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II: Political Thinkers and Ideas/Penseurs et Ides Politiques

International Political Science Abstracts 2013 63: 419 DOI: 10.1177/002083451306300402 The online version of this article can be found at: http://iab.sagepub.com/content/63/4/419.citation

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II POLITICAL THINKERS AND IDEAS PENSEURS ET IDES POLITIQUES

63.4147 BAKER, Gideon The revolution is dissent: reconciling Agamben and Badiou on [Apostle] Paul. Political Theory 41(2), Apr. 2013 : 312-335. resists complacency and seeks continual reconfiguration, or enlargement, of the demos and of its democratic theory. [R, abr.] 63.4152 CAMMACK, Daniela Aristotle on the virtue of the multitude. Political Theory 41(2), Apr. 2013 : 175-202.

Following the Apostle Pauls deactivation of law, both G. Agamben and A. Badiou see the fixed identities necessary to the naturalized nomos of state politics as transfigured by a politics of grace. This transfiguration is differently rendered as either the emergence of a universal subject (Badiou) or the opening up of existing subjectivities (Agamben), but both the messianic vocation in Agamben and the universal subject in Badiou allow subjective possibility to that which is not in the present objectified order. Developing this theme of a basic emancipatory affinity, two moments of the political which exist in a difficult but necessary tension are identified: revolution and dissent. While revolution signals subjective possibility itself by determining that the truth of the event is for all, dissidence keeps that possibility alive by pointing to the human subjects fundamental indeterminacy. [R, abr.] 63.4148 BALTES, John Lockes inverted quarantine: discipline, panopticism, and the making of the liberal subject. Review of Politics 75(2), Spring 2013 : 173-192.

It is generally believed that one argument advanced by Aristotle in favor of the political authority of the multitude is that large groups can make better decisions by pooling their knowledge than individuals or small groups can make alone. This is supported by two analogies, one apparently involving a potluck dinner and the other aesthetic judgment. This article suggests that that interpretation of Aristotles argument is implausible given the historical context and several features of the text. Aristotles support for the rule of the multitude rested not on its superior knowledge but rather on his belief that the virtue of individuals can be aggregated and even amplified when they act collectively. This significantly alters our understanding of Aristotles political thought and presents a powerful alternative to the epistemic defenses of mass political activity popular today. [R] [First of two articles on Aristotles virtues. See also Abstr. 63.4159] 63.4153 CULP, Jonathan Justice, happiness, and the sensible knave: Humes incomplete defense of the just life. Review of Politics 75(2), Spring 2013 : 193-219.

Some Thoughts Concerning Education offers the theory of governance the Two Treatises lack. Education is the key to Lockean politics: selfgovernment and public order require virtuous citizens, and these citizens, as Locke suggested in the Essay and explains in the Education, are made rather than found, constructed from the ground up by discipline. Through early and careful practices of education, they are enmeshed in a net of habit and custom that naturalizes the moral commitments they are taught, rendering the process, and the artifice, invisible. Lockes disciplinary liberalism allows us to better appreciate late modern subjectivity as an achievement, rather than a given of political life, albeit an achievement that involves some uncomfortable compromises and a willingness to accept, if not laud, our disciplinary commitments. [R, abr.] 63.4149 BONEFELD, Werner Adam Smith and ordoliberalism: on the political form of market liberty. Review of International Studies 39(2), Apr. 2013 : 233-250.

In his response to the fictitious sensible knave in the Enquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals, Hume argues that the practice of justice is always in our own interest. This article provides the first comprehensive interpretation of Humes response, incorporating his discussion of virtue and happiness in his essay The Skeptic. It will be seen that this argument is a hedonistic one, resting on the superior pleasure and security of a life of modest wealth and intellectual cultivation. Humes argument ultimately fails, and he knows it. He offers it nonetheless because it is generally true and socially beneficial. [R] 63.4154 FIELD, Laura K. The philosopher doth protest too much: Rousseauian enlightenment and the rhetoric of despair. Review of Politics 75(2), Spring 2013 : 221-246.

In the context of the contemporary crisis of neoliberal political economy, the politics of austerity has reasserted the liberal utility of the state as the political authority of market freedom. This article argues that economy has no independent existence, and that instead, economy is a political practice. It examines the political economy of Adam Smith and the German ordoliberal tradition to decipher the character of the political in political economy and its transformation from Smith's liberal theory into neoliberal theology. Ordoliberalism emerged in the late 1920s at a time of a manifest crisis of political economy, and its argument was fundamental for the development of the neoliberal conception that free economy is matter of strong state authority. The conclusion argues with Marx that the state is the concentrated force of free economy. [R] 63.4150 BOTTING, Eileen Making an American feminist icon: Mary Wollstonecraft's reception in US newspapers, 18001869. History of Political Thought 34(2), Summer 2013 : 273295.

The most striking feature of Rousseaus self-presentation in the Confessions is his pathos-filled anticipation of future adversity. Never quite arriving at the depths of despair he foresees, however, Rousseau instead offers the reader glimpses of a surprisingly robust happiness. I present a new political reading of the Confessions that is attentive both to the rhetorical surface of the work and to its charming subplot. Guided by Rousseaus humorous understanding of truth telling, I argue that the Confessions is shaped by a complex literacy ruse that colors much of what Rousseau has to say about frankness, happiness, and his own idiosyncrasy. Far from being undone by his shadow-dappled imaginings, Rousseaus conscious dissimulations reflect his concerns about the public value of enlightenment and his commitment to authorial responsibility. [R] 63.4155 GO, Julian Fanons postcolonial cosmopolitanism. European Journal of Social Theory 16(2), May 2013 : 208225.

This article examines Wollstonecraft's public reception in American newspapers from 1800 to 1869. She was portrayed to the American public as a philosopher of women's rights, a new model of femininity, and a pioneer of women's political activism. Although these iconic uses of Wollstonecraft were regularly negative, they grew more positive as the women's rights movement gained steam alongside the abolition movement. [R] 63.4151 BROMELL, Nick Democratic indignation: black American thought and the politics of dignity. Political Theory 41(2), Apr. 2013 : 285-311.

This essay argues that black Americans writing from outside or at the margins of the democratic polity shed important light on the nature of human dignity and on the political emotion that offers the surest proof of the existence of such dignity: indignation. I focus in particular on four insights: that the presumption of dignity is the basis on which citizenship is conferred, while its denial is the justification by which citizenship is withheld; that dignitys existence within a person is vouchsafed most effectively by indignation; that dignity is always vulnerable to social denial and therefore stands in need of social confirmation; that indignation can and should be transformed into a self-opposing disposition that

While early theory and research on cosmopolitanism have been criticized for their European focus, a number of works have incorporated nonEurocentric perspectives. This article examines the colonial production of cosmopolitan orientations as evidenced in the writings of Frantz Fanon. Colonialism has been treated as a deviation in the historical sociology of cosmopolitanism, but Fanon helps disclose how colonialism has also contributed to a particular form of cosmopolitanism that has been overlooked in existing theory and research: post-colonial cosmopolitanism. This form of cosmopolitanism, forged from the spaces of colonialisms contradictions, emphasizes global citizenship and humanism but strives to remember rather than repress the history of modern empire. It seeks to negate colonialisms contradictions and thus realize the ideals which Europe had initially pronounced but which it failed to institute. [R] 63.4156 HOLMES, Christopher Ignorance, denial, internalisation, and transcendence: a post-structural perspective on Polanyi's double movement. Review of International Studies 39(2), Apr. 2013 : 273-290.

I present a reading of K. Polanyi's concept of double movement as a form of problematization through binary opposition. I suggest that the

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central opposition that the double movement depicts between economy and society as reflected in processes of marketization and social protection presents itself in such a way that the problems emanating from the opposition can be solved only through its transcendence. On one hand, the terms of transcendence are limited by the terms of the opposition. On the other hand, since transcendence is never reached, the double movement problematization stabilizes the existence of a lacuna between the lived experience of market society and the discursive field of that market society. I apply the argument to invocations of the economy-society opposition in contemporary political economic discourse, where it remains as ubiquitous as ever. [R, abr.] 63.4157 KASIMIS, Demetra The tragedy of blood-based membership: secrecy and the politics of immigration in Euripidess Ion. Political Theory 41(2), Apr. 2013 : 231-256.

response to atheism, the article portrays both the philosopher's calmness and his consistency. [R] 63.4162 PANKAKOSKI, Timo Carl Schmitt versus the intermediate state: international and domestic variants. History of European Ideas 39(2), March 2013 : 241-266.

Classical Athens assimilated and disenfranchised a large, free immigrant population of metics on the basis of blood, generation after generation. Yet immigration politics remain a curiously displaced context for interpreting ancient Greek political thought and its instructive criticisms of democratic citizenship. Accordingly, Euripidess Ion the only classical text devoted to exploring the founding myth Athens used to naturalize metics exclusion from citizenship is underexamined by political theorists. Attending to the plays metic figurations and historical-poetic contexts, this essay argues that the Ion is a hitherto unappreciated immigration fable about the paradoxes of blood-based citizenship. Drawing ultimately on the work of E. Kosofsky Sedgwick, it shows that the tragedy is a still-relevant political critique of the practices of concealment and disclosure that make political status look prior to and generative of citizenship practice. [R, abr.] 63.4158 KEDAR, Asaf National socialism before Nazism: from Friedrich Naumann to the ideas of 1914. History of Political Thought 34(2), Summer 2013 : 324-349.

C. Schmitt emphatically rejected intermediate formations between peace and war. Analyzing his oscillation between the domestic and the international, the article suggests that the notion of intermediate state provides a vital route to the core of Schmitt's political theory. The concept emerges in Schmitt's analysis of the Rhineland crisis, recurs in his vehement critique of Weimar pluralism, and, finally, reappears in his theory of modern war from the Third Reich to the Cold War. Intermediate state has both qualitative and temporal aspects; it connotes not only categorical confusion and impurity but also instability and limited duration. Despite his criticism, Schmitt himself utilized the ambiguity, polysemy, and normative ambivalence of the intermediate state in his argumentation, finally giving it an open theological reinterpretation in his later work. [R, abr.] 63.4163 SCHWARTZ, Daniel Probabilism, just war and sovereign supremacy in the work of Gabriel Vazquez. History of Political Thought 34(2), Summer 2013 : 177-194.

This article demonstrates the existence of a national socialism in Germany long before the founding of the Nazi movement, and not just in the dark recesses of racial anti-Semitism but at the very heart of German bourgeois society. The article focuses on two major cases of pre-Nazi national socialism: left-leaning bourgeois reformist F. Naumann; and the ideology supporting Germany's war effort from 1914 to 1918, a phenomenon also known as the ideas of 1914. National socialism in both these cases rested at its core on a national existentialism: a conviction that Germany is facing a struggle for its very existence as a nation, and that all domestic socio-economic forces must be systematically regimented and mobilized in the service of the nation's purportedly existential struggles. National socialism emerges from this article. [R] 63.4159 LOMBARDINI, John Civic laughter: Aristotle and the political virtue of humor. Political Theory 41(2), Apr. 2013 : 203-230.

Proponents of probabilism argued that when an opinion is probable it may be followed even when the contrary opinion is more probable. G. Vazquez (1549-1604) was the first Jesuit theologian to defend and expand this doctrine. The conjunction of probabilism and the idea of the sovereign as a superior judge made it conceptually possible for a war to be just on both sides: probabilism allows two sovereigns to inculpably carry out two conflicting but probable judicial sentences about the same case. Confronted with this problem, Vazquez decided to eliminate the overlap between sovereign jurisdictions by revising the then dominant conception of sovereign supremacy and proposing criteria for determining the competent forum to settle sovereign disputes. [R, abr.] 63.4164 SPIEKER, Jrg Defending the open society: Foucault, Hayek, and the problem of biopolitical order. Economy and Society 42(2), May 2013 : 304-321.

This paper throws new light on a previously neglected aspect of F. Hayek's political theory. In order to show the significance of his evolutionary argument, the paper draws on M. Foucault's thesis about the relationship between political order, life and war. Focusing on Hayek's conception of the open society and, in particular, on the evolutionary ontology that grounds it, the paper shows how his liberalism reflects the problematic that Foucault began to elucidate in his 1976 lecture course Society must be defended. The paper concludes by showing how the biopolitical dimension of Hayek's liberalism might affect our understanding of his political project. [R] 63.4165 THOMPSON, Doug Montaigne's political education: raison d'tat in the Essais. History of Political Thought 34(2), Summer 2013 : 195-224.

While the loss of the second book of the Poetics has deprived us of Aristotles most extensive account of laughter and comedy, his discussion of eutrapelia (wittiness) as a virtue in his ethical works and in the Rhetoric points toward the importance of humor for his ethical and political thought. This article offers a reconstruction of Aristotles account of wittiness and explains how the virtue of wittiness would animate the everyday interactions of ordinary citizens. Placing Aristotles account of wittiness in dialogue with recent work within the ethical turn in contemporary political theory can help articulate what a late-modern ethos of democratic laughter might look like. [R] [See also Abstr. 63.4152] 63.4160 McLENDON, Michael Locke The politics of sour grapes: Sartre, Elster, and Tocqueville on frustration, failure, and self-deception. Review of Politics 75(2), Spring 2013 : 247270.

Montaigne is generally portrayed either as a principal proponent of the mix of skepticism, neo-Stoicism and Tacitism that feeds the earlymodern reason-of-state literature or as a thoroughgoing political moralist who rejects this literature's politics of necessity and princely deception in favor of a politics of classical or Christian virtue. I argue that Montaigne inhabits neither of these positions exclusively. Instead, he argues in utramque partem, both for and against reason of state, in order to educate his readers about the perils of following elites who would use either political necessity or religious moralism as pretexts for violence in pursuit of political gain. [R] 63.4166 USCATESCU BARRN, Jorge Crtica de la nocin de zona de indiferencia como origen de la poltica : unos apuntes topolgicos acerca de la metapoltica de Giorgio Agamben (Critique of the notion of indifference zone as the origins of politics: topological notes on the metapolitics of Giorgio Agamben). Revista de Estudios polticos 159, Jan.-March 2013 : 139-164.

J.-P. Sartre and J. Elster have taken great interest in the famous childrens fable, The fox and the grapes. Elster believes the fable pinpoints problems in utilitarian doctrine while Sartre contends it demonstrates how consciousness copes with frustrated desire. An impressive as these insights are, neither philosopher can fully explain the cognitive and cultural processes involved in sour grapes. To improve upon their theories, I will argue that amour-propre is an important psychological motive inspiring sour grapes as well as show that sour grapes us built into the value commitments and institutional structures of democratic life through Tocquevilles analysis of American democracy. [R] 63.4161 NUMAO, J. Locke on atheism. History of Political Thought 34(2), Summer 2013 : 252-272.

These reflections focus on Giorgio Agambens notion of zone of indifference as the origin of politics, and also on its variations: homo sacer, nuda vita (blosses Leben), which is neither bos nor zoe, state of emergency and finally glory as a zone of indifference between politics and religion (the sacred). Both the idea of zone and the idea of indifference are critically analyzed. The argument that a threshold separates politics and the sacred also deserves critical assessment. [R] 63.4167 WEIDENFELD, Matthew C. Visions of judgment: Arendt, Kant, and the misreading of judgment. Political Research Quarterly 66(2), June 2013 : 254-266.

Although it is well-known that Locke denied toleration to atheists, relatively little has been said in the scholarship about what exactly this denial amounted to. This article considers, among others, Locke's writings on education and the conduct of the understanding. It first analyzes Locke's definition of atheism. It then shows how in fact Locke distinguished different strands of atheism and how he thought one becomes an atheist. Finally, the article sketches out Locke's views about how to deal with these different strands. In offering an extensive discussion of Locke's

H. Arendts conceptualization of judgment may only drive political theorists further from the phenomenon. Throughout her life, Arendts work on judgment was guided by Kants thought. Arendts reading of Kants work

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raises two difficulties to which contemporary political scientists should attend. (1) Arendts reading of Kant is a systematic misreading of his texts. (2) Arendts misreading of Kant pushes her toward a misreading of the phenomenon of judgment. More important, Arendts misreading has led political theorists to assume a divide between the points of view of the actor and of the spectator, which cannot be reconciled given the resources of Arendts thought. [R] 63.4168 WHITT, Matt S. The problem of poverty and the limits of freedom in Hegels theory of the ethical state. Political Theory 41(2), Apr. 2013 : 257-284. A. Schopenhauer has not traditionally been considered an important political philosopher of 19th c. Germany, mainly because his philosophical system lacks a substantive political theory. This article argues that Schopenhauer nevertheless merits the attention of historians of political thought, for his philosophical system affords an idiosyncratic and critical perspective on the moralistic theories of the state developed by postKantian philosophers in the first half of the 19th c. It is also argued that Schopenhauer's system did not just entail a philosophically consistent alternative to the then dominant tendencies in political philosophy. Rather, Schopenhauer intended to intervene critically against the Romantic and Idealist discourses from which such moralistic theories of the state arose. [R]

This article reinterprets Hegels much discussed failure to theorize a remedy for the poverty that disrupts modern society. I argue that Hegel offers no solution to the problem of poverty because, in his view, the sovereign state depends upon the persistence of poverty. Whereas a states achievement of external sovereignty requires the presence of another state, its achievement of internal sovereignty requires the presence of a different, internal other. This role is played by the impoverished and rebellious rabble, which opposes the states unity and stability. Ethical life cannot eliminate poverty because poverty, and the insecurity that it engenders, are dialectical conditions of the states highest development. This interpretation reveals a critical dimension to Hegels political philosophy. [R, abr.] 63.4169 WINKLER, Robin Schopenhauer's critique of moralistic theories of the state. History of Political Thought 34(2), Summer 2013 : 296-323.

63.4170

YOKSAS, Adam Strategy as enough: statesmanship as the peacemaker in Hobbes's Behemoth. History of Political Thought 34(2), Summer 2013 : 226-251.

Behemoth is traditionally read as supporting Hobbes's science from the treatises, but it also goes beyond the strict limitations of Hobbes's science. Understanding how Hobbes expands his approach requires that we examine how A's confidence in institutional reform is met by B's cynicism. Hobbes shifts from an analysis of general inclinations to an analysis of the particular strategies that skillful sovereigns use to acquire and maintain peace. The result is a theory of the state that relies less on institutional arrangement, and more on effective statesmanship, than we typically see when considering Hobbes's treatises alone. [R]

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