the streets were 'infested with
drunken negroes stagering from side to side. ' Jhis ob-
server concluded that custom was 'stronger than law. '
Denanceoftheliquorlawsledtotougherstatutes. orth
Carolina, for example, in I ;8 prohibited retailers from
sellingalcohol to slaves iftheir owners objected; in I 88
forbade slaves from vending liquor, and in i 8 forbade
The Alcoholic Reublic
themfrombuying spirits under any condition. But these
legal restraints against slaves drinking were less effective
indiscouragingconsumptionthanwastheplantationsys-
tem under which there was neither the opportunity to
obtainliquornorthemoneytobuyit. As Eugene Ceno-
vese has pointed out, the slaves' principal drinking prob-
lem was the drinkingoftheir masters .
White males were taught to drink as children, even as
babies . lhave frequently seenFathers ,'wrote one trav-
eller, wake their Child ofa yearold from a sound sleap
tomake it drink Rum, or Brandy. ' As soon as a toddler
was old enough to drink from a cup, he was coaxed to
consume the sugary residue at the bottom of an adult's
nearlyemptyglassofspirits. Manyparentsintended this
early exposure to alcohol to accustom their offspring to
xhe tasteofliquor, to encourage them to accepttheidea
of drinking small amounts, and thus to protect them
from becoming drunkards . Children grew up imitating
their elders' drinkingcustoms. Boys who played 'militia'
expected the game to end, like their fathers' musters,
with a round of drinks. Adolescents perceived drinking
at a public house to be a mark of manhood. Sometimes
theswaggeringyoungmalemadearidiculouspicture. lt
is nouncommonthing,'wroteone man, to see a boyof
twelve or fourteen years old . . . walk into a tavern in
the forenoon to take a glass ofbrandy and bitters . . . . '
Men encouraged this youthful drinking. Many a proud
fatherglowed when hissonbecameoldenoughto accom-
pany himtothe tavern where they could drink asequals
fromthe same glass.
The male drinkingcultpervaded all social andoccupa-
tional groups . A western husbandman tarried at the tav-
ernuntil drunk, aneastern harvest laborerreceived daily
ahalfpintorpintofrum,a southern planterwasconsid-
ered temperate enough to belong to the Methodist
Church if he restricted his daily intake of alcohol to a
v
.
A NATON OF DRUNKARDS
quart of peach 5randy. A city mechanic went direetly
from work to the public house where he stayed late and
spenthisday'swages. Alcoholwas suchanaccepted part
of American life that in r 8z the secretary of war e-
titnated that three-quarters ofthe nation's laborers drank
daily at least 4 ounces ofdistilled spirits. Liquorwas so
popular that the army dared not bar the recruitment or
reenlistmentofhabimal drunkards . lfsuch a policy were
adopted, warned the surgeon general , the army might
have to be disbanded. The middle classes were scarcely
more sober. Attorneys disputed with physicians as to
which profession was the more besotted. Even more
shocking was the indulgence ofclergymen. One minister
whoconsideredhimselftemperatesystematicallydowned
4 glasses of spirits to help him endure the fatigues of
Sunday. At Andover Seminary, one ofthe most impor-
'5
The Alcoholic Reubli
tant centers of temperance activity, students reguIarIy
drank brandy toddies at the IocaI tavern. Perhaps this
practice wasnecessaryto prepare wouId-be ministersfor
keeping up with theirfuture congregations . '
Drinkingbytheseenthusiastictoperswasdoneinava-
riety of pIaces , incIuding, of course, taverns . AIthough
the originaIpurposeofpubIichouses hadbeentoprovide
traveIIers a pIace to obtain refreshment, most IocaIities
had so few traveIIers that tavern owners found it neces-
saryfortheireconomicsurvivaIto attractIocaIcustomers
to the bar. Even so, the typicaIearIy nineteenth-century
tavern recorded fewer than nny visits a week. HaIf of
thesetripswere madebythesame fouroreightmen,the
reguIars who gathered every day or two around the pot-
beIIied stove to taIk about the crops and weather, to
argue poIitics, to quarreI and nght over insuIts, and, of
course, to drink. They usuaIIytreated, that is, eachman
bought a haIfpint ofwhiskey, which was passed around
theroom. Sinceeverymanwasexpectedtotreatinturn,
byevening'sendeachhad drunkhaIfa pint. Withsofew
reguIars , the soIvency of most pubIic houses depended
upon the Saturday trade, when as many as twenty men
mightgather to drink a haIfpint apiece. lt appears that
the typicaI man patronized a pubIic house once a week,
thatthese visits provided him with i quarts ofdistiIIed
spirits a year, and that this amount represented about
one-nnh of
his annuaI consumption.'

Most Iiquor was drunk in the home, where whiskey
andrumprovidedmeaItimedrinks, customaryrefreshen-
ers, and hospitabIe treats for guests. FashionabIe peopIe
owned ornate Iiquor cases or eIaborate sideboards that
containednumerousbottIes ofvariouscordiaIs , incIuding
miId, sweet, fruit-avored eIixirs fortheIadies. Eventhe
poorest host proffered his whiskey j ug. WhiIe some of
this Iiquor was made on the premises, bartered from
neighbors, orboughtat a distiIIery, much camefromthe
1 6
generaIstore, where its saIe was oftenthe mostimportant
itemofbusiness . AIthough somemerchantscurriedfavor
withtheircustomers bypIyingthemwithfreesampIesof
their spirits, IessIiquorwasgivenawaythan wassoIdfor
home use. A study of one ew Hampshire store's
recordsfrom i 8 i oto i 8 showedthatfarmers whopur-
chased suppIies usuaIIy bought Iiquor aIong with their
other purchases. During the earIy r 8zos one-quarter of
the vaIue ofthis store'stotaI saIes was aIcohoI; typicaIIy,
at that time, in a transaction that was for more than $ r
The Aloholic Republi
and that included the sale of alcohol , distilled beverages
accounted formore than halfthevalueofthe sale. A de-
cade later less than one-tenth of the value oftotal sales
wasliquor, in atransactionover$ 1 thatincluded alcohol,
spirits were butone-third the value ofthe sale.
1
Leavinghome,however, didnotrequirethatanAmer-
ican forego his favorite beverage. When journeying by
stage coach, travellers could obtain liquor at the inns
where thehorses were changed. Duringone arduous se-
venteen-hour, sixty-six mile trip across Virginia, the
stage stopped ten times, and two ofthe passengers had
drinksateachway station: tendrinks apiece. Suchhabits
led one foreign observertoconcludethat'the American
stage coach stops every nve miles to water the horses,
andbrandy the gentlemen! " Withtheinventionofsteam-
boats, Americans were provided with yet another place
to drink. Whereas stage travellers had been able to im-
bibe only when their vehicle rested at a wayside inn,
boatpassengersusuallyfounda barconvenientlysituated
in the gentlemen's compartment, on the middle deck
abovethe engine room. This arrangement is telling. The
locationofthe bar notonly discouraged female travellers
fromdrinking,italsoindicatesthatthebarwasthe boat's
central feature. Of all forms of public transportation,
onlythe steamboatfocused so muchattentiononthe bar.
ln part, this design reected the owners' hopes for high
prontsfromliquorsales,someboatswerelittlemorethan
oating saloons. More important is the fact that the
steamboat was conceived at a time when drinking was
central to American society. Boat designs that stressed
bars conformed to a cultural imperative. '
Americansdranknotonlyanyplace butalsoanytime.
Somebeganto imbibeevenbefore breakfastwithan eye
opener concocted of rum, whiskey, orgin mixed with
bitters . lnone Rhode lslandfactory town, laborers going
to workmadetheirwaythroughthedawn'searly lightto
1 8
A NATION or DRUNARDS
the tavern to take a little drop. ' Centlemen adjourned
frombusiness at 1 1 :00 A.M. for theold-fashioned equiva-
lentofthecoffee break, the'elevens, ' anoccasionfor par-
taking ofspirituous liquor. Whenthe weather was cold,
they
migbt have hot toddies made of whiskey or rum,
sugar, and hot water, or hot slings made
f
.
gin, sugar,
and hot water. At times a little lemon jurce, cherry
brandy, or bitters was added. The Virginia gentry gath-
ered at 1 :00 P.M. , anhour before dinner, for the purpose
of taking juleps compounded of peach brandy or whis-
key, sugar, and ice. Sometimes crushed
int was added

to make a mint julep. Throughout America early after-
noon dinner was accompanied by hard cider or distilled
spirits mixed with water, in late afternoon cam
anoth
r
break, then supper with more refreshment. Fmally, m
the evening it was time to pause and reect upon
he
day's events while sitting by the home or tavern nreside
sipping spirits .
J8
. .
Americans drank on all occasions. Every social event
demanded a drink. When southerners served barbecue,
they roasted hogs and provided 'plenty owhi
.
skcy. '
Cuests at urban dances and balls were often mtoxicated,
so were spectators at frontier horse races. Western ne
-
lyweds werecustomarilypresentedwithabottleof
his-
key to be drunk before bedding down for th
mght.
Liquor also entered into money-making and busmess af-
fairs . When a bargain was negotiated or a contract
signed, it was sealed with a drink, auctioneers passed a
whiskey bottle to those who made bids. After t
.
he h
r-
vest, farmers held agricultural fairs that ended with d
n-
ners laced with dozens of toasts. Whiskey accompamed
traditional communal activities such as house-raisings,
huskings, land clearings , and reaping. lt was even
served when women gathered to sew, quilt, or pick the
seedsoutofcotton. "
Liquor also owed at such public events as militia
musters , elections, and the quarterly sessions of the
courts. Militiamenelectedtheirofncers withthe expecta-
tion that the elected ofncers would treat. One newly
elevated colonel pledged, 'l can't make a speech, but
what l lack in brains l will try and make up in rum. '
Voters demanded and received spirits i n exchange for
their ballots. Electoral success, explained one Kentucky
politico, depended upon understanding that 'the way to
men's hearts, is, down their throats. " At trials the bottle
was passed among spectators, attorneys, clients~and to
thej udge. lfthe foremanofa jury became mellowin his
cups , thedefendantstoodanexcellentchancefor acquit-
tal.
Z
Alcohol was pervasive in American society, it crossed
regional, sexual, racial, and class lines . Americans drank
at home and abroad, alone and together, at work and at
20
play,infunandinearnest. Theydrankfromthe crackof
dawn to the crack ofdawn. At nights taverns were nlled
withboisterous , mirth-makingtipplers . Americans drank
before meals, with meals, and after meals . They drank
while working in the nelds and while travelling across
halfacontinent. Theydrankintheiryouth, and, ifthey
livedlongenough, intheiroldage. Theydrankatformal
events, such as weddings, ministerial ordinations, and
wakes, and on no occasion~by the nreside of an eve-
ning, on a hot afternoon, when the mood called. From
sophisticated Andover to frontier lllinois, from Ohio to
Ceorgia, in lumbercamps and on satin settees, in log tav-
erns and at fashionable ew York hotels, the American
greetingwas, 'Come, Sir, takeadramnrst. 'Seldomwas
itrefused.
21
Early nineteenth-century America may not have been
'anationofdrunkards, ' butAmericanswerecertainlyen-
joying a spectacularbinge.
2 1
CHAPER

A GOOD CREATURE
Drink is in itself a creature of God,
and to be received with thankfulness.
INOREASE MATHER
1673
W M W
W W
JUNDERSTAND the great alcoholic binge of the early
nineteenth century, we have to go well back into the
eighteenth century to examine changes that were then
taking place. changes in the social structure, in philo-
sophical ideas, in business and industry, and, most par-
ticularly, in beliefsandhabitsrelatedtotheconsumption
ofalcohol.
At the beginning ofthe eighteenth century, tradition
taught, and Americans, like Englishmen and Europeans,
universallybelieved, thatrum, gin, andbrandywerenu-
tritious and healthful . Distilled spirits were viewed as
foods that supplemented limited and monotonous diets,
as medications thatcould cure colds, fevers, snakebites,
frostedtoes, andbrokenlegs, andasrelaxantsthatwould
relieve depression, reduce tension, and enable hard-
working laborers to enjoy a moment ofhappy, hivolous
camaraderie. Such favorable views led to a widespread
useofstrongdrink. Before 1750 nearly all Americans of
all social classes drank alcoholic beverages in quantity,
somenmestothe pointofintoxication.
Virginia slaves, at the bottom of the social scale, in-
dulged insuchfrequent intoxicationthatonegovernorof
the colonywas persuaded to oher his servants a bargain.
lftheyagreedto stay sober on the Queen's birthday, he
promised that they would be allowed to get drunk an-
The Alcoholic Reulic
other day. His offer was accepted, and the bargain was
fulnlled. White laborers were also great imbibers, and,
accordingtodiaristWilliamByrd, theVirginiapopulace
got drunkregularlyat militia musters, on electiondays,
and during quarterly court sessions. The orth was as
giventodrinkasthe South. OneewEnglanderwrote:
There's scarce a Tradsman in the Land,
That when from Work is come,
But takes a touch, (sometimes too much)
O Brandy or of HuD.
Even on the western frontier, rum was a dietary staple.
WhenWilliamByrd'spartysurveyedthe Virginia-orth
Carolina boundary, one backwoods host served them a
dinneroffat bacon soaked inrum.
or was heartydrinkingconnnedtothe lowerclasses.
At auctions in Philadelphia it was the custom to serve
liquor to any merchant who made a bid. On one oc-
casion, the bidders drank 20 gallons of rum while the
total sales came toless thanzoo. Diarist Byrd recorded
many instances ofintoxication among the Virginia elite
and particularly noted a doctor friend who frequently
came drunk to dinner.` Another physician who drank
freelywas Dr.|ohnPotts. WhilegovernorofVirginiahe
continued a medicalpracticethatconsistedprincipallyof
prescribing distilled spirits for his patients and himself.
There was lIttle opposition to such robust drinking.
While WilliamByrddidnotcondonepublicdrunkenness
that led to disorder, he expressed equal indifference to-
ward intoxication among members of the Covernor's
Council and among his own servants. He considered oc-
casional drunkenness a natural , harmless consequence of
imbibing. At that time inebriation was not associated
with violence or crime, only rowdy, belligerent inebria-
tion in public places was frowned upon. Such excesses
were discouraged in part by the high price of distilled
l
A GOOD CREATRE
spirits andinlarerp
.
art
.
byth
factthattheupper class
.
es
monitored pubbc dnnkmg. Smce all classes ofcolomal
society had the same attitude toward drinking and the
same easygoing drinkingstyIe, upper class efforts to re-
strain public drunkenness were, on the one hand, made
in a tolerant spirit and, on the other, accepted as neces-
sary for thepreservationoforder.
That the upper classes were able to monitor drinking
and to impose restraints was due to the hierarchical na-
ture of colonial society. Although men were deemed
equal beforethe law and before God, theirsocialandpo-
litical inequalities were recognized and respected. ew
Englandersfollowedtheadviceoftheireducated, socially
prominent Congregational clergy, and in free and o
P
en
elections they chose men from the upper classes as tith-
ingmen, schooloverseers,townselectmen
;
andlegislative
representatives. ew York's Hudson River valley pa-
troons not only demanded but received their tenant
farmers' support, and further south, Virginia planters,
whose prestige was based on owning vast acreage
nd
numerous slaves, vied only with each other for election
tothe House ofBurgesses.
One wayi nwhich the upper classes monitored drink-
ing was bycontrollingthe taverns. During the nrst half
oftheeighteenthcenturythepublichousewasa focu
of
community life. Americans met there not only to enjoy
themselves but also to transact business and debate poli-
tics . ln Virginia, for example, where the law a|lowed
only one tavern per county, this drinking place most
often adjoined the courthouse. Before trials it was com-
mon for defendants, attorneys, judges, and j urymen to
gathertheretodrink, andsometimesmatterswere
.
settled
'out ofcourt. ' At other times, when a controversial case
attractedacrowd, itwasnecessarytoholdthetrialinthe
tavern, which was the only public building roomy
enough to accommodate the spctators. ew England
27
public houses were often built next door to meeting
houses so that Sunday worshippers could congregate
there before and after service. During the winter,
churchgoers warmed their posteriors in front ofthe tav-
ern nre a
d their interiors with rum before yielding to

the necessity of entering the unheated meeting house.
Afterworship, theythawedout atthetavern.
Becausetaverns played such an important role in local
affairs , the upper classes believed that they should be
well regulated, orderly, and respectable, that only men
and women of good moral character should operate
them, and that this requirement could best be met
through the device of licensing. ln late seventeenth-cen-
tury Massachusetts, for example, the law provided that
onlyvotersandchurchmembers, thecolony's elite, were
eligible tohold licenses. Suchregulations led tothe kind
of situation that existed in the town of Danvers, where
the licensed taverners included two deacons and an or-
dained Congregational minister. Even when members of
the upper classes did not themselves manage the public
houses, the licensing system kept publicans subservient
tothe townorcounty authorities who held thepowerto
grantordeny permits.
Yet licensing itselfwas only one mechanism by which
the upper classes asserted their authority. Control was
also exercised through informal channels . One Mas-
sachusettsministerinsistedthatapublichousebelocated
nextto hisowndwellingsohecould monitortaverntraf-
nc through his study window. lf he observed a man
frequenting theplace toooften, theclergyman could go
next door and escort the drinker home. Ministers , how-
ever, were not the only men ofauthority who enforced
li
uor regulations. ln i ; i , for example, some holiday

rinkersrefus
d toleavea Bostonpublichouseatclosing
time, and their denance was broughtto the attenton of
)udge Samuel Sewall. Thej udge immediately left home
I

A GOOD CREATURE
and proceeded to the tavern. There he 'Found much
Company. They refus'd to go away. Said were there to
drink the Queen's Health, and they had many other
Healths to drink. Call'd for more Drink. drank to me, l
took noticeofthe Affrontto them. Said mustand would
stay upon that Solemn occasion. Mr. |ohn etmaker
drank the Queen's Health to me. l told him l drank
none,uponthatheceas'd. Mr. BrinleyputonhisHatto
affront me. l made him take it off. l threaten'd to send
some ofthemto prison,thatdid not movethem. . . . l
told themiftheyhad nota care, theywould beguiltyof
a Riot. " With that warning the drunken mob departed.
Although Sewall had not found it easy to disperse the
men, their capitulation underscores the reality ofupper
class controlofthe taverns.8
This hearty, carefree, freewheeling, benign drinking,
monitored and to some extent controlled by the upper
classes, would probably have prevailed indennitelyifthe
per capita consumption of distilled spirits had remained
stable. All signs, however, indicate that rum drinking
increased after i ;zo. or was this increase surprising,
for the priceofdistilled spirits fell. At Boston the price
ofa gallonofrumplummetedfrom shillings6 pencein
i ;z z to z shillings in i ;8. At that low price a common
laborer could afford to get drunk every day. Ceorgians
were no more sober than Bostonians. ln i ;, when
|ames Oglethorpe investigated delaysintheconstruction
of a lighthouse, he leared that workmen labored only
one dayinseven, for a day'swageswould buy a week's
inebriation. Lower prices had naturally stimulated de-
mand. Boston rum production rose substantially during
the i ;os, andinthefollowingdecadeewEnglandim-
ports ofbothrumand molassesfordistillationincreased.
By the middle ofthe century, Boston, Providence, ew
Haven, and Philadelphia had emerged as centers of a
burgeoningdistillingindustry."
The Alcoholi Reublic
This high tide ofrum brought with it a new style of
drinking. Public drunkenness became a vehicle for the
expression of anger and hostility. lt also became evident
tosomepeoplethatdrunkennessledtothievery, lechery,
and brutality. The association of rum with crime and
disorder caused these Americans to perceive inebriation
itselfasa majorsocial problem. ln i ; 6, when Benjamin
Franklin reprinted an English article against liquor, he
added a preface in which he said, Perhaps it may have
asgoodanEffectintheseCountriesasithad inEngland.
And there is as much ecessity for such a Publication
here as there, for our RUM does the same Mischiefin
proportion, astheir CEEVA. "
Among the nrst to be alarmed by the increase of

drunkenness and alcohol-induced disorder were, as we
might expect, American clergymen. Evangelist Ceorge
Whiteneld condemned inebriation, and troubled ew
Englandministers bewailedtheiniquities befallingCod's
Saints. This apprehension about alcohol, provoked by
extensive public drunkenness, contrasted with a more
restrained traditional Puritan view. ln the late seven-
teenthcenturythe Rev. lncreaseMatherhad taughtthat
drink was a good creature of Cod" and that a man
should partake ofCod's gift withoutwasting or abusing
it. Hisonlyadmonitionwasthatamanmustnotdrinka
Cup of Wine more then is good for him. " Only a few
years later, however, andevenbeforecheaprumhadhad
itsfulleffect, his sonwasexpressinga less serene view.
1
ln i ;o8 Cotton Mather afnrmed his father's teaching
that rum was a Creature of God, " that spirits had nutri-
tional and medical value, and that people could drink
moderately to gain strength. Drunkenness, however, he
condemned. Mather saw inebriation asa source ofsocial
unrest, as a sign ofdivine amiction, and as a warningof
eternal damnation. He had causefor alarm, for intoxica-
tion among Cod's Saints was not uncommon. What the
I
|

l
!
f
|
r
i
l
k
A Goon CREATRE
[uritan Mather feared especially was that the Flood of
R\M" would Overwhelm all good Order among us. "
By this he did not mean simply that intoxication would
lead to increased crime, pauperism, gaming, and whor-
ing. The Order"he fearedfor wastheclassstructureof
ewEnglandsociety. Rum, hebelieved,was a threatto
the existing social merarchy. The menace that Mather
feared was a consequence ofthe intertwining ofpopular
beliefsaboutthevirtueofthegoodcreaturerumwiththe
rising availability ofthat cheap, plentiful beverage. ln a
cultureinwhichliquorwasrespected, itsusewaslimited
only by how much people could afford. The source of
Mather's alarm was that the wealthy elite, whom he ad-
dressed, could best afford to buy rum and were, there-
fore, the mostlikelyto overindulge.
To Mather, upper class inebriation had frightening
consequences. The Votaries ofStrong Drink, " he warned,
will grow numerous, . . . they will make a Party,
againsteverything thatisHol, and Just, and Go
d. " oci-
ety was threatened by a tide of upper class mebnates
who would sweep away the authority ofthe righteous,
thechurchwould yieldtothe tavern, the ministertothe
barkeeper. This upheaval would lead to new valus
throughout thehierarchyuntil the day came when chil-
drencalledfor theirdramsand awifebecame"Mitress of
a Bottle. " This unnatural and unrighteous society would
thenbepunishedby Cod. Therewas,however, one
ay
to prevent this catastrophe. The higher ranks ofsociety
must renounce drunkenness in order to be a model for
the rest. Let persons oftheBest Sort, be Exemplary for
this pieceofAbstinence; andthen, "he predicted, Lette
Lowest o the People, beinthatpoint, we'll consent untoit,
A Good 0 the Best. " Thus would the 'good order' be pre-
served.
Z
Whatever effect Mather's warnings may have had in
ewEngland, itisclearthatelsewherethe upperclasses
Th Aloholic Reubli
continuedtodrinkheartily. Forexample,in i ;, nearly
two decades after Mather's death, when Dr. Alexander
Hamilton ofAnnapolis recorded histravelsthrough sev-
eral colonies, he rated cities and regions by their ow of
spirits. Hewasdisappointed inPhiladelphia's lowrateof
consumption, buthe disliked evenmorethe poorquality
ofewEngland's beverages. Thatregion, hewrote, pro-
videdbetterforhorsesthanfor men. Whenvisitingew
York, hefound thata reputationforhearty drinkingwas
essential for admission to the best society. On one oc-
casionhe matched bumperswithCovernorCeorge Clin-
ton, whom he fondly labelled a jolly toaper. " He en-
joyed the high quality ofthe drinks served him in ew
York but deplored the efforts ofew Yorkers to make
him intoxicated byproposingtoomanytoasts. Dr. Ham-
iltonpreferred moderation to excess~not more than one
bottleofwine eachevening.
Centlemen who by reason of their wealth, prestige,
and popularity setthe tonefor society belongedtodrink-
ingclubsthatmetprivatelyinthebackroomsoftaverns.
Theseretreats, modelled after the Londonclubs immor-
talized by Samuel |ohnson, ourished in cities such as
Charles Town, ew York, and Annapolis. Dr. Hamil-

ton's club inAnnapolis had nfteen witty, raucous, fun-
loving members who put away at each weekly meeting
not less than a quart of Madeira wine apiece. While
Hamilton and his friends downed expensive, imported
Madeira, poorer Americans were drinking more and
more cheap, domesticrum.
One ofthe early consequences ofcheaper, more plen-
tiful rumwasthattheupperclasses beganto losecontrol
ofthe taverns. Astheprice fell, people were able to buy
more spirits, andthisincreaseddemandattractedapleth-
ora ofnew purveyors. lnthecities there beganto appear
manysmallprivatedealerswhosoldspiritstofriendsand
neighbors wimout l icenses, in Boston it was reported
'' : : *: ' "' ' ` *`""
A GOOD CRETRE
Dr. Hamilton's Sketch
ofthe Tuesdy Club.
By perisin u the
Maryland Historicl
Society, Baltimor.
that liquor could bebought atone ofevery eight houses.
lnthe hopeofretaining some measureofcontrolandau-
thority, public ofncials were driven to increasing the
number of permits for pubIic houses. ln Boston the
number of licensed premises rose from ;z in i ;oz to
i in i ; z . Although this rateofincreaseonly slightly
exceeded the rate by which he city's population had
grown, the largernumber ofpublic houses proved to be
more than the upper classes could watch effectively.

Taverns are multiply'd amongus,`complained Thomas
Foxcron, beyond the bounds of real ecessity, and
eventoa Fault, ifnot a Scandal.`
The proliferation of weakly controlled licensed public
houses led eventually to efforts to have the number of
permits reduced. ln I ;6o, at Braintree, Massachusetts,
|ohn Adams launchedone such crusade. He arguedthat
taverns andinns, whichwerenecessaryfortravellers and
town people on public occasions, were otherwise nui-
sances, that too many permits had been granted, so that
publicans, inordertoreapa pront, wereforced to sell to
immoral people, and that the licensing oftavern keepers
selected from among the mostworthy had given way to
licenses for the multitude. The public, however, favored
a liberal licensing policy, and when Adams asked the
Braintreetown meetingtoconsider reducingthenumber
ofpublic houses, he wasridiculed.
embers ofsociety's upper classes, having failed in
their efforts to reduce the number of licensed taverns,
then sought to impose stricter laws for their regulation.
Mea
ures were enacted to discourage Sunday sales, to

require all taverns to provide lodging for travellers, to
evoke licen
if gaming were permitted on the prem-

ises,to prohibit sales to seamen, andto stopa slave from
buyingliquorwithout hismaster'sconsent. Theseprovi-
sions, judging from their frequent modincations and
reenactments, failedto stopthe erosionofupper class au-
thority. By the middle ofthe century, when the upper
classes found that they were no longer able to control
public houses, many agreed with Franklin'sPennsylvania
Gazette, March z, i ;6, that taverns were a Pest to
Society.`
To those who presumed that they had the right to
mold society's institutions, the unregulated tavern's in-
dependence, likethegrowing independence ofthe lower
classes, was a sign ofchaos and disorder. Men such as
3
4
A GOOD CRATUR
|ohn Adams came to blame public houses for the weak-
ening ofreligious inuence and the creation of political
factions. Adams complained that a clever politician who
cultivated publicans would win the support of the
masses, thattaverngoers in many towns were a majority
ofthepopulace, andthatdrinkinghouses werethe nur-
series of our legislators .` Among the articulate, taverns
had few defenders, although Hunter's Virginia Gazette,
|uly z, i ;z, did print an article warning that license
regulations that frustrated the common people in their
Pursuit of lndependence` from upper class control
would lead themto feelcrushed byAuthority.`
Whetheror not taverns werenurseries` ofthe legisla-
tures, they were certainly seed beds of the Revolution,
the places where British tyranny was condemned, mili-
tiamen organized, and independence plotted. Patriots
viewed public houses as the nurseries of freedom, in
frontofwhichlibertypoles were invariably erected. The
Britishcalled thempublic nuisances and thehot beds of
sedition. There is nodoubtthatthe success ofthe Revo-
lution increased the prestige of drinking houses. A sec-
ondeffectofindependencewasthatAmericans perceived
liberty from the Crown as somehow related to the free-
dom to down a few glasses ofrum. Did not both free-
doms givea mantherighttochoosefor himself? Upper
class patriots found it difncult aftertheRevolutionto at-
tack the popular sentiment that elite control of taverns
wasanalogoustoEnglishcontrolofAmerica. Asaconse-
quence, drinking houses emerged from the war with in-
creased vitality and independence, and the legal regula-
tionoflicensed premiseswaned."
While opposition to the taverns developed and then
collapsedinthethroesofthe Revolution,upperclassatti-
tudes toward liquor were undergoing change. By the
middle ofthe eighteenth century many educated people
had begun to doubt that spirituous liquor was ever a
3 5
good creature, and some begantocondemnit altogether.
This changeofmindwasstimulated bya numberofim-
pulses, among which were the spread of rationalist phi-
losophy, the rise of mercantile capitalism, advances in
science, especially the science of medicine, and an all
pervasiverejectionofcustomand tradition. ltwasatime
whenmenhad begunto thinkofthe worldinnewways.
They expressed the hope that rather than depending
uponfaith andcustom mankind wouldprogressthrough
the capacity of the human mind for reasoning and the
acquisition of knowledge. Many ofthose imbued with a
rationalist philosophy were opposed to drinking because
theyconsidered thatthegratincationto behad fromtak-
ing spirituous liquor was more than offset by its detri-
mentaleffect onthe reasoningprocess .
Mercantile capitalists opposed the use of spirits for
practical reasons. They had developed far-nung business
empires byemployingnew, improved business methods:
theyevolvedbetterbookkeepingpractices,tookonlylim-
ited risks, calculated their risks more accurately, shared
their risks through mutual insurance, and settled for
smaller but surer pronts. Businessmen whose fortunes
were based on these more precise methods commonly
tradedinrum, buttheycametoviewtheextensiveuseof
rum or any other distilled spirits by their employees,
agents,orbusinessassociatesasathreattotheircommer-
cial success. '
We should notbesurprised tonndthatamongthenrst
Americans to condemn the use of distilled beverages
were the Quakers, a sect whose members were not only
educated and reform minded but also mercantile ori-
ented. AnthonyBenezet, the bestknownearly opponent
ofspirituousliquors,wasawealthyPhiladelphia Quaker.
He had extensive commercial connections and was well
aware of the conditions necessary for the successful
operation ofa modern business. lmbued with the spirit
A GOOD CRATUR
ofreform, he was drawnto advanced positions ona vari-
etyofsocial questions . Todayhe isbestremembered for
his hostility to slavery and for starting a movement that
led to the emancipation of northern bondsmen. How-
ever, hewas no less hostiletodistilledliquor andduring
the Revolutionattacked bothrumand slavery, which he
j ointly characterized in one pamphlet as The Potent Ene
mies o Amerca. He argued that the Revolution's success
inendingBritishrulewouldbeahollowvictoryifAmer-
icans failed to rid themselves ofthese twin evils. A re-
public offree men, he contended, had no place for the
bondageofmeneither toothermenortodistilled spirits,
Americans must liberate themselves from customs that
impededthenation'sdevelopmentasahavenforfree, ra-
tional men. Hereforthenrsttime we see liberty viewed
ina newlight, notasa man'sfreedomtodrinkunlimited
quantities of alcohol but as a man's freedom to be his
own master, withtheattendantresponsibilitytoexercise
self-control , moderation, andreason.
Starting early in the eighteenth century, long before
the adventofBenezet, Quakershad begunto practicere-
straint in the use of distilled spirits, and this restraint
increased through the years . ln i ;o6 the Pennsylvania
Yearly Meeting advised Friends not to drinkeven small
quantities of distilled liquors at public houses. ln i ;z6
Quakers were forbidden to imbibe spirits at auctions.
Quafnng theauctioneer's liquor, it was reasoned, raised
the cost of the goods being offered for sale; in other
words , such self-indulgence fostered bad business prac-
tices. At mid-century, when other Americans drank
heartilyatmnerals, Quakercustomcalledforpassingthe
spiritsbottleonlytwice. Evenrestrainedusecameunder
attack, nrst by Benezet and later by the Pennsylvania
YearlyMeeting,which, duringawartimebread shortage
ini ;;;, ordered Friends neithertodistillgrainnortosell
grain to be distilled. Aner the war, there were new re-
; ;
strictions: in i ;8 Friends were neitherto import nor to
retaildistilledspirits,in i ;88notto use liquor asa medi-
cine without caution, in i ;8 not to use distilled bever-
ages at births, marriages, or burials. By the i ;8os
Quaker opposition to all drinking of spirituous liquors
waswidespreadand vigorous.23
During the eighteenth century Methodists were the
only other principal religious denomination that shared
the Quakers' oppositionto distilled spirits. Many ofthe
Methodists, unlike the Quakers, were uneducated and
lowerclass people who werelittle induenced by the rise
ofrationalist philosophy, science, or business efnciency.
Their hostility to liquor arose from two other sources.
First, all innovative, new movements have a need to as-
sertthemselves by rejectingtradition. ThustheMethod-
ist remsal ofthe customary dram was in itselfa radical
act symbolizingthe new sect's determination to rootout
old customs and habits. Second, founder |ohn Wesley
represented a peculiar rationalism, expressed in his goal
torestructurereligionthrough'method. ' Methodists saw
the drinking of spirits as a hindrance to the process of
reordering and purifying both the church and society.
mrican
.
eth
.
odists joined the Quakers in condemning
distilled spntsm the i ;8os, long before tradition-bound
Baptists and Presbyterians.24
While rationalist philosophy, commercialism, and the
rejection of tradition were inuential in changing atti-
tudes toward distilled spirits, it was the new, scientinc
approach to medicine that had the greatest effect. As
early as the i ;zos some scientists had concluded that
alcohol was poisonous, and by the i ;os this view was
gaining support. |ames Oglethorpe, for example, at-
tempted to banrum fromhis Ceorgia colony atthe urg-
ing of the Rev. Stephen Hales, one of the colony's
trust
es, a physiologist, and the authoroftwoantispirits
treauses. Then, during the i ;os, American doctors

A Goon CREATURE
be
antoin
estigateth
quaintlynamedWestlndies Dry
Cnpes. This was a pamful, debilitating malady that we
now r
cognize a
lead poisoningcaused by drinkingrum

made m lead snlls. Contemporaries were puzzled until
Philadelphia's Dr. Thomas Cadwaladeridentined rumas
the cause ofthe disease and recommended abstinence a
novel proposal that was contrary to traditional opinin
concerning rum's healthful qualities.25
People opposed to liquor for any reason soon recog-
nized that the health argument was the most potent
weaponi
theirarsenal. ThatwaswhyAnthonyBenezet
cloaked is moral and philosophical opposition to spirits
bydevotmgmostofhisantiliquortractstoarecitationof
diseasespurportedlycausedby strongdrink. Thislineof
attack was encou
aged by the medical theories being

taught at the Edmburgh College of Medicine, where
Benjamin Rush, who wasto leadthe post-Revolutionary
campaign against distilled spirits, studied in the i ;6os.
To men captivated bythe Enlightenment spirit, the dis-
covery
.
that a too
xtensive consumption of alcohol pro-

d
ceddlnessanddiseasehadtwoimportantimplications.
First, th
informatio
itselfwas a signofprogress, a sign

ofthe tnumph ofrattonal, experimental inquiry overir-
rational tradition and custom. Second, the realization
that alcohol was detrimental to health would becertain
.
1
it seemed, to lead men to abstinence and, as a conse-
quence, to rationality.26
s early
.
as i ;; z , Rush, by then a physician living in
hilad
.
elphia, condemned distilled spirits in a pamphlet
m which he urged moderate drinking, eating, and exer-
cise. ln this work, addressed to the upper classes, he
argued for the right of physicians to propose new
theories. He hoped that the 'same freedom ofenquiry'
could b extended to medicine, which has long pre-

vailed in religion. " This attack on orthodoxy resulted
from Rush's scientinctraining. His Edinburgheducation
39
The Akoholi Reublic
had led him to question the dogma that alcohol was
healthful . ln fact, he had concluded from observing his
patients that spirituous liquor was a powerful stimulant
that destroyed the body's natural balance. Although he
noted in his pamphlet the potential dangers to health
caused by immoderate drinking, his conclusions were
tentative, and he did not at that time recommend ab-
stinence. Despite the inconclusive nature ofhisnndings,
he published the work and sent two copies to !ondon,
one to a bookseller for republishing and the other to
Benjamin Franklin, who was then a colonial agent in
England.
The doctor's conviction was strengthened during the
Revolutionary War when he served for a time as the
Continental Army's surgeon general . The army's tradi-
tional rum ration, Rush asserted, caused numerous dis-
eases, particularly fevers and uxes. Thepoorhealthof
American soldiers contrasted with the vigor and vitality
ofthe warriors ofthe Roman Republic. Their canteens,
he incorrectly andperhaps naively stated, hadcontained
nothing but vinegar.` Rush's wartime experience and
medical ideals drove him in r8z to write 'Against
Spirituous Liquors. 'Thisnewspaperarticleurgedfarm-
ers not to supply their harvest laborers with distilled
spirits, which, he claimed, failed to aid physical labor,
injured health, crippled morals , and wasted money. As
substitutesheproposed various mixtures compounded of
milk, buttermilk, cider, small beer, vinegar, molasses,
and water.
These early works showed a growing hostility to dis-

tilled spiritsthatculminatedin Rush's i ;8essay,An In
quir into the Efcts ofSpirituous Liquors. This piece, nrst
published as a newspaperarticle andthenasapamphlet,
combinedincompactformtheargumentsthatthedoctor
had encountered and those he had employed in his long
antiliquorcrusade. Hecatalogued liquor'sdefects. itpro-
A Goon CRATR
e
cted against neither hot nor cold wea
.
ther, for on hot
days it overstimulated and on cold ones itproduced te-
orary warmth that led to chills; it caused numerous ill-

essesstomach sickness, vomiting, hand tremors,
Jropsy, liver disorders, madness, alsy, apoplexy, and
epilepsy. Spirituous liquor, he beheved, should be
.
re-
placed withbeer,lightwine,weak rumpunch, sourmlk,
or
switchel, a drink composed of vin
gar, sugar,
.
and
water. The pamphlet was a masterpiece. l
s rational
arguments, logic, andincisive examples madeit boththe
century's most effective short piece and also a model for
later temperance publications; by i 8
more
.
tan
i ;o, ooocopies had beencirculated. Evenm i ;8its im-
pact was such that enthusiastic readers wrote Rush ad-
miring letters . From frontier Pittsbu
gh
gh H
ry
Brackenridge reported that he had quit dnnkmg spnts,
andfrom Charleston Dr. David Ramsayannounced that
he had arranged for Rush's unpopular' views to be re-
printed inthelocal press. "
. . .
Why, we might ask, was this particular article s
ch a
success? For one thing, Rush showed an extraordmary
capacityfor marshallingtheevi+ence to suppo
t his con-
victions. His skillful presentation of the subject, how-
ever, does not fully explain why the Inquir produced
such a sympathetic and vigorous response. The doctor
seems to have struck a public nerve, and his success de-
pended far less upon his lterar
)
t
lnt
.
and skill as a
propagandist than upon his
.
scientic ideals. By
.
the
i ;8os, Rush's medicaland socialteonesa+passed mto
the mainstream ofeducated Amencan opinion. Whereas
his training at Edinburgh had once
ad
his
.
medcal
views the object ofsuspicion, by the eighties his ,ehefs
were respectable, even fashionable. lntelhgent, articulate
people agreed with Rush that b
dly imbalances caused

disease, thatthedutyofthephysicianwastorestorebal-
ance, and that the most effective remedies were purga-
Th Alcoholic Reubli
tives and bleeding. Then, too, as a highlyregardedmedi-
calpioneer, Rushwasable, unlikeotherdoctors, toargue
new propositions convincingly. o man understood his
opportunities better than Rush, who assailed liquor in
the belief at this point that physicians could serve the
cause better than ministers orlegislators.30
Weshouldnot, however, attributetheInquir's success
solely to Rush's preeminent position in medicine, his
s
.
killful presentation, and the receptive mind ofthe pub-
hc, for much of its appeal to readers was
erived from
the author's sociology. To understand how the doctor's
iliquor pamphlet had employed a new methodology,

it is necessary to consider two ofhis other essays, An
Account ofthe Manners ofthe Cerman lnhabitants of
Pe
nsylvan
.
ia"andAnAccountoftheProgressofPopu-
lation, Agriculture, Manners, and Covenment in Penn-
sylvania. "Theformer was a pioneeringworkincultural
anthropology, the nrst analysis of American ethnic as-
similation. The latter was an equally original contribu-
tion to sociology, a brilliant account ofhow distinct so-
cial classes succeeded one anotheron theAmericanfron-
tier. Both pieces employed a new analytical method.
Whereas the usual technique in an eighteenth century
pamphlet had been toproceed from lists ofobservauons
to an analyt
.
ical conclusion, Rush employed a two-step
approach. First, he arranged data in categories, each of
which he analyzed, then, in a secondstep, he compared
the results ofthese analyses and arrived at a conclusion.
ln Cerman lnhabitants, "he nrstanalyzed the mores of
Cerman Pennsylvanians and the mores ofEnglish Penn-
syIvanians and then compared the results of these
analysesandconcludedthatinterminglingwouldeventu-
ally diminish ethnic differences. ln Progress ," an
analysis of each ofthree types of frontier social classes
led to an examination of how one cIass would displace
another. TheInquir followed the samemethod in pro-

l
A Goon CRATU
ceeding from preliminary analyses of the several
tategories inwhich distilledspirits wereshowntobeun-
to a masterly summary in which Rush con-
_Iudedthat abstinence was imperative.31
TheInquir' s popularityled Rushtoembarkonacam-
paigntospreaditsmessage. Followingitsnrstprintingin
i ;8, the article was reproduced in the Philadelphia
papers each autumn as a warning to farmers who sup-
plied their harvest laborers with spirituous liquor. ln
i ;88, Rushissued the work as a pamphlet, aneventthat
led to correspondence with |eremy Belknap, a Boston
ministerwholaterbecamepresident ofHar
ardCollege.
Belknap gave Rush even more encouragement than had
Charleston's Dr. Ramsay. He arranged for the work to
be reprinted in Boston and, shortly afterward, reported,
l assure you your piece onspirituous liquors i s read &
admired & has produced a good effect. l have had the
pleasure of hearing Dr. Rush quoted more than once
against grog-drinking & l know some families where it
was freely used who have left it oh since that publica-
tion. " Pleased with his success, Rush urged Belknap to
be a pioneer in this business in Massachusetts. " With
the help of Ramsay and Belknap, he hoped to start a
movement that would grow and prosper, so that by
i i adrunkard . . . willbeasinfamousinsocietyasa
liarorathief, andtheuseofspiritsasuncommoninfam-
ilies as a drink made ofa solution ofarsenic or a decoc-
tionofhemlock. "32
The minister and physician became collaborators.
Rush published a Moral and Physical Thermometer"
thatcorrelatedbeverages withvariousconditions. Water,
milk, and small beerbroughthealth, wealth, and happi-
ness, mixed drinks made withspirits~sickness, idleness,
anddebt, straightrumandwhiskey-crime, chronic dis-
ease, and severe punishment, incessant drinking-~eath.
WhenBelknapsawthis 'thermometer,' he recommended
43
I
f
LxMefr
1
l
WU0W
q~~ #
TP" 8uq#ur
W~
I N T M P F R A N C E
1
r
z
_
_
M8W1 -
M
I
BK-]W
I :
Befp=
0-Ww
b MW
otau a
L
Qttom
Rush's Thoeter.
A GOOD CREATURE
that it be added to the next edition ofthe Inquir, and
this suggestion was adopted. Later, Rush asked Belknap
toestimatethepercapitaconsumptionofdistilled spirits
in ew Hampshire, a subjectonwhichtheministerwas
writing a history. Belknap tried to obtain this informa-
tionfor RushfromhisfriendsinewHampshire, butit
appears that he was unable to persuade any ofthem to
furnish estimates. After a year of enthusiasm and op-
timism, Rush's hopesbegantowane. ln i ;8hereported
that while the drinking of spirits had declined in Penn-
sylvania, complete success appeared impossible, and he
reluctantly concluded, contraryxo his earlier view, that
only religion could secure victory for his cause. Shortly
after this prediction, Belknap bought halfofa new edi-
tionoftheInquir anddistributedmorethanone-thirdof
his6copiestoew Hampshire clergymen.
Rush continued his campaign against spirits with a
newspaper article entitled Tothe Ministers ofthe Cos-
pel ofAll Denominations,` inwhich he advised clergy-
men to preach not only against intoxication but against
any use of distilled spirits. He also wrote an antiliquor
commencement address for Princeton, which, although
neverdelivered,wasprintedinCarey'sAmerican Museum,
andanotherarticlepublishedinthesamemagazineadvis-
ing western immigrants to forego taking with them a
brandy or whiskey case.` His greatest triumph was the
|uly , i ;88, Phildelphia lndependence celebration,
when i ;, ooopeoplewalkedtoa suburbanestate todrink
nothing but Beer and Cider.` These beverages Rush
termed thoseinvaluableFEDERALliquors` incontrast
withdistilled spirits, whichwere"Antiederal, " thecom-
panions ofall those vices that are calculated to dishonor
and enslave our country.`
AlthoughRushhimselfwasdiscouraged,thecampaign
he had initiated did lead more and more Americans to
give up distilled spirits. Foreign travellers observed that

4
5
the Revolutionary War years had produced a marked
change in upper class drinking practices. One ltalian re-
calledthatin 1 774 hisrequestfor water ata Virginiadin-
nerhad caused such confusionthat the host had asked if
he could not choose another beverage. Adecadelaterthe
scene would have been impossible, for some Americans
drank water. Another visitor who returned to America
after the war noted that gentlemen's drinking clubs had
disappeared, thatAmericans appeared to drinkless, and
that the Virginia gentry no longer felt an obligation to
sendguests home drunk.
aturally, literate, educated people were most inu-
enced byRush'swritings. MarthaLaurens Ramsay, wife
of Rush's South Carolina correspondent, rejected the
easygoing manners ofthe past in a determined effort to
prevent intoxication amongher slaves. This was remark-
able behaviorforthe daughter ofthe state's lqding rum
importer. ln ew York, a Columbia College student,
Daniel D. Tompkins , later governor ofew York and
vice-presidentofthe United States, joined what was be-
coming a fashionable chorus by writing an essay on the
mass desertion of Bacchus. ln ew England, |edidiah
MorsespreadRush'smessagetochildrenbyinsertingan-
tiliquor lines in his widely used geography textbooks.
But perhaps the most effective opposition to distilled
spirits came from the graduates of Rush's Philadelphia
CollegeofMedicine. Theyspreadthemselves and Rush's
views across the entire country~e. g. , Ceorge C. Shat-
tuck, Massachusetts, Richard Hopkins, Maryland, |ohn
Vaughan, Delaware, and|oseph Speed, Virginia. Speed
wroteto Rush, lconceivedita debtofgratitudel owed
you to thank you for the impressive manner in which
youadvisedyourclass in the winterof
'
94,
'
95 to lay an
e
.
any restraintonthemselvesagainstthe prevailingprac-
tiseofdram & grogdrinking. '
By 1 790, while an appreciable number ofpeople had
A Goon CREATRE
conclud
d that spirituous liquor sapped health, morals,
and social order, they were still a minority. And they

vere well aware tat most Americans had not digested
he lessons ofthe eighteenth-centuryrevolutionsinbusi-
ness, medicine, and philosophy, that the masses con-
inue+to drink stilled

.
spirits, and that drinking itself
remamed a traditional rite, rooted in custom and sanc-
tioned by practice. Proposals that the upper class try to
transform these habits met with little enthusiasm. The
pledge by the leading agriculturalists ofLitchneld, Con-
necticut, incl
dng |uge Tapping Reeve, that they

would deny spnts to hired laborers was not copied else-
where. Employers believed that hands would not work
without distilled spirits, that, as the New Haven Gazette
put it, a laboring man must have his half pint or pint
everyday, andatnighthalfhiswagesinrum. 'Thecom-
mon man was unenlightened. The thirst for spirits in
thebackcountryis soardent, '|eremy Belknap wrote of

rral ew nampshire, that in the fall & winter they
wilsell their wheat for this sort of pay, & then in the
spring & summer following go 40 or 50 miles after
bread. '
Thoseopposedto spirituous liquorhadreasonsfor be-
lieving that persuasion would not move the masses to
adopt ew values and give up drinking. For one thing,
the Enlightenment ideal contained a paradox destructive
tothehopefor spreading rationality. to be rational itwas
necessary to be receptive to reason, to be receptive to
reason was itselfan indication ofrationality. The unen-
lghtened man, therefore, was a poor prospect for en-
l
ghtenment. Furthermore, the opponentsofdrinkingbe-

lieved that use of spirituous liquor itself blocked the
attainment of rationality. To be rational was to control
emotion with reason, but liquor unleashed emotion and
destroyed reason. Therewasa need, as Dr. David Ram-
say put it, for men to exercise self-command, prudence
4
7
and fortitude, and a strict discipline ofthe passions and
appetites . . . to maintain the empire of reason over
sense. ' lntoxication, wroteoneauthorintheMasachusetts
Magazine, servednootherpurposethantoincrease . . .
passions. ' Viewed from the minority vantage point, the
majority's thirst for strong drink had created a chronic
dependency and, at the same time, crippled the rational
faculty required to break the bonds ofthat dependency.
Benjamin Rush, for example, had been warned by one
correspondent that religious attacks against spirits would
fail. Since drinkingwas anessential part ofthe mores of
mostmen, it was foolishto believe that the exhortations
ofministerscould penetratethose well-soused minds and
persuade themto espouse abstinence.
Two circumstances inuenced the direction that the

crusade against distilled spirits would take. ln the nrst
place, despitethe increased concern about alcoholonthe
part of Rush and other members of the upper classes,
there were manyfrom thosevery classes whocontinued
to drink heartily. lt was reported that most of the
Virginia gentry were dissipated and that many South
Carolina planters were sots who died young and left be-
hind youthful, richwidows . Wheneverthe wealthy con-
gregated, they imbibed great amounts. ew York Cov-
ernor Ceorge Clinton honored the French ambassador
with a dinner at which i zoguests downed i bottlesof
Madeira, 6 bottles of port, 6o bottles of English beer,
and olargecupsofrumpunch. EveninstaidewEng-
land the upper classes continued to imbibe, at one Con-
gregational minister's ordination in i ; the celebrants
consumed dozens ofbottles ofhard cider, wine, sherry,
cherry brandy, and|amaica rum. "
Second, the upper class continued to engage in the
highly prontable business of supplying and
istributing
distilled spirits. The nation's leading rum importers and
wholesalers were wealthy members of society such as
A GOOD CRATUR
Robert Morris ofPhiladelphia, Peter Livingston ofew
York, and the Brown family of Providence. Distilling
was a genteel occupation engaged in by such prominent
ngures as Silas Deane's two brothers and Ceorge Wash-
ington. When Maine landholder Thomas Robison pro-
posed to build a distillery, Robert |enkins counselled
delay. The gentleman, whomel purpose to gettodraw
youa planofaDistilhouse, " wrote|enkins, is a member
of our Ceneral Assembly, which is now setting and
whenhishurryisalittle over, he willdoit. 'Thepower
and prestige ofthe distillers was nearly matched by that
ofthe retailers , who included such worthies as Thomas
Chittenden, nrst governor of Vermont, |ames Carrard,
second governor of Kentucky, and Samuel Fraunces of
ew York, CeorgeWashington's personal steward.
The reform-minded minority, hostile to spirits, recog-
nized that extensive imbibing by the upper classes
together with their control of the liquor1ndustry ruled
outanychanceofimposingalegalprohibitionofdistilled
spirits. Since they also believed that moral suason
through ministerial exhortation would fail, they had to
turn to some other plan, and they took as their model
England'smid-eighteenth-centuryimpositionofanexcise
tax, whichhadprovedsuccessfulincuttingtheconsump-
tion of gin. The cheapness ofAmerican distilled spirits
had long been noted. lfan excise tax were imposed, the
price would rise, and, theyhoped, spirits would become
too dearfor people to purchase. 'However, proponents
ofan excise found that the outlook for such a measure
under the Articles ofConfederation was not bright. As
early as i ;8z , nnancier Robert Morris had proposed an
excise to rennance the nation's war debts, but Congress
hadbeenunable to obtain the unanimous consentofthe
states, which was necessaryforits enactment.'
Bythe late eighties, opponentsofliquor had begun to
act atthe state level. They persuaded the Massachusetts
49
legislature to encourage the use of beer in place of dis-
tilled spirits by exempting brewery equipment from
property taxes. This measure, however, failed to reduce
the consumption ofspirits. The Virginia legislature for-
bade the importation ofdistilled spirits into that state.
Theprovisionwassupportedbybothantispiritsmenand
westernwhiskeydistillers, butitsooutraged theplanters
of the Tidewater region that it was soon repealed. ln
Pennsylvania, QuakerCeorgeLoganproposedastatetax
ondistilled spirits . Whenthemeasurewasdebatedinthe
legislature, one member suggested, with reference to
lobbying by Benjamin Rush, that the proposal be re-
ferred to the College ofPhysicians. Rep. Richard Peters
then rose to observe that this action might lead the doc-
tors to bring in a bill~and he had seenenough medical
bills already. Logan's proposaldiedamidlaughter.42
Thefailureofstateactionwaspainfullycleartothere-
formers. Theanti spiritsNew Have Gazette diagnosedthe
problemas awantof fderal
p
wer. " Onlyaftera conti-
nental power to impose uniform duties onimportations'
had beenestablishedwould distilled spirits be taxed suf-
nciently to reduce their consumption. The timing ofthe
demand for a spirits tax meshed with many other com-
mercialandpoliticalmotivesfavorabletoanewconstitu-
tion to replace the Articles ofConfederation. Aner the
Constitutional Convention had met at Philadelphia and
draned a new constitution during the summer of i ;8;,
federalists openly campaigned for its adoption on the
groundthatitwouldhelpreducetheconsumptionofdis-
tilled spirits. Alexander Hamilton, for example, argued
inFederalit # 2 that a high spirits excise would reduce
consumption and, thereby, improve agriculture, busi-
ness , morals, andheaIth. After menew constitutionhad
beenranned,advocatesofa spiritstax begantolobbyfor
their proposal. The Philadelphia College of Physicians,
everunder Rush's wing, petitioned thenew Congress to
5
0
A GOOD CREATRE
im
pose such heavy duties upon all distilled spnts, as
shall be effectualtorestrain theirintemperate usein our
country." 43
When the new government was installed in i ;8,
AlexanderHamiltonwasappointed secretaryofthe trea-
sury. ln that ofnce, he was responsible for proposing
taxes to nnance the new government. The administra-
tion's decision to underwrite the state wardebts necessi-
tated raising a large revenue. Although most of the
money was expected tocomefromimport duties, experi-
ence during the i ;8os suggested that imports alone
would not provide sufn
ient funds . The shortfall would

have to be covered by other taxes, such as real estate
taxes or domestic excises. Hamilton himself favored a
duty on domestic spirituous liquors . lt wasfair, he later
declared, because distilled beverages were consumed
throughout the United States. ' o tax could operate
with greaterequality. . . . 'Any variations in consump-
tion redected relative habits of sobriety or intemper-
ance. . . . ' Hamilton's sweeping endorsement of a
spirits excisewaspoliticallysound. First, heknewthatit
would be easy to persuade Congress to enact a tax on
domesticdistilled spiritsbecause politicianswouldnnd it
difncult to oppose a measure designed both to reduce
drunkenness andto raise money. Second, a domestic ex-
cise, when combined with Hamilton's tariff program,
would preserve price ratios between whiskey and rum.
Thelatterfacedanimportdutybecauseitwaseitherim-
ported or distilledfromimported molasses. This balance
was essential ifHamilton was to gain sufncient political
supportfrom ewEnglandtogethiseconomicprogram
enacted.44
Hamilton's proposed domestic spirits excise was not
adopted immediately. Congress, in its nrst session, was
preoccupied with government organization, and it im-
posed only import duties in the hope that they alone
would yield a sufncient revenue. The secretary of the
treasury's attempt to tie a distilled spirits excise to the
tariff bill was defeated in the House ofRepresentatives.
Oppositioncamefromacombinationofew Englanders
hostile to levies on imported molasses and rum and
southerners hostile to a whiskey tax. On that occasion,
however, one orth Carolinianclaimed that he followed
his conscience. Dr. Hugh Williamson, who professedto
be a lifelong opponent of distilled spirits , voted for the
measure inorder, he said, to reduce the consumption of
spirituous liquor and, thereby, improve people's health.
lt is possible, however, that he may have had another
reason for favoringa taxonwhiskey, since he had atone
timeowned arumdistillery. lnanyevent, thegooddoc-
tor predicted correctly that his vote insured that
whiskey-drinking Carolinians would not return him to
Congress .
Six months later, when it had become clearthat addi-
tional funds were needed, the proposal for a levy on
domestic distilled spirits was resurrected. House oor
debatesrevealed a mixtureofsectionalpolitics and moral
arguments. orth Carolina Congressman |ohn Steele
complained that his state would pay ten times the
amountConnecticut did, a sentimentechoed by Ceorgia
Rep. |ames|ackson, who noted that the South had nei-
ther cider nor beerbeverages that would escape taxa-
tion. Theexcise, he warned, woulddeprivethemassof
the people ofalmost the only luxury theyenjoy, that of
distilled spirits. ' The bill trapped |ames Madison be-
tween his role as Hamilton's oor leader and his role as
representative of his Virginia district. Although prin-
cipled against excises, ' he voted for this particular mea-
sure, a decision that nearly cost him his seat at the next
election. Most northern representatives favored the pro-
posal. Massachusetts Congressman Theodore Sedgwick
believed the bill necessary to raise revenue and attacked
A GOOD CRATUR
members who backed itforany consideration ofmoral-
ty. ' ew Hampshire's Samuel Livermore thought it a
good idea to be drinking down the national debt. ' At

the roll call, the measure was approved, with a unani-
mous ewEnglandcastinghalftheayes( i ;-o), themid-
dle states splitting ( i -8), and the South standing in op-
position(-i ).
Hamilton's whiskey tax was not a success. Protests
aroseinthe South and Westalmostimmediately, andpe-
titions from Ceorgia demanded the exemption of peach
brandy, a necessary oflife . . . inthis warm climate. '
Throughout the South, the secretary of the treasury
found it difncult to hire tax collectors, in Kentucky, it
wasimpossibleto organizethestateasanexcisej urisdic-
tion. Such difnculties led President Washington, in his
annual address to Congress in October, i ;i , to admit
that in much of the country the new law had led to
some degree of discontent. ' He expected these sen-
timents to disappear with the rise of a just sense of
uty. 'Thischange, however, didnotoccur, and in i ;z

publicoutrage atthelevy forced Congresstomodify the
law. Congress exempted 'personal stills' fromtaxation, a
change that Hami
[
ton accepted reluctantly, because he
knew thatitwouldleadtowidespreadtaxfraud.Already
an embarrassed secretary ofthe treasury was compelled
to acknowledge that the excise on domestic distilled
spirits was the most expensive tax to collect and that it
had yielded less than two-thirds of its anticipated reve-
nue. When President Washington addressed Con
[
ress in
ovember, i ;z , heconcededthatcollectionoftheduty
was dimcult but then added that the impediments were
lessening. Washington'sbelief, borderingonfantasy,was
a reection of Hamilton's. To his agent in Salisbury,
orth Carolina, the secretary wrote, lfthe people will
butmaketrialofthething,theirgood-willtowardsitwill
increase. ' Hewasgratined bythe latesymptomsofac-
53
The Aloholic Republic
quiescence which you announce in your quar-
ter. . . .
47
Hamiltonreceived something otherthan reports ofac-
quiescence from other quarters. ln i ;z, western Penn-
sylvanians led by Albert Callatin drafted a petition to
Congressurgingrepeal ofthe duty. Distant froma per-
manent market, and separate from the eastern coast by
mountains, ' stated the memorial, . . . we have no
means ofbringingtheproduce ofourlands to sale either
in grain or in meal. We are therefore distillers through
necessity, notchoice. . . . ' This petitionannoyed Ham-
ilton, who felt that frontiersmen were parasitic. They
contributedlittletothetreasurybecausetheyboughtfew
imports,yettheydemandedandreceivedexpensivemili-
tary protection from lndian raids . The whiskey tax he
thought a light contribution. Furthermore, the secretary
observed, the western objection to the tax was rooted in
economic error. The effect ofthe tax was not to barthe
saleofwesternwhiskey in the Eastbutto raiseits price,
for the duty on all they send to those markets will be
paid bythe purchasers . ' Westerners could objectonly if
they were greater consumers of spirits than those of
otherparts ofthe country. 'lnthat case, it wastotheir
interestto become less so. '
48
While this acerbic advice may have been congruent
with sound economic theory, it failed to take into ac-
count theWest's principal difnculty, which was a lack of
money. Frontiersmen were unable to pay the excise be-
cause the government demanded payment in specie or
currency. Although Hamilton did not mention the
West's shortageofcash, he was aware ofit, as evidenced
by his having authorized the army to purchase much of
itsrationofdistilled spirits inthe Westinordertopump
money into that region's barter economy. This policy,
however, fail ed to stem westen discontent. ln i; an
exasperated assistant informed Hamilton, The state of
54
A GOOD CREATRE
in the western country raises some doubts
` it will be practicable to procure in that quarter
ts lawfull ditiled for the military supply of
49
i )
When the government, in i ;, attempted to enforce

excise in western Pennsylvania, that region revolted
in
what came to be called the Whiskey Rebellion. After
an
infuriated Hamilton persuaded a reluctant Washing-
ton to call up thousands of troops, Hamilton himself
directed the military action thatcrushed the revolt. But
the secretary's triumph was far from complete. Hamil-
ton's suppression of the insurrection led his enemies to
intensi|theiropposition against the administration, and
therebellionitself, asanexpressionofdeep-seated hostil-
ity to the spirits tax, assured its eventual demise. As a
revenue measure the excise had already failed, for it had
proved impossible to collect the tax in the West, expen-
sivetoemployabodyofexcisemenfor asingleduty, and
difncult, ifnot impossible, to monitor distilling. Evenin
Philadelphia, thefederalcapital, illicitdistillingwascom-
mon. Whenthegovernmenthired|ames ewportto in-
vestigate Philadelphia tax evasion, hereported thatin six
weeksfourmajordistillerieshadpaidtaxesononly , z;;
of the , z;; gallons they had produced. Fortunately,
such chronic problems were offset by rising revenues
from import duties, and in i 8oz a southernand western
majority in Congress followed President |efferson's rec-
ommendation and repealed the excise tax.
What had killed the spirits excise? lt had not died
because western distillers had no cash, for the govern-
ment could have arranged to accept barter payments.
or had it died because ofillicit and underreported dis-
tilling, foradequateinspectioncouldhaveovercome that
difnculty. Anditsendhadnotcome because oftheprov-
idential rise in imports, although the government was
luckyenoughtohavethatsource ofincometoreplacethe
55
The Aloholi Republic
whiskey tax. The excise failed, in part, because it was
not in line with economic reality. America was a rural
nation in which farmers produced a grain surplus that
could be marketed only as distilled spirits. These small
farmers hated the whiskey tax because it adversely af-
fected the marketfortheir surplus grain.5
1
More important, however, is the fact that Americans
in general hated the excise on domestic distilled spirits
beca
se it clashed with post-Revolutionary principles.

Consider, forexample, Callatin's i ;z petition opposing
the excise as an unequal' measure thattaxed the com-
mon drink of a nation' and that fell as heavy on the
poorest class as on the rich. ' At nrst glance we might
conclude, as Hamilton erroneously did, that this com-
plaint was primarily economic. While couched in eco-
nomic
.
terms, however, l would contend that the argu-
ment
.
itselfwas rooted in American concepts ofequality
and liberty. The majority ofAmericans resented a mea-
sure that appeared to favor the rich who drank Madeira
over the poor who drank whiskey. They condemned
whattheyconsideredto be bothaninfringementoftheir
freedomtodrinkandaneffort onthe partofthe govern-
ment to control their customs and habits. Furthermore,
inthe r ;osanerce republicanpridecausedmostAmeri-
cans to resist any attempt by the wealthy and powerful
to setstandardsofmorality and coercethe ordinary man
to adoptthem. The excise tax, aimed at curbing the use
ofdistilledspirits, was seenasj ustsuchanattempt. And
so the measure failed. As for the antiliquor reformers,
theyemerged fromthe wreckageofthe whiskey taxcon-
troversy with neither a policy nor a program. They
watched with bewilderment and apprehension as the
postwar tide of liquor rolled onward, engulnng
America.52
By i 8oo traditional colonial society had all but disap-
peared. The time when Harvard students were listed in
A GOOD CREATRE
thecolle
e roster bytheirparents'socialrankhadpassed;
the wearing of powdered wigs and knee breeches was
nearing an end. The assumptions that had maintained
the power ofthe old elite wereeverywhere giving way,
and thestyleoftheupper classes had changed. Onceto
be of high station had implied an obligation to demon-
strate power through display; it was necessary to be
'drunk as a lord. ' When cheap spirits enabledevery
man
to be as drunk as a lord, the prestige of drunkenness
declined. Yettheadoptionofanew, sober stylebymany
oftheupperclass didnotresultsolelyfromthefact that
their heavy drinking had been imitated by the lower
classes and wasnolongerasignofwealthand status,the
new habit of sobriety resulted from a number ofmuch
more signincant social changes. The elite class was itself
being transformed by economic change that had raised
up a new group of broad-minded, international mer-
chants in place ofcountrygentry, by an ideology oflib-
erty and equality that vigorously challenged tradition,
and by the upheavals ofthe Revolutionthat had enabled
the masses to take political control ofthe taverns. Amid
these shifting social processes was the gradual decay of
theoldbeliefthatspirituousliquorwasCod'sgood crea-
ture, theriseofacontrarybelief, andthebeginningsofa
quarrelaboutalcoholthatwould becomeacurious theme
threading itscoursethroughoutAmerican history.
57
HPTR
THE SPIRITS
OF INDEPENDENCE
Come on, then, if you love toping;
for here you may drink yourselves blind
at the price of sixpence.
WILLIAM COBBETT
1818
W M W
W M W
L.i 8ootheinuenceofthe upper class minorityhostile
to distilled spirits had declined, while a majority of
Americans continued to upho|d a hearty drinking tradi-
tion. That tradition survived and ourished with a read-
ilyavai|ab|e andplentifulsupplyofstrongdrink. lndeed,
astheavailabilityofinexpensivedisti|ledspirits, particu-
|arlywhiskey, increased, drinking increased. lt was dur-
ing the ear|y nineteenth century that domestic whiskey
supplanted rum as the favorite spirituous beverage, that
techno|ogical improvements in distillation increased the
outputofdistil|ed spirits, andthatwesternsett|ers began
totunlarge quantitiesofsurp|us corn intocheap, abun-
dant whiskey.
Distilled spirits had long played a signincant ro|e in
the Americaneconomy. Before the Revolution, mo|asses
and rum accounted for one-nfth oftheva|ueofallgoods
importedfromBritishpossessions, andfromPhi|adelphia
northwardthedisti|lationofrumfromimportedmolasses
wasthe |eading manufacturing process . Anerthe Revo-
lution, the production of spirituous liquor continued to
be important to the nation's economy. During the i ;os
molasses and rum sti|l acounted for one-nfth ofthevalue
ofAmerican imports, and by i 8i o whiskey, rum, and
other distilled spirits ranked behind cloth and tanned
hides as the third most important industria| product,
worth i o percent of the nation's manufactured output.
When we consider that distilling was less likely to be a
cottage industry than were spinning, weaving, and tan-
ning, we can view distilling as the era's principal indus-
try. Tracingtheeconomicroleofrum and whiskey dur-
ing the colonial and early national years will show why
these beverages were inexpensive and available and how
theyaffected the economy and society.
ln the eighteenth century, when Americans occupied
only a fringe ofthe continent along the Atlantic shore,
they struggled to keep their foothold, worked hard to
make the wildeness yield a living, and looked to Eng-
land for the means to maintain and improve their new-
won land. They expected to receive their necessaries
from the trading vessels that docked at American sea-
ports. From across the ocean came the seeds for their
crops, the implements to work their nelds, the cattle for
their pastures, and even the indentured servants and
slaves to work for them. On the return voyage these
same ships carried back to the mother country tobacco,
indigo, rice, timber, andfoodstuffs. Unfortunately, how-
ever, Englandneededcolonialproducelessthanthe colo-
nies needed English goods . This constant imbalance in
trade created a chronic dencit in the colonial balance of
payments. Cold and silver owed away from America,
leaving the colonies short ofhard currency.
As a consequence, American merchants needed a sub-
stituteformoneyasamediumofexchange. Onepossible
substitute was credit, but eighteenth-century banking
was ill equipped to meet co|onia| demands. The nearest
nnanciers were in London, separated from the colonies
by geography and time, by tradition and psychology.
Few English bankers wished to invest money in remote
ventures or to risk their capital with strangers at such a
distance. Although established traders could obtain
credit, itwas inconvenient and had other disadvantages.
THE SPIRITS OF INDEPEDECE
lf a London nnancier went bankrupt, for example, an
American merchant might be caught months later
holding a worthless bill of exchange. Then, too, the
value of commerical paper uctuated so much that a
trader was often unable to ascertain the worth of his
credits or debits . Because pronts in the shipping in-
dustry depended upon the stability ofprices, the trader
preferredtohavehisassetsinaformthatwaslesssubject
to change than commerical paper. Lacking hard money
andfearful ofcredit, Americanmerchantsturnedtobar-
ter.
Oneimportantitemforbarterwasrum. lts usefulness
forthispurposeresultedfromthenatureofcolonialtrade
and from the commodity's own unique qualities. Much
Americantrade wascarriedonalongthe seaboard. South
Carolina rice exchanged for Massachusetts salted nsh,
orth Carolina tar and pitch for Connecticut rum,
Virginiatobacco forPennsylvaniawhitepinespars . This
coastal trade not only encouraged ship building and
helpedto integratethecolonies'economies, it alsostimu-
lated an interest in commercial opportunities in more
remote markets. A merchant might buy molasses in the
French West lndies, ship it home, distill it, trade the
rum in Africafor slaves, transportthe slaves tothe Car-
ibbeancane plantations , and trade memfor moremoIas-
ses. This triangular shipping pattern was then repeated.
However, the more common pattern was one in which
shippers exported American foodstuffs to the West
lndies andtraded themthereforeithermolassesorrum.
The British West lndies distilled their own rum, and
Americans who traded there were forced to accept pay-
ment in rum rather than in molasses. American mer-
chantspreferredtotradeintheFrench, Spanish, orDan-
ish West lndies, where they could get molasses, take it
home, and distill it at a pront, either selling the rum in
AmericaorexportingittoAfrica, Canada, orbacktothe
Th Alcoholi Reublic
non-BritishWestlndies. The patterns ofthese commod-
ity exchanges made molasses and rum the predominant
itemsforbarter, and in some respects rum wasthe more
attractive. Unlike other goods, including molasses, rum
shipped easily, could be warehoused cheaply, withstood
any climate and improper handling, and increased in
valueasitaged. Rumwasthe currencyofthe age.
The rise ofAmerican shipping ooded the colonies
with British West lndian rum. First, as American com-
merce expanded, merchants who sold agricultural pro-
duce in the British islands were obliged to accept ever
larger volumes ofrum as payment. Traders preferred to
nll their holds withrum rather than to ship more specu-
lative commodities, accept bills of exchange, or travel
with worthless ballast. High quality rum was often
dumped on the American continent at a loss in order to
load vessels with more prontable cargoes. Second, the
growth ofAmerican trade in molasses, which was dis-
tilled at home into cheap, low quality rum and then
shippedtoAfricaandt
_
eCaribbean,hadcausedtheBrit-
ish West lndies to lose those markets. The result was
thattheprincipal sales ofCaribbeanrumwerein orth
America, and as both West lndian and American rum
glutted the colonial market, the price inevitably fell. At
Philadelphia in the i ;os ew England rum sold for z
shillings, z pence to
shillings, pence per gallon, from

i ;6to i ;;itvaried from I shilling, ; pence to z shill-
ings, pencepergallon. Asnotedearlier, rumbecameso
cheapthat a casuallaborercould earninone daymoney
enoughfora week's drunk. This sharp drop inthe price
ofrumwas incontrastto the more stablepriceofa basic
commoditylike our.
ln i ;;o,ontheeveofthe Revolution, thecolonies im-
ported million gallons ofrum and distilled another
million gallons . Of this prodigious amount, Americans
THE SPIRITS OF INDEPENDENCE
themselves drank seven-eighths. Although rum was im-
portant as an item oftrade that enabled American mer-
chantstoparticipate, through barter, intheinternational
market, it had greater signincance as a catalyst in the
homeeconomy. Thelarge-scaleandhighlyprontabledis-
tilling industry in the principal colonial seaports em-
ployed many laborers , stimulated capital formation and
investment, andencouraged the developmentofmanage-
rial talent. Aseconomic historian|ohn|. McCusker, |r. ,
has pointed out, distilling was essential to the infra-
structure ofthe shipping complex that then dominated
theAmericaneconomy.
During the Revolutionary War, the British blockaded
molasses and rum imports. Althoughdistillerstemporar-
ily switched from making rum to making whiskey, they
were unableto manufacture enough spirits to meet war-

time demand. Distilled liquor was often unavailable, and
when it could be procured, the price was high. Diarist
William Pynchon ofSalem, Massachusetts, forexample,
recorded in i ;;; that a friend had bought a house for
only shillings more than the price of a hogshead of
rum. Thatbeveragewas soscarce thatPatrick Henry, as
wartimegovernorofVirginia, embarrassedhisfriendsby
serving home-brewed beer to important guests. ln i ;;8,
whenthe British Armyevacuated ew Haven, the local
council wasdelighted, untiltheylearnedthatthe depart-
ingtroops hadcartedawaythe town's rum supply. Then
they were furious. American farmers were not able to
providetheirlaborers withtraditional allowancesofrum,
and hands were obliged to take such substitutes as
spruce, pumpkin, orpersimmon beer. OftenevenConti-
nental Army soldiers did without, when supply contrac-
tors failed to deliver the troops their daily -ounce rum
ration. Spirituous liquor was so precious, recalled one
man, that ina severe battle, Ceneral Putnam, who was
almost perforated with bullets, complained most of all,
that a shot had passed through his canteen and spiltall
his rum. . . . '
Anerthe war, rum distillers resumed capital-intensive
and large-scale operations . Shipping merchants domi-
nated the industry because, as a practical matter, a suc-
cessful distiller needed a constant ow of molasses. ln
Providence, Rhode lsland, for example, the Browns, a
familywithafar-ungbusinessempire,establishedadis-
tillery to generate cash to pay for other ventures. Be-
tween i ; 8 and i ; theyproduced more than oo, ooo
gallonsofrum. Throughout the ewEngland seaboard,
there were large rum works. ew Haven'stwo rum fac-
tories, operated by Abner Kirby and Elias Shipman &
Co. , together distilled as much as i o,ooogallons a year.
ln contrast, the interior county of Hartford had dozens
ofsmallfruit and grain stillsthat altogetheryielded only
afractionofthisgallonage. Evenonthelightlypopulated
Maine coast rum production was great, with Thomas
Robison's Falmouth rum works making more than , ooo
gallons duringthe nrstfourmonths of i ;8 .
However, despiteextensive capital outlay, the postwar

rum distillers lost their economic preeminence when
theirmolasses sources beganto disappearand theirmar-
kets begantocollapse. lt becameincreasinglydifncultto
import molasses, because the European West lndies fol-
lowed the British West lndies in distilling their own
rum, and the French joined the British in closing their
coloniesto Americantrade. The Americanrumindustry
also faced the loss ofits markets in Africa, Canada, and
other Britishcolonies, where a signincant portion ofthe
Americanproduct had beensold. Atthe sametime, con-
sumption fell within the United States. Americans in
i ;;o drank 8 million gallons of rum; by i ;8, with a
population that had nearly doubled, only ; million gal-
lons . "
66
THE SPIRTS OF INDEPEDECE
Erratic supplies and higher prices for rum had en-
couraged a shin to beer, cider, and whiskey, but rum
also suffered fromrising nationalism. lmported molasses
andrumweresymbolsofcolonialism and reminders that
America was not economically self-sufncient. Whereas
thecolonistsoncehadbeenproudofobtainingsuchcom-
modities from the British Empire, independent Ameri-
cans now believed thathavingto importthose items sig-
nined aneconomic weakness that could lead to political
subjugation. To sell foodstuffs or other articles to the
West lndies was desirable because it was prontable; to
buy rum from those same islands was foolish and unpa-
triotic because it was harmful to American distillers and
their workmen. l reckon every horse exported and re-
turned inrum,'wroteoneAmerican, assomuch prop-
erty lost tothe generalinterest. '
Furthermore, the destruction of colonial trade pat-

terns , wartime experimentation with beverages other
thanrum, and thethrustforeconomicindependencelen
theAmericanrumindustry vulnerabletopoliticalattack.
ln i ;8 , Congress had proposed nnancing the central
government by levying import duties. This plan necessi-
tated an amendment to the Articles of Confederation.
TheArticles, however,couldonlybeamendedbyunani-
mous consent, and Rhode lsland, whose rum distillers
feared a molasses tariff, voted against the proposal. lt
was the industry'slastvictory. Aner the federal govern-
ment wasestablishedunderthenewconstitutionin i ;8,
Congress imposed rum and molasses duties. The only
concession to the rum industry was the enactment of a
whiskey tax, which was supposed to maintain the ratio
thatthenexisted betweenthepricesofrumandwhiskey.
EventhislevycouldnotstopthedriftofAmericansfrom
expensive rum distilled from imported molassesto cheap
whiskey made from domestic grain. Rum distillers faced
an unpleasant situation; before the Revolution rum had
beenthe universal beverage, and whiskey had been rare,
so rare in i ;; that one author who used the word felt
obliged to denne itfor his readers, but by i ;o rum ac-
counted for only two-thirds of all the hard liquor con-
sumed, and whiskey had become so popular that, along
with domestic fruit brandy, it accounted for the remain-
ingone-third.1 1
Therumindustrywasruined whentheattemptto use
taxes to equalize the price of rum and whiskey failed.
Theimpostandexcisedidleadto higher prices for both
beverages. lnBoston, localrummorethandoubledfrom
i shilling, 8 pence pergallon in the late i ;8os to 3 shiI-
lings, 6 pence in the early i;os. ln ew York, similar
increases occurred, with the price of|amaica rum dou-
bling and that of whiskey rising by as much as oper-
cent. lt does not appear, however, that these higher
prices signincantlyreducedconsumption. Perhaps during
the i ;os Americans could afford to pay more for alco-
holic beverages because they were prospering from the
sale of agricultural produce to war-ravaged Europe.
Then, too, while the domestic excise raised the price of
whiskey, it did not curb the growth of the supply. lf
therehad been nowhiskeytax, theprice ofthat beverage
w
uld have fallen, and its use increased even more. ln

any event, whiskey gained at rum's expense, for the
duties on molasses and rum were both higher than the
whiskey tax and more difncult to evade.
Repealofthewhiskey taxini 8oz doomed therum in-
dustry. Since rum importers and distillers continued to
pay rum and molasses duties, their product became too
highpricedto becompetitive, exceptalong theseaboard.
Annual molassesimportsremainedsteadyatabout i gal-
lon per capita, at a time when spirits consumption was
rising. While the domestic rum industry stagnated, im-
ports of rum fell sharply. From i ;o until the United
States embargo ofi 8o8, annual rum imports were above
68
TH SPIIS OF INDEPENDENCE
j gallon per capita, from i 8o8 to r 8z ; less than a half
gallon, and from i 8z8 to i 8o be|ow one-nfth of a gal-
10n.
1 3
Thedeclineofthe rum industry was accompanied and
hastened by the rise of cheap, p|entiful whiskey. The
success ofthe whiskey industry was due, in part, to the
Iactthatmany Scottish, lrish, and Scotch-lrishgraindis-
tillershad immigratedxoAmericaduringthelastquarter
of the eighteenth century These whiskey-drinking peo-
ples had experimented with distillation for two centuries
and had developed efncient stills that produced large
amounts of fairly high quality liquor. When these lrish
and Scots settled on the American frontier, they found
conditionsfavorablefor theexerciseoftheirtalents.plen-
tiful water, abundantgrain, andamplewoodtofueltheir
stills. Travellers to western Pennsylvania observed that
in that region one of every thirty families or an even
greater proportion owned stills. ln parts of
Kentucky
these instruments werethe only manufactured items that
had beenbroughtfromthe East.
14
ln additionto the arrival ofthese high|y skilled crans-
men the American whiskey industry benented during
the arly nineteenth century from radical tech
ological
improvements in stills. To understand hese improve-
ments, it is necessary to know how a still works. (See
Chart 3 . I . ) Theprocessbeginswhenpreparedfermented
matter(the mash) is placed ina closed container(the still
bowl) and heated until an alcoholic steam is produced.
This steam then escapes through an outlet at the top of
the bowl, passing through a pipe (the worm) which
.
is
cooled either by contact with the air or by passmg
throughaseriesoftubsofcoldwater. Thesteamisrecap-
turedasaliquid inasecondclosedcontainer(thecond
n-
ser). Eachtimeadistillerfollowsthisprocedureofaddmg
mash to the still bowl he has run off a batch, and each
batch is one ofa series that forms a run. lt is generally
a.
h.
d.
Figure 1. Still
still howl
worm
c. condenser
d. fire
d.
Figure Z. Flat Still
a.
b.
a. add mash
h. condensing tub
c. still bowl
d. condensing globe
e. whiskey
f
fire
e.
f
Figure J. Perpetual Still
Ohart 3.1. Figure 1. STILL Figure 2. FLAT STILL
Figure 3. PERPETUAL STILL
THE SPIRTS OF INDEPENDECE
agreed that the middle portion ofbatches fromthe mid-
ule of a run yields the highest quality distilled spirits.
Stills operate on two physical principles. n rst, that fer-
mented mashcontains alcohol, second, that alcohol boiIs
at a lower temperature than water. The device operates
. to pass alargelyalcoholic steamintothecondenserwhile
leaving a watery, nonalcohoIic waste in the still bowl.
Condensers, worms, and stillbowlscanvaryin size and
shape. The selection ofa particular design for a stillde-
pends upon local conditions. lf wood or other fuel is
scarce, a design that minimizes heat loss i spreferable, if
copper,thematerialmostcommonlyusedtomakea still,
Isexpensive,the still willbesmall,ifwaterforcoolingis
Jifncult to obtain, slow condensation is carried out by
exposinga long, coiledcopperwormtothe air.
One ofthe early advances in still design came about
i 8oo, anerthe British government placed a steep excise
on stills according to theircapacity. Canny Scots, seek-
ing to minimize the tax, devised a at, shallow still of
smallcapacitythatcouldproducequicklylargequantities
of liquor. The at still heated so rapidly that a distiller
couldrunoa batch in aslittle as three minutes. How-
ever, while this designincreased the rate ofoutput and
saved fuel, it required more labor. ln America, where
fuelwas cheap, labordear, andthe equipment was taxed
lightly or not at all, the stills were not so dat as those
used in Scotland. Even so, American whiskey distillers
discoveredthatthe shallowbowIcutthe size and, hence,
theexpenseofthestill, reducedwastageatthebeginning
and end ofruns, and produced a higher quality liquor.
This shallow,atstillwasofnousetorumdistillers, for
while grain mashcould be heated rapidly and intensely,
molasseswould scorch.'
A secondimprovementinstilldesignraisedyields and
reduced both labor and fuel requirements. With a tradi-
tional apparatus, or even a at still, the most efncient
7 1
resultscould be attainedonlywitha large unitrun atfull
capacity. A high-capacity still had lowercostspergallon
of output than a smaller unit, because labor costs de-
pended uponthenumberofbatchesrunrather
.
thantheir
size. A large still also used heat more efnciently and
thereby cut fuel costs. These facts had favored rum dis-
tillers who operated large units over whiskey distillers
who had to use small units because they lacked signin-
cant capital, plentiful grain supplies, and large markets.
This competitive edge vanished with the invention and
perfectionofthe 'perpetual' still. '
The principle of this apparatus was a heat exchange
that saved both fuel and coo|ing water. As Chart . I
shows, the exchangeofheatwas effected bythe addition
ofa third chamber called a condensing tub, which was
built around the condenser, now called the condensing
globe. The mash was fed into the condensing tub and
descended to the still bowl where it was heated, the
steam rose into the condensing globe and emerged as
whiskey. The advantage ofthis design wasthattheh
at
givenoffby the condensingglobe as the st
amcooledin-
side it warmed the mash in the surrounding tub before
itreached the still bowl. ln addition, as the mashinthe
tubabsorbed heat fromthe globe, it acted to cool the al-
coholic vapors intheglobe. lntheearlierdesignstheheat
givenoffby the condenser had been wa
.
sted, in
he per-
petual still some ofthe heat generated in the still bowl
and passed on to the condensing globe was ret
ed to
the still bowl by way of the warmed mash. Similarly,
earlier designs had often used coiled worms 1hat were
passed through tubs of water in order to co
l and con-
dense the alcoholic vapors. ow the cooling of the
vapors in the globe of the perpetual still was ac-
complished by the globe being surrounded by the con-
densing tub nlled with mash. Thus, the perpetual s
.
tilI
eliminated coiled worms and watertubs used forcoohng
7
2
THE SPIRTS OF INDEPEDENCE
signincantly reduced the need for fuel. The perpet-
ual
still had anadded advantage. itcould be fed continu-
ously. lt was no longer necessary to make liquor in
batches. As a consequence, labor costs were cut and the
poorqualityspiritsproduced atthebeginningand end of
runs
was reduced. Because this invention made small
st|lls nearly as efncient as large ones, it enabled small-
scalewhiskeyproducerstocompetewithlarge-scale rum
manufacturers.
Theperpetual still was justoneofmanyimprovements
in distillation patented during the early nineteenth cen-
tury. From i 8oz through i 8I 5 the federal government
issued morethan i oopatentsfordistillingdevices . These
patentswere more than 5
ercen
ofall patent
.
s grante
9
,
and they were issued both ina higher proportion and in
greaternumbersthaninlateryears. The
eatnu
berof
early patents is evidence ofa widespread interes
in st
.
ill
technology. Scientists concerned themselves with dis-
tilling problems, the nation's 1eading magazines pub-
lishedarticlesonthesubject,andself-taughtexpertspub-
lished distilling manuals . Among prominent Americans
who were interested in methods of distillation were
Tench Coxe, Hamilton's aide andone-timeexcisecollec-
tor, who followed international technical developments
with the hope ofapplying some innovations to domestic
manufacturing, Dr. Samuel L. Mitchill, a leading ew
York physician active in the tempera
ce cause, and
Thomas Cooper, Dickinson Collegechemistryprofe
.
sso
.
r,
who claimed that he had perfected theperpetual stillin
the Philadelphia laboratory of English exile |ose
P
h
Priestly. Perhaps more representative ofthe genera
.
l
.
in-
terestindistillationwas Ceorge Washington. Onretnng
from the presidency and moving to Mount V
rno
in
i ;; he built a distillery where he processed his neigh-
bors' surplus grain and in i ;8, his best year, earned
4
.
73
The Aloholc Reublic
J &
Andeson and Hall's Patented Steam Ditilley.
X L]n
L hmonH
1 Bw m
X &gp
tg m
The process of distillation interested Americans be-
cause it performed a vital economic function by trans-
formingfragile,perishable, bulky, surplusfruitandgrain
into nonperishable spirits that could te easily stored,
shipped, or sold. Unlike other commodities, spirituous
liquor could be shipped at a pront, even when shipping
required the payment of high overland transportation
costs. A farmer could realize handsome pronts frompro-
cessinghisgrainintospirits, since a bushel ofcornworth
z yielded zl gallons of spirits worth $ i . z or more.
Even ifthe farmer did not do his owndistilling and had
to give a commercial distiller halftheoutputin payment
for his service, hecould increase thevalueofhis cornby
i opercent.18
Althoughmanyfarmerswanted apartoftheirgrainto
be distilled, not all could afford to buy stills . Boilers,
worms, and stillbowls were expensive becausetheyhad
to be made by highly skilled craftsmen from copper,
74
TH SPfrs OF INDEPENDENCE
which was scarce. When a western husbandman found
hat $zoowould buyeithera i oo-gallonstillor 200 acres
of
unclearedland, hewasinclined, ifhe had the money,
to
purchase the land. lndeed, he could justifythecapital
outlay for a still only if he could keep it occupied by

roess notonlyhisowngrainbutalso his neighbors'.
The result was that only wealthy agriculturalists had
stills and that farmers who needed a distiller's service
paid heavilyfortheirdependency. Before i 8zo, thecapi-

talist-distiller could make largepronts from this captive
market.1 9
Distilling manuals forecasted high earnings. For ex-
ample, Harrison Hall, author of one distilling manual,
calculated that a distillerythat processedtwelve bushels
ofgrain a day and shipped 3, 000 gallons ofspirits to a
nearby market would produce, in three months, $700
pront, an amount more than one-third ofits gross sales.
Here are hisestimates.
20
.
C A P I T A L R E Q U I R E D
1 2 5 gal. patent still . . . . . . . . . . . . $ 240
100 gal. doubling still and worm . . . . 1 00
1 25 gal. boiler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , 100
50 hogsheads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
misc. equipment . . . . . . . . . . . 1 69
1 10 hogs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440
TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , 1 1 24
E X P E N S E S
600 bu. corn at 50 per . . . . . . . . , 300
300 bu. rye at 60 per . . . . . . . . . . 1 80
1 00 bu. malt at 60 per . . . . . . . . . 60
500 lb. juniper berries . . . . . . . . " 100
hops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
100 barrels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " 100
transportation at 6 per gal. . . . . 1 80
3 3 cords wood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
75
E X P E N S E S ( C O N T . )
grinding grain . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
wages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 25
leakage, comissions, repairs . . . . 1 39
TOTAL . . . . . . . . . 1 302
R E C E I P T S
3000 gal. spirits at 55 per . . . . . . . . . 1 650
gain on hogs . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328
TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . 1 978
PROFI T

676
Hall's ngures indicate that within six months a small
distillery would not only pay its expenses but also re-
cover the value ofinvested capital. A close inspection of
his estimates, however, shows that these rosy projections
allowedn
_
marginforerrorormishap. Foronething, as
Rep. |ames Buchanan once observed in Congress, many
distillers' pronts depended less upon whiskey than upon
the hogs fattened on distillery slop. lfthe hogs died or
the pork market became depressed, the distiller lost
money. There could be other difnculties. a workman
might spill the mash, the barrels might leak, the still
might explode, or the spirits might not bring as high a
price asexpected. The prospect ofprontsthatlured men
to buy and operate stillscreatedcompetitionthat inevita-
bly drove down the price of whiskey. When the price
droppedto zagallonorless, asitdidinthe Westdur-
ing the i 8zos, receipts would no longer meet expenses,
much less recover capital invested in the still. By that
time stills were no longer scarce and, being common,
they losttheirvalueas moneymills.
Z
Attheopeningofthecentury,theWestwasthecenter
oftheburgeoningwhiskey industry. By i 8i o, when dis-
tilling was concentrated in upstate ew York, western
TH SPIITS OF INDEPEDENCE

vania, Ohio, and Kentucky, those four states
produced more than half the nation's grain and fruit

spirits. An important element in making the western
honuerthecenterforwhiskey distilling wasthefactthat
it
was separated from the Last by the Appalachian
ountains . This physical barrier dictated a particular

pattern of frontier settlement and economy. When the
frontier had been on the eastern side ofthe mountains,
settlers had moved along river valleys that kept them in
touch with developed areas downstream. But settlers
whocrossedtheAppalachians wereoutoftouchwiththe
seaboard. They were isolated and cut offfrom the East,
and they were forced to develop their own resources,
products, and markets. Land transportation across the
mountain barrier was expensive and impractical. From
Bedford, Pennsylvania, for example, it was said to be
cheaper to haul goods i oo miles to Pittsburgh and then
doat them z , i oo miles down the Ohio and Mississippi
rivers to ew Orleansthanto haulthem zoo miles over
the mountains of central Pennsylvania to Philadelphia.
Whilewatertransportwas nearly free, landcarriagecost
asmuchas r apoundper i oomiles. TheWestofneces-
sityhadto becomeself-sufncient.
ZZ
Although the region's commercial development was
hindered bytopography, the Westdid enjoy theadvan-
tage ofsoil superior to that of the East. The valley of
theOhio,'wrote one impressed foreignvisitor, was the
richest and the most fertile . . . ever seen. The lux-
urianceand rapidgrowth ofthe vegetationwere incredi-
ble. ' A settlerneeded to workscarcelytwo hours a day
to support himself and his family. ' Such reports led
Americans to herald Kentucky as a paradise, a second
Carden of Eden. This romantic vision was not entirely
fanciful, as suggested by high agricultural yields .
Whereas a typical Maryland farm yielded ten bushels
_
f
cornper acre, virginKentucky soil yielded forty. A dili-
77
gent westernfarmerwho planted and harvested ten acres
got 400 bushels ofcorn, four times what his family and
cattle could consume.
Disposingofthis surplusgrainwas difncult. Such lush
productioncaused food prices in the Ohio valley to fall
until they were the lowest in the world. Apples and
peaches were free for the picking, and many were al-
lowedto rotonthe ground. Corn soldfor as little as zs
a bushel, corn-fed pork s a pound. The western hus-
bandman could make no money selling produce in this
glutted local market, so he tried to sell his surplus else-
where. During the apoleonic Wars much ofthe grain
was sent via ew Orleans to Europe, but after I 8 I S a
peacefulEuropenolongerneeded American produce. As
for sending grain to the East, corn was so bulky that a
horse could not carry enough across the Appalachian
Mountainstoprovidehisownfeed. lndeed, itwascalcu-
latedthatgraincouldnotbesentprontablybylandmore
than twenty miles. The farmer was forced to ship his
grain by water down the Mississippi to ew Orleans,
wherehewasatthemercyofa single marketservingthe
entire western region. Sometimes the planter's corn rot-
ted on the wharves, or he was paid so little that he lost
moneyonthe trip. Farmers foundthesegrainshipments
to be so unprontable that many chose to feed their corn
to hogs, thereby turning a cornglut into a hog glut. Al-
though Cincinnatians boasted oftheirtown as Porkopo-
lis, most hogs were marketed through ew Orleans,
where a large supplyand limited demandyielded a low
price.
Tomarkettheir surplus grainmoreprontably, western
farmersturnedto distilling. Whiskeycouldbeshippedto
easternmarkets eitherthroughewOrleansoroverland.
A man could makemoneysendinghis whiskey overland
bypackanimalbecausedistillationsoreducedthebulkof
THE SPIRITS OF INDEPEDECE
Two viws of U sl diile.
grain that a horse could carrysix times as much corn in
that form. Thus, a western planter could load his horse
withliquor,headacrossthemountains,tradesomeofthe
alcohol for feed en route, and arrive in the East with a
surplus to sell in a favorable eastern whiskey market.
Whereas corn sold for zs a bushel in Kentucky, whis-
keybrought, aftertripexpenses, four timesthat amount
in Philadelphia. This price differential was due not so
muchto the conversion ofcornintowhiskeyas to a sig-
nincantdifference between eastern and western grain
markets. Crain in the West sold in a low-priced buyer's
market created by the farmer's need to sell; he feared
spoilage, lacked storage, and needed cash fromhis grain
sales to pay taxes and buy manufactured goods. The
mountain barrier dictated thatcorn and wheat grownin
the West had to be sold locally or in a glutted ew
Orleans market. Ontheother hand, grain grown in the
East sold in a high-priced seller's market at as much as
threetimesthewesternrate. TheEasthadbarelyenough
7
9
Th Aloholi Reubli
grainforits own needsbecauseoflow acreageyieldsand
a large nonfarmingpopulation.
Z
The existenceoftwodistinctgrain markets wasa con-
sequence ot the geographical barrier. Since distilled
spirits could be transported across the mountains, the
two grain markets were united into a single, new, na-
tional whiskey market. However, little high-priced east-
ern grain was distilled, because the whiskey produced
would have been more expensive than rum. Con-
sequently, cheap western grain, in the form ofwhiskey,
could besold inthe East at prices nearly as high asrum.
Westernersrushed toenterthis lucrative trade, inhibited
only by a shortage ofstills. Stillsbecame more common,
the rapid increase of western populauon increased the
grain surplus, and the collapse of the European market
forAmericangrainin 1 8 1 5 spurred morefarmerstomar-
ket whiskey in the East. The results were predictable.
Cheap westen spirits nrst stole the rum market by un-
dercuttingWestlndianand ew Englandrum, and then
in the early I 820S whiskey itself became a surplus com-
modity. AtPhiladelphia, whererye whiskey before 1 820
hadsoldatwholesaleformorethan60 agallon,itsprice
was halved.
Z
This overproduction of whiskey contributed to the
West's nnancial problems during the I 820S. For one
thing, distilled spirits had been one ofthat region's im-
portant mediums of exchange. Whiskey had functioned
as money on the frontier, much as rum had on the sea-
boarda halfcenturyearlier. Thecash-short West needed
some form of currency, and whiskey was a rational
choice, foritwas widely produced, universallyused, and
easily preserved, stored, shipped, and traded. lt circu-
lated like money, being readily interchangeable for all
sortsofgoodsandservices. One Ohionewspaper, forex-
ample, requested subscribers to pay cash or stipulated
80
THE SPIRITS OF INDEPENDENCE
of beef, pork, wheat, corn, or whiskey, and
nnati's First Presbyterian Church paid a portion of
its
minister's salary with 1 00 gallons of corn liquor.
While whiskey, like rum, gained value when aged in
it was far from an ideal currency, for it had a
M1 4t home marketinanareawhere everyfarmerwas a
potential distiller. When a western farmerbought a still,
t appears that he often intended to make spirits not to
sell buttopackhis basementwithliquidassets. As soon

as he had nlled the storeroom, he sold the still . There
vere few commercial distillers in the western country
because there were few local buyers, a truth painfully
learned by some ew England investors whose Hope
Distillery at Louisville failed when itsproductcould not
bemarketed.27
Furthermore, the Westwas affected by whiskey's role
in the national economy. Aner the nrst Bank of the
\nited States had been allowed to die in 1 8 1 1 , the n-
nancing of American business depended heavily upon
commodityexchanges. aturally, oneofthemostimpor-
tant commodities for exchange on the part ofthe West
was whiskey. The West needed its pronts from the sale
of whiskey in the East, especially after peace was es-
tablished in Europe in 1 8 1 5 , in order to pay for the
thingsthatitneededto import. This funding system was
inherentlyunstable,forithaddevelopedwhenashortage
ofstills and a small westernpopulationkeptthe whiskey
supply low and its eastern price high. After incre
sed
westward migration and a greaternumberofstillsraised
production, the market became saturated, and, as noted
above, prices broke. Followingthe Panicof1 8 1 9 the low

price ofspirituous liquors brought about bythe whiskey
surplus worsened the West's economic situation, since
the surplus destroyed thetrade that had been the nnan-
cial mechanism linking East to West. Throughout the
8 1
1 820S, the western economy stagnated, plagued by a
chronic shortage ofhard money and starved by a deauh
of eastern capital. l believe that much ofthis economic
hardship was aconsequenceofthe whiskey glut.
lnthe early 1 82OS, when apoorlypaid agricultural la-
borer earned $1 a day, whiskey sold at retail for 25 to
5o agallon. From 1 82 5 tothepresentmostgoodshave
declined in price, in terms ofthe labor required to pur-
chase them, whiskey has increased. One reason for that
increase is taxation. Whereas whiskey was not taxed in
1 82 5 , todayitpayssubstantial state andlocallevies and a
federalexciseof$1 0. 50 a gallon. Thefollowingcompari
sons illustratethat whiskey used to be a bargain.
Table 3.1. RANKINGS of PURCHASING POWER
one day's wages
1 825 1975
at $1 pr Da $25 pr Day
Lss
whiskey 2 gallons I gallon
rent 10 days 6 days
bef 1 6 1bs. 14 1bs.
Eve
pork 1 6 1bs. 16 1bs.
Gain
cheese I I lbs. 1 7 1bs.
eggs I I doz. 35 doz.
butter 6 lbs. 28 1bs.
milk 1 6 qts. 70 qts.
coffee 5 lbs. 21 lbs.
clothing 5% year's cost 25% year's cst
sugar 8 lbs. 42 1bs.
flour 20 1bs. 1 25 lbs.
tea I ! Ibs. " lbs.
wine H gallon 6J gallons
Madeira wine J4 gallon 3 gallons
82
TH SPfrs OF INDEPENDENCE
Aner 1 8 I 5 , j ust as whiskey was displacing rum as the
dominantbeverage inthe East, otherforceswereat work
_
timulating the development of nationwide commerce
and increasing the availability ofcheap whiskey. ln the

West, farmers had used datboats, keelboats, and ras to
6oattheirproducedowntheOhioandMississippirivers.
lthough these vessels were a cheap way to ship bulky

agriculturalproducts,theyprovidedonlyaone-waytrip.
Ohio valley farmers found getting home from ewOr-
leans inconvenient and even dangerous. Often they
walked alone for four to six weeks, struggling to carry

necessary purchases across desolateterrainandsparingly
used highways thatwereinfestedbythieves androbbers.
Then, too, doating produce down the river meant that
westernhusbandmenhadto sell theirproduceinasingle
competitive market at ew Orleans, whre they onen
hadto sell at a loss.
The invention of the steamboat and its rapid spread

across western waters altered trade conditions. ow
farmerswhoraedproducetoewOrleanscouldreturn
home with their purchases rapidly, cheaply, and con-
veniently. More important, since steamboatscould traveI
upstream, farm goods could be sold either at ew Or-
leans or upriver, so that farmers in the Tennessee and
CumberIand valleys, for example, turned to raising cot-
ton afterthey began to receive foodstuffs fromthe Ohio
valley. Andthisnewtransportationwascheap. OneEng-
lishvisitorcalculated that it cost2 a mileto traveI on a
steamboaton theMississippiRiverversus 23 a mileina
stage coach in Alabama or Ceorgia. Throughout the
West, steamboats sumulated the movement ofboth pas-
sengers and
reight. Trade boomed. ln 1 8 1 2 , ew Or-

leans received 1 , 000 gallons of whiskey, in 1 8 6,
320,000 gallons, by 1 824, 570, 000 gallons. ln 1 8 1 0,
louisville tallied 250, 00 gallons passing the falls, in
1 82 2 , 2, 250, 000 gallons.
The Aloholic Reubli
Canals were another stimulant to commerce, creating
new markets and expandingold ones. When a canal was
built, itsubstitutedcheapwatertransportationforexpen-
sive overland transportation and thereby reduced ship-
ping costs. These lower costs, in turn, radically altered
markets . Some people fqnd it cheaper to buy certain
imported goods than to produce their own, and others
discovered thattheycould now sell abroad products that
had been unsalable. When the Erie Canal opened, a
farmer was asked, Where did you sell your staves and
timber, before the canal was made?" And he replied,
o where. " The ew York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio
canalsfacilitatedtheinterchangeofgoods andhelpedthe
Westto export its surplus corn by freeingthatcommod-
ity from the monopoly of the ew Orleans market.
These newroutesgave thewesternfarmer a wider mar-
ket, thereby increasingthe demand for his produce and,
consequently, increasingitsprice. Atthesame time, the
eastern buyer could purchase low-priced western com-
modities withonly small shippingcharges added.
lnexpensive transportation created a national grain
market. Beforethecanalera, whiskey had been the only
western commodity able to overcome the transportation
barrier that divided the eastern and western grain mar-
kets, and, as we have seen, whiskey alone had enjoyed a
nationalmarket. ltwasatthattimetheWest'smostprof-
itable commodity. Before i 8z , it was estimated that a
farmer who sent i , ooo bushels ofcorn to ew Orleans
would beluckyto recoverhis shipping costs. lfhe could
convert his corn into hogs, oxen, or horses, he might
make$i zo. Butifheshipped his conasspirits,
g
ecould
make $;o. These differences in pronts disappeared in
thecanal era, whennationalhogandcornmarkets began
tocompetewiththe national whiskey market.
Themarketrevolutionaltered notonlyprices butalso
tradepatterns. Becauseofthenewnationalgrainmarket,
THE SPIRITS OF INDEPEDENCE
who observed that grain prices were rising
telative to whiskey prices were less inclined to distill
., spirits . ln one principal whiskeycenter, Dayton, Ohio,
by i 8 z nearly twice as much grain was milled as was
, distilled. Whiskey also began to decline as a proportion
ofwestern trade. From i 8zto i 8theamountofOhio
valley spirits sent to ew Orleans ceased to expand,
while amounts ofporkandcornincreased. Central Ohio
began to send its cornnorth overthe Ohio Canal to the
Erie line rather than south as spirits to ew Orleans.
CheapwesternproducedoodedtheEast,causedpricesto
fall, andproducedevenmore radical changes. ewYork
farmers who lived along the Erie Canal found that their
worn-outlands couldnot competewiththe West'svirgin
soil in producing grain for their local trading area. On
the other hand, these same farmers discovered that the
canal opened new markets for them further East. Until
i 8z8 spirits shipments on the Erie Canal had increased
because ofthewesterndistillers' increased penetrationof
the ew York market as well as increased local distilla-
tion, then, in i 8z8 whiskey shipments peaked as west-
erners and ew Yorkers began to shift fromtheproduc-
tion of whiskey to the production of grain for sale in
ew York City and ew England. By i 8 the Erie
Canalwas suchagrainconduit thatRochester,oneofthe
cities along its route, could bill itself as the Flour City.
ln that year, dour accounted for half the value of the
goods carried onthe canal.
The creation ofa national grain market led to thera-
tionalizationofwhiskeyproduction, thatis, whiskeypro-
duction became concentrated in large-scale distilleries in
those localities that could not compete intheraising and
shippingofgrain. By i 8odistilleriesinsouthwestOhio,
upstate ew York, and southeast and southwest Penn-
sylvania distilledmorethanhalfthe nation'sgrainspirits.
Eachofthese areas was in a disadvantageous location for
8
5
The Aloholic Reuli

.
m
...

Advertizeent for commercill disilld whiske.
shipping corn. either Cincinnati nor Pittsburgh could
competewiththelowerOhiovalleyfortheewOrleans
marketorwithnorthernOhioandwesternewYorkfor
the ew England market. Although some upstate ew
York farmers sbipped grain, others turned to distilling
whiskey because theywere betterablethanfrontiersmen
to participate in anindustrythatrequired capital invest-
ment In stills . Southeastern PennsyIvania farmers
switched todisullingwhen theirgraincame intocompe-
titionwithcheapergrainbroughtdownthe Susquehanna
Riverand Pennsylvania canals. "
This geographic concentration coincided with a de-
crease in the number of disulleries. The decline aer
1 830 was in contrast with early nineteenth-century in-
creases. One leading distilling center, for example, was
86
TH SPIIS OF INDEPENDENCE
|ancaster County, Pennsylvania, which as late as 1 786

hadnodistilleries,by1 81 4, therewere61 1 ; in 1 830, only
zu . The number ofdistilleries in the entire country
rosefrom 1 4,000 in 1 81 0 to 20,000 in 1 830 and thenfell
o
half that number a decade later. The decrease was
, .
he result ofboth a declining production of spirits and
the factthat after 1 830 small local units lost business to

larger, more emcientcompetitorswhoproducedfor ana-
tional market. This
change can be illustrated with data

forthestateofewYork."
Table 3.2. NEW YORK STATE DISTILLERIES,
1810-1860
Year Number of Val ue of Gal l ons
Di sti l l eri es Product
1 81 0 . 591 $1 .7112 . 2. 1 1
182 1 1057
1 825 I I 29 ( 1 8.0 ?)
1 835 337 3.0
1 840 . 2 1 2 1 2.0
1 845 2 2 1 4.2
1 850 . 93 47 1 1 . 7
1855 88 8.6
1 860 . 77 7 7 26. 2
The development of a large-scale, efncient, and con-
centrated distillingindustrybroughtthespiritsgluttoan
end. This was but the closing chapter in a story that
began when economic conditions created an overabun-
dance ofcheap whiskey. ln a sense, the period ofplen-
tiful spiritscanbeviewedasanepisodeinthematuration
and development ofthe American economy. ltoccupied
theyears between 1 790 and 1 830 whena localized,rural,
m
Th Alcoholi Reublic
seaboard economy was beginning to be transformed into
a modern, national , industrialeconomy. Whiskey'sabun-
dance also can be seen as part ofan economic crisis that
was broughtonbythe waningoftraditional, agrarian so-
ciety. Americans, like European peasants, had employed
distillation to dispose of unmarketable agricultural sur-
pluses . The early nineteenth-century enthusiasmfor dis-
tillinghad shown a lack ofeconomic imagination, a kind
ofstale and mindless attachment to custom, and the in-
ability ofAmericanstoenvisiona betteruse fortheir ag-
riculturalsurplus . This surplusgrainhadthepotentialto
become either the food for industrial workers or, ifsold
in the market, the means ofacquiring money that could
be used as thecapital to build factories. That Americans
failed to use the surplus in either of those ways and
preferred insteadtodrinkindicatedeitherthattheywere
contentwith traditional societyor, morelikely, thatthey
lacked the ingenuity or will to alter that society. ln one
sense, then, the whiskeyglut exemplined the inability of
Americans who clung to traditional agrarian values to
promotechange.
At the same time, l believe that the spirits surplus
unleashed powerful inuences for change. The plethora
ofwhiskey resulted from overabundant agricultural pro-
duction which, in turn, was caused by the fact that
farmers were too great a proportion of the labor force.
Laborers who worked on farms were available for new
employment, ifimaginativemen would taketheinitiative
to hire them for industrial jobs. When entrepreneurs
began to forge an industrial economy, they were able to
employ cheap, surplus rural labor at machines. Farm
girls, for example, worked in the early factories at
Lowell, Massachusetts. So it was that the agricultural
surplus made rapid industrialization possible. This
American experience was not unique, for a glut ofdis-
tilled spirits has preceded industrial development in
88
THE SPIRITS OF INDEPEDENCE
any modern nations . A mid-eighteenth-century craze

mr gin preceded England's lndustrial Revolution, mid-
mneteenth-century distilled spirits binges preceded the
rapid
transformationsofPrussiaand Sweden, and anup-
surge in vodka consumption preceded the indus-
trialization of Russia. ln each of these cases, as in the
United States, agricultural surpluses had created condi-
tions favorableto rapid industrial development.
The spirits glut also destabilized the traditional

agrarian economy By i 8 r o, Americans were spending
J percent of their personal income on distilled spirits,
and, although this ngure does not sound high, itrepre-
sentedahighproportionofdiscretionaryincomegoingto
buy strong drink at a time when expenditures for food,
clothing, and shelter absorbed most income. Further-
more, the money spent on alcohol had the potential for
being a signincant source of capital for investment.
Moneythatwent to buy alcohol, unlikemoneythat was
accumulated to buy major purchasesor invested inlong-
range ventures, could beshifted suddenlyintonewchan-
nels. With the advent of industrialization, Americans
switched from buyingliquor to investing in industrial
projects or purchasing other manufactured consumer
goods. Rapid industrialization after i 8o was stimulated
bylowerliquorconsumption. '
Cheap, abundant liquor also had consequences for so-
ciety itself. People who continued to believe that alcohol
was a 'good creature' were unwilling to impose restric-
tions that would reduce excessive consumption with its
socially debilitating effects. And because society lacked
traditional inhibitions against overindulgence, drinking
haddisruptive and destructive socialconsequences. Dur-
ing the period ofpeak consumption liquor induced wife
beating, family desertion, and assaults, as well as pay-
mentsfrompublic fundsforthesupportofinebriatesand
their families, increased. Such rising disorder alarmed a
public that resented the expense and feared socialchaos.
As American leaders groped for mechanisms to control
the socially disruptive results ofdrinking, they turnedto
an attempt to limitdrinkingitself.
The temperance movement was born during the mar
ketrevolution, and lamconvincedthatits success would
not have beenpossible without the declineinthenumber
of distilleries. 8efore i 8o, when numerous distillers
who made small quantities ofspirits served their neigh
bors by converting unwanted corn and rye into salable
whiskey, itwasdifncult toorganizemuchpublicopposi
tion to distilling. lt was hopeless to persuade even those
Americans who did not need a distiller's services tocon
demn their neighbors, and, in that atmosphere, temper
ance advocates acknowledgedthattheywere not ableto
boast ofgreat achievements. 'After i 8o, the rise ofthe
national grain market gave farmers an outlet for their
produce, while the abandonment of local distilleries
made it possible for reformers to challenge and change
community attitudes. Spirituous liquor was no longer a
local commodity but the manufactured product of an
anonymous, remote entrepreneur. To men who lived in
rural communities only recently touched by the market
revolution, the far away distillerloomed as a frightening
symbol . His enormous power, inuence, and wealth
seemed to be a consequence ofhis ability to manipulate
and control the destinies ofother men. lt should not be
surprising that the leaders ofthe temperance movement
chose to playupon these fears byportrayingthe distiller
asthe devil's disciple.42
Thesewerethe sentiments oflateryears,longafterthe
whiskeyglut had passed. During its inception and devel
opment, the spirits surplus had been viewed quite dif
ferently. Withdrinkingingrained inthe national heritage
and whiskey a signincant element ofthe American econ-
omy, corn liquor, during the nrst quarter ofthe nine-
THE SPIRTS OF INDEPENDENCE
century, achieved the status of a cult. Americans
thatwhiskey washealthful because it was made
a nutritive grain, that it was patriotic to drink it be-
cornwasnative, andthatitswholesome,American
1& ought to make it the national drink. Wrote dis-
Harrison Hall in defense ofthis sentiment, The
,',trC1J'LJ sip brandy, the Hollanders swallowgin,thelrish
in their whiskey, surely)ohnBullnnds 'meatand
in his porter~and why should not our coun-
' haveanationalbeverage"Kentuckians hostile to
ideas, or foreign spirits, promoted liberty by
4@ to drinknootherstrong liquor thanwhiskey. '
Dr.)amesTiltonofWilmington, Delaware, boasted
hat he had renounced foreign wine and spirits. l in-
dulge, " he wrote, in a cheering glass of spirits and

water, once or twice a day. For this purpose, l prefer
goodryewhiskeyorhigh-proofapple-brandy,forlscorn
togoabroadforanythingthatlcangetbetterathome. '
The loveofwhiskey extended evenunto death. Frontier
KentuckypoetTom)ohnsonpenned this epitaphforhis
grave:43
Undreath thi marble tomb,
In endles shaes li drnken TIm;
Here safl moor'd, dead U a log,
Who got his dath by drinking gog
By whike grog he lost hi breath,
Who woul not di so sweet a dath.
Such romantic expressions showed the role that whiskey
played inthenationalconsciousness.
There can be no question as to the importance ofthe
distilling industry to the American economy during the
early nineteenth century. The whiskey trade had been
one ofthe few links between the preindustrial East and
West. ltwas a bindingforce, a reasonfor union, andthe
national whiskeymarkethad foreshadowedtheeconomic
nationalism that the transportation revolution and the
market economy would extend to all commodities. The
development of the whiskey industry was an early at
tempt to rationalize the economy on a national scale.
Whiskey was one ofthe nrst abundant and cheapprod
ucts that American technology and exploitation of re
sources was bringing into being. ln another sense, how
ever, the corn liquor cult was less an economic than a
psychologicalphenomenon. Theworshipofwhiskeyasa
national drink can be viewed as anexpressionofnational
aspirations for distinction and greatness. The whiskey
binge was notonly an episodeofeuphoricintemperance,
it was also a celebration ofa waning reliance upon such
foreignproducts asrum. Whiskey wastrulythe spiritsof
independence.
CHPTER
WHISKEY FEED
"Have you any meat?" "No. "
"Either cold or hot will make no diference to me. "
"I guess I don't know. "
" Have you any fowls?" "No. "
"Fish?" " No. " "Ham?" "No. " " Bread? " "No. "
" Cheese?" "No. " " Crackers? " "No. "
"I will pay you any price you please. "
"I guess we have only rum and whiskey feed. "
HENRY FEARON
1817

(ANA1LAB1L1Y ofcheap, plentiful whiskey was one
Iey V the extensive use ofspirituous liquor byso many
Americans in the early nineteenth century, another key
wastheAmericandiet. Therewerea numberofwaysin
which the habits ofeating and drinking at that time en-
couraged Americans to drink whiskey. But the prefer-
ence for whiskey as a signincant article in the diet was
more than a matter ofdiet, that preference was also re-
latedto Iarger socialquestions. Dietaryhabits, asClaude
Lvi-Strauss has pointed out, are good indicators of a
culture's popular attitudes and social structure. Thus, an
examination ofthe role ofwhiskey in the American diet
intheearly nineteenthcenturywill bothinformusabout
the use ofwhiskey in everyday life and broaden our un-
derstandingofthe inner workings ofAmericansociety in
those years. '
To understand the great popularity of whiskey we
have to consider, among other things, the shortcomings
of other available beverages. To begin with, neither
Americans norEuropeansoftheperiodtendedtoindulge
inrefreshing glasses ofwater. This wasnot so much the
consequence ofan aversion to that healthful beverage as
that the available waterwas seldom clear, sparkling, or
appetizing. ThecitizensofSt. Louis, forexample,hadto
let water from the Mississippi River stand before they
9
5
could drink it, and the sediment often nlled one-quarter
of the container. Further downstream, at atchez, the
riverwaterwas too muddy tobedrunkeven anerithad
settled. lnstead, people drank rain water, which they
collected in roof cisterns. During frequent droughts,
however, the cisterns were empty. Rural areas onen
lacked goodwaterbecausedeep wells wereexpensiveand
difncultto build, whilethewaterfromshallow wells was
usually cloudy. The purest watercame fromclear, free-
dowing springs, but these were not always conveniently
located. Although Kentucky and Tennessee had abun-
dant low-lying springs, pioneers who feared swamp
feversorlndianattackspreferredtobuildtheircabins on
high ground. As a result, water had to be carried uphill
in a bucket, as at Lincoln's birthplace at Hodgenville,
Kentucky. Toting water lessened the frontiersman's en-
thusiasm tor drinking it. So did the cold ofwinter, for
then, recalledonepioneer, waterhadto bethawed.2
Water supplies were no better in the nation's largest
and wealthiest cities. Washingtonians, for example, long
had to depend uponwater from private wells because of
adee-seatedoppositiontohigher taxes topaythecostof
diggrng public wells . During the 1 820S the capital cIty's
onlypiped waterwasfromaprivatelyowned springthat
supplied two blocks alongPennsylvaniaAvenue. Cincin-
nati was no better oh. There, according to a concerned
Dr. Daniel Drake, most people drank onen impure"
water drawn in barrels from the frequently low and
muddy Ohio. To escape beclouded river water, wealthy
citizens dug their own wells, which provided an ill-tast-
ing drink slightly impregnated with iron, and . . .
salts . " ewYorkCitywasworse,forManhattan' sshal-
low, brackish wells made it certain that the drinker of
waterwould not onlyquench histhirstbut also be given
physic. " lt was this latter effect, perhaps, that caused
ewYorkers to avoiddrinkingwaterandearedthema
WHISKY FED
teputation for preferring other sorts of beverages. One
resident whowasaskedwhetherthe city'swaterwaspo-
tablereplied, Really, l cannotpretendto say, asl never
tasted watertherethat was not mixed with some kind of
iq
uor. " Conditions were so bad that ew Yorkers
adopted a plantodamthe CrotonRiverandtransportits
water forty miles to the city. As soon as the aqueduct
opened in 1 842 , residentsbegantoswitchfromspiritsto
water. Two years later, on the th of)uly, teetotaIing
Mayor)ames HaqershrewdlycounteredtraditionaIholi-
day dram-drinking by setting up in the city hall park a
large basin of iced Croton water. lt was only after the
improvement of public water supplies that temperance
zealots embraced the idea of'Cold Water' as a substitute
for alcohol.
During the nrst third ofthe century water was often
condemned on the ground that it lacked food value and
did not aid digestion. lndeed, many people believed
water unnt for human consumption. As one American
said, lt's very good for navigation. " Others thought
waterto be lowly and common, it was the drinkofpigs,
cows, and horses. Or, as Benjamin Franklin put it, if
Cod had intended man to drink water, He would not
have made him with an elbow capable ofraising a wine
glass. There were also those who thought that water
couId be lethal, especially ifdrunk in hot weather. Eng-
lish immigrant)oseph Pickering, for example, so feared
the effect of drinking water on scorching days that he
resolved to drink only a concoction of water and rye
whiskey, a beverage he believed to be less dangerous.
or was Pickering alone in refusing to drink this insidi-
ousliquid. From Virginia, ElijahFletcherassured hisfa-
ther in Vermont, l shall not injure my health in drink-
ingwater. l havenotdranka tumblerfullsincehere. We
always have a boll oftoddy made for dinner . . . . " ln
thesamespirit,)ohnRandolphwarnedhisson, l seeby
97
.
John B. G(gh, the Col-Water warior.

the papers, eight deaths in one weekfromcold water, in
Philadelphia alone. ' Randolph himself was unlikely to
fallvictimto waterdrinking, for he usednone in mixing
hisfavorite mintjuleps.
While water was eschewed, many Americans drank
milkwhen they could get it. Sometimes milk was ex-
cellent, cheap, andplentiful,atothertimes, especiallyon
the frontier, it was not available oritsprice was ashigh
as i z a quart, more than whiskey. Costs were erratic
and supplies spotty because eachlocality depended upon
its own production. Bulk and lack ofrefrigeration made
WHIKY FED
transportation and storage difncult. During the
poor fodder insured that the supply ofmilk was
small, and in all seasons the needs of children often

forced adults to forego this drink. Even when milk was
plentiml, manydidnotdrinkitforfearofthefatal 'milk

sickness . ' This illness, which killed Abraham Lincoln's
mother, was caused by a poison transmitted through
milkfromcowsthathadgrazedonthe wildjimsonweed.
Those whobelievedthatit was betternotto riskgetting
themilk sicknessturnedtosaferbeverages,suchas whis-
key.
Americans also rejected tea, which was relatively ex-
pensive. Duringthe i 8zos, a cupoftea costmorethana
mixed drink made with whiskey. As much as half the
price of tea represented import duties, which had been
set high because tea was imported from the British col-
ony oflndia, carried in British ships, and drunk by the
rich. Although tea's unpopularity was usually attributed
to its high price, its popularity remained low even after
temperance advocates succeeded in getting the impost
halved. ln r 8 z annual consumption continued to aver-

age less than a pound~zo cups~per person. Even
when its price was low, most Americans considered tea
to be an alien 'foreign luxury. ' To drink it was unpatri-
otic. While popular in anglophilic ew England, im-
ported teas were so disliked in the rest of the country
that ew Yorkers substituted glasses of wine at society
'tea parties, ' and westeners , who disdained imports,
brewed their own sassafras, spicewood, mint, and wild
root teas. Frontiersmen believed imported teas to be in-
sipid slops' nt only for the sick and those who, like
British Lords , were incapable of bodily labor. So rare
wasteaonthefrontierthatitspropermethodofprepara-
tion was not always known. Thus, when one English
traveller presented an innkeeper's wife with a pound of
tea and asked herto brew a cup, she obliged by boiling
99
the entireamount and servingthe leavesintheirliquidas
a kind ofsoup.
Although tea was expensive, it cost less per cup than
coffee, and before i 8z tea outsold coffee. At z a
pound, the annual per capita consumption ofcoffee was
less than two pounds or i oo cups . lmported coffee was
then such a luxury that many Americans drank unappe-
tizing homemade substitutes concocted from rye grain,
peas, brownbread, orburned toast. Althoughcoheewas
imported, it did not share the scorn heaped upon tea.
Perhaps coffee was more acceptable because it was im-
ported from Latin America. or had there ever been a
Boston Coffee Party. During the late i 8zos, therefore,
when the price of coffee fell to i a pound, imports
rose, and consumption increased correspondingly. This
development delighted those temperance reformers who
wanted coffee to replace distilled spirits, and in i 8o
they succeeded in persuading Congress to remove the
dutyoncoffee. The price soon dropped to r o a pound,
a rate that brought theprice ofa cup ofcoffee down to
thepriceofa glass ofwhiskey punch and pushed cohee
sales aheadofteatonvepounds perperson. By i 8 cof-
fee had ceased to be a luxury and, according to theBal
timore American, entered largely into the dailyconsump-
tion ofalmost every family, rich and poor,' prominent
among the necessaries oflife. ' (See Chart 4. 1 . ) But in
thenrstthirdofthecentury it had beentooexpensiveto
compete with whiskey.
8
Having found coffee, tea, milk, and water unaccept-
ableforonereasonoranother, some Americansturnedto
fermented drinks, such as wine. Although its bigh price
of$i a gallon, oftenfour times that ofwhiskey, limited
annualpercapita consumptionofwinetoless thananfth
of a gallon, its preference by the wealthy and their at-
tempts topromote its use gave it a social importance out
ofproportion to its small sales. Many upper class oppo-
1 00
WHISKY FED
6
4
J . 6
I . 4
I. 2
. 8T
. 4
I 70 I 800 J8J0 I 820 I8J0 J 840 J850
Chart 4. 1. NET IMPORTS per CAPITA
nents of distilled spirits favored wine because they be-
lieveditto befreeofalcohol, thechemicalthata number
ofphysicians and scientists regarded as a poison. While
the presence of alcohol in distilled beverages had long
been recognized, early nineteenth-century wine drinkers
noted with satisfaction that no experimenter had found
that compound in a fermented beverage. lt was an un-
pleasant surprise when chemist William Brande suc-
ceeded in measuring the amount ofalcohol in fermented
drinks and notonlyproved thatwine contained a higher
percentage of alcohol than hard cider or beer, but also
showed that the favorite American wine, Madeira, was
morethan zopercentalcohol . After i 8zo, astemperance
organizations disseminated Brande's nndings, the
numberofwineadvocatesdeclined,althoughafew, such
1 01
Lypouring wine for a gentlean.
as Dr. S. H. Dickson ofSouthCarolina, insistedthatthe
alcohol in wine was rendered harmless by its incorpo-
ration intothe wine. "
Earlywineconnoisseursincludedsuchmenas Thomas
)efferson, Andrew )ackson, and )ohn Marshall. At the
executive mansion during)efferson's presidency, diners
enjoyed round aner round ofnne, light French wines,
and at Monticello the Sage himself customavily drank
three glasses of wine each day, a task facilitated by a
dumbwaiter that carried wine bottles from the cellar to
)efferson'sdiningroom. Anotherwinefancierwas)effer-
son's po!iucal rival Aaron Burr, who maintained ew
York's most impressive cellar. lt was at a Burr dinner
102
WHISKEY FED
Andrew )ackson was introduced to the subtleties
pleasures ofthegrape. He subsequently stockedthe
IIMLU@L in Tennessee with a selection that led to its
__gpOz asthe winecenterofthe West. Vinous drink,
had no greaterdevoteethan Chief)ustice)ohn
. At the boarding house in Washington where

Supreme Courtj usticeslived, the boarderspermitted
wine only in wet weather, for the sake oftheir health.
Upon occasion, the chiefjustice would command)ustice
Story
o check the window to see if it were raininge

.. yhen mformed that the sun shone brightly, Marshall
vould observe, All the better, for our jurisdiction ex-
`' UIIL oversolargeaterritorythatthedoctrineofchances
takesitcertainthatitmustberainingsomewhere. 'The
chief justice,
.
observed Story, had been brought up
upon Federahsmand Madeira, and he [was] not the man
to outgrow hisearlyprejudices. '
1 0
During the nrst quarter of the century, among soci-
cty's upper classes, wine wascentral to the male dinner
party. Wineprovidedbothachieftopicofdiscussionand
anexcusefor latehours, whichwerespentsamplingnew
and exotic varieties. A well-to-do Maine landowner,
Robert Cardiner, has len a picture of one such party
heldinewYorkin i 8o . Aftertheclothwasremoved
and the bottle had passed once around, 'he wrote, Mr.
Hammond asked what was thedutyoftheguestswhen
thehostopenedforthemabottleofverychoicewine. 'A
voice replied, To see the bottom of it. ' The servants
thenpresentedthepartywithagallonbottle. This,gen-
tlemen, ' said the host, is very nne old wine, the best l
have, and as l open it for you, l expect you will nnish
it. ' Cardiner was forced, as a matter of propriety, to
drinkuntilheleftthepartywithhisheadreeling. While
thecustomofholding these lengthy gentlemen's dinners
graduallyfaded, itdidnotdisappearbeforemid-century.
As late as i 8 6 ew York socialite Philip Hone, who
1 03
onen hosted such dinners, noted with satisfaction that
his well-stocked cellar contained 6;z gallons of Madeira
and sherry
_
Although wealthy wine drinkers continued to indulge
their palates, the Revolution's patriotic and democratic
ideals had puttheseAmericans onthe defensive. early
allthewine Americans drank wasimported, largelyfrom
Madeira, and to continue to purchase dutied, foreign
beverages both worsened the American balance ofpay-
ments and cast doubts upon the patriotism of the
purchasers. Then,too, continuingtodrinka refreshment
priced beyond the means ofthe average citizen was con-
sidered elitistand undemocratic. Onthe other hand, few
devotees ofwine were willing to forego their beverage.
To resolve these conicts, wine drinkers promoted the
planting of American vineyards in the hope that the
United States could produce a cheap, native wine. Men
such as Thomas |efferson, |ohn Calhoun, and Henry
Clay experimented with grapes on their own land, en-
couraged others to do so, and invited European vintners
to immigrate to America to establish vineyards. During
the i 8zos vintner's guides proliferated, and numerous pe-
riodicals printed recipes for making wine. |ournalist He-
zekiah iles, one ofthe leaders ofthis movement, pro-
phesied that intime the United States would produce all
its own wine.
12
This promotional campaign was not without results.
ln i 8o, , with |efferson's blessing, Swiss vintners
founded Vevay, lndiana, on the Ohio River below Cin-
cinnati . Undernnanced and inexperienced in American
agriculture, these vintners produced wine that was pro-
nounced by visitors to be ofan inferior quality, "poor
stuff, " and too sour to drink. " After this experiment
faded, another attempt was made by icholas Long-
worth, the great-grandfather of the man of the same
namewho married Theodore Roosevelt's daughterAlice.
Wnrsmv FED
Ohio's wealthiest citizen, used much ofhis
to create an American wine industry in south-
_,qtGT Ohio. He tried to avoid the mistakes made at
_ evay, andwhileheimportedEuropeanvintnerstotend
vines, he shrewdly decided to graft European grapes
native stock rather than to use European roots that
tendedtorotintheAmericanclimate. By i 8o, his own
County accounted for , O of the i o,oo
of wine produced in the United States east of
.
But though his vines survived and he pro-
a modest quantity of passable wine, the venture
vas never a commercial success. The native stocks
ieldedpoorqualitygrapes, andthevintnersdesertedhis
employto establish theirownvineyards and farms.`
Such failures did not deter perennial optimists like
Georgetown's |ohn Adlum, whose own wine was de-
scribed by a connoisseur as a nne palatable liquor; but
, . . inferiorto the weak clarets ofBordeaux, orthe red

wines oftheRhine. "Hisvineyard'stwenty-twovarieties
ofgrapes yielded little except complimentary bottles for
high government ofncials. Although ofnceholders, em-
barrassed at serving foreign wines to the diplomatic
corps, encouraged Adlum, he was unable to parlay gins
ofhiswineintocongressionalnnancial backingforapro-
posed book on wine making. Undaunted by this failure,
hecontinued to declare thatAmericanviticulture would
triumph, asserting that by i oo, when Virginia and the
Southwest had as many acres in vineyards as France,
they would produce as much wine as that country.
Adlumwasnotthelastpublicisttoseekthegrail . Aslate
as i 8r Senator Stephen A. Douglas stated enthusi-
asncally that the United States will, in a very short
time, produce good wine, so cheap, and in such abun-
dance, astorenderit a common and daily beverage. "
1
4
Douglas aside, such rhetoric waned aner i 8o, as the
well-to-do who had promoted American wine making
e
began to recognize that the country was not destined for
viticulture. People began to press for lower wine duties,
some in the hope that cheap foreign wine would lure
Americans away from distilled spirits, others, particu-
larlyfarmers, inthehopethatdecreasedtariffs woulden-
courage overseastrade and increase the exportofAmeri-
can foodstuffs to wine producing areas like the Canary
lslands. Aner 1 829, when Congress reduced dutiesfrom
an average of 50 to an average of 30 a gallon, lower
prices did combine with prosperity to stimulate wine
consumption, which rose during the 1 830S to a modest
annual three-tenths gallon per person. This increase ap-
palled those who had advocated wine in lieu ofdistilled
spirits when they discovered that former whiskey
drinkers weregettingdrunkon fortined wine. Purveyors
were nnding it prontable to mix expensive wine with
cheapwhiskeytocreateafortinedproductthat was 20 to
30 percent alcohol. This concoction was sometimes cut
with water to produce a still potent beverage and large
pronts. lndeed, fortincation, watering, and adulteration
were so common that it was estimated that Americans
dranknve times asmuch'Madeira' aswas imported. The
high potency and adulteration of the wine sold in
America led antispirits crusaders to sacrince it on the
altar of teetotalism. ln addition, teperance men who
had preachedthatthe poor should give upwhiskeywhile
the rich might continue to drink wine came to recognize
the inconsistency of their position. Madeira drinkers,
pointed out one democrat, should not be so ready to
deprivethelaboringmanofhisdrink. 'Reformersnnally
concluded thatthe wine-drinkingupperclasseshadtoset
anexample byrenouncingtheir owndrink. Bythe 1 840S
teetotalismhadcaused the consumptionofwinetofallby
half, and manyAmericansconcludedthatdivinewill had
decreed the failure oftheircountry's vineyards.
Beer, like wine, was advocated asa substitute for dis-
1 06
WHISKEY FEED
spirits. As early as 1 788 Benjamin Rushhad calcu-
thatthe besthopefor hisantispirits crusade wasto
Americans who found wine too costly to drink
, a beverage that could be brewed in America and
the masses could afford. The Philadelphia physi-
' s argument that beer was more healthful than dis-
spiritswaspopularizedbothbylateeighteenth-cen-
agricultural improvement associations and by
guides , which werethena newandpowerful
for modernization and change. One of the guides
called beer the most wholesome beveradge' and
ontoadvisefarmownersthatiftheyreplacedcider
spiritswithbeertheirworkerswould be abletoper-
double the labour, with hal the fatigue. '
were also told that a switch from rum to beer
improvemorals, reduceimports, and createa new
marketfor 2 . 2 5 million bushelsofbarley. Thiscampaign
received ofncial support in the I 790S when the federal
governmeot levied duties and excises onwine and spirits
butnot on beer. '
Despite Rush's propaganda, agricultural guides, and
taxincentives, little beer was brewed. either the man-
uals to instruct Americans in the art ofbrewing nor the
encouragement of presidents |efferson and Madison
furtheredthe cause. ln 1 8 I 0, annualpercapitaconsump-

:ionofbeer was less than 1 gallon; today, it is morethan
1 8 gallons . Furthermore, the little beer that was con-
,
sumed wasnotdistributedevenlyaroundthecountry. ln
Ihiladelphia, the nation's premier brewing center, beer
wasthecommontabledrinkofeveryfamilyineasycir-
cumstances. 'lt was alsopopularin ew York, Albany,
Pittsburgh, and Cincinnati; indeed, the states of ew
York and Pennsylvaniaproducedthree-fourthsofthena-
tion'sbeer. Elsewherethe beveragewasnotafashionof
the country. 'Lackofcustomers hampered the develop-
mentoftheindustrybecausealow sales volumekeptthe
1 07
price high, so high at times that beer cost more than
whiskey. ln Cincinnati r 8 vould buy either a bottle of
beer or more than a half gallon of whiskey. On Long
lsland, ew York, William Cobbett calculated that it
cost ; pence to homebrew a gallon of ale and about six
times as much to buy a gallon of whiskey. Since drinks
made with spirits were customarily diluted, whiskey
would make a cheaper refreshmentthan beer. ' "
Although beer was expensive, the brewing industry
was notparticularlyprontable. Breweriesrequiredahigh
capital investment, as much as $ooo being necessary to
establish a brewery that produced only , oo gallons a
year. One Washington brewer reported that such an
operation would yield only a o percent return at the
current, low level of sales, a poor use of capital . A re-
tailer, by contrast, could realize a r oo percent return on
his sales with little or no capital. Consequently, capital-
istswere deterredfrominvestinginbreweriesandturned
to other industries, including distilling. Furthermore,
breweries required skilled labor, a major difnculty in a
country where labor was expensive and maintaining a
stable work force impossible, it took years of appren-
ticeship to become a skilled brewmaster, and, as for-
eigners observed, Americans lacked a sense ofcran; and
a brewery owner had no guarantee that his brewmaster
would not leave suddenly for some other, unrelated,
higher-paying job. Another problem was the American
climate, which forced brewers who needed a cool brew-
house to close down duringthe long, hot summers . One
reason that Milwaukee emerged as a brewingcenter was
thatithad relativelyshortsummers. Then, too, beerwas
so bulky, expensive to transport, and difncult to store
that it needed a concentrated market, and at the time
most Americans lived on farms dispersed across the
countryside. Finally, beer spoiled easily. Because of the
1 08
WHISKY FED
price of bottles, beer was usually sold in r 6-gallon
or -gallon barrels, but few taverns could sell that
before the beerturned sour and at. '"
1n addition to these economic handicaps, American
!^ suffered froma technical difnculty. Before 8o
employed an English method ofbrewing in which
eena onwasproducedby a yeastthatoatedon the
ofavatofbarley malt. Tothebrewers' exaspertion,
process did not work well in America. The yeast
with the air and produced a bitter brew that
ill-tasting, cloudy, and without sparkle. Contem-
porariesdisputedthecauseofthepoorresults. Theprob-
, according to Yale scientist Benjamin Silliman, was
that American breweries used smaller vats than their
1nglish counterparts. American vats exposed too great a
roportion oftheircontents to the top-oating yeast and
to the air that operated upon it. Others argued that the
problem was the American climate. ln any event, the
difn culty was not solved until the r 8os, when Cerman
immigrants introduced a new kind ofyeast that sank to
thebottomofthevatand, hence, wasnotexposed tothe
air. This beer did not turn bitter. The Cermans called
theirbeerlager, becauseitwas aged in a coolstoreroom
for several weeks. During the forties few native-born
Americansdrankthislagerbeer,butitspopularityinthe
following decadeled theprotemperanceNew York Times,
October r , r 86, towarn that lagerwas gettingagood
deal too fashionable. ' lts popularity continued to rise,
especially after the Civil War, when the high taxes on
spirits and nostalgic memories of wartime Union Army
lagerbeer rations stimulateditssales. The Cerman brew-
ers, particularly those located in Milwaukee, exploited
this new, larger market. Today's major breweries, such
as Anheuser-Busch, Schlitz, Pabst, Schaefer, and Miller
(originally Mller), bear the names of Cerman immi-
1 09
German Beer Garden.
grants ofthe mid-nineteenth century. Ofthe older, pre-
lagerbrewingtradition,littlehassurvived,excepttheBal-
lantineAlelabel and the college founded by Poughkeep-
sie brewerMatthew Vassar.
During the early nineteenth century whiskey's only
rival as the national beverage came from apple orchards.
Trees planted on farms in Virginia, Pennsylvania, parts
of Ohio and ew York, and throughout ew England
produced a glut of apples. On the Erie Canal this fruit
wasoatingaway on the Water;'in easternOhioapples
lay so thick that at every step you must tread upon
them. ' Plentifulsupplies inhibited local sales, whilehigh
shipping costs and spoilage, before the railroad era, pro-
hibited sales in a distant market. Consequently, apples
had such little value that they were usually free for the
picking. Thefarmerfoundthis annual croptobeanem-
I I O
WHISKEY FEED
as:ueu. of riches. He could dry his fruit, but that
trocess was not popular, and he usually sent his apples
theciderpress . '
Throughout the apple country, farmers pressed their
on wooden frames that stood in nearly every or-
. ln contrast with brewing, which required sub-
capital, skilled labor, and a local, densely popu-
market, cider making was so easy, cheap, and low
_,,.. that a farmer could afford to press apples strictly
family use. Cider was not usually marketed because
bulkmade its shipment unprontable; hence, little was
inthe Southor in cities. Where the beverage was
VUJIU however,itwascheap,oftensellingfor aslittle
as o a barrel. EvenatPittsburgh, whereitcost$to$
. barrel, it was only halfthepriceoflocal beer. Though
. .
, it was highly alcoholic. to avoid spoilage it
fortined with distilled spirits until it contained at
I O percent alcohol, twice as much as beer. There
were even stronger forms. cider royal , which was hard

cider mixed with distilled apple brandy or whiskey, and
applejack, which was the zopercent alcoholic liquor that
could be poured off after cider had been set outside to
freeze on anautumn night.
The rural orth loved cider. The beverage was om-
nipresent,' with a pitcher on every table and a jug in
every neld. During the winter, a typical ew England
familycould beexpected to consume a barrel a week. So
prevalent was cider that it became a symbol of egali-
tarianism as the common drink of . . . rich and poor
alike. 'Even crusty|ohn Adams, who railed against dis-
tilled spirits for a halfcentury, dranka tankardful every
morning. Ciderwas so popularthatAmericanstendedto
look askance at anyone who chose to drink imported
ine instead. Americans heralded their sparkling amber
beverage as a cousin to champagne, indeed such a close
I I I
Drinking Cie.
relative that cider had oftentimes becn passed onknow
ing Europeans. 'Thesevisitors, alas, werenodoubtthose
who denounced the nation's terrible, sourchampagne.
Cider and whiskey were America's most popular
drinks. Both were cheap and plentiful where available,
and because they were processed in the United States
from home-grown products, both benented fromnation-
alistic sentiment. As we have seen, water was usuallyof
poorquality, milkonenscarce orunsafe, andcoffee,tea,
and wine imported and expensive. To have preferred
cider or whiskey over these beverages seems natural
enough. But why, when they had thechoice, di6 Ameri-
cans drink ciderorwhiskey rather than beer, which was
also a domestic product and comparatively cheap? The
1 12
WHISKEY FEED
l believe, is that Americans preferred cider and
because those drinks contained more alcohol
beer, whichwastooweakforAmericantaste. Asal-
noted, when Americans did drink wine, they
highly alcoholic varieties, onen fortined with dis-
spirits, and seldombelow 20 percent alcohol. One
onlyconcludethatattherootofthealcoholicrepub-
was the fact that Americans chose the most highIy
beverages that they couId obtain easily and
cheaply.
The taste for strong drink wasnodoubt enhanced by
the monotony of the American diet, which was domi-
nated by corn. ln the winter Americans ate dried,
parchedcornkernels,inthesummer, roasted green ears,

inthe autumn, freshly boiledgoldenripe ears dripping
withmelted butter. Butitwascornpummeled intohom-
iny orground into meal that was ever present at all sea-
sons . lt appearedon thetabIethree times a day as fried
johnny cakes or corn bread, lndian pudding with milk
and sugar, ortheubiquitous corn mush. Ordinarybread
wasbakedwithourcompoundedofcornandrye,bread
madewithwhitewheatourwasaluxuryfortherichor
for special occasions. Cornwas alsofed to the hogs, and
thehogmeat waseaten intheform ofsaltpork, smoked
ham, and lard. Each day, it was calculated, the typical
adult American ate a pound of bread, most onen made
withcornmeal, and apoundofmeat, usuallysaltpork.
This proportion ofmeat in the diet was probably the
highest in the world. Americans were sufnciently pros-
perous that they could ahord to raise stock or to buy
meat, and meatwas cheap because ofopengrazingamid
sparsesettlement, butthehighconsumptionofmeatalso
showed a preference for thetasteofmeat, especiallysalt
pork. That Americans liked meat is clear from the fact
thatonfestiveoccasions, whentheymight have been ex-
pected to indulge their whims, they chose to have bar-
becued pigs , beefs, oxen, or game birds, or burgoos,
whichweremeatstewsconcoctedofpork, beef, venison,
and fowl . Although there were many species of nsh
in
western rivers, most frontiersmen rejected even an oc-
casional nsh dinner in favor of a steady and continuons
diet of salt pork. Similarly, many farmers who mig
ht
have kept both hogs and poultry remsed to be troubled
with chickens, ducks, geese, or turkeys. There were
a
few who objected to so much meat. Among them was
Dr. Benjamin Rush, who had observed that the healthy
and robust Pennsylvania Dutch ate a varied diet that in-
cluded large quantities of turnips, onions, and sauer-
kraut. One of Rush's dietary followers was Thomas|ef-
ferson, vho wrote that he ate little animal food, and
that . . . as a condiment for the vegetables , which con-
stitute my principal diet. ' But Rush and|efferson were
exceptions. Most Americans believed so strongly in the
eternal hog meat' that slaveholders among them gave
theirslaves generous rations of pork fat as well as corn
meal , and, until later in the century, prison ofn cials fed
inmates meatstews withtheircornmush.
The monotonous corn and pork diet ofthe average
American was only occasionally varied. Sometimes fron-
tiersmen had forest game such as deer or wild turkey,
while those who lived near the ocean enjoyed local deli-
cacies suchasoysters . Onholidays suchasThanksgiving
there might be apple sauce, pumpkin pie, or plum pud-
dings. lnthe summer the kitchengardenyieldedonions,
cabbages, and potatoes, but nottomatoes, which during
the early nineteenth century were thought to be poison-
ous. Autumn brought peaches, pears, and apples. Sea-
sonal fruits and vegetables were eaten fresh because of
the difnculty of preserving them. While most farmers
keptacow,the milkusuallywenttothechildren. Adults
hadtobecontentwithbutter,whichwasattimessoran-
cid that it turned black. One frontiersman recalled that
WHISKEY FEED
& milk brought three miles to eat with hominy
a meal, seemed a luxury. ' Some families kept
|L= eitherfortheeggsortohonoroccasionaldinner
. Alltheseitemsweresupplementstothebasicdiet
'hogand hominy. ' Whenthesupplementswereoutof
SC8>OO orfailed, people did without.
|efferson City, the capital of Missouri , an as-
LL44 travellerfounditimpossibletoobtainany pro-
except salt pork, biscuits, and whisky. ' The
sho
rtageofsuchitemsasmilk, sugar, orfreshmeatledto
theuse ofsubstitutes. Alackofmilkonthehardscrabble
fvontier meantthatcornmushmightbe served with mo-
1asses, maple syrup, or even oil obtained from the blub-
bery fat of a bear. ln the spring, before the corn crop
came in, pioneers who wereforced to turnfrom agricul-
ture to huntingmightcall venison bread' and bearesh
meat. ' Erratic food supplies often led to oddcombina-
t|ons . One Ohio vagabond was spotted on the highway
carryingaknapsackofbread and cheese and acanteenof
distilled spirits, whilePhiladelphiarailroadlaborers were
known to dine on watermelons, cucumbers, and whis-
key. A Swedish visitor to the Alabama frontier was
servedathree-coursedinnerthatbeganwithpickled pigs
feet, advanced to bacon and molasses, and concluded
with a main course of milk and black bread soaked in
whiskey. Foreigners who suffered through such experi-
ences had no fondness for American cookery. "I had
never undergone such gastronomic privations, ' wrote
one, as inthe western parts ofAmerica. '
Even where food was abundant, its preservation was
difncult or impossible. Before the middle ofthecentury
homecanningwasunknown, but even ifthe process had
beendeveloped, itswidespreadusewouldhavebeenpre-
cluded by the high prices of glass jars and sugar. or
was there cold storage except for primitive burial. Plen-
tifulseasonalfruits, especiallypeachesandapples, hadto
l I S
The Aloholic Reublu
beeatenfresh,dried,or, morecommonly, converted
into
mild alcoholic beverages. Without refrigeration food
spoiledveryrapidlyin thescorchingAmericansummers.
Cheese melted into unappetizing blobs and morning
freshcow's milk soured bymid-afternoon. Climatic con-
ditionsfavoreddry, saltyfoodsthatdidnotspoilreadily,
such as parched corn, smoked hams, or salt pork.
Cooking techniques were primitive. Before r 8o,
for
example, corn bread was usually fried in a skillet overa
nre rather than baked because most households had no
stove and no ovens except cumbersome, portable Dutch
ovens that were placed overthe open hearth. With rudi-
mentary equipment and no way to control the tempera-
ture of the nre, it is not surprising that roasted meats,
oven-baked bread, and cakes were rare. Such a simple
bakingaidasyeastwas little known, and eventhe baking
soda or pearlash methods by which heavy, hard to
digest, 'saltrisin' ' bread could be madewere notuniver-
sally known. One lllinois pioneer was quizzed by an ig-
norant neighbor on the pearlash technique. They say,'
said the inquirer, . . . you put a lot ofnasty truck in
your bread. lt is what you keep in a bottle, purlass, l
believe, is the name, and they say it is full ofdead ies,
and bugs, and cricket legs. ' With this challenge, Chris-
tiana Tillson produced herlittle bottleofdissolvedpearl
ash, looking so clear and pure. ' Such neighborly ex-
changes were the principal means ofspreading informa-
tion about cookery. Recipe books were only beginningto
appear, andthey onenadvised the mostprimitive proce-
dures. Amelia Simmons, for example, suggested that to
prepared a 'syIlabub' one should Sweeten a quart of
cyder with double renned sugar, grate nutmeg into it,
then milk yourcow intoyourliquor . . . [and]pourhalf
a pintor more . . . ofthesweetest cream you can getall
overit. '"
Without ovens for roasting and baking, American
1 1 6
WHISKEY FEED
boil or fry. Boiling, however, was
popularwithAmericancooks, whotendedtobein
hurry. They preferred the quicker method of frying
in pork lard or butter. Fried foods became the
gastronomic speciality, and the country's
, dinners, and suppers were soon doating in
*TTUlT riversofbutterandoceansofgrease. 'Ev-
, every thing that was cooked was fried. Fried
chicken, ham, salt pork, beefsteak, eggs, johnny
s, and mushpouredforthfromthenation'skitchens.
have so many sung the praises oflard. To one
who faced bread that arrived at the breakfast
already aoat in a menstruum ofoleaginous mat-
1er, 'it seemedthatgreaseentered largely intothecom-
positionofeverydish,'itconstitutedthesoleingredient
ofmany. 'These remarks should sound familiar, for our
Ioveofgrease persists, as shown by the success ofColo-
nel Sanders' fried chicken and McDonald's hamburgers
andfrenchfries.
Heavy, oily foods, especially fried corn cakes and salt
pork, left Americans in need ofa complementary bever-
age, and the commonest turned out to be whiskey. The
strength of its davor overcame the blandness of corn
mush and johnny cakes, while its sweetness neutralized
the unpleasant puckering effects of salt pork. lts high
proportionofalcoholwarmedthethroatandcleansedthe
mouth oflayers ofclammygrease. Traditiontaughtthat
spirituousliquor aided digestion, and Americans whoin-
dulgedinstarchyfried foods needed an aid to digestion.
!n addition, whiskey was arefreshingpotion that helped
break the monotony of a corn and pork diet. Further-
more, in a country where food supplies were sometimes
erratic, whiskeycould, at 8 calories anounce, providea
substantial part of an American's daily food require-
ments. Finally, whiskey sharedwithporkacommonori-
gininthecorncult. lndianmaizewasanative, American
I I 7
grainthatprovided corn bread, corn-fed meat, and corn-
made drink. These threewere an American's common
necessaries. " 31
Taking strong drink to accompany a meaty, greasy,
fat-ladendietwasonlyoneofthe nation's peculiar eating
habits. Americans also had a propensity for 'rapid eat-
ing. ' Foreigners observed that Americans who ate in
hotels and taverns often nnished their meals in less than
nve minutes, before the visitors had been comfortably
seated. This haste reected a lackofinterest in food; no
one examined, smelled, or tasted it. At the table people
neither drank nortalked, andthe silence ofthe meal was
broken only by the hurried passing of dishes and the
rapid movementofdozensofjawsin unison. Assoonas
food is set on the table, 'wrote one traveller, they fall
uponitlikewolves onanunguarded herd. Withtheknife
in the right hand, they cut and bring vegetables and
sometimesmeatas welltotheirmouths. Withthe forkin
the len hand, they deliver meat without interruption to
theteeth. '32 ltwas an honorfor a man to be the nrst to
leave the table, in order to rush to the bar for hours of
leisurely drinking. o wonder Americans preferred
spirits to food, an idea aptly expressed in a bit of dog-
gerel sung to the tune ofHome, Sweet Home'.33
Mi plenty ofbacon and brea tho' we jog,
Be it ever so strong, there's nothing like grog.
A shot from the jug sends such joy to the heart,
No eating on earth coul such pleaure impart.
Grog, grog, sweet, sweet grog.
There's nothing like grog, there's nothing like grog.
While eating in an American hotel, Englishphrenolo-
gist Ceorge Combe observed I SO people down breakfast
in less thannfteen minutes. As helingered over his own
meal contemplating this scene, he was accosted. You
Europeans, ' said the American, eat as if you actually
1 1 8
WHISKEY FEED
Rapi eating.
enjoyed your food! ' The Englishman replied, As-
suredly we do~and you Americans will never escape
from dyspepsia and headaches until you also learn to
enjoy your meal s. ' lt is doubtful that the American be-
lieved him, for few Americans thought that happiness
couldbeachievedthroughthepleasuresofthetable. Eat-
ing was a bodily chore, a burden of nature, an animal
function that was to be concluded as rapidly and pain-

lesslyaspossible. While this attitude resulted, at leastin
part, from the prevalence ofpoorly prepared, ill-tasting
food, it also encouraged the kind ofcookery that led to
such an attitude. Castronomic satisfaction was further
reduced because the speedy ingestion of salt pork and
fried con cakes tended to produce headaches, nausea,
and upset stomachs. lndigestion was very common and
was widely blamed on seasonal fevers, bad water, or
overexertion. Dyspepsia, like other illnesses, was com-
monlytreated by drinkingwhiskey.34
1 1 9
Thesepeculiardietaryattitudes and habits were essen-
tial aspects of Americanculture, and l believe that they
were the result ofunderlying tensions within Americao
society. This can be seen more clearly ifwe
.
.
what happened to American eating habits after i 8q,
when they were attacked by temperance zealots . Ben-

jamin Rush had advocatedsubstitutingvegetablesforsalt
pork in orderto reduce theintake ofdistilled spirits, bnt

by the thirties a number ofreformers had moved from
Rush's moderate stand against meat to a vigorous vege-
tarianism. Furthermore, those opposed to liquor tried to
rootoutwineandbrandyfromAmericancookery. Cook-
books published after r 8o had fewer recipes using

liquor, and somebecametotallydry. Mrs. Sarah|. Hale,
among the more fanatical, advised her readers, l have
not allowed a drop to enter into any ofthe recipes con-
tained in this book. ' One ofher laterworks did present
some cake recipes that used alcohol, but everyone recog-
nizedthatbakingdissipatedthe liquor. Purists, however,
stood nrmly on principle, as when the Massachusetts
Temperance Almanac banned brandy from its mince
meat pies and labeled them 'temperance pies. ' Hostility
to alcohol evolved into attacks on teaand coffee. Finally,
OberlinCollegepursueddietaryreformtoanultimateby
proscribing not only alcohol , meat, tea, and coffee, but
alsogravy, butter, nsh, and pepper.35
Dietary reformers banned articles that they regarded
as stimulants . Such items as whiskey, meat, and coffee,
theyfeared, wouldoverstimulate theemotionalfaculties,
unleashuncontrollablepassions, anddestroy thecapacity
fordoingCod'slabors . Properstimulation came fromthe
Bible, not at the table. What man needed was a nutri-
tional diet that would subdue passion. The belief that
proper food was to befound in the vegetable rather thn
the animal kingdom may have followed from the behef
that the eating of animal food made a man animalistic.
1 20
WHISKEY FEED
idea was rooted both in experience, where nery
were perceived to kindle burningpassions, and in
, where the notionofanimal magnetism suggested
objects containing similar qualities were attractedto
other. The rejection of meat, however, was also
: it signined the march of progress, since the
agriculturalistwasperceivedto be morecivi-
than the meat-eating hunter. Reformers wanted
to be a grain eater so he wouldbe a replenishing
sowinghisheavenlyinspiredgooddeeds across
xhe earth. The quest for a godly diet culminated in Syl-
vester Craham'sexperimentswithgrain, asthisone-time
state agent for the Pennsylvania Temperance Society
mixed a variety of grains to create a wholesome, nutri-

tious, dark-colored our that became the forerunner of
the graham cracker. Three of the most prominent re-

formers of the era, Sarah Grimk and her sister and
brother-in-law, Angelina and Theodore Weld, followed
theCraham dietattheirew|ersey commune.3
6
ln the creed of a Teetotal , ' wrote one opponent,
. . . abstinence is the grand specinc for reformation. '
Todenyuse wastoadvance;to prohibitwasto progress.
Feelingandemotionmustbe subjugatedtorulesand rit-
ual. ln the emerging social order, everything not need-
ful oruseful'wastoberejected. Fromdrinktodietto all
aspects oflife theprohibitionistmentality spread. ltwas
atimewhentobenaturalwasnexttobeingcalleda'na-
tural-born fool . ' lt was an age of pure art,the art of
walkinguprihtl, withunbending joints;theartofshaking
handsafterthe'pump-handle' formula;the art oflooking
inexpressibly indifferent towards every body and every
thing. '37
The severity ofself-denial and the repressionofemo-
tion that were practiced after r 8osuggestthe existence
ofstrongunderlyingfeelingsthat, intheeyesofthe tem-
perance reformers, had to be suppressed and controlled
1 2 1
Th Akoholc Reublic
lest they threaten the social order. l believe that these
same strong feelings and related tensions can be seen

before r 8o in the rapidity with which Americans
dis-
patchedwretchedfood, intherushfromthe diningroom
to the bar, and in the widespread preference for strong
drink. Habits such as these indicate to me something
more than the lack ofadequate cooking equipment and
good cooks. Americans had psychological needs that
weremetbetterby alcoholthanbyfood. Thedisdainfor
foodandthetastefor whiskeyweresigns, justas vegetar-
ianism was a sign in later years , ofthe currents ofemo-
tion that ran fastbut submerged inAmericanlife.
1 2 2
DPTR
THE ANXIETIES
OF THEIR CONDITION
The [drinking] habits thus acquired grew out
of the anxieties of their condition.
EDWARD BOURNE
1875
W W
W W
VHAV seen that Americans in the early nineteenth
century hadinheritedaheartydrinkingtradition, thatan
overabundance ofcorn on the western frontier had en-
couraged theproductionofcheap, plentifulwhiskey, and
that whiskey had become important in the American
diet. While these circumstances provided Americans
withthe opportunity to consume greatquantities ofdis-
tilled spirits, they do not explain why so many Ameri-
cans so readily availed themselves of that opportunity.
The question ofmotivation cannot be answered conclu-
sively, butsome inferencescanbe made byexaminingin
greater detail the drinkinghabitsofthoseAmericanswho
belonged to the heaviest drinking segments of society.
Robustdrinkingoften had roots inconditionspeculiarto
theearly nineteenthcentury. ltwas, amongotherthings,
a period of unprecedented change for which, l believe,
the traditional society of the time was institutionally,
ideologically, and psychologically unprepared. Between
r ;o and r 8o almost every aspect ofAmerican life un-
derwentalteration, inmanycasesstartlingupheaval. The
impactofchangeon some socialgroupswasgreaterthan
on others, and it becomes apparent in a study of the
period that those groups most severely affected by
change were also the groups most given to heavy drink-
mg.
The single most important change with the most far
reaching consequences was the rapid growth ofpopula-
tion. The number ofinhabitants inthenewrepublicwas
doubling every twenty-three years. Although this rate of
increase was no greater than during the colonial period,
its effects were much more pronounced because of th
larger population base. Between i ;o and i 8 i o, when
the population rose from almost four million to more
than sevenmillion, the increasealone nearlyequalledthe
total increase since European settlement began. Because
America was an agrarian society, this growth in popula-
tion had to be accompanied by proportionate gains in
cultivated acreage in order to maintain the standard of
living. Ceometricpopulationgrowthnecessitatedthecul-
tivationofnewland atagreatlyaccelerated rate. lnother
words, between i ;oand i 8r oit was necessary to bring
intoproductionalmostasmany acres as had beenplanted
intheprecedingtwocenturies. 1
Thedispersionofaburgeoningpopulationinsearch of
arable land was socially destabilizing. Pioneers who
needed acreage were forced to cross the Appalachian
Mountains, and, as we have seen, whereas eighteenth-
century settlers had been able to locate on rivers and
streams that drained into the Atlantic, these migrants to
theWestfoundthemselvescutofffromeasterntradeand
markets. Theeconomic, social, andpoliticalties thathad
bound the seaports and the hinterlands into an Atlantic
communitycould notreachacrosstheAppalachians . For
the nrst time, signincant numbers of Americans lived
apart from the inuences oftraditional society. ln i ;o
only one hundred thousand of four million Americans
residedinthe West; by i 8 i oonemillionofsevenmillion
did. lnthatyear, before steamboats, canals, orrailroads,
more Americanslivedinisolationandindependencethan
ever before or since. lt should not be surprising that
THE ANXIETIES OF THEIR CONDITION
isolated and lonely western pioneers had a reputa-
for drinking more alcoholicbeverages than residents
other sections ofthe country.
Duringthe early nineteenth century the vast majority
Americans worked on the soil, either as farm owners
OI as hired hands . Traditionally, thefarmlaborer was a

youngmanwho expected to become a farm owner. lfhe

saved his pay from several seasons of harvest labor, he
could buyanimals and implements, marry, and purchase

afarmormovewesttoclearandsettlevirginland. ltwas
hisexpectationofbecominga landholder, l believe, that
enabled himto acceptwithequanimitytheyears ofhard
ork and low annual earnings that he faced while he
worked on other men's land. But after r ;o, when the
demand for land increased, the price of land in settled
areas must have increased. Frontier settlement also be-
came more difncult, because settlers had to cross the
Appalachians at great effort and expense. At the same
time, increases in land speculation and title disputes in
the Westmust have discouraged people from migrating.
The principal effect ofall ofthese circumstances was to
diminishthe chance ofa farm laborerfrom acquiringhis
ownfarm.
Thelotofa farm hand was verydifferent fromthatof
his employer. The owner of a farm was rooted in the
soil, tied to his community, a family patriarch, and a
faithful observerofthe seasons. ature's rhythmiccycles
assured him that what he sowed in the spring and nur-
turedthroughthe summerhe would reapin the autumn.
Harvest was the culmination of a seasonal cycle that
made his rural world secure in a pattern ofcontinuity.
Thefarmerhadcomfortandfreedomfromanxiety. 'To
the farm laborer, on the other hand, nature's rhythm
meant little. He reaped only what others had sown, and
harvest to him was only a brief period of exhausting
1 27
labor with good pay whose transitory nature connrmed
his view that life was chaotic. After harvest he faced a
long, inactive, uncertain winter. ls it any wonder that
farm hands turned to strong drink? They were among
the greatest consumers ofalcohol; farm owners, at least
in the orth, were among those least likely to drink
heartilyorto excess .
Rapid populationgrowth was accompanied byunprec-
edented urban development. From r ;o to r 8o the
numberofcities withatleast, ooopeopleincreasedfrom
eight to forty-nve. While in r ;o cities of this size were
all Atlantic seaports, by r 8o a number of such cities
were in the interior, and some, such as Cincinnati, had
not even existed in r ;o. The inhabitants of these new
citiestriedtocopythecultureoftheolderseaports byin-
stituting colleges, theaters, literary guilds, and daily
newspapers, but they could not create the established
families, endowed institutions, and settled economies
1 2 8
TH ANXIETIES OF THEI CONDITION
only time and a slower rate ofgrowth could bring.
ps more important than the rise of so many small
cities was therapid growth ofthelargesturbancenters .
lrom r ;oto r 8othepopulationofgreaterPhiladelphia
leaped from o,ooo to r 6o,ooo, that of ew York from
)
o,ooo to zoo, ooo. People who lived in these huge cities
suffered from ineptgovernment, poorsanitation, chaotic
social conditions, and a sense ofalienation. Colonial sea-
ports hsdbeen governed through informalchannels by a
co
mmercial elite that had provided aid to the poor and
Iunds for the construction of public docks, warehouses,
and other community improvements. Asurban popuIa-
tion grew, the proportion of the old, wealthy elite less-
ened, theirinduence waned, and nineteenth-century cit-
ies founditdifncultto maintainorderand suitable living
conditions. With the collapse of elitist paternalism, the
loss ofguild controls, and the decline ofneighborliness,
city dwellers were increasingly bewildered, frustrated,
and isolated amida seaofstrangefaces. Andalltheavail-
ableevidencesuggeststhatAmericanswholivedincities
and towns drankmorethantheirruralneighbors .5
Dramatic changes also occurred in transportation.
Steamboats, canals, and, later, railroads created a new,
national economy: these innovations lowered shipping
costs, and thereby destroyed local markets by encourag-
ing people to buy cheap goods manufactured in distant
places rather than more expensive goods produced lo-
cally. As Americans began to participate in a national
marketeconomy, they discovered that custom and tradi-
tion became lessimportantandthatthey were subjectto
such indeterminate forces as outside competition and
ductuations ofthe business cycle. The development ofa
national market spurred manufacturing, which between
r 8 I O and r 8o tripled in the value of its output. ln-
creased production was accompanied by a change in in-
THE ANXITIES OF THEIR CONDTION
methods. Whereas farm families had once spun
or woven cloth at home during seasonal lulls, by
textilesweremoreoftenthannotmadeinfactories.
mills and factories also made machinery,
, paper, glass, pottery, drugs, paints, and dyes.
While these new establishments were widely praised as
ofprogress,factoryworkers whohadpreviously
on farms found the discipline offactory workto be
new and unsettling. Long, regular hours and dull, un-
workawayfromhomewereincontrasttoagricul-
tural labor, with its extensive family contact, variety of
tasks, slowerpace, and periods ofcomparative leisure al-
ternatingwithperiodsoffrenziedactivity. ltappearsthat
manyfactoryworkers met thesenewconditions byturn-
ng to heavy drinking.
Skilled cransmen were also adversely affected by the
upheavals oftheearlynineteenthcentury. Theauthority
of master craftsmen over journeymen and apprentices
eroded, thegrowthofcitiesmadeit easierforapprentices
todesert andescape successfully, and theboomingcities
ofthe West attracted workmen who became disgruntled
withtheiremployers. Themostsgnincantchange, how-
ever, wastheriseofthe factory system, whichdestroyed
customary relationships among craftsmen. Apprentices
observed that masters employed more youths than they
could properly train to become journeymen with the in-
tention of exploiting cheap, unskilled labor rather than
training workmen. And journeymen discovered that the
amountofcapital needed to establisha shop was becom-
ing so largethat they had no expectation ofever becom-
ing their own masters . ln the printing industry, for ex-
ample, the introduction of new equipment raised the
price ofsetting up a shop from less than $i,ooo in i 8 i ;
to $, ooo by i 8i . While an industrious, prudent jour-
neyman might be able to save $ i ,ooo over several years,
it was unlikely that he could save $,ooo. A man who
wanted to open a shop found it necessaryto obtainloans
or political subsidies, to accept capitalists aspartners,
or
to form a corporation. Thus was the traditional route

from apprentice to journeyman to master blocked with
many men stimied at the middlelevel.7
As the interests of masters and journeymen diverged,
masters exploited theiremployees, whilethejourneymen
themselves, having lost their expectations of becoming
masters, became disillusioned and frustrated. William E.
Channing warned that seeing the wealth of others pro-
voked a tendency to self-contempt and self-abandon-
ment among those whose lot gives them nochance ofits
acquisition. ' Shoptime drinking, which had been tradi-
tional, began to increase. The occasions for having a
drink increased from the customary I I .oo x. . re-
freshener and afternoon break to a long list of celebra-
tions. the shop must drink whcn a new man arrived, or
an old onedeparted;whena man married or had a child;
or when an apprentice came of age. There were nu-
merous nnes, levied in alcohol , for the breachofcertain
by-laws enacted for the express purpose of obtaining
liquor. ' or was imbibing limited to business hours.
Each shop had its favorite spot for midnight revelry,'
and on payday the workmen often werecompensated in
a tavern or bar, where they were encouraged to spend
theirearnings .8
Masters were alarmed. Whereas they once had been
ableto limit drinkingon theirpremisesthroughpersonal
pleas, they now found that noxious habits continued to
increase in many places with unabated ardour, until the
evil had become so great as scarcely to be endured. '
Some employers, usually hearty drinkers themselves,
won the conndence oftheirthirstyworkmen by provid-
ing liquor, but businesses operated that way onen failed
from inept and besotted management. Masters more
THE ANXIETIES OF THEm CONDmoN
ohen tried, though with Iittlesuccess, topersuade work-
men notto drink onthe premises. Whenthis failed, and
desperation drove owners to prohibit spirits on their
premises, dmmshops would spring up at nearby sites.
|ourneymenthenturnedtocajoIingapprenticestosmug-
gle liquor into the shop. One man was stationed at the
window to watch,' recalled a baker, while the rest
drank. '"
Economic adversity could whet a man's appetite for
strong drink; so could startling gains and prosperity.
Consider, for example, the newIy wealthy cotton
pIanters . Though it is true that a smaII number ofcoIo-
nial sIavehoIders had enjoyed a luxurious standard ofIiv-
ing, a much Iarger number ofthem had lived at a Ievel
onIy moderateIy higher than that oftheir sIaves. King
1 33
Cotton did not improve the lot of slaves, but it did
greatly increase the number of rich planters. By r 8
;
q
thousands of newly minted overlords occupied baro
nial
estates from the Carolinas to the Mississippi. Although
these planters had unprecedented leisure and wealth
their backgrounds provided them with little training i
ways of spending their time and money. They had no
knowledge of the arts and sciences, no enthusiasm for
manufacturing and technology, no customary patten of
spe
ding,noculturalrennementorwell-developedtaste.
1
These rich planters tried to copy the traditional man-
ners ofthe colonialelite, but theirs was a pale imitation.
Whereas the eighteenth-century upper class had mod-
elled its plantation life on quasi-feudallines, educated its
most promising youth abroad, and organized its social
life afterthe style ofEnglishgentlemen, the sociallifeof
this nouveau riche aristocracy was built on display, con-
spicuous consumption, and crude materialism. ln one
frontier Alabama town, for example, the ladies paraded
through the streets in showy clothes to impress people
with their husbands' wealth. ltwas by such ostentatious
means as extravagant dress, magnincent barbecues, and
palatialmansions that a southerngentleman ofthisorder
established his place in society. However, when he was
notengagedindisplay, hereturnedtothe pursuits ofhis
earIy rural existence and spent his private life riding,
hunting, and racing horses. He extolled the virtues of
rurallife, deplored cities andmerchants, and damned his
cotton broker.
11
Therewerethose who foundthismodeoflifefrustrat-
ing. Slaveholders were discouraged from labor by their
ownhaughty idealthatonly slavesorpoor whites should
work, butAmericantraditionprovided no satisfyingrole
foridlers . Theconsequencewas thatidlenessled tobore-
dom, and boredom led the planters to seek excitement.
THE ANXIETIES OF THEm CONomoN
excitementofthe kind theycraved was rare onplan-
isolated fromneighbors, professionalentertainers,
even daily newspapers. We have, ' wrote a Florida
, nothing . . . but whiskey. ' Drinking accom-
gaming, horseracing, dueling, andthe pursuitof
women. The styleofmanners amongstthe young
.
gentlemen, 'recalled one observer, was that of
anddissipation. 'Thus didplanters turnthe fruitsof
Ying Cottoninto a new lifestyle. lnthe emerging south-
crnwayoflife thewoodencolumns thatornamentedthe

cadesoftheBigHouseswerenotallthatwashollow.
1Z
Amidthiseconomicupheavala traditionofsocialhier-
archy was also dying. Although colonial Americans had
never fully subscribed to the English class system, they
had preserved class distinctions. A Virginia gentleman
had been distinguished by his powdered wig and gilded
carriage, a Massachusetts man's station had been indi-

cated by whether or not he was called 'mister,' and key
political ofnces, such as the Virginia Council of State,
had been reserved for members ofthe upper class. The
Revolutionhadoverturnedthesemarksofdistinctionarid
lessened the importanceofcaste. Because so manyofthe
upper class had been Tories who had dedne-quarter
of the attorneys, for example, many new people rose
into the ranks of the elite, and this new elite could not
very effectively argue that hierarchical status was nxed
and rigid. More important, the Revolution's libertarian
and egalitarian rhetoric discouraged class distinctions.
The war, however, had not entirely destroyed a con-
sciousness of classes, for inequality of mind and sub-
stance continued to separate the well-educated and
wealthyfromtheignorantandimpoverished. Duringthe
early nineteenth century Americans were torn between
the reality of inequality and the ideal of equality, and
they became ambivalent aboutmatters ofclass and rank.
1
35
The Alcoholi Reubli
This
ambivalence can be observed in the custom of

be-
stowmg upon adult white males honorary military

title
such as 'Ceneral, ' 'Colonel , ' 'Major, ' or at the very
lea
s
'C
. ,
All
st
aptam. were to be gentlemen and ofncers,
al-
though some might have a higherrankthan others. '
Physicians, ministers, and attorneys particularly suf-

fer
d fro
thedeclineofsocialhierarchy. Duringtheco
lomal penod, professional men had been securely en-
trenched at the pinnacle of society, but the Revolution
had eroded their position, and aner the war they found
tat theireliteprofessionalismclashed with post-Revolu-
tionary egalitarianism. For doctors, there wereother
dif-
nculties. theirreputations suffered because theycured so
few patients. The failure ofeither Benjamin Rush or his
professi
nal
.
rivals to control the Philadelphia yellow
fever epidemic of i ; caused a widespread loss ofcon-
ndence
.
i
.
n all physicians. Declining trust in the authority
and abilityoforthodox medicalmen led totheoverthrow
of state licensing and the rise of new medical theories
that competed with orthodox views. Vermont farmer
Samuel Thomson, for example, proposed that true dem-
ocrats should learn to treat themselves. This |eer-
sonian, a jealous rival of the local arch-Federalist regular
do
tor, held that all disease was caused by an insuf-

nciency of body heat, which he believed should be
treated withot baths, hot pepper, and brandy. While
theseremedies were notefncacious against most diseases,
theywereprobablyless harmful than Rush's practice of
bleeding.'
Clergymen ofthe old-line sects also faced a threat to
their standing. lnthe Southafterthe Revolutionthe loss
ofAnglican subsidiesleftavoidthatwasnoteasilynlled.
The Congregational Church was disestablished in Con-
ecticut in r 8 i 8 and in Massachusetts in i 8 , and the

mformal arrangements by which many Vermont and
ew York towns had used tax money to maintain a sin-
1
36
orthodox church also disappeared. Traditional de-
suffered nnancial strains and lacked the
to supply the 8, ooo additional ministers that the
wasestimatedtoneed. OntheeveoftheSecond
Awakening, a series ofreligious revivals that oc-
after r 8oo, many churches, in a break with the
1zhteenth century, refused to provide salaries that
enableministerstoliveintheiraccustomed stylish
. The educated clergy discovered that they
an ever decreasing proportion oftheir communi-
and correspondingly that they were losing much of
formerpowerandauthority. Thepassingoftheold
caused gloom and apprehension. Our habits, '
Congregational minister Lyman Beecher, . . .
giving way. So many hands have so long been em-
,<* topullawayfoundations, and so few torepairthe
s, that the building t
_
tters. 'The erudite leaders
the olderdenominations facedcompetition both from
ivictItOOtSt circuit riders, whoseignorance andlackofre-
ment onen embarrassed the educated clergy, and
omadvocatesofdeism, disbelief, andotherm orthodox
tenets. . . . the Unitarians in this quarter, ' wrote one
istressed evangelical, neither believe nor think any
+hing about |esus Christ, whether he be man, angel or

veryCod. ' '
Both ministers and physicians faced popularcontempt
for authority. Whenfrontierneighbors learnedthat Dan-
iel Drake was being apprenticed to a doctor, they cau-
tioned him against getting proud. ' Such public sen-
timents weakened the idea of a profession as a body of
enlightened experts, undermined the ability ofa profes-
sion to discipline its members, and compelled trained
professionals to compete with untrained self-proclaimed
democratic rivals, such as Thomsonians or Methodist
itinerants. Physicians, not only frustrated by the dismal
failure oftheir treatments but also incessantly invited to
1 3 7
The Aloholic Repbli
drink wherever they called, were reputed to be 4 VL`
the greatest sots. Dr. David Hosack of ew York
timated thatinhis cityoofr oophysicians were
ards . l often hearthe people saying,'wrote Dr.
Speed of Virginia, that they scarcely know ofa
sober doctor but myself. ' The clergy were hardly l *`
temperate, drinking daily for healthand on Sundays to
relaxbeforepreaching. Alas| One Sunday whenthepoor
Rev. Dodge of Pomfret, Connecticut, rose to speak
collapsed on the pulpit overcome with drunken sick-
ness . 'So ended the career ofone graduate ofthe liber
Harvard Divinity School. His experience was scarcely
more embarrassingthan that ofa Tennesseeparson
who
was so intoxicated at a corn husking that when asked to
serve the chicken he plunged his fork into the table.
Clergymen, like other mortals, fell victim to the stresses
oftheirtime.
1 believe thatthe stressofchange wasfelt mostkeenly

by the rising generation, that is, by those Americans
born during or just aner the Revolution, who came of
ageabout r 8oo. owherewasthatstressgreaterthanon
the nation's college campuses. College students, an ad-
mittedlyelite minority, hadto face crisesthat wereboth
institutional and intellectual. Although colleges con-
tinuedtoemphasizecurriculumsdesignedtotrainyouths
to be ministers, students found that religious retrench-
ment meant that theirdegrees no longer entitled themto
positions in the ministry. The proportion of graduates
entering the ministrydeclined fromone-third in the half
centurybefore i ; ;otoone-sixthin the decadeafter r 8oo.
This decline in positions for graduates was accompanied
byagrowingbeliefthatthecollege'straditionalrole, that
ofeducating an elite class, wasin conictwiththe Revo-
lutionary concept ofequality. Students steeped in ideals
of liberty and equality had contempt for institutions
THE ANIETIES OF THI CONDmoN
outmoded curriculums, old-fashioned teachers,
predilection for training clergymen were survivals
colonial times. Tom Paine's irreligious radicalism
the height of fashion among the idealistic young.
trouble was that many of Paine's doctrines were
to American tradition and offered students no
for realizing the Revolutionary ideals of
and liberty. Before Thomas|efferson's election
presidency in r 8oo, some students found that his
expressed their idealism; at liberal Harvard, Ben-
Tappan became an ardent democrat. Aner|effer-
succeeded to the presidency, his political maneuver-
made him less useful as a hero for the young;
thatwaswhy Tappan'syoungerbrotherWilliam
no idealismandbecamea drunkard.
This post-Revolutionary generation of students in-
in unprecedented lusty drinking. One spirits-ov-
collegianinformed the president ofDartmouth that
least quantity he could put up with . . . was from
to three pintsdaily. 'Worsethanthe amount ofim-
was the atmosphere that surrounded it, for stu-
mixed theirdaily bouts ofintoxicationwith swear-
gaming, licentiousness, and rioting. Consequently,
ofncials strengthened rules against the consump-
of alcohol. Whereas the College of William and
in r ; z had warned students to drink hard liquor
moderation, after r 8oomostcollegesbanned spirits
. At Union College, for example, the nne for
uD_tt_ spiritsonto campus was setat$ in i 8oz , raised
by r 8 r , and altered to a nne or suspension in
8zI . Such regulations proved ineffective because stu-
dentsresisted theauthorityofcollegeofncerswhomthey
no longer respected. A series of disturbances at the
\niversityofVirginialedoneirategentlemanofthe OId
Dominionto suggestthattheplaceoughtspeedilyto be
1 39
burnt down as a horrible nuisance. 'PerhapsthisVirgi.
iangotthe idea fromPrinceton, wherethe studentswere
suspected ofsetting nre to the main college hall. ln ay
event, drunkennessandriotinghad become ways for stn-
dentstoshowcontemptforinstitutionsthatfailedtopro-
vide them with a useful, up-to-date, republican educa-

tion. '
Among the lustiest consumers of alcohol were stage
drivers, lumberjacks, river boatmen, and canal builders.
Men engaged in these occupations shared one common
trait. they were members ofa new, mobile class withont
customs, roots, or social ties. They lacked the means by
which other, better organized men could lessen the im-
pactofchange. Whenmembersofacohesivegroup,such
as j ourneymen artisans, were threatened by economic
dislocation, the group could at least protest as a body.
Social solidarity made iteasierto identify a target to at-
tack, ifthey failed, theirunity provided some solace, for
'misery loves company. ' And men in a traditional, cohe-
sive group could respond creatively. |ourneymen ar-
tisans, forexample, became so classconscious duringthe
i 8os that they formed unions, published periodicals,
and created a political organization, the Workingmen's
Party. For artisans, the rise of factories had enhanced
groupidentity and encouraged organization forthe pur-
pose of trying to control the destiny of the group. For
mobile laborers, on the other hand, life was more
chaotic. They were restless, rootless men who led lonely
and unstructured lives. They had no way of joining
togetherto helpone another,theyhadnogroupidentity,
no socialidentity, they were 'nowhere men. ' As a conse-
quence they expressed their frustrations outside social
channels . This anomic existence, lawless and alienated
fromsociety, gave riseto acutedrinking. '"
Considertheplightofstagedrivers. Adriver'slife was
miserable, often boring, for much ofthe time he waited
TH ANXIETIES OF THm CONDIION
thetavernforsufncientcargo or passengers to make a
When on the road he drove over bumpy tracks
the woods, splattered by mud, chilled bywind,
often soaked by rain or snow. Although he might
in a town, he worked alone on the road, under
conditions , remote from family and friends.
work was detached from society, exceptfor his
pas-
, manyofwhomwererudeandunreasonablepeo-
who cursed him for jostling them. They were
he wouldneverseeagain. otsurprisingly, the
turned to alcohol. He had a drink whenever he
stopeo to water the horses at a wayside inn, and often
travelled withawhiskeybottle onthe seat besidehim.
journeying hom ashville to Alexandria,
, one passenger noted that only one driver had
drunk on the road. lt was well, ' concluded the
, thehorsesweresober| '
!ike stage drivers, lumberjacks were rootless. They
in jerrybuilt camps in remote forests, when the
LIIL1 wasgone, theymoved on. lntheearlynineteenth
the growth ofpopulation and business activity
an ever greater demand for lumber, and logging
. As timber cutting spread to remote parts of
Maine and Pennsylvania, lumberjacks became increas-

yisolated. Aloneintheforests,theyturnedtoliquor.
was said thatenoughrumwasconsumedinoneMainc
town annually to oat the whole village off. '
d
rinkersofthistownhada 'temperance society'that

pledged every one who should get drunk to treat the
rest all around. 'Such incessant drinking by the lumber-
jacks enabled timber barons to increase their pronts by

payingtheirworkers inliquorratherthancash. omat-
ter that the lumberjacks lost a part of their wages, they

reveled in spirits. A drunken timber cutter on a spree
mrgot the dangers ofhis work and the disadvantages of

his rootless, anomic state. One observer oflumberjacks
wrote, Heneverplanted; he knows not itspleasures.
A
treeofhis ownplantingwould begoodfornothing
in
his
estimation, for it would never during his life be large
enough to fell. lt is by destruction he lives; he is a
destroyer whereverhe goes. ' '
Then there were the boatmen who plied the western
rivers with keelboats and rans. For a generation, from
the beginningofwestern rivercommercetothearrivalof
the steamboataftertheWarof i 8 i z , theyheld swayover
the main trade routes. While they had seized the initia-
tive in westerntrade, they were incapableofmaintaining
their preeminence when the modes of transportation

changed. lt is easytounderstandwhy. Thetypical boat-
man combined mobility with frontier exuberance, cock-
iness, restlessness, and daring. These qualities were ac-
companied by dencienciesthatinsured his doom, for the
boatman's independence made him overconndent and
unreliable; his individualism inhibited him fromorganiz-
ing with other boatmen to protect himself; and his igno-
rance barred him from effective participation in the in-
creasingly complex economy. Underlying these
characteristics was the boatman's lackofage-old tradition
and social ties to other groups insociety, his inability to
view himselfas part ofany group or tradition, in short,
his anomie. Onthe river he literally doated outside soci-
ety.
The boatman lacked a well-denned placei nAmerican
culture, and l believe that as a consequence he suffered
doubts about himself, his role, and his worth. Since he
did not havethe usual, customarywaysofexpressinghis
fears, he developed ways of his own. One mechanism
was boasting, by whichthe insecure boatman soughtre-
assurance about his own importance from his listeners.
He might claim, as one did, l'm the very infant that
refused its rnilk before its eyes wereopen and called out
for a bottle of old Rye| W-h-o-o-p| l'mthatlittle Cupid|
THE ANXIETIES OF THEm CONDITION
. Cock-a-doodle-dedoo| . . . l can . . . keep soberer
anyothermaninthese localities | 'Perhaps hisfears
clearer in his songs, which were always restless, ro-
and mournful . Hesang such linesas.
Here's to you, and all the rest,
And likewie her that I love best;
.sh's not hre to take a part,
rll drnk hr health with all my heart.
songs and boasts reveal a mixture ofloneliness and
that was most often, as the words suggest,
inalcohol. Theboatmandrankheartily, lustily,
excessively. ln whiskey was solace for the
ofhiscondition,connrmationofhisindepen-
and fellowshipthatreassuredhisempty soul.
!ikethe rivermen,canallaborerslackedtraditionsand
`bLULIJj . Their alienation from society, however, was
PQt1 because almost all were lrish immigrants. From
Emerald lsle they came, at nrst in a trickle, later in
always impoverished and famished, often spiri-
brokenand bewildered. Americaoffered them me-
jobs digging canals or building railroads; no native
would work sohard for solittle. Althoughthe
were better paid, housed, and fed than in
home land, they suffered. They were happy to get
meals a day, but not every man liked what he got.
4
4A one lrishmanabout American potatoes, "0,

|~shure whattheycallprateeshereisallwather,
melts in your mouth, no maley tate at al! " Such cul-
shockexemplinedthe dilemmaofthesenewcomers.
they lived in America, theycontinued to think
themselves as lrish; yet they could not be lrish, be-
they were not in lreland but in America. Bewil-
dered by separation from native church and tavern, an-
hearths, and the fabric of lrish culture, they
life in an alien and sometimes hostile land difncult
1 43
and confusing. Wrenched from their past, unhappy
in
the present, the lrish responded withfancifulifunrealis-
tic hopes that they would beable to go home to die.
Dreams ofhaving an lrish wake and burial could not
sustain men in this life, the immigrants became aggres-
sive and violent. Canal laborers were notorious com-
batants. Deadly nghts and brawls usually originated in
petty disputes that escalated when laborers unleashed
against each other rage engendered by their situation.
More frequently, theyreducedtheirtensions withstrong
drink, which they consumed exuberantly and in great
quantity. A number of observers of drinking among

adult male lrish immigrants concluded, independently,
that within a few years a majority had drunkthemselves
to death. Others resolved their anomic problem more
dramatically. Sam Patch, a penniless lrishman drivento
despairby life inthe United States, plunged ;o feetinto
the chasm at the Passaic River's Crand Falls. Miracu-
lously, he survived. Observing that his jump had at-
tracted a largecrowd, Patch begantojumpintoriversfor
money. At Cenesee Falls, near Rochester, ewYork, in
r 8zhe mounted a z-footplatform, bowed to the thou-
sands of spectators, and plunged i z z feet to his death.
Hewasdrunk. Witnessesdisagreed astowhetherthein-
toxicated Patch had miscalculated or had planned this
jumpto be, as advertized, his last.
Finally, there were some groups of Americans of
whomitcanbe saidthatwhile they drankheartily, they
drank no more heartily during the early nineteenth cen-
tury than they ever had. The most conspicuous ofthese
weresoldiers and sailors, whohad age-old drinkingrites.
So common was inebriation among the tars that some
drunkards, when dismissed fromother jobs, went to sea
in order to get liquor, to have drinkingcompanions, and
to assure themselves that their habits were normal.
Amongthese highconsumersoflong standingtheoddest
and often the saddest were the schoolmasters . Although
skilled and sometimes educated, teachers indulged them-
selves with liquor as zestfully as ignorant, unskilled la-
borers. Theprofession, ifitcanbesodignined, attracted
mainlymisnts. KeepingschoolrepulsedmostAmericans,
for it combined low pay, irregular work, much moving
about, and low status. Poor lchabod Crane. He existed
apartfromthecommunity, boarding'round, uncertainof
1is tenure, certain only that school would end when
planting or harvest called his charges to the nelds. The
life ofa schoolmasterwaslonelyand unrewarding.

Between i ;oand i 8othe United States underwent
tot only a period of unprecedented heavy drinking but
also a period of unprecedented and extremely rapid

change. We have seen that the segments of society af-
fected adversely, in one way or another, by these rapid

changes were also the segments ofsociety mostattracted
The Akoholi Reubli
to alcohol. This correlation, while it does not prv
causal relationship, strongly suggests that such a rela-
tionship existed. And one further point can be

Socialscientistswhohavestudieddrinkinginavarietyof
cultures have agreed with Donald Horton, who wrotein
i that the primary reason peopledrink is to relieve
anxiety. A corollaryofthistheory would seemtobethat
where there is heavy drinking there is signincant un-

dcrlying anxiety. There certainly seems to have been
much cause for anxiety in the early American republic.
Perhaps Edward Bourne was correct when he wrote of
American drinking habits during those years that they
grew out ofthe anxieties oftheircondition. '
BAPTR
THE PURSUIT
OF HAPPINESS
Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness
DECLARATION of INDEPENDENCE
1776
No one would seek artifcial excitement
when in a happy frame of mind.
Dr. N. R. SMITH
1829

the nrst quarter of the nineteenth century
not only drank a lot of alcohol, but they
drank it in distinctive, even peculiar ways. The patterns
ofdrinking that prevailed in those years are important,
Iecause each pattern can tell us something about life in
1he young republic and about various facets of its cul-
ture. Then, too, thepopularityofsomedrinkingpatterns

increased while the popularity ofothers waned, and the
veasons for these changes are also important. To know

how Americans drank is as necessary for an under-
standingofthe times asto know how muchtheydrank.
ln colonial days there were two clearly differentiated
pattens of drinking distilled spirits. One way was to
drink small amounts with daily regularity, oftenaloneor
in the family at home. Drams were taken upon rising,
with meals, during mid-day breaks, and at bedtime.
Americans whotooktheirspiritsinfrequentbutcompar-
atively small doses did not become intoxicated, indeed.
social scientists tell usthat such dri
_
king leads drinkers
to develop a tolerance to alcohol's intoxicating effects . '
Coexisting with this pattern of drinking, but in sharp
contrastto it, wasthecommunalbinge. This wasaform
of public drinking to intoxication that prevailed when-
ever groups of Americans gathered for elections, court
sessions, militia musters, holiday celebrations, or neigh-
Communal drinkin
g
.
borly festivities. Practically any gathering of three or
more men, from the Mardi Cras to a public hanging,
provided an occasion for drinking vast quantities of
liquor, until the more prudent staggered home whilethe
remainderquarreled and fought, or passedout. One ob-
serverestimatednot long aftertheRevolutionthatatypi-
cal American indulged in such mass celebrations ten or
nfteen times a year. Although both dram drinking and
communal binges continued into the nineteenthcentury,
l havefound thatbythe I 820S a distinct shift in customs
was taking place. the taking of daily drams waned, and
participationingroup binges increased.
THE PURSUIT OF HAPIESS
1 800, drinking in groups to the point where ev-
eryone became inebriated had ideological overtones. For
thing, such drinking became a symbol of egali-
.
. All men were equal before the bottle, and no

man was allowed to refuse to drink. A guest at an cve-
ningparty mightbedraggedto the sideboard and forced

against hisproteststo downglass afterglass. Arefusalto
drinkundersuchcircumstanceswasviewedasproofthat
theabstainerthought himselfto bebetterthanotherpeo-
ple. Hewould not beinvitedto anotherparty. Similarly,
after oneEnglish-born schoolmaster ohended Americans
by declining to drink with them, they soostracized him
that when he took ill and died suddenly it was several
days before his absence from the scene was noticed and
his death discovered. lt wasexpectedthat a man attend-
ingasouthernbarbecuewouldfollowthe'barbecuelaw, '
which required that everyone drink to intoxication. The
onlyexcuseforremsingaroundwaspassingout. lnMis-
sissippi, recalled Henry Foote, drinking to excess had
become sofashionablethatamanofstrictsobriety'was
considered acold-bloodedand uncongenial wretch. 'To
refusetoimbibegaveserious offense, 'suggestinga lack
ofrespectandfriendship. ltwassometimesdangerous . A
gang of lusty Kentuckians angry with an abstinent
comrade is reputedto haveroasted himtodeath.
While drinking i n a group made the participants
equals, it also gave them a feeling ofindependence and
liberty. Drinking to the point of intoxication was done
by choice, an act ofself-will by which a man altered his
feelings, escapedfromhisburdens, andsoughtperfection
in his surroundings. Because drinking was a matter of
choice, it increased a man's sense of autonomy. To be
drunkwastobefree. Thefreedomthatintoxicationsym-
bolized led Americansto feelthatimbibinglustilywas a
nttingway for independent men to celebrate theircoun-
try's independence. lt was surely no accident that one
early temperance society adopted a pledge that allowed
its members to become intoxicated on lndependence
Day. Duringthe i 8zosno holidayhad more importthan
the th of|uly, a date that evoked a national intoxica.
tion. ' On that day liberty triumphed, at least in the
heads of the overzealous atriots who lined the nation's
gutters .
Another occasion when Americans drank was at elec-
tions, whencandidates were expectedtotreatthe public,
voters andnonvotersalike. Treatingatelections hadbeen
a colonial custom borrowed from England. ln r ;8, for
example, when Ceorge Washington sought a seat in the
Virginia House of Burgesses, he was determined that
sufncient liquor be provided. My only fear,' the can-
didate wrote his election agent, is that you spent with
too sparing a hand. ' Washington had reason to be con-
cerned, for a failure to treat had led to his defeat in a
previous campaign. To win this new contest, he gave
away
8-;-oofrum, punch, wine, hard cider, and beer.

For his i gallons ofrefreshment he received o;votes,
a return on his investment of better than 2 votes per
gallon. Such electoral practices did not change signin-
cantly anerthe Revolution. The most importantfacetof
treating was neverthe dispensing ofstrongdrink, which
was expected as a matter ofcourse, but the manner and
style ofdispensing it. The candidate had to demonstrate
his generosity andhospitalitywithoutahintofstinginess
or parsimony An illustration is in order. The favored
aspirant in one Mississippielectionpoureddrinksforthe
voters with so much personal attention that it seemed
clearhe would win. Afterhis liquor was gone, hisoppo-
nent, a Methodistminister, announced to the crowd that
he also had whiskey to dispense, but that he would not
be so stingy as to measure it out. Come forward, one
and all , 'he invited, andhelpyourselves. 'The generous
parson won. That liquor elected incompetents and the
THE PSUIT OF HAPPIESS
County Election. By George Caleb Bingham. Engraved b john Sartain.
|ack of it defeated able men was widely conceded. l
guess Mr. A. is the nttest man of the two,' said one

SouthCarolinawoman, butt'otherwhiskiesthebest. '
While liquor at elections provided voters with a good
time, l believe that it also served symbolic purposes. A
candidate could use alcohol to indicate his stand on the
issues. Consider, for example, this 'account' of a Ken-
tuckycampaign.
To the expences of the election of 1 799-To 225
half pints of whiskey at diferent times and places,
as introductory to declaring myself a candidate, . . $28 1 2 5
To 1 00 do. purchased during the summer, merely
for the purpose of shewing that was attached to
diets of domestic growth and manufacture, and was
disposed to encourage them, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 66
The Akoholi Republic
To ten bottles of wine at diferent times among
merchants, for the purpose of shewing that I was
a gentleman and fond of the importation of foreign
luxuries, e . e e e . . e e e e . . . . . e . . . . . . . + 20
Whiskey drank at my house, qI gallons . e e . . . . zO O
Expenses of election days in whole, . . . . . . . . . 80 00
!iquor also had more subtle symbolic functions. An
of-
nce seeker who furnished strong beverages to the voters
was expected to drink freely with them, and, by
his
drinking, to prove the soundness ofhis democratic prin-
ciples, that he was independent and egalitarian, indeed
truly republican. Manyan aspirantforofnce becameine
briated in order to show the voters that he was an au-

tonomous, independent being. At the same time, a can-
didate' s good nature and congeniality in his cups
demonstrated his respect for his peers, the voters, and
thereby connrmed his egalitarianism. Thus it was that a
Pennsylvania tavern crowd stated that one popular con-
tender's election wascertain becausehe could and would
get drunkwith any man. '7
Drinking at elections may also have been evidence of
deep-seated frustrations withthe political system. Before
the rise of democratic politics in the i 8zos, Americans
who believed in the Revolutionary ideals ofequality and
freedom could hardly fail to note that those va
[
ues
clashed with electoral reality. The voter in most places
had to declare his choice publicly. This subjectedhimto
economic and social pressures and created resentment at
the lack oftrue independence. Often, too, the voter had
to choose between a patrician|ehersonian or a patrician
Federalist. Perhaps theFederalistwas themorearrogant,
buttheelectionofeitherputthecountryunderthedom-
ination of a wealthy, powerful elite that might have left
the average voter feeling impotent. Records for the
period show that only a small percentage of eligible
154
TH PURSUIT OF HAPIESS
cast ballots, and we should not be surprised that
ofthosewhodidgo to the polls chosetoturnelec-
into farces by selling their votes for liquor. ln a
world where equality was sometimes mocked and free-
domoften illusory, a drinkwas atleasttangible, a pleas-
re, and something that gave a feeling of personal lib-
erty. "
The communal binge was exploited not only by elec-
tion candidates but also by entrepreneurs in the fur

rade. !iquor played such an important role among
Americans who roamed the mountains trapping beaver
:hat it is worth discussing at some length. But nrst, by
way of contrast, let us consider how the British and
French used alcohol intheirconductofthe fur business.
The Britishobtained pelts, primarily beaver, fromtrade
with the lndians through a highly organized chartered
monopoly, the Hudson's Bay Company. The ofncers of
thatcompany believed in stability, whichtheysoughtto
secure byencouragingtheloyaltyofemployeesand trad-
ingpartnerstothecompany,bycooperationwiththeln-
dians ,andbyconservativetrappingpolicies.Hudson'sBay
was organized with theideaofobtaining modest pronts
over a long period of time. Accordingly, its ofncers
soughtto give an appearance ofpermanence to the com-
pany's outposts by bringingtheir British wives to live in
the primitive forts, bynttingtheir residences with silver
tea sets and white table cloths, and by living as far as
possible as at home. Wherever a Briton went, there was
civilization. Although these ofncials occasionally drank
imported wine, they often banned distilled spirits from
their territory because they believed that alcohol, by
makingthe lndiansquarreland nght among themselves,
discouraged them from trapping. ln Oregon during the
t 8 os thecompany went sofarasto purchase allthedis-
tilled liquor that was brought into the country, ware-
housed it, and dispensed itsparingly for medication."
155

ln contrast to the British, the French Canadians were
trappers rather than traders . They adopted lndian man-
ners , mingled with the natives, and often took lndian
wives. When they married lndian women, they sought
tribal acceptance by living in the lndian camps, eating
lndian food, and learning the language and customs.
Somewere adopted as brothers . They frequently moved
with the tribes, taking along their wives and half-lndian
children. They seldom travelled alone andoftentrapped
in groups. They were unassertive, noncompetitive, and
self-indulgent, gorging themselves with food and drink
whenever possi5le. Although these men were never suf-
nciently organized to pose a direct threat to the hegem-
ony of the Hudson's Bay Company, their cohabiting
withthe lndiansandtheirwillingness to trade beaverfor
liquor undermined the company's control over fur trad-
ing and lessened its pronts.
The American fur trade was carried on differently
from that of either the British or the French. American
tradingcompanies suffered froma disadvantage, because
the lndians preferred well-made Britishblankets, knives,
and other industrial goods to shoddy American ones.
Consequently, the Americans turned to trading with
liquor, the one commodity they had that the lndians
wanted. While alcohol was indispensable to the Ameri-
can fur merchants, it threatened to ruin the natives.
!iquor not only encouraged lndian wars and accelerated
tribal disintegration but, as the British had anticipated,
discouraged trapping. lntoxicated lndians sought few
furs , andthe resultant shortage of pelts in the mid-r 8zos
led American traders to hire white American trappers
who trapped more aggressively with increased pronts to
the traders . Although the companies recognized that
overtrapping would soon destroy the fur supply, they
were not deterred because they believed that in the long
run it wasinevitable that the Westwould be depleted of
THE PUSUrT OF HAPPIESS
ver, depopulated of lndians, and settled by pioneer
. Consequently, the American fur companies
were operated solely for the rapid exploitation of both
men and resources. We should not be surprised to learn
thatoneleadingtrader, William Ashley, cleared $8o,ooo
inthreeyearsand retired'
The American fur companies had no difnculty inhir-
ing white trappers . The occupation appealed to Ameri-
cans for a variety ofreasons . A few trappers hada need
to escape from the law, some saw prospects for instant
wealth, and many who had been raised on the rapidly
disappearing frontier yearned for an exciting challenge.
Although trapping beaver was adventurous, it was not
dangerous. hostile lndians killed few trappers, and most
lived to old age, a greater testament to their hardiness
than to their daring. The numerous diaries, memoirs,
andtravel accountswrittenbytrappers indicate thatthey
had a higherthanaverageintelligenceandthattheywere
conscious ofthe historicalsignincanceoftheir role inthe
West. While catching beaver, they explored the wilder-
ness and, in the process, named rivers, valleys, and
mountain peaks for themselves. Yet neither vanity nor
the hope for riches were the main attractions. lt is my
view that what lured Americans to trapping was the
mountainman'sopportunitytolivebytheRevolutionary
ideal ofthe 'independentman. '
The trapper believed inthe myth ofperfect, natural
freedom. The independent man needed no one, for he
wascomplete inandofhimself. Helived in Rousseauian
harmony with nature, coaxing her to yield up her trea-
sures, making her do his bidding. He savored his free-
dom, which he jealously guarded from others, and he
concentrated his powers of body, mind, and soul on
makinghimselfstrongenoughtoresistthetemptationsof
civilization, on being self-conndent enough to care for
himself, shrewd enough to handle any emergency. For
1
57
The Akoholc Reublc
friendship he had a horse, for companionship an lndian
wife whom he had purchased and who was required to
r
sideinhishouse,remotefromher people. Heabsented

himselffro
that dwelling for months at a time, living

alone, trappmg. Because he had to compete with other
trappers, he tried to avoid them, staking his own terri-
tory in a remote place, where he set his traps, collected
his animals, skinned them, and cached his furs. Forfood
he lived offtbe land, with his knife and rie, like atty
Bu
ppo, somehowsurviving. His spartan style included

abstmence from alcohol, which he could not afford to
carry with him. Once a year, at the season's end, m
THE PURSUIT or HAPINESS
he brought his pelts to sell to the fur company.
the proceeds he planned to retire, take his lndian
east,buyafarm,andliveasavirtuousrepublican.'
Somuch for the myth ofindependence. lnreality the
were controlled and manipulated by the fur
s. Each summer from i 8z through i 8 the
companies hosted a rendezvous oftraders and
in the Rocky Mountains. Ostensibly, these
were organized in order to collect all the be a-
, bear, and buffalo skins inone placetofacilitate their
to the eastern market. However, the trappers
favored the rendezvous because it brought
togetherforseveraldaysofstory telling, gambling,
, and drinking. Throughout, there was inebria-
The companies delighted in trading whiskey for
and after the rendezvous many a trapper awoke
from his binge to realize that for a few days' drunk he

traded away the pronts that might have bought a
farm. When this happened, he could do little but curse
hisluck, resolvetodobetternextyear, and return tothe
mountains in search of more beaver. lt was said that
everytrapper who died in the mountains was in debt to
oneofthe companies.
The sale of spirits to trappers at the rendezvous and
trading liquor to the lndians for pelts throughout the

yearaccounted for allthefurcompanies' pronts. ln i 8 i ;
nd i 8 i 8, forexample,|ohn|acobAstor'sAmericanFur
Company sold the lndians at Mackinaw 'whiskey' made
ofz gallons ofspirits, ogallonsofwater, someredpep-
per, and tobacco. This concoction cost a gallon to
make and sold for o a bottle. The fur companies

treatedwhitetrappers inthe samefashion. Whiskeythat
cost z a gallon in Missouri was hauled to the rendez-
vous, cut ten to one with water, and sold for $ per
-ounce glass , apriceincreaseofmorethan S , 000 toone.
Without liquor sales, the fur companies would have
1
5
9
Th Akoholic Reublic
Rendevous.
made no pronts . lt is fair to state that Astor's wealth
came fromsellingliquor ratherthanfrom buyingfurs, a
fact that may explain why later, with a touch of con-
scienceperhaps, hegave money tothe temperance move-
ment. As for the trapper, that independent man's mode
of life encouraged his exploitation. During most of the
year, in heroicisolation, hestrivedhardtogatherfurs;in
the rendezvous binge he gave away his earnings in a
frenzied period ofcommunalconviviality.'
Thedrawingofthetrapperstothe rendezvous,likenl-
ings to a magnet, shows
that the mountain men did not

completely act out the myth of the independent man.
The human spirit is seldom capable ofthe detachment
1 60
fromsocietythatthe myth demanded. lnthe lives ofthe
trappers ideals and reality rarely, ifever, coincided. Al-
though they weredriven by a determination to live the
life ofthe independent man, theirlapse at an annual fes-
tivalrevealed a highdegree ofambivalence.they denied
beinglonelyor wantingcompanionship, buttheyrushed
totherendezvous foraboutofintoxicationinthesociety
of others . ot that they came together in a spirit of
comradeship. To have treated one another with warmth
aud friendlinesswhile soberwouldhave showntoopain-
fully the split in their own lives between their need for
company and their ideal ofdetached independence. lne-
briation,however,allowedthemtomaintainconsistency,
because they believed that their behavior while drunk
was involuntary and hence meaningless . ' Thus was
their camaraderie enjoyed and denied. They remained
loyal to their values as they wandered across the West,
trapping beaverandthemselves, in a trek ofloneliness.
l believe that the mountain man used communal
binges not only to relieve his loneliness but also, like
other Americans, to relieve his anxieties. When he was
sober, his inability to realize his aspirations engendered
an acute sense of frustration that increased during long
periods of abstinence. A drunken spree enabled him to
turn his thoughts away from the failure of his own life,
to perpetuate his illusory hopes, to deny the contra-
dictions betweenhis ideals andreality. Thisrefusalofan
Americantoseethefactthathisvalueswereatoddswith
everyday human experience limited self-understanding
and stuntcd intellectual and moral growth. Oscillating
between abstinence and binges, he blurred reality, less-
ening simultaneously his understanding of his frustra-
tions and hishope ofeveramelioratinghiscondition.
The mountain man's failure to understand himself
sometimes led him to express his fears in roundabout
ways . Old Bill Williams , socalled becauseofhisprema-
turely gray hair, was typical of the mountain men,
dauntinghis independence and spuningthecompanyof
other trappers. But he was not totally independent. Old
Bill begged his fellow trappers to abstain from shooting
elkafterhis death, because, he believed, he would bere-
incarnated as a buck. This request was as close as Wil-
liams would ever come to an admission of dependence
upon human society.'7 One of the few Americans to
commentfranklyon the disappointments ofthe indepen-
dentmanwas William Marshall Anderson. Althoughnot
amountain man himself, which may explainwhy he was
able to write as candidly as he did, Anderson was well
acquainted with that way oflife because an enlightened
doctor had senthim West tocure his tuberculosis. That
Anderson understood the problem of the independent
man is shown in this entry in his western journal, Sep-
tember , i 8.
Why is itthat l am not satisned? l have always had
some place in advance, to reach which, l intended to be
contentedl expected, when l arrived at the fort on
Laramee's fork, l should feelentirely free from personal
alarm~perhaps l did, yetanotherengrossingdesiretook
possession of me, l reckoned, & found myself a great
wayfromthebigriverinhope, aplace ofrest. lnextwas
allanxietytobeattheforksofthePlatte,wherelknewl
should be only three hundred miles from the mouth~
There~l wished myself at the Bluhs . ow here, my
calculated ngurestell me l am 900 milesfrom Louisville,
my homeRestless being| l fearl shallnever be settled
& happy~ow for St. Louis, then for Kentucky &
again, for,~Cod Knows~where| for a manthatcant be
satisned thereoughtto roam 'toujours. 'We passedby
the ruins of the old Council bluffs. Emblem of human
fortunes! One dayall a wilderness~another day
the strong-place of strong menthe next, a heap of
rubbishSo withman~One minute, a child a helpless,
THE PURSUI orHAPIESS
pukingchild, lna littlewhile, aproudstrong manlord
of creation! and, yet, a little while a carcass, a rattling
skeletonofdry bones~''
Suchsentiments revealtheunderlyingfrustrations and
fears that led a number ofAmericans to self-destructive
drinking. What seems to have been essential to the
would-be independent man was not the communal na-
ture of the binge but the fact that it was episodic. Ap-
parently he needed to punctuate his detached, rational
independencewithperiodsoffrenzied,forgetfulintoxica-
tion; to stupefy himselfwith liquor; toescape fromhim-
self. And he discovered that his bouts did not require
participation in a group. During the early nineteenth
century, for the nrst time, a sizeable number ofAmeri-
cans began to drink to excess by themselves. The solo
bingewas a newpatternofdrinkinginwhichperiods of
abstinence wcre interspersed every week, month, or sea-
sonwithaonetothree-dayperiodofsolitaryinebriation.
ltwasnecessarytodevisea name forthisnew patternof
drinking, and during these years the terms ' spree' and
'frolic' came into popular usage. '" Solo binge drinking
has seldom occurred in other countries. lt is rare in
Europe, except incountries such as Finland where soci-
ety is hostile to drinking and the binge is a form of de-
viant behavior. There is no binge drinking in France or
southern Europe. Although the French are, per capita,
among the highest consumers of distilled spirits, they
drink their brandy not in binges but in small amounts
taken frequently and consistently, a practice that all but
disappeared from the United States about i 8z . There
are a few primitivesocieties inwhich spirituous liquoris
taken for the sake ofa psychic experienceofone kind or
another, but in most societies alcohol is a social drink
taken in company with others for relaxation and con-
viviality.
Toshowhow solospreesmettheneedsofsomeAmer-
The Aloholic Republi
Solo drinking.
icansofthisperiod, thecaseofDavid Baconwillbehelp-
ful. David was born in i 8 i , the youngest of a large
brood. Fatherless atfour, by the age oftwelvehe was so
wild and undisciplined, drinkingwith thevillage'srowdy
boys, that his mother sent him to live with an older
brother, the Rev. Leonard Bacon. Here there was more
authority than ahection, and David learned to be resent-
ful aswellasrighteous. Althoughintellectuallygifted, he
wasnotstudious andpassedinandoutofseveralappren-
ticeships before he became a schoolmaster. Like other
teachers , he was a hearty drinker, so hearty that his
school folded when alarmed parents withdrew theirchil-
dren. After this failure he
aspired even higher, studied

medicine, and in i 8 used his brother's inuence to ob-
tain a position in Liberia as a physician. That African
country'sheat, fevers, andineptofncialsdiscouraged and
demoralizedBaconandshatteredhisvisionofamessianic
mission. Betweenboutsofintoxicationhequarreled with
the blacks, badgered ofncials, and expressed, in the
words of one observer, an apparent discontent with
everythingwhich he witnessed.''
David Bacon's inated expectations and disillusion-
ment were not unusual in those times . lt istruethat his
father's death, hismother'sinability to manage him, and
his brother's righteous authority probably affected him
adversely, but another consideration must be taken into
account. He grew up during the i 8zos, a decade during
which rapid economic change created unparalleled op-
portunities for material gain, and everyone expected to
'goahead' intriumph. Atthattimeprosperityseemedto
offer Americans a chance to build a society that would
enable them to realize their idealistic hopes for liberty
andequality,whichhithertohadbeenonlyRevolutionary
abstractions . The young, in particular, were enraptured
by the period's optimism, self-conndence, ideological
faith, and high aspirations. lt is not surprising that Ba-
con'shopes, likethoseofmanyyoungAmericans, farex-
ceeded whathecouldpossiblyachieve.
After Bacon's ambitions failed in Africa, his idealism
was shattered. Hisdisillusionment was similartothatof
others ofhs generation whocame from emotionally in-
tense and fervently religious backgrounds . The illustri-
ous families that produced the self-conndent, zealous
leaders for the nineteenth-century moral crusade also
producedspectacularfailures. David'slifewasincontrast
to thatofhisbrotherLeonard. The latter was thepastor
ofew Haven's First Church from i 8z to i 86 , wrote
essays for the reform movement, consulted regularly
with the Yale faculty, and circulated in the upper eche-
lonsofsociety. AmongLeonard's burdens, inadditionto
David, was Delia, asisterwhoseobsessionswithproving
that Francis Bacon, a distant relative, had written
Shakespeare'splaysdrove herto insanity. There was the
same kind ofoverwrought intensity in other prominent
families. Wehavealreadymadeapassingreferencetothe
Tappans, where success in business and politics was
matched by one brother's migraine headaches and an-
other's habitual drunkenness. ln the family of Lyman
Beecherthree daughters took the water cure for nervous
disorders , son Henry Ward suffered migraine headaches,
and son |ames went insane and committed suicide. So
didanother son, Ceorge, ofwhomitwas writtenthatat
the end it seemed to him as ifSatan controlled him, and
he lived indread ofhimselfandhis actions. "Anddaugh-
ter Harriet Beecher Stowe had a son who drank exces-
sively.
DavidBacondidnothavemigraineheadaches,nordid
he commit suicide. But he did periodically retreat from
realityinaboutofsolitarydrinking. Sucha spree, which
was quite common among somany young Americans of
that period, might have been a way for Americans who
were frustrated in achieving idealistic goals of freedom
and independence to relieve those frustrations. And
drinkingalonewas alogicaloutgrowthofthecultofindi-
vidualism. The inebriated man felt and insisted that he
was free, that liberal drinking denotes a liberal mind. "
Becausealcoholreleasedinhibitions,i timpartedatempo-
rary sense of freedom from responsibility, restraint, or
social custom. A man who drank alone could feel not
only free but independent and self-sufncient. Although
such considerations no doubt encouraged Americans to
drink in solitary sprees, they cannotentirely explain the
episodicnatureofsomuch American drinking.
Why,wemightask,didsomanyAmericansrepeatthe
binge cycle over and over? Consider how the cycle
worked. Duringtheabstainingphaseamanfacedcontra-
dictions between his ideals and reality, his unwillingness
to modify his ideals combined with his inability to alter
reality created frustration, stress, and anxiety. The con-
tradictionsdid not disappear, and theanxieties increased
1 66
TH PURSUI or HAPIESS
until the man turned to liquor. He took a dropofwhis-
key. He felt better, as the alcohol began to relieve his
anxiety. Thenhetookanotherdrink. Hefeltevenbetter,
and as his anxieties diminished, he feltthat he was free.
Drink followed drink, and the man enjoyed his spree.
Yeteven as he indulged himself, the man knewthathis
riotousintoxicationwouldleadtoahangover. Theagony
of a hangover was the price that a man had to pay in
order to enjoya short, sweet binge. Why were so many
Americans willing to pay so much for so little? The an-
swer, l suspect, isthatAmericanswhodranktointoxica-
tion felt that their drunkenness was an act of self-
manipulation in which pleasure had been engineered for
personal benent. And American culture rejected such
hedonism. The consequence was that overindulgence
made Americans feel guilty, and the hangover became a
kind ofdeserved punishmentthatpurged the guilt. Feel-
ingsofguilt were exploited byfervent evangelical protes-
tants. Americans like the Rev. Leonard Bacon preached
thateverymanwas a sinner, that he caused his ownfail-
ure, that he was responsible for himself, and that only
the Lord's grace could purify him. This message was
empty for nonbelievers suchas David Bacon. American
culture, however, did not make it easy to ignore the
preacher'swarningsofdamnation, and manyheardinner
voices that constantly badgered them until they sought
escape, even through self-destruction. For many guilt-
ridden Americans the solitary binge provided the only
way for them to play out their lives as a form of sui-
cide.
This cyclicalpatternofabstinence and sprees was also
consonantwiththeneeds ofanemergingindustrialsoci-
ety. Duringthesober phase, work-crazedAmericanssac-
rinced their emotions to production, their ambitions
overridingtheirconcernsforlibertyandequality. Ameri-
cans were, inthe wordsofone Briton, wofullyignorant
of the difncult art ofbeing gracefully idle. 'By working
hard and intensely they hoped to buy freedom, in the
form of a farm wheretheycouldliveasfreeandasequal
as any man. Foreign observerswereastonished atAmeri-
can vigor and enthusiasm for longhours and hard work.
However, with the economic changes that were taking
place many cherished goals were becoming more and
more difncult to attain. Therefore, frenzied activity was
accompanied by doubtsofsuccess and feelingsoffrustra-
tion. The resulting anxiety frequently led to a binge,
during which the American retreated from heroic at-
tempts to implement his ideals into a realm of fantasy.
Thatwaswhyanintoxicated manlyingonatavernoor
could earnestly proclaim, l am as independent as the
United States of America. ' Even though he could not
raise himselffromthe oor. The bingegavea temporary
senseofachievement. That the achievement was illusory
mattered little, for during that brief spell alcohol dissi-
pated buildingtensions . Afterthe hangover, the drinker,
fallen from grace, was spurred by guilt about his in-
dulgence to work harder than ever.
Episodic drinkingwasinlinewithanothernewAmeri-
can cultural development. compartmentalization. ln the
early nineteenth century every thing began to have its
properplace.e. g. , men worked away fromhome;women
in the home. Children learned reading, writing, and
arithmetic at school; they playedathome, the boys with
wagons and the girls with dolls. l suspect that this cate-
gorical ordering ofpeople's lives served to reduce uncer-
tainties in a society beset increasingly by contradictions
between its ideals and reality. To maintain sanity and
socialcohesion, it was necessaryto assigninconsistentel-
ements ofthe culture to separate and appropriate com-
partments or spheresofinuence. The developmentofa
drinking pattern based on oscillation between abstinence
and binges can be viewed as one attempt at compart-
1 68
THE PURSUI OF HAPIESS
` zation. But the episodic pattern wasunstable, for
period of indulgence failed to dissolve all the ab-
g@xx&& phase's tensions. For many the solution was to
the frequencyoftheir binges. Mysprees,' said
Marshall, nephew of the chief justice, - - -
camesouncommonclosetogether, thattherewasconsid-
erabledangeroftheircompletelyrunningintoeachother
in one continual stream. '
Bythe i 8zostherewere noticeablechangesindrinking
pattens. While many mencontinuedtotreattogetherin
averns, the old custom ofdrinking small amounts ofal-
coholic beverages regularly and frequently throughout
theday was declining, and binges,whethercommunal or
solitary, were increasing. ltwasthechangingpatternsof
drinking rather than the increased consumption ofalco-
holthat alarmed somany Americans; indeed, a principal
reasonfor the organization ofthe temperance movement
was the desire to eliminate solitary bouts of drinking,
whichwereviewedasdestructivebothtothe drinkerand
tosociety. Buttheantiliquorreformers onlysucceeded in
discouraging daily dram drinking and communal binges.
Thus , by i 8o, the mostbenignand least disruptivepat-
ternsofimbibing had almost disappeared, while the pri-
vate, solo binge remained. Even during the i 8os the
leaders ofthe prohibitioncampaign could not succeed in
eradicating the solo spree, which has endured down to
the present.
One phenomenon that seemstohave appeared for the
nrst time in America during the i 8zos was the alcoholic
delirium, a malady that is still common today. Delirium
tremens-often called the D.T.'s~affects a heavy
drinkeraftera binge, anillness,orawithdrawalfromac-
customedportionsofalcohol . The disorder beginswitha
period ofirritation and anxiety, frequently accompanied
by muscle spasms called 'the shakes. ' There ensues a
period of paranoid hallucination, during which the sub-
ject commonly reports being chased by people or
ani-
mals, usuallyeithertiny or huge. Duringthis highlyex-
cited phase restraints may be needed to prevent the
subject from inj uring himself. Finally, the victim falls
into a deep sleep and enters an acute alcoholic depres-
sion. Either death or complete recovery follows. ln the
early nineteenth century many doctors treated this dis-
order by inducing sleepwith spirits or opium. Unfortu-
nately, opium onencaused blood pressure to fall so low
that the patientdied.
Delirium tremens does not appear in all societies; so-
cial scientists havefound thatitisassociated withpartic-
ular cultural patterns. Since the disorder is most com-
monly caused by sudden withdrawal of alcohol from
peoplephysicallyaddicted to itsuse, itoccurs mostonen
among those who drink distilled rather than fermented
beverages . Undoubtedly one reason the incidence ofde-
liriums increased in America during the i 8zos was that
the consumption ofhard liquor, especially whiskey, in-
creased. However, heavy drinkingofdistilled spirits does
not necessarily lead to delirium tremens. One observer
discovered anlndian village in Mexico where the natives
daily drank spirits to intoxication without any cases of
delirium being noted. lndeed, none of the intoxicated
villagers ever vomited, got headaches, or showed any

signsofhangovers. (Theobserverwasnotsolucky. )Peo-
ple in that culture drank for the purpose of getting
drunk; intoxication had taken the place of aesthetic ex-
pression, intellectual pursuits, games, conversation, and
companionship. lt appears that because liquor was so
well integrated into the culture, it had no detrimental
social or physical effects. The importance ofthe cultural
context in which the drinking is done has been demon-
strated in a Cerman study, where heavy drinkers who
suffered deliriums were found to have different social
and cultural backgrounds from those of other heavy
1 70
TH PRSUI OF HAPPIESS
Delirium Tremens . .
drinkers . Thus, it seems likely thatthe emergence ofal-
coholic deliriums in America during the i 8zos was due
notonlytoincreased consumptionofhardliquorbutalso
to the presence ofnew cultural conditions conducive to
thedisorder."
The hallucinations ofthe victims ofthis disorder may
suggestwhat someofthese conditions were. Fortunately,
anumberofphysiciansrecordedtheirpatients'hallucina-
tions and reported them in the medical journals. These
reportsare suggestive. Oneman, forexample, envisioned
a rattlesnake chasing him as people
tried to shoot it; an-

other was convinced thatthose present inthe room were
attempting to shoot him; a third imagined at various
times during his hallucination that his fellow steamboat
travellers wereplottingto kill him, thatatavernlandlord
had the same intent, and that his wife wanted to poison
1 7 1
him. Yet another was afraid that mice had come to eat
his library. 'He was distraught because theyhad already
ruined $1 00 worth of books. Others feared that
theit
beds were infested with rats , that the walls of the room
would fall in, or that the devil had come to take their
souls .
What is most striking in thesc hallucinations is the re-
alism, the absence ofhobgoblins, unicorns, leprechauns,
ormonsters fromthe deep. Whatseems signincantisthe
fact that delirious patients invariably believed that they
were beingpersecuted. One,|ames Cale, laterwrote, 'l
imaginedtomyselfenemies,whereldoubtlessneverhad
any. ' Such aparanoidviewcouldeasilydevelopin acul-
ture thatrejected paternalism and stressed autonomyand
where great competitivenesswasencouraged and lauded.
One problem, l think, was that trying to live up to the
ideal ofthe independentmanwasa burden too heavyfor
many people to carry. At a time when American values
stressedthe virtueofcompetition, itis notsurprisingthat
delirious drinkers whofeltendangeredbyrivalsimagined
themselves to be threatened by snakes, mice, or rats as
well as bytravellingcompanionsorlandlords . Moreover,
the doctors who prepared these case studies sometimes
mentionedthatthe spreethathadledtothedeliriumhad
begun with a bankruptcyor businessfailure. lnthe case
ofthe mice-infested library, the idea ofnnancial loss be-
came a part ofthe hallucination. lnanyevent, the anxie-
ties evidentinthe hallucinations wereprobablythe same
anxieties thatprompted the drinking.'
These hallucinations appeartoberooted ina sense of
guilt. People blamed themselves for failingto implement
theirowngoals, and Americansocietytaught themtoac-
cept that responsibility. Although most outwardly con-
formed to this cultural norm, not all could keep their
rage at failure inward or channel their anxieties through
the accepted religious institutions. For many, strong
172
THE PURSUIT orHAPINESS
drink appeared to offer an escape fromthe weightofre-
` bility. Liquor, however, wasnot capable ofabsolv-

the guilt that accompanied failure, and the conse-
LUCIIVV ofturning to drink was sometimes a delirium in
vhich guilt caused a mantoturnagainst himself. lt was
guiltthatmadethedrinker'shallucinationa hellishworld
which American ideals were inverted. thus did the
strivingforautonomybecome a fearofothers, the belief
|nequality a fear that others were superior~like a giant
rat. Even the desiretoexploitthematerialworld became
animpotentrageinwhich menfelt themselves to be ma-
nipulated by the devil. These guilt-laden and paranoiac
deliriums may reveal underlying fears that gripped
Americans. There is, to my mind, little psychological
difference between a drunkard's hallucinations and an
Anti-Mason'shysteria.
Anotherimportantdrinkingpatternwasthepreference
for distilled spirits over other types of alcoholic bever-
ages. Althoughwhiskey andrumwerecheaperand more
readily availablethan beer orwine, it can beargued that
these stronger beverages were selected for psychological
rather than economic reasons. lfAmericans had wanted
to drink fermented beverages, most could have afforded
them. As one observer put it, distilled liquor was pre-
ferred not because itis somuch cheaper, but because it
is somuch morepowerful. 'That this choiceofthe most
potent beverageswasnotmerelyeconomiccanbeseenin
the hostility to the whiskey tax. lf distilled spirits had
been less popular, Americans would have accepted that
excise, given up whiskey for beer, and planted barley
rather than corn. Such changes did occur in Creat Brit-
ain in the mid-eighteenth century after the government
there imposed high duties on distilled spirits. The stub-
bornness ofAmerican opposition to the whiskey tax in-
dicatesathirstforstrongdrinks, and lnndthispenchant
worth exploring in the light of a recent study which
173
suggests that the choice ofa particular type ofalcoholic
beverageis relatedtocertainpersonalitycharacteristics.
Let us speculate a little. Social scientists have found
that anxiety arises froma variety of circumstances. Two
are salient here. One source is a function of aspirations,
and the anxiety comes from trying to attain ambitious
goals. People who have high aspirations set themselves
difncult, perhaps impossible, targets, fail to meet their
own expectations, suffer disappointment from their fail-
ure, and thereby become susceptible to anxieties. A sec-
ond source ofanxiety is a function ofthe motivationfor
achievement, and the anxiety comes from the failure to
try to fulnll aspirations. Peoplewho havelow motivation
lack the conndence and drive to succeed, are unable to
acceptmoderate risks necessary to try to reachgoal
.
s,
.
are
disappointed at their failure, and suffer from anxieties.
Thus, anxietiesdependuponboththelevelofmotivation
for achievement and the level ofaspirations. These ideas
can be linked to drinking in a specinc way. lfHorton's
theory that drinking allays anxiety is correct, then we
would expect the most potent alcoholic beverages to be
used to cope with the greatest anxieties. And even
thoughthe strongest distilled beverages such as whiskey
or rum are onen drunk in diluted form, these diluted
drinks usually contain more alcohol than nonspirituous
beverages such as wine or beer. Thus, a person's choice
of alcoholic beverage can be related to the level of his
anxieties and, byinference, to thelevelofmotivationfor
achievement and the level of aspirations. Among high
aspirers the highly motivated have the ability to strive
toward goals , suffer some anxiety fromthe attempt, and
drink wine; those with low motivations have less con-
ndence in their ability to reach targets, suher greater
anxiety, and drink whiskey. Among low aspirers the
highly motivated nnd it easy to try to gain minimal ex-
pectations,arefreeofanxiety,andabstain;thelowermo-
1 74
THE PURSUIT or HAPIESS
nnditdifnculttoattempttoreachevenlowgoals,
some anxiety, anddrink beer.
What do these ideas suggest about the United States
` ng the I 820S, when so much distilled spirits was
ng consumed? America, it appears, was a society in
"'* people combined high aspirations with a low mo-
tivation for fulnlling goals. This conclusion is supported
tosomeextentbythe remarksofforeigntravellers. They
Americans to be boastful, overly sensitive to criti-

and frankinexpressing their yearning for national
greatness. Thomas Hamilton, for example, reported that
Americans had a restless and insatiable appetite for
praise, which dened all restraint of reason or common
sense. ' Henry Fearon wrote that they suffered from an

excessive ination of mind. ' These are the traits that
one would expect to nnd among people who combined
desires for greatness with a limited motivationto achieve
those desires. Fearon's comments are particularly reveal-
ing;he wrote, As a people, they feelthatthey have got

to gain a character, and, like individuals under similar
circumstances, are captious and conceited in proportion
IO theirdefects. They appeartoaimatastandardofhigh
reputation, without the laborious task of deserving it,
andpractiseuponthemselvesthe self-deceptionofbeliev-
ing that they really are that which they only wish to
g
e. '
The American aspiration forgreatness wasthe kindof
state ofmind that had thepotentialto alter society dras-
tically, and, in fact, that potential was realized through
the lndustrial Revolution. l noted earlier that grain sur-
pluses had led to distilled spirits binges prior to manyof
the world's great industrial expansions, in Britain, Cer-
many, Sweden, and Russia as well as the United States.
Ineach case the surplus grain had been turned into dis-
tilled beverages rather than fermented ones. lf my re-
marks about beverage choice are correct, then ineach of
1 75
thesecountries the popularityofdistilled spiritsatpartic-
ular times signined high aspirations combined with
low
motivation for achievement. Motivation was low because
these were traditional societies . High aspirations, how-
ever, could lead to changes that would raise motivation,
and high motivation, as social psychologist David Mc-
Clelland has stated, is an indicator of future economic
growth. l wouldhypothesizethatwhenindustrialexp
an-
sion begins, motivation to succeed is necessarily low,
rooted in peasant values that stress the virtue and safety
oftradition.Aseconomicdevelopmentleadsto successin
meeting targets, conndence in the ability to attain goals
grows. Thisincreaseinmotivation, combinedwithanar-
rowing of the gap between aspirations and achievement,
reduces anxieties, at leastfor those social and economic
classes that achieve success . Consequently, many people
who havedrunkdistilled spiritsbecome abstainers After
1 82 5 , when the United States enjoyed accelerating eco-
nomic growth, the temperance movement ourished,
particularlyamongthe middleclassesthatweretheprin-
cipal benenciaries of prosperity. Similar developments
can be observed in the industrialization of Creat Britain
and Scandinavia. lt might also be noted that in the
United States after 1 840, as factory workerswhosedead-
end jobs discouraged both motivation and aspirations be-
came more numerous, the consumption of beer in-
creased.
lf the preference for distilled spirits over fermented
beverages reected American needs, so did the rejection
ofotheravailableeuphoricdrugs, such as opium. During
the 1 820S it was estimated that there were a thousand
liquor drinkers for each opium user, a hundred drunk-
ards foreach opium addict. The useornon-use ofopium
was a matter of choice, for the drug could have been
suppliedeasily and cheaply by American merchantswho
were theprincipal buyers of the Turkishcrop. Theydid
THE PURSUI or HAPIESS
sellopiumathome,however, butinthe Orient,most
the
small amount that was imported into the United
was used medicinally. Because opium's addictive
were not recognized, it was dispensed rather
. However, its classincation as medicine insured
itwascontrolledbyprescription, thatitwasnotsold
___ tively on a free and open market, and thatitwas
expensive than home-distilled alcohol . Because
Americans seldom visited a doctor, access to the
was limited. lts use wasgreatestamongphysicians,
, doctors' patients, andthewealthy.
ln those days, opium was one ofthe most important
in the pharmacopoeia. ltwas used fora variety of
C 44144LS: tosoothedrunkardsduringdeliriumtremens,
reduce or regulate the pulse rate ofpatients suffering
omfastor irregularheart beats, and to relieve the pain
ofthose with broken bones, acute infections, or chronic
ailments. lt was also employed to quiet children, who
weregiventhedrugintheformoflaudanum, which was
opium dissolved in alcohol . This paciner appealed esp-
cially to hired nurses, although its use was probably

morecommon inEngland than in America, where there
were fewer children's nurses. Physicians prescribed
opiumprincipally as a sedative, and it was often the ac-
rive ingredientinsleepingpillsgiventotroubled, anxious

adults ofthe upper class . By the middle ofthe century
thedrug'stranquilizingpropertieshadledtoitsinclusion
in many patent medicines , where it soothed purchasers
whosuffered fromanxietyrfrom opium addiction.
l believe that Americans considered opium to be a
medication rather than an euphoric agent because they
found that its particular mind-altering qualities did not
give them the kind of pleasure or escape that they

sought. For one thing, American society was free and
6uid,evenchaotic, andAmericanswereferventbelievers
inthe ideal ofthe independent man. Such social condi-
tions and valuesarenot those ofopium eaters . Social
entists havefound that opium appeals to people who
Iv
ina highly structured culture thatlackssociallyapproved
channelsforindividual escape from social control . Under

those conditions, so alien to America in the early
nine
teenth century, opium provides a more certain escape
from oppressive social controls than does liquor. Then,
too, alcohol is adrugconducivetoconviviality and group
activity. ln a societywhere communal drinkinghas been
customary, as it was in America during the 1 820S, the
private act oftakingopiumisa form ofdeviancy, arejee
tion ofsociety, in this respect similar to the solo binge.
Thatthefewwhodiduseopiumweredisproportionately
upper class Americans who were most likely to reject
theircountry'segalitarianismsuggests the validity ofthis
analysis. Another difference between alcohol and opiun
isthe way in which they affect individuals . A manwho
has failedto achieve his aspirations may react to hisfail-
ure either by lowering his goals or by increasing his ef-
forts. ln this situation opium acts to reduce drive and
thereby deate ambitions. Alcohol, on the other hand,
enables a man to strive harder by decreasinginhibitions.
Liquor is in this way more closely associated with the
unleashing of aggression, a quality that was abundantly
evident intheyoungrepublic."
Alcohol's link to aggression can also be observed by
comparing its effects with those of another drug, mari-
juana. Althoughthe useofmarijuanais not indigenousto
Anglo-Americanculture, theplantdid grow in America,
and some lndian tribes apparentlydrieditandsmokedit.
Americans borrowed corn andtobacco fromthe lndians,
but they did not choose to cultivate marijuana. The rea-
son seems clear in the light of a i study that con-
trasted the use of marijuana and distilled spirits in a
province of lndia. There the priestly caste smoked can-
nabis, which they praised as a promoter of contempla-
THE PURSUIT or HAPIESS
anaidtoinsight, astimulanttothought, and ahelp
.
ninginnerpeace. Spiritstheycondemned forpro-
violence and sexual promiscuity. The warrior
onthe contrary, drank distilled liquor, whichthey
as a reviver ofsagging spirits, aninvigoratorof
desire, a stimulant for the brave warrior, and the
of a more zealous, active life. Marijuana they
L for producing apathy and lethargy. ln other
, a group's preferencefora particulardrug and ap-
ation of its properties were determined by the
's ideology, values, and psychological set. The
thatvalued aggressive behavior drank alcohol .40
The rejection of nonalcoholic intoxicants, the prefer-
for distilled spirits over fermented beverages, the
ofdelirium tremens, the solo binge, and the
LI4*. binge~each ofthese patterns ofdrinking has
associated with one or more social or psychological
. This investigation has suggested that Americans
highly anxious , aspiring, and aggressive, that they
1 4VL ideals ofliberty and equality with guilt, a de-
for compartmentalization of their lives, and little
in their ability to attain their high goals. We have
+lready discussed anxiety, freedom, and equality at
Iength, and few would doubtthatAmericanswere aspir-
and aggressive. Butdid Americans havelittlefaithin
ability to attain high goals ? Let us concentrate on
trait. At nrst glance, low motivationforachievement
contradicts a common impression about American char-
acter, for it would seem to deny the self-conndent, go
ahead, entrepreneurial spirit that we are frequently told
thecountry. Althoughonlyoneofthe drinkingpat-
terns, the preference for distilled spirits over other alco-
holic beverages, is related to low motivationfor achieve-
ment, the probability that that trait prevailed in early
nineteenth-century America is suggested by other social
science research. Foronething, social psychologists have
1 79
shown that low motivation for achievement is related
to
high aspirations and to high anxiety, both ofwhich
we
have found in early nineteenth-century America.
Re-
searchers have explained this connection by noting
that
highgoalscan be self-defeating, sincetheyareunlikelyto
be fulnlled and hence discourage efforts to succeed. So-
cial scientists have also found that low achievement mo-
tivationoccurs incultureswherepeopledonotbelievein
social stratincation, and it is clear to me that|acksonian
Americans were fervently egalitarian. Furthermore,
theorists have related an unwillingness to strive for suc-
cess to the desire to take great risks, to gamble for long
odds. And the newrepublicwasrampantwithlandspec-
ulations, wildcat banks, lotteries, and high stakes card
games~the river boat cardsharp became legenary. Fi-
nally, social scientists have identined low achievement
motivation with economic stagnation, and economic his-
torians report that from 1 790 to the I 820S Americanper
capitagrossnationalproductshowedlittle real growth.'
This interpretation of early nineteenth-century
America as a low motivated society stands, until we ex-
aminewhat social psychologists have writtenaboutchild
rearing. The theorists have related high aspirations and
low achievement motivation to dependency in children,
high motivation to independence. These nndings are in
contrast with the American experience, where low mo-
tivation for the whole of society was combined with in-
dependence for children. The available historical evi-
dence suggests that parents were determined to instill
independence intheir offspring in order to produce free
and independent republican citizens. They encouraged
their children to be autonomous, to express a spirit of
republicanism. ' To a great extent these independent
youngsters did asthey pleased; they were saucy and im-
pudent. Whenthey abused a schoolmaster, thatunfortu-
nate wretch wasoftenforbiddenbyparentsto correcthis
1 80
THE PURSUIT OF HAPINESS
Only years laterdid masters attain more than a
LL1V & ofauthority. Suchchildrearingpractices were
consequenceoftheunwaveringdevotionofAmerican
to the Revolutionary ideals ofliberty and equal-
my conclusion that low motivated parents were
raising a generation ofhigh motivated children. The va-
1idity of this interpretation is supported by several in-
dications of an early nineteenth century shift in values.
ne study of American school readers found that in
hookspublishedafter 1 83 0 theproportionofstoriesstress-
ing the importance of achievement increased substan-
tially. Accordingly, children born after 1 820 who read
thesebookswere subjected toaninduencethatmotivated
them toward success . High achievement motivation has
alsobeenrelatedtoparentalinstillation ofprotestantval-
uesinchildren. Theprotestantbeliefthatamanmustact
as his own agent to save himself, the stress on attaining
educational skills in order to read and understand the
ible, and the turning of guilt about one's inadequacies
into adrivingmechanismtoachievebothsuccessandvis-
ibleproofofone'sworthinessareallconducivetostriving
for goals. Early in the nineteenth century protestant
ideals were boosted by a series ofreligious revivals that
swept across America. ln my judgment, the greatest im-
pact of this Second Creat Awakening must have been
upon the young, who would have been the most mal-
leable. The moral values ofAmericanyouths weretrans-

formed, andtheir motivationto succeed was raised.
ln the years following 1 800 children were more likely
to be taught bytheirparents to be assertive, aggressive,
and aspiring. ot surprisingly, thisyounger generation,
which wasbeginningtocomeofageinthe I 820S, ledthe
country into unprecedented industrial growth, techno-
logicalinnovation, and westward expansion. Their mate-
rial success should not startIe us, since social scientists
The ;loholic Republic
haveshownthathigh motivationforachievementleads
high economic growth. These young Americans oecam-
the exuberantand self-conndentgo aheadmenwhose
trepreneurial spirits and materialistic hopes
the industrial boom that occurred after 1 82 5 . But
penchant for this world's goods was tempered by
an
terest in religion and reform. This younger
also led the temperance movement, promoted reviva!s,
and wentontoorganize Bible societies, Sunday schools,
andantislaveryorganizations. 1nsodoing, theyharnessed
the old Revolutionary ideals of equality and liberty t
more manageable yokes, and in the process they sacri. ....
.
..
nced the idealsofthe independent mantoa visionofna-
tional, industrial greatness.

YoungAmericans, l think, dismissedthe oldergenera-
tion's views ofequality andliberty asimpracticalabstrac-
tions, rejected the independent man'squest for thoseelu-

sive ideals, and placed their conndence for attaining
happiness in a combination ofenterprise and evangelical

religion. That the aspiration to be an independent man
gave way tomaterialism may not have representedanas-
centofthe human spirit, butl believethatitdid showan
appreciation of practicality and reality. After all, the in-
dependent man's more visionary ideals too often had led
only to delusion, despair, and drink. Furthermore, their
materialism was coupled with spirituality, and young
Americans ofthe 1 83 0S were determined to build a soci-
ety based on both elements. Today, it is dimcult forus
tounderstandthatattempt, forwhileweretainthebelief
in materialism, we nnd it difncult to comprehend nine-
teenth-centuryrevivalism fully. Wehavelostan appreci-
ation for that halfof their ethos that concerned hopes,
ideals, and values. We are j aded by materialism and cut
offfrom the saving grace of the Second Creat Awaken-
ing, and because we nnd those mid-nineteenth-century
values so alien, we look back with envy to the earlier,
1 82
TH PURSUI OF HAPIESS
aspirations of the independent man. Although
simplicity of his ideals of liberty and equality con-
toappealtous, weignorehis unhappiness overhis
torealizehisidealisticyearnings. Wearelesscom-
butmore comfortable.
CHPTER
DEMON RUM
The devil had an efcient hand
in establishing, perfecting, and sustaining
the present system of making drunkards.
Rev. HUNTINGTON LYMAN
1830
W W W
W M W
..the 1 820S percapita consumption ofspirituous
liquor climbed, then quite suddenly leveled off, and in
the early 1 83 0S began to plummet toward an unprece-
dented low. This decline marked a signincantchange in'
American culture, as a zestful, hearty drinking people
became the world's most zealous abstainers . |ust why
this dramaticchangetookplace is notentirelyclear, due
at leastin part to the factthat historians who have stud-
ied the temperance movement have not analyzed it ade-
quately. lnthelatenineteenthcentury historians such as
Daniel Dorchester and Henry Scomp sympathized with
thetemperancecause,vieweditasanoverduereform,her-
alded its progress , and traced its rise to thediscovery of
alcohol'sharmfuleffectsuponthehumanbody. Theprob-
lem with thisinterpretationisthat inthelateeighteenth
century, when Benjamin Rush had noted those harmful
physiological effects, his widelycirculated warnings had
little inuence upon the consumption of alcohol. Con-
sumptionactuallyroseintheyearsfollowingthedoctor's
largely unsuccessful crusade. Recent historians, such as
|. C. Furnas and Frank Byrne, though not in sympathy
with the temperance cause, have been overly inuenced
bythetwentieth-centurycontroversysurroundingprohi-
bition, and they have beenno more successfulthantheir
predecessors inexplainingthe triumphofantiliquor sen-
timent in the i 8zos and i 8 os. |ohn A. Krout, the most
perceptive scholar to study the problem, emphasized the
fact thattemperance was merelyone ofmanyearly nine-
teenth-century reform movements. But Krout's The Ori
gins of Prohibition is principally a narrative, and it does
notexplainwhyreformerschoseto pursuethatparticular
cause whenthey did.
A fresher and more analytical approach was adopted
by sociologist |oseph R Cusneld in his book, Symbolic
Crusae. He argued that the clergymen and the middle
class who embraced the temperance cause did so because
they believed their status to be threatened by new, pow-
erful industrialists. While this theory may hold true for
the prohibitionmovementduringthelatenineteenthcen-
tury, it fails to explain the antiliquor movement in its
earlier phase. For one thing, Cusneld emphasized the
clash of nativist and immigrant values in fomenting an-
tiliquor activity, although the temperance movement
began twenty years before mass immigration. For an-
other thing, Cusneld identined the movement as middle
class because itsleaders were middleclass,heignoredthe
fact that temperance was a mass crusade with partici-
pation from all levels ofsociety, particularly from lower
classMethodists. And nnally, Cusneld suggestedthatin-
dustrialization led factory owners to advocate abstinence
to improvetheefnciencyoftheir laborforce, whereasthe
temperancemovementactuallypreceded industrialization
by at least a decade. ln addition to these errors, Cus-
neld's theory does not explain why people who felt that
their status was threatened chose to express that fear
through the particular vehicle of the temperance move-
ment. lndeed, the principal difnculty with all ofthe in-
vestigations of temperance is that they have not consid-
ered fully what motives, rationales, fears, and hopes
drove so many Americans during the early nineteenth
century to organize against alcohol .
1 88
Duo: RU
l believethatthe temperance movement was a logical
response by early nineteenth-century Americans to the

conditions oftheir times. The movement was a reaction
tothe prevailingpatterns ofdrinking, especially the soli-
tary binge. lt served to perform the same psychological
functions as did liquor, and for most people it did so in
superior ways. Perhaps some examples are in order.
When the market revolution caused a loss of local au-
tonomy and social cohesion, some men turned to drink,
others createdvillagetemperance societies tocombatthe
importation of spirits from outside their own commu-
nity. ln anage ofunprecedentedprosperity some people
foundthattheincreasingavailabilityofnewcommodities,
including food and drink, was bewildering, others nar-
rowed their choices by voluntary restriction through ab-
stinence from meat or strong beverages . Some men
sought camaraderie at the tavern, others in their local
temperance organization. While rapid change produced
anxietiesthatencouraged manyto drink, others, wholis-
tened tosermonsthatdenounced liquor, developed even
higher anxieties about the devil's brew, and these anxie-
tieswererelievedbytheirparticipationintemperanceor-
ganizations .
Since drinking and abstinence performed many ofthe
same functions in people's lives, we must consider why
so many found abstinence more appealing. A partial ex-
planation is thefactthat users ofalcohol rapidly develop
a tolerance to the drug, that is, Americans who drank
alcohol found that they had to drink larger and larger
amounts to get an intoxicating effect. High dosages,
however, had adverse physical consequences, such as
nausea, vomiting, deliriumtremens, oreven death. Asa
result, drinkers whofound that the large amounts neces-
sary to bringeuphoria also brought discomfort and pain
wereripeforconversiontosomeothermeansofrelieving
anxiety and acquiring happiness. And as the consump-
tion of alcohol rose, many saw that it harmed society.
The solitary drinker was detached from society and
its
constraints, he was likely to become antisocial, to nght,
steal, or otherwise indulge in malicious mischief, to be
sexually promiscuous or beat his wife, orto squanderon
liquor money needed to feed his hungry children. Such
behavior rent the social fabric. Society even suhered
from the escapist drinker, whose anomie was conducive
to isolation, alienation, and self-destruction. Liquor,
therefore, was widelyperceivedto provideneitherhappi-
ness for the individualnor stability for society.1
Another explanation for the success of the antiliquor
movement, provided by social theory, is that American
society was essentially healthy. Theorists have argued
that every society has institutions that shape its social
structure and an ideology that enables people to resolve
institutional frictions. Societies are vigorous and healthy
when their institutions and ideologies reinforce one an-
other. When a culture undergoes rapid, disruptive
change, its social structure is altered, some ofits institu-
tions are weakened, its ideology loses vitality, and stress
develops . How a societyrespondstotheseconditionsde-
terminesits future. lfasocietyeasesits stress innonideo-
logical ways, suchasthe consumption ofalcohol, institu-
tions will be weakened further, and the structure of
society may, as in many primitive tribes, disintegrate. lf
a society handles its stress by developing ideological re-
sponses, suchas atemperancemovement, old institutions
can bereinforced, new ones created, andthe socialstruc-
ture maintained.
The turning from alcohol to abstinence in the late
1 820S, therefore, signined the vitality ofAmerican soci-
ety. As long as anxieties and fears were relieved by
drinking, they were destructive both to individuals and
to society, which was beginning to crumble under the
pressure. l would argue that the process ofsocial disin-
1<
Duo: RUM
tegration was slowed, however, by the creation of new
attitudes, beliefs, andvaluesthat helped relieve anxieties,
frustrations, and stress i n general. When stresses were
reduced by the new ideology, Americans could devote
newenergyto strengthen old institutions, suchasorgan-
ized religion, or to create new ones, such as temperance
societies . These renewed and new institutions, in turn,
were the buildingblocksofa new social order. The tem-
perance movement, then, was one element in a social
process by which Americans, during the 1 820S, were
adopting an ideology that would shape for a hundred
years the country's social, economic, political, and moral
development. That ideology opened some routes and
foreclosed others, linked industrial expansion to human
needs in specinc ways, gave birth to a peculiarly prag-
matic ethical system, cut offthe inuence ofcompeting
ideologies, and threw many forms of experimentation
intothe ashcan.
The anti liquorcampaign was launched about 1 8 1 0 by
a number of reform-minded ministers , who were evan-
gelical Calvinists associated withthenewly founded An-
dover Seminary. lndeed, it appears that the movement
began at one of a series of Monday night gatherings
where |ustin Edwards, Moses Stuart, Leonard Woods,
and Ebenezer Porter met inthe latter's studytodiscuss
social questions. Early fruits of this Andover meeting
were a number ofmilitant antiliquor articles in|eremiah
Evarts' Panoplit, a Boston religious periodical with
strong Andover ties. These articles were followed in
1 8 1 4 by a seminal temperance pamphlet issued by An-
dover's ew EnglandTract Society. This pamphlet was
widely used by ministers to prepare sermons opposing
the use ofalcohol . The founders ofthe movement soon
discovered that their cause had broad appeal, and when
the Massachusetts Society for the Suppressionoflntem-
perance was organized in 1 8 1 2 , its leaders included not
Temperance Wserious business.
on|y the Andover crowd but such prominent ngures as
Abie| Abbot, |edidiah Morse, and Samue| Worcester.
Withinthe nexttwo decades these c|ergymen and others
who subsequent|y joined them spread their message
acrossthe country.
Mi|itantmora|reformerssucceededinattractingpub|ic
attention. A popu|ace that had not responded to Be
-
jamin Rush's rationa| warnings that spirits brought dis-
ease and death was captivated by emotiona|, mora| ex-
hortations warning that the drinker wou|d be damned.
The success of this emotiona| appea| shows c|ear|y that
Americans were more receptive to a mora| argument
against |iquor than to a scientinc argument. Topersuade
peop|e to quit drinking, temperance |eaders use
wo
techniques. On the one hand, they advocated re|igious
Duo RUM
faith as a wayfor peop|e to ease the anxieties that |ed to
drink, on the other hand, they made drinking itse|f the
source of anxieties by portraying |iquor as the agent of
the devi| . Those Americans who were persuaded that
Satan assumed the shape of a bott|e of spirits' found
that |iquor did more to increase anxieties than to |essen
them. Suchpeop|epreferred abstinence toa|coho|.

The |eaders ofthetemperance crusade created a signif-
icant socia|izing institution, the temperance society.
These mora| machines' were estab|ished in many vi|-
|ages andtowns fo||owinga visit from an agent ofa state
or nationa| temperanceorganization. Anagentcommon|y
wrote ahead to the ministers of a town to seek support
for the cause. He then visited the town, gave a pub|ic
address inone ofthe churches, andurgedthec|ergymen
and |eading citizens to form a temperance society. The
agent furnished a mode| constitution for such an organi-
zation, b|essed the project, and proceeded to the next
town. !fsuccessfu|, he|eftbehindaconcernabout drink-
ingand agroupofprominent|oca|peop|ewho wou|dor-
ganize a society, adopt a constitution, write a p|edge
against drinking intoxicants, and undertake to get
members of the community to sign it. Copies of the
p|edgewerecircu|ated amongfriends and neighbors, and
new signers were initiated at month|y meetings where
members congratu|ated themse|ves on the strength and
vigor of their organization. When a temperance society
had gatheredsufncient popu|ar support, itmightp|anto
ce|ebrate a ho|iday, such as the th of|u|y, with a dry
parade, picnic, or pub|ic speech designed tocounter tra-
ditiona| wetfestivities . Thesece|ebrations didnot a|ways
succeed. Sometimesriva| wet and dry programs sparked
controversy, and at |east onetemperancegroupfought a
pitched batt|e with its opponents. What is more surpris-
ing is how often temperance societies came to dominate
the |ife of a town. Perhaps the best indication oftheir
I 93
Siging the Pledge.
strength and inuence is the fact that in some localities
drinkers felt sufnciently threatened to form antitem-
perance societies .
One reason for the popularity oftemperance societies
in the i 8zos was that they satisned many patriotic long-
ings . Antiliquorreformers askedAmericanstodrafttem-
perance societyconstitutions, signpledges, and celebrate
their dry oaths on the th of|uly. These actions were
analogoustothosethattheFounding Fathers had taken a
half century earlier. The symbolism was explicit, as
shown by the frequent references that temperance ad-
vocates made to the struggle for independence. They
argued that abstinence fromliquorrequired as much vir-
tue as had nghting the British during the Revolution,
thatitdemanded the samekindofsacrinceasrenouncing
British tea in i ;; , andthat the early temperance move-
ment, though a failure, had prepared them for the
194
DEMON RUM
present struggle | ust as the French and lndian War had
prepared the colonists to nght the Revoltion. Some re-
formers drew a closer parallel to the Revolution. At one
thof|uly celebration, a speaker declared that when fu-
ture generations assembled to honor the Founding Fa-
thers , theywould be able to say, On this day, also did
our fathers, ofalatergeneration, declare and maintain a
SECOD lDEPEDECE. . . . ' Another group
ofabstainers read a version ofthe Declaration in which
CeorgelllwasreplacedbyPrinceAlcohol . Usesofsym-
bolism and analogy were particularly popular in i 8z6,
during the celebration ofthe nftieth anniversary ofthe
nation's birth. Americans apparently felt the need to be
reborn, to bebaptized anewina struggle for li berty and
equality, to be reassured by each other that they were
worthydescendantsoftheFoundingFathers. They, too,
needed a Revolution; so they pledged their lives, their
fortunes,andtheirsacredhonorinthewaragainstPrince
Alcohol.
Antiliquor menemployed variousmeanstocombatthe
power andinuenceofpeople whohad an interestinthe
consumption of alcohol. For one thing, temperance re-
formers tried to ca|ole grain growers, distillers, tavern
keepers, anddrinkers into renouncingliquor. Onen they
succeeded, but when persuasion failed, they sought to
overthrow the Demon Rum by novel means. After tav-
ern keepers had explained that hotels could only show
pronts if they sold liquor, temperance reformers used
subsidies to establ:sh dry public houses. By the i 8os
many American cities hadtemperancehotels. Theywere
quasi-religious ; some remsed to serve people who trav-
elled on the Sabbath, many held daily worship services,
and most provided guests with moral tractsspecially
temperancepamphlets . Anotherinnovationwasdry boat
lines on canals and rivers. Since steam boats, like tav-
erns, depended upon their bars for pronts, such lines
1 95
required nnancial subsidies. Abstainers also encouraged
businessmento banspiritsfromthe premises oftheirfac-
tories or stores, to require their employees to sign
pledges, and to work cooperatively with other concerns
that supportedthecause. !nsurance companies wereper-
suaded to offer 5 percent discounts to ships manned by
abstaining sailors. Finally, some antiliquor men pledged
themselvestovoteonlyfor candidateswhowouldabstain
and work for the banishmentoftaverns and disti!leries.
TemperancereformersalsooodedAmericawithprop-
aganda. By 1 85 the American Tract Society reported
the distribution of nearly nve million temperance pam-
phlets, thirteen tracts had been issued in quantities in
excess ofone hundred thousand copies. Widespread dis-
semination of temperance literature depended upon the
invention and perfection ofcheap printing and the cre-
ation ofan efncient distribution system. Both were nec-
essary to insure that people who lived in remote places
wereexposedtothe most advanced ideas aboutliquor, as
presented in pamphlets, magazines, and newspapers.
One wealthy ew Yorklandowner, Stephen Van Rens-
selaer, paidtohave acopyofonetractdeliveredtoevery
post ofnce in the country, and retired Albany merchant
Edward Delavan circulated a temperance broadside to
every household in the state of ew York. With Dela-
van's nnancial support the ew York State Temperance
Society, between 1 829 and 1 8 34, circulated 4, 5 5 1 , 930
copiesofitspublications . Delavanhadotherpro|ects. He
once rushed 2 ,000 copies of a pamphlet to a meeting of
the Virginia Temperance Society, and on another oc-
casion he asked former presidents |ames Madison and
|ohn Quincy Adams and incumbent Andrew |ackson to
sign the pledge abstaining from hard liquor. He suc-
ceeded in obtaining their signatures, which were pub-
lishedinfacsimileonthe backcoveroftheTemperance Al
manac ( 1 83 7) . Perhaps most important to the success of
XbbAY
TEMPERANCE,
.DRESSED lARTn ULARY TO STUDENTS,
YOUN MN OF A RKA.
EDW ARD HITCHCOCK.,.
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THE TEMPERANCE SOCIETY OF BATH, N. H.
JJY 4, 1828.
ALSO,
AN ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE 'l'HE
AT IT SECOND A Vm METING.
HELD IN BOS'rON, JAN,!, 1W.
BY JONATHAN KITTREDGE, ESQ.
MMlM.
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VOMYXNt
the temperance cause was the wide circu|ationofthe an-
nua| reports of the American Temperance Society,
1 82 8-1 836, and the American Temperance Union,
1 83 7-1 854, and the nationa| distribution ofthe Andover
Joural of Humanity, 1 829-1 8 3 3 , and De|avan's A|bany
Temperance Recordr, 1 83 2-1 843 . These pub|ications
reached |arge numbers ofc|ergymen, professiona|s, and
business |eaders , many ofwhom became discip|es ofthe
anti|iquor scribes. 8
Temperance propaganda came in a variety of forms
designed to evoke a numberofmoods with different au-
diences. lt cou|d be a song (Co|d Water is King, co|d
water is |ord, And a thousand bright faces now smi|e at
hisboard. ')ora poem(Ourtemperanceefforts we must
never cease, Ti|| from Rum's curse we do our |and re-
|ease.'). ltcou|d bea humorous story. One anecdoteto|d
ofadrinkerwhomistooktheswinehutforhis house. He
stumb|ed into the trough and dozed off. When the pigs
came to investigate, the partia||y wakened man said,
Wife, do|eaveofftucking up, andcomea|ong to bed. '
Temperance |iterature instructed parents how to raise
their chi|dren. lf you must some times scare them,'
p|eadedWi||iamHines, intheroomofte||ingthemthat
bears wi|| catch them, that hobgob|ins or ghosts wi||
catch them, te|| them thatRum wi|| catch them. . . . '
Atothertimesanti|iquorpamph|ets werese|f-congratu|a-
tory (temperance societies have . . . much ofthe wis-
dom, virtue and ta|ent of the community'), optimistic
(lt is . . . an age singu|ar|y pro|inck in schemes for
doing good to men.'), or |urid (The drunkard . . .
c|eaves . . . |ike a gangrenous excrescence, poisoning
and eatingaway the |ife ofthe community.')."
Themost memorab|e pieces thatthetemperance forces
pub|ished were stories and anecdotes in which the an-
ti|iquormessagewasimp|icitratherthan exp|icit. oone
cou|d fai|to understand why aninuentia| vi||age squire
DEON RUM
in ew York| oinedthe|oca|temperance society afterhe
found thatina pub|icdebate a||ofhisargumentsagainst
thep|edgewereechoedbythetowndrunk. Andareader
cou|d nothe|pbutbemovedtodisgustandoutrageupon
readingasensationa|accountofhowadrunkardfatherof
a thirteen-year-o|dboywhohad|ost his|eginanindus-
tria| accident carried the |egto a surgeon, to whom he
so|d it for 37V, a sum that enab|ed him to carouse for
severa| days . Most pathetic was a more probab|e story
recorded by a man in Maine. As l was riding in my
s|eigh l came up with a |ad about 1 6 years o|d, very
ragged|y c|othed~a|though an utter stranger to me, l
was prompted to give him an invitation to get into my
s|eigh, which invitation he g|ad|y accepted. o sooner
had he taken a seat, than he commenced re|ating a ta|e
whichtouchedthe verynbresofmy sou|. Saidhe, 'lam
an abusedchi|d'~the tears gushed from both his eyes~
What is the matter? said l. 'My father' he rep|ied 'is a
drunkard~he spends a|| he canget for rum~he returns
home from the stores, nghts with mother, who is as bad
as my father~he has |icked me (to use his own words)
ti||gasheshavebeencutbythe |ashesofagreenhide, ti||
the b|ood has runa|| downoverme. l havegotno|earn-
ing. l can't write any, andread but a very|itt|e~myfa-
ther won't |et mego to schoo|, but keeps me a|| the time
to work, andthen beats mefordoingnomore. '

Most temperance propaganda was |ess rea|istic and
morerhetorica| . ltusua||yemp|oyed the kinds ofdevices
thatpreachersusedtoho|daudiences. Occasiona||y, asin
the fo||owing examp|e, a romantic form was used to at-
tack romanticism itse|f. Wi||iam Coode|| wrote, "Wh is
it that sober reasoning is we|| nigh banished from our
Senates? Whence these inammatoryharangues? Why is it
that history and biography have |ost their interest and
charms? Wh are they disp|aced by quixotic romance and
demora|izing nction? Why are the c|assic mode|s ofthe
|astcenturyde|ivered to the mo|es and to the bats, whi|e
theravingsofinsanityareadmired? Why has theinspira-
tionofthepoet degenerated into the vagaries ofderange-
ment? Lord Byron wi|| answer. He confessed that he
wrote under the inuence of disti||ed spirits. Here the
disgusting secret is deve|oped. Authors drink and write.
readers drink and admire. ' Coode||'s shock at the mod-
ern age is expressedinaform that is scarce|y|essthan an
'inammatory harangue' itse|f. This apparent|y se|f-con-
tradictoryresu|t wastheconsequence ofb|ending thera-
tiona| themes that were at the core of the temperance
movement with anemotiona||ycharged presentationthat
duringthoseyears wasnecessarytowinconverts. Atthe
sametime, emotiona|presentationrestricted the deve|op-
ment ofrationa| temperance thought. Temperanceprop-
aganda was high|y repetitious and stressed themes that
were |inked to basicAmerican va|ues. ' '
Much ofthis |iterature sought to persuade Americans
that the temperance cause promoted American idea|s.
Drinkers had c|aimed that to become intoxicated was
theirright as free men. ow, as Anthony Benezet had
suggested years ear|ier, that idea was cha||enged and
freedomredenned. Aman no|onger had therightto seek
persona| indu|gence, to attain se|nsh gratincation, to act
a|one and apart fromothers . The drinker, exp|ained the
reformer, was not free, for he was chained to a|coho|,
boundtothe Demon Rum. He boasted ofindependence
andwea|th, inthe midst ofdisgrace and rags. 'On|yse|f-
de|usion and se|f-deception made him fee| free. To be
free, it was necessary to curb appetites, to subordinate
passions to reason, to contro| anima|istic impu|ses
through the deve|opment ofmora| idea|s . Man cou|d at-
tain |iberty on|y through se|f-contro|, se|f-examination.
vigi|ance, the deve|opment ofhigh mora| va|ues, and in-
tegrationofhimse|finto a mora| society. Freedom, then,
was autonomy exercised within a mora| code. othing
20
DEMON RUM
can be more respectab|e, ' wrote |ohn Rando|ph, 'than
the independence that grows out of se|f-denia| . ' That

kind of |iberty cou|d on|y be achieved within society,
when a man sacrinced his persona| interest to the socia|
good. On|ythroughdevotionto socia|actionand reform
cou|damangain|iberty,tobe freeitwasnecessarytobe
socia||y
ffective, to be socia||yeffective it was necessary

toorgamze. Thus, freedom demanded that a man act in
concert withothersfor the socia| good, as, for examp|e,
through temperance societies. '
Temperance advocates a|so attacked the traditiona|
concept ofequa|ity. Drinkers had the idea that commu-
na| drinking bouts were proof of ega|itarianism. ow
equa|itywas to be seendifferent|y, no|ongerasthe right
to demand that a|| men drink together in ho|iday fro|ics .
The members ofthedrunkenmob,warnedthe anti|iquor
men, were not worthy ofequa|ity, for they were driven
to the |owest |eve|, sunk in degradation, mired in the
devi|'s muck. Theconvivia|ityofthe momentmadethem
fee| equa| to a|| men, but equa|ity at such an immora|
|eve| was destructive to one and a||. The on|y equa|ity
worth having was the equa| opportunity for a|| Ameri-
cans to upho|d high mora| princip|es. The concept of
equa|ity mustencouragethe immora| to raise themse|ves
to the highest |eve|, it must not pu|| down the virtuous,
the righteous must set an examp|e, and moderate
drinkers must be wi||ing to renounce |iquor in order to
persuade drunkards to abstain. This ega|itarianism
requiredabstinence. '
A|though wemay nnd these arguments contorted and
specious , they were the arguments that moved Ameri-
cansto acceptthe ideathata|coho| was destructive, dan-
gerous , and evi|. The vigorous and powerfu| inte||ects
who fed the temperance presses created a mora|istic c|i-
mate that discouraged drinking and fostered the forma-
tionoftemperance organizations. These societies inturn
20r
produced more tracts that encouraged more peop|e to
|oin the movement, and greater participation |ed to the
pub|icationofevenmore tracts, whichbroughtaboutthe
conversionofevenmorepeop|e. An acce|erating nationa|
campaignstrengthenedtemperanceinstitutions and prop-
agated the new, anti|iquor ideo|ogy. By r 8I theAmer-
ican Temperance Society reported more than z, zoo|oca|
organizations with more than i ;o, ooo members, in i 8,
;, ooo groups with i , zo, ooomembers. By i 8a ma|or-
ity ofthe physicians and 8 percent ofthe ministers in
the stateofewYorkwerereportedto havebecometee-
tota|ers . '
Whi|e the movement's abi|ity to deve|op an ideo|ogy
and to bui|d organizations accounted formuchofits suc-
cess, ! wou|d argue thattheessentia|sourceofthecause's
dynamism was its accordance with twocentra|impu|ses
of the era. an appetite for materia| gain and a fervent
desire for re|igious sa|vation. The prosperity that the
market revo|ution had brought to the United States
turned many Americans to materia|ism. Americans
preached equa|ity, but they worshipped success, by
which they meant wea|th. This pursuit of wea|th ran
para||e| to a rising interest in evange|ica| re|igion. Ever
since the turn of the century, ministers had found that
peop|e had an increasingconcern for sa|vation. Materia|-
ism and devotion to re|igion were two contrasting sides
of American cu|ture, the former a coo|, detached ra-
tiona|ism, the |atter a high|ycharged emotiona|ism. The
temperance movement, in my | udgment, was a ba|ance
whee|whichmade itpossib|eforthesetwoprincipa| and
often conicting e|ements ofthe nationa| ethos to work
together.
Americans expressedmateria|isminanumberofways.
They be|ieved that time shou|d not be wasted, that it
must be used productive|y because, in a sense, it was
money. Americansadoptedahurried,harriedpace. ow
202
DEMON RUM
theygu|peddowntheirfood nottorushtothe barbutto
rush to work, they raced to comp|ete tasks, they dared
notpausefor po|ite conversation. An American, 'wrote
onetrave||er, is born, |ives, anddiestwiceasfastasany
other human creature. ' Or as one immigrant who had
sti|| not ad|ustedto the pace of|ifeaftereighteenyearsin
the United States marve||ed in his diary, How they
rusharound, theseAmericans, afraidtheywi||die before
they can nnish what they have begun. And so they do
die, worn out. They try to save time, but what dothey
dowiththatTimewhentheyhaveitsaved?'Thisobses-
sionconcerningtime|edoneewYorkbanktoprint its
currency with the s|ogan Mind your business' en-
circ|ing a sundia| |abe||ed Fugio. ' o manner of id|e-
ness was approved, and in rura| America in particu|ar
socia|pressure wasapp|iedtomakesurethatmencarried
onusefu|,gainfu|emp|oyment, eveniftheydidnotneed
the money. Leisure was expected to be emp|oyed pro-
ductive|y. !t cou|d be used proper|y to |earn new work
ski||s, to study re|igion, to read mora| tracts or other
serious |iterature, to restinordertoregainone's strength
for fresh|abors, or to attend an i||ustrated |ecture at the
Lyceum. !t was not proper to read nove|s, to go to the
theater, or to tarry in taverns or groceries. Warned one
pamph|et, !ntemperance and id|eness usua||y go
together.''
The concern for time was primari|y a concern for
money. Making money,' one observer dec|ared, was
thea||-powerfu| desire. 'Orasa|adedScotsaid, Ameri-
cans were so keen about money, that . . . they wou|d
skina eafor|ucreofthehideandta||ow. 'AnAmerican
triedtogainasmuchwea|thaspossib|e, togetmorethan
hisneighbor,toacquireenoughtobeab|eto|ointherich
who ru|ed fashion, contro||ed po|itics, and received the
adu|ation ofthe masses. Most Americans did not resent
therichandpowerfu| but respected them andthevisib|e
evidencethatgavea measure oftheirsuccess. Americans
conndent|y be|ieved that equa| opportunity, freedom,
and hard work guaranteed that they or their chi|dren
cou|d a|so rise to such positions of prominence. They
deferred to the rich not as their betters but as those
whoseachievementsmirroredtheir own expectations.To
peop|e imbued with the go-ahead spirit, having money
was a proofofvirtue and acquiring it a measure ofsuc-
cess . '
Men who chased do||ars natura||y disapproved of
|iquor, because a drinking man poured his money down
his own throat, dissipating and destroying wea|th for
se|nsh, nonproductive ends. He was unab|e to ac-
cumu|ate capita| , to invest for pronts, or to save money
for protection against misfortune. Drinking, dec|ared
temperance reformers, squandered capita| . Whi|e this
|ine ofargument he|ped persuade the midd|e c|ass to ab-
stain, it he|d no appea| for the man who had |itt|e orno
capita| . Apoormanwou|d betemptedto spend hismod-
est savings of 2 5 to $ for refreshment in a tavern or
grocery. According|y, reformers advocated the estab|ish-
ment of savings banks that wou|d accept accounts as
sma||asor I O. SuchinstitutionswereopenedinBoston
and ewYork, and inewton, Massachusetts, thetem-
perance society itse|f operated a bank. A|though many
peop|e cou|d save on|y modest amounts, not exceedinga
few hundred do||ars after severa| years, these interest-
bearing funds gave the poor an a|ternative to spending
their money on |iquor and at the same time provided a
new source ofcapita| that he|ped stimu|ate industria| de-
ve|opment. '
Production was considered the on|y way to create
wea|th. Those hosti|e to |iquor argued that a|coho| inhi-
bited industria| output and hence destroyed 'ationa|
Wea|th. ' Thisviewwas persuasive|y setforth by Horace
Mann in a pamph|et urging rura| grocers to quit se||ing
DEON RUM
Jiquor to their farm customers . A retai|er's sa|es and
pronts, he c|aimed, were |imited by his customers' in-
comes . Therefore, the nonproducing grocer cou|d on|y
attaingreater prosperity ifhiscustomersproduced more
goods. However, increased production was possib|eon|y
if
farmers and manufacturers worked more di|igent|y,
gainednewski||s, ormade capita| improvements. lfthey
bought spirits at the store, they wou|d be unhea|thy,
wastefu| , and nonproductive. Their |ow productivity
wou|d mean |ow pronts for themse|ves, |itt|e money to
spend, and a sma|| income for the retai|er. lf, on the
other hand, customers were unab|e to buy |iquor at the
grocery, they wou|d be encouraged to use their savings
to improve their education and to nnance capita| im-
provements . Betterwork habits and hea|th wou|d stimu-
|ate output, raise productivity, and increase the grocer's
pron ts. lt was in every retai|er's se|f-interest, therefore,
toquitse||ing|iquor. Mann'sana|ysishadon|yone aw.
many grocers found that spirits were their most pront-
ab|ecommodity. Sti||, whatisimportant aboutthis pam-
ph|et, as we|| as others expressing the same view, is not
the va|idity ofits c|aims but the theme ofits argument.
Americanswere, toputit simp|y, obsessedbyanurgeto
produce and thereby create wea|th.'
Whi|e the campaign against a|coho| was ofbenent to
expansionary industria|ism, it a|so met the needs of a
growing re|igious movement. ln the |ast quarter of the
eighteenthcentury theinuence ofre|igion on American
|ife had dec|ined, the victim of Revo|utionary chaos, a
|oss ofEng|ishsubsidiesto the Episcopa| church, popu|ar
distrustofauthority, and the prevai|ing ideo|ogy ofRea-
son. After i 8oo the situation changed, and Americans,
particu|ar|ythoseonthefrontier, begantotakeanewin-
terest in re|igion. Thepreachers soon saw thatthe Lord
intended them to |ead a great reviva| , to c|eanse the na-
tion of sin and to prepare for judgment, which might
205
The Alcoholic Reuli
well be at hand. Some, especially the Methodistpreach-
ers , organized camp meeting revivals, where hordes of
people pitched their tents, gathered for days on end, lis-

tened to numerous exhortationsfroma hostofministers
and were converted bythedozens amid frenzyandemo

tion. At one such meeting in Tennessee, hundreds, of
all ages and colors, were stretched on the ground inthe
agonies ofconviction. + e .''"

Camp meetings becameoneofthefocalpointsofon-
tier life, attracting not only those who sought salvation
but also curiousity seekers , scoundrels, and scoffers.
Troublemakers often crept along the edges ofthe camp,
threatening to steal provisions, shouting obscenities, and
drinking. Theseintoxicated scofferspresentedtheleaders
ofa revival with a dilemma. lfthey posted sentinels to
protectthecampand barentry, the rowdies wouldtaunt
them from the darkness ofthe forest. Moreover, such a
policy precluded whatcouldbethehighlightofthemeet-
ing, thedramaticand inspiringconversionofadrunkard.
Ontheother hand, ifhalf-drunk rowdies wereadmitted,
theymightheckle oreventry to force whiskey downthe
throatofanabstainingminister. ln eithercaseapreacher
must be ever vigilant, like the incomparable Peter
Cartwright. Once that pious Methodist swung a club to
knock a mischief-maker off his horse, another time he
stole the rowdies'whiskey. Ona third occasion he drove
off troublemakers by hurling chunks of a camp nre at
them. As he threw the burning wood, he shouted that
nre and brimstone would descend upon the wicked.
Sometimes, however, theantagonistshad theirjoke. The
Reverend|osephThomas was horrined when several in-
toxicated men, having joined the celebration of the
Lord's Supper, produced a loafofbread and a bottle of
spirits.
These conditions led frontier revivalists to preach ser-
mons contrasting the denant, unrepentant drinker with
206
DEON RUM
Camp meeting.
the pietistic, humble churchgoer. The consumer ofalco-
hol wasportrayedasamanofdepravity andwickedness,
and thisideawassupportedboth bythepresenceofrow-
dies at camp meetings and by the emergence of a re-
ligious doctrine that demanded abstinence. Although
most denominations had long condemned public drunk-
enness as sinful, it was revivalistic Methodists who most
vigorously opposed alcohol. After 1 790 the Methodist
Church adopted rules that imposed strict limitations on
theuse ofdistilled spirits. ln 1 81 6 thequadrennial gen-
eral conference barred ministers fromdistilling or selling
liquor, in 1 828 itpraised the temperance movement, and
in 1 8 3 2 iturged total abstinence from all intoxicants. A
similar rise inopposition occurred amongPresbyterians.
ln 1 8 1 2 their ofncial body ordered ministers to preach
againstintoxication;in 1 827 itpledgedthechurchtosup-
207
port the temperance movement, in i 8zexpressed regret
that church members continued to distill, retail, or con-
sume distilled spirits, and in i 8 recommended tee-
totalism.
This increased hostility to drink showed the impactof
the camp meetings and revivals upon all sects . Even con-
servative Congregationalists and Presbyterians were, in
the wordsofoneevangelical, movingfromthelabyrinth
of Calvinism . . . into the rich pastures of gospel-
iberty. ' Ministers ofthese denominations were relieved,
after a longperiod ofreligiousquiescence, to nndpeople
thirstingfor salvation. Althoughtheologicalconservatives
triedto bendtheenthusiasmfor revivals totheirownin-
terest, they were less successful than the Methodists,
whose feverish, anti-intellectual, nondoctrinal spirit was
mostinharmonywiththenationalmood. Tocompetein
winningconverts, conservative ministers were compelled
to adopt an evangelical style that the public demanded
and to subordinate doctrine to the task of winning
hearts.
Ministers ofmany denominations followed the lead of
the Methodists, who preached that a man was saved
when he opened his heart unto the Lord. This simple
doctrine appealed to millions of Americans, but it also
endangered religious authority, for the concept of per-
sonal salvation meant that it was impossible for an out-
sider, even a preacher, to knowwhethera manhad actu-
ally received saving grace. A man might either claim
salvationfalsely or believeit mistakenly. The possibility
of deceit or delusion so haunted evangelical clergymen
that most came to believe that salvation was only likely
wheninnerfeelingswere matched byouterdeeds. When
a man claimed grace, the preacher looked for a visible
proofof conversion, an indication oftrue faith and al-
legiance, a token of the renunciation of sin and accep-
tanceofthe Lord.
208
DEON RUM
One visibleoutward signofinnerlightwas abstinence
from alcoholic beverages. A man reborn of Cod had no
need to drink spirits, since his radiant love for the Lord
wouldfully satisfy him. Conversely, concludedonemin-
ister, we may set it down as a probable sign ofa false
conversion, ifhe allowshimselftotaste a single drop. " ln
the sameveinitwas heldthat a drinking man could not
give himselfto Cod; his drinking connrmed his hardness
ofheart, he was damned of Cod, because he would not
save himself. Warned one clergyman, Few intemperate

menever repent. 'This viewled evangelicals to see alco-
hol as the devil's agent, the insidious means by which
men were lured into Satan's works, such as gaming,
theft, and debauchery and, worse still, trapped and cut
off from their own eternal salvation. Said one preacher,
From the United States, then, whatan army ofdrunk-
ards reelinto Hell each year! '
ot all Americans adopted the view that abstinence
signined holiness and that drinking was damnable.
Amongthemostprominentopponentsofthetemperance
causewerethe primitiveBaptists, sometimes called Hard
Shells or Forty Callon Baptists. They were antinomians
who believed that faith alone insured salvation and that
the demand for proof of faith, such as requiring ab-
stinence, was blasphemous. lndeed, some held that ab-
stinence was sinful , because Cod gave the spirit in the
fruitofgrain, and the abilitytoextractanddecoctit, and
then he gave them the inclination to drink. ' Further-
more, they believed that temperance organizations, like
home missions, Sunday schools, and moral tract socie-
ties, threatened the purity of religion by involving the
church in social problems that were best len to secular
authority. Doctrine, however, may not have been the
most important reason for this sect's opposition to tem-
perance, for it was claimed that their illiterate preachers
were engaged largely in makingand selling whisky. 'ln
209
any event, many primitive Baptistcongregationsexp
elled
a membcr either for public intoxication or for joining
a
temperance society. This bifurcated policy led one exas-

perated man to bring a askbefore his church board and
ask, How much ofthis 'ere critter does a man have to
drinkto stay in fullfellership inthis church?'
2
Most Americans, however, did accept abstinence asa
sign of grace. During the late r 8zos religious fervor
peaked in a wave of revivals that swept across the coun-
try, thatbroughtlargenumbers ofnewmembersintoold
congregations, and that led to theestablishmentofmany
new churches. This period of rising interest in religion
coincided with the nrst popular success of the campaign
against alcohol . The two were inexorably linked. ln
manylocalities revivals wereheld,churchrostersbulged,
and then six months or a year later temperance societies
were organized. lf this pattern had been universal, we
could conclude that antiliquor sentiment was an out-
growth of religious enthusiasm, that the signing of a
pledge was nothing more than proof of conversion, a
symbolic act with no signincance of its own. ln some
places, however, the establishment of temperance socie-
ties preceded the revivals, a pattern that suggests a dif-
ferent interpretation of the relationship between ab-
stinence and holiness. lt appears that some Americans
rejected liquor for secular reasons and only afterward
turned to religion. The prevalence of both patterns in-
dicates that temperance and revivalism were not causally
connected. l would argue, rather, that they were in-
terwoven because both were responses to the same un-
derlying socialtensions and anxieties .
26
Wehavealready seenhowthestressesofrapidchange
had made Americans anxious, how the failure to imple-
ment Revolutionary ideals of equality and liberty had
heightenedthatanxiety, andhowthedecayoftraditional
institutions had left citizens of the young republic with
2 1 0
DEON RUM
for their emotions, few acceptable
of satisfying their emotional needs. Under such
many Americans had turned to strong
but they found alcohol emotionally unsatisfying.
came the revivals and the temperance movement,
offered Americans new ways to resolve tensions,
@@ fears, and organizetheir emotional impulses. The
:amp meeting, the evangelical church, and the temper-
society were institutions that provided new mecha-
nisms for coping with frustrations and for controlling,
,rationalizing,andchannelingemotions. ltis
religion, " declared one tract, . . . which alone contains
it the seeds of social order and stability, and which
alonecanmakeus happyandpreserveus so. 'Bothevan-

religion and the temperance cause encouraged
people to subordinate emotions to rational, institutional
processes . ln my view the inexorable link between holi-
ness and abstinence was that both called for emotions to
be expressed and controlled, and at times repressed,
within anorderly, institutionalframework.
27
Thiscontrolofemotionsmeshed withtheneeds ofthe
developing industrial complex. The process of indus-
trialization required the accumulation of capital. This
meant that current gratincation had to be sacrinced in
order to provide resources for future economic expan-
sion. Workersweretoldthatefnciencyandself-discipline
wouldincreaseproductivity, whichwould lead to higher
wages, promotions, and the chance to own their own
businesses and factories. Capitalists were encouraged to
forego the consumption of luxuries in order to reinvest
pronts in their enterprises. The new emphasis on ra-
tionality and discipline also led businessmen to adopt
moreorderlymethods. Theybegantoexercisemorecau-
tion in the extension ofcredit, to promote efnciency by
encouraging specialization of the labor force, to make
scientincally calculated investment decisions, and
2 1 1
to keep better nnancial records. One is struck, for ex-
ample, by a signincant improvement in the precision of
thebusinessledgers in Harvard's BakerBusiness Library
forthe years after i 8zo. Concern about the reliability o
trading associates led ew York's reform-minded Lewis
Tappan to use his connections with the temperance
movement inorder to found the nrst national credit
rat-
ing service, the forerunner of Dun and Bradstreet.
And
the abstinent Harper brothers built the country's 6rst
publishing empire through a combination of techno
log-
ical innovation, evangelical salesmanship, and a continu-
ous demandforMethodistBibles.
Let me state the argument further. By the i 8os
Americans had created a new culture that appears to
have enabled them to prosper amid the upheaval of the
lndustrial Revolution. The rising tide of anxiety un-
leashed by the failure of the old order, the ideological
beliefs in equality and liberty, and the high aspirations
for national glory and success had receded as the old
traditions and unrealized ideals were replaced by a new
ideology within a new institutional framework. Central
to the new culture were the subordination ofemotionto
rationality, thepostponement ofgratincation, and an ori-
entation toward the future. These were the principal
means by whichAmericans reconciledthecontradictions
betweentheirtwo keyandsometimescontrary impulses,
a drive for materialgain and a desire forreligious salva-
tion. The former was institutionalized in business en-
terprise, the latter in evangelical religion. These two im-
pulses were connected by certain cultural assumptions
which dictated that efncient, rational enterprise must
dominate emotion-charged religion, that religion itself
mustbeorderly and structured, andthatfailuretorealize
goals inthe present mustbe accepted asthepricefor suc-
cessin the future.
Some Americans could not accept a society based on
2 1 2
DEMON RU
a delicately balanced, jerry-built ethos. People who
thatevangelical religion could notmeet their emo-
needs sometimes turned to new, unorthodox de-
nominations such as the Mormons or to a fervent belief
in the immediacy of the Second Coming. Millennial
1opes and prophecies increased under the stresses of
apid change andculminated with theriseoftheMiller-
ites, a group that gathered to await the world's end on
October z z , i 8. Theirexpectationwas butthecrudest
manifestation of a feeling that began to pervade the
country after i 8o. Mostpeople, l am persuaded, recog-
nized that they were living at the beginning ofunprece-
dented social and economic upheaval and accepted the
transitory nature of their times. Unlike the Millerites,
however, the majorityexpected changes for the betterto

take place onearth. Theybelievedthatthe ualityoflife
wasimprovingandthatlifewould bemorerewardingfor
future generations . Although Americans had not yet
adopted a cult ofprogress, they were hopeful, evenpan-
glossian. "
lt appears, however, that the more intelligent and
shrewd sawcontradictionsbetween the materialistic and
the religious aspects of the new American ethos. What
they saw were, on the one hand, soft-headed hysterics
and mystics who preached that evil and the fears it
caused would be washed away bytheapocalypse; onthe
other, hard-hearted materialists whose repressionoftheir
feelingsenabledthemto believethatalldif6cultieswould
be resolved in time through orderly industrial develop-
ment. eithervisionseemedcompletetothoughtfulmen
who accepted industrial progress , but respected tradi-
tion, and held that man's needs were both ofthis world
and another. Men who believed that salvation required
faith,thatgood deeds couldbe signsofholiness, andthat
man was Cod's agent on earth turned to a religion that
preached social reform. They believed that America
2 1
3
could only become a vigorous, moral republic if society
wereorganized to combatexistingevils . Whileendorsing
American ideals, they insisted that those ideals could
only be attained by devotion to the cause ofreform.
The impulse for reform that grew out ofconcern for
both material and moral well-being led to a variety of
social movements, including the crusade to abolish slav-
ery. lt should not be surprising that many ofthe people
opposedtoalcohol were alsoopposedtoslavery, forboth
intemperance and slavery were considered economically
wasteful as well as immoral. orthern reformers such as
William Lloyd Carrison and Theodore Weld embraced
both movements. lndeed, Weld had travelled throughout
the country as an agent for the American Temperance
Society before he undertook similar labors on behalfof
abolition. Among Weld's converts to temperance was
|ames Cillespie Birney, who organized the movement in
Alabama; a few years later Weld returned to the South
and persuaded Birney to renounce slavery. The connec-
tion between abolitionand abstinence weakened the tem-
perance crusade in the South, especially after southern
subscribers to northern temperance periodicals received
unsolicited antislavery literature.
More interesting than the overlapping of these two
movements, however, is the fact that the early reformers
considered temperance to be the more crucial reform.
Theyarguedthatwhileslaveryencouragedthe masterto
idleness andvice and the slaveto ignorance and religious
indifference, the effect of drink was worse. a slave had
only lostcontrol ofhis body, a drunkard lost masteryof
his soul. The chains of intoxication, declared one re-
former, are heavier than those which the sons ofAfrica
have ever worn. 'That men in the r8os emphasized ab-
stinence over abolition seems grotesque today. We nnd
theequationofaliquorstore with a slavemarketabsurd.
or is our revulsion lessened because it was moral con-
DEMON RUM
Teperance and Slver.
cern that causedreform-mindedmento reach theconcIu-
sionthataIcohol was thegreaterevil. The tragedyofthe
earIy temperance movement was that men who believed
in the American experiment, who accepted the vaIue of
industriaIization, andwhoa|sotriedto revitalizereIigion,
were led to battIe against Iiquor harderthan against the
other, greater evi|.'
Misdirection ofenerges is common among moraI cru-
2 1 5
saders, since principled and well-intentioned leaders are
often self-deluded and unable to perceive their goals ob-
j ectively. Temperance advocates did not comprehend
their own arrogance in attempting to impose their views
upon segments ofthe populace thatwerehostile, nordid
they understand that ehective moral codesmustdevelop
outofa socialconsensus, thattheycannotbedictatedby
an elite group that seeks reform. The cry for abstinence
wasanattempttocementthe brokenfragmentsofAmer-
icansociety, buttheleadersofthe temperancemovement
could never gain the kind of unanimous consent that
would have been necessary for the success of the cause.
ln another, broader sense the failure ofthe reformers to
persuade allAmericans to forego alcoholic beveragesvol-
untarily was inevitable because ofa peculiarity ofevan-
gelical religion. Since abstinence was the creed ofthose
convertedtogodliness,universalsalvationwouldhavein-
sured its triumph. Such unanimity, however, would
have undermined revivalistic religion, whose vitality de-
manded a steady ow ofrepentant sinners. The damned
drunkard was essential to the cause. Onthe other hand,
if abstinence were not universal, this failure to achieve
complete success would show that evangelical religion
was not able to improve public moralsgreatly and would
doomtheIdeaoftemperanceasaconsensualsocialvalue.
Antiliquor crusaders never understood these contra-
dictions. lnstead, they emerged from each bitter clash
withtheirenemies determinedtoescalatethewaragainst
alcohol in order to achieve nnal success. And, ofcourse,
in one sense they were right, only escalation oftheir ef-
forts could keep attention focused on their goal of a dry
America and obscure the contradictions inherent intheir
position. During the i 8os, when new pledges began to
falloff, reformers turned to attackingbeerand wine and
provingthatthe wine used inthebiblicalaccountsofthe
Christian sacrament was the unfermented pure wine of
2 1 6
DEMON RUM
grapei . e. , grape juice. ot everyone was con-
. The failure of exhortation to procure universal
ledtoacampaignfor legalprohibition, which
hrought about local option licensing in the 8os, state
prohibition in the i 8os, and, ultimately, in i i, the
.
constitutional prohibition of all intoxicating
Iiquor. Each effort failed to achieve the universal ab-
stinence that reformers sought. Again and again it was
demonstrated that those who believed in abstinence
couldnotsucceedinimposingtheirownviewofmorality
upon that portion of the population that did not share
their vision. ln i 88, when Massachusetts outlawed the
retail sale of distilled spirits, Yankee ingenuity trium-
phed. Anenterprisingliquordealerpaintedstripesonhis
pig and advertized that for 6 a person could see this
decorated beast. Thevieweralsogot a freeglassofwhis-
key. Such ploys spurred a hurried repeal ofthe nation's
nrstprohibition law.
The moralofthe striped pig was thata beliefin tem-
perance wason|yone componentoftheAmerican ethos.
Thismoralwasloston antiliquorzealots, whoattempted
to transcend the contradictions within American society
with a combinationofreligious fervor, postponed gratin-
cation, and promises of heavenly rewards . While the
faithml found these ideas appealing, others chose to
forego religious commitmentfor the pursuit ofeconomic
gain. They were led to a kind of pragmatism that
stressed industrialization, materialism, and progress. As
worldlysuccessbecamethecounterweighttoreform, the
chance for Americans to develop a consensual, holistic
ethos that would serve themduringthe period ofindus-
trialization was lost. Some, such as abolitionist |ohn
Brown, would lapse intoself-deludingfanaticism,others,
such as Wall Streetstockmanipulator Daniel Drew, into
self-destructivecynicism. MostAmericanswouldbecon-
tentwithacontradictorymixtureofmoralityandmateri-
2 1 7
DEMON RUM
.
sm that would be mindlessly played out in the years
Theheroesofthenextgenerationwouldbeentre-
like Cornelius Vanderbilt, whohad soewscru-
that he could ignore his avaricious and rapacious
pursuit of millions and without embarrassment deliver
public lectures on virtue. Somehow, despite his utter
baseness, Vanderbilt was more admirable than a hypo-
critical Henry Ward Beecher, who preached against sin
while facing charges of adultery. ln the years aner the
Civil War the hope for nnancial gain overshadowed the
search for righteousness, although neither quest could
express all the contrary desires ofAmericans. The times
favored mensuchas Vanderbilt, whoignoredprinciples,

followed instincts, and subordinated both his head and
his heartto his gut.

lnmy viewthe kindofsocietythatAmericans builtin
the nineteenth century resulted both from the way that
ideology and institutions interacted with changing con-

temporaryconditions and fromthe way in whichsociety
itselfevolved asa consequenceofthose interactions.|ust
as historical circumstances and economic developments
had led to the opportunity for increased drinking inthe

r 8zos, the binge itself created another opportunity, the
impulses toward materialism and evangelicalism dictated
the shape and contour of the response to that opportu-
nity. The campaign for abstinence and the transforma-
tion ofalcohol from the Cood Creature into the Demon
Rum were a logical outgrowth of prevailing attitudes,
values, and institutions. Asdrinking declined, associety
was reshaped, as the framework for modern capitalism
developed, and as the churches organized their moral
campaign, the chancefora holistic ethos disappeared.
America was left as a culture dominated by an am-
bivalencethatcouldbetranscendedonlythroughananti-
intellectual faith. The potential for powerful intellects
to inuence American life had diminished, a unined
2 1 9
moral code was no longer possible. By r 8othe pattern
that would dominate the country for a century was set.
Entrepreneurial capitalism, the corporate structure,

the
cult of private enterprise, and the glorincation ofpront
were to dominate the rational, hard, masculine, and

e!-
ncientside of theculture,evangelical religion, the volun-
taryreform society, thecultofChristiancharity, andthe
glorincation of Cod were to dominate the emotional,
soft, feminine, and inspirational side. lnstitutions reprc-
senting the two sides were to work in tandem to build
the country. lmportant among those institutions were
temperancesocieties. Theywere, in manyways, the cru-
cial link between the two contrasting sides of American
culture. A majority ofthe participants in the early tem-
perance movement were women, but, in contrast to a
later era, the leaders were men, mostly evangelical
clergymen. These ministers were to be the bridge be-
tween the two sides ofAmerican culture, the men who
connectedthe masculine andfeminine, hard and soft, ra-
tionalandemotionalaspects. Or as one Americansaidin
the i 8os, clergymen were a sort of people between
men and women. ' This remark has a second, deeper
meaning. Beingneithermen norwomen, theclergywere
clearlyimpotent, and, ultimately, incapableofsustaining
a coherent, holistic, livingculture.
The result was predictable. America would remain
materialistic, evangelical, volatile, andadrin. America, as
it turned out, was not balanced;rather, she had only the
illusionofbalance, andhernaturalimbalance, likethatof
anairplanesailingacrosstheskies, wasovercomeonlyby
thespeed of hermaterialprogress. The illusionofatran-
quil and cohesive society could be maintained only so
long as the materialist appetite could be fed by an in-
creasing exploitationofmen and resources. This process
could not continue indennitely. When Manifest Destiny
reacheditsnaturallimits at the PacincOcean,theexpan-
220
DEMON RUM
.
st solutionto socialtensionslostmuchofits momen-
. Soon afterward, when geographical barriers and
northern economic and political power combined to
threaten to strangle the expansionist Cotton South, she
eru
pted with hysteria. The nation survived by turning
the acquisition of lands for republican farmers to
the
exploitation ofimmigrantlabor and natural resources
,
in order to build the world's foremost industrial econ-
om
y. More was better, and the god of success was ap-
peased by the increasing pollutants that poured forth
from the nation's smokestacks. Later, when the Creat
Depression ofthe i os idled those factories, the lack of
material progress disillusioned Americans and destroyed
many ofthe assumptions that underlay the social order.
The nineteenth-century ethos began to collapse. lt was
no accident that the Crash that obliterated the probusi-
ness euphoria of the i zos also brought an end to the
noble experimentofprohibition.
lt is now more than forty years since the repeal of
prohibition, twentysince the Beat generationchallenged
the old morality, ten since hippies and yippies rocked
and rolled across the American consciousness. Three-
quarters ofthe way through the twentieth century both
the temperance ideal and the culture that produced it
have all but vanished. While that culture was imperfect,
leaving in its wake a great civil war, the exploitation of
the frontier, the ruin of America's nrst native inhabi-
tants, and the squandering of natural resources, it also
produced a vigorous and free industrial society. ltraised
livingstandards forallpeopleandcreateda sufncientna-
tional consensus to allow the United States togrow and
develop. lts self-deluding and sometimes hypocritical
abilitytobridgethegaps betweendesires and reality, be-
tween reason and feeling, and between modern indus-
trialism and traditional religion effectively stimulated or-
derliness, hope, and rapid economic development. The
2 2 1
disappearanceofthetemperanceideal has robbed Amer;~ `
cansocietyofsomeofthegreasethatkeptthemachin
ery
of society running smoothly. Today we Americans see

too clearly and too painfully the contradictions between
whatweare and whatwebelieveweoughtto be. lnstitn-
tions seem incapable offulnllingourold idealsofliberty
andequality, our beliefinperfectiontormentsusevenas
it drivesustogreaterefforts, and our failuresbringusU
methods for coping with life that are scarcely different
from those ofthe alcoholic republic. So we remainwhat
we have been.
222
APPENDICES
NOTES
I NDEX
AP P E N D I X O N E
Estimating Consumption of Alcohol
How MUCH did Americans drink? This question is diffcult to
answer for much of the past because of the scarcity and poor
quality of sources. There is no single source that could indicate
consumption; indeed, records generally have reported produc
tion rather than consumption and frequently have stated only
the production of one particular beverage. Information for the
colonial years is so limited that per capita consumption could
not be calculated. I have been able to use a few estimates of
consumption for the early period to establish an upper limit for
the consumption of distilled spirits in 1 7 I 0, and I found that
literary sources that consistently reported an increasing use of
rum during the eighteenth century enabled me to draw a rising
trend line from 1 7 1 0 to 1 770. Unfortunately, it was necessary
to consider the intake of beer, cider, and wine in I 7 1 0 to be the
same as for later periods. By 1 770 there were more and better
data, especially in the import records for 1 768-1 772. Using
these records as well as reports of molasses and rum production
and exports from the West Indies, economic historian John
McCusker has been able to calculate per capita rum consump
tion for 1 770. At the time, little grain or fruit spirit was
drunk. Ofcial records also suggest that little wine was im
ported; beer and cider intake was estimated to follow the pat
tern of later times. For 1 785, rum consumption was calculated
from a variety of sources. The absence of data about whiskey,
however, compelled an attempt to guess the extent of the use
of that relatively new beverage. As late as 1 774 Anthony Bene
zet had felt obligated to defne whiskey when he used the word
Apendi
in an antiliquor tract. Whiskey must have held a minor roie in
1 785, for even in the 1 790S, when its share of the market Was
rising, it accounted for less than a third of all the spirits that
were drunk. For 1 785, the consumption of wine, cider, and
beer was presumed to be at the 1 790 leveJ . 1
Sources for the years after 1 784 are somewhat better, Ac
cordingly, it was possible to prepare more detailed and more
reliable estimates for 1 790-1 860. Customs accounts did provide
a way to assess wine consumption, since almost all the wine
that Americans drank was imported. These records also es
tablished long-range trends for imported rum and domestic
rum manufactured from imported molasses. Rum, however,
was losing its market to whiskey, and tracing the use of whis
key was more diffcult. The only federal liquor taxes before
1 862 were two haphazardly enforced excises on distilled spirits
covering 1 791 -1 801 and 1 8 14-1 8 1 7. The frst was Alexander
Hamilton's 'Whiskey Tax, ' from which only limited informa
tion could be derived. For one thing, rural distillers, unlike
their urban counterparts, paid the tax not on the gallons of
their production but on the capacity of their stills. While some
farmers distilled full time, others did not, and, hence, it was
not possible to calculate r.ural production. Then, too, except
for New England's highly visible, large-scale distilleries, the
tax was widely evaded. Hostile Kentuckians prevented the or
ganization of their state as a tax district for many years, and
western Pennsylvanians engineered the 1 794 Whiskey Rebel
lion when a serious attempt was made to enforce the law in
that area. Even in the capital city of Philadelphia illicit produc
tion was common. The records for the 1 8 14
1 8 1 7 levy are, if
anything, less reliable.
Early censuses failed to measure alcohol production ( 1 790,
1 800, 1 830) or, when they did ( 1 81 0, 1 820, 1 840), they were
incomplete and inaccurate. The best of these tallies was taken
in 1 810, when census director Tench Coxe sought to demon
strate the strength and vitality of American manufactures
through reports of the production of beer and distilled spirits.
Distilling was then one of the nation's principal industries.
Even this report was imperfect: one New Yorker suggested
that only half of that state's manufactures had been counted,
and a South Carolinian asserted that his state's liquor produc-
226
Appendix
tion was substantially underreported. Nevertheless, the 1 81 0
census reports of spirits production were so much higher than
private estimates that when the census was published in 1 814,
the announcement helped launch the temperance movement.
Reformers widely disseminated the 1 8 1 0 data. Although the
1 820 census was organized similarly, the results were less accu
rate. The rise of textiles and iron works drew the attention of
census takers from small-scale distilleries, and increasing hostil
ity to liquor must have made distillers reluctant to report their
production. During the 1 830S an attempt was made to obtain
commercial and industrial data from local authorities, but these
fragmentary returns could not be used to estimate the con
sumption of alcohol.
When the government again measured the production of
beer and spirits in the 1 840 census, that tally was incomplete.
In South Carolina, for example, a census supervisor confessed
that offcials "omitted many an house either purposely or oth
erwise. " Even the reasonably complete census of 1 8 50 was im
perfect, for minor but annoying discrepancies in the amount of
alcohol production appeared in the various published volumes
of that count. The information published in the latest volume
was presumed to be the most accurate. Because a similar pr
b
lem existed for 1 860, I used the reports of alcohol consumption
contained in the U. S. Census, Statitical Abstract ( 1 92 I). The
1 850 and 1 860 census reports of alcohol production suffered
from another diffculty. By that time production of distilled
spirits was no longer a reliable guide to consumption. Afer
1 830 alcohol gradually became a popular fuel, industrial sol
vent, and lighting fuid, and by 1 860 as much as one-third of
the nation's distilled liquor was not drunk. One indication of
the rising industrial use of alcohol was that a number of census
takers in 1 860 distinguished between the production of indus
trial and beverage alcohol.
Business records were not very helpful for measuring con
sumption. Tavern licenses could not be used to compute pr
capita consumption of alcohol because many houses were unlI
censed and, more important, because a recent investigation has
established that the number of taverns per capita is unrelated
to consumption. Nor could much be gained from the ledgers of
distillers, brewers, and retailers. Few manufacturers left records
- 2 27
~
Apendi
that have survived, and it could not be determined if the extant
accounts were representative. The poor quality of existing
records refects the fact that brewing and distilling were domi
nated by thousands of small operators whose ledgers, if they
ever existed, have long since vanished. As for retail sales, so
many people distilled or brewed at home, bartered with neigh
bors, or bought directly from the manufacturer that the limited
information in retail account books could not be employed to
calculate total per capita consumption.
For the consumption of distilled spirits, a number of private
estimates were located. I used Alexander Hamilton's calcula
tions and information that appeared in travel accounts, statis
tical compendiums, economic surveys, and the press, espe
Cially Nile' Regser. Most signifcant were the more than 20
references covering 1 8 14-1 840 in the early temperance litera
ture. Information from the antiliquor movement was used cau
tiously, afer it was tested for reliability. Signs of its credibility
are the agreement among independent temperance estimates,
the faith in these claims demonstrated by widespread borrow
ing, the lack of opposition to these statements, and the negligi
ble diferences between temperance estimates and those from
other sources. Another sign of the validity of these reports is
that the stated gallonage is usually specifc. Temperance re
formers appear to have prepared their calculations of spirits
consumption conscientiously. 7 In Concord, Massachusetts, for
example, local reform leaders visited the town's tavern keepers
and grocers to elicit sales information. Most vendors candidly
reported the quantity and value of their sales, but some refused
to talk, and the reformers then sought the opinions of em
ployees and competitors. These interviews enabled the inves
tigators to prepare their statistical analysis. During the 1 820S
this kind of inquiry was possible because the clergymen who
led the reform cause had good contacts with the liquor mer
chants, many of whom were religious men who had not yet left
the trade. Afer 1 83 5 consumption estimates disappeared from
the temperance literature, for by then the crusade against
spirits had deprived ministers of their sources.
It was necessary to follow different procedures to estimate
consumption of other alcoholic beverages. Since the 1 81 0 and
228
Appendi
1 840 censuses show little beer production, intake prior to 1 840
was considered to be negligible. This conclusion was sup
ported by the observations of foreign travellers. Census reports
were used to calculate consumption for 1 81 0 and 1 840-1 860.
For wine, low domestic production insured that customs
records provided an accurate measurement. For hard cider,
which was neither taxed nor included in a census, use was
made of a few scattered references. Cider consumption was es
timated based on these sources, the population of cider produc
ing areas (defned as New England [except Maine], New York
[except New York City], New Jersey, Maryland, Ohio, and
half of Pennsylvania and Virginia), and an alcohol content of
1 0 percent, the minimum needed to prevent spoilage during
,storage.
To calculate per capita consumption levels for each beverage
from 1 790 to 1 860, estimates from all sources were considered
for fve-year periods. Within each interval, both median and
mean consumption values were tabulated from the various es
timates. For spirits intake, median and mean tables were con
structed. A comparison of these tables with impressionistic in
formation from literary sources, primarily travel accounts,
indicated that the mean table gave the better fit. It was, h(w
ever, considered desirable to smooth the table using three-point
moving averages. Mean tables were then calculated for the
other beverages.
One methodological problem was how to compare consump
tion of beverages that contained different amounts of alcohol.
Social scientists usually prefer to measure alcohol consumption
by calculating the quantity of alcohol present in all beverages
consumed. This procedure can hide important information, for
alcohol ingested from different kinds of drinks can produce
various effects. While, for example, a can of beer has the same
amount of alcohol as a jigger of whiskey, the former has nearly
twice as many calories. Furthermore, low-proof beverages are
less likely to lead to intoxication. To provide the maximum
amount of information concering changing patterns of bever
age consumption, intake has been calculated for both the dif
ferent beverages and the total amount of alcohol. For
1 7 1 0-1 860, I used the following values for the proportion of
229
Appendi
alcohol in various drinks: spirits, 45%; wine, 1 8%; cider, 1 0%;
beer, 5%. 1
0
A second problem concered population values. Some recent
investigators have restricted their studies to the drinking popu
lation, in order to prevent distortions due to varying propor
tions of abstainers. Inadequate data made it impossible to use
this technique. Another method, which most recent estimators
of per capita consumption have employed, is to measure intake
only for the adult, drinking-age population, defined as age fif
teen and above. Since children seldom drink much, this tech
nique has been valuable when comparing societies which have
low birth rates and few children with those which have high
reproduction rates and many ofspring. Because the proportion
of children under age sixteen in the United States has declined
from one-half of the total population in the early nineteenth
century to one-quarter in 1 970, it can be argued that this con
cept is applicable to the present study. On the other hand, dur
ing the past 1 50 years there have been radical changes in drink
ing customs, including a marked increase in the age at entry
into the drinking population. Under these circumstances, to
use an arbitrary, constant age of entry across such a long time
span may be inappropriate. 1 1 Because the measurement of per
capita consumption for total and drinking-age populations may
be useful for different purposes, estimates were calculated ac
cording to both procedures. For 1 7 1 0-1 785 population es
timates were drawn from the U. S. Census, Hitorical Statitics
ofthe United States (Wash. , 1 975), 2 : 1 1 68; age distributions were
based on the ratios in the 1 790 census. For 1 790-1 860 the
census was used for population values; mid-decade intervals
were interpolated. 12
Information for 1 865-1 975 has been computed from the
U. S. Census, Statistial Abstract ( 1 952), 791 ; ( 1 965) 797; (1 976)
5, 6; (1 977) 6, 8I 1 ; U. S. Brewers Assn. , Brewers Almanac
(1 971 ), 57, 59, 61 , 63; ( 1 972) 57; (1 973) 57; Wines and Vines, 57
(1 976), 38. For consumption during prohibition, I followed
Clark Warburton, Th Economic Results of Prohibition (N. Y. ,
1 932), 7 1 . (See Tables AI . I and AI . 2 .)
It must be emphasized that t
h
ese estimates are approxi
mations, a compilation of personal judgments rather than sci
entifically verified measurements. Indeed, their presentation in
2 3 0
Appndix
tabular form tends to suggest a precision that is lacking. Cer
tainly these fgures should not be used in sophisticated statis
tical computations, where a far greater accuracy would be
needed. On the other hand, these estimates do suggest major
changes in drinking patterns, rising and falling trends, and the
magnitude of change, e. g. , doubled or tripled. The validity of
the figures is confrmed in part by the comments of contempo
rary observers, many of whom were cited in chapter one. Dur
ing the first portion of the nineteenth century Americans la
mented that alcohol consumption had been rising since 1 800;
foreign travellers were shocked by the nation's drinking habits.
After 1 830 Americans noted a decline in drinking; visitors re
ported little imbibing and even less intoxication.
The general trends suggested by these estimates were con
firmed by information in tavern and general store account
books. A study of six tavern ledgers for 1 81 0-1 835 indicated
that a typical customer frequented the tavern once a week and
regularly bought distilled spirits in small amounts, most com
monly a half pint. (See Table A 1 . 3 . )
At that rate annual per capita adult male consumption of dis
tilled spirits at taverns was 1 3 quarts, one-fifth of total es
timated consumption. This proportion seems reasonable con
sidering that much hard liquor was taken at home.
Because of high home consumption, we would expect to fnd
higher spirits sales in general stores than in taverns. An exami
nation of account books for three concers did show this pat
ter. (See Table A I -4- )
These purchases, however, even when added to drinks
bought at taverns, would not account for the total amount of spir
ituous liquor that we have estimated to have been consumed. Ex
planations for this apparent discrepancy are that many farmers
shopped in several different establishments, made their own
whiskey or peach brandy, purchased directly from a manufac
turer, or bartered for these goods with neighbors. Finally, a
study of hard liquor sales in general stores showed not only
that spirits were the most important product sold but also that
in the case of the Frost Store, the one concern for which infor
mation could be obtained for a long period, the value of such
sales peaked during the early 1 820S.
2 3 1
Table A1.1. ALCOHOLIC BEVERAGE CONSUMPTION
absolute alcohol for each beverage,
per capita of total population, in U.S. gallons
SPIRITS
Abs.
Year Br. Al.
1 71 0
1 770
1 785
1 790
1 795
1 80
1 805
1 81 0
1 81 5
1 820
1 825
1 8
3
0
1 8
3
5
1 840
I S45
1 850
I S55
I S60
I S65
I S70
I S75
I SSO
I SS5
I S90
1 895
1 90
1905
1 91 0
1 91 5
1 920
1925
1 930
1 93
5
1 940
1 945
1950
1 955
1 960
1965
1 970
1 975
2. 0
3 7
3
. 0
2 7
3
. 1
3
. 8
4 3
4. 6
44
47
5. 0
5. 2
4. 2
3
. 1
2 . 1
2 . 1
2. 2
2 3
2 . 1
1 .
3
1 . 4
1 . 2
1 . 4
1 . 4
1 . 4
1 . 1
1 . 0
1 . 1
1 . 1
1 . 1
1 .
3
1 . 5
1 . 8
I . S
9
1 . 7
1 . 4
1 . 2
1 .4
1 . 7
1 . 9
2 . 1
2. 0
2 . 1
2. 2
2 3
1 . 9
1 .4
9
9
1 . 0
1 . 0
9
9
. 8
7
. 6
. 6
5
5
. 6
. 6
5
. 6
. 6
. 6
5
4
5
5
5
. 6
7
. S
. S
WINE
Abs.
Bev. Al.
. 1 <. 05
. 1 <.05
.
3
. 1
.
3 . 1
. 3
. 1
.
3
. 1
. 3 . 1
. 2 <. 05
.2 <. 05
.2 <. 05
. 2 <. 05
.
3
. 1
. 3 . 1
.
3
. I
.2 <. 05
.2 <. 05
.2 <. 05
.
3
. 1
.
3
. I
.
3
. I
5 . 1
. 6 . 1
. 5 . 1
4 . 1
4 . 1
.4 . 1
5 . 1
. 6 . 1
. 5 . 1
.
3
. I
7 . 1
. S . 1
. S . 1
. 9 . 2
.9 . 2
. 9 . 2
I .
3
. 2
1 .6 . 2
CIDER
Abs.
Bev. Al.
I S.
I S .
I S.
I S.
I S.
1 7
16.
16.
16.
1 5
1 5
1 5
8, 5
2.
I . S
I . S
1 . 8
I . S
I . S
1 . 7
1 .6
1 . 6
1 . 6
1 . 5
1 . 5
1 . 5
. S
. 2
BEER
Abs.
Br. Al.
7 <. 05
I . 3
. 1
1 . 4 . 1
1 . 6 . 1
2 7 . 1
3' S . 2
3
. 5 . 2
5. 2 3
6. 2 . 3
69 3
1 1 .4 . 6
1
3 3 7
1 5. 2 . 8
1 5. 5 . 8
1 7 3 9
19. 8 1 . 0
20. 2 1 . 0
1 0 9 5
1 2. 9 . 6
1 7. 9 . 8
1 7.6 . 8
16. 2 . 7
1 5. 2 7
1 6. 0 . 7
I S'4 . 8
2 1 . 4 1 . 0
TOTAL
Abs.
Al.
2 7
3 5
3 - 3
3
. 1
3 - 3
3 5
3. 6
3 7
3 .6
3 . 6
3 7
3 9
2. 8
I . S
1 .0
1 . 0
1 . 1
1 .
3
1 . 2
1 .
3
1 . 2
1 . 1
1 .
3
1 .4
1 .4
1 .4
1 .6
1 . 7
1 . 6
. 6
. 6
. 6
1 . 1
1 . 1
1 . 4
1 . 4
1 . 4
1 . 5
1 . 6
1 . 8
2. 0
Diffrnt versions of Tables AI . . and AI . 2 appared in W. J. Rorabaugh, "Estimated
U.S. Alcoholic Beverage Consumption, ' 7<.860," Jourl of Stwm on Akohl, 37
('976), 360-36 .
Table A1.2. ALCOHOLIC BEVERAGE CONSUMPTION
absolute alcohol for each beverage, per capita
of drinking-age (15+) population, in U.S. gallons
1 71 0
1 770
1 785
1 790
1 795
1 800
1 805
I SI O
I SI 5
I S20
I S25
1 83
0
I S3 5
I S40
I S45
I S50
IS55
1 860
1 865
1 870
1 875
1 880
1 885
1 890
I S95
1 900
1 905
191 0
1 91 5
'1920
1925
1 9
3
0
1 9
3
5
1 940
1 945
1950
1955
1 960
I g65
1 970
1 975
SPIRITS
Abs.
Br. A.
3
. 8 I . 7
7. 0 3
. 2
5. 7 2. 6
5. 1 2 3
5 9 2 7
7. 2 3 3
8. 2 3 7
8, 7 3 9
8 3 3 7
8, 7 3 9
9. 2 4. 1
95 4 3
7.6 3 - 4
5 5 2 5
3
. 7 1 . 6
3
. 6 1 . 6
3 7 1 . 7
3 9 1 . 7
3
. 5 1 . 6
3
. 1 1 . 4
2. 8 1 . 2
2 .4 1 . 1
2 . 2 1 . 0
2. 2 1 . 0
1 . 8 . 8
1 . 8 . 8
1 9 9
2 . 1 . 9
1 . 8 . 8
2 . 1 .9
2. 0 . 9
2. 0 . 9
1 . 5 7
1 . 3
. 6
1 . 5 7
1 . 5 7
1 . 6 7
1 . 9 . 8
2 . 1 1 . 0
2. 5 1 . 1
2 .4 1 . 1
WINE
Abs.
Bev. Al.
. 2 <. 05
.2 <. 05
. 6 . 1
. 6 . 1
.6 . 1
.6 . 1
.6 . 1
4 . 1
4 . 1
4 . 1
4 . 1
5 . 1
5 . 1
. 5 . 1
.
3
. 1
.
3
. 1
. 3
. 1
. 5 . 1
. 5 . 1
. 5 . 1
. 8 . 1
1 . 0 . 2
. S
. 6 . 1
. 6 . 1
. 6 . 1
7 . 1
. 9 . 2
7 . 1
4 . 1
. 9 . 2
1 . 1 . 2
1 . 1 . 2
I .
3
. 2
I . 3
. 2
I .
3
. 2
1 . 8 . 3
2. 2 .
3
CIDER
Abs.
Bev. Al.
34
34
34
34
34
]
3
0.
3
0.
3
0.
28.
28.
27
1 5
4
3 4
3- 4
3- 4
3- 4
3 4
3
. 2
3
. 0
3
. 0
3 . 0
2. 8
2. 8
2 7
1 . 5
4
BEER
Abs.
Bev. Al.
I .
3
. 1
2.
3
. 1
2. 4 . 1
2 7 . 1
4. 6 . 2
6,4 3
5. 8 3
8. 6 4
1 0. 1 . 5
1 1 . 1 . 6
1 8. 0 . 9
20. 6 1 . 0
2
3
.4 1 . 2
2
3
. 6 1 . 2
25 9 1 . 3
29. 2 1 . 5
29 7 1 . 5
1 5. 0 7
1 7. 2 . 8
24. 2 1 . 1
24. 1 1 . 1
22. 8 1 . 0
2 2 . 1 1 . 0
22. 8 1 . 0
25. 7 1 . 2
2S. 8 1 .
3
TOTAL
Abs.
Al.
5 . 1
6. 6
6. 1
5. 8
6. 2
6. 6
6. 8
7. 1
6. 8
6. 8
7. 0
7. 1
5. 0
3
. 1
1 . 8
1 . 8
2. 0
2 . 1
2. 0
1 . 9
1 . 8
1 . 9
2. 0
2 . 1
2 . 1
2 . 1
2 3
2. 6
24
9
9
9
1 . 5
1 . 6
2. 0
2. 0
1 . 9
2. 0
2. 2
2 5
2 7
Name and Location
Table A1.3. SURVEY of TAVERN LEDGERS
Date Frequency
of Visits
Proporti on
of Those
Visi ti ng a
Medi an No.
Ti mes Who
Purchased
Di sti l l ed
Spi ri ts
Medi an
Amount of
Di sti l l ed
Spi rits
Purchased
Brewer Tavern Ledger . . . . . . . . . Apr. r 81 0 . . . . . 2/month . . . . . . . . NA . . . . . . . NA
Annapolis, Md.,
Md. Hall of Records
Robinson Tavern Ledger . . . . . . . .
Eatonton, Ga., GU
Patrick Store Day Bk . . . . . . . . . . .
Morgan Co., Ga., GU
Lanier Store Day Bk. . . . . . . . . .
Antioch, Ga., GU
Madison Hotel Ledger . . . . . . . . . .
Madison, Ga., GU
( regular customers) . . . . . . . . . .
Stubbs Taver Acct. Bk. . . . . . . . .
Macon, Ga., G-Ar
Dec. r 826 .
Feb. r 822 .
Feb. r 824 .
Mar. to . .
Apr. r 823
Jan. r 835 .
4/month
r /week
r /week
r /month
4/month
NA
. . NA
6/z r
r 3/2 r
. . NA
. . 8/8
. . . . . . NA
Location symbols: Georgia State Archives (G-Ar) ; University of Georgia (GU) .
Table A1.4. SURVEY of GENERAL STORES
Name and Location
Date
Thomas Store Day Bk . . . . . . . .
. Jun. r 820 .
Morgan Co., Ga., GU
Rogers Store Day Bk . .
r 8r 9 . . . .
Hancock Co., Ga., G-Ar
Frequency
of Vi sits
r/week
2/year
Proportion
of Those
Vi si ti ng a
Medi an No.
Ti mes Who
Purchased
Di sti l l ed
Spi rits
. 1 O/z6
. NA
NA
Y
pt.
Y
pt.
. . . NA
Y
pt.
Y+
pt.
Medi an
Amount of
Disti l l ed
Spi rits
Purchased
: pt .
Y gal.
Morton Store Acct. Bk.
Feb. r 822 . . . . . NA
. . . . . . . . 1 O/r 7 . . . . . . . . r % qt.
Clarke Co., Ga., G-Ar
Location symbols: Georgia State Archives (G-Ar) ; University of Georgia (GU) .
Apeni
Table A1.5. GENERAL STORES' DISTILLED SPIRITS SALES
as PERCENT of TOTAL SALES, in DOLLARS.
Name and Location
Peirce Store Day Bks. and Ledgers
Freetown, Mass., MH-BA
Cox Store Acct. Bks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Salem, Mass., MSaE
( 18 18-1 820 includes wholesale business)
Date
1 798 . 38%
1 803-1 81 0 . . . . 21 .2
1 793-1 800 . . . . 255
1 81 2-1 81 5 . . . . 1 5'
9
1 81 8-1820 . . "
6
'
5
1824-1826 . . ' . 6'
4
Frost Store Day Bks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 810-1 81 2 . . . . 16.8
Durham, N.H., MH-BA 1 81 3-1 81 5 . . "
2.7
Betts Raymond Store Day Bks. and Ledgers . . . .
Wilton, N.Y., MH-BA
Hughes Store Cash Bk.
Goshen, Ga., GU
Stokes Store Ledgers . .
Petersburg, Ga., GU
Rees Co. Store Day Bks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Eatonton, Ga., GU
Thomas Store Day Bk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Hamptonsville, Ga., GU
1 816-1 81 8 . . . . 19.9
1 81 9-182 1 . . . . 26,7
1 822-1824 . . . . 26.6
1 825-1 827 . . . . 1 59
1828-1 830 . . . . 14.2
1 831-1833 8,5
1 801-1 802 . . . . 1 7.6
180\1 81 2 . . . . 10.1
1 81 7-1 81 8 . . . . 43.8
1 81 8
1 826 2.0
1 835-1837 . . " 5.0
Locaton symbols: Baker Business Library, Harvard University (MH-BA) ; Essex n-
sttute, Salem, Mass. (MSaE) ; University of Georgia (GU) .
AP P E N D I X T WO
Cross-National Comparisons of Consumption
TH FOLLOWDG tables were constructed to show the annual
per capita consumption of alcoholic beverages in various coun
tries during past times. For the early nineteenth century, it
was possible to obtain a large number of estimates of the con
sumption of distilled spirits. That data is presented in Table
A2. I . Little information concerning beer, cider, and wine was
available for the period before 1 850; information for wine and
beer is presented in Tables A2 . 2 and A2 . 3 . Total consumption
of alcohol from all alcoholic beverages appears in Table A2' 4'
Data for years prior to 1 850 should be used with caution, for in
many instances only a solitary estimate could be found, and its
accuracy could not be verified.
237
Table A2.1. DISTILLED SPIRITS
consumption for selected countries, per capita
of total population, in U.S. gallons
Countr
U. S. A.
U. K.
1 800
1 820 1 830 1 838- 1 847- 1 85 1- 1 861- 1 881- 1901- 1 91 9-
1 823 1 836 1 840 1 853 1 860 1 870 1 890 1 905 1922
England
Scotland
Ireland
Denmark
Norway
Sweden
Holland
Germany
Pussia
France
Italy
3 . 8 4- 7 4 7
1 . 2-
'
3
2 4
1 . 3
6. 1 2. 0
2 9
1 .9 . 5
7. 2 1 0. 5 1 2 . 1-
1 6, 7
3 . 1 2. I 2. 2
1 . 3 1 . 1- 1 .4
1 . 2
I . I 3 . 1
3 . 6 1 3 9
2. 0 4.4
2. 8
1 . 6 1 .4
7' 5- 8. 0 3 3
9 4
2. 0-
4.0
4 3 7 1 . 1
2 . I
1 . 3
1 . 2
2. 6
2. 0
4. 1
9
2. 0
24
2. 2
2. 1
5
1 . 2
1 .4
3 5
. 8
2. 0
2 . 1
2. I
Table A2.2. WINE
Countr
U. S. A.
Canada
U.K.
Denmark
Finland
Norway
Sweden
Holland
Germany
France
Italy
ca.
1 839
3
3
2 3 3
. 2
3
. 1
5
1 . 2
1 59
3
5
. 1
5
. 1
4
3
. 2
. 2
. 6
1 . 5
24 9
25. I
1901- 1 91 9-
1 905 1922
4
. 2
4 4
4 4
. 1 <.05
.4 1 .0
. 2 . 2
4 4
1 . 7 . 8
36, 7 37. 8
30. 2 25 5
3
. 2
1 . 1
1 .0
7
1 . 2
.6
1 . 3
1 .4
1 . 1
2. 1
1 . 5
7
1 .9
2. 0
5 3
28. 1
294
1 .8
.6
9
1 .0.
1. 8
1 .6
Table A2.3. BEER
Countr
U. S.A.
Canada
U. K.
Denmark
Finland
Norway
Sweden
Holland
Germany
France
Italy
2. 8
1 0.6
4. 1
32. 0
1 4 5
5.0
1 881-
1 890
1 0 5
3 5
3 3 3
1 5 . 1
35 5
9 7
2. 8
5 5
6, 5
1 0.0
3 1 . 3
9 5
. 2
8. 3
5 5
1 2 9
6.8
. 8
Table A. 4. ABSOLUTE ALCOHOL IN ALL
ALCOHOLIC BEVERAGES
ca.
1 839
1 . 8
1 . 1
1 .0
1 . 1
3 7
1 . 1
3 9
2 5-
10. 1
2. 6
1 . 3
. 8
2. 8
2 7
. 6
1 . 2
1 . 7
2 3
4 3
3 5
29
2. 2
5
7
1 . 3
1 . 5
2. 6
5 7
4. 1
2
3
9
. 6
.6
1 . 6
. 8
. 1
5
. 8
. 8
7
4
7
3. 6
1937
1 . 1
.6
1 . 1
.6
4
. 6
4
1 . 1
5 7
2. 6
3
1954
1 . 7
. 8
5
.6
1 .0
5
1 .0
5 3
J
. 8
1 970
1974
1 8, 4
2 1 . 7
28, 5
27 7
1 2 . 8
1 0. 0
1 2. 8
1 7 7
38, 3
1 1 . 2
3 4
1 96
5
1 . 6
1 .4
1 . 5
1 . 3
. 6
7
1 . 2
1 . 2
2. 8
5
. 2
3 4
1 . 1
2. 0
1 .9
2. 0
1 .4
1 .0
4
5
3. 6
1 .6
A P P E N D I X T H R E E
Cook Books
To DETERDE if the use of alcohol declined after 1 830, I
consulted thirty-nine cook books published between 1 796 and
1 859. Each book's cake recipes, other than those for ginger
bread, were examined in order to construct an index based on
the percentage of recipes that used intoxicating beverages.
While a few books had no recipes calling for liquor, most had
some. The volumes were divided into low and high alcohol
groups; a book was classed low when at least two-thirds of its
cake recipes contained no alcohol. The groups were then plot
ted against time as a four-celled matrix:
low alcohol
high alcohol
8
9
1 6
6
Visual inspection suggests that after 1 829 a lower proportion of
cake recipes used liquor. This conclusion can be supported
mathematically, where phi -. 26; Q= -. 50. A more elegant
statistical test is also possible by correlating the percentage of
cake recipes that used alcohol with each year in which a partic
ular volume was published: r -. 300. I. e. , as time passed, the
percentage of cake recipes using alcohol tended to decline. I
used books in collections at the American Antiquarian Society
and at the Library of Congress. A list is in my dissertation, p.
2 7 1 .
AP P E N D I X F O U R
Review of Drinking Motivation Literature
WHY DO people drink? In the nineteenth century it was widely
accepted that people drank because they were undisciplined;
ungodly, or degenerate. Temperance advocates claimed that
drinkers had disordered appetites. Because reformers believed
that either a corrupted soul or a lack of self-control motivated
drinking to excess, they had little interest in examining the
social, economic, or psychological correlates of drinking. With
the rise of the social sciences the assumption that drinking was
an immoral act was challenged. The development of survey
research techniques and statistical methods for analyzing sig
nifcant differences in collected data led investigators, at the
end of the 1 930s, to undertake the frst scientifc studies of
drinking motivation. A pioneering account was Ruth Bunzel,
"The Role of Alcoholism in Two Central American Cultures "
Pschitry, 3 ( 1 940), 361-387. The Quarterl Journl o Studis
on Alohol began publication in 1 940. An early, still un
completed agenda is in Selden D. Bacon, "Sociology and the
Problems of Alcohol, " QJSA, 4 (1943), 402-445. (Also see Ba
con's remarks in Alohol, Science an Socity [ew Haven, 1 945],
1 79-200. ) Cross-cultural studies have been reviewed in Peter
G. Bourne and Ruth Fox, ed. , Aloholism, Progress in Research
and Treatment (. Y. , 1 973), 1 71-194.
Donald Horton, in his path-breaking "The Functions of Al
cohol in Primitive Societies, " QJSA, 4 ( 1 943), 199-3 20, related
drinking behavior to social and psychological traits. Drawing
his data from George P. Murdock's Human Relations Area
Files, a collection of anthropological descriptions of primitive
Appendi
cultures, Horton was able to devise a cross-cultural method for
correlating drinking with other characteristics. He concluded,
"The primary function of alcoholic beverages in all societies is
the reduction of anxiety. " Horton made additional useful com
ments in Alcohol, Scince and Socity, 1 5 2-1 77. In 1 95 1 Horton's
theory was confirmed by John J. Conger in "The Effects of
Alcohol on Confict Behavior in the Albino Rat, " QJSA, 1 2
( 1 95 I), 1-29. Animals who were made anxious by being sub
jected to stress were observed to increase their voluntary intake
of alcohol . Two other important studies of rats have been done
by Reginald G. Smart, "Effects of Alcohol on Confict and
Avoidance Behavior, " QJSA, 26 ( 1 965), 1 87-205, and D. G.
Ahlfors, Alcohol and Confict, a Qualitative and Quantitative Study
. . . (Helsinki, 1 969). There was, however, one signifcant dif
ficulty with Horton's anxiety theory. Horton had been unable
to defne the theory in such a way that other researchers could

easily build upon it. Some investigators did pursue Horton's
ideas from a psychological perspective. See Morris E. Chafetz
and Harold W. Demone, Jr. , Alcoholim and Society (N. Y. ,
1 962), 75; Francis T. Chambers, The Drinker's Adiction
(Springfeld, III. , 1 968), 3-16; Richard Lynn, Personality and
National Character (Oxford, 1 97 1).
In 1 961 the 'anxiety hypothesis' was recast, when Peter B.
Field used another cross-cultural study to suggest that Hor
ton's measure of 'anxiety' was really a determination of a soci
ety's structural instability. See both his "Social and Psycholog
ical Correlates of Drunkenness in Primitive Tribes," Ph. D.
thesis (Soc. Psych. ), Harvard D. , 1 961 , and "A New Cross
Cultural Study of Drunkenness" in Society, Culture, and Drink
ing Patter, ed. David J. Pittman and Charles R. Snyder
(N. Y. , 1 962), 48-74. Field noted that most of the high con
sumption groups which Horton had examined had suffered
social disintegration after contact with western culture. Thus,
while these primitive tribes may indeed have drunk to excess to
reduce their anxiety, it was the crumbling of their native cul
tures that had produced the anxiety. Field's hypothesis was
supported by Olav Irgens-Jensen, "The Dse of Alcohol in an
Isolated Area of Norther Norway," Britih Joural of Adic
tion, 65 ( 1 970), 1 8 1 -1 85. Irgens-Jensen showed, contra Horton,
Appndix
that excessive drinking was more common in the socially dif
fuse cities than in the more highly structured but also more
anxiety-prone fshing villages. This 'disintegration hypothesis,'
however, conficted with several empirical studies of places
where investigators had located stable, well-integrated commu
nities in which drinking to excess was the cultural norm. See,
e. g. , Dwight B. Heath, "Drinking Patterns of the Bolivian
Camba," QJSA, 1 9 ( 1 958), 491-508; Edwin M. Lemert, "Al
coholism and Sociocultural Situation," QJSA, 1 7 ( 1 956),
306-3 1 7; William Madsen and Claudia Madsen, "The Cultural
Structure of Mexican Drinking Behavior," QJSA, 30 ( 1 969),
701-7 1 8; Ozzie G. Simmons, "Ambivalence and the Learning
. of Drinking Behavior in a Peruvian Community" in Society,
Culture, and Drinking Patters, 3 7-47 . These social scientists
explained inebriation, contra Field, as the consequence of the
integration of drunkenness into the social order. This 'norma
tive hypothesis' has been most thoughtfully developed in an
important theoretical work, Craig MacAndrew and Robert B.
Edgerton, Drunken Comportment (Chicago, 1 969). Their work
suggested the need for a new comprehensive view to explain
culturally derived variations in the use of alcohol.
Meanwhile, important work was being carried out on aQ
other front. One of the frst in a series of intensive studies
reporting on drinking mores in particular cultures was Robert
F. Bales, "The 'Fixation Factor' in Alcohol Addiction: an Hy
pothesis Derived from a Comparative Study of Irish and Jew
ish Social Norms, " Ph. D. thesis (Soc. ), Harvard D. , 1 944
(Much of his Irish material is in his essay in Society, Culture,
and Drinking Patterns, 1 57-1 87. ) He compared and contrasted
the drinking of Irish and Jewish Americans. In a cultural in
terpretation, Bales suggested that fequent Irish-American in
toxication refected (I) ambivalent child-rearing in which Irish
parents prod uced anxiety by oscillating between overaffection
and withdrawal, (2) an Irish inability to succeed in terms of
Irish ideals, (3) a land tenure system in Ireland that denied
marriage to grown men, who responded by becoming drinking
'boys,' and (4) the insecurity of the Irish in America, where
their customs, especially Catholicism, subjected them to ridi
cule. In contrast, he found that rare Jewish-American inebria-
Appendi
tion refected (I ) child-rearing in which the drinking of alco
hol
wa

treated a

a cere
onil
.
rite, (2) a Jewish respect for liquor
denved from Its use In relIgIOUS ceremonies, and (3) the insula_
tion of Jews from anxieties concering their minority status
through the creation and maintenance of Jewish institutions.
These two groups have also been studied by Andrew M. Gree
ley, That Most Ditressul Nation (Chicago, 1 972), 1 29-1 43, and
Charles R. Snyder, Alcohol and the Jews (Glencoe, 1 958).
In another study of a particular group Giorgio Lolli et al.
compared drinking habits of Italians, Italo-Americans, and
other Americans. The authors of Alcohol in Italin Culture
(Glencoe, 1958) argued that the Italian pattern of high con
sumption of wine combined with rare inebriation refected an
Italian belief that wine was a food. Every meal in Italy had to
have wine, but wine could only be drunk at a meal. Italians
drank little hard liquor, because it was not recognized as a
food. This Italian use of alcohol contrasted with consumption
among the French, who drank both heartily and to intoxica
ion. The French, according to Roland Sadoun et aI. , Drinking

M French Culture (New Brunswick, 1 965), took not only wine
but also distilled spirits in the form of brandy. A more signifi
cant difference may have been that the French, unlike Italians,
did not view wine as a food; indeed, they relaxed with mid-af
ternoon wine breaks. These authors suggested that French am
bivalence about the proper role of alcoholic beverages led to
drinking in order to achieve personal psychological escape.
French culture, they concluded, encouraged escapism because
it has promoted uniformity and has not tolerated eccentricity.
These studies of drinking in particular cultures made clear
the inadequacy of the 'anxiety hypothesis. ' The search began
for a more satisfactory explanation for the motivation to drink.
In a recent cross-cultural study entitled The Drinking Man
(N. Y. , 1 972), David McClelland et al . presented what has be
come known as the power hypothesis. They contended that
people drink in order to feel powerful. This theory of drinking
motivation has encompassed the principal ideas contained in
the earlier hypotheses. Powerlessness, as a concept, could be
viewed as a refnement of what Horton called anxiety, it could
be related easily to the idea of disintegration, and it was conso-
Appendix
nant with a normative interpretation. The 'power hypothesis'
also was consistent with the intensive culture studies and ex
plained apparent diffculties encountered by the earlier
theories. High-anxiety, low-drinking societies were those in
which fears did not produce a sense of powerlessness because
those anxieties were successfully channeled through institu
tions. Or, as Field would have said, they were well integrated.
On the other hand, low-anxiety, high-drinking societies could
be stable, but they lacked the institutional mechanisms for the
effective handling of the need to feel powerful.
Three aspects of the 'power hypothesis' made it particularly
attractive. First, the theory explained all drinking without any
reference to the degree or extent. Given the growing un
easiness with the concept of alcoholism among many theorists,
any hypothesis that accounted for all kinds of drinking had an
advantage over theories that primarily or exclusively consid
ered 'deviant' behavior. Second, investigators have long noted
that in all soieties men have drunk as much or, most com
monly, more than women. This diference could not be ex
plained by the other theories, since neither anxiety nor the
structural disintegration of a culture were sex-linked. But in
most societies power has been a masculine concept. Women
have been taught either that only men can achieve mastery 'of
objects or others, including women, or that women's power is
limited to the family. In the former case, women were cul
turally trained to accept powerlessness; in the latter case, the
nature of family life made it unlikely for women to feel power
less. Finally, the power theory explained the ofen observed
connection between religious conviction and abstinence: men
who believed in the power of God no longer needed the power
of alcohol. For critical comment see Henry S. G. Cutter et aI. ,
"Alcohol, Power and Inhibition, " QSA, 3 4 ( 1 973), 3 8 1-389.
While the 'power hypotheses' has much utility, the most
provocative recent theoretical work has focused on child-rear
ing. Margaret Bacon et al . in "A Cross-Cultural Study of
Drinking: II. Relations to Other Features of Culture, " QSA,
Supp. 3 ( 1 965), 29-48, concluded that a culture's particular
ways of using alcohol were related to its child-rearing prac
tices. A high frequency of drunkenness was found in harsh cul-
Apeni
tures, where babies were given little nurturance, children were
encouraged to assert themselves and strive for success without
conformity, and adults were not competitive. Oddly, a high
general consumption of alcohol was related to different charac
teristics, those of an autonomous culture, where babies were
not indulged, children were pressured to be responsible for
their acts, adults were expected to be independent, and folk
tales were harsh, without rewards. In varying degrees, early
nineteenth-century America partook of both stereotypes. Like
other work on child-rearing, these conclusions are, given the
present state of knowledge, tentative. This work appears to be
pertinent to the experiences of many American Indian tribes. A
recent study is Jerrold E. Levy and Stephen J. Kunitz, Indian
Dnking (N. Y. , 1 974)'
Social scientists thus far have suggested that drinking is a
function of a culture's social organization. When social systems
fail to meet individual needs, a high intake of alcohol and
drinking to excess may occur. In particular, a high level of
drunkenness is likely in cultures that are anxiety-ridden, struc
turally disintegrating, or incompetent in providing individuals
with a sense of effectiveness. Such societies are most likely to
be found under conditions of stress, when the social order has
been wrenched either by contact with alien cultures or by in
ternal dislocations caused by changes in ideology, institutions,
structure, or economy. A high level of consumption of alcohol,
however, need not be culturally abnormal, for drinking can be
the means by which a society attempts to fulfll certain per
sonal needs. Individual longings vary with the culture, pa
r
tially because of different child-rearing practices. In any event,

drinking mores can not be separated from and are functions of
ideologies, cstoms, and social processes.
A P P E N D I X F I V E
Quantitative Meaurements
MOST HISTORICA sources are not quantitative, and this charac
teristic has led the historian, traditionally, to ignore the use of
quantitative techniques. But it is possible to use such non
quantitative materials in a quantitative manne
, provided tat
the historian is willing to use low-level techmques. The SIm
plest involves the arrangement of data int
?
hierarchical c
t
egories. A historian who has read a wide varIety of sources WIll
fnd that much of the data will fall naturally into clusters. If
these clusters can be ranked according to some logical and
useful scheme, then the data clusters can be used to produc

a
hierarchy: a quantitative model based on non-quantitative
sources. This technique has been used to produce Tables AS I
and AS. 2 and Chart AS. I . Each i s based on dozens of sources
of the types used throughout this work; they are cited in the
notes in my dissertation: Table AS. I , pp. 23 2-2 34; Table
AS. 2, pp. 2 37-2 39; Chart AS I , pp. 25<25 1 .
247
Appendi
Table A5.1. DRINKING among WHITE MALES,
by SOCIAL CHARACTERISTIC
Soci al Low Hi gh
Characteristic Consumpti on Consumption
Region New England West
Locality Type Rural Urban
Roots Low Mobility High Mobility
Nativity United States Ireland
Age 45
+
zOzQ
Social Class Middle Class Lower Class
Religion Pietistic- Liturgical
Evangelical
Work Level Employer Employee
Skill Level High Skilled Unskilled
Table A5.2. DRINKING among ADULT WHITE
MALES, by OCCUPATION
Lowest Medi um Hi gh Hi ghest
Far Owners Artisans Fishermen Canal Builders
(North) Planters Laborers ( City River Boatmen
Manufacturers (South) and Farm) Sailors
Merchants Professionals Lumberjacks Soldiers
( except Spirits Schoo lmasters
Merchants) Stage Drivers
Appendi
Chart A5.1. RELATIVE INCIDENCE of DRINKING
PATTERNS, 1790-1850
Very Common
Common
Rare
1 790-18Z0 1 8Z0-1 830
Communal
Bi nges,
ri si ng
Dai l y Dai l y
Drams Drams,
fal l i ng
Communal Solo
Bi nges Bi nges,
ri si ng
Sol o
Bi nges
249
1830-18+0 1 8+0-180
Sol o
Bi nges,
peak
Communal Sol o
Bi nges, Bi nges
fal l i ng
Dai ly
Drams,
fal l i n9
Dai l y
Drams
Communal
Bi nges
AP P E N D I X S I X
A Recipe
TH FOLOWDG recipe was published on the back cover of
Thomas Herttell's An Exose ofthe Caues ofIntempeate Drinking
. . . (N. Y. , 1 820; orig. 1 81 9), where it must have stimulated
liquor sales. It came with the advice tlat "Half a dozen tum
blers of this legitimate liquor will put a gentleman in high
spirits, and make him 'ripe for sport of any sort.' "
ROYAL NECTAR, or the
PRINCE REGENT'S PUNCH
q bottles Champagne
| bottle Hock
J bottle Curracoa (sic)
I quart Brandy
J quart Rum
) bottles Madeira
) bottles Seltzer Water
pounds Bloom Raisins
Some Seville Oranges, Lemons, Powdered Sugar
Add Green Tea, Highly Iced
B I B L I O G R A P HI C A L NO T E
THS WOR could not have been written without access to sev
eral major collections of temperance literature. Preeminent
were the Congregational Society Library, Boston, and George
C. Dempsey Collection (Soc 4300-4790), Widener Library,
Harvard. Also helpful were the Presbyterian Historical Soci
ety, Philadelphia; Columbia Theological. Seminary, Decatur,
Georgia; Huntington Library, San Marino, California; Rare
Books Division, Library of Congress; and Black Temper
anceana Collection (VTZ), New York Public Library Annex.
Temperance materials from the early nineteenth century wexe
surprisingly j udicious. In addition to the numerous exhorta
tions of ministers, they included fact-flled annual reports of
temperance societies. The reports of the American Temper
ance Society and its successor, the American Temperance
Union, as well as those from the Maine and New York state
societies, were outstanding. Other important sources were
travel accounts and government documents, especially statistics
concering the production of alohol in the New York and
United States censuses and import records and surveys of
Army and Navy drinking in the American State Papers. Oc
casional remarks appeared in letters, diaries, and, more
frequently, in memoirs, particularly in those of Methodist min
isters who took credit for starting the temperance movement.
Also useful were novels on the South, Nils' Regiter and other
periodicals, medical literature, reform society literature for the
period preceding the organization of temperance societies, sta
tistical compendia, distilling and brewing manuals, cook books,
2 5 1
Bibligraphial Note
and nineteenth-century town and county histories. Excellent
manuscripts were in the John H. Cocke Papers at the Univer
sity of Virgnia and the Benjamin Rush Papers at the Histori
cal Society of Pennsylvania.
Secondary works were less helpful, because they have fo
cused on temperance rather than drinking. Most valuable were
two late nineteenth-century works, Daniel Dorchester, The
Liuor Problem in All Ages (Cincin. , I 884), and Henry A.
Scomp, King Akohol in th Realm of King Cotton (n. p. , I 888).
Also useful were Joseph Gusfeld's highly interpretative socio
logical study, Symboli Cruade (Urbana, I 963) and John Krout's
classic The Origins o Prohibition (N. Y. , I925). Excellent bibliog
raphies of early temperance literature are in the latter book and
in J. c. Furnas, The Li and Times ofthe Late Demon Rum (N.Y,
I 965). A list of all temperance publications issued before I 83 I
is in my dissertation: W. J. Rorabaugh, "The Alcoholic Re
public, America I 790-I 840," Ph. D. thesis (His. ), U. Calif. ,
Berkeley, I976. Of the many recent studies of the temper
ance movement at the state level, the most thorough is
C. C. Pearson and J. Edwin Hendricks, Liuor and Anti-Liquor
in Virginia, z 6z!-z!z! (Durham, I 967). The investigations of
soci'al scientists concering drinking were also important for
this study, and that literature is discussed in Appendix 4. Here
I will note that I was most infuenced by David C. McClelland
et aI. , The Drinking Man (N. Y. , I 972), Craig MacAndrew and
Robert B. Edgerton, Drunken Comportment (Chicago, I 969), and
anthropological reports in the Joural ofStuies on Akohol (for
merly, the Quarterl Joural ofStudis on Akohol).
G U I D E T O N O T E S
INELLECUAL historians dissect sources; social historians de
vour them. Social historians are frustrated inevitably by the
need to cite many items in a reasonable space. To save space, I
have sometimes cited examples rather than all sources bearing
upon a point. I have also used the following system. With
are
exceptions, notes are keyed to an entire paragraph. QuotatIOns
are cited first and followed by a period. Other items are then.
cited in the order that they pertain to the paragraph. When
necessary, topical heads are given in parentheses. Full citations
are given only once, and subsequent citations use only a

au
thor's last name unless an author's initials or an abbreViated
title is necessato avoid confusion. For printed works, cita
tion from a note rather than from the text is indicated by an 'n'
placed after the page number. For manuscript collections cited
more than once, locations have been indicated by standard
library symbols: American Antiquarian Society, Wo
cest
r,
Mass. (MW A); Baker Business Library, Harvard U mverslty
(MH-BA); Congregationl Society Library, Boston (MBC);
Duke University (NcD); Georgia State Archives (G-Ar); Grad
uate Theological Union, Berkeley, Calif. (CBGTU); Historical
Society of Pennsylvania (PHi); Huntington Library, S
n
Marino, Calif. (CSmH); Maine Historical Society (MeHI);
Maryland Historical Society (MdHi); Massachusetts H
.
istorical
Society (MHi); New York Historical Society (NHI); New
York Public Library (NN); University of Virginia (ViU); Vas
sar College (NPV); and Yale University (CtY). Certain titles
.
or
parts of titles have been abbreviated according to the followmg
key.
253
:
K E Y TO A B B RE V I A T I O N S
AR
ASP
ATS
ATU
CtTS
HR
MSSI
MTS
MeTS
NHTS
NYAD
NYSD
NYATS
NYCTS
NYSTS
. Niles
Annual Report.
American State Papers, with Class, Volume,
Page.
American Temperance Society. I-AR.
1 828-1 836.
American Temperance Union. 1-1 8AR.
1 83 7-1 854.
Connecticut Temperance Society. I , 3AR. 1 830,
1 83 2.
U. S. House of Representatives.
Massachusetts Society for the Suppression of In
temperance. 2, 1 4, I SAR. 1 814, 1 827, 1 830.
Massachusetts Temperance Society. 2 q 22, 24,
2SAR. 1 834-1 837.
Maine Temperance Society. 1-2AR. 1 83 3-1 834.
New-Hampshire Temperance Society. 3, 5AR.
1 83 1 , 1 83 3 .
New York Assembly Documents.
New York Senate Documents.
New York Apprentices' Temperance Society.
1 -2AR. 1 830, 1 83 2.
New-York City Temperance Society. I , 4, 6,
8AR. 1 830, 1 83 3 , 1 835, 1 837.
New-York State Temperance Society (also called:
New-York Society for the Promotion of Tem
perance). 1-4AR. 1 830-1 83 3 .
Niles' Weekly Register.
254
PSDUAS
PaTS
QSA
RITS
SPPCNY
TS
VaTS
Key to Abbreviatins
Pennsylvania Society for Discouraging the Use of
Ardent Spirits.
Pennsylvania State Temperance Society.
Quarterly Joural of Studies on Alcohol.
Rhode-Island State Temperance Society. 2, 3 ,
7AR. 1 8 3 2 , 1 8 3 3 , 1 837.
Soiety for the Prevention of Pauperism in the
City of New-York. I , 2, 4-AR. 1 8 1 8, 1 820,
1 82 1 , 1 82 3 .
Temperance Society. .
.
Virginia Society for the Promotion of Temper
ance. 3 , 4AR. 1 829, 1 8 3 1 .
N O T E S
Chapter One
(Quote) Greene and Delaware Moral Soc. "Address" Columbia Mag. I
(
8 1 5) 21 6. I found 'a naton of drunkards' in 1 3 other temprance publica

tions.
I . Columbia Mag. I (1 814) 45; ( 1 81 5) 2 1 6; John Winslow An Adress Delivered
June 17th, 1 81 6, bere th Associtin,fr th Supresin ofIntemperance .
'
. . (Bos
ton, 1 81 6) 4; Mao? L. Weems? A Calm Disuasive against Intemperance (Phila.,
1 816) 6
:
Seth Ilhston A S
f
n upn Intemperance (Otsego, N.Y., 1 808) 2;
Nathaniel S. Prime Th Perzclu Ef cts ofIntemprance . . . (Brooklyn, 1 81 2)
40; Alex. Gunn A Seron, on the Prevailng Vce ofIntemperate Drinking . . .
(N.Y., 1 81 3) 3; Thos. Sewall An Adres Delivere bere the Wahington City TS
. . . (Wash. , 1830) 5; Emerson Paine A Discourse, Preachd at Plmpton . . .
(
ton, 1 82 1)
5 (2 quo.); Albert Barnes Th Immorality ofth Traf in Ardnt

Splnts . . . (Phlla., 1 834) 30.
2. Wash. to Thos. Green, Mar. 3 1 , 1 789, Washington Writings ed. W. C.
Ford (N.Y., 1 891) 1 1 : 377; Adams to Wm. Willis, Feb. 2 1 , 1 819, Adams Works
ed. C. F. A
ms (Boston, 1 85) 1 0:365; Jeff. to Saml. Smith, May 3, 1823,

Jefferson Wrlttngs ed. A. A. Lipscomb (Wash. , 1903-1 904) 1 5:43 1 ; Ticknor to
Jeff. , Dec. 8, 1 821 , Jefferson "Papers" Mass. His. So. Col. 7 Ser. I (1900)
3 1 0.
3 C. . Arfwedson !,h United States and Canad . . . (London, 1 834)
1 : 145; BasIl Hal
,
l Tra
'
el tn
.
North Am
.
erica . . . (Edinburgh, 1 829) 2: 90; Wm.
Cobbet A Years Rednc U the Untted State o America (Carbondale, 1 964;
1 81 8) 197 Isaac Holmes An Account o the United States ofAmeria . . . (Lon
don, 1 823) 352.
4 Peter NeilsonRecollctins ofa Si Years' Reence . . . (Glasgow, 1 830) 6]"
Isaac Candl
r A Sum
'
ary Viw ofAmeric . . . (London, 1 824) 452. Wm. Dal

ton Travel U th Untted State ofAmeica . . . (Appleby, Eng. , 1 821 ) 36.
5 Estwick Evans A Peri
?
Tor . . . e. R. G. Thwaites (Cleveland,
1904; 1 81 9) 261; Chas. GIles PIneer (N. Y., 1 844) 237; Tim. Dwight Travels in
New Englnd and Ne York (Cambridge, 1 969; 1 82 1-1 822) 4: 250; Anne N.
Royall Letters from Albama . . . (University, Ala. , 1969; 1 830) 93.
Notes to pages I 0-Iq
6. See Appendix I -
7. See Appendix 2 .
8. ATS 4AR 77
9. Boston Wkly. Ma. 3 (1805) 1 1 8. (statistics) Cobbett 198; Jeremiah B. Jeter
Th Recollectins . . . (Richmond, 1 891) 14-1 5; Nils 7 ( 1 814) 273; Nathaniel
Cross An Adre , Delivered befre the Young Men's TS . . . (Morristown, 1 832) 5;
Geo. Osgod An Adres, Dliveed in th Brik Meeting House . . . (Salem, 1 820)
10; Burleigh Smart An Adres, bfre tb Kennebunk TS . . . (n.p. , 1 830) 2 1 ;
John I . Wells Rectinon Intemprance (Hartford, 1 81 8) 14; ATS 4AR 77; 5AR
86; ATU 1 7AR 43; MSSI Circular Adresed to th Members (Boston, 1 81 4) 4;
NYCTS Am. Tep. Almna ( 1 833) 24. (comment) Adolphe de Bacourt Souv
nirs d
'
un Dilomate (paris, 1 891) 1 04; Geo. Combe Notes on th United State of
North Ameria . . . , (Phila. , 1 841) 2: 1 38; F. Cuming Sketches ofa Tour . . . ed.
R. G. Thwaites (Cleveland, 1904; 1 81 0) 3 19; B. Hall '2:77-78; Mrs. Basil
Hall Th Ariocrati Jour ed. Una Pope-Hennessy (N. Y. , 1931) I Thos
:
Nuttall A Journal ofTravel . . . ed. R. G. Thwaites (Cleveland, 1 905; 1 82 1 )
49; Anne N. Royall Sketchs o Hitory, Li, and Manners . . . (New Haven,
1 826) 49; Fred. J. Gustorf Th Uncorrupte Heart ed. Fred Gustorf (Columbia,
Mo. , 1969) 35; Wm. Hill Autobigraphical Sketch . . . (Richmond, 1968) 67;
Hezekiah Prince, Jr. Jorals (N.Y., 1965) 1 2 , 18; Christana H. Tillson A
Woman's Stor ofPineer Ilinoi ed. M. M. Quaife (Chicago, 1 919) 42; Harriet
and Maria Trumbull A Sean in New York, 1 801 ed. H. M. Morgan (Pitts
burgh, 1969) 94; Am. Mueum 4 (1 788) 23 2; ATU 4AR 39; Robt. J. Breck
inridge An Adress Delivered before th TS . . . (Lexington, Ky., 1 832) 2; Jos. I.
Fot Two Sermons on Intemprance (Brookfield, Mass. , 1 828) 1 0; Gunn 16;
Heman Humphrey Intemprance (Ballston Spa, 1 81 4) 6; Saml. B. Woodward
Essays on Aslums for Inebrtes (n.p., 1 838) 9; Lincoln and Kennebec Tract So.
Trat 7 (n.p., n.d.) 3; A. B. Lngstreet Georgia Scees (Gloucester, Mass. , 1 970;
1 835) 1 39; O. A. Pendleton, Jr. "Temp. and the Evangelical Churches"]' Pres
bterin Hi. Soc. 25 (1947) 1 5 . Women dominated the temprance societies, as
membership rosters attest. Two valuable pamphlets are An Adress to Femals
(N. Y. , 1 83 1) and Oren Tracy An Ades, Delivered befre the Femal TS . . .
(Concord, N. H. , 1 834).
1 0. Wm. Sweetser A Disertatin on Inteprance . . . (Boston, 1 829) 72 (2
quo.); Nuttall 49; Frances A. Kemble Joural ofa Resience in America (Paris,
1 835) 204; Delavan to J. H. Cocke, Nov. 1 834, in C. C. Pearson and J. Edwin
Hendricks Liuor and Anti-Liuor in Virgini . . . (Durham, 1 967) 89. See also
Arfwedson 2 : 1 I-1 2, 1 80; Duke Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar Eisenach Travel
throuh North America . . . (Phila. , 1 828) 1 : 1 26; John M. Duncan Travels
through Part ofth United States . . . (Glasgow, 1 82 3) 2: 279-280; Mrs. Hall 24;
John Wods Two Years' Ree . . . ed. R. G. Thwaites (Cleveland, 1 904;
1 822) 300; Wm. C. Howells Recollctions . . . (Cincin. , 1 895) 1 25; Joshua N.
Danforth An Alr to the Citizns ofWahington (Wash. , 1 830) 10; NYSTS 4AR
, W. M. Whitehill "Pere Morton's Daughter Revisits Boston in 1825" Mass.
His. So. o. 82 (1 970) 2 1-47.
I I . Michael Collins to a Warrenton, N. C. , newspaper, ca. 1 830, Collins
Pap. , NcD. Ephraim Beanland to J. K. Polk, Dec. 22, 1 833, S. M. Caldwell
to Polk, Feb. 7, 1 836, John S. Basset, ed. The Southe Plantation Oveseer a
Revealed i Hi Letters (Northampton, 1925) 54, 96; Fletcher to Jesse Fletcher,
Jul. 4, 1 81 2, Elijah Fletcher Letters ed. Martha von Briesen (Charlottesville,
257
Notes to page I q
1965) 57; Fre
d
. Douglass Narrative o th Li (N. Y. , 1 968; 1 845) 84; David
Ramsay Memoirs ofthe Lif ofMartha Laurens Ramsay (Phila. , 1 81 I) 1 50; Julia L.
Sherwod Memoir ofAdiel Sheroo, D.D. (Phila. , 1884) 1 1 4; Arfwedson 1 : 334;
B. Hall 3= I 25, 224; Henry C. Knight Letters from th South and West (Boston
1 824) I I I ; Literary Ma. and Am. Reg. 2 (1 804) 67; Nils 7 ( 1 81 4) 273; MSSI
Circ. 4; "PaTS 6AR" Re. Pa. I I (1 833) 377-378; TS of Columbia, S. c. Pro.
(Columbia, 1 829) 27; S. Henry Dickson Adres befre the S.C. Soc. for the
Promotin ofTep. . . . (Charleston, 1 830) 3 3; Geo. Tucker Th Vall ofShn
anoah (N.Y., 1 824) 1 :65 , 1 70; Earl W. Cory "Temp. and Proh. in Ante-Bellum
Ga." M.A. thesis (His.), U. Ga. , 1961 , p. 24; Pearson and Hendricks 39, 63n;
H. A. ScompKing Akohl in the Realm ofKing Cotton (n.p., 1 888) 1 84-1 91 , 257,
303; Jas. B. Sellers Th Prohibitin Movement in Alabama . . . (Chapel Hill,
1943) I I , 1 2 , 29; Daniel J. Whitener Prohibitin in North Carlina . . . (Chapl
Hill, 1946) 7, 35n, 39; Edmund Berkeley, Jr. "Prophet without Honor" Va.
Ma. Hi. Biog. 77 (1 969) 182; Mason Crum Gullh (Durham, 1 940) 258-259;
Eugene D. Genovese Roll, jordn, Roll (N.Y., 1 974) esp. 641-46; Lewis C.
Gray Hior ofAgulture in th South United State to 06 (Gloucester,
Mass. , 1958; 1932) 490, 563; D. Clayton James Antebellum Natchz (Baton
Ruge, 1968) 1 72 , 261; Guion G. Johnson Ante-Belum North Carolina (Chapel
Hill, 1 937) 53 3 , 553, 558; Wendell H. Stephenson Isaac Franklin (University,
La., 1938) I I 2.
1 2 . Thos. O. Larkin "A Yankee i n N. C. " ed. R. J. Parker N.C. Hi. Rev. 1 4
(1937) 3 3 3; Saml. Morewod A Pbisopbical and Statitical Hitor of . . . Ine
briting Liquor (Dublin, 1 838) 3 38. See also Daniel Drake Pineer Li in Ken
tucky ed. C. D. Drake (Cincin., 1 870) 32-33, 54-56; Howells 1 30; Jeter Recoil.
p; Cob?tt 1 97-198; Cuming 352; Holmes 352; Chas. W. Janson The Stranger
In Amenca . . . (N.Y., 1935; 1 807) 86; Johann D. Schoepf Travels in the Confed-
eration . . . ed. A. J. Morrison (Phila. , 1 9I I ; 1 788) 1 : 362-363; Saml. B. H.
Judah Gtham and the Gthamite (N. Y. , 1 82 3) 18; Boson Med. Surg. J. 2 (1829)
729; N. Eng. Fare 6 (1828) 398; Nils 7 (1 814) 273; Poughkeepsie Caket 3 (1 839)
1 26; Jesse Torrey Th National Flambeau (Wash. , 1 81 6) 63; Benj . Waterhouse
Cautins to Young Persons . . . (5 ed. , Cambridge, 1 8n) 29n; Jacob Carter
Twety Years in th Li o a Drnkard . . . (N.Y., 1 847) 3 , 1 2-1 3; John Elliott
john Elliott, the Rered (Boston, 1 841) I I ; Jas. Gale A Long V!ae in a Leaky
Sbip . . . (Cambridgeport, Mass. , 1 842) t5; A. V. Green The Li and Eri-
ence . . . (Wooster, Oh. , 1 848) 5; John B. Lecraw A Sketch ofth Li . . .
(
p
awtucket, R. I. , 1 844) 7; Chas. T. Woodman Narative . . . (Boston, 1 843)
1 8; My Native Village (Phila. , 1 844) 20; ATS lAR 60; Hingham TS Adres
(Hingham, Mass. , 1 831) 3 1-31; MSSI 1 5AR 16; NYSTS 3AR 57; TS of
Columbia, S. c. Proc. 34; John S. Abbot An Adress Dlivered bere the TSs o
Waterrd ad Farmington . . . (Augusta, Me., 1 83 1 ) 14; Bares 28; Daniel
Drake A Dicourse o Intemperance (Cincin., 1 82 8) 1 2 , 25; Stephen Emery An
Adres, Delivered bere the Teprate Societ o Buckfl . . . (Norway, Me.,
1 828) 4; Gunn 2 I; Thos. Herttell An Expse o th Caue ofIntemperate Drinking
. . . (N. Y. , 1 820; 1 81 9) 10; H. Humphrey Intemp. 1 7; John B. O'Neall "The
Drunkard's Looking Glass" in Th Permanent Temperance Dcuments, Publihd b
Directin ofthe State TS . . . (Columbia, S. c. , 1 846) 236; John G. Palfrey Di-
cours on Inteperance . . . (Boston, 1 827) 73n; Andrew Rankin A Dicourse, on
the Intemperate Use ofSpirituous Liuor . . . (Concord, N. H. , 1 827) 5; Lucius
M. Sargent An Adress Delivere bere the TS o Harvard Universit . . . (Cam
bridge, 1 834) 9; Caleb J. Tenney Th Intemprate Use o Ardnt Spirits (Newport,
R. I. , 1 81 5) 9
Notes to pages 1 6-1 8
1 3 . (West) John J. Audobon Delineatiom of American Scenery and Charater
(N.Y., 1926; 1 83 1-1 839) 81-82; John Bradbury Travl in th Interir o Ameria
ed. R. G. Thwaites (Cleveland, 1904; 1 81 9) 303; W. Faux Memorabl Days in
Ameria ed. R. G. Thwaites (Cleveland, 1905; 1 823) I I : 192; Daniel H. Brush
Grwing Up with Souther Illinois . . . ed. M. M. Quaife (Chicago, 1944) 58;
Howells 1 25; Royall Sketchs 56; (East) Lyman Beecher Autobigrapb ed. B. M.
Cross (Cambridge, 1961 ; 1 864) 1 : 1 3; J. B. Bordley Essys and Note on Husbandr
and Rural Afairs (Phila. , 1 801) 3 24; "Rep. of the Select Comm." NYSD Do.
73, vol. 3 (1 840) 5; (South) Michel Chevalier Socity, Mannrs, and Politis in th
Unite States (Garden City, N. Y. , 1 961 ; 1 839) 103; Geo. R. Gilmer Sketchs of
Some of th First Settlrs of Upr Georgia . . . (Bait. , 1965; 1 855) 101 , 1 29, 1 40;
J. P. Kennedy Swalw Bar (N.Y., 1 853; 1 832) 89; (city) Duncan 2: 322-323;
Royall Sktch 1 58-159; Sandford C. Cox Recollctins o the Earl Settlment of
the Wabah Vall (Lafayette, Ind. , 1 860) 145, 1 50; ASP 5:4:83; N. Eng. Farmr
3 (1 825) 405; Nile 43 (1 831) 25; 45 (1833) 16g; 46 (1 834) 85; Gale 1 04; (Army)
ASP 5:4:83-86, 6: 1 1 9-1 20. A god summary is in Francis P. Prucha Br
and Baonet (Madison, 1953) 45-5 1 . (Navy) ASP 6= 3=468-478, 4:85, 563; Nils
46 (1834) po; Christopher McKee Edward Prebl (Annapolis, 1972) 2 1 7-21 8;
(middle class) S. A. Cartwright "Hygenics of Temp." Boston Med. Surg. j. 48
(1 853) 376, 496-498; Mary P. Sturges Reminiceces . . . (N.Y., 1 894) 3 1 ; A.
V. Green 1 7-18; A Hitor of Temprance in Saratoga County, N.Y. (Saratoga
Springs, 1 855) 26; Emery 6; A. L. Peirson Adres on Temperance (Bston, 1 830)
9; Sweetser 75; Woodward 9; (clergy) Thos. Robbins Diary ed. I. N. Tarbx
(Boston, 1 886) 1 :443; Telscop 2 (1 825) 49; A. V. Green 10; Jol Jewell Tepr
ancejubile (Grand Haven, Mich. , 1 868) 6; ATU 7AR 9; Silas Adams Th Hi
tory of the Ton of Bowdinhm . . . (Fairfield Me., 1 91 2) 16g; Daniel Dorche
ster The Liquor Proble in All Age (Cincin. , 1 884) 2 I 3 .
1 4. Berhard 1 :65-6; Duncan 2: 247-248; Thos. Hamilton Men and Mannes
in America (Edinburgh, 1 833) 1 :43-44; Jacques G. Milbert Pituresque Itinerar
of th Hudon River . . . ed. C. D. Sherman (Ridgewod, N.J. , 1968;
1 828-1 829) 40; Hugo Playfair Brther jonathan (London, 1 844) 1 : 16; Beardsley
"Reminiscences" in Grwing Up in the Cooer Country ed. L. C. Jones (Syracuse,
1965) 83; Brush 57; John M. Peck Fort Years ofPioneer Li ed. Rufus Babok
(Carbndale, 1965; 1 864) xlvi. See Table A1 . 3, Appendix 1 . (genl.) J. Winston
Coleman, Jr. Stage-Coach Das in th Bluega(Louisville, 1936); Willard R. Jill
son Ketuck Tave (Frankfort, 1 943); Paton Yoder Taver and Travelr
(Blomington, 1 969).
1 5 . Audobon 81 -82; Faux I I : 1 92; Gilmer 140; NYSD Do. 73, vol. 3
(1 840) 5; Saml. Nott, Jr. An Apal to th Temperate . . . (Hartford, 1 828) 62;
Everet Dick ThDix Frntir (N.Y., 1948) 1 88. Sales from Frost Genl. Store
Day Boks, Frost Coli. , MH-BA. See Table A1 . 5, Appendix 1 .
16. Quo. in Jas. T. Austin An Adres Dliveed bere the MSSI . . . (Boston,
1 830) 6. See also Arfwedson 1 : 1 44; B. Hall 3: 71 ; Sidney G. Fisher A Pbill
pbia Persctive ed. N. B. Wainwright (phila. , 1967) 147 .
1 7. Jas. Boardman Ameia and th Ameans (London, 1 833) 1 01-102. See
also Arfwedson 1 : 143-144; Berhard 2 : 1 28; E. T. Coke A Subalter's Furugh
. . . (London, 1 833) 697 1 ; B. Hall 2: 382; T. Hamilton 1 :76; Chas. F. Heart
man, ed. An Immiant ofa Hunded Years Ao (Hatiesburg, 1 941) 47; John A.
Clark Gleaning b th Way (phila., 1 842) 4950, 84; John Pintard to Eliza P.
Davidson, Mar. 16, 1 830, Pintard "Ltters" N.Y. His. So. Coll. 72 (1941)
1 32; D. Drake Dicours 3
259
Notes to pages 19-2 6
t 8 .
.
Lccraw . Cobbctt ty, Ouncan z: zqy-zq8, ]as. lnt Letters from
AmerIa . . . cd. K. G. hwatcs(Clcvcland, t oq, t 8zz) o, yy, olmcs z
]anson o, KoyallLetters 8y, t 8o, 5chocp z:zzo,Kcnncdy 8
-]ustndward
`
"hcWcll-ConductcdarmnAm.ract5oc. The Temperane Volume (P. \.
ca. t 8)q,]ohn .
.
rownEarl Amerian Beverages (Kutland, t ) cs . z
.
Oorchcstcr t , Marc Kmball 5omc Gcnal Old Ornkng Customs''W
,
.
nd ar Q. 5cr. z(t q) t , hos. O.ClarkThe Rampaging Frontier (nda.

apohs, t ) t 8y.
t. aux t t : to. 5ccalsoArwcdson z: t 8o, crnhard z. yt , radbury z8on
Ouncan t . z8, aux t t . zo-zo, rcd. MarryatA Diry in America (London
'
t 8) t .: ,Puttallq, ].WoodsTwo Years oo, qy, Mrs. all too, owcll
t z, Nit I (
8
.
t 8) t t
zt ( t 8
t) t t z,
.
PY5O Ooc. y, vol. ( t 8qo) , 5aml.
Mo
dccat Vlrglnt, EspCaly Rlhmon,

.
In By-Gone Das (Kchmond, t 8o, t 8)
z
)
o,Gco. . MorganAnnal, ComprIng Memoirs, Incients and Statiti ofHar
nsburg (arrsburg,
8) ?; A. N. Grccn,mcry , Pott y8,cvcrlcy

W. ond,V Th
.
Cllltzatwn ofthe Ol Northet (P. Y. , t q) qtqz, Kch-
ard . ColhnsHItory ofKentucky (Lousvllc, t 8yy) o.
zo. cnry .
.
Warrcn storcal Addrcss n The Hitor of Waterord, Ox-
fod Count, Maine (ortland 8y i 8 Gc W
lk: ` ` hr
M
.
n. nson guo. m ump cy
arshall The HIory of Kentucky (rankort, t 8t z) z8y. 5cc also Cumng t ,
zoz, z
t , a
.
t t : to, Gustor 8, 5. . Cloudman Kccollcctons o thc
Old mc Maand
.
thcAnnual Gcnra! Mustcr Mc. s. 5oc. Coli. 5cr.
z ( to) q, qo, G:lmcr ttq, N,l q ( t 8q) t t , Poughkeesi Casket
(t 8) t z,orrcyNatl. Flambeau y.
zI . KoyallLetters t8o.
Chapter Two
(Quotc) ncrcasc Mathcr Wo to Drunkard (Cambrdgc, t y) q.
I . (gcnl.) Alcc M. arlc Home Li in Colonial Days (P.Y., t t o, t 88)
tqtq8, t tt, O
rchcstcr t o8t z8, carson and cndrcks zz, 5comp

qyt t y, csp. toy,Wh:tcncr I~II .
z . Th Indictme
n
t and Tral ofSr Rihard Rum ( cd. , oston, t yzq) zq. Wm.
yrd The Secret DIary . . . t y6-tyt zcd. L. . Wrght(Kchmond, tqt)]un.
z, ]ul. , Aug. zy, t yo, May , Aug. t , 5cp. z t , 5cp. zz, Occ. I I , t yto,
cb. ?: pr. q, t y t t , p
|
.
y, t y, z t 8, z, z q, zyo, z8, zq,Wm.

yrd :story othcOtvtdmgLmcbctwxtNrgnaandPorth Carolna Kun
mtcYcar . . _ t yz8`nThe Prose Work ofWilim Byrd ofWestover cd. L. .
Wrght (Cambr:dgc, t ) zo, Cadwalladcr Coldcn "hc 5ccond art o thc
ntcrcs
,
o thc C
untry n Layng Outcs . . . ` ( t yz), Coldcn "Lcttcrs and

apcrs P.Y. ts. 5oc. Coli. 8 ( t y) zyqzy, zy8, 5arah Knght joumcl
(P.Y., t
.
, t 8z) t , ]ohn LawsonA New Yoyage to Carlina cd. . . Lccr
Chapcl t! , ty, t yo) yo, t t , Wm. cnnA urthcrAccount othc rov-
mcc o a. (t8), Albcrt C. Myrs, cd. Narratives ofEarly Pennslvani . . .
(P.Y., t t z) zy, 5aml. 5cwall Dlr cd. M. . homas (P.Y., t y) cb.
zq, t 8t , Pov. z, t 8, Occ. zo, t 8y, cb. , t, Mar. zq, t yo, cb. ,
t yo8,5cp. t 8, t y t t , Apr. zq, t yt y, pp. q8, t z, t , zy, t , 88,, 8,
]ohn Lrmstonto [?), ]ul. y, tytt, Wm. L. 5aundcrs, cd.Th Colnil and State
Record ofNorth Carlina (Nar. placcs, t 88-ttq) t . y.
Notes to pages 26-29
. yrdDiary (Mar. q, i yo) i z. bd.(Mar. z, Oct. t z, Occ. tq, t yo) t t ,
, t t 8,]ohn Archdalc A Pcw Ocscrptonothatcrtlc and lcasantrov-
ncc o Carolna` ( t yoy), Alcx. 5. 5allcy, ]r., cd. Narative of Early Carolina
. . . (P.Y., tt t) zo, Kobt. cvcrlcy Th Hitory and Preent State of Virginia
cd. L. . Wrght (Chapcl ll, t qy, t yo) z, ooy, hos. Chalklcy A
Joural or Hitorial Account of the Li . . ( cd , London, t yt ) zzy,ugh
]oncs The Preent State o Virginia cd. K. L. Morton (Chapcl ll, t ) 8q,
Lawson, W. K. Kay Orcwry'sluorortOarlng?Va. Ma. Hi. Biog.
yy (t) t n,]ohn Watson Observations on the Cutomary Use of Ditilld Spiri
tuous Liuors (alt. , t 8t o) 8. (otts) ]ohn skc Old Virginia and Her Neihbours
(oston, t oo) t : z.nyrd'stmcharddrnkng prcvalcd at thc mcctngs o
thc Govcrnor's Councl. yrdDiary (Pov. to, t yt o, Apr. z, Pov. z, t yt t ,
Mar. t z, t yt z) z, q, qqz, oo. At lcast onc P. Y. govcrnor has bccn ac-
cuscd o bcng an habmal drunkard.` cnry 5loughtcr rcputcdly sgncd
]acob Lcslcr's dcath warrant whlc ntoxcatcd. cnson]. Lossng The Empire
State (P.Y. , t 88y) t t z. hs lcgcnd has bccn rccctcd by ]cromc K. Kcch
Leislr's Rebellion (Chcago, t) t z t , notc 8. 5cc also Wm. 5mth, ]r. Th
Hitory o the Prvince of New-York cd. Mchacl Kammcn (Cambrdgc, tyz,
t yy) t :8, 888, contra, Cadwalladcr Coldcn toAlcx. Coldcn, ]ul. , t y,
bd. z .
q. yrd Diary (]un. z, t yo, Pov. to, z, t yt o) , z, z, yrd to
Lord grcmont, ]ul. t z, t y, Lcttcrs o thc yrd amly Va. Ma. Hi.
Big. ( tz8) zz . Onthcbcngndrnkngstylcscc]ohnartramObservations
on the Inhabitants, Climate, Soil . . . (London, t yt ) t t. hs stylc also
prcvalcd nthc rtsh Wcst ndcs. KchardLgonA True & Exact History of
the Islnd ofBarbades (London, ty, t y) .
. .g. , Rchard L. ushman From Puritan to Yankee (Cambrdgc, t y),
hlp]. Grcvcn, ]r. Four Generations (thaca, t yo), Kcnncth A. LokrdgcA
Ne England Town (P.Y., t yo), Chas. 5. 5ydnorAmerican Revolutionaris in
the Making (P.Y., t, t ),and csp.]as. A. cnrcttaTh Evolution ofAler
ican Socity (Lcxngton, Mass. , ty).
. dw. cld The Colonial Tave (rovdcncc, t 8y) csp. , y, t , tqq,
lsc LathropEaly American Inns and-Tavers (P.Y., ty), C. K. arkcr Co-
lonalavcrns oLowcrMcronPa. Ma. Hi. Biog. ( t z8) zo-zz8, 5aml.
A. OrakcOl Boston Taver and Tave Clubs (Kcv. cd. , oston, t t y)csp. o,
. . Mcarland Colonal avcrns andavcrn Kccpcrs ortsh PcwYork
Cty` N.Y. Ge. Biog. Rec. io (tyz) tzoz and thcrcatcr, . 5. aplcy
"Old avcrn Oays n Oanvcrs Oanvcrs s. 5o. His. Coli. 8 (tzo) t-z,].
. rown zy, z, t zt o, cwsonL.cckcAmeriana Ebrietati (P. Y. , t t y)
tq, lackwcll . Kobnson William R. Davi (Chapcl ll, ty) tqytq8,
]ohn A. Krout The Origins ofProhibition (P.Y., tz)qt .
y. Gallus homann American Beer (P. Y. , t o) 8, carsonand cndrcks
t y, arkcr z t t , z t y, aplcy y, zy, o,Mcarland. 5cc also ushman t t m
8. 5. 5cwall (cb. , t y tq) yqz. 5. A. Orakc o. 5cc also ChalklcyJour.
zoq.
. OnncrcascdconsumptonsccAppcndx I . (prccs)Wm. . WccdcnLco-
nomic and Social Hitory ofNew England (oston, t 8t) z. oz, Arthur . Colc
Whleal Commodit Prie in the United States (Cambrdgc, t8), (Ga. )rancs
MoorcA Voyage to Georgi (London, t yqq) t yt 8, z, atrck alcr ct a. A
True and Hitorial Narrative ofthe Colny ofGeorgia . . . (Charlcston, t yqt) v,
W
z8z, (ndustry)]ohn]. McCuskcr, ]r. "hcKumradc and thcala
aymcnts o thc hrtccn Contncntal Coloncs t o-t yy` h O

nc
h
c
(E ) L
, . . t csts
on. , . Itt., t yo, pp. qq, Wccdcn z: otoz, ]. . rown t
.
Gco. Ouhcld, r. Sason Shr (hla. , t 8) tq, W. . axtcr The House
Hancock (Cambrtdgc, t q) tz, , Lawrcncc . Gpson Jared IngeT|
(Pcw
.
avcn, t zo) t , ]as. . cdgcs Th Brons of Province Plntations th
Colmal Years (Cambrdgc, tz)qtqz.
to. !a. Gaz. , ]ul. zzAug. z, t y. 5cc also bd. , ]an. t , t y/y, cn
ran!tOPapers cd. . W. Labarcc ct al. (Pcw avcn, t )z: t y,Alcx
amlton
.
Getlean s Proges, the Itinerarium . . . cd. Carl rdcnbaug
(Chapcl tl!, t q8) ]un. t , t yqq, p. q ,]ohn rckcll The Natural Hitor of
North-Caolna (Oubln, t yy) q.
t t . . MathcrWoo qChalklcyJour. zzy, q8q, 8t , 8, tqo, tqy, tg,
zo-zoq, zz, z, ot,hos. ChalklcyA Lette to a Friend (hla. , t yz) 5aml
Oaorth The Woul Efcts of Drunkennes (oston, t yt o), hos. oxro A
Serwu Mdres to Thse Who Unnecessaril Frequent the Tave (oston tyz)
.
sracl Lor
ngTh Duty ofan Apostatizing Peopl . . . (oston, t yy) o, ncrcas

athcrD
r cd. 5aml. Grccn (Cambrdgc, t o) qqq, ncrcasc Mathcr Te

tImony agaInst Prophane Cutoms (Charlottcsvllc, t, t 8y)zo-z8,cn . Wads-
worthAn Essay to Do God (oston, t yt o), Gco. Whtchcld The Heinou Sin of
Drunknnes (hla. , t yqo).
t z . Cotton MathcrSober Consiration (oston t yo8) t t 8. 5cc al
Cotton M th "O` (] /
`
, so
a cr tary an. tq
;
t y, Mar. zz, t yt olt, Apr. zz, t y t t , Apr.
, t y t , Aug. , t yzq) Mass. ts. 5oc. Coli. y 5cr. y ( t t t)zt qz t , 8 (ttz)
t , , ty-t8, yqy, hos. rmcc A Chronolgcal Hitory of New-England
(oston, t y) dcdcaton, p. , ChalklcyJour. zoq.
. . .
t
A. amlton rn. _ul. , t yqq) 88. bd. (Aug. z8, 5cp. t, t yq) t,
tq. bd. (ntro. , May t , ]un. t,]ul. , t yqq) xv, y, q, 88, rcd. .
owcs Th Culture ofEarl Charlston (Chapcl ll, t qz) t zot zt .
t . oxcrot z . . Lorng t , o t , ]osah 5mthSolmon's Cautin against
th Cup (oston, t yo) tott , Wm. 5tcphcns]our. , ]an. , Apr. , t o, t y8,
cb.
y,Aug. t , t y,Allcn O. Candlcr, cd. The Colnil Record o th Stat o

Gorgza (Atlanta, t oqtt)q:z, t z t , t zz, zt , 8,hos.]oncsto arman
Ncrclst, b.
.
t y, t y8, bd. zz (pt. z):8q, Wadsworth zoz t , Carl rdcn-
bau
.
gh cltt In the Wfnes (P.Y., t , t8) tqn, jon, Mcarland
to
_
,
, . . arkcs Morals an
.
d Law norccmcnt n Colonal Pcw ng-
land A Eng. Q (tz) qo, Chnton Koss:tcr The First Ameican Reolution
(P.Y., t) t .
t. ]. Adams Work (Oary, May z, t yo, Adams to cn. Kush, Aug. z8,
t 8t t )z. 8q8, :y.
t y. Wm.alstcdSpech Dlivered at a Spcil Meeting ofthe TS . . . (rcnton,
t 8) , ca
[
son and cndrcks t, 5comp t zy, t t , t y, t , homannAm.
Beer qt , Wh:tcncr n, y.
t 8. ]. Adams Wor. (Oary, May z, t yo) z. 8. bd. z: t t t~t t z, Cad-
walladcr Coldcn guo. tn Alcx. C. lck, cd. Hitor o the State o New York
(P. Y. , tt _y)
.
z: zyz, 5tcphcns ]our. , Apr. tq, t yqt , A. O. Candlcr q
5upp. t z . Ga. uncs rcgucntly rcmscd toconvct unlccnscd rctalcrs. 5tc-
phcns ]our., cb. z, t y8, bd. q:t , Wm. 5tcphcnsJoural . . . ty|-ty
cd. . M. Coultcr (Athcns, t 8t )]an. o, t yqz, v. t . y, Lord gmont
]our. , ]an. , t yqz, 5tcphcns to rustccs, cb. zy, t y8, Oglcthorp to
rustccs, ]ul. q, t y, A. O. Candlcrvol. . 8, vol. zz (pt. t)., vol. zz (pt.
z). t . 5cc also orato 5harpc to Lord Calvcrt, ]an. t z, ty, Archives of
Maryland (alt., t 88 ) . t q, undcnthcd Na. mnstcr's rcmarks, car-
son and cndrcks tn, alstcd .
t . Niles t ( t 8t y) t8, alstcd , ]. . rown t 8t , . cld z-zy,
5. A. Orakc qo, qq, o, 8,carsonandcndrcks zz, zy, homannAm.
Bee t t , Whtcncr q, Chrstophcr Collcr Roger Sherman's Connectiut (Mddlc-
town, tyt)8, Gpson z, Gco. C. Kogcrs,]r.Evlutin of a Fedali (Colum-
ba, 5.C. , tz) .
zo. 5cc, c.g., cnry . May The Enlihtenment in Ameria (P.Y., ty).
z t . 5cc, c.g. , thc mcrchant rccords ctcd nch. , notcq.
zz. Anthony cnczctTh Potent Enemis ofAmerica Li U](hla. , tyyq),
Anthony cnczct Reark on the Nature and Bad Efects of Spirituous Liuor
(hla., t yy), Kobcrts Naux Memoirs of th Li of Anthny Benezt (hla. ,
t 8t y).
z. 5oc. orcnds.a. YcarlyMcctngRule o Diciline . . . (hla. , t yy)
888. 5mlar to 5o. o rcnds. P. ng. Ycarly Mcctng The Bok ofDi
ciline (rovdcncc, t y8) t t yt t8. 5cc also ]ohn unt to ]as. cmbcnon,
Aug. t y, t y88, cmbcnon ap., , Gco. Mllcr to cn. Kush, 5cp. zy,
t y8q, Kush ap. , , ]oshua vans "]ournal` cd. . . awcctt, rcnds'
s. Assn.Bull. z8 (t ) , rcd. . ollcs Gorge Lgan . . . (P.Y., t)
yyq (uncrals)ChalklcyJour. 8t , tqo,]. Wm. rostThe Quker Famil in Co
lnil America (P.Y. , ty) qq. hladclpha zcal was not sharcd n all Mcct-
ngs. wclvc rcnds n urlngton, P.]. , wcrc dstllcrs n t y. Amcla M.
Gummcrc rcnds nurlngton`Pa. Ma. Hi. Big. 8 ( t 88q) t .
zq. (Mcthodsts) cnry Whcclcr Methodi and th Temperance Reoratin
(Cncn. , t 88z) q, t z, , Lcroy M. LccThe Li and Time ofthe Rev. Jese
Lee (Pashvllc, t 8o, t 8q8) t t t tq, Kush to ]crcmy clknap, May , t y88,
cn . Kush Ltters cd. L. . uttcrhcld (rnccton, t t) qo, cndlcton
zoz t , carson and cndrcks t t yt t 8, 5comp q, z t zz ty, (rcsbytcrans)
rcs. Ch., L. 5. A. Th Presbterin Church and Temprance (n.p., n.d.), 5comp
zzz. havc Ioatcd nocghtccnthcntury aptsttcmpcrancc actvty.
z. (carly) Go. Chcync An Essay ofHealth and Lng Li ( cd., London,
t yz)qzy, contra, Albcrt . dc 5alIcngrc LbrurcruEncomium or th Praie o
Drunkenness (P. Y. , t to, t yz). (Ga.) Oglcthorp to rustccs, cb. t z, t yqz,
A. O. Candlcr z.q8q8y,5tcphcnalcsA Friendly Admonitin to the Drnkers
ofGin, Brandy, and Othr Spirituou Liuors (London, t yq), 5tcphcn aIcsDi
tilled Spirituous Liuors the Bae of the Natin (London, t y), 5comp , ,
(grpcs) hos. CadwaladcrAn Es ay on th West-Indi Dr-Gries (hla. , t yq),
5tcphcnsJour. z: t yty.
z. cn . Kush Autobigapb cd. G. W. Corncr (rnccton, tq8) qz z,
Pathan G. Goodman Benjain Ruh (hla. , t q) tq-t . Othcr dnburgh
mcdcal studcnts latcr actvc n thc antlguor movcmcnt wcrc Amcrcans
5aml. ard and cn . Watcrhousc and nglshman rasmus Oarwn. Martn
KaumanAmerian Medical Euctin (Wcstport, ty) zz, z,rasmus Oarwn
Zoonomi (London, t yq-t y) vol. | scc. z t .
z y . cn. Kush Seons to Gentlmen upn Temprance and Exerie (hla. ,
Notes to paes 40-46
t yyz) . rank. to Kush, Aug. zz, t yyz, rank. Pap. t . z8oz8on. A sml
carly vcw s n ]as. rcdc!l to rancs rcdcl!,]r. , ]un. t , t yy t , ]as. rcdc
Paprs cd. Oon ggnbotham(Kalcgh, ty ) t :8.
z8. KushLet. t qj . bd. zyozyz.
zg-
Kamsay toKush, Aug. t, t y8q, Kush ap. , . ublcaton datc n
KushLet. zy
.
z. hcrc havc bccn at lcast zorcprntngs (bd. zyjn), U hrst
datcd onc bcmg oston, t yo(Goodman j8). (crculaton) ]ohn MarshA Hal
Century Tribute to the Cause o Temperance (P.Y. , t 8t )zy. 5cc rackcnrdgc to
K
sh, Aug. zj, t y8

;
Gco .
!lIcr t Kush, 5cp. zy, t y8q, Kush ap. Kush

tncd to havc an ngltshcd:t:on pubhshcd. Kush to Granvllc 5harp, ]un. ,
t y8,rcply, Oct. t o, t y8, ]. A. Woods, cd. "hc Corrcspondcncc ot cn-
amn Kush and GranvIlc 5harp t yyjt 8oj Am. Stu. t (t y) zz.
jo. Kush to]ohn Lcttsom, Aug. t , t y88, KushLet. qy.
j
. "Gcr
.
man nhabtants, cn. Kush Esays, Literary, Moral and Phil
ymcl (htla.
t 8
)
.
zzq8. Wrttcn n t y8 accordng to Goodman j8j.
Kus
.
h notcd nshdtsttlhng and Gcrman abstncncc trom dstllcd sprts nan
carl: tr
.
avcl d
y. cn. Kush "Or. cnamn Kush's ]ournal ot a rp to

arhslc I t y8q cd. L. . uttcrhcld Pa. Ma. Hi. Biog. yq (to) q.
rogrcss (ty8), KushLet. qooqo. I would not arguc that Kush nvcnt
thc two-stcp analyss, but that hc was onc otthc carlcst practtoncrs.
]. clknap to Kush, Aug. t, t y88, Kush ap. , , Kush to clknap,
Aug. t , t y88, Kush Lt. q8z. A\so mportant to ths paragraph and thc onc
to!Iowng arc clknap to Kush, Mar. t , t y8, Aug. q, t yo, Kush ap. , rc-
phcs, May , t y88,]an. j t , ]ul. t j , t y8, KushLet. qo, ooot, zo, Oct.
y, t y88, ]crcmy clknap "apcrs Mass. s. 5oc. Coli. 5cr. q (t 8t)
qt qzo.
j j . hc thcrmomctcr was hrst publshcd n Columbin Mag. j (ty8) j t .
Kcpub. Boston, cb. z 8, t y8, Gentlman's Mag. (t y8) j, Poor Rihard
I
"
poed (hIa. , t yo) jj, cn . Kush An Inquiry into the Efcts of Spirituou
Lluors . . . (oston, tyo) t z. Anundcnthcd undatcdlcttcr trom Kush s n
clknap'sworkngpapcrs onP. . consumpto. 5cc clknap"stmatcotthc
A
ual x
nsc a
[
d Loss 5ustancd by thc Lnncccssary Consumpton ot
5ptr
tuous L:quors i
thc 5tatc ot Pcw ampshrc(ca. t yo), clknap ap. ,

M:. Ontwo ocasns clknap talcd toobtan consumpton cstmatcs.]crc-
mah Lbbcy to clknap, Occ. t y, t y8, ulklcy Olcott to clknap, Occ. z
t yt , Bclknap ap. q, o8. 5cc also ]crcmy clknap The Hitor of New
:
Hapshire . . . (Oovcr, P. . , t 8t z) j. tzoo, zqzo.
.
jq. "oAmcrcan
.
rmcrs (t y8), KushLet. oqoKushto[\as ou-

mot?],]ul. , t y88, tbtd. qy. othc Mnstcrs (t y88),bd. qz, ' AnOra-
ttononthc ttccts ot5prtuous Lquors uponthc uman odyAm. Museum
q(t y88) jzjzy. On Kush'spromoton otbccr scc "Advantagcsotthc Culturc
ot thc 5ugar Maplc-rcc Am. Museum q (t y88) jqjo, Blknap to Kush,
5cp. jo, t y88, Kush ap. , , Kushto clknap, Pov. , t y88,to hos.]ct-
tcrson, ]ul. to, t yt , KushLet. q, j.
j. lp
Mazzc n Chas. . 5hcrrll, cO. French Meoris of Eihteenth

Century Amenca (P. Y. , t t ) y8,]. . rssot dc WarvllcNew Travels in th
Unite States . . . (Cambrdgc, t
q, t yt) g, jq8. 5cc also ]ctt. to M. dc

Wa
[
vllc, Aug. t , t y8,]ctt. Wnt. :qoj-qoq, lzabcth 5cott to !za May-
nodtcr, Pov. , t y8q, Kcy Coll., Md, cckc t.
j. 5pccd to Kush, Oct. , t 8oj, Kush ap. , . Kamsay M. L. Ramsa
t o,Kay W. rwn Daiel D. Tompkins (P.Y., t 8) t z t , ]cddahMorscThe
Amerian Geogaph (lzabcthtown, P.]. , ty8) 8, ]cddah Morsc Geograph
Ma Eas (oston, t yo) 8, M. 5argcnt to 5hattuck, Aug. , t 8jj,
5hattuck ap. , M, opkns ap. , Md, ]ohn Naughan "]ohn Naughan's
WlmngtonMcdcal Kcgstcr tor t 8ojcd. O. . vcyDel. Hi. tq (tyt) t 8.
jy. New Haven Gaz. 1 (ty8) jj, clknaptoKush, ]ul. z, t y8, clknap
ap. qqo. Assn. ot Ltchhcld tor Oscouragng thc Lsc ot 5prtous
Lquors (t 8q copy ot t y8 ms.), Ltchhcld Ct. s. 5oc. ,Hitory o Litchfl
Count, Connecticut . . . hla. , t 88t ) tqz,Am. Ma. I (t y88) 8q-8, Am.
Museum q (t y88) t zq, Wm. cntlcy Diary (5alcm, t ot tq) Apr. t , t yt ,
vol. t :zq8, 5chopt z: z t y, Oavd Kamsay The Hitory of South-Carolina . . .
(Charlcston, t 8o) z: jj, Lbbcy to clknap, Occ. t y, t y8, c\knap ap.
q.
j8. KamsayS.C. z:j,Mas. Mag. (t yq) jqt . ChalklcyJour. zz,]. Car-
rollto Kush, ]ul. t 8, t y8, Kush ap. , .
j. ]os. adhcld An Englishan in America cd. O. 5. Kobcrtson (oronto,
t jj) 8, 5chocpt z: z t8. 5cc also Marqus dc Chastcllux Travel in North
America . . . (Chapcl ll, tj)oz, Comtc dc 5cgur n 5hcrrll y8,hc 5t.
Gcorgc's ClubS.C. Hi. Gen. Ma. 8 (toy) zj, (P.Y.)lck q:jqy, (Pcw
ngland) hos. ]oncs bl\ to Congrcgatonal 5o., Oct. t , t yj, Lcbmann
Coll., PP. 5cc also Kobt. Kantoul M. Kantoul's stab\shmcnt n usncss
. . . sscx nst. His. Coli. (t 8j) zqy, arry . WcssTh Hitory of Aple
jack . . . (rcnton, tq) to.
qo. ]cukns to Kobson, cb. t8, ty8q, Kobson ap. , McJ. Morrs to
Mcssrs. Constablc Kuckcr Co., May j , t y8y, Lvngston to ]ohn aylor,
Apr. 1 1 t y8j, Lcbmann Col!. , PP, cdgcs j t t-j t z, 5las Ocanc apcrs
Ct. s. 5oc. Coli. zj (tjo) tz, z t , z t y, Wash. to Wm. A. Wash. , Oct. y,
t y, Lcbmann Lol!. , Kalph P. llYanke Kingdm (P. Y. , t o) t j j, Wl-
lard K.]llsonEarl Kentuky Ditillrs . . . (Lousvllc, tqo) , hos. . N.
5tnthThe City of New York in the Year of Washington's Inauguration (P. Y. , t 88)
t z t .
qt . Am. Museum q (t y88) zjq. (rctom) bd. zjj, New Have Gaz. (t y8)
jj,cnchCoxcObservatrns on the Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce . . .
(P.Y. , t y8) q-qy. hs polcy latcr appcalcd to othcrs. Adams to Kush,
Aug. z8, t 8t t , ]. Adams Works .j8,]ch. to 5aml. 5mth, May j , t 8z j , ]ch.
Writ. t :qj t . or an carlcr colonal cxcsc dcbatc nwhch borrowcd nglsh
rhctorcprcdomnatcd scc . 5. oycr "orrowcd Khctorc, thc Mass. xcsc
Controvcrsy ot t yq Wm. and Mary _ j 5cr. z t (tq) jz8-j t (Artclcs)
Curts . Pcncls The Emergence of a Natronal Economy (P. Y. , tz) j j . 5cc
Mad. to dmund Kandolph, Mar. t t , t y8j, ]as. Madson Paper cd. W. .
utchnsonandW. M. . Kachal(Chcago, t z ): jz. Whlc no cxcsc
was lcvcd, mposts wcrc mposcd on wnc and sprts. Recommendatiom to the
Several States, b the United States in Congres Assembld, Aril t , yj (n.p. ,
n.d.).
qz. (Mass.) homann Am. Beer t j, (Na.) Mason to Wash., Pov. , t y8y,
Gco. MasonPapers cd. K. A. Kutland(Chapcl ll, t yo) j: t ot t, t ot zn, Mad.
to]ctt. , Occ. , zo, t y8y, rcply, cb , t y88,hos.]cttcrsonPapers cd.]. .
oyd (rnccton, to ) t z:qt i , qqq, yo W. . Zomow "hc ar
Notes to pages 5 1 -56
olccsoNa. , tyt y8` Va. Ma. Hi. Biog. z( tq) o8 t , (a.)ollcs
Logan yyq
q. New
.
Haven Gaz. I ( t y8) , pctton guo. n Universal Aslum ( t yt)
. FederalIt Ptz, Pov. zy, t y8y drat tn Alcx. amlton Papers cd. . C.
5yrctt(P. Y. , tt )q: t , 5pccch,]un. z8, t y88, bd. : t zq, CoxcObs.
q, cnch Coxc to Kush, ]an. z, cb. z, t z, t y8, May t , ]un. q, t yo
Kush ap. , ,Gaz. U.S. ( t yt) t o
?
qq. 5cc. rcas
,
to KKcporton . . . Ostllcd 5prts`( t yz), am.Pap.
t t :y. 5cc also:shcrAmcs to am.,]an z, t yy, bd. zo:q8q, Gco. hat-
chcr to ]ohn Watc, May z, t y8, Lcbmann Coll . , PP, 5cc. rcas. to
K, Occ. t , ty, A5 :q- y, Coxc Obs. 88, Gallus homann Liqo
Laws ofthe United Stte (P.Y. , t 88)qz t .
q. K dcbatc, ]un. t qz t , t yo, L. 5. I Cong. Annals (Wash. , t 8q)
t q-t yoo, votc,]un. zI , t yo, bd. t yoo. abulatcd wth lstomcmbcrs n
L. 5. Cong. Biographial Director ofth American Congress, tyyq-tyyt (Wash. ,
tyt ) t z. (cxcsc) phram rown to Kcp. cnj . rown, ]an. t y, cb. ,
t
/
, Lbann oll . , PP, W. O. arbcr " 'Amongthc Most Tech Artiles of

CIVIl Poltce . . . Wm. and Mary Q. 5cr. z ( t 8) 88q, homann Lir.
Lws qtq, Kobt. rnstRufuKing (Chapcl ll, t 8) t yt yq
(Wllamson)
ugh Wllamson "Lcttcrs o 5ylvus` rnty Collcgc s. 5oc. Hi. Pap. I I
(t t ) n, zgo,]. W. Pcal "Lc and ublc 5crvccs o ugh Wllamson
rnty Collcgc s. 5o. Hi. Pa. i (tt)ztI I , csp. t o, lcmngPcvn
"hc Lquor Qucston n Colonal and Kcvolutonary War crods W. Pa.
Hi. Ma. t (to) t 8t.
q K dcbatc,]an. -, t yt , L. 5. I Cong.Annals t 8otoo, votc,]an
zy, t yt , bd. t tq abulatcd wth L. 5. Cong. Big. Dir. t z. 5cc
also Mad. to am. , Pov. t , t y8, am.Pap. : z, Kchard . Wclch, _r.
Thooe Segwick (Mddlctown, t) to.
qy. Quo. n Oonald . 5tcwart The Opsition Press ofth Federali Peri
(Albany, t) 8, rcs. Add. , Oct. z, t yt , A5 t : t : t , am. to ]ohn
5tcclc, Oct. t , t yz, Kogcrs zz. cttons n L. 5. z Cong. Annal (Wash. ,
t 8) z, o, , t y, z, rcs. Add. , Pov. , t yz, A5 t : t : t, 5cn. and
Krcplcs, bd. t : t :zo,rcs. Mcssagc, Pov. zz, t yz,bd. : t : t yttyz,5cc.
rcas. to K, Occ. t , t yo, Occ. , t yt , ]an. z, Mar. , tyz, cb. z t ,
t y8, bd. : t :, y, tqo, tq, tqn, t tt8, yy, Alcx. amltonIn
duril and Commercial Correpondence cd. A. . Colc (Chcago, tz8) toyto8.
q8. Albcrt Gallatn Writings cd. cnry Adams (hla. , t 8y) t : , 5cc.
rcas. to K, Mar. , t yz, A5 : t : t . bd. t y.
q. cnch Coxc to am., Aug. , t yq, am. Pap. t y: t. 5cc also am.
toCoxc, Occ. t 8, t y, Coxcto am. , Aug. 8, t yq, bd. t :qyz, t y: yyy8.
o. Agood studyothc rcbcllon s LcIand O. aldwnWhike Rehel (Kcv.
cd. , ttsburgh, t 8, t ). rcs. Add. , Pov. t, t yq, A5 t : t :zq, Pcw-
portto Coxc, Pov. [?], z8, t 8ot , Coxc to Kchard ctcrs, t 8ot , cnch Coxc
5cc. , Coxc ap. , , rcs. Mcssagc, Occ. 8, t 8ot , A5 t : t : 8, 5cc. rcas.
to 5cn. , Occ. z t , t 8ot , bd. . t :yoz.
t . nchCoxcAn Address to an Assembly ofth Frind ofAmerian Manufac
tures (ha. , t y8y) z, cnch Coxc A Viw ofth Unite States . . . (hla. ,
t yq) q, homannLiqr. Laws t .
z. Gallatn t : .
266
Chapter Three
(Quotc) Cobbctt t 8y.
I . McCuskcr qo8qo, A5 : t :yoy, z: ytz, Colc. hs last work has bcn
hcIpml throughout ch. .
z. .g. , Inditmet and Tral , tz, Gcrard G. cckman to Wm. Nan-
dcrspcgcl, Pov. z, t yqy, to Wm. cckman, ]un. , t yz, to 5aml. owIcr,
Mar. z, t y, to hos. Cranston, Apr. t y, t yq, to ]ohn cck, Apr. o,
t y, Gcrard G. cckmanctal. ThBeekman Mercantil Paprs cd. . L. Whtc
(P. Y. , t) t : t , tq, t y, q, q8q.
. Laurcnsto hos. Mcars, cb. t , t y, cnry LaurcnsPapers cd. M.
amcr(Columba, 5. L. , t 8- ) : z.
q. Gcrd G. cckman U Nandcrspcgcl, Pov. z, t yqy, tocIcg hurs-
ton, Aug. z, t yq8, to 5aml. owlcr, ]ul. z8, Occ. t , t yz, Aug. , t y,
]ul. t o, t y, to 5outhwck and Clark, Aug. , t yz, to ugh Krk,]an. zo,
t y, cckman t : t , 8, tq, t o, t 8, z8, qtq, zo, Laurcns to ostcr
Cunlc, ]an. zo, t yq8/, to Mcars, cb. t , t y, to Mcylcr all, cb. zq,
t y, Laurcns t : zoz, : z, zyo, rngIc to umphrcy ll, ]ul. q, t y8, to
Adam McOonald, cb. , t yqz/, to]ohn Ocknson, May z t , t yq, to]ohn
rvng,]ul. z, t yqo, Occ. y, t yq, Kobt. rnglcLetterbok cd. W. . dgar
(Columba, 5. C. , t yz) t : t 8, z:qqq, , t : z, z: t, Ocancto 5:mcon
Ocanc, Oct. zo, t y8, 5Ias Ocanc tz,Claudc C. KobnNew Travels through
North Ameria (hla. , ty8) t y, ]ohn Lrd 5hccld Obseratins on th Com
merce ofthe American State (London, t y8q) t o8t t , Indictmet and Tryal t , t y.
hc nangular pattcrn was suggcstcd by Wccdcn z: otoz, qt . t has bccn
shown to bc truconly or Khodcsland. G. M. Ostrandcr "hc Makngothc
rangular radc Myth` Wm. and May Q. 5cr. o (ty)~ qq. 5cc also
KchardarcsYankes and Crels (Cambrdgc, t)zt t o, t z tt zz, t , ]as. _
. 5hcphcrd and Gary M. Walton Shiping, Maritime Trad, and th Economic
Develpent of Colnil North America (Cambrdgc, ng. , tyz) q, Mc-
Cuskcr 8 O. C. Klngaman "hc Coastwsc radc o Colonal Mas-
sachusctts` Escx nst. Col. t o8 (tyz) zt y-zq, O. C. KIngaman "hc Oc-
vcIopmcnt o thc Coastwsc radc o Nrgna . . . " Va. Mag. Hi. Big. yy
( t) z-q, cdgcs zzq.
. cckmanto hurston, Aug. , t yq8, to]ohn Channng, ]an. zz, t yq,
cckman t : , y, Laurcns to Gdncy Clarkc, ]ul. t , t y, to Mcars, cb.
t , t y, toMcylcr all, cb. zq, t y, Laurcns z: z t , : z, zyo, tnglc
to Wm. rnglc, Aug. z t , t y, to rvng, cb. I I , t yqz/, to hos. Gold-
thwat, ]an. z t , t yqz/, May ty, t yq, rnglc t : t z, z:oz
,
q8, q8, E-
mund cndlcton to Col. aylor, cb. q, t yyz, "ayIor Lcttcrs Va. Mag. HI.
Big. z t ( t t ) q-, Wccdcn z: oz, McCuskcr qy8.
. McCuskcrqq,qqyqq8. 5ccalsobd.qo8-q, 8, m. tknA Sta
titial Viw o th Commerce ofthe United State . . . (P.Y., t 8t y) z tz, 5hc-
hcld t o8t t , Wccdcn otoz.
y. Quo. nInvestiatin into th Fiteen Galln Law ofMa achusetts . . . (os-
ton, t 8). 5ccalsoWm. cckmanto]as. cckman, Pov. zy, t yy8, Gcrard
W. cckman to Wm. cckman, ]ul. , t yy8, to Abraham cckman, 5cp. t,
t yy, cckman . r z8, t o, t y, Wm. ynchona_ e. ..OIvcr (o
-
ton, t 8o) 5cp. I, t yyy, p. 8, rancsco dc Mranda Th New Demora In
Notes to page 66-72
Ameria e. ]. 5. zcll (Porman, t ) r t 8, Kobn 8z, ordlcy z,Am. Mu
seum q (t y88) zq, Watson Obs. t t , Gco. . Wllson Patrik Henr and Hi
World (GardcnCty, P. Y. , t) , Gpson yo. Onthc Army scc OanclO.
Morton 'Wine i a Mocker, Strong Drink i Raging' (Montplcr, t 8z8) y, Kobn-
son t zo, t z, Kush Let. tqz-tq,Oavd. awkcBenjamin Ruh (ndanapols,
tyt) zoy. hcrc arc numcrous ctatons n thc ndcx to Gco. Washngton
Writing cd. ]. C. tzpatrck(Wash., t tt qq)
8. rown cnsontocwcs Anthony,Mar. , t y8,cdgcs t t , d.
t z, Whtc Acct. ks. , CtY, artord Co. 5 tAK ( t 8t ) , Ct5 tAK
y, AKz, Kobson OstIlcryAccu. , Kobson dgarto5aml.rck,]u!. t z,
t y8q, Kobson ap. , Mc.
. (markcts) Ocancto Ocanc, Oct. zo, t y8, 5las Ocanc t z,Adam 5cy-
bcrt Statitial Annal (hIa. , t 8t 8) y8, Coxc "Kccctons on thc rcscnt
5tuaton othc Ostllcrcs o thc Lntcd 5tatcs . . . ( t yt), Manuacturcs
ox, cnch Coxc 5cc. , Coxcap. , , clknapN.H. . zo-zt . (homc con-
sumpton) McCuskcr q8, Wm. Constablc to Gouvcrncur Morrs, Occ. ,
t y88, am. Corre. tty. 5ccalso5cc. rcas.toK"Kcporton. . . Os-
tllcd 5prts` (t yz), am.Pap. t t :8g.
to. CoxcObs. q. 5ccalso bd. z, CoxcAd. z6,cnch CoxcReeio on
the State of the Unin (hlla. , t yz) 8, t t, Coxc View I 06-I I o, Am. Museum
q (t y88) zq.
tt . Gco. hatchcr to]ohn Watc, May z, t y8, phram rowntocn .
rown, ]an. t y, cb. , t yt , Lcbmann CoIl . , PP, Kng to Gouvcmcur
Mons, 5cp. I , t yz, mst t yq, K dcbatc, ]an. , t yt , L. 5. Cong.
Annal t 8q-t oo, 5cc. rcas. to K "Kcport on . . . OstlIcd 5prts
( t yz), am. Pap. t t :8, cnch CoxcA Brif Examination of Lord Shefl's
Observatins . . . (hla. , t yt) , 8, Morsc Am. Geog. 8, cdgcs zjq,
homannLiqr. Laws t , t, cnczctPotent Enemies ttn.hccarlcst rccrcncc
to whskcy that havc locatcd s or t yq n W. ]. nkc and C. . Kcmpcr,
cd. "Moravan Oarcs . . . " Va. Ma. Hi. Big. t t (to) t t y. ut ths s a
translaton.
t z. Colc, 5tcwart 8.
t . MoIassc and rum mports as nAppcndx t , notc z. hc Warot 8tz
rcduccd thcsc mports. M55 Circ. . n thc t 8zos dstllcrs sought protcc-
tonst dutcs thatwould barmportcd sprts. Ag. Com. to 5cn. "Outy on m-
portcd 5prts ( t 8z), A5 . : 8yt , 5clcct Com. to K "Outy on m-
portcd and xcsc on Oomcstc 5prt (t 8z), A5 : :o z t .
tq. (mmgrants) 5am!. Morcwood An Essay on the Inventions and Custom
. in the Use of Inebriating Liquors (London, t 8zq) t 8y,MorcwoodHitor ,
wclls too, tto, Laur
ns .qn, ]as. G. Lcybum The Scotch-Irih (Chapcl

:ll, tz) zq-z, (st:lls) arrson all Th Ditillr (z cd., hIa. , t 8t 8)
qqnqn, 5cybcrt qz, Morcwood Essay t y, Kush Let. qooqo, Reg. Pa. t
( t 8z8) t yo, Ouhcld tott, ]. . WclIs t yt 8,]llsonKy. Di. ; Wcss t , K. ].
orbcs Shrt Hitory of the Art of Ditilltin (Lcdcn, t q8) z.
t . . allDis. qqnqn, 5cybcrt qz, orbcs z.
t . An cxccIlcnt old out drawng s n. all D. 5cc also bd. q,
Kobt. GllcspcA New Pln fr Ditilling . . . (alt. , t 8t o), 5aml. M'arryThe
Practical Diillr . . . (arrsburgh, t 8o) t zytz8, amlct 5crantom to
268
Abraham5crantom,]an. zq, t 8t , dwn 5crantomct a!. "Lcttcrs` Kochcstcr
s. 5oc. Pub. Fund Ser. y (tz8) t o, Wcss z-q, y.
ty. (patcnts) "All atcnts Grantcd bythc Lntcd 5tatcs` Kxcc. Ooc.
o, z t Cong. , z 5css., z ( t 8 t). On thc dhcultcs stllmprovcmcnts causcd
cxcsc agcnts scc 5cc. rcas. to K"Outyon 5tlls (t 8t y), A5 . : t t.
5cc also a tax casc n Ways and Mcans Com. toKOuty on5tlls (t 8zz),
A5 y. y-, (tcchnology) Nil ( t 8t ) , to ( t 8t ) qy, z,Am.
Fare t ( t 8t )q,Plugh Boy t (t 8zo)4I I ; Reg. Pa. t ( t 8z8) t yot yt , ordlcy
ztjq, Gllcspc,The Grocer's Guie . . . (P.Y., t 8zo) t zq-t 8, . alIDi.
q, M'arry v, (promotcrs) Coxc "Kcdcctons onthc rcscnt 5tu
n
.
o
thc Ostllcrcs, "An Account o a Chcap and asy Mcthod o Otsttllmg
5prts . . . ` (tyos?), Manuacturcs ox, cnchCoxc 5cc. , Coxc ap. , ,
Coxc Exam. yqy, 5am!. L. MtchlI "mprovcmcnts n Ostllng 5prts
Niles ( t 8t z) t z-t zq. 5cc aIso MtchII nNil z ( t 8t z) zzyzz8, Coopcr n
Emporium of Arts and Sci. n.s. ( t 8t q) q8q, Wash. to]as. Andcrson,]an.
8, t yy, to ]ohn tzgcrald, ]un. t z , t yy, to Wm. A. Wash. , May z
3
'
t y,
Wash. Writ. (tz.) : z, q, y: z tq, to samc, Oct. 7, t y, L:cbmann
CoI!. , PP, cckcyz.
t 8. (gran) Nil to ( t 8t ) , Arwcdson
.
t . zo
, Cobht
zyzy, um-
ng zqy,]as. lnt z, zq,]ansonq, ]os. :ckcrmgInqUIrIes of an EmIgrant
(London, t 8 t) t z, ]ohn 5. WrghtLetters fom th West (5alcm, P. Y. , t 8t )
q,(ycId)Reg. Pa. t ( t 8z8) t yo, . allDi. t ,Màrry , Gllcspc q,
An Essay on th Imprtance and th Bet Mod of Converting Grain i
to Spirit (x-
ngton, Ky, t 8z)q, t y, cnry WanscyThe Joural oan EXCUron to the Untted
States . . . (5alsbury, ng. , t y) t yt yy, (sprts prccs)Esay on Imprtance
q, , M'arry yq, ]. 5. Wrght , cnry C. Wrght "uman Lc Grwing
Up in the Cooer Country cd. Lous C.]oncs (5yracusc, t) t .
t . 5ymmcs to Mr. and Mrs. cyton 5hort, Mar. t y, t 8
o,
.
]ohn C.
5ymmcs Th Intimate Letter o . = cd. cvcrlcy W. ond, ]r. (Cmcm. , t)
t , . aIl Di. zy, Wcss t , Pcl A. McPallAn Agricultural Hitory of the
Geneee Valley (hla. , tz)
zo. . alIDi. zyz 5cc aIso GIlcspc tq, M'arry t zt z8,]ohn May
"]ournal Pa. Ma. Hi. Biog. q (tzt) May t , t y8, pp. t t ot t t , Wcss
t t y.
z t . ]as. uchananWork cd. ]. . Moorc (hla. , t o8t t t) t . 8,olmcs
zo, z8q, ckcrng I 25; Nils z t ( t 8z t) zzzzy,q ( t 8j) t y.
zz. (producton) OgcstoManuacturcs ( t 8t o),A5: z:yo,(transport)
. A. Mchaux Travel to th Wet . . . cd. K. G. hwatcs (Clcvcland,
t oq, t 8o) tq,Coxc Ad. z, Coxc View q8, . allDi. z, Màrry y.
z. rssot dc WarvlIc z tqzt . aux t t . tqo, z, dwn]amcsAccount of
Exeditin . . . cd. K. G. hwatcs (Clcvcland, to, t 8z) t y: t o,]anson
q, arryoulmnADescritin of Kentuck cd. . O. Clark (Lcxngton, Ky. ,
tq,tyz) y.
zq. (rut) radbury z8m,owcIls z, y-yy,Mchaux zqt-zqz,]ohanncs
5chwczcr "]ournal` Th Ol Land and the New cd. K. . lgmccr and . A.
card (Mnncapols, t ) ot , (prccs) Nil t o( t 8t ) z, , Cu
.
tnng
t 8, zqy, olmcs z8q, Mchaux t yz, ]ohn almcrJoural of Travel tn th
United States . . . (London, t 8t 8) 88q, ckcrng t z, ]. 5. Wrght q-,
(uropc) 5cy?crt 6<1 ; Niles 1 0 ( 1 81 6) 348; 1 3 ( 1 81 7) 1 9-20; 23 (1 822)
1 94-198; (canagc)Ni 6 ( 1 814 5upp.) 249; aux I : 1 61 -162; (Pcw Orlcans)
Essay on !mpartance 3; aux 1 2: 1 8; (pork) ranccs rollopcDometi Manners of
the Amertan
!
cd. . 5mallcy (P.Y. , 1 949; 1 832) 88-89; Essay on Imprtance 3-4.
or a mll d:scuss:on scc hos. 5. crry Western Price beore i 0t (Cambrdgc
1943) 2 1 5-246.
'
25 5ymmcs to Mr. and Mrs. hort, Mar. 1 7, 1 800, 5ymmcs o, Artwcd-
son t :zo, ]as.lint 293 ; ]. 5. Wnght 54-55; Essay on Imprtance 4, 1 3-14; Niks
5 ( 1 81 3) 41 ; 3 3 (1 827) 1 53 ; Reg. Pa. 1 (1 828) 1 70; crry 1 03; Pcttcls 1 77.
26. Colc, crry 104. hc shortagc otstlls snotcd byaldwn Whi. Reb.
26.
27 (moncy) Am. Mueum q (1 788) 233; Nik 21 ( 1 821 ) 225-227; Zcrah
awlcy A Joural of a Tour . . . (Pcw avcn, 1 822) 33; rissot dc Warvllc
2 1 5; Wm W. 5wcct, cd. Reliwn on the Amerian Frontier: the Prebterins
. Y. , 1936) 65; Wm. . Lttcr Granville (Granvllc, Oh. , 1956) 87; (supply)
:b:d. 76; Reg. Pa. 1 4 ( 1 834) 43; !ias . ordham Persnal Narative of Travel
. . . cd. . A. Ogg (Clcvcland, 1906) 76; owclls 1 25; (opc Ostllcry)
crnhard 2: 1 32; Gco. W. Ogdcn Letters fom th West cd. K. G. hwatcs
(Clcvcland, 190s; r 823) qo, Collns 363 .
28. Es
a
y on Imprtance 4; Niks t o( 1 816) 348.
29 (wages) Niks 33 (1 827) 1 39; olmcs 284; Pclson 1 56; cn. 5mith, cd.
Tw
t
t-ur Letters frm Laburers in Ameria . . . (2 cd., London, 1 829) 36;
(wh:skcy) awlcy 33; olmcs 266-268, 284; ckcrng 27-28, 1 25; . 5mth
36, 45; K. Carlylc ulcyTh Ol Northwet (ndanapols, 1 950) 1 : 527.
3
?
Complcd trom so
rccs nn
tc 29 and Niks 2 1 (1 821 ) 227; (1 822) 381 ;

cnj . . L
trobc ImpeSOns Repcting New Orkans (P.Y., 195 1) 1 54; Pclson

1 57; 5chwc:zcr 96; ]. ]akob Kt!ngcr ]ournal Th Ol Lnd and the New cd.
K. . llgmccr and . A. card (Mnncapols, 1965) 23 1-232; oracc
Mann Remark upn the Comparative Profts o Grocers and Retaikrs . . . (oston,
1 834) 8; A5 AK 5 1 .
3 1 . Wm. . Oolc Wabash Nallcy Mcrchant and latboatman cd. O. .
Carmo
.
ny Ind. Mag. Hi. 67 (1971) 335-363; . O. Clark 1 59; Lcland O.
aldwtnThe Keelat Age on Wester Waters (ttsburgh, 1 941).
32 . all 3= 336; Niks I ( 1 8I l ) 10; 6 ( 1 814 5upp.) 393; 12 ( 1 81 7) 70; 24
( 1 823) I I 5; 27 (1 824) 256. or a rcccnt asscssmcnt scc rc . atcs ctal.
Wese River Transprtatwn (alt. , 1975).
33 armcr guo. n Niks 29 (1 825) 1 80. On thc long-rangc convcrgcncc ot
castcrn and wcstcrn prccsscccrry.
34 rots cstmatcd nEsay on Imprtance 3-4' hcclasscstudys Gco. K.
aylorTh Tranrtatin Revlutin (P.Y., 195 1).
35 (Oayto
.
n) Niks 42 (1832) 42 I; (Pcw Orlcans)]as. allNotes on th We
ern States (htla. , 1838) 279; crry 5; (Oho) oard ot Canal Cms. , AK, Lh.
5cn.]. , 1 8345, p.409; 1 835
/
6, p. 380; Hesrin 3 (1 839) I I 5-I I 9; 5tat. otthc
Ag. and Man. and Oom. radc, Currcncy, and anks ot thc 5cvl. 5tatcs and
c
r. 5cn. O
.
.
2 1 , 28 Cong. , 2 5css. (1 845) 330376; ulcy 1 : 535-539;
(nc) P.Y. stat:sttcs, 1 821-1 834, Kcp. ot thc Cps. ot thc Canal und
Py5O Ooc. 58, vol. 2 (1 835) ablc O, PY5O Ooc. 35, vol. 1 (1 838) 58-7;
Ntk 48 (1835) 1 3 3; A5 zAK 1 3; AK y. Kochcstcr's tag s trom lakc
270
Notes to pages 86- I
McKclvcyRochter, the Flwer Cit (Cambrdgc, 1 949) v. tsdouroutputdou-
blcd trom 1 826 U 1 833. lakcMcKc!vcyRoheter, th Water Power City (Cam-
brdgc, 1 945) 1 7 1 . 5cc also cnry allThe Hirtory of Aubur (Aubum, P. Y. ,
1 869) 254-255; ]as. A. rostLie on the Uppr Suquehanna (P. Y. , 195 1) 82.
36. L. 5. Ccn. , 1 840 Compndium of th Enumeratin o th Inhbitants and Sta
titi of the United Stats . . . (Wash. , 1 841) 363. (5.W. a.)Reg. Pa. 5 (1 830)
79; I I (18B) 380; Niks 48 (1 835) 2 1 8; (Oho)Niks 24 (1 823) 32; aux 1 2: 1 8;
(P.Y.)Niks 31 (1 827) 388; PY55 3AKJ7; (5.. a.)Am. Reg. 5 (1 809) 223;
Reg. Pa. 2 (1 828) jo, 1 6 (1 835) 355; Nik 30 (1 826) 21 ; 31 (1 827) I l 3; 33 (1 827)
1 54
37 Coxc Rex. 1 3 ; Emparium of Arts and Sci. n.s. 3 ( 1 814) 499; Reg. Pa. 8
( 1 831) 236. 5cc also Kush to]ohn Adams, ]un. 27, 1 81 2 , Kush Let. I I 45;
uchanan(]uly4, 1 81 5 oraton) 1 :5-6; a5Anniversar Reprt o th Manaers
. . . (hla. , 1 834) I I . n Morrstown, P.].,thcrc wcrc 1 9 dstllcrcs n 1 825,
onc n1 830. Mrs. . . urton Ltc and LaborsotKcv. Albcn amcs . . .
(ca. 1 870), Msc. Mss. , rcsbytcran s. 5oc. , hla.
38. Ogcst otManutacturcs ( 1 81 0), A5 3: 2: 703; L. 5. Ccn. , 1 840 Camp.
363; a5 6AK Reg. Pa. I I (1 8B) 379; ]ohn 5. 5toncAn Adrs Delivered
hefre the Young Me's TS . . . (Pcw avcn, 1 83 1) I ! . hcsc gurcs should b
consdcrcd cstmatcs.
39. Ogcst ot Manutacturcs ( 1 81 0), A5 3: 2:703; L. 5. Ccn. , 1 840 Compo
363. 1 825 producton cstmatcd n Pott 1 3n. Othcr ntormaton hom P.Y.
5cc. 5tatcCen = . . t (Albany, 1 857) lx, lx, L.5. Ccn. , 1 850 A Dies of
th Statitis o Manufatures . . . (Wash. , 1 859) 47; L. 5. Ccn. , 1 860 Preliminary
Reprt 0 th Eihth Censu (Wash. , 1 862) 178. Much otthc 1 860 producton was
tor ndustral usc. 5cc L. 5. Ccn. , 1 860 Manufature of th United State in t 06
(Wash. , 1 865) 41 5. 5cc alsoNew Yorkr 4 (1838) 81 0.
qo. (ngland) . G. Cottcy ccr 5trcct. Gn Lanc QSA 27 (16)
66992; ran arrsonDrink and the Vitorins (London, 1 971); ]. ]. obas
Crime and Indutril Socity in th u)th Centur (P.Y., 1 967) 1 79-1 82; (Gcrmany)
Gallus homannReal and Imagnary Efects of Intemprace (P.Y. , 1 884) 2 I , 94;
(5wcdcn) Waltcr hompson The Control of Liuor in Swedn (P.Y., 1935) 9;
(Kussa) Wm. . ]ohnson The Liuor Prbkm in Rus (Wcstcrvllc, Oh., 1 91 5)
1 2 6-1 3 1 . 5cc also ALqAK 60; AK 8, t zAK 1 7; t 8AK 34.
41 . On dscrctonary ncomc scc Niks 7 (1 814) 273; 1 3 ( 1 81 7) 1 9-20; 3 3
(1 827) 1 3 8-144; Mann 8; Oavd M'Knncy Adrs of . . . (Lcwstown, a.,
1 835) I I-1 2.
42. cnry Warc, ]r. The Criminalit of Intemprance (oston, 1 823) 1 9. (dc-
spar) M55Rert of the Board of Counsel . . . (oston, 1 820) 7-8; ]ohn Warc
An Adres Delivered beore the MSSI . . . (oston, 1 826) 3; (cntrcprcncur)
rancs W. alscy Th Pwneers of Unailla Vilae (Lnadlla, P. Y. , 1902) 1 37;
Gco. . ChccvcrTh True Hitor o Deacon Giks' Ditilkr (P.Y., 1 84); (dcvl)
cman umphrcy Ocbatcs otConsccncc wtha Ostllcr, a Wholcsalc Oca-
lcr, and a Kctalcr Am. ract 5oc. Th Teprance Volume (P.Y., ca. 1 835);
The House Ol Nik Built (Albany, 1 834).
43. . all u. 1 7; ardvcau toM. G. 5t.]candc Crcvccour,Aug. 25,
1 789, atthclcm ardvcauBartheki Tardiveau cd. . C. Kcc (a!t. , 1938)
B; ltonKcal ndcpcndcnccNik 6 ( 1 814) 192; ]ohn W. ownscnd Rare
Tom Johnson (Lcxngton, Ky. , 1 949) 34 jonc word corrcctcd].
2 7 1
Notes to pae .3-1 00
Chapter Four
(Quote) Henry B. Fearon Sketche o Ameic (London, 1 81 8) 194
1. Claude Levi-Strauss The Raw and the Cooked (N. Y., 1969)'
2. Audobon 3 34; Rebecca Burlend and Edw. BurIend A True Picture ofEmi
gratin (Chicago, 1936; 1 848) 72; Sir Augustus J. Foster Jeff ersnin Ameria
(San Marino, 1954) 2 1 ; Michaux 1 22; Chas. Sealsfeld [born Karl Postl] Th
Amerias a ThAre (London, 1 828; 1827) 83, 1 24; J. S. Wright 54; Richard
C. Wade The Urba Frontir (Cambridge, 1959) 95.
3 . Daniel Drake Natural and Statiial View (Cincin. , 1 81 5) 1 39. See also
Daniel Drake "Notices Concering Cincinnati" His. and Phil. Soc. of Oh. Q.
Pub. 3 (1908) 303 1 ; Constance M. Green Wahington . . . t 66-t y (Prince
ton, 1962) 41 . Two exceptions were Pittsburgh and Philadelphia. [Beaufoy]
Tour though Parts o th United States . . . (London, 1 828) 28-29; Coke 44;
Wade 95, 296-297.
4. Asa Greene A Glnce at Ne York . . . (N.Y., 1837) 180; quo. in More
wood Hior 3 39. See also Theo. Dwight Travels in America (Glasgow, 1848)
83; Baron Axel Leonard Klinckowstrim Baron Klinkowstrm's Amerca
tt-tz6 ed. F. D. Scott (Evanston, 1952; 1824) 68-69; (Croton) Philip Hone
Diar ed. Allan Nevins (N. Y. , 1936) Oct. 28, 1841 , Oct. 1 2, 1 4, 1 842, pp.
570, 624, 625; Ezekiel P. Belden New York (N.Y., 1850) 38-40; (July 4) Hone
(Jul. 4, 1 829, Jul. 4, 1 844) 1 5 , 708; Marryat Dir I : 102, 105-106, I I 1 .
5 . Quo. in Fred. Marryat Second Ses ofa Dir in Ameria (Phila. , 1 840) 43;
Fletcher to Jesse Fletcher, Oct. 3 1 , 1 81 0, Fletcher 2 1 ; John Randolph Letters o
John Ranolp to a Young Relative (Phila. , 1834) 91 . Frank. to Abbe Morellet, ca.
1 776, Benj . Franklin Work ed. Jared Sparks (Boston, 1 836-1 84) 2: 226-227;
Pickering 23-24, 3 I ; Jas. K. Paulding Letters fm the South (N. Y., 1 83 5) 1 :2 1 .
See also Marryat Dir 2: 1 54-155; Pa. Gaz. Jul. 1 2, 1 764; Niles 14 ( 1 81 8) 3 76.
6. (genl.) Burlend 59; Buley 1 : 21 6-2 1 7; (plentif" ll) BurIend 60, 7 1 ; Jas. Hall
Letters from th West (London, 1 828) I I I ; Nuttall 1 28; Royall SketCe 56; (scarce)
Wm. Allen "Now and Then" Me. His. Soc. Coli. I Ser. 7 (1876) 272; Caroline
M. Kirkland A New Home . . . ed. John Nerber (N. Y. , 1 953 ; 1 839) 65-66;
Faux I I : I 77; Adlard Welby A Vto North Ameri . . . e. R. G. Thwaites
(Cleveland, 1905; 1821) 249; (price) Richard Parkinson A Tour in Amera (Lon
don, 1 805) 1 61 ; (milk sickness) Arfwedson 2: I I ; Harvey L. Ross Lincoln's First
Years in Ilinoi ed. R. R. Wilson (Elmira, N. Y. , 1946; 1 899) 61 ; Buley
1 : 248-249; L. Furbee and W. D. Smvely, Jr. "Milk Sickness, 1 81 1-1966: a
Bibliography"}. Hi. Med. and Alied Sci. 2 3 (1968) 276-285.
7. Neville B. Craig, ed. Th Ol Time (Cincin. , 1 876; 1 846-1847) 141 .
Bentley (May 25, 1 805) 3: 1 59; Buley 1: 515; (New England) Playfair 1 : 34;
(N.Y.) Fred F. DeRoos Personal Narrative o Travel i the United States . . .
(London, 1827) 57; Duncan 2: 280; (West) Edmund Flagg The Far Wet ed. R.
G. Thwaites (Cleveland, 1906; 1838) 26: 323; Buley 1 : 1 57; Dick 292; (prices)
Holmes 266-268; Neilson 1 57; Godfrey T. Vigne Si Months in America
(Phila. , 1 833) 194-195; Welby 1 77; Buley 1 :517; Berry 1 20; (duties) Sec.
Treas. to HR, HR Doc. 58, 1 5 Cong., I Sess. , 7 (1 81 8) 1 3; Nil 41 (1 831) 327;
(imports) (1 7901 800) ASP 3: 1 :77; (1801-1 826) 3: 2:5, I IO, 144, 149, 207,
249, 3 10, 3 76, 442, 498, 582, 654, 849, 3: 36, 632, 685, 4: 10, 378, 5: 1 57, 258,
540, 651; (1827-1 851) as in Appendix I , note 2.
272
Notes to pags z oo-z o5
8. Quo. in Niles 44 (1833) 391 . Ibid. 390; Royall Sketch 56; BurIend 71-72;
Dick 292; (homemade) John Ball Autobigaph ed. K. B. Powers et al. (Grand
Rapids, 1925) 7; Hawley 32; Buley 1 : 157; (temp.) N. Eng. Farer 8 (1 830) 322;
"Mem. of the Chambr of Commerce of the City of Phila. " Sen. Do. 1 24, 1 6
Cong. , I Sess. , 27 (1 820) 8; anon. pam., ca. 1 830, Dyer CoIl. , MeHi; (prices)
Nil 44 (1 833) 283; Cole; (duties and imports) as in note 7.
9. (prices) Kemble 85; Cole; (imports) as i n Appendix I , note 2; (Brande)
ATS 5AR inside cover; PSDUAS The Annivear Reort o th Maaer . . .
(Phila. , 1 83 1) 1 2-13; PaTS Annivear Rep. 1 2; S. H. Dickson in TS of Co
lumbia, S. c. Pr. p; John Adlum A Memor on the Cultiatio o th Vine . . .
(Wash. , 1 823) 7076. The publishing history of Brande's work is in Adre to
th Young Men ofWorceser Count (Worcester, 1 835) 4.
10. Quo. in Josiah Quincy Fiure o th Pat fm the Leaves ofOl Jourals
(Boston, 1 888) 1 89-19. Jeff. to Vine Utley, Mar. 2 1 , 1 819, Jeff. Wrt. 1 5: 1 87;
Albrt J. Beveridge Th Li o John Marshal (Boston, 1 91 6-1919) 3: 9, 9n; An
drew Jackson Corespndnce ed. J. S. Bassett (Wash. , 1926-1935) 1 :8, 3:408,
4: 381 n, 432, 5: 1 69, 484; Marquis James Andrew Jacksn, th Bordr Capain
(N.Y.: Universal Lib., n. d. ; 1933) 88, I IO, 2 19; Harriette S. Arnow Seedtime
on th Cumherad (N. Y. , 1960) 424.
I I . Robt. H. Gardiner Eal Recolkctions . . . (Hallowell, Me., 1936) 83.
Hone (May 14, 1 836, Oct. 16, Dec. 1 5, 1 841, Feb. 6, 1 846, Feb. 3, 1 847) 208,
568-569, 577, 755, 787-788; Edw. Pessen "Philip Hone's Set" N.Y. His. SO.
Q. 56 (1972) 285-308; Arfwedson 2: 1 80; Bacourt 368; T. Hamilton I : I I9, 12 I ,
368; Playfair 1 :96; Fisher (esp. Dec. 26, 1 840) 108; Elbridge Gerry, Jr. Dir
ed. C. G. Bowers (N. Y. , 1927) 201 ; Robt. W. July The Esentil New Yorker
(Durham, 1951) 92-3, 276; Whitehill 2 1-47.
12. Bernhard 2: 246; Mrs. Hall 89, 248; Kemble 203n; Michaux 207; Jef. to
M. de Neuville, Dec. 1 3 , 1 81 8, Jeff. Writ. 1 5: 1 78; Fletcher to Jesse Fletcher,
Jul. 2, 1 814, Fletcher 82; Cal. to Col. G. Gibbs, Mar. 26, 1 823, John C.
Calhoun Papers
.
ed. R. L. Meriwether and W. E. Hem
p
hill (Columbia, S. c. ,
1959 ) 7: 543; Adlum; Alphonse Loubat The Ameltan Vine Drs e's Guie
(N. Y. , 1 827); Wm. R. Prince and Wm. Prince A Treatie on th Vine (N. Y. ,
1 830) esp. iii; Am. Faer I (1 819) 53 ; Niks I (1 8 I l) 1 39-14; 10 (1816) 99; I I
(1816) 1 41 ; 20 (1821) 304; 24 (1 823) 283, 369; 2 8 (1825) 416; 29 (1 825) 160; 3 1
(1 826) 192; 3 2 (1 827) 196, 289-290; 3 7 (1 829) 76-77, (1830) 296; 3 8 (1830)
44]-442 .
1 3 . J. Woods 240; Wm. N. Blane An Excursn through the United States . . .
(London, 1 824) 1 3 8; Nuttall 63. (Vevay) D. Drake Viw 1420; E. Evans 284;
Cobbett 257-258; Michaux 207-208; Sealsfeld 32; Niks I (1 8I l) 1 39-14; 10
(1816) 347; 13 ( 1 81 7) 224; ] 5 (1 81 8) I I I ; 1 8 (1 820) 399; (Longworth) Clara L.
de Chambrun ThMaing ofNihol Longworth (N. Y. , 1933) 29-32; Longworth
to Am. Inst. Trustees, Aug. 27, 1 849, Am. Inst. 7AR," NYAD Doc. 1 99,
vol. 9 (1850) 1 57; U. S. Cen., 1 840 Compo 359; U. S. Cen. , 1 850 Statitial View
o th United State . v . (Wash. , 1 854) 1 74, 295.
14. L. B. Langworthy "The Grape," NYAD Doc. I F, vol. 6 (1 842) 392;
"Ann. State Fair Add. ," Rochester, Sep. 19, 185 1 , N.Y. State Ag. Soc.
Tras. , NYAD L. 1 26, vol. 6 (1 8p) 41 . A Langworthy wine recipe is in
Nil 38 ( 1 830) 441-442; (Adlum) Adlum esp. 1 39142; Theo. Dwight 29-30;
Niks 24 (1 823) 283; 34 (1 828) 1 61 , 192, 209.
Notes to pages 1 0 6-1 of
1 5. E. S. Thomas Reminiscence ofthe Lat Sity-Five Years (Hartford, 1 840)
2 : 1 1 7. (trade) Jef. to de Neuville, Dec. ' 3 , 1 81 8, Jeff. Writ. 1 5: 1 78; Geo;
Ticknor to Jeff. , Dec. 8, 1 81 1 , Jeff. "Pap. " 3 1 0; Langworthy "Grape"
392-393; Nil 12 ( 1 81 7) 416; 29 (1 826) 3 1 6; 31 (1827) 307; 34 (1 828)
25 1
.
"Mem. of the Chamber of Commerce of the City of Phila." Sen. Do. 1 l4, 16
Cong. , I Sess. , 27 (1 820) 7-8; Sec. Treas. to HR, HR Do. 58, 15 Cong. , I
Sess. , 7 ( 1 81 8) 1 3-14; Ways and Means Com. to HR ( 1 81 8), ASP 3: 3'296; (im
purities) Boardman 361; Marryat Sec. Ser. 1 : 37; Ritlinger 1 I 8; Frost Gen!.
Store Daybks. , Frost Coli. , MH-BA; Moses Stuart Essa on th Prize-Qustwn
. . . (N. Y. , 1 830); Waterhouse 28n; ATU 3AR 41 ; John H. Cocke to Wm.
Meade, Jun. 1 846, Kane Coli., CSmH; (temp.) Humphrey Intemp. 3 1 ; Justin
Edwards Letter to th Frind o Temperance in Ma achusetts (Boston, 1 836) l B

Stuart; MTS 25AR 22; (imports) as in Appendix I , note 2.
'
16. John Spurrier Th Pratical Farer (Wiimington, 1 793) 246, 247. Rush
Inquiry (1 790) 7; Rush to Jeremy Belknap, Aug. 19, Nov. 5, 1 788, Rush Lt.
482, 496; Belknap to Rush, Jun. 22, Sep. 30, 1 788, ca. 1 789 [30 Rush MS9l,
Rush Pap. , PHi; Rush "Observations on the Federal Process in Phila." Am.
Museum 4 (1 788) 75-78; Rush on maple beer in ibid. 349-350; Jeremiah Libby
to Jeremy Belknap, Dec. 1 7, 1 789, Belknap "Pap. " 456; (guides) Bordley
315-316; Sam!. Deane The New-Englnd Farme (Worcester, 1 790) 2 1 ; Job Rob
erts Th Pennslvani Farmer (Phila. , 1 804) 61-62, 1 68; (assoiations) Sam!. L.
Mitchill "Address," Jan. 10, 1 792, Soc. for the Promotion of Ag., Arts and
Manufactures Tran. (Albany, 1 801) 1 : 30; Tolles Logan 89.
1 7. Coxe Vie 493; Coxe Ad. 14, 26; Tench Coxe An Enquir into th Prin
cil 0 Which a Commercil Syste for th United States of Ameria Should Be
Founded (Phila. , 1 787) 23; Th Complte Famil Brewer (Phila. , 1 805) iii-iv; Jos.
Coppinger The Amerian Practical Brewer . . . (N.Y., 1 81 5) vii; Am. Museum 4
(1 788) 234; "Rep. on Manufactures" (draf), Ham. Pap. 1 0: 1 19; Wm. Barton to
Ham. , May 2 1 , 1 790, Nathaniel Hazard to Ham. , Mar. 9, 1 791 , Ham. Corre.
1 16, 69; Stanley Baron Brewed in Amer (Boston, 1962) 1 1 8. Such views were
expressed as late as the 1 820S. John Pintard to Eliza P. Davidson, Dec. 16,
1 828, Pintard 72: 52.
1 8. Jas. Mease ThPiture ofPhilelhi . . . (Phila. , 1 81 1) 77; Bordley 316.
Complte Fam. Breer; Coppinger; Jeff. to Chas. Yancey, Jan. 6, 1 81 6, Jeff.
Writ. 14: 380; Jeff. recipe for persimmon beer is in Am. Farer I ( 1 81 9) 22;
Baron 140142; (Phila.) Brissot de Warville 399; Coxe Viw 76, 487; Thos.
Wilson Picture ofPhillhia (Phila. , 1 823) 8-; Nils 27 (1 824) 6; Edwin T.
Freedley Philelhia and Its Manufatures (Phila. , 1 859) 192; (Albany) Giles 46;
Nis 29 (1825) 160; 3 1 (1 826) 1 1 5; 33 ( 1 827) 1 56; (Cincin.) D. Drake View 147;
Bond 410; (Lexington) Cuming 1 86; (Pittsburgh) Saml. Jones Pittsburgh in th
Year Eihteen Hundrd ad Twenty-Si . . . (Pitsburgh, 1 826) 80-81 ; Anne N.
Royall Mrs. Roalfs Penslvani (Wash., 1 829) 2: 1 2 1 ; Nils 6 ( 1 814) 208; (Rich
mond) Mordecai 244; (scarcity) Candler 45; David D. Field A Statitical Account
ofth County ofMid lesex in Connectiut (Middletown, 1 81 9) 1 7; Geo. F. Talbot
"Temperance and the Drink Question in the Old Time" Me. His. Soc. Coil. 2
Ser. 6 (1895) 377; Coleman 62; (cost) Cobbett 1 86-1 87; Cuming 247; Faux
1 1 : 1 03; Gustorf 36; Pickering 27-28.
19. Faux 1 1 : 1 1 3 , 1 1 8; Parkinson 1 :60; Thos. C. Cochran Th Pabst Brewing
Company (N. Y. , 1 948) 19, 2 1 ; Morris Weeks, Jr. Beer and Brewing in America
(N. Y. , 1949) 20; (skill) Traugott Bromme Rein durch die Vereiniten Sttl ten und
274
Notes to pages 1 0-1 1 4
Ober-Cana (Bait
:
, I B34-18
5) 1 :80, 85; Baron 1 l7, 1 82; (climate) Coppinger

u8; Robt. Sutclif Travel Some Parts o North America (Phila., 1 8I l) 28;
(other) Vassar to Henry Tucker, Apr. 15, 1 81 6, Booth Coli. , Vassar Pap. ,
NPV; Thomann Am. Beer 54. Tavern and general store account books show
only a few sales per day.
20. Holmes 204; Benj. Silliman A Jourl ofTravel in Englnd, Hollnd and
Scotlnd . . . (New Haven, 1 820) 3:88; Freedley 195; Geo. Ade Th Ol-Tme
Saln (N. Y. , 1931) 1 37; Thomann Am. Beer 1 3 , 55, 57, 65; Weeks 1 l-14,
2 1-ll . The best account of lager is Baron 1 75-1 87. Coors is Dutch. The only
thorough study of an A
erican brewery is Cochran's. (Vassar) Baron 149156;

Matthew Vassar AutobIgraph . . . ed. E. H. Haight (N.Y., 1 91 6); Vassar
Pap. , NPV.
2 I . Thomas Kelly Thoma Kell and Famal's [!l Joural ed. Margery West
(Isle of Man? 1 965) 38; Faux U: I 72 . Arfwedson I : I I I ; Bernhard 1 :52, 2: 1 76;
Jas. Flint 254; B. Smith 43; D. Drake Viw 55; NYAD L. 1 50, vol. 5 (1 847)
2 1 ; NYAD Doc. I l5, vol. 4 (1 848) 391 , 41 2-414; NYAD Do. 200, vol. 4
(1 849) 46I .
ll. A good general discussion is in Weiss esp. 24, 36. Bernhard 2: 1 76; Faux
1 1 : 1 72; (prices) Cuming 246-247; B. Smith 43; Nils 29 (1 825) 288; (alcohol) es
timate by David H. Fischer; Wm. Alcott "Cider Drinking" Moral Rerer I
(1 835) I l l ; ATS 5AR inside cover.
23 H. P. Warren 191; Tim. Dwight 1 :27; Nils 6 ( 1 814) 278. Bradbury 303;
Dalton l IO; Sam\. G. Goodrich Recollctins o a Litime (N. Y. , 1 856) 1: 70;
Neilson 1 29; Fletcher to Jesse Fletcher, Dec. 4, 1 8I l , Fletcher 69; Wm. W.
Snow to John B. Clopton, Oct. 1 3, 1 826, Clopton Let. , NcD; Rodolphus
Dickinson Gegaphical and Statitial Viw ofMasahutts Proper (Greenfeld,
Mass. , 1 81 3) D; D. D. Field 16; Am. Farer I ( 1 81 9) 72; Moral Reorer I
(1 835) II ; MTS Temp. Almanac (1 841) 1 3; Myra Himelhoh "The Suicide of
Sally Perry" Vt. Hi. 33 (1965) 285; Wm. Little Th Hitory ofWare (Man
chester

N. H. , 1 870) 41 3; Gerald Carson Rum and Refr in Ol New Englnd
(Sturbndge, Mass. , 1966) 5; (champagne) Bacourt 207; Faux 1 1 :70; T. Hamil
ton 2: 1 73.
24 The early nineteenth-entury American diet i s a little studied subject.
The starting pint remains Arthur M. Schlesinger "A Dietary Interpretation
of American History" Mass. His. So. Prc. 68 (194-1947) I 99ll 7 (This
paper appears in an altered form without notes but with an updated bibliogra
phy in Schlesinger's Paths to the Present [Boston, 1 964l 220240.) See also
Kathleen A. Smallzrie Th Evelting Plare (N.Y., 1 956). Harriette Arnow
has noted that by 1 800 American food tastes difered sharply from the English.
Arnow esp. 389-390, 423. Bernhard 2: D8; H. M. Brackenridge "The South
ern States" Travel in th Ol South ed. E. L. Schwaab (Lexington, Ky., 1973)
246;
.
Jo
.
s .
.
Doddridge Not
s, on th Settlmet and India War, o th Wester Parts

oVzrgnta CPensvant (We
ls
urgh, Va., 1 824) 109; Jas. B. Finley Autobwg

raph ed. W. P. Stickland (CIOCIO. , 1853) 69; Goodrich 1 :66-68; Chas. J. La
trobe The Rablr in North Amera (London, 1 835) 2: 1 3; Marryat Sec. Ser.
35-37; Pickering 27; Toulmin 7; J. S. Wright 39; Nile 3 3 ( 1 827) 1 39
25. Jeff. to Vine Utley, Mar. l I , 1 81 9, Jef. Wrt. 1 5: 1 87; Bernhard 2: 1 l8.
Duncan 1 : 298; Tim. Dwight 4:249; Holmes 356; C. J. Latrobe 2:1 3; Michaux
247; Wm. H. Ely "Letters" ed. W. S. Hoole Al. Rev. 3 (1950) 36-39; Frnd 3
275
Notes to pages 1 1 5-1 2 1
(1 830) : ; Rush Ser. ; Rush to Vine Utley, Jun. 25, 1 81 2, Rush Let. 1 142
.
"An Acct. of the Manners of the German Inhabitants of Pa. ," Rush Esays esp:
230; Tucker 1 :52; (slaves) Seals feld 1 3 1-1 32; Gray 563-564; Albert V. House
Plnter Management and Capitalim in Ante-Belum Georgi (N.Y., .1954) 47; John
H. Moore Agriculture in Ante-Bellum Misis ipi (N.Y., 1958) 61 ; (prisons)
Francis Hall Travel in Canaa, and th United State . . . (Boston, 1 81 8) 1 87;
Ignatz Hilswitt Tagebuch einer Reie nach d Vereinigten Staaten . . . (Miinster,
1 828) 1 73; Milbert 274; Neilson 59; Jos. Sturge A Viit to the United States . . .
(London, 1 842) 1 3 3
26. Allen 272. H. C. Knight 7 1-73; Michaux 241-242; D. Drake Pioneer 44,
46-47; Finley 69; Gilmer 1 38-1 39; Nil 1 6 ( 1 81 9 Supp.) 1 88; 29 (1 826) 291;
Kennedy 316; Tucker 1 : 76.
27.
'
Prince Maximilian of Wied Travels in the Interior o Noth Ame ed.
R. G. Thwaites (Cleveland, 1 906; 1 843) 24: 1 23; quo. in Chas. McKnight Our
Wester Border . . . (Phila. , 1 876) 1 88; Bernhard 2: 1 28. Arfwedson 2: I I-1 2;
Cuming 39, 20<; Duncan 2: 20; Tim. Dwight 4:41 ; Faux 1 I : 2 I I ; A. J. Foster
2 1 ; C. J. Latrobe 2: 1 3; Nuttall 6; Schoepf 1 : 1 73-1 74, 233; Welby 249; J. S.
Wright 39, 57; Doddridge 1 0<; Finley 69; Kirkland 65-6; Elizabeth A. Roe
Aunt Leanna (Chicago, 1 855) 1 5; Am. Farer 9 (1 827) 94; Am. Mueum 4 (1 788)
23 3; Nil 43 (1 831) 25; Gunn 2 1 .
28. Howells 77; Smallzried 1 3 1-1 34.
29. Tillson 1 23; Amelia Simmons Amerian Cookery . . . (Hartford, 1 796)
3 1 . Kirkland 59; Smallzried 96.
30. Mrs. Hall 37; T. Hamilton 2: 5. Boardman 30; Fordham 155; Wm. T.
Harris Rearks Ma during a Tour through the United States . . . (London, 1 821)
86; Hiilswitt 222; Marryat Sec. Ser. 35-36; Palmer 1 3; Welby 249; J S. Wright
39; Ely 66; Tillson 84
3 1 . Faux I I : I 77 J. S. Wright 39
]. Schweizer 88. Combe 2: 82-83; DeRoos 1 06; Duncan 2: 3 19; B. Hall
1 : 1 38; Edw. de Montule Travel in Ameria ed. E. D. Seeber (Bloomington,
1 951 ; 1 821 ) 1 24, 1 29; Palmer 1 5 1 ; Philippe Suchard Mein Beuch Amerika's im
Sommer t zq (Boudry, Switz. , 1 947) 37
33. Quo. i n Yoder 1 30.
34. Combe 2: 82-83 Mrs. Hall 285.
35. Sarah J. Hale Th Good Houekepr (Boston, 1 839) 7 Benj. Rush An In
quiry into the Efects of Spirituous Liuors on the Huma Boy (Rev. ed. , New
Brunswick, N.J., 1 805) 31; Rush Ser. ; John Watson An Alarming Portraiture
of th Pericius Efcts . . . (Phila. , 1 81 3) 4041 ; Horace Greeley Recollctins
. . . (N.Y., 1 873) 104-105; Edw. C. Delavan to John H. Cocke, Nov. 1 834,
Coke Dep. , Cocke Pap. , ViU; Geo. C. Shattuck, Jr. , to Lucy B. Shattck,
Oct. 26, 1 834, Shattuck Pap. , MHi; Mrs. John H. Kinzie Wau-Bun (Chicago,
1931) 1 34; Sarah J. Hale Mrs. Hal's New Cok Book (Phila. , 1 857) 401-419;
Elisha Bartlet Th 'Laws of Sobriety,' and 'The Temprance Refor' (Lowell, 1 835)
10, 1 6; Thos. J. O'Flaherty A Medical Essay 0 Drinking (Hartford, 1 828) 29;
Osgood 5; ATS 9AR 8-10; Louis B. Wright Culture on the Moving Frontir
(N.Y., 1 961) 109. See Appendix 3
36. Greeley 103-105; Sturge 107; Geo. C. Shattuck, Jr. , to E. F. Prentiss,
Apr. 1 4, 1 831, Shattuck Pap. , MHi; Wm. A. Alcott The Young Houe-Keeper
Notes to pages 1 2 1 -131
. (Bosto
, 1 838) 89; Chas. C. Colton Protetant Jeuiti (N.Y., 1 836) 73;

D. Drake DIScourse 22-23; O'Flaherty 24; Osgood 4-6; Palfrey 68-69

R. H.
Shryok "Sylvester Graham . . . " Mis. Vall Hi. Rev. 1 8 (193 1) 1 72
"
'
1 83.
37. Colton 71; ATS 7AR 87; Geo. C. ChanninEarly Recollctions of Newport
. . . (Newport, R.I. , 1 868) 167. Savannah Georgzan, Jul. 29, 1 830; Goodrich
1 :63
Chapter Five
(Quote) Edw. E. Bourne Th Hitor of Wells and Kennebunk . . . (Portland,
Me., 1 875) 41 3 .
I . A perceptive comment is i n Chas. M. de Talleyrand "Talleyrand in
America as a Financial Promoter" ed. Hans Huth and W. J. Pugh, Am. His.
Assn. Ann. Re. 2 (1941) 1 55. See also Alexis de TocquevilleJourr to America
ed. J. P. Mayer (Garden City, N. Y. , 1971) 399; Vigne 42-43; Austin 26.
2. Arfedson 2:99; Faux 1 1 : 2 1 3 , 299; J. Hall Let. 1 1 4-1 1 5, 243-244; Heart
man 50; H. C. Knight 94; Michaux 247; Jas. K. Paulding Westward Ho! (N. Y. ,
1 83) I : 1 1 2; Amos Stoddard Sketchs, Hitorial and Descritive, of Louisiana
(Phila., 1 81 2) 306; J. Woods 3l 7; Panolit 14 ( 1 81 8) 2 1 2-2 1 3 .
3 Talleyrand 1 55; N.Y. Farmer 3 (1 830) I I 8-1 19
4. Harris 1
"
. Cobbett 1 78, 180; Kemble 3 1 6-3 17; B. Smith 45; John Lowell
A
?
.
Address Dehvered beore the Mas. Ag. Soc. (Boston, 1 81 8) 6; "Mem. of Sundry
CItizens of Charleston, S.C. against the Tariff," HR Do. 1 7, 1 6 Cong. , 2
Sess. (1820) 5; J. P. Beekman "Address," NYSD Doc. 85, vol. 3 (1 845) 36
.
Josiah Quincy "Address," NYSD Doc. 105, vol. 4 (1 846) 1 5; J. Edward
"Farm" 4. Owners were alarmed at the increasing use of spirits among their
hands. Bradbury 303; Saml. Bard "Address" Soc. of Dutchess Co. for the
Promotion of Ag. Tra
;
s. I (1807) 1 0; Weiss 1 26; N. Eng. Farer 3 (1 824) 65;
ATS 4AR 7; MSSI Clrc. 8; Parker Cleveland An Adres, Delivered at Brunsick
. . . (Boston, 1 814) I I ; Tolles Logan 89. Part of the farmers' concern was self
interest. Beecher Auto. 1 : 1 3; D. Drake Pioneer 66; Rush Let. 270272; N. Eng.
Farmer 3 (1 825) 405; Nott 64-6.
5 U. S. Cen. , 1 790 Retur of th Whol Number of Persns . . . (Phila. , 1 791);
U.S. Cen. , 1 830 Fih Ceu (Wash. , 1 831). See also Coke 1 30; B. Hall 1 : 1 58.
(genl. ) Sam B. Warer, Jr. The Private Cit (
p
hila. , 1968) 3-45; (eighteenth
entury) Carl Bride
baugh Citis in Reolt (N. Y. , 1955); Fred. B. Tolles Meet

Ing House
.
nd Coun
lng House Chapel Hill, 1948); (nineteenth century) Roger

Lane PolIing the Ci (CambrIdge, 1967); Raymond A. Mohl Povert in New
York (N. Y. , 197 1); Jas. F .
.
Richardson Th New York Police (N. Y. , 1970); Ste
phan Thernstrom and Richard Sennett, ed. Nineteenth-Centur Citie (New
Haven, 199); Wade. (drink) E.g., Duncan 2: 312-323; Jas. Flint 3 1 2; Royall Pa.
2:89; Royall Sketch 1 58-1 59; Edw. Everett to [?], Dec. 14, 1 833, Norcross
Pap. , MHi.
6. U. S. Cen. , 1 81 0 A Statement of th Arts and Manufacture . . . (Phila.,
1 81 4) Table 37; U. S. Cen. , 1 840 Compo 360-364; Arfwedson 1 : 1 201 21

Che
valier 140; Sturge cxviii-xx; D. D. Field 42; Nils 41 (1 831 ) 250; Reg.
'
Pa. 8
( 1 831) 236; RITS 2AR 8, 1 3 , 17; (genl.) G. R. Taylor Trans. ; Wm. A. Sullivan
"The Industrial Revolution and the Factory Oprative in Pa." Pa. Mag. Hi.
2 77
Big. y8 ( t q) qy, (drnk) Gunn q, Lccraw -to,Wm. 5ullvan A Dicourse
Delivered bere th MSSI (oston, t 8j) t yt 8, Woodward .
y. (actorcs) caron y8, Wm. . Channng Kcp. o thc Comm. P
pontcd to Consdcr thc 5tatc o Morals among thc Y o
ng Ncn o thc Ctty

. . . `( t 8z), Channngap. , Andovcr arvard hcologtcal tbrary, arvard
L. (prnt shop) Grcclcy t 6, t 8, t qo, hurlow Wccd Lif . .
,
(oston,
t 88t 88q) t .qq6, 6t , ]as. L. Crouthamcljcmc Watson Webb (Mtddlctown,
Ct., t 6) 6y8t , ugcnc xman The Brothers Harper (P. Y. , t ?) q, (g
nl.)
Oavd Montgomcry hc Workng Classcs o thc rc-ndustnal Amcncan
CtyLabor Hi. (t68) zz.
8. Wm. . ChannngAn Addres on Temprance (oston, t 8y)z, PYC5
t AK zz, PYA5 tAK q. (dsappntcd)Combc t : to,olmcs
y6, O.
.
Orakc
Dicom-e 8,(occasons) WatsonObs. t , Gco. aydockIncidnts In the Li . . .
(udson, P.Y. , t 8q) , . C. Wrght t66, Woodman y, qz, A5 AK
yyy8,Mc5 zAK t z,M5 zzAK8,PYA5 r AK ,PYC5 rAK zz, (a
|
-
prcntccs)]acobCartcr tqt6,Galc t z,]ccrson]. olkAutobwgraph (Lou:s-
vllc, t 86y) zoz t , Woodman , A5 AK z tzz, AL AK q, 5wcctscr
y8,(payday) caron qoy, aydok q, Woodman .
. apcr Makcrs Assn. guo. n Watson Obs. tq, Woodman 6. Koyall
Sketches t 8-t , cntlcy (Apr. t6, t yt , cb. to, t 8t 8) t . zq8, q:ot,]acob
Cartcr tqt6,A. N. Grccn y, Woodman 6, y, qt , WatsonObs. tqt6, A5
AK y8, PYA5 :AK, PYC5 r AKt o.
to. .g., Wlbur]. CashTh Mind of the South (P.Y., tqt) tq-ty, contra,
KamsayS.C. z.qt q.
t1 . ly 6y8,]as. lnt t qz, Kandolph z6, cn. Jrakc Tale and Sketches,
from the Queen City (Cncn. , t 88) zy,Kcnncdy, auld:ng Wet. ; uckcr.
t z. Achllc Murat The United State of North Ameria (London, t 8) zz,
Wm. C. rcstonReminicence cd. M. C. Yarborough (Chapcl ll, t) to.
Combc z. t tq, cn . . Lanobc jml (P.Y., to) q6, 5chocp z: z t8,
]. . Ounlop " 'hc Grand abrc oKcpublcansm' . . . ` cd. K. . Mohl
S.C. Hi. Mag. yt (t yo) t 8, lctchcr t , Gardncr 88, cnry
.
ttchcock
rom thc Grccn Mountans to thc ombgbcc . . . cd. O. . :gham Ala.
Rev. z6 (ty) z t y, aron dc Montlczun "A rcnchman Nsts Charlcston,
t 8t y' cd. L. G. Moatt and]. M. CarrcrcS. C. Hi. Gen. Mag. q (tq8) t q,
5aml. . crkns "AYankccutor nthc Old 5outh cd. K. C. McLcanN.C.
Hi. Rev. qy (tyo) 66, KamsayS.C. z:qz, auldng Wet. z. , uckcr t . yo,
hos. AdamsA Seron on Inteprance (allowcll, Mc. , t 8zy).
t . Combc t . to, ]as. . Coopcr Notins of th Amerians (Lo
.
ndon, t 8z8)
t :6, m. Owghtz:q, Kcmblc t y, 5uchard 8t8z, ogucvtllc zyzzy,
Gaz. U.S. ( t yt )t o.
tq. (M.O.s) M. 5. crnck "oltcs, artcs, and cstlcncc . . . " .
nd
May Q. 5cr. z (tyz) 86, ]as.
"
. Young The
.
Toadtool Mtlltonalre
;
(rnccton, t 6t) qqy, Alcx. crman hc homsn
Movcmcnt . . .
Bull. Hi. Med. z( t t ) qoqz8, t 8,W. G, 5milhc An arly rcpay-
mcntlanorMcdcalCarcj. His. Me. and Allie Sc. 6( t
.
t)zz
{
,Kau-
mancsp. yyo,(law)Maxwcll!oomhcl American
.
La
'
yers In Changing SOCI
ety (Cambrdgc, t y6), crry MllcrThe Life o th Mind In America (P.Y., t 6)
csp. t yt-t8z.
:. Lyman ccchcrA Reratin of '0ral Pratiabl a
?
d Indipnsabl (An-
dovcr, Mass. , t 8tq) zzz, lzur Wrtght to hzur Wnght, 5r., Mar. t ,
278
t 8zy, Wrght ap. , Lbrary o Congrcss. 5cc also bd. , Pov. t6, t 8z6, to
5usanClark, cb. zo, t 8z, cohcrAuto. t : t z8, t o, tqotqz, to, Lcc yt ,
cck 8y, layar z: z to, bcnczcr oncr A Sen, Delivered in Boston . . .
(Andovcr, Mass. , t 8z t) t6, 5aml. WorccstcrA Seron, Preahd in Boson . . .
(Andovcr, Mass. , t 8t 6) zzz, Chas. . ostcr An Erand of Merc (Chapcl
ll, t 6o) t z8, tq, Oavd M. LudlumSocil Fert in Vemont (P.Y., t)
qqy.
t6. O. Orakc Pineer z, ]os. 5pccd to cn . Kush, Oct. 6, t 8o, Kush
ap. , , Porthcastcrn Ct. Kcg. lan. AgcncyHitor of th Northat Regin
(rooklyn, Ct. , tyz) . ccchcr Auto. t . t yt 8o, A. N. Grccn to, t yt 8,
5turgcs t , 5wcctPreb. ; ]ohn cll An Adres to th Medial Studntl TS
. . . (n.p., t8)6, Oavd osackAdrmDlivered at th Firs Anniversry .
(P.Y. , t8o) t z , ]crcmah . ]ctcr Th Li of Re. Daniel Witt (Kchmond,
t 8y) 6o, 5las Adams t yo, ]cwcll 6, cn. . Klcy Hitor o the Baptits o
Albaa . . . (rmngham, t 8) 6.
t y. ccchcr Auto. t :zy, rwn t 8z t , ortcr Serm. t6, zy, Worccstcr z.
arcntal advcc s nManha L. Kamsay to Oavd Kamsay, ]ul. t 8, 5cp. t t ,
t 8to, KamsayM.L. Rasay z86, zzq,]ohn Kandolphto hco. Kandolph,
]an. 8, t 8oy, Kandolph zz6. 5cc also crtram Wyatt-rown Lwi Tappan
. . . (ClcvcIand, t6) t . (gcnl.) O. . Allmcndngcr, ]r. hc Oangcrs o
Antc-cllum 5tudcnt Lc j. Soc. Hi. y (ty) y8, 5tcvcn ]. Povak The
Rihts of Youth (Cambrdg, tyy)csp. t t 6, t 6.
t 8. ]oshua OarIng guo. n A5 AK z, saac A. Colcs to]. . Cokc,
Aug. o, t 8z, 5hclds 5cc. , Cokc ap. , NL. (gcnl.) ccchcr Auto. t : ,
cntIcy z: z, crson t t n, ]ohn crcc"Mcmors Mass. s. 5o.Proc.
( t o) 6q,]ohn crcc 5omc Potcs onthc Annvcrsary Mcctngs othc h
cta Kappa 5occty, Alpha oMassachuscns" Mass. s. 5o. Proc. z(t 8q)
t t , t 6, t qttqz, C. . Curts Lcarnng and Lguor at arvard Collcgc
Mass. s. 5oc. Proc. yo (ty) 6q, (cghtccnth ccntury) cvcrdgc t : t 6,
cckc qtqz, (rulcs) Codman slop Elihlt Nott (Mddlctown, Ct., tyt)
qoy, cckc qo, 5aul 5ack 5tudcnt Lc nthc Pnctccnth CcnturyPa. Ma.
Hi. Big. 8 ( t 6t)z8. urmol plagucd many collcgcs. (Yalc) ccchcrAuto.
t :zy, (arvard) ]acob K. Mottc Charlson G to Harard cd. A. . Colc
(Cambrdgc, t qo) ]ul. t 8, t 8 t , p. 66, ]. dwards Letter t6, (rnccton)
Povak 8o8z, (owdon) arkcr Clcavcland to ]ohn Ocrby, 5cp. t, t 8o,
Ocrby ap. , sscx nst. , 5alcm, Mass. , (Oartmouth)]ohn Whcclock to]cssc
Applcton, ]un. zq, t 8, Applcton ap. , owdon Collcgc, (V. Na.) aculty
Mnutcs (t 8z6t 8o), typscrpt pp. z t -zz, zB zqt , 88q, o t ,
, NL, Annc P. Koyall Mrs. Royalfs Southr Tour (Wash. , t 8ot 8t )
t :z
t. Onsolatonas a sourcc oanxcty scc Ko!!oMayTh Meaning of Anxity
(P.Y., to) t 8. rcda romm-Kcchmann has suggcstcd thatundschargcd
tcnson, whch produccs anxcty, cannot bc dschargcd whcn pcoplc lvc n a
statc onot-bcng or "nothngncss. 5cc hcr artclc n Maurcc K. 5tcn ct
a!., cd. Idtit and Anxiety (Glcncoc, t 6o) t ztqq, csp. t .
zo. Koyall Sktche too. cmhard z: t 8, Cobbtt 6, ]as. cmphll A
Nst to Md., t 8ozDel. Hi. (tq8) y6-yy, KoyallPa. t ., KoyallS. Tour
z: t o, Nil qy ( t 8q) t tq.
z t . Calvn 5towc guo. n Oorchcstcr z t , ]ohn rstcd Ameria and Her
Reources (London, t 8t 8) 8. allcyrand 8o, !lott t y, Mc5 zAK z, ,
t ot , PY55 zAK 8, qK6q.
2 79
Notes to pages 1 42-1 46
22. For a sympathetic, romantic account see Jas. Hall Sketches o Histor, Lie,
an Manners in th Wet . . . (Cincin. , 1 834) 1 36-1 37; contra, R. E. Oglesby
"The Western Batman . . . " Travelrs on the Wete Frontier ed. J. F. McDer-
mott (Urbana, 1970) 258, 265. See also Audobon 25; Cuming 1 1 6; E. Evans
260; Faux 1 2: 1 5; Fordham 196.
23. Quo. in Dick po; J. Hall Let. 92. Ibid. 91-4; Blane 1 36; Cuming 303;
B. H. Latobe Impes . 1 29; J. Woods 244-245, 25 1 ; Thos. Smyth Autobi
graphical Note ed. L. C. Stoney (Charleston, 1914) 37; Wm. Jenks A Sermon,
Delivere before th MSSI (Boston, 1 821 ) 33
24. Ne Mirr I (1 843) 88. Beaufoy 1 27;
.
Boardman 2
2; Chevalier
.
97;
Tim. Dwight 3: 374-375; Fearon 369n; Isaac Fidler ObservatIns on Projsons,
Literaure Manners and Emigratin . . . (N. Y. , 1 833) 91 , 102; T. Hamtlton
1 : 1 39;
K
emble l il ; Alfed Brunson A Weern Pineer (Cincin. , 1 872)
1 : 307-30; Saml. E. Edwards Th Ohio Hunter (Battle
.
Creek, 1 866) 1 14-1 1 5;
Am. Reg. I (1 806-1 807) 1 5; Irih Shiel I (1829) 229; NIl 24 (1 823) 71 -72; 36
(1829) 3 1 7; 43 ( 1 832) 25
25. (brawls) Cox 1 45, 148, 1 50; Jas. B. Walker Exernce ofPineer Li . .
(Chicago, 1881) 42-45; E. N. Kirk A Sermon on the Traf . . (n.p., ca. 1 835)
1 3 ; Nils 36 (1 829) 270271 , 409; 37 (1 82
?
) 2 1 6; 46 ( 1 834) 85, 1 23; 48 (1 835)
379, 393; (drink) Bernhard I : I
O, 2
;
1 8; Bnsted 43
7
; J. A. Clark I 72-177; Cok
1 39; Parkinson 1 : 1 79, 1 81 ; Plckermg 1 7; Playfarr 2: 2 1-24;
oyall Let. 239,

Royall Sketchs 1 6; Walker 147-148; Wied
2
37; D. Drake
.
DIcourse 34; Alex.
M?Farlane An Esay on the Use o Ardnt Sits . . . (Carlisle, Pa. , 1
.
830) 37;
NYSTS 2AR 17; (estimates) J. S. Buckingham Th Slve State ofAmena (Lon
don, ca. 1 842) 1 : 169; Royall Pa. 1 : 1 26; Pintard 72: 1 52; ATU 2AR 85; NYCTS
8AR 24; (Patch) Boardman 1 65-167; Coke 1 6
1 61 ; Kemble 320; M
rryat
Diy 1 :97. (suicide) Boston Am. Statesman and Clt
l
Reg. , Jan. 27, 1 827; NIls 41
( 1 831 ) 1 02; 50 (1 836) 1 29; Bacourt 2 1 5-2 1 7; Tardlveau 38; Saml. Bre
kRecolle
trns . . . ed. H. E. Scudder (Phila. , 1 877) 296. In a journal recordmg pubhc
notices that came to his attention, Apr.-Oct. 1 836, Dr. Benajah Ticknor list
d
55 suicides, 60 homicides. Ticknor Pap. , CtY. Nathaniel Bouton
rote Justm
Edwards, Nov. 1 0, 1 845 , classifing 6 of 22 drunkards' deaths m Concord,
N. H. , over 20 years as suicides. Ms. note in Bouton's Hitor ofth Temperance
Rerm in Concord (Concord, N. H. , 1 843), MBC. See also Chas. Jewett
.
A Fo
:
t
Years' Fiht with the Drink Dmon . . . (N. Y. , 1 872) 1 7 For a theo
etlcal lmk
between alcohol consumption and suicide see Richard
ynn l
ronaltt and Na
tional Chrater (Oxford, Eng. , 197 1); Emile Durkhelm SUIi (N.Y. , 1
?
51 )
esp. 77-81" 393 . Durkheim's anomic theory i s consistent with studies of
.
<
mk
ing. In 12 problem drinke
:
s accounted
.
fo
!
2
<
30% o attempted SUICides.
Richard H. Blum and Laurame Braunstem Mmd-Altermg Drugs and Dan
gerous Behavior: Alcohol" Tak Force Rert: Drunkennes ed. President's
Comm. on Law Enforcement and Admn. of Justice (Wash. , 1967) 35
26. (soldiers) Calhoun to Edmund P. Gaines, Oct. 24, 1 81 8, J. L.
Cal
houn 3: 231 ; ASP 5:4:83-86, 247-248, 275-276, 289, 291 , 6: 1 1 9120; NIls 41
(1832) 340; (sailors) Bernhard 2: 77; Blane 340341 ; J. A. Clark 1 43-147; Gale
52-56; Heartman 7-, 1 6; Elliott 25-26, 3 1 ; Lecraw 1 5-16; ASP 6:3:468-478;
Danielle Hitz "Drunken Sailors and Others" QSA 34 ( 1973) 496-505; (mas
ters) D. Drake Pineer 152-1 53; Gilmer 1 81-182; Jonathan Roberts "Memoirs
. . " Pa. Mag. Hi. Biog. 62 ( 1938) 69-72; H. C. Wright 1 1 6-1 1 8.
27. Bourne 41 3 . For the development of the anxiety theory see Donald Hor-
280
ton "The Functions of Alcohol in Primitive Societies" QSA 4 ( 1 943) 199-320,
esp. 223, and my Appendix 4.
Chapter Six
(Quote) Bait. TS The Constitution and Adress . . . (Bait. , 1 830) 2 3 .
I . (drams) G. C. Channing 248-249; D. Drake Pioneer 83; Gardiner 82;
Weiss 1 25-126; Emery 4; Thos. G. Fessenden Adre Delivred bere th
Charlestwn TS . . . (Charlestown, Mass. , 1 8J1) I I ; Chas. Sprague An Adres
Delivered beore the MSSI . . . (Boston, 1 827) 9. (tolerance) In one day a person
can metabolize without intoxication up to .9 qt. of pure alcohol. Jan DeLint
and Wolfgang Schmidt "Maximum Individual Alcohol Consumption" QSA 26
(15) 670673 -
2. (courts) Cuming 62-63, 1 36; F. Hall 208; D. Drake Pineer 1 89-190;
Rosser H. Taylor Ante-Belum South Carlina (Chapel Hill, 1942) 169; (musters)
Cloudman 334, 340; Cuming 2 3 1 ; H. P. Warren 1 89; (elections) B. Hall 2: 78,
1 51 ; Hone (Sep. 28, 1 843) 672; Morgan 369; (events) Howells 190; G. G. John
son 678; (estimate) Jeremy Belknap "Estimate of the Annual Expense Loss
Sustained by the Unnecessary Consumption of Spirituous Liquors in the State
of New-Hampshire" (ca. 1 790), Belknap Pap. , MHi.
3. On shifs see Chart A5. 1 , Appendix 5. (increasing communal drinking)
Henry S. Foote Caket o Reinicences (Wash. , 1 874) 264, 267; Gilmer 164, 182;
Jas. Hall Leged ofth Wet (Cincin. , 1 869) ix; E. Howitt Selctions fom Letters
Writte during a Tour . . + (Nottingham, Eng. , 1 820) xiii; Jeter Recoi. 14;
Kirkland 23; Edw. Shippen "Reminiscences" Pa. Mag. Hi. Big. 78 (1 954)
223-224; G. G. Johnson 1 53
4. Foote 264. Faux 1 1 : 1 78; Fidler 45; B. H. Latrobe Jour. 30; Gardiner
82-83; Wm. J. Grayson "Autobiography" ed. S. G. Stoney S.C. Hi. Gn.
Mag. 49 (1948) 26; Phil. Reror 2 ( 1 81 2) 340; The Substance ofa Dicourse De
livred bere a Moral Society (Cincin. , 1 824) 1 5; NYSTS Temprance Trats for the
Peple. No. . Drinking Usages (n.p. , ca. 1830) 2.
5. Marryat Diar I: I I I. ]. A. Wooburn "Pioneer Presbyterianism" In.
Ma. Hi. 22 (1926) 361 . See also Count Franceco Arese A Trp to the Prairie
(N. Y. , 1 934) 27; Audobon 243; I. Candler 490; Hone 1 5, 69, 162, 3 36, 548,
663, 708; Howells 1 26; Isaac Mickle A Gentlman ofMuh Promie ed. P. E.
Mackey (
p
hila. , 1977) 1 :52-54; Pintard 7 1 :59; R. H. Taylor 53; Foot 5; Bond
458-461 .
6 . Wash. to Jas. Wood, Jul. 1 758, Wash. Writ. (Fitz.) 2: 251 ; Foote 267;
Vigne 72. Wash. Writ. (Fitz.) I: I 30, 2: 241O-242n; Peeke 66-68; Sydnor 44-59;
Faux I I : 1 06, 1 23; Flagg 26: 322; H. C. Knight 94-95; Murat 67-9; Torrey
Natl. Fl. 37; B. Drake 76-2; D. Drake Dicourse 29; PSDUAS Anniverar
Re. 2 1 ; F. W. Halsey 163; Frank ]. Heinl "Newspapers and Periodicals in the
Lincoln-Douglas Country" Ill. State His. So.}. 23 (1 930) 384.
7. Wm. Littell Festons o Fanc (Lexington, Ky., 1940; 1 81 4) 45; Gunn 19n.
See also H. C. Knight 68. Many politicians were hearty drinkers. On Elihu
Rot see Henry van der Lyn Diary, Feb. 14, 1 830, pp. 2I I-2 1 3, NHi. See
also Polk I 1 9-1 2 I .
8. Janson 87; Harriet Martineau Socity in America (N. Y. , 1 837) I : 1 1 5-1 20;
Notes to page 155-1
0
0
Chilton WiIIiamson Amerian Sufage from Prperty to Deocray (Princeton,
1960).
9. (genl.) Champlain So. and Hudson's Bay Record Soc. publications. In
the later series see esp. McLoughlin's "Letters" v. 4, 6, 7; Peter Ogden's
"Journals" v. 23, 28. (liquor) "Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals, .
1 827-28 and 1 828-29" ed. Glyndwr Williams, Hudson's Bay Record Soc. Pub.
28 (1971 ) 54, 54n; P. J. DeSmet, S.J. Ltters and Sketches ed. R
;
G. T
aites
(Cleveland, 1 906; 1 843) 261-262; Henry Schoolcraf Sc! kraft s Exeltwn to
Lake Itaca ed. P. P. Mason (E. Lansing, 1958; 1 834) 19; Hiram M. Chittenden
Th Amerian Fur Trae o th Far West (N. Y. , 1902) 3:936-m (Or
:
.) Thos. J.
Farnham Travel in th Great Weter Prair . . . ed. R. G. Thwaltes (Cleve-
land, 1906; 1 843) 9-100.
10. Arese 60; Francis A. Chardon Chardon'sjourl
.
at Fort Cr ed. A. H.
Abel (Pierre, 1 932) 242n; Gurdon S. Hubbard Autob
gaph (C
.
hicago, 191 1 ;
1 888) 16; Washington Irving Adventur o CaptaIn Bonnevl/k (London,
1837) 1 :45, 3 ' l 51 -i 53; Wied 24:99-100.
I I. (genI .) Chittenden; LeRoy R. Hafen, ed. Th Mountain Men and th Fur
Trad of the Far West (Glendale, 1965-1972); a
1 .
.
Phillips Th Fur Trad
(Norman, II). (liquor) A good summary IS In Ibid. 2: 34
-388. See also

Robt. Campbell "Private Journal" ed. G. R. Brooks, Mo. HIS. So. Butt. 20
(1 964) Nov. 29, 1 833, p. 107; Robt. Campbell to Hugh Campbell, Nov. 16,
1 833, Robt. Campbell ThRocky Mountain Letter ofRobert Campbel
.
(n.p. , 1955)
15-16; Wm. Gordon to Wm. Clark, Oct. 27, 1 83 1 , K. McKenZie to Joshua
Pilcher, Dec. 16, 1 833, Chardon 35(352, 362-363 ; (efects) J. Arcdale Ham
ilton to J. Halsey, Sep. 17, 1 834, to Kenneth McKenzie, Sep. 1 7, 1 834, Mar.
29, 1835, ibid. 286n, 287n-288n, 293n; Waren A. Fenis Lie in th Rok Mon
tais ed. H. S. Auerbach and J. C. Alter (Salt Lake City, 1940) 229; Hubbard
162-164; (exploitation) Robt. Campbell to Hugh Campbell, ?ec. 8, 1 833,
Campbell Let. 19; [?] to H. Picott, Dec. 1 5, 1 833, K. McKenZie to P. Chou
teau, Jr., Dec. 1 6, 1 833, to W. B. Astor, Dec. 1 6, 1 83 3 , Chardon 359-360,
364-367, 369; Zenas Leonrd Adven
ure .
.
. . ed. J. C. Ewers (Norman
:
1959)
x-xvii, 94; (Ashley) J. CecIl Alter JIm Bridger (Rev. ed., Norman, 1 2, 1925)
98.
1 2 . Statistical account in Hafen 1 0:914.
1 3 . David L. Brown Three Years in th Roky Mo
ntains (n.p., 1 950; 1 8

:
5)
1 2-1 3, 20; Ferris 268; Irving 1 : 35-36. The early mneteenth-ce
.
ntury longl
?
g
for nature is apparent in Cooper's Leatherstoking novels. An Important diS
cussion is Henry N. Smith Virgin Land (Cambridge, 1 950).
14. D. L. Brown I I 1 5; John K. Townsend Narative ofa joure . . . ed.
R. G. Thwaites (Cleveland, 1905; 1 839) 193, 23(2 3 1 ; Capt. Thing
.
to Tucker
Williams, Jun. 29, 1 834, Wm. M.
nderson 1h Rocky Mountain jou

T
a
. . . ed. D. L. Morgan and E. T. Hams (San Manno, 1 7) 27; [McKenzie. ]
to Pratte Chouteau Co., Dec. 10, 1835, Chardon 376-378; Alter 7 1-72, 88,
1 19, 1 37; Alpheus H. Favour Old Bil William ed. Wm. Brandon (Norman,
1962; 1936) 1 2 1-122; LeRoy R. Hafen and W. J. Ghent Broken Hand (Denver,
1931) 55, 1 01 ; Chittenden 3:943-44; Hafen 3 :257.
15. Mary M. L. Hoyt "Life of Leonard Slater" Mih. Pineer Cotto 35 (1907)
1 50; Arese 70; DeSmet 261 ; Edw. C. Delavan to J. H. Coke, Dec. 3 , 1 834,
Cocke Dep. , Coke Pap. , ViU.
Notes to pages 1
0
1 -1 70
16. A similar pattern involving the breaking of sex tabos during intoxica
tion has been noted by Ruth Bunzel "The Role of Alcoholism in Two Central
American Cultures" Pschitr 3 (1940) 366.
17 Favour 97-8, 1 28-129.
18. Anderson 209.
19 Gilmer 1 28-129; Pickering 27-28; J. W. Townsend 8, 1 5; Woodman 40;
Elizabeth Scott to Eliza Maynodier, Nov. 6, 1 784, Key Coli . , MdHi; Cath
arine Harper to Robt. G. Harper, Feb. 27, 1 8 14, Harper-Pennington Coli.,
MdHi; H. Humphrey Intep. 28; Jonathan Kittredge An Adres Dlivred
bere th TS ofBath, N.H. . . . (Boston, 1 829) 4; Daniel ReInich Hitor o Ken
nebunk . . . (n. p. , 191 1) 453 .
20. (primitives) See Appendix 4; (Europe) Erik Allardt et a. Drnkin and
Drinkes (Helsinki, 1957) 1 5; Genevieve Knupfer "Female Drinking Patters"
N. Am. Assn. of Alcoholism Programs, 1 5th Ann. Meet. Sekcted Paper (n.p.,
ca. 1 964) 141-142; Giorgio Lolli et a. Alcohl in Itlin Cultre (Glenco,
1958) 96; Thos. F. A. Plaut Akohl Probkms (N. Y. , 1967) I 3(1 3 I .
2 1 . J. B. Pinney to Leonard Bacon, Mar. 1 5 , 1 838. This unforunate man's
story can be gleaned fom numerous letters, Boxes I and 2, Bacon FaIily
Coli. , CtY. Crucial is Leonard Bacon to David Bacon, Mar. 23, 1 862. Impor
tant for understanding the family are a genealogy in the collection inventory;
Wm. Hall to Leonard Bacon, Feb. 2 1 , 1 865; Theodore Bacon Lonard Baon
(New Haven, 1 93 1). See drunkards' memoirs in ch. I note 1 2.
22. Quo. in Beecher Auto. I :xiii. Leonard Bacon A Dicourse on the Traf
. . . (New Haven, 1 838); One Hundred Years ofTemprance (N. Y. , 1886) 1 24;
Wyatt-Brown 1 3; Ernest Gordon Th Amea Way . . . (Phila. , ca. 1 947) 24.
23. Jesse Torrey Th Moral Instructor (2 ed., Albany, 1 81 9) 43. A good ex
ample of the type is Mr. Rutherford in Kennedy 361 . See also Murat 1 5; Nut
tall 69; J. Woods 3 I7; Nathan S. S. Beman A Dicour Delivered in Stehntown
. . . (Troy, N. Y. , 1 829) 7; Beman on Intemperance (n. p. , ca. 1 830) I ] Fot 10;
Ebenezer Porter The Fatal Efcts o Ardet Spirits (Hartford, 181 I ) 22; Saml.
Spring Th Onl Saf Exdient (Hartford, 1 832) 7; Temp. Recordr 4 (1 835) 29
On the idea of independence see Arfwedson 2:99; Boardman 1 2, 2 1 5-216;
Tim. Dwight 1 : 1 23 ; Fearon 378; J. Hall Le. 1 14-1 1 5; J. Hall Sketche 1 50;
Kemble 38; Murat 343; Royall S. Tour 3 : 1 78; Wm. Tudor Ltter on the Eater
State (2 ed. , Boston, 1 821 ) 198; Ramsay S.c. 2: 384.
24. On alcohol as a regressive means to escape responsibility see Francis T.
Chambers The Drinker's Adition (Springfeld, 1968) 7. See also Blum and
Braunstein 35.
25. B. Hall 2: 78; quo. in O'Neall 1 29. On vitality see Cobbtt 1 78, 1 80;
Dalton 226; Mrs. Hall 27, 1 04-105; T. Hamilton 1 : 2 1 1 ; Kemble 92; Marryat
Sec. Ser. 103; Playfair 2: 9-10; B. Smith 45; J. Woods 3 1 7 .
26. Thos. F. Marshall Great Teprance Spechs . . . (N.Y., 1 842) 7. See The
God Grfs Solilqu (N. Y. , 1 820); Error o Youth (Phila. , 1 820S?).
27. E.g. , Sweetser 82; "A Succinct His. of the Origins, Principles, Objects
and Pogress of TSs in the U.S. A." Am. Q. Temp. Ma. I (1 833) 6. See Chart
A5 1 , Appndix 5
28. (genl.) M. M. Gross et al. "Acute Alcohol Withdrawal Syndrome" Th
Bilg o Akohli: Clinical Patholg ed. Benj. Kissin and Henri Begleiter
Notes to pages 1 71 -1 77
(N. Y. , 1974) 3: 191-263. Access to early materials was through Indx-Catalogue
of the Library of the Surgeon-Generafs Ofe (Wash. , 1 8801 895) 3: 658-665. (early
teatment) A good review is in B. H. Coates "Observations on DTs . . . À
Am. Me. Surg. J 4 (1827) 205-21 2. See also Stephen Brown "Observations on
DTs " . . . " Am. Med. Record 5 (1 822) 1 93-21 5; Walter Channing "Cases of
DTs . . . ` A Eng. J. Med. Surg. 8 ( 1 81 9) 1 5-28; S. Henry Dickson Essay on
Mani a Potu . . . (Charleston, 1 836) 14-1 5, 20; Geo. Hayward "Some Re
marks on Delirium Vigilans" N. Eng. J. Med. Surg. (1 822) 235-243.
29. (increasing) Neilson 309; Coates 32; Jesse Carter "Obserations on Mania
a Potu" Am. J. Med. Sci. 6 (1 830) 3 2 1 ; Dickson Essay 4; J. C. Nancrede "On
Mania a Potu" Am. Med. Recordr I ( 1 81 8) 479; J. M. Staughton "Observations
on Mania Potu" Phil. J Med. Phs. Sci. 3 (1 821 ) 2 39; Chas. S. Tripier
Remarks on Delirium Tremens (N. Y. , 1 827) 5-; (Mexico) Bunzel 371-387;
(Germany) Gross 3: 200.
30. S. Brown 195. Jesse Carter 333, 3 35-336; Nancrede 480481 ; Walter
Channing 1 5-28; Coates 37-38; S. Brown 198-199.
3 1 . Gale 1 3 I . (imagination) T. Hamilton 1 : 230; Kemble 1 23 , 166-1 67; C. J.
Latrobe 1 :62. See also Chevalier 200, 262; Duncan 1 : 1 06-107; Fidler 94.
(bankruptcy) Nancrede 480; Walter Channing 1 5-16.
32. See the suggestive account in Daniel Drake "Observations on Temulent
Diseases" Am. Med. Recordr 2 ( 1 81 9) 60-61 .
3 3 . Sam!. K. Lothrop An Adress Delivered beore the Masachusetts State TS
. . . (Boston, 1 835) 23-24. Bordley 325-326; I. Candler 45; Holmes 1 35; Jan
son 3 1 ; Soc. for the Promotion of Ag., Arts and Man. 1 : 30; J. Woods 190; J.
Leander Bishop A Hitory of Amerian Manufactures . . . (Phila. , 1 861-1 864)
1 : 264.
34. See D. C. McClelland and S. C. Wilsnack "The Effects of Drinking on
Thoughts about Power and Restraint" David C. McClelland et a!. The Drinking
Man (N. Y. , 1972) 1 23-141 , esp. 1 35-1 36. See also ibid. , 1 73; Roland Sadoun
et al. Dinking in French Culture (New Brunswick, 1965) 1-7. Because McClel
land correlates alcohol consumption with power, see also D. C. McClelland
and R. I. Watson, Jr. "Power Motivation and Risk-Taking Behavior" Human
Motivatwn ed. D. C. McClelland and R. S. Steele (Morristown, N.J. , 1 973)
1 66-1 67.
35 T. Hamilton 2: 378; Fearon 372. Ibid. 372-373; Arese 46; DeRoos 58;
Gustorf 65; B. Hall 1 : 1 09; Mrs. Hall 1 26; Pickering 37; Seals field 24; Trollope
ix-x, 303n, 404-409.
36. (genl.) David C. McClelland The Achieving Society (Princeton, 1961). See
ch. 3, note 40 and Appendix 2.
37. (use) A. B. Snow An Adress, Delivere at the Foration of the Seamen's
Bethel TS . . . (Boston, 1 833) 8; Robt. W. Scott An Adress, Delivered at the
Request of the Franklin TS (Frankfort, Ky., 1 829) 1 5. In 1973 the Nat!. Comm.
on Marijuana and Drug Abuse estimated that 53% of adults used alcohol, 1 . 3 %
heroin. U.S. News, Oct. 29, 1973, p. 45. See also Geo. T. Strong Diary ed.
Allan Nevins and M. H. Thomas (N.Y., 1952) May 1 6, 1 843, v. 1 :203; Henry
Wolf A Haty Dence o the Farer C Ditillrs . . . (York, Pa. , 1 833) 6; D.
Drake Dicourse 23-24; Daniel H. Gregg An Addres Delivered beore th Newton
TS (Boston, 1 828) 9; Edw. Hitchcok An Esay 0 Akohli C Narcotic Sub
sance . . .- (Amherst, Mass. , 1 830) 9-10, 35; Palfrey 59" -60; Spring 9-10;
Note to pages 1 77-1 82
MSSI 14R 5-; (Orient) Morewood Histor 102; (medicine) Gustorf 5051 ;
Am. Mue
m 4 (1 788) 234; David Ramsay to Benj

:
Rush, Apr. 8, 1 784, Rush
Pap. , PHI; Geo. C. Shattuck, Jr., to E. F. Prentss, Apr. 14, 1 832, Shattck
Pap. , MHi; Rush Inquiry (1790) 9; LQ O.
38. (teatment) Jas. Jackson "On a Peculiar Disease Resulting from the Use
of Ardent Spirits" A Eng. J. Med. Surg. (1 822) 35 1-353; Phila. Med. Soc.
Rert of the Committee (Phila. , 1 829) 10, 1 7; Stephen Davis Note of a Tour in
America (Edinburgh, 1 833) 68; Sturges 105; (laudanum) Gerda Lerner The
GrimM Siters from South Carolina (N
:
Y. , 1971) 43; Morewoo Hitor 1 30133;
Sturges 142; A. Bancroft to Natharuel Cheever, Nov. 7, 1 817, Cheever Pap. ,
MWA; Dorchester 9; (patent medicine) J. H. Young 68-69.
39 (group control) Peter B. Field "Soial and Psychological Correlates of
Drunkenness in Primitive Tribes" Ph.D. thesis (Soc. Psych.), Harvard U. ,
1961 , p. 245 (drive) E.g. , Chas. Larpenteur Forty Year a Fur Tradr . . .
(N. Y. , 1 898) 1 : 77. See also Hosack 1 5; O'Flaherty 101 1 . Opium was used
frequently in suicide attempts. See Woodman 45; Nathaniel Bouton to Justin
Edwards, Nov. 10, 1 845, Bouton, MBC.
40. References are sparse. See Fisher (Nov. 3, 1 863) 462; Strong (Sep. I ,
1 856) 2:290292; Warren Abbott Adress to th Danvers Auiliary Society . . .
(Salem, 1 822) 7. Fur traders occasionally mention Indian use. (India) G. M.
Carstairs "Daru and Bhang" QSA IS (1954) 220237. See also Joel Fort Alco
hol (N. Y. , 1973) 77, 92; John Rublowsky Th Stoned Age (N. Y. , 1974) 91-I I6.
41 . (theory) John W. Atkinson and Norman T. Feather, ed. A Thory of
Achievement Motivatwn (N. Y. , 1966) 1 6-18, 1 74, 1 85-203, 327-329, 368-369;
Margaret K. Bacon et al. "A Cross-Cultural Study of Drinking: II" QSA
Supp. 3 (1965) 46-47; McClelland Ach. So. ep. 1 50; (ambling) I. Candler 454;
Chevalier 295; T. Hamilton 2: 1 74, 190; Harris 1 8; Neilson 65-66; Pickering
I S ; Ephraim Abbot to Mary H. Pearson, Dec. 28, 1 81 1 , Abbot Pap. , MWA;
(economics) Geo. R. Taylor "American Economic Growth before 1 840" J.
Eon. Hi. 24 ( 1 964) 427; Henretta 204.
42. Robt. McClorg to David McClorg, Sep. I , 1 82 1 , Boling-Miller Coli.,
private. (theory) Atkinson and Feather 164-167; McClelland Ach. Soc. 342-344.
See also M. K. Bacon 46-47; W. C. Becker "Consequences of Different Kinds
of Parental Discipline" Reviw o Chil Develpment Reearch ed. M. L. Hofman
and L. W. Hofman (N. Y. , 1964) 1 : 1 97-198; (early nineteenth century) Arthur
W. Calhoun A Socil Hitor of th American Famil (Cleveland, 1 91 7-1919)
entitled his chapter on the early nineteenth century "The Emancipation of
Childhood," 2: 5 1-77. See also ibid. 1 : 105-1 27, 285-298; Robt. H. Bremner,
ed. Chile and Youth in Ameria (Cambridge, 1970) 1 : 1 3 1-1 32, 343-344. I
have also profte from talking with Jacqueline Reinier of Berkeley, who has
been investigating this neglected subject; (observers) Fidler 52; Janson 304;
Martineau 2: 271-272; I. Candler 453; NYCTS 4AR 29; (teachers) Fidler;
Fearon 39, 230. On the popularity of the Lancastrian system, which depended
upon highly motivated children see ibid. 38, 229.
43 (readers) McClelland Ach. Soc. 1 50; (attitudes) ibid. 47-48, 359-361 ;
Atkinson and Feather 21 4. Based on Max Webr's work.
44 With few exceptions the reformers were gradualists (e.g., 'immediate
emancipation gradually accomplished') who were as concerned with means as
ends, an attitude that McClelland has linked to high achievement motivation.
McClelland Ach. Soc. 1 03-104.
Notes to pages 1 85-1!5
Chapter Seven
(Quote) Huntington Lyman An AdresDelivered before the TS o Franklin
vill . . . (N.Y., 1 830) 5.
I . One of the few early observations of pharmacology is Francis Wayland
An Address, Delivered bere th Provience As ociation for th Promotion ofTemper
ance (3 ed., Boston, 1 8p) 4. On high intake see J. H. Mendelson and N. K.
Mello "Ethanol and Whiskey Drinking Patterns in Rats . . . " QSA 25 (14)
1-25; De Lint and Schmidt "Max. Individual Ale. Cons . " 670673; Sadoun et
a!. 1-4'
2. I have been infuenced by Ralf Dahrendorf Essays iT the TheO
]
o S
ety (Stanford, 168); Cliford Geertz "Ideology as a Cultural System' Idolg
and Dicont
e
nt ed. D. E. Apter (N. Y. , 1964) 47-76; Edw. Shils "The Concept
and Function of Ideology" Int!. Enc. Soc. Sci. ed. D. L. Sills (N.Y., 1968)
7:66-76; Neil J. Smelser Socil Change in the Indutril Revlutin (Chicago,
1 959)
3 . Wm. A. Hallok 'Liht and Love' (N.Y. , 1 855) esp. 43; ATS 2AR 7; N.
Eng. Tract Soc. Trat NO. 3 (Andover, Mass. , 1 81 4); Geo. F. Clark Hitor of
the Teperance Rer in Masachuetts (Boston, 1 888) 7; Krout 89-1 , 109.
4. Isaac N. Davis An Adres, Delivered beore th
.
Elberton TS (Augusta, Ga.,
1830) 10. (medical) Benezet Reak; Rush InqUIr ( 1 79); Rush Le. ; Wa
terhouse xi; Neal 1 05; John W. Nevin My Own Li (Lancaster, Pa. , 1964) 7;
Tolles Logan 89; "Evil" Am. Mueum 4 (1 788) 23 3-234; Mem. to Congo (1 790),
ASP 10: 1 :202 1 ; MSSI Constitution (Boston, 1 81 3) 2 1-11; various TS reports,
e.g. , A TS 5AR 63; 7AR 60-64; NYCTS 8AR 29-30. A classic is Sam!. Chip
man Reort ofan Examinatin ofPor-Houe, Jail, &c. , in the State ofNew-York
. . . (Albany, 1 834). See also Arfwedson 1 : 1 45-146. (moral) N. E. Joh
son
An Adres Deliveed in Homer (Homer, N.Y., 1 8p) 3; Lyman 5; Wm. Hrnes
An Adres , Dliveed at the Methit Chapl (Norwich [Ct. ?], 1 828) 6. Oppo
nents responded in kind. E.g., David M. Reese
.
Humbug o New-Yor .
:
.
(N.Y. , 1838) 263. That anxieties could lead to abstrnence as well as to drmking
was suggested by Horton 2 30. See Selden D. Bacon "The Classic Temperance
Movement . . . " Br. J. Aditin 62 (17) 5-1 8.
5 . ATS 4AR 6. An excellent record of an agent's activities i s i n NYSTS E
sas, &c (n.p. , ca. 1 831) 1-1 1 . See also Andr
w
.
Erwin to Go. W .
win,
Aug. 20, 1 8p, Erwin Pap. , Filson Club, LoUlsvtlle, Ky.; E
,
il C. VlgJ!an
e
"The Temperance Reform in New York State, 1 829-1 85 1 Ph.D. thes
s
(His.), N.Y. U. , 164, p. 3 1 . Many temprance soieties kept minutes of theIr
meetings. Newton TS and Lyceum C0itutin (Ne
'
ton, 1 829); "Youn

Men's TS of New Gloucester" (Me. , ca. 1 826-1830), Strnchfeld Pap. , MeHl;
Scituate [Mass.] Auxiliary Soc. for the Suppression of Intemperance Records,
1 81 7-1 836, MWA; Harwinton [Ct.] TS Acct. Bk. , 1 829-1836, Litchfield Ct.
His. Soc. ; Litchfeld Co. TS Records, 1 829-1 840, LCHS; "The Book of
Records for the TS of the Fork, 1 829-1 833" (Clinton,.Mo.), Lewis Pap. , NcD;
(battle) MeTS 1AR 66; (anti-TS) C. J. Latrobe 2:602; Nie 44 (1 833) 423; 45
(1 833) 8; Am. Q. Tep. Mag. 2 ( 1 834) 87-88; NYSTS 1AR 35.
6. Eliakim Phelps Intemperance (Geneva, N. Y. , 1 830) 20. Elisha Mitchell
Argments for Teprance (Raleigh, N. C. , 1 83 1 ) 29; Philadelphus Th Moral
2 86
Notes to pages 1!6-203
Plgue ofCivil Socity (Phila. , 1 821 ) 1 0; "Nat!. Circ. " ATS 5AR 84-85; East
Hartford TS Annual Report (n.p., ca. 1 833) 3; Scomp 3 71 .
7 (inns) Coke 26; Combe l :viii, 34; Theo. Dwight 2 1 5-216; ATU 4AR 40;
NYSTS 2AR ; PSDUAS Th PSDUAS to Innkeepers (Phila. , 1 8p); ATU J.
I I (1 847) 48; Natl. Era 3 (1 849) 1 98; Vigilante 57-62; (boats) J. A. Clark 84;
Chas. F. Mayer An Adress Delivered b the Hon . . . (Annapolis, 1 83 3) 9;
NYSTS 3AR 23; 4AR 2 1 ; Viglante 34; (business) Lyman Beecher Si Seros
on . . . Intemperance (Boston, 1 827) 91; ATU IAR 1 9-20; NYATS I AR 5-7;
Lee Co. Va. Auxiliary TS Constitution, 1 833, ViU; (insurance) Boardman
358; Nils 41 (1 83 1) 326; ATS 6AR 3]; 7AR 1 5; NYCTS IAR 1 8; August F.
Fehlandt A Cetur o Dink Rerm in th United States (Cincin. , 1904) 74; (poli
tics) Josiah T. Hawes An Addres Deliveed beore the Falmouth TS (Portland,
183 1) 5; BaIt. TS 35; So. for the Pomotion of Temp. in Ware Village Reort
of th Manages (Belchertown, Mass. , 1 827) 4-5; Wobur TSs (Boston,
1 834) 1-8.
8. Delavan to John H. Cocke, Sep. 14, Nov. 1 834, Coke Dep. , Coke
Pap. , ViU; Mad. to Jack., Oct. I I 1835, Madison Pap. , ViU; NYSTS "5AR"
Am. Q. Temp. Mag. 2 ( 1 834) 10; NYSTS Temp. Almna (1 837) back cover;
Marsh 27; Vigilante 37-38; C. . Foster 1 73 . From 1 801 through 1 825 there
were 98 temperance works published; fom 1 826 through 1 830, 158. There
were 62 issued in the peak year of 1 830. Only 49 were published in 1 83 1 , but
this latter fgure may be a less complete inventory. Compiled from Ralph R.
Shaw and Richard H. Shomaker Amerian Bibliogapb, t 6 t ~t _6 (Var.
places, 1958-1973); Scott Bruntjen and Carol Bruntjen A Chckli o Amerian
Imprits fr t _t . . . (Metuchen, N.J. , 1975).
9 Boston Temp. Songer (Boston, 1 844) 57; Chas. R. Fisk Pom (n.p., 1 834) 5;
Pa. and N.J. Tep. Almanac (1 835) 1 3 ; Hines 17; Josiah Moore An Adress Deliv
ered at Pebroke . . . (Plymouth, 1 836) 19; Henry Ware A Seron Deliveed at
Drchester (Boston, 1 820) 4; E. Hitchcock 36 .
10. MeTS 2AR 70. N. Cross 16; M'Farlane 24.
1 1 . Wm. Goodell Reans Wh Ditilld Spirits Shul Be Banihed . . . (N. Y.,
1 830) 9
I Z . N. S. S. Beman 7; Randolph to Theo. Randolph, Dec. 30, 1 82 1 , Ran
dolph 232. See also Wm. Shedd Th Influence ofTemperance upon Intellctual Di
ciline . . . (Burlington, Vt. , 1 844) 22; Geo. W. Wells Th Caue ofTeprance
th Caue o Libety (Kennebunk, Me., 1 835) 8; NYSTS Tep. Almanac (1 836)
24
1 3 . (equality) Merritt Caldwell An Adres Delivere bre th Reafl TS
. . . (Hallowell, Me. , 1 832) 6; W. M. Cornell An Adres Delivered bfre th
Teprance Ascitin o Quinc . . . (Boston, 1 836) 6-1 1 ; E. Phelps 20; Bel
lamy Storer An Addres Dliveed before th Cincinnati TS (Cincin. , 1 83 3) 3;
(renunciation) J. Edwards Leter 1 8; Herttell 202 1 ; A TS 6AR 39; Biblial Re
ertor and Tholgial Rev. n.s. 3 ( 1 831 ) 46-47
14. E.g., Joshua B. Flint An A
d
res Deliered bfore th MSSI . . . (Boston,
1 828) 17; Goodell 3; Jos. Harvey An Apal tu Chritins (Middletown, Ct.,
1 831) 6; (ATS) 'ATS 4AR 38; 7AR 14; (N.Y.) NYSTS Tep. Almanac (1839)
1 8.
1 5 Kemble 92; Kelly 46; Guillaume Merle d'Aubigne J Vi Ameri
ine
. . ed. Gilbert Chinard (Paris, 1935) 97; T. Adams 9. (pace) Marryat Diar
Notes to paes 2 04-208
1 : 1 8-19; Ramon de la Sagra Cinq Moi au Etats-Uni . . . (Bruxelles, 1 837)
1 201 2 1 ; Mrs. Hall 27, 104-105; Lydia M. Child Th Amerian Frugal Houe
wi . . (30 ed., N. Y. , 1 844) 3-4; (idle) Chevalier 200; Kemble 1 23; (leisure)
Arfwedson 1 : 1 2 1 ; Theo. Dwight 261; Nil 44 (1833) 257; (warning) C. P.
Beman An Adres, Delivered bere the TS . . . (Mt. Zion, Ga., 1 830) 7; Emery
7-8; Lyman 14-1 5 .
16. Sealsfeld 1 86; quo. in T. Hamilton 2: 246. Chevalier 200201; Marryat
Sec. Ser. 1 03; Ely 68; Boston Athnum 2 Ser. 3 (1 825) 355; (deference) Douglas
T. MillerJaksonin Aritocrac (N.Y., 1 967). One explanation for a money cult
has been suggested by Margaret Mead "Culture Change and Character Struc
ture" Stein et al. 95.
1 7 Arfwedson 1 : 1 201 2 1 ; Bentley (Feb. 1 0, 1 8 1 8) 4: 501; Rantoul 243; Nils
41 ( 1 831 ) 250; J. B. Flint 41 ; ATS 9AR 16; W. A. Sullivan 479; (Poor)
SPPCNY Dcumets Relative to Saving Bank, Inteperance, and Lotteris (N.Y.,
1 81 9) 4; M'Kinney I I-I 2; Palfrey 98; (banks) SPPCNY Docs. 3, 6; Newton TS
1-I 2; Saml. Martin to Calhoun, Dec. 2 1 , 1822, J. C. Calhoun 7: 392; (capital)
Afria Repsitory 5 (1 830) 381 ; Am. Mueum 4 (1 788) 1 24; SPPCNY Docs. 16;
Gardner B. Perry An Addres, Delivered bfre th Socity for Promoting Temperance
(Haverhill [Mass. ?], 1 828) 10; NYSTS Temp. Almanac (1836) 5 . One recent
study shoWS deposits growing more rapidly 1 8201 830 than 1 8301850. Alan
L. Olmstead Ne Yok City Mutual Saing Bank (Chapel Hill, 1 976)" 1 82-1 83.
1 8. Mann esp. 4-, 1 0, 1 2. See also Nils 49 (1 835) 1 26; Mark Doolittle
"Temp. a Source of Nat!. Wealth" Am. Q. Tep. Mag. 2 (1 834) 42; N. S. S.
Beman 20; E. Hitchcock 36; Wm. S. Potts Efcts o Intemprance on National
Welth (St. Louis, 1 839) 3-4; MTS 25AR 5; NYCTS IAR 1 5 . The producer
mentality is considered in Graham J. Barker-Benfeld Th Horror o th Hal
Known Li (N. Y. , 1 976). Many early temprance leaders were also early ad
vocates of industrialization. John F. Kasson Civilizing the Machine (N. Y. , 1976).
19 John McGee to Thos. L. Douglass quo. in John B. M'Ferrin Hiory of
Methis in Tennesee (Nashville, 1 869-1873) 1 :297. Similar instances are in
Henry Smith Recollctwns . . . (N.Y., 1 854) 55; Chevalier 309. Good refer
ences are in C. A. Johnson "The Frontier Camp Meeting" Mis. Vale Hi.
Rev. 37 (1 950) 91-1 10. See in general Edw. P. Humphrey and Thos. H.
Cleland Meoirs of th Rev. Thma Cllnd, D. D. (Cincin., 1 859); ]ohn B. Boles
The Great Revival (Lexington, Ky., 1972); Niels H. Sonne Liberal Kentuky
(N.Y., 1939).
20. Js. Flint 261 ; Brunson 1 : 30; D. Drake Pioneer 195; Finley 305-306; H.
Smith 1001 01 , 106-107; ]os. Thomas The Li of the Pilrim (Winchester, Va.,
1 81 7) 63-64; H. C. Wright 148-149; G. G. Johnson 407; (Cartwright) Wm. H.
Milburn Th Piners, Preahers an Peopl o the Misssipi Vale (N.Y., 1 860)
383-384; (Thomas) J. Thomas 100.
2 1 . (Methoists) Wheeler esp. 46, 68, 70, 7 1 , 79; Wm. W. Sweet Meth
oi in American Hiory (N.Y. , 1 93 3) 1 7 1 . See alSo D. Drake Pionee 83;
H. Smith 62; I. Candler 2 1 4; (Presbyterians) Pres. Ch., U. S.A. I. See also
Centenary Meoril o the Plnting and Growth of Presbterinism = . . (Pitts
burgh, 1 876) 238; Levi Parsons Hitory of Rochser Presbtery . . . (Rohester,
N.Y. , 1 889) 22-2 3; Pendleton 14-45.
22. Barton W. Stone Th Bigrapb of Ei. Barton Warren Stone ed. John
Rogers (Cincin., 1 847) 33. See also Barbara M. Cross' introduction in Beecher
Auto.
2 88
Notes to page 208-2 1 4
23. See, e. g. , Boles; Chas. R. Keller Th Second Great Awakening in Connecti
cut (New Haven, 1 942); Wm. Sweet's works; Bernard A. Weisberger The
Gathred at th River (Boston, 1958).
24. Asahel Nettleton "Spirit of the Pilgrims" ATS 2AR 5 3; Foot 19; Ten
ney 19-20. See also Richard Dunning to John A. Murray, Apr. 5, 1 838, Am.
Home Missionary Soc. Pap. , CBGTU flm; John H. Coke to Wm. Meade,
Jun. 1 846, Kane ColI. , CSmH; Solomom [I] Adams An Adres, Delivere at
North-Yarouth (2 ed., Portland, 1 830) 14; Gamaliel Bradford An Adres Deliv-
ere before the MSSI (Boston, 1 826) 6; E. Nelson The Use of Ardent Spirits . . .
(Boston, 1 830) 6; Dudley Phelps An Adres, Dlivered January z, 1 830 . . .
(Haverhill [Mass.?], 1 830) 7; Potln
M
ag. 2 (1 836) 1 23; Soth Literar Me
senger I (1 834) 36-39; Telscop 1 (1 824) I I o.
25. Biblial Recordr, Jul. 1 0, 1 832, quo. in Pearson and Hendricks 69; Thos.
Brown to A. Peters, Sep. 1 6, 1 834, Sweet Prebterin 682; quo. in Wm. H.
Townsend Lincoln and Liquo (N. Y. 1934) 28. The bst description of Hard
Shells is Edw. Eggleston Th Hooser Scholmater (N.Y., 1928; 1 872) 84-85, 91 .
See also Sweet Presbterins 697; Wm. W. Sweet, ed. Reliion on the Amerian
Frntir: Congegatinalis (Chicago, 1939) 260261 ; Wm. W. Sweet, ed. Re
lin on the American Frontier: Baptists (N.Y., 1931) 206; Riley 61 , 69; Cory
5052; Pearson and Hendricks 69
26. (churches) Neilson 14; Humphrey and Cleland 105; Jas. H. Hotchkin
A Hior of the Purchae and Settlment of Wete New York (N.Y., 1 848) 1 36,
1 5 1 ; Scomp 2 1 0; Ralph N. Hill The Winooski (N. Y. , 1949) 1 54; (revival frst) A
Narrative of the Late Revivals of Reliion (Geneva, N.Y. , 1 832) 16, 1 8, 25;
Bloomer Kent to Absalom Peters, Apr. 14, 1 836, Am. Home Missionary Soc.
Pap. , CBGTU film; Jewell 8; MeTS IAR 17; Talbot 370, 373; (temp. frst)
Brunson I :414; Narative o the Late Revival 6, 10, 1 8, 20, 25-26; A TS 4AR 82;
5AR 38; MeTS IAR 1 5; NYSTS 3AR 24, 56; Scomp 226-227, 2 3 1 ; C. . Fos
ter 1 73, 2 1 0. A recent work that relate temperance and reviv3Jism to indus
trialization in a perceptive way is Paul E. Johnson A Shokeee's Milennium
(N. Y. , 1 978).
27. Young Men's Domestic Missionary Soc. An Apeal to the Citizns of Phil
adlh (Phila. , 1 824) 1 5 . See also Isidor Thorer "Ascetic Protestantism and
Alcoholism" Pschiatry 1 6 (1953) 1 69-1 70 (based on Max Weber); S. D. Bacon
6; Goodell 9-1 0.
28. (workers) Arfwedson 1 : 1 201 2 1 ; Mrs. Hall 104-1 05; T. Hamilton
1 : 167; Kemble 1 23; Lydia M. Child Th Frugal Housewi (2 ed. , Boston, 1 830)
5, 7-8; NYATS 1-2AR; NYCTS I , 4, 6, 8AR; Jas. D. Knowles Spirituou
Liurs Pericius and Usels (Boston, 1 829) 6; (businessmen) Arfwedson 2: 1 89;
Duncan 1 : 1 06; T. Hamilton 1 : 1 27, 23o; J. B. Flint 41 ; (Tappan) Wyatt-Brown
226-247; (Harprs) Exman.
29 (Millerites) Nils 41 ( 1 831) 1 02; Mary S. Bull "Woman's Rights and
Other 'Reforms' in Seneca Falls" ed. R. E. Riegel N.Y. Hi. 46 (1965) 43; Boles
90, 103; . V. Brown "Watchers for the Second Coming" Mis. Vall Hi. Rev.
39 (1952) 45 1 ; Whitney R. Cross Th Bured-Over Ditrit (Ithaca, 1950); Alice
F. Tyler Freem's Fement (Minneapolis, 1 944) 47-195, esp. 76; (progress) Nel
son Tift "Address to Young Men's Polemick Society" (1 835), Tift Diary, G
Ar; Boure 41 1 ; Leo Marx The Mahine in the Gard (N.Y., 1967).
30. See, e. g. , John R. Bodo Th Protetant Clrg and Publi Ises (Princeton,
1954); C. . Foster; Cliford S. Griffin Thir Brothrs' Keepers (New Brunswick,
Notes to pages 21 5-226
19<0). The most vivid sources are the autobiographies of ministers. E.g.,
Beecher Auto.; Peck.
.
3 1 . D. Phelps 7 (connections) Striking examples of the shared opposition
lfclude two southern-bor planters who feed their slaves, Thomas P. Hunt
(Dne Hundred Yers 145) and James G. Birney (Betty FladelandJames Gillsie
BIrne [thaca, 1955] B-34, 52); a Tennessee Methoist bishop, James Axley
(M'Ferrlfi 2:45-48, 243); a Kentucky Methodist minister, Jefferson J. Polk
(Polk); Georgian J. L. L
,
mkin (Scomp 301); and abolitionists William Lloyd
Garrison (W .
.
M. Merrill Prologue to Reform-Garrison's Early Career"
Essex Inst. HI. Col. 92 [1 956] 1 64-167), Gerrit Smith (Smith to Mathew
Carey, Jul. 1 3 , 1 832, Carey Sec. , Carey Pap. , PHi; Sturge 1 1 7), and Theodore
Weld (Theo. D. Weld et al. Letters ed. G. H. Barnes and D. L. Dumond
[N. Y. , 1934] 19, 43) See also Cory 34-35; Scomp 299, 303. (rum worse)
Eliphalet Gillet Evil of Inteprance (Hallowell, Me., 1 821 ) 1 3; Heman
Humphrey Paralll between Intemperance and th Slve Tra (Amherst, Mass. ,
1 828) esp. 6, 14, 20, 25-26; Enoh Mudge A Temperance Adre (New Bedford,
1 837) 10; Nott 1 16; W. Sullivan 42; G. W. Wells 6.
32 The tend is predicted in Colton 61 , 71 .
B Marryat Diry 3 : 1 82. For the law and its background see M.L. V. 'i
cesed Houes' (Boston, 1 8B); Proceeding o the Convention of the Young Men o
M
a
hsetts (Bost
?
n, 1 834); Invetiatin into the Fiteen Galln Law; Leonard
Wlthlfgton A ReI of th Lte Temperance Moveents in Masachuetts (Boston,
1 840).
34 Quo. in Martineau 2: 361 . See the penetrating observation in Combe
2: 272. I am not the only one intrigued by the comment in Martineau's account.
See Ann Douglas Th Feiiztin o Amerian Culture (N.Y., 1 978 paperback;
1977) 48.
Appendix One
. (ca. 1 71 0) Richard B. Sheridan Sugar and Slver (Bait. , 1974) 341-342.
See also G. M. Ostrander "The Colonial Molasses Trade" A. Hi. 30 (1 956)
8m, 83; Caldar of State Papers. Colonil Seri, Ameria and Wet Indis (Lon
don, 1 893- ) 29:267; McCusker 437; ( 1 7101 770) Arc. Md. 14:90;
Thos. C. Barrow Trade an Empire (Cambridge, 19<7) 142-143; W. D. Hou
lette "Rum-Traing in the American Colonies before 1 763" J Am. Hi. 28
(1934) 147; David MacPherson Annal of Commere . . . (Edinburgh, 1 805)
3 : 1 76, 403n; "Jasper Mauduit, Agent in London . . . " Mass. His. So. Col.
74 (191 8) 1 73; Ostrander "Col. MoL" 78, 80n, 83; Richard Pares War and Tra
in tl Wet Indi (Oxord, 1936) 488n; Pringle 2:436, 684; Scomp 78, 142-143;
Sheridan 353, 356; State of the Trade, 1 763" Col. So. Mass. Trans. 19
(1916-1917) 386-387; (ca. 1 770) McCusker 468, 477, 584; Shepherd and Wal
ton 228-230. See also an earlier estimate by Shefeld 109, I I I , 1 1 5; Barrow
1 34, 142; MacPherson 3: 573; A. E. Martin "The Temperance Movement in
Pennsylvania Prior to the Civil War" Pa. Mag. Hi. Big. 49 (1925) 19<; Os
trand
<
r "Col. MoL" 83n;
.
Scomp 142
-
143; Julia C. Spruill Women's Li and
Work In th Southe Colme (Chapel HIli, 1938) 66; (1 785) Brissot de Warville
389-390; MacPherson 4: 1 61 ; Morse Am. Geog. 89; [?] to Jeff. , Jun.-Jul. 1 784,
Jef. Pap. 7: 335; Jeff. to Lafayette, Jul. 1 7, 1 786, ibid. 1 0: 1 48; Wm. Maclay
Joural . . . ed. E. S. Maclay (N. Y. , 1 89Q) Jun. 4, 1 789, p. 66; Benezet Potet
Enemis I I n .
2. (wine) Imports and exports (1 7901800) ASP 3: 1 : 707; (1 801-1 826)
3: 5: 880882; ( 1 827-1862) Sec. Treas. "Commerce and Navigation" AR in U. S.
Serials Set [vol. :doc.], 1 74: 253, 182: 86, 193: 95, 204:76, 220:2 30, 234: 1 09,
241 :289, 269: 149, 283: 375, 299: 225, 3 1 8:446, 342: 306, 361 : 577, 379: 238,
39:356, 416:247, 435:289, 456: 1 25, 472:4, 494:7, 504:5, 541 :42, 553: 3, 604, 628,
662, 703 , 750, 865, 886, 9<0, 989, 1034, 1087, 1 140, 1 1 70; (rum and mo
lasses) as above except (1 7901826) ASP 3: 5:890; (whiskey tax) ASP 3: 1 :64-67,
1 1 01 1 1 , 140141 , 145, 1 51-1 61 , 1 71-175, 1 91 , 249-251 , 280, 557-576, 593,
61 8-19, 683-84, 702, 706-708, 720722; Ham. Pap. 1 0: 103, 1 19, 1 1 :95-9,
1 5:472, 1 7: 19, 77-78, 20:484; White Acct. Bks. , 1 791-1 801 , CtY; Distillery
Box, Tench Coxe Sec. , Coxe Pap. , PHi; Material Relative to Collecting Reve
nue fom the Distilling and Retailing of Liquors in Pa., 1 794-1 803, Am. Philo
sophical Soc. , Phila. ; Distillers' Licenses, 1 798-1 801 , MdHi; (Ky.) e.g., ASP
3: 1 :720; Jillson Ky. Di. ; (W. Pa.) Baldwin Whi. Reb.; (Phila.) "Est. by Jas.
Newport of Phila. Distillers, with Amt. Distilled and Amt. on Which Tax
Has Been Paid, Oct. 5, 1 801-Nov. I I , 1 801, " Newport to Coxe, Nov. 28,
1 801 , Coxe to Richard Peters, 1 801 , Distillery Box, Tench Coxe Sec. , Coxe
Pap.; ( 1 81 4) ASP 3: 3: 5 1 , 1 83, 207, 21 6, 298, 634, 5: 371 , 5 1 1-5 1 2.
3 "Digest of Manufacture" (1 81 0), ASP 3=2:666-81 2 . (imperfect) Nile 6
(1814) 333; (estimates) Nils 2 ( 1 81 2) 54; Joshua Bates Two Seron on Intemper
ance . . . (2 ed., Dedham, Mass. , 1 814) 1 5; Gunn 20; (reaction) Gillet 6;
H. Humphrey Intep. 1 7; Jas. Mott An Adres to th Publi (N.Y., 1 81 4) 8;
Tenney 1 4-1 5; MSSI Cir. 4; N. Eng. Tract Soc. 4; (1 820) ASP 3:4:28-223,
291-299; (criticism) Nil 23 (1 823) 382; 24 (1 823) 1 30; (I 830S) "Dos. Relative
to the Manufactures in the U. S. " House L. 308, 22 Cong., I Sess. ( 1 833).
4. Ms. note, Jul. 22, 1 842, U. S. Cen. , 1 840 Compo I, U. Calif. , Berkeley.
U. S. Cen. , 1850 Rert of th Suprintednt o th Cen . . . (Wash. , 1 853) 75,
1 59; U. S. Cen. , 1 850 Stat. Vi 1 82; U. S. Cen. , 1 850 Die 47, 1 38; U. S.
Cen. , 1 860 Prelim. Rep. 65, 1 78; U. S. Cen. , 1 860 Manuacture 41 5, 738; U. S.
Statitical Abstrat (192 I) 616. (industrial use) A Physician Deultor Note on th
Orin, Use and Effects of Ardet Spirit (Phila. , 1 834) 30; MTS 22AR 28; Edgar
W. Martin Th Stadrd of Living in 1 860 (Chicago, 1 942) 79; Thomann Lir.
Laws 197; Th Whik Prblm (Wash. , 1 876) 6, 1 3 . This use of spirits has not
been considered in the standard estimates of alcohol consumption. Vera Efon
et al. Statisics 0 Consumptin of Akohol ad Akohlim (New Brunswick, 1 972)
4; E. M. Jellinek "Recent Trends in Alcoholism and in Alcohol Consumption"
QSA 8 (1947) 8.
5. (taverns) Jan DeLint and Wolfgang Schmidt "Consumption Averages
and Alcoholism Prevalence" Br. J. Aditin 66 (1971) 10. Many New York
City licenses are at NHi. G-Ar has records for several Georgia counties. (dis
tillers) Robison Distillery Accts. , Robison Pap. , MeHi; Hurd Pap. , CtY.
The haphazard nature of most distilleries is suggested by the records of excise
collector Dyer White. White Acct. Bks. , CtY. (brewers) Rhinelander Brewery
Day Bk. , 1 794-1 795, Frederick Philip Rhinelander Brewery Ledger,
1 793-1 801 , Rhinelander Pap. , NHi. The Vassar Pap., NPV, are the only ex
tensive papers of an early nineteenth-entury brewer.
6. Ham. Pap., 1 1 :98; ( 1 814-1 81 7) ASP 3=2:854-855, 3: 635, 5: 371 ; Nil 1 0
(1 816) 348; 1 2 ( 1 81 7) 273 ; Bristed 61-2; ( 1 81 8-1 822) Nils 20 (1 821 ) 2 1 1 ; 2 1
Notes to page 228
(1 821 ) 225-227; Am. Farer 2 (1 820) 1 76; Pwugh Boy I (1 820) 4I I ; H. Hall Di.
1 5; Utter 77; (1823-1 827) Nies 32 (1 827) 2 1 7; 3 3 (1 827) 1 39; Frind 2 (1 828) 1 3;
A Eng. Farmer 2 (1823) 1 34; Reg. Pa. I I (1 833) 379; B. Hall 2: 82; Holmes 205;
Utter 1 34; (1 828-1 832) Ariel 5 (183 1) 1 1 2; Literary Reg. I (1 828) 61 ; Reg. Pa. 5
(1 830) 389; 8 ( 1 831 ) 236; I I (1 833) 379; Utter 1 35; (1 833-1 836) ibid. 1 35.
7 (1 81 4-1 81 7) An Addres t the Inhabitants ofthe State o Veront (Montpe
lier, 1 81 7) 5; Hallok 47; H. Humphrey Intemp. 18; ( 1 81 8-1822) SPPCNY
Dcs. 1 8-19; MeTS IAR 9, 54; Beman on Intemp. 3; Gillet 8; Henry Warren An
AdresDlivered at Roxbur (Boston, I 82 1) 8; Wm. Willis An Addre.. Delivered be
fore th New-Bedford AuilIar Socit . . . (New Bedford, 1 819) 1 3; ( 1 823-1 827)
ATS Consitution (Boston? 1 826) 6; I AR 66; 2AR 1 2 , 1 5; 4AR I , 45;
.
AR 46;
ATU 3AR 52; 5AR 27; Bucks Co. Soc. for the Promotion of Temp. 4;
CtTS IAR5, 7, I I ; 3AR2 3-24; MeTS I AR; 2AR; MISSIALetterto theMechanics
ofBoston (Boston, 1 831 ) 9-10; MTS 2 2AR 1 2; NHTS 3AR 4; NYSTS IAR 23,
25, 28; 2AR49, 54; 3AR 56; VaTS 4AR 14;]. H. Agnew Adrs on Intemperance
. . . (Phila. , 1 829) 16; N. S. S. Beman 9; Bouton 4; Reuben Buck An Adre.
Delivered bere th York County TS (Kennebunk, Me., 1 831.) 4; David Damon
Adress Delivee at Amesbur (Boston, 1 829) 9; Luther F. DimmickIntemprance
(Newburyport, 1 824) 16n; Daniel Dow A Dicourse, Deliveed in Chpaht, R.I.
(Providence, 1 83 1) 8; A. D. Eddy An Addrs to Young Men (Canandaigua,
N. Y. , 1 830) 2 1 ; Elijah Foster An Adres Delivered beore the Salibury and Ames
bury Socit . . . (Exeter, N. H. , 1 83 1) 7; Chas. Griswold An Adres , Delivered
at Halme (Middletown, Ct., 1828) 6; Elisha James, Jr. An Adress, Delivered
bere the Scituate Auxiliary Socity . . . (Hingham, Mass. , 1 83 3) 17; Jonathan
Kittredge An Adres, Dlivered bere the TS ofPlmouth, N.H. (Boston, 1 830) 7;
Reuben D. Mussey An Adres on Ardnt Spirit . . . (Boston, 1 829) 13; Nott
1 3n; Palfey 1 7; Addison Parker An Adres Delivered bere the Southbrige TS
. . . (Southbridge, Mass. , 1 830) 5, 14n; Rankin 7; Jonathan C. Southmayd A
Discours on the Dut o Chritins . . . (Montpelier, 1 828) 1 6; Wm. B. Sprague
Intemperace (N.Y., 1 827) 8; Thos. H. Stokton Adre. Delivered in the Methodit
Epicopal Church in Eaton (Bait. , 1 833) 10; H. Ware, Jr. 1 3; (1 828-1 832) Am. Q.
Temp. Ma. 1 (1 833) 282-283; ATS 2AR 1 2 , 1 5, 48; fAR 45, 76; 5AR 46, 47,
63, 77; ATU 6AR ; 7AR 26; 8AR q, CtTS I AR 6, 7, I I; Hartford Co. TS
5; MeTS I AR; 2AR; MSSI Letter 1 0; NHTS 3AR 5, 16; NYSTS 1-4AR;
PaTS Anniversary Re. 8; Providence Assn. for the Promotion of Temp. Total
Abstinence (Providence, 1 832) 5; VaTS 3AR 5-6; 4AR 14; Agnew 6, I I , 16;
Wm. J. Armstrong The Evil ofIntemperance (Richmond, 1 829) 5; E. H. Barton
A Dicourse on Temperance . . . (New Orleans, 1 83 7) 1 3; Bell 2; C. P. Beman 7;
Breckinridge 2; N. Cross 5; J. N. Danforth 1 3; Dow 8, 2 1 ; Elon Galusha An
Adres , Deliveed beore the Rome TS (Utica, 1 830) 6; Goodell 7; ]. F. Halsey An
Apal to Patrits . . . (Pittsburgh, 1 830) 2; E. Hitchcok 35; Sam!. B. How
An Adreon Intepeance (Carlisle, Pa. , 1 830) 5; Alvan Hyde An Exple fo
th Holy Scrpture (Albany, 1 829) 1 7; Edw. Jarvis Financil Connftion of th Use
of Spirit and Wine . . . (Boston, 1 883) 7; Kittredge Plmouth Ad. 7; Knowles
9; Lvi Loring The Oriin, Evil, and Remedy ofIntemperance (Portland, Me., 1828)
10; Humphrey Moore A Dicoure, to Encourae Abstinence . . . (Amherst, Mass. ,
1 830) 3; Morton 8; Nott 1 3; A. Parker 1 4n; Joel Parker An Adress Dlvered
bere th Asscitin in Keene (Keene, N. H. , 1 830) 9; Benj. Patton, Jr.
Adress, Deliveed b . . = (Lewistown, Pa., 1 832) 4; Arthur A. Ross An Adress,
Delivered bere the Socity . . (Providence, 1 830) 7; Frederick A. Ross A Ser
mon, on Intemperance . . . (Rogersville, Tenn. , 1830) 4; Scott 10; John A. Shaw
An Address Delivered befre the Brigewater Society . . (Boston, 1 828) 7, 9; J. S.
Stone 1 5; W. Sullivan 3 1 ; Wayland 19; John C. Young An Adre. on Temper
ance (Lexington, Ky., 1 834) 5; (1 833-1 836) Am. Q. Temp. Mag. I (1 833) 143;
ATS 8AR 4; Young Men's TS of the City of Albany Proceeding . . . (Albany,
1 836) inside cover; MeTS 2AR 1 1 7; NYCTS 4AR 2
;
; NYSTS Temp. lmanac
(1 836) 17; PaTS Anniversar Rep. 10; Pa. Young Men s Temp. ConventIOn Pro
ceedigs (n. p. , 1 834) 5; Pennslvania and New-Jerse Temperance Almanac for 1 835
(Phila. , 1 83 5) 29; (1 838-1 840) ATU 2AR 53; 3AR 52; 5AR 27; 6AR ; A. T.
Judson Temperance Rert (Brooklyn, Ct. , 1 838) 1 8-20.
8. (Concord) Jarvis. See also Utter 1 25-1 36.
9. (beer) Bernhard 2 : 1 28; Burlend 7 1 ; I. Candler 45; Faux I I : I I 3-I I 4,
I 1 8; B. Hall 2: 1 38; T. Val. Heeke Reie durch di Vereinigten Staaten . . . (Ber
lin, 1 820) 1 :95; Holmes 204; Janson 3 1 ; Parkinson 1 : 60; (cider) ms. tax assess
ments for Concord, Mass. courtesy of David H. Fischer and Robert Gross;
Moral Reformer I (1 835) 1 22; Bouton 5, 1 7; R. M. Hartley in ATU 4AR 60;
MeTS IAR 1 2 . Horace Greeley claimed that a typical Vermont family used a
barrel of cider each week. Greeley 98-9. (decline) Bouton 1 7; ATU 5AR 28;
N. Y. State Ag. Soc. Trans. , NYAD Doc. 1 26, vol. 6 (1 852) 486; Am. Inst.
7AR, NYAD Doc. 199, vol. 9 (1 850) 1 56.
1 0. (congener efects) McClelland et a!. Drinking 1 35-138; E. S. Katkin et
a!. " Effects of Alcoholic Beverages Differing in Congener Content . . . " QSA
Supp. 5 (1970) 1 01-1 14; contra, DeLint and Schmidt "Con
.
s. Ave." 97-1 07'
(statistics) Efron et a!. 4; Wm. T. Brande A Manual ofChmItry (N.Y. , 1 821 )
52 1-522.
I 1 . (drinking pop.) Suggested by E. M. Jellinek "The Interpretation of
Alcohol Consumption Rates . . . " QSA 3 (1942) 267-280. Used by sever
l
recent studies. (drinking age pop.) Suggested by ibid. 267-280 and refned In
E. M. Jellinek "Recent Trends" 1-42. (changing customs) Cobbtt 197-198;
D. Drake Pioneer 32-3 3; Holmes 352; Larkin 333; Neilson 67; Schoepf 1 : 363;
Woodman 18; Geo. L. Maddox and Bevode C. McCall Drinking among Teen
Agers (New Brunswick, 1964).
1 2. Robt. V. Wells The POPUltIO' ofthe Britih Cownies in Ameria beore 1176
(Princeton, 1975) 72, 83, 92, 1 02, 1 16, 1 37, 1 52, 168; U. S. Cen. , 1 830 Fift
Cen. 26-27, 162-163; U. S. Cen. , 1 840 Sith Censs or EnumeratIOn ofthe Inhabl-
tants ofth Unitd State . . . (Wash. , 1 841) 476; U. S. Cen. , 1 870 Nmth Census,
Vol. , th Vital Statitic . . . (Wash. , 1 872) 560-577; U. S. Cen. , 1970 Charac-
teritis ofthe Population, Vol. I. United State Summar. Part 1 . Sec. 1 . (Wash. ,
1973) Ch. B, Table 5 1 .
Appendix Two
1 . (U. S.) Appendix I ; (early) Am. Mag. Knowledge 2 (1 836) 192; New Yorker
4 (1 838) 81 0; Temp. Recordr 2 (1 833) 32; NYSTS Temp. Almanac ( 1 838) 34;
ATU 4AR 54, 60, 70, 72; 5AR 38; 1 2AR 34; 15AR 41 ; 1 8AR 34; (Scotland,
1 822) Forbes 235; (U. K. , 1 800) Harrison 66; (Sweden, 1 800) Thomann Real 94;
(Sweden, 1 8201 830) Thompson 9; (185 1-1922) Rudolf Wlassak Grunris dr
Alkoholage (2 ed. , Leipzig, 1929) 1 54-1 55, except (Germany, 1 85 1-1 870)
Walther G. Hoffmann Da Wachstum der Deutschen Wirtshaft seit der Mitte ds
1j.ahrhunderts (Berlin, 1965) 1 72-1 73, 65 1 (both sources courtesy of James S.
293
Notes to page 238-239
Roberts); (1 970-1 974) U. K. Annual Abstract ofStatitis (1 976) 241 ; Denmark
Statiik
A
rbog (1 976) 47, 244; Sweden Yerbo ofNordic Sttistics (1976) j,
232; Annuaire Statitiue d l France (1 976) 20, 207.
2. As in note 1 except (1 839) ATU 4AR 60; (19701974) Statitial Yearbook
of Finlnd (1975) 454-
455

3. As in note 2, plus (U. K. , 1 830) Coffey 679
4. As in note 2, plus (1 845) ATU 1 2AR 1 7; (poland, 1 844; 1937-1<65)
Drinkingand Drug Praties Sureor #5 (1 972) 2.
294
I N D EX
Abbot, Abiel, 192
abolition, 37, 2 14-2 1 5
abstinence, 1 89, 202, 20, 21 7; seealo
temperance
achievement motivation, 1 74-1 76,
1 78-1 82
Adams, John, 6, 34, 35, I I I
.Adams, John Quincy, 1<6
Adams, Solomom, 197
Adlum, John, 105
aggression, 1 78, 1 79
Alabama, 1 1 5, 2 14
Albany, N. Y. , 1 07, 1 98
alcohol: eletoral symbol , 1 54; in
cider, 1 I I ] in cook books, 120; in
different beverage, 229-30; in
wine, 1 01-102; properties, 189;
tolerance, 149; uses, 227
American Fur Company, 1 59
Americn Temperance Society, 197,
1 98, 202, 2 14
American Temperance Union, 198
American Tract Society, 1 <
Amherst, Mass. , 197
Anderson, William M. , 162-163
Andover Seminary, 15, 1 91
Annapolis, Md. , 32
anomie, 140144, 190
antimasonry, 1 73
antitemperance soieties, 1 94
anxiet, 1 2 3 , 1 25-146, 1 61 , 166-1 67,
1 68, 169, 1 72-1 73, 174
1 75, 176,
1 80, 1 88, 189, 1 93 , 2 1 2 , 241-242,
245
Appalachian Mountains, 77-79, 1 26
Arfeson, Carl D. , 6
295
army, 1 5, 40; see als soldiers
arisans, 1 5, 1 3 1- 1 3 3 , 140
Ashley, William, 1 57
aspirtions, 165, 1 74-176, 178, 1 80
Astor, John Jacob, 1 59, 160
attorneys, 15, 135
Axley, James, 29
Bacon, David, 164-166, 167
Bacon, Delia, 165
Bacon, Leonard, 1 64-165, 167
Bacon, Selden D., 241
Bale, Rober F. , 243
Baptists, 209-2 1 0
Bard, Samuel, 263
Bath, N.H., Temperance Society,
1 97
Beecher, George, 166
Beecher, Henry Ward, 166, 2 1 8
Beecher, James, 166
Beecher, Lyman, 1 37, 166
beer, 9, 45, 65, 1 0-1 1 0, 173-1 76;
consumpton,
2
29; see als brewing
industry
Belknap, Jeremy, 43 , 45, 47
Benezet, Anthony, 36-37, 39, 225
beverage choice, 1 73-1 76; achieve-
ment motivation, anxiety, aspira
tions, 1 74-1 75
beverages: cordials, 1 2-1 3 , 16; juleps,
19, 9; peach brandy, 53; syl
labubs, 1 1 6; toddie, 19, 97-98; see
als beer; cider; cofee; milk; rum;
spirits, distille; tea; water; whis
key; wine
Indx
binge, see communal binges; com
munal drinking; episoic drinking;
solo drinking
Birey, James Gillepie, 2 14, 2<
blacks, see slaves
boatmen, 142-143
Boston, 28-29, 32, 68, 197
Bourne, Edward, 1 2 3 , 146
Bouton, Nathaniel, 280
Brackenridge, Hugh Henry, 41
Braintree, Mass . , 34
Brande, William, 101
brewing industry, 108-1 10, 228; see
alo beer
British fr trade, 155
Brown, John, 2 1 7
Brown family, 49,
Buchanan, James, 76
Bunzel , Ruth, 241
Burr, Aaron, 1 02
Byrd, William, 26
Byre, Frank, 1 87
Byron, Lord, 20
Cadwalader, Thomas, 39
Calhoun, John, 104
Calvinists, 191
camp meetings, 20-207
Canada, 238-239
canal laborers, 143- 144
Candler, Isaac, 7
capital, 204, 2 1 1 -21 2, 2 1 9
Cartwright, Peter, 20
change, 2 1 8-229; and drink, 1 25, 145;
cultural, I<; economic, 1 29-1 30
Channing, William E. , I J2
character, American, see ideals
Charles Town, S.C. , 32
children, 14, 168, 1 77 , 180-1 82, I<,
1 9B, 199, 230, 245-246
Chittenden, Thomas, 49
cider, 910, 45, 1 101 1 3 , 1 16; con
sumption, 229
Cincinnati, 78, , 1 07, 108
cities, -97, 107, 1 28- 1 29, 1 3 1 - 1 33;
consumption, 248
class , see lower classes; middle classes;
social class; upper classe
Clay, Henry, 104
Clinton, George, 32, 48
Cobbett, William, 6, 59, 108
cofee, 10, 101
college, 1 38-140; Amherst, 197; An
dover Seminary, 1 5, 1 91 ; Dar
mouth, 1 39; Harvard, 1 39; Har
vard Divinity Schol, 1 38; Ober
lin, 1 20; Philadelphia College of
Meicine, 46; Princeton, 140;
Union College, 1 3 9; University of
Virginia, 1 39; William and Mary,
1 39; Yale, 165; see also students
colonial era, 25-40, 56-57, 61-69,
1491 50, 1 52, 261 ; consumption,
225-226
Combe, George, 1 1 8- 1 1 9
communal binges, 1491 51 , 1 59-160;
se alo elections , fr trappers
communal drinking, 1 50152, 163,
1 69; consumption, 249
compartmentlization, 168
Concord, Mass. , 228
Concord, N.H. , 280
Congregationalists, 28, 48, 208
Congress, 5 1-53, 55, 67
Connectict, 47
consumption, 7-1 1 , 45 , 89, 1 1 3 , 1 28,
1 32-1 33, 1 39-140, 141 , 187 , 225-
239; beer, 1 07, 229; cider,
|1 1 , 229; coffee, 10, 101; colonial,
29, 64-65, 225-226; cross-national,
237-239; drinking patters, char,
249; occupational chart, 248; reg
ional char, 248; rum, 64-66, 225;
social class chart, 248; tea,
9
, 101;
U. S. statistics, 232' 233; wine, 106,
229
Continental Army, 40, 65
cook boks, 1 1 6, 1 20, 240
cokery, 1 16-1 1 8
Coper, Thomas, 73
Coxe, Tench, 73 , 226
crime, see soial order
culture, 1 20, 168, 1 70-1 7 1 , 1 78, I<,
2 1 2, 2 1 922 1 , 242-244
Cumberland County, Me., Temper
ance Society, 1 97
D.T. 's, see delirium tremens
daily drams, 149, 169, 249
Dalton, William, 6
Indx
Danvers, Mass. , 28
Darwin, Erasmus, 263
Dayton, Ohio, 85
Deane, Silas, 49
Deavan, Edward, 1 3 , I
delirium tremens, 169-1 73, 1 77, 1 89
Denmark, 238-239
Dickson, S. H. , 1 02
diet, 78, 93, 95-1 22, 275
distillation procss, 69-73
distille spirits, see spirits, distille
distilleries, number of, 86-87
distilling industry, 29, 48-49, 61 , 65,
66, 72-73, 75-77, 808 1 , 85-87, <,
228; illicit, 55
distilling manuals, 73, 75-76
distilling tehnoloy, 73-74
dotors, see physicians
Doge, Rev. , 1 38
Dorchester, Daniel, 1 87
Douglas, Stephen A. , 105
Drake, Daniel ,
Drew, Daniel, 2 1 7
drinking clubs, 3 2
drinking motivaton, 1 25, 146, 241 -
246
drinking ocasions: auctions, 1 9, 26,
37; barbecues, 19, 1 51 ; courts, 20,
26; funerals, 3 7; militia musters,
1 920, 26; ordinations, 48; se alo
camp meetings; elections; Inde
pendence Day; meals; rendezvous;
social drinking; steamboats; treat
ing
drinking patters, 149183, 1 89, 249;
see also communal binges; com
munal drinking; daily drams; de
lirium tremens; eisoic drinking;
intoxicton; opium; solo drinking
drnkennes , see intoxicaton
Dun and Bradstreet, 2 1 2
East, 79, 84
economic growth, 88, 165, 172, 1 76,
1 801 82, 204-205, 2 1 1 -21 2
economic: banks and temperance,
20; grain, 80, 84, 88; Hope Distil
lery, 81 ; insurance discounts, I;
money, 54, 203-204; purchasing
power, 82; triangle trade, 63;
297
wealth, 203-204; see al Ap
palachian Mountains; brewing in
dustry; capital;, change; distilling
industy; economic growt; excise;
factories; m trapprs; industral
ization; merchants; population
growth; price; triff; trade
Edgeron, Rober B. , 243
Einburgh Collee of Meicine, 39
Edwards, Justin, 1 91 , 280
eighteenth century, see colonial era
elections, 20, 26, 35, 1 52-155, I
emotion, 1 2 1 -1 22, 1 61 , 168, 1 88,
21 02 1 3 , 2 1 9
England, 1 01 1 , 89, 175- 1 76, 238
Enlightenment, 39, 47
Episcopalians , 205
episodic drinking, 163-168
equality, 56, 104, I | | 1 35-1 36"
1 38-1 39, 1 5 1 , 1 54-1 55, 1 57-1 59,
165, 1 10-113, 195, 201 , 21 2
Europe, s, 101 1 , 89, 1 63 , 175-176,
237-239
Evarts, Jeremiah, 191
excise, 49, 5 1 , 53-55, 68, 7 1 , 107, 226
factories, 18, 1 3 1- 1 32, 140, 1 76
Falmouth, Me. , distillery,
family, see children; women; youths
farm guide, 107
farm laborer, se laborers, farm
farmers, 14, 47, 56, 65, 75, 83-85, 88,
107, 1 1 01 | | 127, 1 28, 203 , 248;
souther, 1 3 3-1 35
Fearon, Henry, 93 , 1 75
Federalists, 45, 50, 1 54
feelings, see emotion
Field, Peter B. , 242
Finland, 1 63, 238-239
Fletcher, Elijah, 97
foo, see diet
Fote, Hery, 1 5 1
Fourth of July, see Independence Day
France, 1 01 1 , 1 63, 238-239
Franklin, Benjamin, 30, 34, 40, 97
Fraunces, Samuel , 49
freedom, see liberty
French Canadians, 1 56
Friends, see Quakers
frontier, 26, 47, 54-55 , 69, 77, , 9
,
1 1 5, 1 26- 127, 142-143 , 20
fur trappers, 1 55-163
Fuas, J. L. , 1 87
Gale, James, 1 72
Gallatin, Alber, 54, 56
gambling, 1 80
Gardiner, Robert, 103
Garrard, James, 49
Garrison, William Lloyd, 2 14, 290
general stores, 1 7-1 8, 2 3 1 , 23 5-236
Genovee, Eugene, 14
Georgetown, D.C., 105
Georgia, 29, 38
Gerany, 1 701 71 , 1 75-176, 238-239
Gooell, William, 1 99-20
Gough, John B. , 98
Graham, Sylvester, 12 I
Grimke, Sarah, 1 2 1
groeries, 204-205
guilt, 167, 1 72-173, 1 81
Gusfield, Joeph R. , 1 88
Hale, Sarah J. , 1 20
Hales, Stephen, 38
Hall, Basil, 6
Hall, Harison, 75-76, 91
Hamilton, Alexander, 505 1 , 53-54,
56, 226, 228
Hamilton, Dr. Alexander, 32
Hamilton, Thomas, 175
Hamilton County, Ohio, 105
Harper, James, 97
Harper brother, 21 2
Hartord County, Conn. , 66
Harard Divinity School, 1 3 8
healt.j9, 41-42; medicine, 38, 177;
milk sickness, 9; Wet Indie
Dry Gripes, 39; see alr delirium
tremens; diet; patent medicines;
physicians; suicide; Thomsonians
Henry, Patrick, 65
Hitchcock, Edward, 197
Hodgenville, Ky. ,
Holland, 238-239
Holmes, Isaac, 6
Hone, Philip, 103-104
Hopkins, Richard, 46
Horton, Donald, 146, 1 74, 241-242
Hosack, David, 1 38
Hudson's Bay Company, 1 55- 1 56
Indx
Humphrey, Heman, 2 1 5
Hunt, Thomas P. , 290
ideals, see equality; independence
.
libert; materialism; patriotism
:
progress; revolutionary ideals
:
romantiCism
'
immigrants, 143-144, 1 88, 248
import duties, see tariff
independence, 142, 1 51 - 1 52, 1 54,
1 57-163 , 168, 172 , 177-1 78, 180
1 81 , 1 94-195, 20-201
Independence Day, 45, 97, 1 52,
193-195
India, 1 78-179
Indians, 1 56, 1 59, 1 78, 246
industialization, 88-90, 1 29-I 30,
167-168, 175-176, 182, 188, 2 I I -
2 1 2 , 2 1 7
Inquir into th Efets o Spirituos
Liuors, 4041
intoxication, 25-27, 30, 149, 1 51 -1 52,
161 , 168, 1 70, 206
Ireland, 1 0-I I , 238
Irish immigrants, 6, 143- 144, 243-
244
Italy, 238-239
Jackson, Andrew, 102-103, 1
Jackson, James, 52
Jeferson, Thomas, 6, 102, 104, I 14,
1 39
Jeferson Cit, Mo., I 1 5
Jenkins, Rober, 49
Johnson, Tom, 91
Journl o Huanit, 1 98
Kemble, Frances, 1 3
Kentuck, 53 , 77, 1 53-154
Kirby, Abner, 66
Kittredge, Jonathan, 197
Krout, John A. , 1 88
laborers, 1 5, 26, 29, 47; farm, 14, 47,
65, 1 27-1 28; skille, 1 3 1 -1 33; un
skille, 140144;seealso ocupatons
Index
lager beer, see beer; brewing industry
Lancaster County, Pa., 87
laudanum, 1 77
law, 1 3- 14, 34, 49-50
lawyers, see attorneys
Leisler, Jacob, 261
Liberia, 164- 165
liberty, 35, 37, 1 35-136, 1 38-1 39,
1 5 1 -1 52, 1 54-1 55, 1 57-1 59, 165 ,
167, 1 81 -1 83, 1 95, 20-201 , 2 1 2
licensing, 28, 3 2-34, 227
Lincoln, Abraham, 96, 99
liquor, hard, see rum; spirits, distille;
whiskey
Litchfield, Conn. , 47
Livermore, Samuel, 53
Livingston, Peter, 49
Logan, George, 50
Lolli, GiQrgio, 244
Long Island, N. Y. , 1 08
Longworth, Nicholas, 104-105
Louisville, Ky. , 81 , 83
Lowell, Mass. , 88
lower classes, 34-35, 47, 1 35-1 36,
1 99, 204, 248
lumberjacks, 141-142
Lumpkin, J. L. , 290
Lyman, Huntington, 185
MacAndrew, Craig, 243
McClelland, David, 1 76, 244
McCusker, John J. , Jr. , 65, 225
Macinaw, Mich. , 1 59
Madeira wine, 32, 101 , 103, 1 04, m
Madison, Dolly, 1 3
Madison, James, 52, 1
Maine, 141 , 199
Mann, Horace, 204-205
marijuana, 1 78-1 79
Marshall, John, 103
Marshall, Thomas, 169
Maryland, 77
Massachusetts, 28, 34, 43, 49, 2 1 7
Mass. Society for the Suppression of
Intemperance, 191-192
materialism, 182-183, 202-205, 21 3,
21 7, 21 9
Mather, Cotton, 30-3 1
Mather, Increase, 23, 30
meals, 1 3, 1 8-19, 48, 103-104, I 1 8-
I 1 9, 149
299
medicine, see health
merchants, 36, 62-63, 66; ledgers, 2 1 2
Metodists, 14, 38, 1 37, 1 52, 1 88,
206-208, 2 1 2
Mexico, 170
middle classes, 1 88, 204, 248
milk, 98-99
Millerites, 2 1 3
Milwaukee, 108- 1 1 0
ministers, 5, 1 5, 28, 30-3 1 , 48, 81 ,
1 36-1 39, 1 52, 191-193 , 202, 220,
228
Mississippi, 1 51 - 1 52
Mitchill, Samuel L. , 73
molasses, 61 -69
Mormons, 2 1 3
Morris, Robert, 49
Morse, Jeidiah, 46, 192
motivation to drink, 1 25, 146,
241 -246
mountain men, see fr trappers
Natchez, Miss. ,
Neilson, Peter, 7
New England, 32, 48, 66, 99,
I I O-I 1 I , 226, 248
New England Tract Societ, 1 91
New Hampshire, 45, 47
New Haven, Conn. , 65-66, 165
New Orleans, La., 78, 83 , 85
New York (city), -97, 99, 103-104,
1 07, 1 38, 197, 203
New York (state), 32, 48, 76-77, 85,
87, 1 07, 226
N. Y. State Temperance Society, 1
N. Y. Young Men's Society, 197
Newport, James, 55
Niles, Hezekiah, 1 04
Nile' Rese, 228
North, 1 1 01 I I
Norway, 238-239
Oberlin College, 1 20
occupations, 248; see also artisans; at
torneys; boatmen; canal laborers;
farmers; fur trappers; laborers;
lumberjacks; merchants; minis
ters; physicians; planters; sailors;
schoolmasters; soldiers; stage driv
ers; students
Oglethorpe, James, 29, 38
Ohio, 77, 85, 104- 105
opium, 1 70, 1 76-1 78
Paine, Tom, 1 39
Parlit, 191
Patch, Sam, 144
patent meicines, 1 77
patriotism, 99, 104, 107
Pennsylvania, 50, 54-55, 69, 77, 85,
1 07, 1 54
Penslvania Gazette, 34
Peters, Richard, 50
Philadelphia, 32, 45, 55, , 80, 107,
226, 272
Philadelphia College of Medicine, 46
Philadelphia Collee of Physicians,
50
physicians, 1 5, 26, 38-39, 46, 50,
1 36- 1 38, 1 64, 1 7 1- 1 72, 1 77, 202; see
also health
Pickering, Joseph, 97
Pittsburgh, 107, 272
planters, 14, 48, 1 3 3-1 35
Poland, 239
politic, se antimasonry; Congress;
elections; excise; Federalists; law;
licensing; Revolution; tarif; Whis
key Rebellion; Workingmen's
Party
Polk, Jefferson J. , 29
Pomfet, Conn. , 1 38
population growth, 1 26-1 28
Porter, Ebenezer, 1 91
Portland, Me., 197
Potts, John, 26
Poughkeepsie, N. Y. , 1 1 0
Presbyterians, 207-208
price, 26, 98-10, 106, 108, I I I , 1 59,
1 73
Priestly, Joseph, 73
prisons , I I 4
progres, 2 1 2-2 1 3 , 2 1 7, 220
prohibition, 21 7, 220221 ; see also
temperance
Providence, R. I. , 66
Prussia, 101 1 , 89, 238-239
psychology, see achievement motiva-
tion; aggression; anomie; anxiety;
aspirations; comparmentalizaton;
Index
emotion; guilt; rapid eating; sui
cide, symbols; time
Putam, Gen. , 65-66
Pynchon, William, 65
Quakers, 36-38
Ramsay, David, 41 , 47-48
Ramsay, Martha Laurens, 46
Randolph, John, 97-98, 201
rapid eating, 1 18-I I9, 203
recipe books, see cook books
Reeve, Tapping, 47
regions, 248; see also Est; New Eng
land; North; South; Wet
religion, 1201 2 1 , 165-1 67, 1 81 -1 83,
192-193 , 205-2 I I , 21 3, 2 1 6-21 7,
2 19, 248; see alo Baptists; Cal
vinists; Congregationalists; Epis
copalians; Methoists; Millerites;
Mormons; Presbyterians; Quakers;
Second Great Awakening; Uni
tarians
rendezvous, 1 591 60
retail ers, 49
revivals, 205-206, 2 I 0
Revolution, 35, 37, 40, 65, 135-136,
194- 195
revolutionary ideals, 56, 67, 104,
1 34-1 3 5, 1 37-139, 1 51-1 52, 1 57-
163 , 165, 1 81 , 194-195, 20-201 ,
2 I 3-2 14
Rhoe Island, 67
Robison, Thomas, 49, 66
Rochester, N. Y. , 85, 14
romanticism, 199-20
Royall, Anne, 7
rum, 29-30, 38-39, 47, 61-69, 72-73;
consumption, 225
Rush, Benjamin, 39-46, 48, 50, 1 07,
I I4, 1 20, 1 36, 1 87, 1 92
Russia, 89, 1 75-1 76
Sadoun, Roland, 244
sailors, 144
St. Louis, 95-9
300
1
i
l
Index
schoolmasters, 145, 1 5 1 , 164, 1 80-181
Scomp, Henry, 1 87
Scotland, I oI I , 238
Scots, 69
Second Great Awakening, 1 37,
1 81 -1 83
Segwick, Theodore, 52
Sewall, Samuel, 28-29
Shattuck, George L., 46
Shipman, Elias, 66
Silliman, Benjamin, 109
skille craftsmen, see artisans
slave, 1 3- 14, 25, 46, 63, I 14; see also
abolition
Sloughter, Henry, 261
Smith, Gerrit, 290
Smith, N.R. , 147
social class, 1 35-1 36, 140, 248
soial drinking, 1 3, 1 8, 19
soial order, 303 1 , 89-9, 1 21-1 22,
1 26- 127, 144, 19001 91 , 2 I I , 245
sociology, se change; children; cities;
frontier; immigrants; Indians; Irish
immigrants; lower classes; middle
classes; prisons; slave; soial class;
social order; students; upper
classes; women; youths
soldiers, 144, 146
solo drinking, 163-169, 189, 249
South, 52-53, l I 5, 141 , 1 51 , 2 14, 248
South Carolina, 48, 1 53, 227
Spee, Joseph, 46, 1 38
spirits, distille, 29, 45, 65, 74, 88-9,
1 70, 1 73-1 76, 1 79180; cnsump
tion, 7-8, 225-228; se also rm;
whiskey
stage drivers, 140141
steamboats, 18, 83, 195-19
Steele, John, 52
still, see distillation process
Story, Justice, 103
Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 166
Stuart, Moses, 191
students, 1 3 8-140
suicide, 166, 280
Sweden, 10-1 1 , 89, 1 75- 1 76, 238-239
symbols, 1 54, 194-195
Tappan, Benjamin, 139
Tappan, Lewis, 2 1 2
3
01
Tappan, William, 1 39
Tappan family, 166
tariff, 5 1 , 67, 99-10, 106
taverns, 16, 27-29, 32-35, 1 89, 195,
22 7, 23 I, 234; see alo groceries
taxe on alcohol, see excise; tariff
tea, 9-101
temperance, 5, 90, 97-98, 10, 141 ,
1 52, 169, 1 76, 187-221 , 227; and
graham cracker, 1 2 1 ; hotels, 195;
insurance discounts, 196; maga
zines, 198; pamphlets, 19-198,
201-202, 228; pies, 1 20; plege,
193-19, 19, 2 16; pems, 19; soi
eties, 1 89, 193-195, 198, 257; songs,
1 98; stripe pig, 2 1 7, 21 8; see also
abolition; abstinence; prohibiton;
vegetarianism
Tepeance ilmanc, 19
Tepeane Recode, 19
Tennessee, 1 38, 206
Thanksgiving, 1 14
theory of drinking, 146, 241-246
thermometer, 43-45
Thomas, Joseph, 20
Thomson, Samuel, 1 36
Thoxnsonians, 1 3 7
Ticknor, Benajah, 280
Ticknor, George, 6
Tillson, Christana, 1 1 6
Tilton, James, 91
time, 1 8-19, 202-203
Tompkins, Daniel D. , 46
trade, 62-63, 77-78, 80, 83-85, 88,
1 1 0, 1 291 30, 226
travellers, 6-7, 9910, 1 1 2, I I 5,
I I 8-I I 9, 1 75, 228-229
treating, 1 52- I 54
Unitarians, 1 3 7
Unite Kingdom, 238-239
uppe classes, 27, 3 1-32, 35-39, 46,
48, 57, 10-104, 10, 1 28, 1 35-1 36,
1 77, 19, 204, 248, 261
urban development, see citie
Vanderbilt, Cornelius, 2 1 8
Van Rensselaer, Stehen, 1 9
Indx
Vassar, Matthew, I IO
Vaughan, John, 46
vegetarianism, 1 201 2 1 , 1 89
Veay, Ind. , 1 04
vineyards, 1 04-10; see alo wine
violence, see soial order
Virginia, z7, 46, 48, 50, 97, 1 38, I
p
Virginia Gaette, 3 5
Virginia Temperance Soiety, 1 96
Washington, George, 5, 49, 53, 55,
73, I
P
Washington, D. C. , 96
water, 95-98
Waterhouse, Benjamin, z63
Weld, Theodore, 12 I, Z 14, Z9
Weley, John, 38
West, 76-78, 8085, 9, 103-105,
I I01 II , 1 1 5, 1 26-1 27, 14z-143,
1601 61 , z48
West Indies, 63-64, 66-67, ZZ5
whiskey, 61-9z , 106'- 108, I I Z-1 I 3 ,
1 1 7-1 19, 1 59-160, zzi- z68
Whiskey Rebellion, 55, zz6
whiskey tax, see excise
Whitefeld, George, 30
Williams, Old Bill, 161-16z
Williamson, Hugh, 52
wine, 100-10, I I I-I 12, 173-175,
z l6-z1 7; consumption, 1 0, zz9; se
alo vineyards
women, 1 1 - 1 3, 1 9; m temperance
societie, z57
Wos, Leonard, 191
Worcester, Samuel, 19z
Workingmen's Party, 140
youths, 14, 1 38-140, 165, 197, 199,
Z 30; see alo students

W.J. Rorabaugh The Alcoholic Republic An American Tradition 199

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W.J. Rorabaugh The Alcoholic Republic An American Tradition 199

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THE

Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore; and the Rhode-

efore untaxed distilled spirits had

fact, so much cider was drunk that colonial Americans

his annuaI consumption.'

int was added

d their interiors with rum before yielding to

uor regulations. ln i ; i , for example, some holiday

Among the nrst to be alarmed by the increase of

Charles Town, ew York, and Annapolis. Dr. Hamil-

The Alcoholic Reublic

ures were enacted to discourage Sunday sales, to

if gaming were permitted on the prem-

es, a physiologist, and the authoroftwoantispirits

treauses. Then, during the i ;os, American doctors

lead poisoningcaused by drinkingrum

aged by the medical theories being

xtensive consumption of alcohol pro-

itselfwas a signofprogress, a sign

could b extended to medicine, which has long pre-

These early works showed a growing hostility to dis-

orary warmth that led to chills; it caused numerous ill-

dly imbalances caused

iliquor pamphlet had employed a new methodology,

give up distilled spirits. Foreign travellers observed that

d that spirituous liquor sapped health, morals,

and social order, they were still a minority. And they

inue+to drink stilled

dng |uge Tapping Reeve, that they

thebackcountryis soardent, '|eremy Belknap wrote of

ghtenment. Furthermore, the opponentsofdrinkingbe-

Two circumstances inuenced the direction that the

ient funds . The shortfall would

good idea to be drinking down the national debt. ' At

uty. 'Thischange, however, didnotoccur, and in i ;z

When the government, in i ;, attempted to enforce

se it clashed with post-Revolutionary principles.

shillings, pence per gallon, from

were unableto manufacture enough spirits to meet war-

However, despiteextensive capital outlay, the postwar

Furthermore, the destruction of colonial trade pat-

uld have fallen, and its use increased even more. ln

outlay for a still only if he could keep it occupied by

The result was that only wealthy agriculturalists had

stills and that farmers who needed a distiller's service

paid heavilyfortheirdependency. Before i 8zo, thecapi-

vania, Ohio, and Kentucky, those four states

produced more than half the nation's grain and fruit

ountains . This physical barrier dictated a particular

sell buttopackhis basementwithliquidassets. As soon

above, prices broke. Followingthe Panicof1 8 1 9 the low

and increasing the availability ofcheap whiskey. ln the

lthough these vessels were a cheap way to ship bulky

walked alone for four to six weeks, struggling to carry

The invention of the steamboat and its rapid spread

reight. Trade boomed. ln 1 8 1 2 , ew Or-

|ancaster County, Pennsylvania, which as late as 1 786

he result ofboth a declining production of spirits and

the factthat after 1 830 small local units lost business to

change can be illustrated with data

any modern nations . A mid-eighteenth-century craze

mneteenth-century distilled spirits binges preceded the

The spirits glut also destabilized the traditional