Symmetric Respect and Memorate Knowledge: The Structure and Ecology of Individualistic Culture Author(s): Peter M.

Gardner Reviewed work(s): Source: Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 22, No. 4 (Winter, 1966), pp. 389-415 Published by: University of New Mexico Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3629461 . Accessed: 26/01/2012 09:33
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SYMMETRIC RESPECT AND MEMORATE KNOWLEDGE: THE STRUCTURE AND ECOLOGYOF INDIVIDUALISTIC CULTURE1
PETERM. GARDNER
INTRODUCTION

culturesrepreHERE ARE clearlymany kinds of non-food-producing

sented in the ethnographic literature. Attempts to classify them have traditionallybeen based upon subsistencetechniques (hunter, fisher, gatherer). And, more recently, gross aspects of social structure have been taken as the criteriafor differentiation(patrilineal,bilateral;patrilocal,neolocal). However, apart from evolutionaryapproacheswhich tend to depend on rigid unilineal sequencesand simple polar dichotomies (Steward 1955; Service 1962), we have not yet succeededin replacingdescriptivewith processualtypology. If we review the most recent comparativestudy of food gatherers2we find that Service (1962) has utilized a large numberof criteriain order to differentiate two types of food gatherers.While the index feature is residence,Service's sample is polarizedby additionalunrelatedfeatures. His patrilocalpeoples, for example, exhibit consanguinealkin groups, hierarchicstructuring of statuses, and expressionof overt aggression;his composite-type peoples are mainly nonwith this and dichotomy, Service has non-competitive.Beginning cooperative of constellations that of the two features is associated each recurring suggested with a different environment,and he has presentedthese associationsas a comprehensiveexplanationof the basic differencesamong food gatherers.Unfortunately for his argument,an enlarged sample of food gatherersdemonstrates that lineal organization (including a unilocal residencerule) varies independently of what Service took to be the constellationof correlatedfeatures. Furthermore,Service attributedboth flexibleresidenceand the other features of his compositesocieties to environmentalpressure,whereas it is apparent that it is necessary to distinguish between different kinds of environmentalpressures,
1 Fieldwork leading to this paper was undertaken from 1962 to 1964 under a fellowship granted by the Ford Foundation and administeredby the Joint Committee of the Social Science ResearchCouncil and the American Council of Learned Societies. The conclusions,opinions, and other statements are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Ford Foundation or the Joint Committee. Several of the ideas were developed under the criticism and stimulation of Louis Dumont, Robert M. Netting, and Arthur J. Rubel. I offer my thanks for their insights and disagreements. 2 The term "food gatherers" will be used throughout as a convenient shorthand for cultures." "non-food-producing 389 VOL.22, 1966

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influence the natureof interpersonal someof whichaffectresidence whileothers relations. a common This paperwill be concerned withdescribing and explaining type of food gathering in culture,one whichhas a socialsystemthat is structured such a way that peopleavoidboth cooperation and competition. This kind of Service's in all but residence culture,whichresembles patterns, composite-type also be called in term that has beenapplied the or, individualistic, using might theNorthAmerican "atomistic." sub-Arctic, The termswhichare used in this paperneed clarification. In an earlier statement(Gardner1965a) I used the conceptsof interpersonal symmetry of overtaggression in orderto characterize (Bateson1935:181)and avoidance the culturetype to be described. Now, in orderto developa more realistic modelforthe Paliyans the of SouthIndia (fieldresearch withwhomsuggested theoretical willbe combined anddiscussed thesetwoconcepts present approach),
jointly as symmetricrespect. Symmetricrespect representsthe Paliyan concep-

tualization of ideal socialrelations. to this, one shouldavoidboth According Memorate and (hence (hencecooperation). competition) dependence aggression of culfor the another fundamental Paliyan understanding concept knowledge, the the result is held on which is a term for level, ture, idiosyncratic knowledge ratherthan beingderivedfrom of personal and individual analysis, experience but didnot proor tradition(Honko1965hasusedthis concept, groupopinion whichwillbe broader is Individualism videa formal another, concept definition). such as both socal It in this used Paliyansymphenomena, paper. encompasses such as memorate-level-knowledge. metricrespect,and ideational phenomena in keepingwith its latitudeof meaning, This term is used with considerable normal usage. of the socialand ideaa description The bodyof the paperwill comprise of food gatherers, This will be followed tionalculture of Paliyans. by a survey and psychological exwith a tentativeecological and the paperwill conclude of culture. individualistic planation
THE PALIYANS OF SOUTH INDIA THE SUBJECTS

liveon the lowereastern The Paliyans slopeof the hillswhichdivideMadras thesehills forma 5,000to 8,000 foot highspinedownthe southfromKerala; of India.While they speaka dialectof plainsTamil, the ernmost extremity of the 30 millionpeopleof MadrasState, Paliyans of the majority language
are physicallydistinct from their Tamil-speakingneighborsof the plains. Their

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variousphysicaltypes fall within the range of South and SoutheastAsian Australoid termedNegrito, Malid,Veddid,and proto-Austratypes,formerly loid. They are physically most similarto the Semangof Malayaand other Indian gatherers(see especially Evans 1937; Fiirer-Haimendorf 1945:35-37; Schebesta1927; Skeat and Blagden 1906. See also Coon 1958:29;FiirerHaimendorf1943:17;Olivier 1961:274-275; Sharma1963). Culturallytoo, resemble the as well and Chenchu as the they Kadar, Semang, Malapandaram, of India. in contract are not involved Today,only a few of the some3,000Paliyans labor or agriculture. These few continuein subsistence pursuits,gathering Dioscorea areat present, yams,sago,honey,andsmall,slowgame.The Paliyans and werefor centuries, underextreme from economically exploitative pressure and sociallydominant It is correct to 1965a:76-107). plainsTamils (Gardner characterize them as refugeeswho are still retreating. One should,therefore, bearin mind that isolated,conservative Paliyansdo not necessarily represent than their more advanced fellows.The greater economically pristine primitivity datafor this paperare derived fromPaliyans not yet established who,although in intensive external in of emerging fromthe forest. labor,are the process In the sectionsto follow, Paliyaninterpersonal will be discussed relations from four standpoints: and socialization, non-cooperation, non-competition, socialcontrol; in the ideational individualism thenwill be examined. sphere
SOCIALIZATION

During the first stage of Paliyan child rearingindulgenceis very prominent.

if Whiting and Child's five areas of socialization(oral, anal, Specifically, and aggression) areusedand if we followtheirscale (1 to sexual,dependence, the Paliyans wouldbe givenratings(6 or 7) in all five 7, with7 as indulgent), areaswhichare so extreme that they havean overallinitialindulgence beyond thatof anygroupin the WhitingandChildsample(Whitingand Child1953: of Paliyanindulgence are 56-57,69-70,73-74,77-93,98-102,103). Examples notedbelow. such as in a grandparent's elimination The most inappropriate accidents, in the earlyyears: arouseno concern. There are no sexualrestraints fireplace, of the sexes,and no punishment or disapthereis no clothing,no segregation mostof its sleeping or manipulation. The childspends provalof genitalinterest andwakinghoursin directphysical contactwith its mother's body,in the daytime restingon her left hip in a sling formedfromher uppersari cloth.The mother to the childat the slightest as oftenas four or givesherbreast whimper,

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fivetimesan hour.Denial,evenduringthe night,wouldbe inconceivable. There is a greatamount of maternal warmth duringtheseearlyyears,and muchconcernis expressed for the infant. Outbursts of angerare avertedor appeased if possible. quickly, The secondstage of child rearingis one of transition. roughly Coinciding withweaning at the age of 2 or 21/, the childis put downmoreoften or even left in the villagewith a relativewhile the motherworkselsewhere all day. situations for the without continuous maternal and Facing guidance indulgence firsttime, the child receives a mild slap for stealing its first real punishment, food or strikingotherchildren. atDuring this periodthe motherfrequently to When the child pressesfor attention, it tempts ignoreher child'sdemands. is a common sightto see the mother busyher hands,tightenherlips, and avert her eyes.When this occurs, the childusuallybecomes criesspasmodienraged, its feet, whileremaining in a squatting cally,pullsits hair,andstamps position which remindsone of the child'spositionand range of movements on the mother's it curlsuponits side and sobsloudly.A grandmother hip. Sometimes or auntmayon occasion to pacifyit, but it will pickup the childin an attempt seldombe calmedin less than 10 to 20 minutes. Such tantrums may continue untilthe childis 4 or 5; in one casethe episodes until 10 persisted yearsof age. The child'sindependence the basicsocial fairlyrapidly; develops by age 4, rulesare seldomviolated. 5 of the childplaysquietlywith others By years age andgivesthe impression of beingsocially skilledand self-confident. The transition stage has been passedand the child movesslowlyinto adulthood. Hereafter, changeis only a matterof degree,for there are no furtherradical
discontinuities.

is achieved at different behavorial Independence agesin the various spheres: is emotional reached followed first, skills, and independence by technological thenby socialindependence. A childof 8 or 9 seemsto be beyond punishment in is not under the of any otherperson. and, fact, authority Finally,whenthe the childis 13 or 14 yearsold, thereis full independence in economic matters. The child'sattemptsat independence and self-reliance are reinforced by adult expectations and lack of supervision. A 2 or 3 year old child may play on roof tops or with bill hookswithoutsupervision from adult relatives who arepresent, and a 5 yearold mayclimbunwatched to the top of a tree.In one from a plantation with his day'searnings of case,whena boy of 9 returned a firewhilehe prepared the food for cooking. food,his 5 yearold sisterstarted of parental record Only a few instances supervision appearin my 18 months' of Paliyan activities.

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featuresof child rearing The marked are initialindulgence, sharpdisconas regards and aggression tinuityat the age of 2 or 2/2, especially dependence and earlysmoothassumption of adultrolesafter the turbulent transitraining, tionalperiodis over.The fatheris friendlyand warmthroughout and, while otherrelatives do enterthe picture, it is the mother's warmth and suddenrejectionwhich standout.
NON-COOPERATIVE BEHAVIOR PARALLEL,

Nuclearfamiliesconstitute the only units of Paliyansocietycharacterized Even so, withinthe family,divisionof laboris not marked, by co-operation. andmarriage is regarded as a necessity onlyfor thosewhoareunableto provide for themselves. A conspicuous number of people never andmany,eventhe marry live alonefor extended the marital elderly, however, periods. Normally, pairconstitutes the core of a residentially, and sexually,procreatively, economically distinct Andthemarital in thesevarious family group. pairis the locusof sharing areas.On the other hand, marriage(kalyanam)may involveno sharing, as in whicha couple,thoughlivingtogether, shownby oneinstance had exchanged Eachspousehadprovided his or herown food, though no foodin fourmonths. In a caseof polygamy bothhadhelpedfeedthe children. or polyandry or when includes additional adult relatives,the exclusiveness of some the household wellbe absent. of marital sharing mayequally aspects is foundedupon egalitarianism, breachof whichis groundsfor Marriage are almostthe rule as a result Indeed,fragile,short-term separation. marriages In the samewaythatmarriage of inevitable conflicts. arecontinually partnerships If it werenot that a Paliyancouplenorin flux,so also is villagemembership. has a primary relative mallylivesonly in a villagein whichone of the partners in residence, a villageor band wouldcorrespond to a shapeless, unstructured of thosepersons who are together at a giventime.What is more, aggregation the nuclearfamilies, althoughusuallyrelated,engagein separate, parallelactivitiesandare economically of one another in realemergenindependent except cies.Even then,only certain bonds (brother-sister, primary sister-sister, parentof one nuclear grownchild) obligea member familyto extendaid to a member of another. Thereare no kin groupslargerthan the nuclearfamilyso that the subunitsother than these minimalsocial units. No village lacks organized functions are associated with village life, and only marriages and corporate are likelyto be the focusof shared, funerals no There are village-wide activity. formalized of either or under ways uniting, leaders,during "democratically" timesof crisis.For example, a snakehuntingparty formedwhenthereis an

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alarmnear the villageshowslittle organization As often as not, or cohesion. the ring of peopleabout the snakeis left incomplete, and it is allowedto escape. The generallack of co-operation in the practical is not lookedupon sphere as a shortcoming. from of all, is expected Rather, youthsto the self-sufficiency is to interfere withthe rightsof others. Just as they aged.To fail in thisregard seek socio-economic ties: the Paliyans also avoidcloseemotional independence, sex partners meethastilyand withoutfondlingor verbalexpressions of endearto their attention ment;mothers permitthemselves only two yearsunqualified are to be made clear for reasons later, friendships sociallyunchildren; and, of social and lack involvement Thus may be said to independence acceptable. the to be of psychological as wellas social Paliyans. significance rather than joint fashion workand live in parallel To recapitulate, Paliyans families. rather loose nuclear their outside and exhibitlittle co-operation They with othersand equallyreluctant are hesitantto becomeemotionally involved for autonomy. to unitetoward practical goals.Thereis a verystrongexpectation
AVOIDANCE OF COMPETITION

The Paliyans are very quick to assert a code of non-violence.As one man expressedit: "If struck on one side of the face, you turn the other side toward the attacker."Avoidanceof overt aggressionis consideredto be their first rule. On a lesser order, competitionin games is ruled out. Though the Paliyans have borrowedthe game of prisoner'sbase from their neighbors,complete with the verbalized "rules," the real rules, which are taken for granted and actually followed, are quite different. By the Paliyans' actual rules, both the elements of cooperationand competitionare ruled out; the game becomes, in effect, a ballet with as many prima donnas as participants.No one catches anyone else and, in fact, no player expressesmuch interest in another'sperformance. roles within Egalitarianismdescribeswell one aspect of the non-competitive Paliyan society. While there are persons set off from others by their status as "headmen"(nattame), statuses are not ranked, and there are no authoritydifferences between any two people other than parent and socially immatureoffspring. Egalitarianismwith respect to sex, generation,and age is a conscious ideal, frequentlyexpressedin discussingkinship behavior.Bateson'sconcept of roles is most appropriatefor labelling symmetrical,as against complementary, this phenomenon(Bateson1935). Balance or equality must be maintainedby those who give and those who receive. First, donors (of material goods, affection, or any other commodity)

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must respect others among their kin by avoiding unnecessarypreferencesor priorities.Excessiveattention to one person is an infringementon the rights of or aggressiveact becauseof the others, friendshipbeing seen as a discriminatory undesirable that othersare not friends.3 implication Secondly, recipientsof material wealth and goodwill feel equal pressureto conform. Social or economic differences must be minimized or denied and Paliyans are self-consciousabout receiving anything which sets them off from others. For example,when it was noted that Virappan had gathered far more soap nuts than anyone else for a forest contractorand would be paid more, he and denied it. Then he smiled, placed his hand on the squirmeduncomfortably next man'sshoulderand in effect said that tomorrowthe other man would collect morethan he. Disrespect, whether resulting from actual overt aggression or from role structuringwhich merelyhints at competition,is strictlyprohibited.The Paliyan term for disrespectis tarakkorava. This can be comparedwith standardTamil from tarakkuraivay, taram, status, and kuraiv3y,"to diminish,dwindle, be reduced . .. ," (Burrow and Emeneau 1961: entry 1537) the combined form being translatedas "to lower or diminishstatus." The concept is best explained by a few observed examples. Case 1. A youth who was living with his mother and stepfatherhad sexual relationsfrequentlywith his mother. She became pregnant and the stepfather ensued.As the offendedparty,the stepfinallyrealizedthe situation.An argument father left home for two weeks. On his returnthe family resumedthe appearance of unity; in fact, when the youthmovedto a nearbyplantation to locate a job, the entirefamilyfollowedhim there. Case 2. Subbansaw his wife talkingwith anotherman while she was fetching water.When Subbanaccusedher of flirtingshe becameangry and spoke roughly in return.Hurt by her words,he left the village for a week. On returning Subban found his formerwife still living with his parents,but she had been joined there by her formerlover (not the man at the well) and they were living as man and wife. As the maritalrealignment of disrespect, gave no furtherbasisfor accusations wasrestored. harmony Case 3. During a time when food was scarce,Old Rajammatalked angrilyof attentive to his only biological leaving her husbandbecausehe was particularly She accusedhim of grandchild, makingfrequentgifts of food to the two-year-old. lack of respect.The old man did not reply to his wife's harshverbalattack lest a defenseof his positionbe furtherevidenceof his partiality, deepeningthe insult. 3 Normally, moderate demonstrations of friendship are permitted between kin primary or between relatives whoarelinked suchas a woman and her husband's secondary aflinally, mother ora manandhissister's husband.

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These three examples of disrespect are all rather unusual. They are presented in order to show that disrespectis given more attention by the Paliyan than the variousother social breachesreferredto in the above accounts.In many cases, including the first two given here, it appears that authoritarianbehavior which takes the form of angry advice is the real basis for chargesof disrespect. This behavioralso may be thoughtof as competitive. But while Paliyan avoidance of competitionis directed exclusivelytoward avoiding disrespect,it is not the only form of disrespect.As shown in the precedingsection, lack of self-sufficiency is regardedas a breach of the rights of others and therefore constitutes disrespect.Symmetricrespecthas two componentsthen, proscribingcompetition or other acts thought to be aggressiveand disallowingdependence.
SOCIAL CONTROL

Social mechanismsfor problem solving in an individualisticsociety are not administered easily discerned.Paliyan premisespreclude either superordinately social controlsor joint, group-administered controls.Within such a framework, thereare, however,six main controldevices. of any or gross disrespect (1) The ideal for Paliyansis that overt aggression is said by the people to of aggression other kind will not occur.The proscription this value at be the rule aboveall otherrules.As notedearlier,childreninternalize of hostilitieswhich have an early age. The Paliyansattemptto preventoutbursts or repressed. beensuppressed drinkingof alcoholis carefullyavoided Consequently, To dissipate of aggression. because,Paliyanssay, intoxicants permitthe expression the sirupani is available, pu, or laughingflower(whichhas not angera tranquilizer on the forehead this is crushed beenidentified by an angeredindividual. botanically); there is much tension when the rule of symmetricrespectconUnderstandably, to express flictswith the needsof individuals angeror hostility.One notesespecially that Paliyanshave an activefantasysphere,particularly enjoyingthe violentaspect filmsanddreaming of poweroverothers. of Tamil-language frequentlystep forwardand (2) When frictiondoes arise,matureindividuals talk to the partiesin conflict,joking with them or soothingtheir feelings. These of whom there may be severalin a village or, are the personscalled "headmen," as that of conciliators, in a few villages,none at all. Their role is best described of the societywhich are in confrictionbetweensymmetrical components reducing of authority are acted out withoutimposition flict. The effortsof the conciliators or even suggest from above,for the headmenhave no mandateto order,arbitrate, behavior. moreappropriate or averted,the two parties conflictis not suppressed (3) If, despiteconciliation, is widely used. For example,a as a social mechanism, must separate.Separation, child, slappedtoo hard by the mother,was removedfrom the latter and fed for the rest of the day by anotherwomanwho was not even a relativeand who had

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of her own. This case, and othersof a similarnaturestand out severaldependants as extraordinary betweenpersonsnot membersof examplesof actual cooperation the same nuclearfamily. Spousesseparateat the first quarrel,which often results in serial marriages. For example,one girl of fifteen rotatedbetweenthree men, moving after each quarrel;she had experienced eight unions, each of which was referredto as a marriage.In anotherinstanceof separation as a form of social led to half a villageretiringto the forest for two weeks. control,a villageargument dictatesthe avoidance of outsiders, most of whomthey regardas Paliyandiscretion and aggressive. This deviceof separation to avertconflicthas led to the exploitative Tamil stereotype of the tribalPaliyan:shy vis-a-vis the outsideworld and unstable in his owncommunity. andpromiscuous of sorceryare overheard. The suggestionis (4) On rare occasionsaccusations that sorcery a covertmeansof retaliation for thosewho havebeenoffended. provides Fearof such retaliation constitutes behavior towardthose good reasonfor controlled with whom conflictalreadyprevails;indeed, even accusations are not voiced too loudly. decisionsare needed, (5) In seriouscrisesand situationsin whichauthoritative to as tata, "grandgods possessand speakthroughthe living.The gods are referred father," and are asked for advice and protection.Advice is sought at times of unusual personalproblemsor when the entire communityfaces crises, such as to dig. The gods provideprotection duringtimesof droughtwhenyamsare difficult at times of illness, as this disabilityusually is attributedto the attack of spirits. The patient,even if he has only a boil, emphasizes his dependence by exaggerated a staggeringstance,use of a stick, and facial distress.With displaysof weakness; the gods in a guardianrole, authoritative decisionscan be made and reassurance with purelyhumanpatternsof symmetric found withoutinterfering roles and selfreliance. is achieved Catharsis as childrenand eldersimitatethe dancingand speech of the gods while laughingbystanders offer worship.When they possessmen, the gods are cursedand mocked,and commandsare voiced in a mannerthat would be disrespectful-sufficiently so to requireseparation-if a personwere addressed. (6) Incest,theft, and murder(of the last, no casesare on record)are expected to drawdirectsupernatural in the form of an accidentor illness. punishment
MEMORATE-LEVEL AND ABSENCEOF FORMALIZATION KNOWLEDGE

So far, this discussionhas centeredupon the social side of Paliyan culture. In the ideational sphere there are some interesting expressionsof the same individualism. Three Paliyans sat around a healthy bush with plentiful leaves and fruit, the wood of which is one of five used for digging sticks. They gave me three differentnames for the bush and argued among themselvesover the name for several minutes because the alternativeswere not synonymous.Finally, one of them laughed, turned to me, and said, 'Well, we all know how to use it!" This would have little significance as an isolated case, but many similar incidents

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were recorded.For example, a snake mis-identifiedby a young man was discoveredto be one of the threelethal vipersof South India.4 Just as Paliyans have problemswith natural taxonomy,they manifest difficulty providing models or rules to describe social practices such as residence. They often speak as if generalizing,but their statements always reflect what has happenedmost recently in the experientialworld of themselvesor of their immediatefamilies. Virtually all of the verbal formulas which I elicited from them pertain to the culture contact sphere-for example, the verbalized but disregardedrules for prisoner's base, and the equally disregarded rules for and hence respectability, marriagepreference-which are symbolsof orthopraxy, from the standpoint of the plains Tamils (Gardner 1965a). In the purely intracommunal context there are no formal verbalizedrules except those perto non-violence. taining Field investigationrevealedthat informantslacked either the ability or desire to repeat songs, prayers, or rituals verbatim. I ascertainedthat there was no tabu on repetition;the informantsprovideda unique version each time because they placed no value on a set or traditionalversion.This type of individualism in other spheres:there were no formalizedbodies of knowledge;greater recurred not accordedthose who had accumulatedlore with age (in fact, of was respect the many herbalistsin one small village, most were quite young); formal teaching did not exist; and traditionalusages and concernwith precedentswere subordinated to individual, ad hoc, rational decision making. It is worth noting that Paliyans communicatevery little at all times and become almost silent by the age of 40. Verbal, communicative persons are regarded as abnormaland non-existent. often as offensive.Gossipis practically Malinowski,half a centuryago, made the distinctionbetweenprivateopinion and social belief (Malinowski1954:237-242). Honko has recentlyrevivedthese and "general"belief (Honko 1965: concepts,but he uses the terms "memorate" wished to distinguishdifferent levels of authors two merely 9-10). While these knowledge within a given culture, Durkheim once raised some interesting thoughtsaboutthe samephenomena. which are the result of an immenseco-operation, Collectiverepresentations stretches out not only into spacebut into time as well; to make them, a multitude for them, theirideasand sentiments; unitedand combined of mindshave associated,
for all cultures 4 Althoughthereis no reason to have the sameor evensimilartaxonomic This and other unusual universes, Paliyan culture stands out in lacking color categories.
features of Paliyan ethno-scienceare to be describedin detail in a separatepaper.

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have accumulated their experience and their knowledge (Durklong generations heim 1915:16). If men did not agree on these essentialideas at everymoment,if they did not have the same conception of time, space, cause, number,etc., all contactbetween theirmindswouldbe impossible, and with that, all life together.Thus societycould the categories to the free choiceof the individual not abandon withoutabandoning itself (Durkheim1915:17). Was it not an actual case of this individualismwhich led Levi-Straussto report, "I had been looking for a society reduced to its simplest expression. The society of the Nambikwara had been reduced to the point at which I found nothingbut humanbeings" (1961:310). Cultureis possiblein which the cooperationleading to conformityis replaced by individualism,in which most knowledgeis held on the opinion or memorate level, and in which formality and taxonomicprecision are maximallyidiosyncraticand minimallyvalued.
AND DISCUSSION SUMMARY

The main feature of Paliyan social structurefrom both the Paliyan and an outsider's viewpointis symmetric respect.Social controldevicespermitthis starkly individualisticsociety to have order, even though deities must be recruitedto provide an importantpart of the governance.In the section on sorializationit was commentedthat children are preparedfor their individualismby an early push towards autonomy and self-control. The emotional disaffection, as if in distrustof others,which adult Paliyansmanifesttowardeach other and outsiders is consonantwith Whiting and Child's expectations in situationsof early, severe aggressiontraining (Whiting and Child 1953:281). Idiosyncratichandling of the ideationalsphere is in no less harmonywith the rest of the culture. Given the low level of communication which Paliyans achieve because of geographic and flux on the one hand, and because of mutual disaffecdispersal population tion on the other, collation and systematization of the sum of the experiences of those in a group will be limited severely. Idiosyncraticconceptualizations prevail for lack of alternatives. The originsof these variousfeaturesof Paliyan culture will not be discussed in full until cross-cultural evidence has been presented.However, it is relevant to note that the Paliyans are refugees inhabitinga narrow,inhospitable,thorny, dry, stony strip along the lower slope of the hills. They are caught betweentwo aggressive agriculturalpopulations and are subject to continual bullying, exploitation, and contempt. There is historical evidence to support the idea that

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this contact pattern is centuries or even millenia old (Gardner 1965a). It is possibleto obtainsome idea of the origin of the Paliyan concernwith individual autonomy by taking into account both their chronic exposure to threats of extinctionand the circumstances which made withdrawalor subserviencemore realisticthan attemptsat retaliation.
COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE

In this section a sample of the world's food gathererswill be reviewedin order to provide a further basis for understanding and explainingthe emphases found in Paliyan culture. Similarities and dissimilaritiesin the culture and ecology of other food gathererswill allow us to talk with more certaintyabout causality.
THE SAMPLE

The following 26 cultures, representing the majority of the food gathering analysis: culture areas of the world, comprisethe sample used for comparative Vedda, Kadar, Africa, !KungandMbuti;SouthAsia,Chenchu, Malapandaram, and Yanadi; Southeast Asia, Andamanese, Phi Tong Luang, and Semang; Australia, Murgin and Walbiri; North America, Caribou Eskimo, Coastal

AlaskanEskimo,Kaska (at two time periods), NorthernShoshoni,Polar

Eskimo, Saulteaux,Tlingit, Western Shoshoni and Southern Paiute, and Win-

andYahgan.5 tun;SouthAmerica, Nambikuara, Ona,Siriono,

COMPARATIVE CHILDREARING

it is are seldomprovided, detailsfor a complete picture Althoughsufficient on whichwe have some child cultures clearthat 8 of the 12 food gathering
5 The sources of ethnographic data and contextual information are as follows: !Kung, Marshall 1957, 1959, 1960, 1961, Thomas 1959; Mbuti, Gusinde 1942, Putnam 1948, Turnbull 1960, 1961, 1965; Chenchu, Aiyappan 1948, Fiirer-Haimendorf 1943, Thurston and Rangachari 1909; Kadar, Ehrenfels 1952; Malapandaram,Fiirer-Haimendorf 1960, Luiz 1962; Vedda, Bailey 1863, Seligmann and Seligmann 1911; Yanadi, Aiyappan 1948, Raghaviah 1962; Andamanese, Man 1882, Radcliffe-Brown1922, Temple 1903; Phi Tong Luang, Bernatzik 1951, Burling 1965; Semang, Evans 1937, Forde 1934, Schebesta 1927, Skeat and Blagden 1906; Murngin, Thompson 1949, Warner 1958; Walbiri, Meggitt 1962; Caribou Eskimo, Birket-Smith 1929, Weyer 1932; Coastal Alaskan Eskimo, Lantis 1946, Larsen and Rainey 1948, Spencer 1959, Weyer 1932; Kaska, Honigmann 1949, 1954, 1960; Northern Shoshoni, Oliver 1962, Steward 1938; Polar Eskimo, Rasmussen 1908, Weyer 1932; Saulteaux, Callender 1962, Dunning 1959, Hallowell 1955, Landes 1937; Tlingit, Krause 1956; Western Shoshoni and Southern Paiute, Steward 1938, B. B. Whiting 1950; Wintun, Goldschmidt

Livi-Strauss1961; Ona, Cooper 1946a, Lothrop1928; 1948, McKem 1922; Nambikuara,

Siriono, Holmberg 1950; Yahgan, Bird 1946, Cooper 1946b, 1946c, Gusinde 1961, Lothrop 1928.

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rearing informationclosely resemblethe Paliyans, whereasthe remaining four are markedly different. For the most part the available information pertains only to presenceor absenceof initial indulgence,which is only part of the child rearingpattern. For the Siriono we find indulgencein the areas of cleanliness, elimination,and feeding, with late weaning. There is a familiar lack of both "teaching"and corporalpunishmentand when they have expressedaggression against their children, "mothersalmost always cry . . ." (Holmberg 1950:7577). The last phenomenonhas often been noted among Paliyans. Holmberg reportsa period of tantrums,and early self-reliance (1950:77-79). The Kaska are describedsimilarlyas regardsabsenceof authoritarian parental roles and an towards early push self-sufficiency (Honigmann 1949:310-311). The other cultureswhich resemblePaliyans are the Yanadi, Semang, Shoshoniand Paiute, Chenchu, and Caribou Eskimo. In contrast, the Andamanese,Walbiri, Kaska (based on Honigmann's reconstruction,1954), and Tlingit structure parentchild relationships in a harsher,moreauthoritarian way.
NON-COOPERATION

is expressedin the literaturein a numberof ways: by terms Non-cooperation such as social or psychological "atomism"or "intense individualism,"by reference to economically independent nuclear families, and by description of various practices such as abandoningthe aged or expecting self-relianceeven of the physically unfit. With only a few ambiguous cases, our sample breaks downinto cooperative andnon-cooperative cultures. The term "atomism"has been applied particularlyin the North American sub-Arctic.Two cultures from this region, Kaska (Honigmann 1949:208-209) and Saulteaux (Hallowell 1955:105), have been described vividly in these terms. Honigmann uses the concept of atomism in the sense of social and economicself-sufficiency, and Hallowell as centering on emotional disaffection, but one findsboth sortsof atomismin both societies.6 Good data are availablefor the Siriono, who are depicted by Holmberg as as being "intensely"individualistic (1950:60). The same peoples characterized individualisticusually also have the nuclear family as the basic (if not exclusive) economicunit. Most important for our purposes are cases which show non-cooperation in the extreme.Dramatic evidence of a demand for self-sufficiency is forthcoming
6 The phenomena which could be labelled atomistic in Paliyan society, similarly, are both social and psychological. Taking the concept in its broadest sense, we find atomism in either or both the social and psychological spheres in a number of the cultures in our sample.

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from the !Kung, Mbuti, WesternShoshoni,Siriono,and CaribouEskimo. Eskimoevictionof those unableto care for themselves becauseof incompeor is tence infirmity(Birket-Smith 1929:1258, 264-265) well knownbut by no meansunique.The Mbuti, Shoshoni, the aged and Sirionoalso abandon Steward1938:240;Holmberg1950:85). In curiously (Turbull 1961:34-36; to the criesof similar both the !Kungand Sirionofailed to respond episodes, lost near camp (Thomas1959:122-123; individuals Holmberg1950:98). In eachof thesecultures to look after himself the abandoned personis expected to one so as not to interfere withthe rightsof others. This is a perfectparallel of the two components of symmetric of the Paliyanconcept respect. cultures suchas theseand otherswhichdo The contrast between gathering and E. H. Man havecooperation is verygreat.Radcliffe-Brown (1922:44-47) an Andamanese (1882:108,110) have documented systemof socialand ecoto a virtualclass nomicprivilegefor leadersand their wiveswhichamounts in everyrespectto system."Chiefsand eldersare almostinvariably superior fromthe drudgery to enjoyimmunity the rest Theyandtheirwivesareat liberty for to theirmodeof life, all suchacts beingvoluntarily incidental performed 1882: themby the youngunmarried under their headship" (Man persons living Man's thinksthe termchiefis too strongandunderscores 109). Radcliffe-Brown Nonethefurther to the chiefis voluntary thatsubmission statement (1922:46). The Veddas class formed. less,whether by forceor not, thereis a nearleisure clanswith a patternof laborobliga"servile" and several havetwo "superior" But in theircasethe inferiorstatus tionssimilarto that of the Andamanese. 1911:78and Seligmann and involuntary is hereditary, resented, (Seligmann Eskimos who the Coastal Alaskan An is attained extreme among probably 79). in order to exploitsea mammals must maintainsolidarityand cooperation 225, 228). The othercooperative gathering (Weyer1932:176, peoplesare the and Ona. Tlingit,Wintun, Walbiri, Murngin,
NON-COMPETITION

The two main aspects of non-competition,(1) avoidance of overt aggres-

if present, so that comparative areusually sionand (2) egalitarianism, reported dataaregoodin thissphere. in between First,a clearline maybe drawn peopleswho are non-aggressive who in and others external and any context,includingself-defense, engage internecine warfare but seemableto copewithaggressive acts withintheirown community. Nearly half of the sampleare alignedwith the Paliyansin conthe Kadar,Malapandaram, all formsof aggression; and Semangacdemning

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403

Variousdevicesfor the safe outletof aggressive tuallylack weapons. impulses are also widelyreported amongthe aggression-avoiding people,as in the cases of the Yanadiand Siriono.The Yanadi love violencein films, which they in termsof the violence describe or thoughthis may be irrelevant portrayed, to the plot (Raghaviah incidental Both male and female Siriono 1962:13). havedrinking feasts (Holmberg 1950:38-39, 62) whichlead to the ventingof "latentantagonisms and aggression" in the (Holmberg1950:62). Especially case of men the accustions often lead to fights whichare, however, strictly limitedto wrestling matches (Holmberg1950:39,62). 'Except at drinking feastsantagonisms seldomlead to violence"(Holmberg 1950:62)."Afterthey are over the participants their angry feelingswithina few usuallysuppress days'time,and all is normal again . . ." (Holmberg 1950:39).Thereare two othernotabledevicesfor "dissipating" inanimate anger;huntingand attacking For the who are not Siriono, objects (Holmberg1950:50, 62). aggressive toward outsiders is expressed 1950:51, (Holmberg 62-63),intra-band aggression on condemnation of violence safety.Thereare explicitreports amongmanyof the peoplesin our sample.The !Kung,for example,proscribe fightingand have"a pervading dread"of anger (Marshall1959:360-361; 1960:327,336). It is, however, to infer the subtlerproscription of veryoften left to the reader interference withor breach of symmetric which is the widespread respect among samepeoples. for purposes of this study,includes in Egalitarianism, only thosesituations whichthe usualcriteriafor authority differences such as age and sex are put of parent-child differentiation. It is normalin aside,with the singleexception culturesfor status differences to be minimized and authority non-competitive relationsavoided.For example,while the CaribouEskimohave no leaders (Birket-Smith Paiute,and !Kung, 1929:1260),peoplessuch as the Shoshoni, whodo haveheadmen, definethe roleby statusalone (Steward 246; 1938:242, Marshall1960:344,351-352).In fact, !Kungmen are extremely to reluctant become as to avoid sets them off that from others headmen, just theytry anything andwhich "draws unfavorable attention to them.. ." (Marshall 1960:350-351). The Basin-Plateau like the Paliyans, dreamof powers of leadership; gatherers, this is of an index desires(Steward perhaps suppressed 1938:242). There is markedcontrastbetweenthe preceding peoplesand those who makea practice of war.The latteroftenhavewell developed socialcomplementation:maledominance; virtual as in the casesof the Andamanese socialclasses, and the Veddas (Man 1882:108-110; Radcliffe-Brown 1922:44-47; Seligmann
in controlled, stylized, almost ritualistic ways which generally ensure public

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and Seligmann 1911:78-79); slavery, as among the Coastal Alaskan Eskimos (Weyer 1932:208); and leaders describedas having "unrestrictedauthority" among the same Eskimos (Weyer 1932:210) and "the powers of dictator" among the Wintun (McKem 1922:243). Likewise contrastingwith the basic idea of symmetricrespectis the notion that groups have primacy over individsocial entity and group uals, becausethe individualis no longer a self-sufficient authoritylegitimizescompetitionand social confrontation.This is expressedby the attitudes of the Walbiri, Ona, and others with regard to revenge where injuries are consideredto be against the groups, rather than individuals (Meggitt 1962:51, 97; Cooper1946a:117).
CONTROLS SOCIAL

As in the case of socialization,critical materialson social controls are for the most part not recordedin the ethnographicliterature.We do find, however, a significant number of cases in which one or more control devices are mentioned which either agree or contrast with the Paliyan system. In many of the cultures surveyed self-control is expected and the children are indoctrinated against aggression.The Yanadi avoid alcohol so as to be able to maintain the ideal of self-control (Raghaviah 1962:351, 404). Separationof parties in conflict occursamong the Kadar (Ehrenfels 1952:71) and among 9 other cultures in the sample. Supernatural sanctions are important especially among the Saulteauxand the Paiute (Hallowell 1955:103, 105, 120, 147; B. B. Whiting 1950:77-80). In the same way that there are a numberof norm violations (such as incest) for which the Paliyans have no purely social response apart from temporaryleave taking, we find "tolerationof incest" or extrememarital "irregularity" on record for the Mbuti, Malapandaram, !Kung, Paiute, and Chenchu (Turnbull 1961:111-114, 118-120; Fiirer-Haimendorf 1960:49-50; Luiz 1962:143; Marshall 1957:344; B. B. Whiting 1950:73; Firer-Haimendorf 1943:167-173). When an Mbuti allows his wife to flirt and says, "It is not my affair ..." (Turnbull 1961:125), his predicamentand response have a very Paliyanring. Societies which resemblethe Paliyans never have corporalor capital punishment as do the contrasting Murngin, Walbiri, or Alaskan Eskimo (Warner 1958:70-75; Meggitt 1962:53; Weyer 1932:210). The available materials strongly support the emergingdivision into two types of societies characterized by fundamentallydifferentbasic rules.

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405

Following respectable anthropological (indeed, scientific) principles, but basing his judgment on a knowledge of more formalizedculture, Burling has said the following of Bernatzik'sstudy (1951) of the Phi Tong Luang: The Phi Tong Luangwere said to have no personalnamesand to lack a pronoun mental level was said to be low: they hardlyremembered the past or anticipated the future, and they were incapableof abstractthought. Their languagewas so backward that it lackednamesfor different The people speciesof plantsor animals. were said to keep to themselves,avoiding contactwith others; yet, mysteriously, they were able to speakLaotianas well as their own language.[Use of the area's dominantlanguageis the situationamongvirtuallyall of the competitionand cooperation-avoiding peoples.P.M.G.] ApparentlyProfessorBernatziklet either his own theoriesor the racialtheoriespopularin his home-landat that time prevent him frommakingan objective report(Burling1965:21-22). For those who have worked with such cultures Beratzik's descriptionis internally consistentand makes good sense. He would need to have been a most astute and perceptiveperson in order to distort his data so systematically,if that is what he did. The Phi Tong Luang representa good exampleof socially and ideationallyindividualistic culture. The Shoshoni,Paiute, and !Kung, like the Paliyans, are empiricallyoriented and non-traditional(Steward 1938:46; Marshall 1960:330). Others share with the Paliyans an inability or disinclinationto repeat myths and songs in a set way: spontaneousvariation is the rule rather than memorizedwording among the Semang (Schebesta 1927:175-176); brevity and lack of elaboration are the rule when the Yanadi narrateincidents (Raghaviah1962:13). Whether or not these traits are exaggeratedin some records, such evidence of memoratelevel culture is found in the very societies which stress social individualism.
AND CONCLUSIONS INTERPRETATIONS INTERCULTURAL PRESSURE for I, so that they could refer to themselves only by a kinship term .... Their

In the one dimensionwith which this paper has been concerned(see Gardner 1965c for a broader,multi-dimensional typology), we have been able to differentiate two major groupings of hunting and gathering cultures. Leaving aside 5 cultures to be examinedbelow, the two typological groups consist of: (1) Paliyans, !Kung, Mbuti, Kadar, Malapandaram,Yanadi, Phi Tong Luang, Semang, Kaska (Honigmann 1949), Saulteaux, Western Shoshoni and South-

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em Paiute, Nambikuara, and Siriono; (2) Vedda, Andamanese, Mumgin, Walbiri, Coastal Alaskan Eskimo, Kaska (Honigmann 1954),7 Tlingit, Wintun, and Ona. This division is congruent with another that could be made between (1) societiesunder intercultural pressureor with more powerful neighbors and (2) societies not under pressureeither because of insularity, homogeneity of interculturalenvironment,or subordinancyof neighbors.The dominant neighborsof the former societiesare in most cases long present.It might be observedalso that while these neighborsare sometimesendowed with exaggerated malevolenceby the subordinatesocieties, there is always in fact a real powerdifference. TRANSITIONAL SITUATIONS Five gatheringcultureswhich fall into two groupsmust be treatedseparately. The Chenchu, Caribou Eskimo, Northern Shoshoni, and Polar Eskimo on the one hand, and the Yahgan on the other, exhibit differencesfrom the other cultures of the sample. (1) One differencepertainsto their culture, because from the standpointof the typology developedhere, they exhibit internal inconsistencies or representa mixtureof the featuresof the two cultural types describedin the precedingpages. For example,they might have all of the features of symmetric, individualisticsocieties except aggressionavoidance;or they might have all the features of cooperatively organizedsocieties, but stress aggressionavoidance. Four of the exceptionalcasesexemplifythe formerof these possibilities; the to are an of difference environthe latter. Another Yahgan example (2) pertains ment, all five peoples being in transitionalor recently transitionalsituations. Again, the first four cases are similar;they have recentlyachievedculturalhomogeneity,eitherbecauseof the introductionof guns or horses,or as a result of migration.The Yahgan, by contrast,wereunderincreasingpressurefrom the better armed and strongerOna (Lothrop 1928:87, 193; Bird 1946:21; Cooper 1946b: 131). It can be shown that the mixturesof cultural features are preciselythose situations (Gardwhich would be expectedundersuch transitionalenvironmental ner 1965a:132-137;1965c).
THE QUESTIONOF CAUSALITY

If interculturalpressure is the cause of non-cooperative,non-competitive mechansocial structureand of individualism in the ideationalsphere,the autsal ism requiresexplanation.The individualistic cultureshave child rearingpractices the significant of the two accounts of the Kaska reflects 7 The different classification ethnoin the culture in the ethnographic differences as described andas seenthrough present
historicalreconstruction.

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like thoseof the Paliyans. exAlthoughthis doesnot take us veryfar towards it ultimate of a psychological variable causes, suggeststhe possibility plaining between andcultural intercultural response. intervening pressure and anthropological offer a number of possible exPsychoanalytic writings to that expressed of individual behavior similar of planations by wholesocieties anddisof anxiety, refugeefood gatherers. generalization Repression, projection, aretheindividual of mostobvious relevance. placement processes The problems are described presented by continualfrustration by Goodenough: We areconstrained andother alike,to develop by circumstances people, waysof to terms withour frustrations and deprivations. We haveto learnto live coming in temper overindulgence or exprestantrums with,andin spiteof, themwithout sionsof self-pity. as we feel angerandare frustrated insofar in this Furthermore, in socially too,we haveto learnto dealwiththesefeelings respect, [hereinterculturally P.M.G.]acceptable waysas well (Goodenough 1963:112). Whenwe areafraid to allow theprivilege ourselves of letting go at all (whether we arerealistic in our fearor not), we maytotallysuppress all expression of the in question emotion and become of exhibiting it through self-censorship incapable evenwhenit is expected of us. Whensuchis the casewe say we are 'repressed' (Goodenough 1963:114-115). KarenHomey contributes several aboutthe effectsof hostilityrethoughts which for would account a of a people pression significant partof the response to continual harassment. instead of leadsto First,repressing hostility retaliating a cycle, becauseit constitutes an invitationfor furtheraggression(Homey 1937:63). Second,repressed hostilitymay create anxiety.Protectionagainst and anxiety, Homeysuggests, may take four forms,two of which-withdrawal submission-are for understanding significant refugeegathering peoples.The withdrawn seeksfor independence eitherthroughpossessions or by repersons his The submissive stricting needsto a minimum (Homey 1937:98-99). person withexpectations in orderto be thought"good"; his owndemands are complies to avoidresentment repressed Third, repressed (Homey 1937:96-98). hostility in competition, andan urgeto be conventional and mayleadto a fearof success

In a laterworkHomeydiscusses the "moving whoneedsemoawayperson," tional distanceand self-sufficiency. This varietyof neuroticadjustment often entailsseveral familiar The patterns amongrefugeegatherers. moving awayperson avoidslong termcommitments; he conforms whileinwardly reoutwardly considers adviceto be domination, sexual jectingrulesand standards, enjoys
relationshipsif they are transitory and compartmentalized(not constituting

to avoidenvy (Homey 1937: 210, 213-214).

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against him), and will not admit to his innerconflicts (Homey 1945: "trespass" 75, 78, 85-86, 93). While withdrawal"does not mean going into a desert . . ." (Homey 1937:98), the moving away person "is like the Pygmies of Ceylon, invincibleso long as they hide in the forest but easily beaten when they emerge" (Homey 1945:92). Many features of the culture of gatherersunder interculturalpressuresuggest the same motivationalpattern as neuroticpersonswhom Horney describes: the fear among Paliyans and Yanadis that alcohol will permit aggression,the fear of anger among the !Kung, unrealisticdenial of known aggressive outbursts, avoidanceof competitionand status differences,outwardly conforming behaviorin the context of culture contact,emotionalaloofnessin sexual relationnon-competitive, ships, and so on. Homey's movingaway type is non-cooperative, but outwardlyconformist. independent, of anxiety is attested by both Plant (1937:84) and Homey Generalization "familiarpsychologicalprinciple"is lent greater tenability this and (1937:89), of by the findings Whiting and Child (1953:265, 282). This processcould be consideredauxiliary-it does not explain the whole range of phenomenain refugee cultures but it accounts for the general insecuritywith regard to "other persons,"whether or not particularclasses of people are perceivedas threats. Certain personsare threatening,of course, notably the inconsistentmother and outsiders. Projection and displacement,as explanatoryprinciples,appear to have the same limitations as generalizationof anxiety. They account better for certain phenomenawithin the culturalsystem than for the relationshipbetweenexternal the for understanding factors and the cultural system, and are most appropriate links between child rearing and adult behavior. But projection of repressed hostility against outsidersand displacementof aggressionfelt towards frustrating parentsto outsiderswould explainwhy many refugees,especiallythe Siriono, Saulteaux,and Kaska, have an exaggeratedfear of their more powerful neighbors, endowing them with the character of totally malevolent, almost supernaturalforces. of hostility is the main processwhich accounts It is suggestedthat repression for the individualisticcultural patterningof refugee food gatherers,with generalizationof anxiety, projection,and displacementas secondarybut supporting processes.Subject to chronic domination,these refugee peoples have defended themselvesby withdrawingemotionallyand geographically.That is, they withwhen contactis inevitable.Under circumdrawwhen possibleand are submissive is of distinct adaptivevalue. stanceswhich call for great mobility,self-sufficiency If it were not for the transitionalcases in the sample, one might suppose that

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the causal sequencewas the exact opposite. A culture which had developedsocalization practicesleading to non-cooperative, behaviorpatterns non-competitive would be extraordinarilyvulnerable to outsiders who arrived with a more tightly knit society. Thus refugee status and interculturalpower differences would be the result, not the cause, of individualism.But unless the transitional this would not be a tenable alternativeexplanacases have been misinterpreted tion of the data reviewed. One might propose that the memoratepattern of knowledge is a result of the psychologicaland sociological situation. Given small, dispersedpopulation not only betweengroups but also aggregateswith a low level of communication, there will be limits to the degree of generalization severe among co-members, about experiencewhich can be achieved;as a result, there will be relianceupon an idiosyncratic orderingof reality.
FRAMEWORK OFCAUSALITY A BROADER

Despite the apparentlygood fit betweensituations of interculturalpressure and individualistic culture, among food gatherersthere are other possible causes of the interveningvariable of psychologicalindividualism.John Whiting has suggestedthat the externalforce which starts a particularsocialization-culture --socialization cycle could be a sudden change in the socializationsituation as of factors disturbingthe make-upand functioning of the nuclear a consequence family (Whiting 1965). For this reason,it would be wise to qualify our explanation by saying that, in the culture of many huntersand gatherers,the psychological variablelikely reflectsintercultural pressure.
EXTREME INDIVIDUALISM

The very extremeindividualism found among food gatheringtribes contrasts with the lesser individualismof so-called individualisticcomplex societies. This can be explainedby the differencein permissiveness of environments.Hunters and gatherersare far more mobile and can dispersein order to avoid difficulty. Gatherersare able to use separationof parties in conflict as a major control device, one difficult to imagine in the cultures of economicallymore complex, sedentarypeoples. A simple gathering economy provides less basis for differences in control over resourcesand less need for cooperationthan is entailed in the food-producer'ssocio-economic system,with its markeddivisionof labor and occupational Thus egalitarianideals are more realistic for food-gatherers from specialization. the economicstandpoint.

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SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

whichis basedupon The Paliyansof South India have a socialstructure and a culturewhichis charactetistically and non-cooperation, non-competition in other individualistic as well. spheres in Asia,in Africa,andin Northand andgatherers elsewhere Amonghunters as PaliSouthAmerica whichexhibit the samefeatures thereare othercultures The parallels are remarkably closeand are foundamongsocially yan culture. diverse(thebilateral andmatrilineal Saulteaux, Kaska)and Paliyans, patrilineal shell fishand diverse hunters, Yahgan gatherers, !Kung economically (Paliyan of sysa In all these cases constellation non-food of ers) recurring producers. be discerned. interrelated cultural features tematically may of incest,lack of leadersuchas abandoning the aged,"toleration" Features are no culture and memorate-level longerto be seen as exship,individualism, asand individual They are integral ceptions particular explanations. requiring is an of culture which of the consistent culture Paliyan type pects internally example. and A smallsamplesuggestsan association between intercultural pressure is to intercultural individualistic culture.The psychological pressure response of inheld to be of importance in the development variable as an intervening dividualistic of what otherenvironmental culture,raisingthe furtherquestion situations couldleadto thesamepsychological andcultural response.
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