Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Brendon Wilkins
Paper presented to WAC 06, Dublin, 2008.
Abstract
The buoyant Irish economy has stimulated an unprecedented boom in commercial
sector archaeology. The scale of this work has challenged accepted understanding of
regional archaeological sequences with the discovery of new and entirely unexpected
archaeology. A strong legal framework underpins a methodology of total archaeology,
a contrast with policy in the UK where the mitigation of construction impact is
controlled through planning guidance, and a problemorientated methodology of
sample excavation is practiced. Increased quantity entails increased cost, and given
that this work is undertaken in the public interest the question must be asked: does a
bigger sample automatically lead to better results? This paper seeks ways to realise
the knowledge potential of that data, a quality that’s not necessarily a factor of
quantity.
Introduction
You know the scene in Back to the Future, just after Marty McFly wakes up dazed to
a new and improved 1985. Old Doc brown, fresh from his foray into 2015, skids the
De Lorean to a halt, jumps out frantically and grabs Marty and his high school
sweetheart Jennifer. Piling them in the back of the time machine, he stuffs a few
potato peelings and an old beer can in the ‘Mr Fusion Gigawat maker’, then revs up
to 88 miles an hour. Realising that there’s not enough road left for the flux capacitor
to work its magic, Marty screams at the windscreen, but Doc Brown fixes him with
his beady eye and shouts:
“Where we’re going, we don’t need roads!”
Well, I was talking recently to Dr Jonathan Foyle, Chief Executive of the World
Monuments Fund, and that’s precisely what he said to me. OK, he didn’t use those
exact words in that exact order. But he did talk about oil being in terminal decline.
He talked about alternative forms of transport in terms of social benefit, that road
building as a first choice solution would locks us into an outmoded transport
infrastructure, popular in the developed world in the later half of the 20th century,
but one that developed countries now needed to move away from.
We were both speaking at a conference at the British Museum and I’d been
presenting a paper on the existential poet Donald Rumsfeld’s contribution to
landscape archaeology. I was talking about how development‐led archaeology, and
in particular the Irish road‐building programme, is a fantastic opportunity to find
not just our known knowns, or our known unknowns, but also the unknown
unknowns we didn’t know we didn’t know. My point was that infrastructure
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archaeology is challenging our accepted understanding and fleshing out regional
sequences in Ireland in a way that was unthinkable 10 years ago. As much as I
pushed the point to Dr Foyle, he wouldn’t accept it, particularly in relation to the
construction of the M3 in the Tara environs. In fact in an interview with the
Observer a few weeks later, in response to Seamus Heaney’s criticism of modern day
Ireland’s pursuit of the secular above the sacred, Dr Foyle went further, and said the
construction of the M3 was equivalent to the state‐backed destruction of the
Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan. Strong words, but that one made me laugh – just
the thought that Headland could all be a front, and I might actually be employed by
Taliban Archaeology Services. TBAS.
For those of us working at the ‘coal face’ of Irish archaeology these comments are
disheartening, but not unusual. Development‐led archaeology has come under fire
from both within and without the discipline in a way it never did when practiced as
a purely academic activity. With regular headlines like this, many visitors to Ireland
here today could be forgiven for thinking that Irish archaeology is dominated by
high profile controversies such as Tara, Carrickmines or Woodstown. I’ve always felt
that the media storm is actually a sideshow, and the real story one of a seismic shift
in our archaeological understanding. But perhaps the reason I don’t see eye to eye
with Dr Foyle is because while I’m justifying work in terms of its archaeological
significance, he’s talking about archaeological value, about why we are choosing to
excavate in the first place. It’s a fair point. Can the significance of the archaeological
material – of this new resource ‐ be balanced against the social, political and
economic arguments for development? More of this later.
In this short contribution, I’d like to assess how these issues connect to work on the
ground, how these weighty arguments might be operationalised as strategies in the
field, reflecting on my own experience working at all levels in both Britain and
Ireland.
Two Cultures
At the beginning of last year Richard Bradley presented an influential paper to a
meeting of the Society of Antiquaries in London called ‘Bridging the Two Cultures –
Commercial Archaeology And The Study of Prehistoric Britain’.
His premise was straightforward: in Britain and similarly in Ireland, there are two
different cultures of archaeology. On the one hand we have academic archaeology,
committed to research and the pursuit of knowledge, and on the other hand we have
commercial archaeology, devoted to the ‘preservation by record’ of archaeological
remains threatened with destruction. These two archaeologies are undertaken by
different people, paid for by different sponsors, and the results disseminated in
different ways.
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He sees these differences as being rooted in rationalist and empiricist philosophical
traditions, positions held firmly by archaeologists who now talk the language of
‘audit culture.’ It’s a good analysis, but he’s not the first to highlight the perceived
differences between ‘Rescue’ and ‘Research’ archaeology. In the 60’s Alfred Kidder
once remarked that there were two types of archaeologist: those with hairy backs,
and those with hairy chins, and he wasn’t just talking about the women. With that in
mind I’ve often wondered what side I’m on. The hairy chin side, or the hairy
backside.
In symmetry with Bradley’s recent paper outlining the problems associated with
commercial archaeology, both the Royal Irish Academy and The Heritage Council
have recently published detailed analyses of commercial issues in relation to what
has been called ‘Celtic Tiger’ archaeology. Starting in the 1980’s and particularly
from the later part of the 1990’s, we saw a massive growth in commercial sector
archaeology fuelled by intensive infrastructural development. The growth can be
tacked in the rise of excavation licenses, as well as the amount of archaeologists
employed in the commercial sector.
The main problem in Ireland is seen to stem from a lack of cohesion and inter‐
institutional collaboration between contracting archaeology companies undertaking
fieldwork and university based archaeologists involved in research. A result of this
‘disconnectivity’ is that development‐led archaeology is undertaken purely to
facilitate infrastructural projects and the vast amount of sites excavated remain
unpublished. In response to this criticism from within and without the discipline,
the new Minister for the Environment, Mr John Gormley TD, has recently announced
a wide reaching review of the archaeological policy and practice in Ireland, and
appointed an expert committee with international representation to steer the
review and development of new legislation.
Resource management and knowledge generation
While many disagree the finer points of how policy should be implemented, all
would agree that the reason we are undertaking this review is to achieve quality and
best practice according to internationally agreed standards. But the emphasis has
been on generating a quality product (such as publication) without considering
quality as process (or how this product might be realized by our excavation
strategies). This is an important distinction, because in commercial sector
archaeology a quality archaeological product (generating new, secure knowledge of
the past) is not necessarily the same thing as quality management of archaeology
(managing a program of archaeological work within time and budget).
The archaeology‐as‐service model rests on the assumption that the material
remains of the past are a ‘non‐renewable resource’. The consequence has been to
orientate the commercial sector around the preservation of archaeological remains
(either in situ or by record). Interpretive decisions can then be delayed to a later
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phase of the project because the material uncovered by the excavation and the
record produced by the individual excavator is seen as impartial and a‐theoretical.
The concept of ‘the archaeological record’ and the strategy of ‘preservation by
record’ are seen as equivalent, but we only have to look to Britain and Ireland to find
two very different approaches to quality management of archaeology.
AngloIrish disagreement
Let’s call it the Anglo‐Irish disagreement: in essence, the presumption to ‘total
archaeology’ on the one hand and ‘sample archaeology’ on the other. In Britain, the
norm is to sample excavate sites, normally at a rate of 10% of all linear features,
50% of discrete features 100% of structures. Construction impact is controlled
through planning guidance (in particular PPG16, or PPS7 in Northern Ireland), and a
problem‐orientated methodology of sample excavation is practiced to filter out the
irrelevant. In Ireland all archaeology is treated as potentially unique, requiring
100% excavation and preservation by record. A committed legal framework
underwrites all decisions that may potentially impact on the archaeological heritage,
and any proposed development must be preceded by full excavation of all sites and
features.
But this notion of archaeology as a threatened resource, equivalent to a raw
material with an inherent value independent of our engagement with it, has led to a
fundamental misconception. In the application of default strategies, quality has
come to be seen as a function of quantity, and this brings us on to a more
provocative question. Digging larger quantities also entails larger costs, and if this is
undertaken in the public interest then one has to ask if digging more equals value
for money? Who does it better, the English or the Irish?
Recognising the pervasive cost factor, it sounds like the Brits are the poor relations
with excavations understaffed and under resourced ‐ not so much preservation by
record as destruction in denial. But they might cite the law of diminishing returns,
that this is a way of filtering the irrelevant, a way of boxing clever, compared to the
indiscriminate and simplistic process of information gathering of the Irish model –
again, not so much preservation by record as destruction in denial. But the Irish may
state the defence: the National Monuments Act loves all her children equally, and it’s
precisely this indiscriminate approach that safeguards the archaeology from
commercial pressure.
Knowledge and value
Baring in mind the distinction we drew earlier between quality management and
quality archaeology, this is a non‐argument. The commercial framework is all about
quality management of archaeology, generating lots of information about the extent
and character of the archaeological remains on which to base a planning decision,
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and in this respect more is good. To take highways projects as an example, the
quality/quantity issue has to be assessed at two levels, because sampling
strategies necessarily take place at two different scales. At testing stage the
landscape is sampled, with a transect survey designed to evaluate the archaeological
potential. At excavation stage the site is sampled, ensuring that sufficient
information is recovered to preserve by record what could potentially be lost. In
terms of the quality/quantity question, at evaluation stage testing a larger
percentage of the overall land‐take clearly results in the identification of new and
unexpected archaeology.
At testing stage this is quality management of archaeology, but the problem with
equating quality with quantity at excavation stage is the underlying assumption that
if enough records are made and sufficient phenomena observed, we will experience
some kind of enlightenment – simultaneously arriving at the other definition of
quality: new secure knowledge about the past.
With this in mind, any review of policy cannot take place without also undertaking a
detailed examination of practice. The basic reasoning of heritage policy in Britain
and Ireland is that sites are of varying importance, requiring either preservation in
situ or by record, on the basis of criteria that can be applied objectively. An
archaeological site may be significant, but can only be valuable for some specific
purpose. It's not a question of whether or not we value archaeology, but how we
value it that counts. These decisions are always linked to value judgments – socially
defined perceptions of what is good, right and acceptable.
We have to ask, does our methodology ‐ geared up to delivering quality
management of the archaeological resource, devalue the past as a force for
transformative change? We study the past not to mirror ourselves, but to
understand past societies in terms of their social contexts and lived experiences.
Our methodologies familiarise the past as linear, discrete or structural features. We
box, bag and label the material remains into easily managed categories for
interpretation at a later date. These are the strategies linked to a value system of a
wealth generating structure. Commercial sector archaeology has undoubtedly
benefited from this, but I’m advocating we take it much further. We need to develop
strategies linked to a value system of a knowledge generating structure. Concern
with ‘product’ is vital, but we need to remember, in archaeology it all starts in the
ground.