A Complete Collection of The Historical, Political, and Miscellaneous Works of John Milton, Both English and Latin - Vol 2

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ADAJIS toOi.^,
i.
L T
and
O N
Political
Hifiorical
O R K
S.
Natus
Anno
i6o8.Qbii(
Anno 1674.
<
Complete Colledôti
O
Hiftorical,
T H
WORKS
O
F
'
Political,
and Mifcellaneous
Both
ENGLISH
and
LATIN.
before
Publifh'd.
With fom Papers

Ktyw
never
3ln
WLolumts.
To which
is
Prefixed
The L 1 F E
of the
AUTH OR,
of
his
Containing,
Befides the Hiftory
Works,
of
Several Extraordinary Characters
Men
and
Books,
Sects,
Parties,
and Opinions.
FinifiYd in the
Year M.
DC. XC.
VIII
ADAMS
(5)
LIFE
OF
THE
JOHN MILTON.
To Thomas Raulins
*
of Kilreag
in
Herefordjhire, Elq;
beft Friend, what you have fo often and earYou at length, TV, a Man emineftly follicited me to write, the Life of f O nent at home and famous abroad for his univerfal Learning, Sagacity,
END
my
HN MILTO
and folid Judgment but particularly noted as well for thofe excellent Volumes he wrote on the behalf of Civil, Religious, and Domeftic Liberty 5 as for his divine and incomparable Poems, which, equalling the moil beautiful Order and Expreffion of any antient or modern Compofiticr;;>, are infiObferving in this performance nitly above them all for Sublimity and Invention. the Rules of a faithful Hifforian, being neither proVokd by Malice, nor brib'd by Favor, and as well daring to fay all that is true, as fcorning to write any Falfhood, I mail not conceal what may be thought againft my Author's Honor, nor add the leaft word for his Reputation but three things I would have you fpecially obferve. Firft, I fhall not be too minute in relating the ordinary Circumftances of his Life, and which are common to him with all other Men. Writings of this nature mould in my opinion be defign'd to recommend Virtue, and to expofe Vice ; or to illuftrate Hiftory, and to preferve the memory of extraordinary things. That a Man, for example, was fick at fiich a time, or well at another, fhould never be mention'd except in the Caufes or Effects, Cure or Continuance, there happens I had not therforathing remarkable, and for the benefit of Mankind to know.
: :
,
IS
fore related Milton

this
s Headachs in his Youth, were it not for the influence which Indifpofuion had afterwards on his Eys, and that his Blindnefs was raihly imputed by his Enemies to the avenging Judgment of God. Secondly, In the Characters ol Sedts and Parties, Books or Opinions, I fhall produce his own words, as I find 'em in his Works > that thofe who approve his Reafons, may ow all the
Obligation to himfelf, and that I
may efcape the blame of fuch as may diflike For it is commonly feen, that Hiftorians are fufpected rather to make their Hero what they wouid have him to be, than fuch as he really was and that, as they are promted by different Paffions, they put thofe words in his mouth which they might not fpeak themfelves without incurring fom danger, and being accus'd perhaps of Flattery or InjufHce: but I am neither writing a Satyr, nor a
what he
fays.
,
Panegyric upon Milton, bur publilhing the true Hiftory of his A&ions, Works, and Opinions. In the third place, I would not have it expected that when I quote a few Verfes or Paffages in a different Language, I fhould always pretend to tranflate 'em, when the whole turn or fancy abfolutely depends upon the force of the Original words ; for the Ignorant could be nothing the wifer, and the beft Tranflation Would fppil thei; Beamy to the Learned. But this happens fo rarely, and alrhoft The am-' only Juiing his Travels abroad, that it fcarce deferv'd an Advcrtifmenr. pled part of my Materials I had from his own Books, where, conftrain'd by the Diftamations of his Enemys, he often gives an account of himfelf. I learnt fom Particulars from a Perfon that had bin once his Amanuenfis, which were confirm 'd to me by his Daughter new dwelling in London t and by a Letter written to one at
*
my
The Life of John Milton.

my
his
alive. I perus'd the Papers of one of the other ; and laftly conDifcourfe with Nephews, fultedfuch of his acquaintance, as, after the beft inquiry, I was able todilcover. Thus completely fui niflVd, I undertook, moft ingenious Sir, the following Work, as well to oblige you, as to inform Pofterity , and perform'd what I knew would be acceptable to my Friend with as much pleafure as ever you perus'd our Au-
defire
from
his laft
learnt
Wife, who what I could
is
{till
in
thor's excellent Sheets.
JOHN Oirifti6o6.
MILT
N,
the
man exemplary
for her Liberality to the Poor,
Son likewife of John MUton, and Sarah Cajton, a Wowas born in London in the Year of
-,
a Gentleman by his Education and Family, being defcended from the Mlltens of Milton in Oxford/hire tho if you confider him in his admirable Works or Genius, he was truly and eminently noble. But he had too much good Senfe to
value himfelf upon any other Qualities except thofe ol his Mind, and which only he could properly call his own for all external and adventitious Titles, as they may at the pleafure of a Tyrant, or by an unfortunat Attemt againft his Government, be
:
fo we often find in hereditary Honors, that thofe Diftin&ions quite abolifh'd which the Brave and the Wife had juftly obtain'd from their Country, defend in,
Traytors, or Fools, and fpoil the Induftry of better to Souls from indeavoring His equal or excede the Merits of their Anceftors. Father was a polite Man, a great Mafter of Mufic, and by Profeflion a Scrivener,
differently to
Cowards,
in which Calling, thro his Diligence and Honefty, he got a competent Eftate in a fmall time: for he was difinherited by hisbigotted Parents for imbracing the ProHe had two other Children, teftant Religion, and abjuring the Popifh Idolatry. bred Anna marry 'd to Edward Philips to the Common Law, who, and t Chriftofher or than his his Grandfather Father was of a very fuperBrother, morerefembling
and a man of no Parts or Ability. After the late Civil Wars, tho he was intirely addicted to the Royal Caufe, no notice was taken of him, till the late King James, wanting a fet of Judges that would declare his Will to be fuperior to our Legal Conftitution, created him the fame day a Serjeant and one of the Barons of the Exchequer, knighting him of courfe, and making him next one of the Judges of the Common Pleas : But he quickly had his quietus eft, as his Mafter not long after was depos'd for his Maladminiftration by the People of To return now to the Perfon England, reprefented in a Convention at iveftminjler.
ftitious nature,
who makes the Subject of
this Difcourfe, John Milton was deftin'd to be a Scholar } and partly under domeftic Teachers (wherof one wasThom** Yomg, to whom the firft of his familiar Letters is infcrib'd) and partly under Dr. Gill, the chief Mafter of Paul's School (to whom likewife the fifth of the fame Letters is written) lie made an incredible Progrefs in the knowlege of Words and Things, his Diligence and Inclination outftripping the care of his Inftru&ors. After the twelfth Year of his Age, fuch was his infatiable thirft for Learning, he feldom went to bed before midnight. This was the firft undoing of his Eys, to whofe natural debility were added frequent Headachs, which could not retard or extinguifh his laudable Paffion for Letters. Being thus initiated in feveral Tongues, and having not (lightly tafted the inexpreffible Sweets of Philofophy he was fait at 1 5 to Cbrifi's College in CamThis fame Year he gave feveral brldg to purfue more arduous and folid Studies. Proofs of his early Genius for Poetry, wherin he afterwards fucceded fo happily, that to all Ages he'l continue no lets the Ornament and Glory of England, than Homer is own'd to be that of Greece, and Virgil of Italy. He firft tranflated fotn Pfalms into Englifh Verfe, wherof the 114th begins in this manner,
When
And
the bleft Seed of Terak's faithful Son,

toil their Liberty had won, from Fharian Fields to Canaan Land,
j
After long
paft
Led by
the ftrength of the Almighty's Hand Wonders were in Ifrael fliown, His Praife and Glory was in Ifrael known.
Jehovalv s
In his feventeenth Year he wrote a handfom Copy of Englifh Verfes on the Death of a Sifter's Child that dy'd of a Cough 5 and the fame Year a Latin Elegy on the Death of the Bifhop of whichever, with another on that of Ely. 'Twas then alfo
that he compos'd his fine Poem on the Gunpouder-Treafon , concerning all which and the reft of his Juvenil pieces, the judicious Morhof, in his Polyhiftor Literarius, fays, that Milton's Writings fhew him to have bin a Mao in his very Childhood; * and

and that thefe Poems are excedingly above the ordinary Capacity of that Age. I le continu'd in Cambrldg feven years, where he liv'd with great Reputation, and generally belov'd, till taking the degree of Mafter of Arts, and performing his Exercifes with much applaufe, he left the Univerfity ; for he aim'd at none of
Som of his Academic thofe Profefllons that require a longer flay in that place. extant his occafional are ftill Performances Poems, and at the end of his among
familiar Letters.
The five fucceding years he liv'd with his Father in his Country Retirement at tforto* near CoUbrook_ in Bark/hire, where at full leifure he perus'd all the Grecc and Latin Writers ; but was not fo much in love with his Solitude, as not to make an excurfion now and then to London, fomtimes to buy Books, or to meet Friends from Cambrldg ; and at other times to learn fom new thing in the Mathematics or in Mufic, with which he was extraordinarily delighted. It was about this time he wrote from London a Latin Elegy to his intimat Friend Charles Diodati, wherin fom Verfes reflecting on the Univerdty, and preferring the
Pleafures of the Town, gave a handle afterwards to certain Perfons no lefs- ignorant than malitious to report that either he was expel'd for fom Mifdemeanqr from Cambrldg, or left it in difcontent that he obtain'd no Preferment and that But the falfity of at London he fpent his time with leud Women, or at Playhoufes.
:
flory we (hall in lines for the fatisfa&ion

this
due place demonftrat, and of the curious.
in the
mean time
infert thofe
Mi tenet
Jam nee
urbs reflua quam Thamefis alluit unda, Mequc nee invitum patria dulcis habet.
arundiftrum mihi cura reviferc
Camum
Nee dudmn vetiti me laris angit amor. Nudanec arvaplacent, umbrafqae negantia
Quern male
Phoebicolis convenit
ille
mollts,
!
locus
duri libet ufque minas perferre Magiftri, Cttteraque ingenio non fubeimda mec. Si fit hoc exilium patrios adiffe penates^
Nee
Non
O utinam vates nunquam graviora tuliffet

llle
otia grata fequi, vcl ego profugi nomen, fortemve recufo^ Latus exilii conditione fruor.
Et vacuum
curis
&
Tomitano
lonio
fiebilis
exul agro
ce/jijjet
Non tunc
quicquam
Neque forct vielo laus Tempora nam licet hie placidis dare libera Mufis^ Et totum rapiunt me mea vita libri.
Exciyit hinc fejjum finuofi pompa Thcatri,
Homero, tibi prima, Maro.
Etvocat ad plaufus gamila fcena fuos.
Et paulo port
Scd neque fub tecJofempcr, nee in urbe, latemus, Irrita nee nobis temtora vcris eunt.
Nos
quoque lucus habet vicino confitus ulmo^

nobilis
Atque fuburbani
umbra
loci.
Stepius hie blandas fpirantia Sydera flammas firgincos videas prateriiffe Choros.
He wrote another Latin Elegy to Charles Dhdati; and in his twentieth year he made one on the approach of the Spring: but the following year he defcribes his falling in love with a Lady (whom he accidentally met, and never afterwards faw) in fuch tender Expreflions, with thofe lively Paflions, and Images fo natural, that you would think Love liimfelf had dire&ed his Pen, or infpir'd your own Breaft when you perufe them. fhall fee him now appear in a more ferious Scene, tho yet a Child in comparifon of the Figure he afterwards made in the World. The Death of his Mother happening likewife about this time facilitated his defign, which was with his Father's leave to travel into foren Regions, being perfuaded that he could not better difcern the Preeminence or Defers of his own Country, than by obferving the Cuftoms and Inftitutions of others ; and that the ftudy of never fo many Books, without the advantages of Converfation, ferves only to render a Man either a ftupid Fool, or an infufferable
_
We
Pedant.
8
Pedant.
for fuch as
ftill
The
Firft therfore
Life of
John Milton*
he procedes to France with one Servant, and no Tutor i need a Pedagog are not fit to go abroad , and thole who are able to make a right ufe of their Travels, ought to be the free Matters of their own Actions, their good Qualifications being fufficient to introduce 'em into all places, and to prefent em to the moft deferving Perfons. He had an elegant Letter of Direction and Advice from the famous Sir Henry Wotton, who was a long time Ambaflador from King James the Firft to the Republic of Venice. Being arriv'd at Paris, he was moft kindly receiv'd by the Englijb Ambaffador, who. recommended him to the famous GrotUu, then Ambaffador alfo from Queen Chrifiim of Swetor we may ealily imagin that Milton was not a little deden, at the French Court firous to be known to the firft Peifon then in the World for reading and latitude of Judgment, to fpeak nothing of his other meritorious Characters. From hence he parted for It*ty, where after paffing thro feveral noted Places, he came at length to Florence ; a City for thePolitenefs of the Language, and the Civility of the InIn this place he ftaid about two months, habitants, he always infinitly admir'd. at thole learned Conferences which they hold. in their privac and was daily affifting the Cuftom of to laudable Italy, both for the improvement Academys, according of Letters, and the begetting or maintaining of Friendfhip. Durir.g this time he contracted an kuimat Acquaintance with feveral ingenious Men, moft of which have fince made a noife in the World, and deferve a mention in this place I mean Caddi, Datl, Frefcobaldo, Franclnl, Bcnmattel, Coltelllno, ChimenteUl, and feveral With thefe he kept a conftant Correlpontience, particularly with Carolo others. Datl, a Nobleman of Florence, to whom he wrote the tenth of his Familiar Epiftles, and who gave him the following Teftimonial of his Efteem.
:
Joanni Miltoni Londinenfi,
Juveni patria
& virtutibus eximio.

orb'vs
VIRO
intelhgat.
qui mult A peregrinaiione , fl udlo cunila
ab omnibus apprebenderet. Vlyffes omnia ubique jam deperdita fie revivifcunt, ut idiomata omnia fint
ut admirationes jure ea ptrcallet,
&
terrarum perfpexit, ut novus Polyglotto, in cujus ore lingv.ee in ejus laudibus infacunda,
plaufus populorum ab propria fapientia excitatos,
Mi, cujus animi
dotes corporifque ftnfus
ad admirationem commovent,
& &
cut que aufcrunt ; cujus opera ad plaufus bortantur, fed<venuftate vocem per ipj'arn motion Cut in memoria totus orbls : in intelieilu fapientia : in voluntate auditoribus adimunt. ardor gloria : in ore cloquentia. Harmonicos eceleflium Spbararum fonitus, Aflronomict cbaradtrcs mirabilium nature, per quos Deimagnitudo defcribitur, maducc, audknti
:,
cruditionis giflra pbilofopbia legenti , antiquitatum latebras, vetuftatU excidia, auxorum At cur comite ajftdua kl~lione, rcftauranti, exquirenti, percunenti. bages, nitor in arduum ? llli in cujus virtutibus evulgandk orafamue non fufficiant, nee homi-
Am-
numflupor in laudandis fatia mirations tributum ojfert
est,
reverent'm
& amoris ergo hoc ejus tmritis debitum admirtut'vs
Carolus Datus Patricias Florentinus,
Tanto homini Servus, tantx

I don't
Amator.
think the Italian Flourifhes were ever carry 'd further than in this Elogy, which notwithftanding is fincere, and pen'd by an honeft Man. Franclnl is noc lefs liberal of his Praifes in the long Italian Ode he compos'd in his Honor, which
becaufe
dosjuftice to the Englifh Nation, and foretold the future Greatnefs of have annex'd to this Difcourfe. That he correfponded afterwards with Milton, Bonmattel, appears from the eighth ot his familiar Letters, which he wrote to him on his defign of publifhing an Italian Grammar, and is not more elegant than perBut he attain 'd that perfection himfelf in the Italian Language, as to make tinentfom Songs on a real or feign'd Miftrefs, in one of which he gives a handfom account of his writing in this Tongue.
it
Qual
Vavezx.a giovinetta paftorella

Va
amor tneco
in colic a [pro, al imbrunir di fera,

^ e bella,
bagr.ando L'herbetta ftrana
Cbe mal ft fpande a difufata fptra Fuor di fua natia alma prima vera
Cofi
Defta
infu la lingua fnella il fior nuovo di ftrania favella
Mentre io di te
vcz.z,oz,amente altera,
Canto
The
'/ bel
Life of John Milton.

popol
Canto dal mio buon
Tamigi cangio
lo
non intefo, col bel arno :

;
volfe, ed to a Yaltrui pefo clfamor cofa mai volfe indctrno. Seppi
Amor
Deb
!
A cbi pianta dal ciel ft buon terreno.

From
other
his
fofs'il
mio cuor
lento,
e'l
duro feno
beloved Florence he took his Journy next to Rome, where he flay 'd two to fee the miferable Remains of that famous City, once the glorious Miftrefs of the World, and defervedly fo, as being then not only the faireft thing under Heaven ; but that, till the Ambition of a few Perfons corrupted her equal Government, ihe extended Liberty and Learning as far as the Glory of her Name, or the Terror of her Arms. Here, no doubt, all the Examples he had hitherto read of the Virtue, Eloquence, Wifdom, or Valor of her antient Citizens, occur'dtohismind, and could not but opprefs with grief his generous Soul, when with his own eys he faw Rome now the chief Seat of the molt exquifit Tyranny exercis'd by effeminat Priefls, not reigning in the World thro any conceiv'd opifor to thefe Qualities they are nion of their Juftice, or dread of their Courage known and fworn Enemys but deluding men with unaccountable Fables, and difarming'emby imaginary Fears, they fill their heads firft with Superftition, and Here he became acquainted with the then their own Pockets with their Mony. Vatican the Lucas celebrated Holfienius Librarian, who us'd him with great HumaGreec the him al fhew'd Authors, whether publifli'd or otherwife, and readily nity, that paft his Care and Emendations: He alfo prefented him to Cardinal Barberini, who at an entertainment of Mufic, perform'd at his own expence, look'd for him in the Croud, and gave him a kind Invitation. To thank Holfienius for all thefe Favors, Milton wrote afterwards from Florence the ninth of his Familiar Letters. At Rome he likewife commenc'd a Friendfhip with the Poet Giovanni Salfilli, who
Months
>
in the following Tetraftich extols

Italian.
him
for writing fo correctly in Latin, Greec,
and
Cede Meles, cedat depreffa Mincius urna,

Sebetut
Taffum defmat ufque
Icqui
At Thame/is viclor
Nam
may be
cunffis ferat altior undas, per te, Milto, par tribus unus erit.
Milton in return fent to Salfilli, fliortly after lying fick, thofe fine Scazons, which read among his Juvenil Poems, And here too did Selvaggi adorn him with
this Diftich.
Gratia Mceontdem, jacket ftbi Roma Maronem Anglia Miltonum ja&at utrique parent. -
Having departed from Rome to Naples, he was introdue'd by his Fellow-Traveller to Giovanni Battifia Manfo, Marquifs of Villa, a Perfon mod nobly defcended, of
great Authority, renown'd for his (military Atchievments, and a Patron of learned Men. To him the famous Tajfo inferib'd his Poem of Friendfhip, and makes ho-
norable mention of him
among
the Princes of Campania in the twentieth
Book of
his Gierufalemme Conquifiata. went himfelf to ihew him all the remarkable Places of that City, vifited him often at his Lodging, and made this Diftich in his
He
Commendation, which he
addrefles to himfelf.
Vt mens, forma, decor, fades, mos ; fi pietas fie, Non Anglus, verum Herds Angelus ipfe fores.
This exception of his Piety relates to his being a Proteftant ; and the Marquifs told him, he would have don him feveral other good Offices, hadhebinmorereferv'd in matters of Religion. But our Author out of Gratitude for all thefe lingular
Favors from one of his high Quality, prefented him at his departure with an incomparable Latin Eclog, entitul'd Manfa, which is extant among his occafional pieces : And that I may mention it by the way, I don't queftion but it was from Manfo % Converfation and their Difcourfes about Tajfo, that he firft form'd his defign of writing an Epic Poem, tho he was not fo foon determin'd about the
Subject.
He was now preparing to pafs over into Sicily and Greece, when he was recal'd by the fad News of a Civil War beginning in England efteeming it an unworthy
;
thing
o
thing for
The
him
contending at
Life of
John Milton.
fecurely to be diverting himfelf abroad, when his Countrymen were home for their Liberty. Intending therfore to return to Rome, he was advis'd by fom Merchants to the contrary ; for they had learnt from their Correfpondents, that the Englilh Jefuits were framing Plots againft him by reafon
great Freedom he us'd in his Difcourfes of Religl n. Notwithstanding, not to begin any Difputes, but, being ask'd, not to diffemble his refolv'd having Sentiments whatever might enfue, he went the fecond time to Rome, and fiay'd
of the
there two months longer, neither concealing his Name, nor declining openly to defend the Truth under the Pope's nofe, when any thought fit to attack him yet hereturn'd fafeto his learned and affcclionac Friends in Florence. 1 forgot al this while to mention that he paid a Vifit to Galileo, then an old man, and a Prifoner to the Inquifition for thinking otherwife in Aftronomy than pleas' d the Francifcan Friers. \ le tarry 'd two other months in Florence, and having feen Lucca, Boncnia, After fpending one month here, and fhipping* off all Ferrara, he arriv'd in Venice. the Books he collected in his Travels, he came thro Verona, Milan, crofs the Alps, and along the Lake Lemanno to Geneva, where he contracted an intimat Familiarity with Giovanni Liodati, a noted Profeffor of Divinity, and was known to feveral others, particularly to the celebrated Critic and Antiquary Ezechiel Spanhemius now alive, to whom he wrote the i yth of his Familiar Letters, and who, together with CaUndr'mi, and fom more of that Cify, fent him intelligence after:
wards concerning his Antagonift Morus, wherofin due order- So leaving this place, and paffing back again thro France, he did after one year and three months Peregrination return fafe into England, much about the fame time that King Charles
handfom Lodga in the to be retreat for himfelf and his Books in fuch uncertain and ing City, troublefom times. But he continued a long while inconfolable for the lofs of
and Schoolfellow Charles Diodati, mention'd before, who dy'd in Lucca originally, but an Englishman born, a Student inPhyfic, and an excellent Scholar, as I have good reafons to believe, and appears by two Greec Letters of his to Milton, very handfomly written, and which I have now in my hands. Our Author in mournful Notes bitterly laments the immature fate of this young Gentleman, whom he denotes by the appellation of Damon in an Eclog nothing inferior to the Maronian Daphnis, and which is to be frill feen among his Latin Mifcellanies. By this piece we plainly find that he had already conceiv'd the Plan of an Epic Poem, wherof he then defign'd the Subject fhould be the warlike Actions of the old Britifh Heroes, and particularly of King Arthur, as he declares himfelf in thefe Verfes.
his deareft Friend his abfence.
made his fecond unfuccefsful Expedition Complements of Friends or Acquaintance were

the Firft
againft the Scots. over, he hir'd a
As
foon as the
He was from
Jpfe ego
Dardanias Rutupina per aquora puppes
Vic am,
& Pandrafidos regnv.m vetus Inogenia,
Brennumque, Arviragumque Duces, prifcumque Belinum, Et tandem Armoricos Britonum fub lege Colonos ; Turn gravidam Arturo fat all fraude I6gernen 7 Mendaces vultus affumtaqua Gorlovs arma,
Merlini Dolus.
But this
more.
particular
Subjed was
after
referv'd for the celebrated

his
Som few lines
he declares
Pen of Sir Richard BlackAmbition of performing fomthing in his
native Language that might perpetuathis Name in thefe Hands, tho he fhould be the more obfcure and inglorious by it to the reft of the World. His words, becaufe
they are wonderfully
fine, I fhall
here
-
infert.
Maces,
decits ( ftm ignotus in avum Turn licet, externo penitufque inglorius orbi) Si me flava comas legat Vfa, potor Alauni, nanus omne Treanta, Vorticibufque frequens Abra, Et Thamefis mens ante omnes, fufca metallis
& mihi grande
Mihi fat is ampla
& & &
Tamara,
I faid
& extremis me difcant Orcades undis.
above that it was by his Converfation with the Marquifsof Villa, who fo nothe immortal Memory of Tajfo, that our Milton form'd his vaft defign. honored bly That this was not a mere Conje&ure, and that King Arthur alfo was to be the Hero of that piece, let but thefe Verfes of his Manfm be confider'd.
*

O milrifi
Phabxos
1 I
me a for s
talem concedat
amicum
decorajfe vivos qui tarn bene norit, Siquando indigenas revocabo in carmina reges,
Arturumque etiam fub
Terris bella
moventem
Aut dicam invilia fomali foedere menfde Magnanimos Heroas, (O modo fpritus adft) Frangam Saxonicas Britonum fub Marte Phalanges.
&
But to return to his Lodgings, where we left him, there, both to be eas'd in the reading of the beft Authors, and to discharge his Duty to his Sifter's Sons that were partly committed to his Tuition, lie undertook the care of their Education, and irjftrudted them himfelf in Latin, Greec, Hebrew and other Oriental Dialects likewife in feveral parts of the Mathematics, in Cofmography, Hiftory,
,
and fome modern Languages, as French and Italian. Some Gentlemen of his intimat Friends, and to whom he could deny nothing, prevail'd with him to impart the fame benefits of Learning to their Sons, fpecially fince the trouble was no more with many than a few. He that well knew the greateft Perfons in all ages to have bin
delighted with teaching others the Principles of Knowlegeand Virtue, ealily comnor was his Succefs unanfwerable to the opinion which was generally enterply^ tain'd of his Capacity. And not content to acquaint his Difciples with thofe
,
Books
that are commonly read in the Schools, wherof feveral, no doubt, are excellent in their kind, tho others are as trivial or impertinent ; he made them likewife read in Latin the antient Authors concerning Husbandry, as Cato, Varro, Co-
lumella,
and Palladius, alfo Cornelias Celfus the Phyfician, Plitrfs Natural Hiftory, the Architecture of Vitruviw, the Stratagems of Fromimu, and the Philofophical Poets Lucretius and Manllius. To the ufual Greec Books, as Homer and Hefiod, he
added Aratus,
Dioxyfuis Periegetes, Oppian, fguintus Calaber, Apollon'uis Rhodius, Plua
tarch, Xertophm,
Allans Tactics, and the Stratagems of Polypus. It was this greateft fign good Man in him, and the higheft Obligation he could lay on his Friends, without any fordid or mercenary purpofes, that gaveoccafion to his Adverfaries with opprobrioufly terming him a School matter , tho were this charge as
of
it is utterly falfe, I fee not how it fhould any way tend to his Difhonor, if he had bin necefiitated to fuch a laborious occupation for his Jiving, and difcharg'd it with due Honefty and Care. But what's very remarkable is, that the moft forward to reproach him in this manner were themfelves mean Tutors in the Univerfity, and the greateft of 'em only a Profeflbr, which are but nominally diftinguilhable from Schoolmafters. He tells us himfelf in his fecond Defence, <4 That on his return from Travelling he found all mouths open againft the Bifhops, fom complaining of their Vices, (( and others quarrelling at the very Order 5 and that from fuch
true as
inferior to the Bilhops in Learning. He firft of all therfore in the publifh'd two Books of Reformatio, dedicated to a Friend. In the nrft of thefe he fhevvs, by orderly fteps, from Henry the Eighth's Reign, what were all along the real impediments in this Kingdom to a perfect Reformation, which in general he reduces to two heads, that is, our retaining of Ceremonies, and con-
who were
beginnings thinking open'd to true Liberty, he heartily engag'd in the Difpute, as well to relcue his Fellow-Citizens from Slavery, as to help the Puritan Minifters,
way might be
yean64i.
fining the
' c {
Power of Ordination to Diocefan Bifhops exclufively of the People. Our Ceremonies, he fays, are fenflefs in themfelves, and ferve for nothing but
either to iacilitat
lege,
our return to Popery ; or to hide the defeds of better Knowand to fet off the Pomp of Prelacy. As for the Bilhops, many of whom he denys not to have bin good tho not infallible, nor above all human FrailMen, " that at the beginning, tho ties, he affirms, they had' renounc'd the Pope, they hug'd the Popedom, and fhar'd the Authority among themfelves. In King " Edward the Sixth's time, he were with Gravities their affirms, they proftitute the common Stales to countenance every politic fetch that was then on foot. If c a Toleration for Mafs were to be beg'd of the King for his Sifter Mary, left < Charles the Fifth fhould be who but the grave Prelats, Cranmer and Ridangry; ^ U oulJ be fent t0 ex trc 't from the fi} young King? When the Lord Sudley, (| miral of Eng L*, and the Protector's Brother, was wrongfully to lofe his !< J no man cou be f un d fitter than Latimer to divulge in his Sermon the \ \ forg'd Acculations laid to his charge, therby to defame him with the People. (i Cranmer, one of King Henrys Executors, and the other Bilhops, did, to gratify
;.
"
2,
the
12
"
"
the

a Traytor, confent to exclude from the Succeffion, not only the Papift, butalfo Elizabeth the Proteftant, tho before declar'd by them" In Queen Elizabeth's Reign he imfelves the lawful Iflue of their late Matter. putes the Obstructions of a further Reformation ftill to the Bimops, and then pro-
Ambition of
Mary
l Go on both, hand in begun Conteft for Liberty by this Exhortation. be the and the heroic Song of O never to disunited. Praife Nations, Be hand, " all Pofterity. Merit this ; but feek only Virtue, not to extend your limits " for what need you win a fading triumphant Laurel out of the Tears of wretched " Men ; but to fettle the pure Worfhip of God in his Church, and Jufti'ce in the " State? Then mall the hardeft Difficulties fmooth out themfelves before you; " Envy Shall fink to Hell, Craft and Malice be confounded, whether it be home" bred Mifchief, or outlandifh Cunning Yea other Nations will then covet to " ferve you ; for Lordfhip and Victory are but the Pages of Juftice and Virtue. " Commit Securely to true Wifdom the vanquishing and uncaling of Craft and " Join your invincible Might to do Subtilty, which are but her two Runnagates. " worthy and Godlike Deeds; and then he that feeks to break your Union, a " cleaving Curfe be his Inheritance to all Generations. After this, certain Minifters having written a Treatife againft Epifcopacy, the Title Smetlymnnm confifting of the initial Letters of their Names, and a Bifhop
'
cedes from Antiquity to prove that all Eccleliaftical Elections belong'd to the People h but that if thofe Ages had favor'd Epifcopacy, we Should not be much concern'd, Since the beSt times were fpreadingly infedted, the belt Men of thofe times foully tainted, and the beft Writings of thofe Men dangerouSly adulterated ; which In the fecond Book he continues his Propositions he labors to prove at large. Difcourfe of Prelatical Epifcopacy, difplays the Politics of the fame; which, according to him, are always oppofit to Liberty: he deduces the Hiftory of it " that in England particularly it is down from its remoteft Original, and mews, fo far from being, as they commonly allege, the only Form of Church- Dilciplin agreable to Monarchy, that the mortalleft Difeafes and Convulsions of the Government did ever precede from the Craft of the Prelats, or was occaThen he encourages the Engl,Jb and Scots to purfue fion'd by their Pride.
their
"
fmall Authority having beftow'd an Anfwer upon it, Milton, to ufe his own words, fuppofing himfelf not lefs able to write for Truth, than others for their Profit or unjuft Power, publifh'd his piece of Prelatical Epifiopjcy. In this Bock he proves againft the famous Vfher (for he would not readily ingage a meaner Adverfary) that Diocefan Epifcopacy, or a fuperior Order to the common Ministry, cannot be deduc'd from the Apoftolical times by the force of fuch Teftimonies as are alleg'd to that purpofe. Now VJhers chief Talent lying in much reading, and being a great Editor and Admirer of old Writings, Milton Shews the Inefficiency, Inconveniency and Impiety of this method to eftablifh any part of Chriftianity ; and blames thofe Perfons who cannot think any Doubt refolv'd, or any Do&rin confirm'd, unlefs they run to that indigefted heap and fry of Authors which they " call Antiquity. Whatfoever either Time (fays he) or the heedlefs hand of " blind Chance, has drawn down to this prefent in her huge Dragnet, whether " Fifh or Seaweed, Shells or Shrubs, unpick'd, unchofen, thofe are the FathersAnd fo he chides the good Bifhop for divulging ufelefs Treatifes, ftuft with the fpecious Names of IgmtUts and Polycarpns, with Fragments of old Martyrologies and Legends, to diffract and ftagger the multitude of credulous Readers. His next performance was the Reafon ef Church-Government tirgd againft Prein two lacy, Boo\s, principally intended againft the fame Vjher's account of the The Eloquence is mafculin, the Method is natural, the Original of Epifcopacy. Sentiments are free, and the whole (God knows) appears to have a very different: force from what the Nonconformist Divines wrote in thofe days, or Since that In the beginning of the fecond Book he mentions his time, on the fame Subject of an Epic Poem, but continues ftill unrefolv'd, whether his Hero deSign writing Should be fom Prince before the Conqueft, or the Argument be borrow 'd from the Scripture or the antient Heathen Hiftory. But becaufe the account he gives of what the Poet fliould propofe by Such a work is exactly juft, and withal fo properly " Thefe Abilities (fays he, expreft, I Shall not grudg to tranfcribe it in this place. " fpeaking of Invention and Composition) wherfoever they be found, are the in" fpir'd Gift of God i rarely beftow'd, but yet to Som (tiro moft abufe them) in every Nation and are of power to breed and cherifh in a great People the " Seeds of Virtue and public Civility, to allay the Perturbations of the Mind, 1 and Set the Affections in a right tune ; or laftly, whatfoever is in Religion holy
'
of no
51
and

u " " " " " " " "
andfublime, in Virtue amiable or grave, whatfoever has PafTion or Admiration in all the changes of that which is call'd Fortune from without, or the wily Subtilties and Refluxes of Mans Thoughts from within, all thefe tilings with a folid and treatable Smoothnefs to paint out and defcribe. Teaching over the whole Book of Sanctity and Virtue, thro all the inftances of Example, and with fuch delight, to thofe efpecially of a foft and delicious temper (who will not fo much as look upon Truth her felf, unlefs they fee her elegantly dreft) that wheras the Paths of Honefty and good Life appear now rugged and difficult, tho they be indeed eafy and pleafant they would then appear to all Men both tho they were rugged and difficult indeed. And what a Beeafy and pleafanr, neht this would be to our Youth and Gentry, may be foon gueft by what we know of the Corruption and Bane which they fuck in daily from the Writings and Interludes of libidinous and ignorant Poetafters who having fcarce ever heard of that which is the main confidence of a true Poem, the choice of fuch Perfons as they ought to introduce, and what is moral and decent to each one, do for the molt part lap up vitious Principles in fweet Pills to be fwallow'd down, and make the tafle of viituous Documents harfli and four. But becaufe the Spirit of Man cannot demean it felf lively in this Body without fom recreating intermiffion of labor and ferious things, it were happy for the Commonwealth if our Magiftrats, as in thofe famous Governments of old, would take into their care not only the deciding of our contentious Law-cafes or Brauls, but the managing of our public Sports and feftival Paftimes* that they might not be fuch as were authoriz'd a while lince, the Provocations of Drunkennefs and Luff, but fuch as may inure and harden our Bodies by martial Exerdies to all warlike Skill and Performances , and may civilize, adorn, and make difcrete our Minds by the learned and afible meeting of frequent Academies, and the procurement ol wife and artful Recitations, fweeten'd with eloquent and graceful Enticements to the love and practice of Juftice, Temperance and Fortitude, inftructing and bettering the Nation at all opportunities, that the voice of Wifdom and Virtue may be heard every where. Whether this may not be don, not only in Pulpits, but after another perfuafive method, at fet and folemn Paneguries, in Theaters, Porticos, or what other place or way may win moft upon the People to receive at once both Recreation and Instruction, lee
-, ,
" " "

"
"
"
"
"
" "
<l
"
"
"
" "
"
" " " "
"
" " " them in Authority confult. Another eminent Bifhop having written againft SmeBjmnuHs, our Author publifh'd Animadverfions upon his Book 5 and to the Reafons alleg'd from Councils for fubftituting a conftant form to occafional Prayers in public, he gives the fol" Set the grave Councils, fays he, upon their (helves again, and lowing Anfwer. " them hard, left their various and jangling opinions put their leaves into a firing *' I fhall not intend this hot Seafon to lead you a courfe thro the wide and flutter. " dufty Champain of the Councils 5 but fhall take counfel of that which counAnd tho I know there is an obfolete Reprehenfion now at fel'd them, Reafon " Tongues end, yet I fhall be bold to fay, that Reafon is the Gift of God in your " one Man as well as in a thoufand. By that which we have tailed already of " their Cifterns, we may find that Reafon was the only thing, and not any divine " Command, that mov'd them to enjoin the fet forms of a Liturgy. Firft, left " be in miflaid in their thro general might public Prayers, any thing ignorance or " want of care, contrary to the Faith : And next, left the Ariaxs and Pelagians " in particular fliould infect the People by their Hymns and Forms of Prayer. " But by the good leave of thefe antient Fathers, this was no folid prevention of " fpreading Herefy, to debar the Minifters of God the ufe of their nobleft Talent, " Prayer in the Congregation unlefs they had forbid the ufe of all Sermons and " Lectures too, but fuch as were ready made to their hands like our Homilies: or " elfehe that was heretically difpo^'d iad as fair an opportunity of infecting in his
:
, 1
'
" " " u " u " b u
Difcourfe, as in his
As infufficiently, and, to fay truth, as Prayer or Hymn. did imprudently they provide by their contriv'd Liturgies, left any thing fliould be pray'd thro ignorance or want of care in the Minifters : for if they were carelefs and ignorant in their Prayers, certainly they would be more carelefs in their and ftill more carelefs in watching over their Flock and whY* prepreaching, fcription could reach to bound them in both thefe? What if Reafon, now illuffrated by the Word of God, fhall be able to produce a better Prevention than thefe Councils have left us againft Herefy, Ignorance, or want of care in the Miniftry, to witthat fuch Wifdom and Diligence be us'd in the Education of thofe that would be Minifters, and fuch a ftri& and ferious Examination to be " under,
4
"

undergon before their admiflion, as St. Paul to Timothy fets down at large and then they need not carry fuch an unworthy fufpicion over the Preachers of God's " Word, as to tutor their Unfoundnefs with the a, b, c, of a Liturgy, or to " diet their Ignorance and want of Care with the limited draught of a Mattin and Evenfong drench. What his opinion was of the Fathers he further declares when he calls them thofe more antient than trufty Fathers, whom Cuftom and fond " Opinion, weak Principles, and the neglect of founder Knowlege, has exalted " fo high, as to have gain'd them a blind Reverence ; whofe Books, in bignefs " and number endlefs and immeafurable, I cannot think that either God or Na<c ture, either divine or human Wifdom, did ever mean mould be a RuleorRelitc ance to us in the decilion of any weighty and pofuive Doftrins for certainly " every Rule and Inftrument of necedary Knowlege that God has given us, ought " to be fo in proportion as may be wielded and manag'd by the Life of Man, " without penning him up from the Duties of human Society. But he that fhall " bind himfelf to make Antiquity his Rule, if he reads but part (befides thediffi" fur there may culty of choice) his Rule is deficient, arid utterly unfatisfying " be other Writers of another mind, which he has not feen And if he under" takes all, the length of Man's Life cannot extend to give him a full and requiiit " of what was don in Antiquity. Go therfore, and ufe all your Art, " knowlege apply your Sledges, your Leavers, and your iron Crows, to heave and hale " your mighty Pclyphemui of Antiquity to the deluiipn of Novices and unexpeThe prefent Ecdefiaftical Revenues, lie fays, were not at rienc'd Chriftians. " firft the eftedsof juft Policy or wholefom Laws, but of the fuperftitious Devo" tion of Princes and great Men that knew no better, or of the bafe importunity " of begging Friers, haunting and harafling the Deathbeds of Men departing this " Life in a blind and wretched condition of hope to merit Heaven for the building " of Churches, Cloyfters, and Convents; the black Revenues of Purgatory, the " price of abus'd and murder'd Souls, the damn'd Simony of Trentals, and the " hire of Indulgences to commit mortal Sin. MUton\ next Book was his Jpolojy againft the Reverend Perfon who tax'd his Animadverfions with being a fcurrilous Libel. This Adverfary, as it has always bin the cuftom of fome People when they can neither anfvver well nor defend, had recourfe to Defamation and perfonal Refle&ions, which, had they bin true, could not derogate from the force of his Arguments j but, being falfe, muftbecall'dby their true names of Lying and Slander. Our Author therfore inneats thofe who have found the leifure to read his name unworthily defam'd, that they would be fo good and fo patient as to hear the fame Perfon not unneedfully defended. Being accus d of having bin an inordinat and riotous Youth vomited out of the Univer" For this commodious Ly I thank him , for it has sity, he makes this reply " me to acknowlege publicly with all grateful mind that an occafion apt " given more than ordinary Favor and Refpeft which I found above any of my Equals " at the hands of thofe courteous and learned Men, the Fellows of that College " wherin I fpent fom years who at my parting, after having taken two Degrees "
,
"
(as the
" " wards me. Which being likewife propenfe to all fuch as were for their ftudious " and civil Life worthy of Efteem, I could not wrong their Judgments and upright " Intentions fo much as to think I had that regard from them for any other caufe " than that I might be (till encourag'd to procede in the honeft and laudable " Courfe, of which they apprehended 1 had given good proof. As for the com" mon Approbation or Dif like of that place, as now it is, that I fhould efteem or " difefteem my felf or any other the more for that, is too fimpleand too credulous " Of in the Confuter, if bethinks to obtain with me or any ri^ht Difccrner. " fmall practice was that Phyiician who could not judg by what both fhe or her c Sifter have of a long time vomited, that the worfe Ttuff fhe flrongly keeps in " her Stomach, but the better fhe is ever kecking at, and is queafy. She vomits " now out of Sicknefs, but e're it be well with her fhe muft vomit by flrong Phy" fie. The Suburb wherin I dwell fhall be in my account a more honorable " than his Univerlity, which, as in the time of her better Health, and my place " own younger Judgment, I never greatly admir'd, fo now much lefs. This is not the only paflage of the apology wherin lie teftifys his Gontemt of the Uni" that what with Truanting and Debauchery, verfities, for in another place he fays, " what with falfe Grounds, and the weaknefs of natural Fatuities in many of * "
"
fignify'd many ways how much better it would content them that I mould ftay, as by many Letters full of Kindnefs and loving Refpedt, both before that time and long after, I was afiur'd of their lingular good Affettion to-
manner
is)
them

"
" " " "
"
"
"
" " " " " ranknefs of Apuleitu, Amoblus, or any modern Fuftianift, before the native Lati" In the Greec Tongue melt of them unlettered or unentered to nifms of Cicero. " In any found Proficiency in thofe Attic Mafters of Wifdom and Eloquence. " the Hebrew Text, except it be fom few of them, their Lips are utterly uncircumcis'd. No lefs are they out of the way in Philofophy, peflring their heads " with the faplefs Dotages of old Paris and Salamanca. His Antagonift infinuating a malicious Reprefentaiion even of his early rifing, he tells him, that his " Morning haunts are, where they fhould be, at home ; not fleeping, or concoft" ing the Surfeits of an irregular Feaft, but up and ftirring, in Winter often be" in Summer as fore the Sound of any Bell awakens Men to Labor or Devotion " oftas the Bird that firft roufes, or not much tardier, to read good Authors, or " caufethem to be read, till the Attention be weary, or the Memory have its full " Then with ufeful and generous Labors preferving the Bodys Health * fraught. and Hardinefs, to render a lightfom, clear, and not a lumpilh Obedience to the " Mind, for the caufe of Religion and our Countries Liberty, when it fhall re" quire firm Hearts in found Bodies to ftand and cover their Stations, rather than *' fee the Ruin of our Protection, and the enforcement of a flavifh Life. Palling over his feiious and juft Apology for frequenting Playhoufes, I fhall fubjoin the Reafon he gives why fom Terms of the Stage might appear in his Writings with" which was not needful, fays he, when out having learnt them in the Theater; " in the Colleges fo many of the young Divines, and thofe in next aptitude to " have bin feen fo often on the Stage, writhing and unboning their Cler" Divinity, to all the antic and difhoneft Geftures of Trinculos, Buffoons, and Lims gy *' Bauds proftituting the fhame of that Miniftry, which either they had or were " having, to the eys of Courtiers and Court Ladys, with their Grooms and " nigh Mademoifelles. There while they a&ed, and overa&ed, among other young " Scholars I was a Spectator ; they thought themfelves gallant Men, and I " thought them Fools ; they made fport, and I laugh'd they mifpronoune'd, and " I miflik'd He was and, to make up the Atticifm, they were out, and I hifr. to anfwer next to the heavy charge of Leudnefs with common Proftitutes and becaufe the account he gives of himfelfupon this occafion, and of that part of his Poetry which regards the affairs of Love, is not only effential to the Hiftory of his Life, but of good Inftrudion alfo to fuch as read fuch pleafant and alluring Books, I fuppofe none will be offended with me for laying it here before them. " I had my time, fays he, like others that have good Learning beftow'dupon " them, to be fent to thofe places where the opinion was it might be fooneft at" tain'd ; and, as the manner is, was not unftudy'd in thofe Authors which are " mod commended. Of thefe fom were grave Orators and Hiftorians, whofe " marter mediought I lov'd indeed, but as my Age then was, fo I underftood " them , others were the fmooth Elegiac Poets, wherof the Schools are not fcarce, whom both for the pleafing Sound of their numerous Writings (which in imi' tation 1 found moft eafy, and mod agreable to Nature's part in me) and for " their matter, which what it is there be few who know not, I was fo allur'd to *' for that it was then thofe read, that no Recreation came to me more welcom " years with me, which are excus'd tho they be leaft fevere, I may be fav'd the labor to remember you. Whence having obferv'd them to account it the chief ' Glory of their Wit that they were ableft to judg, to praife, and by that could " efteem themfelves worthieftto love thofe high Perfections, which under one or " other name they took to celebrat ; I thought with my felf by every Inflin&and " Prefage of Nature (which is not wont to be falfe) that what embolden'd them to this task, might with fuch diligence as they us'd embolden me and that " what Judgment, Wit, or Elegance, was my fhare, would herein beft appear,
I
with fom Men to fend the fimpleft of their Sons thither) perhaps there would be found among them as many unfolid and corrupted Judgments, both in Doftrin and Life, as in any other two Corporations of This is undoubted, that if any Carpenter, Smith, or Weaver, like bignefs. were fuch a bungler in his Trade, as the greater number of them are in their And fhould he exercife his MaProfeffion, he would ftarve for any Cuftomdo he would their as little as nufacture Talents, forget his Art: or ihould they he miftuke his Tools, as they do theirs, he would mar all the work he took in How few among them that know how to write or'fpeakin apureftile, hand. much lefs to diftinguifh the Ideas and various kinds of Stile In Latin barbarous, and oft not without Solecifms, declaiming in rugged and mi fee! laneous Gear blown together by the four Winds; and in their choice preferring the gay
them
(it
being a
Maxim
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;,
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'
and
6
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and beft value it felf, by how much more wifely and with more love of Virtue " I ihould chufe the Object of not unlike Praifes. For tho thefe Thoughts to " fom will feem virtuous and commendable, to others only pardonable, to a " third fort perhaps idle yet the mentioning of them now will end in ferious. " Nor blame it, Readers, in thofe years to propofe to themfelves fuch a Reward " as the nobleft Difpofitions above other things in this Life have fomtimes pre" wherof not to be fenfible, when good and fair in one Perfon meet, arfer'd " a grofs and iballow Judgment, and withal an ungentle and fwainifh both gues " Breaft. For by the firm fettling of thefe Perfuafions I became (to my beft me" mory) fo much a Proficient, that if I found thofe Authors any where fpeaking " unworthy things of themfelves, or unchaft of thofe Names which before they " had extol'd, this efteft it wrought with me, that from that time forward their " Art I ftill applauded, but the Men I deplor'd ; and above them all prefer'd the " two famous Renowners of Beatrice and Lanra, who never write but Honor of '' them to whom they devote their Verfe, difplaying fublime and pure Thoughts " And long it was not after, when I was confirm'd in without tranfgreffion. " the opinion that he, who would not be fruftrated of his hope to write well here" that is, a compofitiafter in laudable things, ought himfelf to be atru Poem " on and pattern of the beft and honorableft things not prefuming to ring the high " Praifes of heroic Men or famous Cities, unlefs he has in himfelf the Experience " and the Praftice of all that is praifeworthy. Thefe Reafonings, together with " a certain nicenefs of Nature, an honeft Haughtinefs and Self-efteem either of " what I was or what I might be (which let Envy call Pride) and laftly, a be" Modefty, all uniting the Supply of their natural aid together, kept me " coming ftill above thofe low Deicents of Mind, beneath which he muft dejedtand " plunge himfelf that can agree to falable and unlawful Proftitutions. Next I be" took me among thofe lofty Fables and Romances which recount in folemn Can" tos the Deeds of Knighthood founded by our victorious Kings, and from hence " had in renown over all Chriftendom. There I read it in the Oath of every " Knight, that he fhould defend to the expence of his beft Blood, or of his Life, " if it fo befel him, the Honor and Chaftity of Virgin or Matron from whence " even then I learnt what a noble Virtue Chaftity fure muft be, to the defence of " which fo many Worthies by fuch a dear Adventure of themfelves had fworn > " and if I found in the Story afterwards any of them by word or deed breaking " that Oath, I judg'd it the fame fault of the Poet, as that which is attributed to " Homer, to have written undecent things of the Gods. Only this my mind gave " me, that every free and gentle Spirit without that Oath ought to be born a " Knight, nor needed to expect the gilt Spur, or the laying of a Sword upon his " to ftir him up both by his Counfil and his Arm, to fecure and protect " Shoulder, the weaknefs of any attemted Chaftity. So that even thofe Books, which to " others have bin the fuel of Wantonnefs and loofe Living (I cannot think many " how, unlefs by divine Indulgence) prov'dtome fo many Enticements, as you " have heard, to the love and ftedfaft obfervation of that Virtue which abhors the " Thus from the Laureat Fraternity of Poets, riper years, Society of Bordellos. tc and the ceaflefs round of Study and Reading, led me to the fhady walks of Phi" lofophy but chiefly to the divine Volumes of Plato, and his equal Xenophon " where if I fhould tell you what I learnt of Chaftity and Love (I mean that " which is truly fo, whofe charming cup is only Virtue, which fhe bears in her " hand to thofe who are worthy ; the reft are cheated with a thick intoxicating " Potion, which a certain Sorcerefs, the Abufer of Love's Names, carries about : *' and if I fhould tell you too how the firft and chiefeft Office of Love begins and " ends in the Soul, producing thofe happy Twins of her divine Generation, " Knowlege and Virtue) with fuch abftra&ed Sublimities as thefe, it might be " worth your liftening, Readers, as I may one day hope to have you in a ftill time, " and when there fhall be no chiding. Thus far our Author, who afterwards made this Character good in his inimitable Poem of Paradife Loft ; and before this time in his Conmt or Mask prefented at Li-Jlow Caftle, like which Piece in the peculiar difpofttion of the Story, thefweetnefs of the Numbers, the juftnefs of the Expreftion, and the Moral it teaches, there is nothing extant in any Language. But to procede with the reft of the Apology, he's in it very fevere upon the Clergy, not only becaufe in his Judgment he condemn'd feveral of their Maxims, but alfo provok'd by the ill ufage he receiv'd. Certainly nothing more barbarous and inhuman ever procededfrom the mouth of Pope or Mufti, than this faying of his Antagonift, '! You that love Chrift, and know this mifcreanc Wretch, ftone him
-,
-,
"
to

"
to death,
left
7
that
countenance he exprefly with the their 'em to not to and Followers his forgive purfue Enemies, enjoin'd of Revenge, but rather to reclaim them from their Errors, and to do 'em all
daliz'd when fuch deviliih Practices,
for his Impunity. of Chrifl moft: find the name they
you fmart
No wonder that fo many are fcanimpudently

alleg'd to
when
there
is
nothing more evident than
Spirit
good they could. Our Author, on the other hand, carries his Refentments, " There no doubt, too far, when the following words could drop from his Pen. " be fuch in the World, and I among thofe, who nothing admire the Idol of a
the
<:
"
Bifhopiick, and hold that it wants fo much to be a Blelfing, as that I rather deem it the mereft, thefalfeft, the moft unfortunat Gift of Fortune: and were ' the Punilhment and Mifery of being a Bilhop terminated only in the Perfon, " and did not extend to the Affliction ot the whole Diocefs, if I would wilh any " the bigthing in the bitternefs of mv Soul to an Enemy, I Ihould wim him " and farteft BilTioprick. If Milton had bin fuch a Saint as never mift of a fagelt
vorable anlwer to his Prayers, I queftion not but at this rate more would covet to Another mark of his good Will to the Prelats be his Enemies than his Friends. " is this unpardonable Simile. Biihop's Foot, fays he, that has all its Toes " and a linnen fock over it, is the apteft Emblem of the Pre(maugre theGout^ " a who. lathimfelf; being Pluralift, may under one Surplice hide four Benefices
"
befides the great Metropolitan
another place lie calls them, " dry Pits of all found Dodtrin.
in
;
"
To
which fends
a foul ftench to
Heaven.
And
" Billiops or Presbyters we know, fays he, Chaplains lomwhere in Icouoclafies. " and Deacons we know but what are Chaplains ? In State perhaps they may be " lifted among the upper Serving men of fom great Houfhold, and be admitted to " fom fuch place as may ftile them the Sewers or Yeomen- Ulhers of Devotion, " where the Mafter is too refty or too rich to fay his own Prayers, or to blefs his " own Table. How much he lev'd to divert himfelf in this manner, we may branded perceive by his Apoftrophe to the Presbyterian Minifters.who were heavily be Charles the Fii after his Death tho would fain thought his very ft, they by King " read here what work dutiful and good Friends. Minifters, ye fays Milton, " he makes among your Gallypots, your Balms and your Cordials , and not only " your Iweet Sippets in Widows Houfes, but the huge Gobbets wherwiih he
the Gulfs and Whirlpools of Benefices, but the Agreable to thefe Flowers is his Defcription of
" "
Cry him up for a Saint in your charges you to have devour'd Houfes and all. Nor is he more merciPulpits, w hile hecrys you down for Atheifts into Hell.
ful to the Liturgy than to the Readers of it, as appears by this Character. " contend that it is fantaftical, if not fenflefs in fom places-, were a copious
To
Ar-
"
" gumenr, muftbe

"
For fuch Alternations as are there us'd fpecially in the Refponfories. but the and the People cannot fo lever feveral Perfons Minifter ; by
prefents.
" " " "
mouth of the whole People pray, lie being filent, or they ask one thing and h.e another, it either changes the Property, making the Prieft the People, and the People the Prieft by turns, or elfe makes two Perfons and two Bodies Reprefentative where there Ihould be but one which if there were " nothing elfe, muft be a ftrange Qyaintnefs in ordinary Prayer. Thelikeor " worfemay be faidof the Litany, wherin neither Prieft nor People fpeak any " entire Senfe of themfelves throout the whole (I know not what to name it) on" it were the ly by the timely Contribution of their parted ftakes, clofing up as " Schifm of a llic'd for by this means they keep Prayer, they pray not in vain " Life between them in a piece of galping Senfe, and keep down the Sawcinefs " of a continual rebounding Nonfenfe. And hence it is that as it has bin far from " the imitation of any warranted Prayer, fo we all know it has bin obvious to be " And he who has but read in good Books of Deyotithe pattern of many a Jig. be fo either of Ear or Judgment unpracTis'd to diftinno cannot and more, ",on, ' is what guith grave, pathetical, devout, and whatnot; but he will prefently '* this Liturgy all over in conception lean and dry, of Affections emty perceive " andunmoving, of Paffion, or any heighth wherto the Soul might foar upon the t: wings of Zeal, deltiiute and barren. Befides Errors, Tautologies, Imperti" nences, as thofe Thanks in the Woman's Churching for her delivery from Sun" burning and Moonblafting, as if (lie had bin travelling, not in her Bed, but in tC So that while fom men ceafe not to admire the incomthe Deferts of Arabia. " of our Frame Liturgy, I cannot but admire as fall what they think is beparable " com of Judgment and Tafte in other men, that they can hope to be heard with" out LaughterAnd if this were all, perhaps it were a compilable matter. But "
their Interefts as to fuftain feveral Perfons, he being the only
Body which he
And
if the
when
8
" "

this our Liturgy, where we found it, whence we had it, and yet where we left it, ftill ferving to all the Abominations of the Antichriftian Temple, it may be wonder'd how we can demur whether it Ihould be aboliili'd or no, and not rather fear we have highly offended in ufing it fo long. It has indeed bin pretended to be more antient than the Mafs, but fo little prov'd, that wheras other corrupt Liturgies have had fuch a feeming Antiquity, that their Publifhers have ventur'd to alcribe them either to Saint Peter, St. fames, St. Mark, or at leaft to Chryfoftom or Bafil, ours has bin never able to find either
when we remember
"
" " " "
"
" "
Age
ofienfive, except the
or Author allowable on whom to father thole things which therin are leail two Creeds. I fhall conclude my account of his Books
concerning religious Controvei lies with this remarkable account of his reading in " the Councils and Fathers of the Church. Som years, fays he, Ihadfpentin " the Stories of thofe Greec and Roman Exploits, wherin I found many things both " don and worthily fpoken when coming in the method of time to that " nobly the Church had ontain'd a Cfa-ijlian Emperor, I fo prepai'd my lelf wherin age
:
"
'"
''
as
being
now
to read
in the
I
were foremoft ment of what
Examples of Wifdom and Goodnefs among thofe who But to the amazeChurch, notelfwhere to bepjrallel'd. found I it all expected, Readers, quite contrary 5 excepting in
:
''
"
Ci
''
fom very few, nothing but Ambition, Corruption, Contention, Combuftion infomuch that I could not but love the Hiftorian Socrates, w ho in the Proem to his fifth Book profeffes, he was fain to intermix Affairs of State, for that it would be el(e an extreme annoyance to hear in a continu'd Difcourfe the endlefs
Brabbles and Counterplottings of the Bilhops. Finding therfore the mod of to be weak and their A&ions in particular yet turbulent, full of Strife and yet ' fiat of Spirit, and the fum of their beft Councils there collected to be molt " commonly in Qyeftions eirher trivial and vain, or elie of (hort and eafy decili-
"
''
'*
" be much more i and if the compendious recital of what they there did was fo tc" diousand unprofitable, then furely to fit out the whole extent of their tattle in " a dozen Volumes, would be a lofs of time irrecoverable. Beddes that which " I had read of St. Martin, who for his lad fixteen years could never be perfuaded " to beat any Council of the Bifhops-, and Gregory Naz.iauz.en betook him to the " fame refolution, affirming to Procofus that of any Council or Meeting of Bi" ihops he never law good end, nor any remedy therby of evil in the Church, buc " rather an increafe lor, fays he, their Contentions and Defire of Lording no "
:
on, without that great buftle which they made : I concluded that it their iingle Ambition and Ignorance was fuch, then certainly united in a Council it would
Tongue
is
able to exprefs.
In the year 1643, he chang'd hiscondition, and was marry "d to Mary the Daughof Richard Poivel of Forreflhill in Oxfordshire, a Juftice of the Peace, and a man of good figure in that Country. But whether it was that this young Wi man, acter
cuftonf d to a large and jovial Family, could not live in a Philoiophical Retirement (lie was not perfectly fatisfy'd with the Perlon of her Husband ; 01 laftly, that, becaufe her Relations were all addicted to the Royal Intereft, his democratical Principles weredifagreable to her Humor (nor is it impoflibk that the Father repented of this match upon the profpect of fom Succeis on the King's fide, who then had his Headquarters at Oxford) or whatever were the reafon, 'tis certain that after he enjoy'd her Company at London about a month, fire was invited by her Friends to fpend the reft of the Summer in the Country, to which he confented, on Yet he faw her not at the time appointed, condition of her return by Michaelmas. and, after receiving feveral of his Letters withour fending him any anfwer, ihe did This at length pofitivelyrefufe to come, difmiffing his Meflenger with contemt. ufageincens'd him to that degree, that he thought it againft his Honor and Repofe He made that time however as eafy to himto own her any longer for his Wife. felf as he might, fomtimes by keeping a gaudy day with his Friends, and at other times in conversation with the Lady Margaret Lee, Daughter to the Earl cf MarlSenfe drew frequent Vifits from him, and borough., whole (brightly Wit and good for whom he had a lingular efteem, which he has left recorded by a Sonnet in er He thought it now high time to_ juftify Praife among his other occafional Poems. Refolution he had taken of never receiving his the firm by proper Arguments Wife back again, and therfore in the year 1644, he publifh'd his Boblrixand the Afiembly Bifciflin of Divorce, which he dedicated to the Parlament and to of Divines, that as they were bufy then about the general Reformation of the Kingdom, they might alio take this particular cafe of domeftic Liberty into their
,
or that
confideration
for
he thought
all
the boafted
Freedom of
public judicatures fignify'd

"
fy'd little, if in the mean while at home below the Dignity of a
one muft be
Man.
"
oblig'd to indure a kind

thing, fays he,
is
of Servitude
What
more inftituted
by Mofes,^ lias chang'd the Bleffing of Matrimony not feldom into a fami" given and liar cohabiting Mifchief 5 atleaft, into a drooping and difconfolat houfhold " So ungovern'd and fo wild a race Captivity, without Refuge or Redemtion. " dos Sup^rftition run us, from one Extreme of abus'd Liberty into the other of " ThoGod in the firft ordaining of Marriage taught us to unmerciful Reftraint " what end he did it (the words exprefly implying the apt and chearful Converfa" don of Man with Woman, to comfort and refrefh him of the evil of a folitnry " Life 5 not mentioning the purpofe of Generation till afterwards, as being but a " fecondary end in Dignity tho not inNeceffity) yet now if any two be but once " handed in the Chnrch, and have tafted in any fort the nuptial Bed, let them find " themfelves never fo miftaken in their Difpofitions thro any Error, Conceal" that thro their different Tempers, Thoughts, and ment, or Mifadventure " neither be to one another a remedy againft Lonelinefs, can Conftitution?, they " nor live in or Union Contentment all their days fo they be any yet they (hall w but found futably weapon'd to the leaft poffibility of fenfual Enjoyment) be " made in fpire oi' Antipathy to fadg together, and combine, as they may, to " their unfpe.ikable Wearifomnefs, and defpair of all fociable Delight, in the " Ordinance which God eftablifh'd to that very end. Then he largely fhews all the uujuft Sanctions concerning Marriage to be owing totheSuperlfition of fom antient Fathers, and to the defign of promoting die Gain or Audio: ity of theFor the Greecs, the Romans, Clergy, as they make a part of the Canon Law and alt civilized Nations, did not only allow of Divorce upon mutual Averfion or Confent but in many other cafes, befides the violation of the nuptial Bed, there was a Separation made on the Petition of one Party, tho the other fhould not be His purpofe, in fliort, is to fliew that there are other fufficient Reafons willing. for Divorce befides Adultery and that to prohibit any fort of Divorce, but fuch as are excepted by Mofes, is unjuft and againft the Reafon of the Law in handling which Heads he has, befides his Arguments from Reafon, had always a due care to explain tho<e Pafiages of Scripture which are thought to contradict his The grand Pofition he maintains is, That hdifpofition, vfitnefs, or conOpinion.
!
-,
" of fom "
to the Solace and Delight of Man than Marriage ? And yet the mifinterpreting Scriptures, directed mainly againft the Abufers of the Law for Divorce
-,
-,
Humors, preceding from any unchangable caufe in Nature, hindring and always likely to hinder the main ends and benefits of conjugal Society (that is to fay, Peace and Delight) are Divorce than or natural greater Reafons of ITY, protrary
ADV LTERT
And
F RIG ID
feems to be a perfect Tyranny to oblige a Man or Woman beyond the defign of their Covenant: nor fhould they, who never try'd this condition together, be hinder'd from difcretely and orderly undoing it, when they find things otherwife than they promis'd themindeed
it
vided there be a mutual Confent for Separation.
no more than in any other bargain People are punifh'd for unwilful Ignofince, whenever both Parties are willing, they may draw back their flakes, and leave matters as they were before, or compound for the Damages that may be don. It feems likewife to me very grofs, that in Lawmaking (particularly in the Canon Law) a regard fhould be had to the fit Difpofition of the marry 'd Couples Bodies, and no confederation of the Agreablenefs of their Minds, when the Charms of the latter are often the greateft inducements to the conjunction of the former. And fince no Man or Woman can be fecure of true Information from others, nor infallible in their own Obfervations upon one another's Humors and
felves
;
rance
Conditions (fpecially fince they are not admitted to a requifit Familiarity for fuch an inquiry before Marriage) it is the hardeft thing in the world that no Claufes fhould be provided for cafes of this nature. As for the common Objection, that Marriage is a Remedy againft Fornication and Adultery, I grant it to be moft true, if the Parties mutually love ; but if it be a fore'd Compact, or afterwards diflik'd, it is fo far from fee by conftant Expeproducing this good effect, that we
rience (and
and
to various Temtations, breaks the Peace of Families, expofes the Reputation of the Children, and difturbs or deftroys all the Duties of Society. Nor dos it anfwer the firft Inlf itution which fuppofes it was not for Man to be
Women
Reafon may convince us
all
of
it)
clearly that fuch a fatal
Knot expofes
Men
good
alone, fince every
Company.
fore'd to keep bad Marriage certainly, like all other Contracts, was ordain d for the benefit of Man, and not Man created for Marriage: wherfore it ought to be futed to his Convenience and Happinefs, and not be made a Snare to
body would
rather chufe to be alone than
be
To conclude,
render
to
The Life of John Milton*

Pretences can be drawn from this Opinion render rum uneafy or miferableto favor Libertinifm, but on the contrary, the Conduct of the Oppofers of it may be terribly hamper'd with infamous Confluences, on which we (hall not infift in this place, referring the curious to Milton s own Book. As for the Popifh and ridi-
No
culous practice in certain Spiritual Courts, of feparating People from bed and board (which any Couple may agree to do themfelves) and refuting 'em the liberty of marrying more for their convenience (if the civil Power dos not interpofe for their Relief) I fhall have a more proper opportunity to mew the Mifchief and Unreafonablenefs of it. On the full appearing of this Book, the Clergy did generally declaim againft ir, and fix'd upon the Author the ufual Reproaches of Atheifm, Herefy, Leudnefs, and what not? They daily inftigated the Parlament, which little minded thenpafs their Cenfureon if, and at laft one of them in a Sermon before thatauguft Affernbly, on a day of Humiliation, roundly told them that there was a wicked Book abroad which deferv'd to be burnt, and that among t! eir crher Sins they ought to repent it had not yet bin branded with a mark of their Difpleafure. This man's main accufation being, that Milton taught other caufes of Divorce than were mention'd by Chrift and his Apoftles, which was alfo urg'd againft him at the fame time by fom others, he publihYd the Tetrachordon, dedicated to the Parlament, or his Expofuion of the four chief Paflages of Scripture that treat of
Clamors, to
Marriage, and the nullifying of the fame, namely Gen. i. 27, See. Gen. z. 18, Sec. Bent. 24. 1, Sec. Mat. j. 31, &c. and Mat. 19. 3,&c. Other places out of the Epiftles he alfo occaJionally explains ; he alleges the Authority of thofe great Men whofavor'd his Opinion, fets down the determination of the Imperial Laws, with more proofs that are ufual in fuch cafes. On this Book our Author himfelf made
the following
lines.
but promt the Age to quit their Clogs' By the known Rules of antient Liberty, When ftraight a barbarous Noife environs me Of Owls, and Cuckoos, AlTes, Apes, and Dogs As when thofe Hinds that were transform'd to Frogs RaiPd at Latona's twinborn Progeny, Which after held the Sun and Moon in fee.
I did
;
.-
But
this
is
got by calling Pearls to Hogs,
That baul
And
in their fenflefs mood, when Trutli would fet them free. Licence they mean, when they cry Liberty 5
for
Freedom
(fill
revolt
For who loves that, mud fuft be wife and good : But from that mark how far they roave we fee, For all this wafte of Wealth and lofs of Blood.
piece hepubliuYd on this Subject was the Judgment of the famous Reformer the Kingdom touching Divorce, extracted out of the fecond Book of of Chrift, dedicated to King Edward the Sixth. He exactly agrees with Ml/to*, tho the latter had not feen this Book till after the publication of his own. He alfo
The next
Martin Bucer
fhews very fairly, that Paulus Tagivu the Aflbciat of Bucer, that Peter Martyr, Erafmus, zxAGrotlm, did teach the fame Doftrin, that he might flop the mouths of fuch as were determined more by thefe Names than by all the light of Reafon or Scripture ; and that he might not appear to be call'd an Atheift or Libertin with more reafon than thefe Perfons, who notwithftanding they had affirm'd as much as he, were yet generally counted very fober and pious._ The fourth Book he wrote relating to Divorce was his Colafterion, being a Reply to one of his Anfwerers, who, to all the Dulnefs and Ignorance imaginable, added the higheft Bitternefs and Malice : fo far from tolerably underftanding any of the learned Languages (as in fom fecondhand Quotations he would be thouglit to do) Yet this rude Inveclive that he could not rightly fpell what he fo meanly ftole. and fenflefs Comvoluminous in his who the fame muft be licens'd by Mr. Car/yl, the and the Sabeans could Devil of than did more to the ments Job, memory injury
inflict
in his life time. But, not content to prefix his Impritoo he his Judgment againft Milton, which was a moil: unwormatur, pronounces whom he deferv'd fo well by his former of of him treatment from thefe men, thy the their Enemies , tho, to fpeak the truth, this was onBifhops Writings againft a to the accident fervice for, as we fhall fee hereafter, he nely Presbyterians by
Torments on him
ver

ver intended by humbling the Hierarchy, to fet up the Cortfiftorian Tribunal in However, the following Reproach was extorted from him by the room of it.
their bafe Ingratitude*,
2i
" enough, " thefe

all
''
Mr. Licenfer, lays he, you are reputed a man difcrete religious enough, honed enough, that is, to an ordinary competence in But now your turn is to hear what your own hand has earn'd you, that
''
when you fuffer'd this namelefs Hangman to caft into public fuch a fpiteful " Contumely upon a Name and Perfon deferving of the Church and State equally " to your felf, and one who has don more to the prefeat advancement of your " own Tribe, than you or many of them have don for themfelves-, you forgot to " be either honed, Whatever the State might do conreligious, or difcrete. " cerning it, fuppofing it were a matter to expect evil from it, I mould not doubt " But as to to meet among them with wife, and honorable, and knowing men. " and more lo much the lawlefs for the abus'd Authothis brute Libel, impudent
" "
rity
which
it
bears,
Licensers.
Thefe are
;
fay again, that I abominattheCenfureof Rafcals and their all the Pieces concerning Divorce written by Milton,
whofe Arguments ought not

his
to be
edeem'd the
reafon
domeftic Uneaiinefs
when
this
lefs cogent, becaufe occafion'd by would equally enervat the Apologies
exhibited forChriftianitv under its Perfecutors, and frudratall the noble Treatifes of Civil Government, for which we are beholding to the Lawlefnefs of Tyrants or Ufurpers 5 witnefs the incomparable and golden Difcourfes of that Heroic PaAnd indeed the beft Books we have on any tron of Liberty, Algernon Sidney. the prevalency of the contrary opinion for to as were fuch oppbs'd Subject, are of his time in the Regions of extreme Heat to fom fore'd was part as he that pafs of a temperat Country 5 fo none can be fo value the bed can Cold, Bledings or well furnillVd with Arguments for a good Caufe, like fuch as were Sufferers under a bad one 5 the Writings of unconcern'd and retir'd Perfons being either an Exer:
cife
of their Parts, and the Amulements of idle time, or s what is worfe, pitiful Declamations without any Force, Experience, or Vivacity. About this time he wrote a fmall piece of Education to Samuel Hartlib, looking upon the right Inditution of Children tobe the Nurfery of all true Liberty or Virtue ; and of whatfoever in Government is good and wife, or in privat practice amiable and worthy. The next Book he wrote was his Areepagitica, or an Oration to the Parlament of England for the liberty of Unlicens'd Printing, in which he proves that the Republics of (jreece and Italy never cenlur'd any but immoral, defamatory, or atheidical Pieces. Nor was it by Inferences and Infinuations they were to judg of Atheifm 5 for they never fuppred the Writings of the Epicureans, nor fuch other Books denying even the Docttins of Providence, and the future State : but it muft have bin a formal doubt or denial of the being of a Deity. Yet it is beyond contradiction, that thofe Nations maintain'd an excellent Government, didributing public and privat Juftice, and abounding in all Knowlege and Virtue, infinitly above thofe who have bin ever fince the moil rigid Purgers, Corrupters, ot Executioners of Books. The Roman Emperors were Tyrants, and none but fuch as would imitat them, mould quote their Examples. The Primitive Christians obferv'd no Uni-
At fird they were for reading all the Works formity of Conduct in this Affair. of the Gentils, but none of thofe they reckon'd Heretical among themfelves af-,
ter this they
were only for confuting the Books of the Heretics, and fuppreffing thofe of the Gentils, even fuch as did not in the lead concern Religion: for about the year 400, i:i a Carthaginian Council, the very Bifhops were prohibited the Had this infamous and barbarous Refolution bin reading of Heathen Authors. executed it had buttoomucli (for effect) to what a degree of Ignorance throly and meannefs of Spirit it would have redue'd the World, depriving it of fo many inimitable Hidorians, Orators, Philofophers, and Poets, the Repofitories of ineftimable Treafure, confiding of warlike and heroic Deeds, the beft and wifeft Arts of Government, the moft perfect Rules and Examples of Eloquence or Politenefs, and fuch divine Lectures of Wifdom and Virtue, that the lofs of Cicero's Works alone, or thofe of Lhy, could not be repair'd by all the Fatliers of the Church. In procefs of time, when the Clergy begun to be exalted even above the fupreme Magidrat himfelf, they burnt and deftroy'd every thing that did. not favor their Power or Su perdition, and laid a reftraint on Reading as well as Writing, without excepting the very Bible > and thus they proceded till the Inquifition redue'd this abominable practice to the perfection of an Art by expurgatory Indexes and All the confequences of this Tyranny, as depriving men of their naLicenfing. tural Liberty, Aiding their Parts, introducing of Ignorance, ingroding all Advantages
22

tagesto one Party, and the like, were perpetually objeded before the Civil Wars by the Presbyterians to the Biihopss but 'no fooner were they poffeft of the Biihops Pulpits and Power, than they exercis'd the fame Authority with more intolerable Rigor and Severity. Milton, after (hewing the Origin, Progrefs, and Mifchief of this Cuftom, proves firft that we muft not read the Bible, the Fathers, nor almoft any fort of Books, if we regard the Reafons ufually alleg'd to forbid the publishing of others, fuch as the fear of wrefting or miftaking their meaning. And, Secondly, that the ends propos'd cannot be attain'd after this manner. Thirdly, thar no man is fit to be a Licenfer, not in any one fingle Faculty, unlefs he is univerfally learn'd, or a better Scholar than all the Authors whole Labors he'stolicenfe: and that, granting thefe things poffible (tho they are not fo) he could neither find ftrength nor time enough for perufing all Books ; and mould he
ufe Deputies, he's likelieft to have ignorant, lazy, and mercenary Fellows. Then dilplaying the Difcouragement that muft follow hence to all Literature and new Difcoveries (with the danger of fupprefiing Truth, and propagating Error, as
" " " " " "

"
Popifh Countries, and the not reprinting of antient Authors in any he Language) proves Licenfingto be both unjuft in it (elf, and diflionoiable to a " To include the whole Nation, fays he, and thofe that never free Government.
it
happens
in
" " " " "
"
" " "
"
" " "
" " " " " "
"
"
" "
"
" "
lC
"
"
" "
"
yet thus offended, under fuch a diffident and fufpedful Prohibition, what a difr pa agement it is may be plainly underffood. So much the more, fince Debtors and Delinquents may walk abroad without a Keeper, but inoffenfive Books muft not (Tir forth without a vifible Jailor in their Title. Nor is it to the com mon People lefs than a Reproach s for if we be fo jealous over them, as thac we dare not truft them with ao Englifh Pamphlet, what do we but cenfurethern for a giddy, vitious, and ungrounded People, in fuch a fick and weak date of Faith and Difcretion, as to be able to take nothing but thro the Glifterpipe of a Licenfer? That this is any care or love of them, we cannot pretend, fince in thofe Popiili Places, where the Laity are molt hated and defpis'd, the lame Wifdom we cannot call it, becaufe it ftops bur. ftridnets is us'd over them. one breach of Licenfe 5 nor that neither, feeing thofe Corruptions, which it And it feeks to prevent, break in fader at other doors which cannot be flut refleds on the Reputation of our Miniders alfo, of whofe Labors we fhould hope better, and of the Proficiency which their Flocks reap by them, than that after all this light of the Gofpel which is, and is to be, and after all this continual Preaching, they fhould be ftill frequented with fuch an unpiincipl'd, unedify'd, and Laic Rabble, as that the whif of every new Pamphlet fhould (tagger them out of their Catechifm. This may have much reafon to difcourage the Minifters, when fuch a low conceit is had of all their Exhortations and the benefiting of their Hearers, that they are not thought fit to be turn'd loofe to three " man may be a Sheets of Paper without a Licenfer. In another place he fays, Heretic in the Truth 5 and if he believes only becaufe his Paftor fays (0, or the Affembly fo determins, without knowing any other Reafon tho his Belief be There is not any burtrue, yet the very Truth he holds becoms his Herefy. den that fom would gladlier put off to another, than the charge and care of their knows not that there be fom Proteftants who live in as arrant an Religion. Faith as implicit wealthy man, addided to his any Lay-Papift of Loretto ? Pleafures and his Profit, finds Religion to be a Traffic fo intangl'd, and of fo many pidling accounts, that of all Myfteries he cannot endure tokeepaftock going upon that trade- What dos he therfore, but refolves to give over toiling, and to find out fom Fador to whofe care and credit he may commit the whole management of his religious Affairs ; and that muft be fom Divine of Note and Eftimation. To him he adheres, refigns the whole Warehoufe of his Religion with all the Locks and Keys into his cuftody ; and indeed makes the very Per f on of that Man his Religion, efteems his affociating with him a fufficient evidence and comniendation of his own Piety. So that a man may fay his a dividual movable, and but becom now no more within is is himfelf, Religion He as man him that near corns frequents the Houfe. according good gosand
Who
gives " home at night, prays, is liberally fup'd, and fumtuoufly laid to fleep} rifes, is " diluted, and (after the Malmfy or fom well-fpic'd Brewage, and better break" faded than he whofe Morning-appetite would have gladly fed on green Figs be" tween Bethany and Jerusalem) his Religion walks abroad at eight, and leaves his " Another kind Entertainer in the Shop trading all day without his Religion. " fort there be, who, when they hear that all things fliall be order'd, all things re5
entertains him,
him
Gifts, feafts him, lodges
him
his
Religion corns
"
gulated,

*'
"
" Tiuth, will firaight give themfelves up intoycur hands make em " out what Religion you pleafe , there be lights, there be Recreations, and '' the about from Sun to Sun, and rock the tedifetch that will Paftimes day " jolly What need dream. in a as they torture their heads with that ous year delightful " which others have taken fo ftri&Iy and fo unalterably i-.ro their own purveying? " Thete are the Fruits which a dull Eafe and Celfation of" uur ;e will b, ing " Nor much better will be the confequence among rhe forth among the People. T> " Clergy themfelves. It is no new thing never heard of before for a atochial " Hercules Pillars in a warm BeneMinifter, who has his Reward, and is ac his " fice, to be eafily inclinable (if he has nothing el fe that may roufe up his Stu" Concordance and a Topic Folio the Gadies) to finiih his Circuit in an Englilh " a of fcberGraduatmip, a Harmony and a Catena, treading; rheringsand Sayings " common doctrinal Heads, attended with their of certain round the conftant " out and Means 5 Ufes, Motives, Marks, pf which, as out of an Alphabet or " fol fa mi, by forming and transforming, joining and disjoining variously a little " Bookcraft, and two hours Meditation, he might furhilh himfelf unfpeakably to " the pe; brmance of" more than a weekly charge of Sermoning not to reckon up l< the infinit helps of Interlinearies, Breviaries, Synoples, and other loitring gear. " But, as foi the multitude of Sermons already printed on every Text '.hat is not " difficult, he need never fear penury of Pulpit Provifion; yet if his Rear and " Flanks be not impal'd, if his backdoor be not fecur'd by the rigid Licenfer, but " that a bold Book may now and then ifme forth and give the afTault to fom of his " old Collections in their trenches, it will concern him to keep waking, to ftand ': in watch, to fet good Guards and Sentinels about his receiv'd Opinions, to walk " the round and counte: round with his Fellow-lnfpeclors, fearing left any of his " Flock be fedue'd, who alio then would be better inlfruc\ed better exercis'd and " And God fend that the fear of this Diligence, which mull: then be difciplin'd. *' Such was the us'd, do not make us affect the lazinefs of a licenfing Chuich. effect of our Author's Jreo^ltka, that the following year Mabol, a Licenfer, offer'd Reafons againll Licenfing; and, at his own requeft, wasdilchargd that Office. And certainly there's nothing deferves more wonder, than that any wife fuffer a fmall number of injudicious Fellows, always ready to fupfhould People is not relifh'd by their own Sett or the Magiftrar, to be the fole whatever prefs Mafters and Judges of what fhould or fhould not be printed 5 that is, of what the Nation is to know, fpeak, orunderftand and I need not hefitat to affirm that fuch a Power in the hands of any Prince (the Licenfers being always his Creatures) is more dangerous even than a ftanding Army to Civil Liberty > nor in point of Reli-
written hut what pafles thro the gala ted and fettled, nothing certain Publicans that have the tunnaging and poundaging
Cuftomhoufe
of" all
of
freefpokert and cut em
gion
is it
inferior to the Inquiluion.
But to return to his privat Affairs, left he might feem by his feveral Treatifes of Divorce not to ad: from an intire Conviction, but out of fudden Refentment, orto fhevv his Parts in maintaining a Paradox, he was ferioufly treating a Marriage with a young Lady of great Wit and Beauty, when one day as he was at a Relations houfe whom he ofcen vitited, he was extremely furpriz'd to find his Wife (whom he thought never to have feen more) acknowleging her fault at his feet, and begging Forgivenefs with tears. At fiift he feem'd inexorable, but his own Generality, and the interceflion of Friends, foon procurd a perfect Reconciliation, with an acl of Oblivion for all that was paft. The firft fruit of her return was a Girl, born within a year after: And fo far was he from remembring former Provocations, that the King's Intereft in every place vifibly declining, he receiv'd his Wives Father and Mother, feveral of her Sifters and Brothers into his own Houfe, where they had Protection and free Entertainment till their Affairs were in a better condition. And now both his own Father dying, and his Wives Relations returning to their feveral Habitations, he reviv'd his Academic Inftitution of fom young Gentlemen, withadefign, perhaps, of putting in practice the model of Education Yet this courte was of no long continuance 5 for he lately publifh'd by himfelf. was to be made Adjutant General to Sir William waller, but that the new modelling of the Army foon following, and Sir William turning cat in pan, this defign
wasfruftrated.
little after
my to quell the Infurre&ion of
Fairfax and Cromrvel had march'd thto the City with the whole ArBrown and Mafy, now grown difcontented likewife
with the Parlament, our Author chang'd his great Houfe for one more accommodated to his Circumftances, where in the midft of all the noife and confulion of
Arms,
2a
Arms, he
The
Life of
John Milton.
wholly delighted with the Mufes, and pro feand folid Knowlege. man General Fairfax, I (lull fubjoin Great that mention'd occafionally Having his other Poems, a Sonnet our Author lent not becaufeitis among printed here,
led a quiet and privat Life,
cuting his indefatigable fearch after ufeful
whofe Name in Arms thro Europe rings, And fills all mouths with Envy or with Praife, And all her jealous Monarchs with Amaze, And Rumors loud which daunt remoteft things Thy firm unlhaken Valor ever brings Victory home, while new Rebellions raife
Fairfax,
Their Hydra Heads, and the falfe North difplays Her broken League to imp her Serpent Wings-
O yet a nobler task awaits thy hand,
For what can War but Ads of War ftill breed, Till injurd Truth from Violence be freed, And public Faith berefcu'd from the brand Of public Fraud ? In vain dos Valor bleed, While Avarice and Rapine fhare the Land.
The
following lines, never likewife publiuYd
among
his
Poems,
lie
wrote on
Sir Henry Vant the
Younger.
Vae, young in years, but in fage Counfils old, Than whom a better Senator n r er held The Helm of Rome_ (when Gowns nor Arms repel'd The fierce Bpirot, and the African bold) Whether to fettle Peace, or to unfold The drift of hollow Stares, hard to be fpePd.
Then, toadvife how War may beft b'upheld, Man'd by her two main Nerves, Iron and Gold,"
In
all
her Equipage
fpiritual
Befides to
know
we ow 5
Both
and civil, what each means T each thou haft learn'd, which few have don. ferves hat
either
The bounds of
Sword
to thee
Therfore on thy right hand Religion leans, And reckons thee in chief her eldeft Son.
(fomtime before judg'd an Enemy by the Parlament) by their victorious Army, afterwards judicially try'd and condemn'd, and the form of the Government was chang d into a Democracy or Free State, the Presbyterian Minifters, who from the beginning were the King's mortal Enemies, but now inrag'd that the Independents and other Sects mould enafter Charles the Firft
But
was made
a Prifoner
joy either Liberty or Life (not angry at the Fact but the Faction) did tragically declaim in their Pulpits, that the King's Ufage was very hard, that his Perfon was facred and inviolable, and that any Violence offerd to him in the field (much lefs by the hands of an Executioner) was contrary to the Doctrin of the Reform'd Churches. This oblig'd Milton in the year 49, to write his Tenure of Kings and
Magiflrats, wherin he labors to prove that it is not only in it felf a moft equitable thing, but that it has alio bin fo efteem'd by the free and considering part of Mankind in all ages, that fuch as had the Power might call a Tyrant to account for his Maladministration, and after due Conviction to depofe or put him to death, achis Crimes: And further fhews, that if the ordinary Marefufe to do 'em thisjuftice, that then the duty or Self preNation giftratsof any of the whole (which is the fupreme Law) impowers the and the servation, good People to deliver them felves from Slavery by the fafeft and moft effectual methods As for the Presbyterians, who were then grown fo tender of Majefty they can. (and that only becaufethey could not, abfolutely and exclufively of others, govern all mens Perfons and Confciences) he evidently (hews that they were the moft zealous to take arms againft the King, to deveft and difanoint him of his Dignity, nay to curfe him in all their Sermons and Pamphlets over the Kingdom (wherof there remain numerous Monuments ftill to be produc'd) that, in a word, a:terthey had join'd with others to a degree from which Men of Honor or Prudence could not retreat, they were louder than the Cavaliers themfelvestocry Dilloyalty and
cording to the nature of
Treafon.

After proving at large that they broke their Allegiance to him, obey'd Treafon. another Authority, and had often given Commiffion to flay where they knew his Perfon could not be exemt from danger , and where, if chance or flight had not
25
him like others, he mud be infallibly kil'd, he (hews how ridiculoufly it became them to pretend a tendernefs for his Perfon or Character wheras indeed it was neither Perfuafion nor Remorfe, but their averfion to civil and religious LiBut becaufe I hope the bulk of thofe berty that hurry'd 'em to thefe extremes. now cal'd Presbyterians in England, fom few leading Men excepted, arenofuchEnemies ro a Toleration, and that they underft and no more of the Confiftorian,
fav'd
,
Claflical, or Synodical Judicatories, than they allow of the Inquifition or a Hierarothers chy, I mall in this place to difabufe em, and to let 'em fee how much better
forefaw their Fate than Paffion would fuffer themfelves at that time, infert the " As for the Party cal d Presbyterian, fays Milton, of whom I following paffage. " believe very many to be good and faithful Chrittians, tho milled by fom ot tur-. " bulent Spirit, I wilh them earneftly and calmly not to fall off from their firft " not Principles, nor to affeft Rigor and Superiority over Men not under them " to compel unforcible things in Religion efpecially, which if not voluntary, bet{ corns a Sin ; nor to affift the clamor and malicious drifts of thofe whom they " themfelves have judg'd to be the worft of Men, theobdurat Enemies of God " andhisChuich: nor to dart againft the Actions of their Brethren, for want of " other Argument, thofe wrefted Laws and Scriptures thrown by Prelats and Ma" taken lignants againft their own fides, which tho they hurt not other-wife, yet " all Men, to to the of their own fcandal condemnation them give doings, up by " and difcover in themfelves either extreme Paffion or Apoftacy. Let them not " oppcfe their belt Friends and Aflociats who mcleft 'em not at all, infringe not " the leaft of their Liberties, unlefs they call it their Liberty to bind other Mens " Confciences but are ftill feeking to live at peace with them, and brotherly Ac' Let them beware an old and perfect Enemy, who rho he hopes by fowcord. " ing Difcord to make them his Inftruments, yet cannot forbear a minute the " open threatning of his deftin'd Revenge upon them, when they have ferv'd his " Let them fear therfore, if they be wife, rather what they luve don purpofes. " what remains to do-, and be warn'd in time that they put no conftthan already, " dence in Princes whom they haveprovok'd, left they be added to the Examples " of thole that I have fomthing alfotothe miferably have ta fled of the event. " Divines, tho brief to what were needful, not to be Difturbers of the Civil Af" fairs, being in hands better able, and to whom it more belongs to manage them ; " but to ftudy harder, and to attend the Office of good Paftors, not perform'd by " mounting twice into the Chair with a formal Preachment huddled up at the odd " hours of a whole which if lazy Week, but by inceflant pains and watching " be the mod how would find to well little leifure confider'd, pragmathey they " ticalSidefmen of every popular Tumult and Sedition? And all this while they " are to learn what the true end and reafon is of the Gofpel which they teach, and " what a world it differs from the cenforious and fupercilious lording over Confci" ence. It would be good alio they liv'd lb as might perfuade the People they " hated Covetoufnefs, which, worfe than Herefy, is Idolatry ^ hated Pluralities " and all kind of Simony left rambling from Benefice to Benefice, like ravenous " Wolves feeking where they may devour the biggeft. Let them be forry that, be'* ing cal'd to aflemble about reforming the Church, they fell to progging and fol" liciting the Parlament (tho they had renounc'd the name of Priefts) for a new " fettling of their Tithes and Oblations, and doublelin'd themfelves with fpiricu-,
" Let al places of Commodity beyond the pofiible difcharge of their Duty, " them affemble inConliftory witli their Elders and Deacons to the preferving of " each in his feveral charge, and not a pack of Clergymen by " Church-Dfciplin themfelves to bellychear in their prefumtuous Sion 5 or to promote defigns to " abufe and gull the fimple Laity, to ftir up Tumults, as the Prelats did before " them, for the maintenance of their Pride and Avarice. On this occafion I muft remark, that by reafon of the Presbyterians warmly joining with others the laft Parlament to promote Penal Laws againft the Socinians, I find few People will believe that thofe in England differ from their Brethren in Scotland about Perfecution, nor that their own Sufferings of late have made 'em more tender to the Confciences of This naturally leads men to think that they have not repented of their others. Rigor in the Civil Wars and that lliould the Diffenters once more get the Secular Sword into their hands, they would prefs Uniformity of Sentiments in Religion as far as any other Proteftants or Papifts ever yet have don witnefs their inharaan
_
,
Treat-
i6

Treatment of Daniel tvUHams
(a fober man and a judicious Divine) for no caufe that I can difcern, but that he made Chriftianity plainer than fom of hisCollegues in the Miniftry, and that, it may be, he takes a greater latitude than fuch as thro
their ignorance cannot,
or will not from defign. But what renders them mod fufpected of affe&ing Dominion, is the Projecl: of Comprehension now on foot, wherof fom men of figure among 'em feem to be fofond, wherby the reft are eafily deceiv'd, and like to be left in the lurch by certain Perfons who for feveral tho, if the years part made the Hierarchy and Liturgy fuch ftrange Bugbears Church will pleafe to becom a kind Mother to themfelves, and fhew a little com:
ers,
plaifance for their old Friends, they are ready to pronounce her Orders, her Prayand her Ceremonies to be very innocent and harmlefs things but miftaken
-,
of Antichriff, the Symbols of Idolatry, the Dregs of Popery, the Rags of Superftition, and Proteftant Paint to hide the Defoi micies of the old Babylonijh Whore. And after all, whatever ours may be, Comprc-henfion in all other places ol the World has never bin any thing elfe but the Combination of a few Parties to fortify themfelves, and to opprels all others by their united Force,orby an abfolute Exclufion from Preferment, and other Advantages to which by Nature or perfonal Merit they had an equal claim with the reft of their FellowCitizens. Tho to be perfecuted in their turn is the juft Judgment of God upon and the Wifhes of all good Perfecutors, yet Vengeance muff be left to Heaven Men are that the National Church, being fecur'd in her Worfhip and Emoluments, may not be allow'd to force others to her Communion and that all Diffenters from it, being (ecur'd in their Liberty of Confcience, may not be permitted to meddle with the Riches or Power of the National Church. After thefe tilings our Author thinking to have leifure enough for fuch an undertaking, apply'd himfelf intirely to the Hiftory of the Englijk Nation, which he intended from the remoteft traditional beginning to continue down to his own time, and had already finifh'd four Books of the fame, when neither courting nor expecting any fuch Preferment, he was taken into the Service of the New Commonwealth. Hitherto he gratuitoufly lent his Country the aid of his Pen, content with the efteem of good Men, and the internal Satisfaction of having perform'd his Duty , while others, that delerv'd it not fo well, were varioufly rewarded, fom with Riches, fom with Honors, and all with Liberty. But the Publication of the Tenure of Kings and Magift rats reviving the fame of his other Books, and as well fhewingthe Excellency of his Srile and Capacity, as his Affection to the good old Caufe, he was made Secretary to the Council of State for all foren Affairs for the Republic fcorn'd to acknowlege that fort of Tribute to any Prince in the World, which is now paid to the French King, of managing their Matters only in his Language and took up a noble Refolution, to which they firmly adher'd, that would neither write to others, nor receive their Anfwers, except in the Latin they as common to them all, and the propereft in it felf to contain great Tongue, being But this Proceding could not be acceptable things, or the Subject of future Pensto thofe whofe Tranfadf ions were afham'd or afraid to fee the light, and whofe Names will not be tranfmitted to Pofterity, unlefs for dextroufly cheating their own People, and laying the Springs of their Tyranny or Negleft in the dark, tho the Effects are fufficiently felt by their deluded Subjects, and the Injuftice vifibly None could be found more fitted for fuch a Poll expos'd toalldifcerning eys. than Milton, who quickly gain'd no lefs Reputation to himfelf than Credit to the State that imploy'd fo able a Perfon. Of this the Letters he wrote under that and the fucceding Adminiftrations (for he ferv'd Oliver, Richard, and the Rump) are abundant evidence, being for different Reafons admir'd by Critics and Stateftnen, as they are certain and authentic Materials for fuch as may hereafter write the
formerly for the
Pillars
:
,
-,
Hiftory of thofe times. But it was not only in foren Difpatches that the Government made ufe of his Pen-, for juft after the King's Death appear'd a Book under his Name, intitul'd, Eikpn Bafdike, wherin lie vindicats himfelf in fo many diftincl Chapters from the chief Heads of thofe Tyrannies charg'd upon him by the People, either as ocThis cafions of the Civil War, or as Inhumanities committed during the fame.
piece, like Cefar's laft Will, doing more execution upon the Enemy than its Author when alive, Milton was commanded to prevent by an Anfwer thofe ill effe&s the Eilyn Bajilik? might produce. Having undertaken this task, he obferves that indeed have Titles from their Flatterers or Favorers for wriglorious Kings gain'd ting againft privat men, as our Henry the Eighth was ftil'd Defender of the Faith for ingaging Luther ; yet that no man can expect much Honor by writing againft a
King,

as not ufually meeting with that force of Argument in fuch courtly Antago" to confute might add to his tame. which Kings, fays he, tho ftrong in nifts, " As they uho ever molt are but weak at commonly Arguments. " Legions, have accuftom'd from the Cradle to ufe their Will only as their right hand, their " whence unexpectedly conftrain'd to that kind ot Reafon always as their left Combat, they prove but weak and puny Adverfaries. Neverthelefs, continues t? he, for their fakes, who thro Cuftom, Simplicity, or want of better teaching, " have not more ferioufly confider'd Kings than in the gaudy name of Majefty, " and admire them and their doings, as if they breath'd not the fame Breath with " other mortal men, I {hall make no fcruple to rake up this Gauntlet, tho a Kings, " in the behalf of Liberty and the Commonwealth. Having thus accepted the Challenge, he fairly meafures Weapons, and anfwers all the Allegations of tliac Book beyond the poffibility of a Reply. But every Chapter of it ending with Devotion, model'd into the form of a privat Pfalter, he once for all gives his " They, who fo much admire the Archbilhops judgment of it in thefe words. " late Breviary, and many other as good Manuals and Handmaids of Devotion, " of every prelatical Litui gift, dapt this together, and quilted it out the " of Lipwork Phrafe, with as much eafe, and as little need of Chriftian Diligence " or Scripture as belongs to the compiling of any ordinary and falable piece of Judgment, " But he who from fuch a kind of PfalEnglilh Divinity that the Shops value. " miftry, or any other verbal Devotion, without the pledg and earneft of futa" ble Deeds, can be perfuaded of a Zealand true Righteoufnefs in the Perfon, has " much yet to learn ; and knows not that the deepeft Policy of a Tyrant has bin " ever to counterfeit Religion: and Ariflotk in his Politics has mention'd that fpe" Neither want we Examcial Craft among twelve other tyrannical Sophifms. u Andronicm Comnenus tlio a moft cruel Tyrant, is the Byzatttin Emperor, pies. " reported by Nicetat to have bin a conftant Reader of St. Paul's Epiftles j and by " continual Study had fo incorporated the Phrafe and Stile of that Apoftle into all
27
King,
'
"
Then Imitation feem'd to vy with the OriginalRichard to he have added the whom Third, might Tarquin having inftanced our who built the /lately Temple of fftpiter Capitolinus, and the Ruffian Bajihwitz that
his familiar Letters, that the
pray'dfeventimesaday, hedifcoversa piece of Royal Plagiarifm, or (tobemore charitable) of his Chaplains Prieftcraft ; for one of King Charles's Prayers, ftil'd a Prayer in the time of Captivity, delivered by himfelf to Dr. Juxon, and twice printed among his Works in Folio, is plainly ftolen and taken without any connderable Variation from the mouth of Pamela, an imaginary Lady, to a Heathen DeiThis has bin mention'd by others after Milton, and ty in Sir Philip Sidney^ Arcadia. One of Milton's Sathofe Prayers laid parallel together on divers occafions. and timing of this Book, gacity could not but perceive by the Compofition, Stile, that it was rather the production of fom idle Clergyman, than the Work of a diftreft Prince, either in perpetual hurry at the head of a flying Army, or renvoi 'd from one Prifon to another during his unfortunat Captivity till his Death.
Belides the Theological Phrafes frequently interfpers'd, there are fuch fanciful Al'ufions and bold Comments in it upon the fecret Judgments of God, as When he mentions the fate of the Hofmeil lankly of aSyftemor the Pulpit. thams, by whom he was repuls'd at Hull, he fays of the Father, That his Head was divided from his Body, becaufe his Heart was divided from the King } and that two Heads were cut off in one Family for affronting the Head of the Commonwealth 5 the eldefi Son being
infecled with the Sin of the lather, again/} the Father of his Country.
guments drawn only from the Book
Thefe and fuch Afwithout any further light, induc'da great many at that time to fufped: the Impofture ; and that becaufe Cromwel got fuch a Reputation among the People for his fuppos'd Piety, the Royalifts would But in theyear i6%6, reprefent the King to be a wifer Man and better Chriftian. Mr. MilUngton happening to fell the late Lord Anglefey'% Library by Auction, put up an Eikon Bafilike , and a few bidding very low for it, he had leifure to turn over the Leaves, when to his great Surprize he perceiv'd written with the fame noble Lords own hand the following Memorandum,
it felf,
t 4
Kjng
28

Kjng Charles the
Sefjions of
Second, and the
Duke of York,
did both (in the

in the Lords
laft
Par lament, 1675. when I fbew'dthem
Houfe
the written Copy of this Book, wherin are fom Corrections and Alterations written with the late Kjng Charles the FirjVs own hand) affure me, that this was none of the faid Kjng's compiling, but made by
Dr. Gauden Bijhop of Exeter
of others in this point, by attejlmg fo
which J here infer t for the undeceiving much under my own hand.
Anglefey.
This occafion'd the World to talk-, and feveral knowing the Relation which the Dr. Anthony walker an -E/fc.v-Divine had to Bifhop Gauden, they inquir'd or him v, hat lie knew concerning this Subject, which he then verbally communicated
to
late
but being afterwards highly provok'd by Dr. Hollingwortb's harm and injurious Reflections, he was oblig'd in his own defence to print an account of that Book, wherin are fufficient Anfwers to all the Scruples or Objections that can be
them
made, and wherof I here infert an exact Epitome. He tells us in the firft place Dr Gauden was pleas'd to acquaint him with the whole defign, and fhew'd him the Heads of divers Chapters, with fom others that were quite finiih'd and that Dr. Gauden asking his opinion of the thing, and he declaring his Dillatisfactionthat the World fhould be foimpos'd upon, Gauden bid him look on the Title, which was the Kings Portraiture ; for that no man is fuppos'd to draw his own
that
:
fom time after this, Gauden him along with took Dr. being both in London, and having din'd together, a he made alfo ct the him to Dr. Duff privy to his defign) Salisbury (whom Biihop to fetch what Papers he had left before for his Perufal, or to fhevv him what he had fince written and that upon their return from that place, after gauden and Duffa were a while in privat together, the former told him the Bifhop of Salisbury wifh'd he had thought upon two other Heads, the Ordinance againft the CommonPrayer-Book, and the denying his Majefty the attendance of his Chaplains ; but that Duff a defir'd him to finifh the reft, and he would take upon him to write two Chapters on thofe Subjects, which accordingly he did- The reafon, it feems, why Dr. gauden himfelf would not perform this, was, firft, that during the Troubles he had forborn the ufe of the Liturgy, which he did not extraordinarily admire and, Secondly, that he had never bin the King's Chaplain, wheras Dr. Duff a was both his Chaplain, his Tutor, and a Biihop, which made him more concerned about thefe Particulars. Thirdly, Dr. walker informs us that Dr. Gauden told him he had fent a Copy of Eikon BafiHke by the Marquifs of Hartford to the King in the lie of wight; where it was, we may be fure, that he made thofe Corrections and and Alterations with his own Pen, mention'd in my Lord Anglefey % Memorandum which gave occafion to fom then about him that had accidentally feen, or to whom he had fhown the Book, to believe the whole was his own. Fourthly, Dr. Gauden, after the Reftoration, told Dr. Walker, that the Duke of York knew of his being the real Author, and had own'd it to be a great fervice 5 in confederation of which, it may be, the Bifhoprick of winche/ler, tho he was afterwards put off with that of worcefter, was promis'd him. And, notwithftanding it was then a Secret,
Picture.
!
A very nice Evafion
He further
acquaints us, that
>
we now know
that in expectation
built indeed in the
of
this Tranflation, the great
Houfe on Clafham-
Common
of his Brother Sir Denis, but really to be a for the Bifhops of winchefier. Fifthly, Dr. Walker fays, that Mr. Gauden the Doctor's Son, his Wife, himfelf, and Mr. Gifford who 'tranfcrib'd it, did beand that in that Fa^ lieve it as firmly as any fact don in the place where they were
was Manfionhcufe
name
mily they always fpdke of it among themfelves (whether in Dr. Gauden 's Prefence or Abfence) as undoubtedly written by him, which he never contradicted. learn, Sixthly, that Dr. Gauden, after part of it was printed, gave to Dr. Walker with his own hand what was laft fent to London; and after (hewing him what it was, feal'd it, giving him cautionary Directions how to deliver it, which he did on Saturday the 23d of December, 1648. for Mr. Royfton the Printer, to Mr. Peacock.
We
gave him, for
who, after the Impreftion was finiih'd, Books, wherof he always kept one by him. To thefe Particulars Dr. walker adds that the Reafon why the Covenant is more favorably mention'd in Eikon BafiHke, than the King or any other of his Party would do, was becaufe Dr. Gauden himfelf had taken it: That in the devotional part of this
Brother to Dr. Gauden 's Steward,
his trouble, fix
Book

there occur feveral Expreffions which were in privat and public were conceiv'd or extemporary: and Prayers, which always it Dr. Gauden, being beft acquainted with the Beauty of was that to his knowlege made that Collection of Sentences out of Eikon BafHkjr, who his own Sayings,
29
Book
habitual to Dr. Gauden in his
entitul'd,
Thefe and fom Obfervations about the fame on different Subject, with the facility and frequency of perf mating others, may be further confider'd in Dr. walker's original In this condition flood the Reputation of this Book, till the laft and fiaccountMr. Arthur North, nilhing difcovei y of the Impoflure was made after this manner. a Merchant now living on Towerhill, London, a man of good Credit, and a Member of the Church of England, marry 'd the Sifter of her that was Wife to the Doctor's Son Charles G.taden, who dying left fom Papers with his Widow, among which Mr. North, being concern'd about his Sifter in Law's Affairs, found a whole bundle Gauden lefc to her darling Son relating to Eikon Baftlike: Thefe Papers old Mrs. There is firlt a f .etter from Secretary Nicholas his brother Charles, to he and John, z. The Copy of a Letter from Biihop Gauden to Chancellor Hyde, to Dr. Gaudm. where, among his other Deferts, he pleads that what was don like a King, mould have a Kinglike Retribution, and that his defign in it was to comfort and incourage the King's Friends, toexpofe his Enemies, and to convert, &c. There is, of a Letter from the Bifhop to the Duke of Torl^, wherin lie ftrong3. The Copy
Apophthegmata Caroliniana.
individual Perfons variation
of
Stile
Letter under Chancellor Hyde's own hand, dated the 4. 66 1 wherin 1. he exprefles his uneaiinefs under the Bifhop's imporof March, yh and excufes his but towards the Conclulion it inability yet to ferve him tunity, Contains thefe remarkable words j The Particular you mention has indeed bin imparted to me as a Secret ; I am furry I ever knew it : and ivhen it ceafes to be a Secret, it will pie aft
ly urges his Services.
1
:
none but
Mr. Mi'ton. There are other Papers in this bundle, but particularly a long Narrative of Mrs. Gauden % own Writing^ ii refragably (hewing her Husband It entirely confirms Dr. Walker's account, and con to be Author of Eikon Baftlike. of we have the fatts hitherto moft tains related, with many other curious Circumto wherbe here too too ftances inferred, yet long extraordinary not to be known forel refer the Reader to the original Papers, or to the faithful extract made out
of
it
intitul'd,
before feveral learned and worthy Perfons, and which is printed in a Paper Truth brought to light. Thus came all the World to be convine'd of this
notorious Impofture
was dexteroufly contriv'd, and moft cunj but which as it ningly improv'd by a Party whofe Intereft oblig'd 'em to keep the Secret, fo it happen'd to be difcover'd by very nice and unforefeen Accidents. Had not Gauden
bin disappointed of winchefttr, he had never pleaded his Merit in this affair ; nor would his Wife have written her Narrative, had King Charles the Second beftow'd one half years Rent upon her after her Husband's deceafe, which upon her Petition, and confidering her numerous Family, none could imagin fhould be refus'd. It
was
Sons
begot a Confeffion from two Kings, and Charles's own and I doubt it any other than one of Mr. Millingtons great Curiofity, and no Bigotry, had the difpofal of my Lord Anglefey % Books, we fhould never have heard of the Memorandum. Had not Ho/Ungworth's indifcrete Zeal provok'd the only Man then alive who had any perfonal knowlege of this bufinefs, Dr. Walker had never publiuYd his Account-, nor could the whole difcovery be fo complete, without the When I ferioufly confider leaft intricacy or queftion, without Mr. North's Papers. how all this happen'd among our felves within the compafs of forty years, in a time of great Learning and Politenefs, when both Parties fo narrowly watch'd over one another's Adions, and what a great Revolution in Civil and Religious Affairs was partly occafion'd by the Credit of that Book, 1 ceafe to wonder any longer how fo many fuppofititious pieces under the name of Chrift, his Apoftles, and other great Perfons, fhould be publifh'd and approv'd in thofe primitive times, when it was of fo much importance to have 'em believ'd; when the Cheats were too many on all fides for them to reproi h one another, which yet they often did when Commerce was not near fo general, and the whole Earth intirely ovcrfpread with the darknefs of Superftition. I doubt rather the Spurioufnefs of feveral more fuch Books is yet undifcover'd, thro the remotenefs ot thofe Ages, the death of the Perfons concern'd, and the decay of other Monuments which might give us true Information ; efpecially when we confider how dangerous it was always for the weaker fide to lay open the tricks of their Adverfaries, tho never fo grofs and
a {lighter accident that
:
'>
that the prevailing Party did ftrictly order all thofe Books which offended them to be burnt, orotherwifefuppreft, which was accordingly perform'd, as well in obedience to the Laws by fom, as out of confeientious Obligations by others, which
made
30
made
ans,

the execution
Nature.
who
than ufually happens in cafes of an ordinary are furnim'd with numberiefs Examples by Church-Kiftorihave preferv'd intire feveral of the Laws and Orders enacted to this
more effectual
Of
this
we
Remarks I muft obferve in particular, that it's likely Second knew the forgery of this Book, he was fully confirm'd in the Popifh Religion, which in his Childhood he learnt of his Mother, and in his Exile by his Foren Converfation. The Author of Eikpn BaftHke defires him to adhere to the Church of England, as necellary both for his Soul's peace, and that of This and the like Exhortations of Refpect for the Liturgy and the Kingdom. Clergy, might fhew, at leaft, the Judgment of his dying Father but from Dr. Gauden it was mere Intereft and Impofture. Charles therlore, who knew Morky, Duppa, and others, to approve of this Fraud to which they were privy, and for whole Advantage the belief of it was ferviceable, muft either fufpect the Forgeries laid by Proteftants to the charge of Popery, when he actually knew the Protectants to play the fame Game: or not being able to deny the Popifh Cheats, 'tis moft probable the Opinion which his intimat Friends had of him was too true, that he was really ot neither Church, but believed the Pretences of both to be Credulity or Craft-, and that the tran factions of his laft Minutes were only the effects of a weak Mind in a diftemper'd Body. Milton wrote alfo in the year 48. obfervations upon the Reprefentation of the Prefbyteryof Belfaft in Ireland, concerning the King's Death, the breaking of the Covenant, and the Toleration of different Perfuafions, to which thefe Prieftlings, as he calls them, were mortal Enemies-, while tffeycai I'd their own Presbyterian Government the Hedg and Bulwark of Religion, which is exactly the language of the Popifh Inquifition. In the fame Obfervations he examins the Duke of Ormond's Letter to Colonel Jones Governor of Dublin, perfuading him to revolt from Milton is very angry that Ormond made a contemtuous mention the Parlament. " of General Cromwel, who, according to him, had don in a few years more eminent " and remarkable Deeds wheron to found Nobility in his Houfetho it were want" and perpetual Renown to Pofterity, than Ormond and all his Anceftors put " ing, could fhew from any Record of their Irijh Exploits, the wide ft Scene of a together their Glory. But his chiefeft Remarks are upon the Articles of Peace which Ormond concluded in the King's Name, and by his Authority, with the Popifli Irijh Rebels, wherin they are pardon'd for the MalTacre and Depredation of the Engllfh Proteftants; acknowleg'd to be dutiful and loyal Subjects 5 are difcharg'd from taking the Oath of Supremacy, principally fram'd on the account of Papifts \ and, in a word, fuch Freedoms and Privileges were granted to thole inhuman The Second ArButchers, as were never injoy'd by their Englifh Conquerors. ticle empowers the lrifh Parlament to repeal or fufpend ( as they think fit ) They are inPoynin% Act, the only fecurity of their dependence on England. truded by him with the Militia - and fo indulgent was he to thefe his choice Fa? vorits, as ridiculoufly to promife them the repealing of thofe Acts which prohibited their plowing with Horfes by the Tail, or burning of Oats in the Straw, marks of their fottifh and indocil Barbarity. And now we com to his Mafter-piece, his chief and favorit Work in Profe, for Argument the nobleft, as being the Defence of a whole free Nation, the People of England for ftile and difpofition the moft eloquent and elaborat, equalling the old Romans in the purity of their own Language, and their higheft Notions of Liberty , as univerfally fpread over the learned World as any of their Compolitions ; and certain to endure while Oratory, Politics, orHiftory, bear any efteem
purpofe.
thefe general
From
when
Charles the
-j
among Men. // cannot be denyd, fays that excellent Critic Monfeur Baile, that Milton'* Latin ftile is eafy, brisk, and elegant nor that he defended the Republican Caufe with a wor/d of Addrefs and Wit : Agreable to which Judgment is the unanimous Suffrage of Foreners, not excepting the moft zealous Aftertors of MonarCharles eldeft Son to the King of It was written upon this occafion. chy. the fame name living in Exile, and wanting fom body to paint the Death of his Father in the blackeft Colors, either to render the Authors of it odious, the better to bring about his own return cr, if that effect did not anfwer, to move the of Foren Potentats to Companion procure his Reftoration, was told of Salmafi,
-,
Profeflor of the Univerfity of Leyden in Holland, as the fitteft perfon for his This Man had got fuch a mighty Name from his Pitman Excrtitations, and his critical Notes on feveral Latin and Greec Authors, that none was thought fo knowing to equal, or fo hardy to incounter him. This Man therfore Charles
t**a
purpofe.
the
Second
hir'd for a
hundred
Jacobufes to write that
bulky Volume, which in

the

the year
3 1
49 appear'd under the Title of
Dhfenfio Rcgia, or i
Defence of Charles the
Salmafms being better verft in the Writings of Grammarians, and Lexicographers (which fort of Men were his chief Admirers) than in thofe of Legiflatoi s and Politicians, gave a true Demonftration that mere Scholars, when they meddle with any thing that requires Reafoning or Thought, are
Firft to Charles the Second.
but mere AflTes For being wholly occupy'd about frivolous Etymologie r or the bare found of words, and living moft of their time excluded from Converfation, bury'd in duft among Worms and mouldy Records, they have no exact kwowlege
:
of things, and are perfect ftrangers to all the ufeful bufinefs of the World. Accordingly the Royal Defence was deftitute of Eloquence or Art, being nothing elfe but a huge heap of Rubbifh, confiding of injudicious Quotations, very diforderly piec'd together, feldom making for his purpofe ; and, when they feem'd to favor him, quite fpoil'd again by his own impertinent Comments. But what's worfe than all the reft, he appear'd on this occaiion fuch an abfolute ftranger and bungler in his own Province, as to open a large Field hi- Milton to divert himfelf
his barbarous Phrafes and Solecifms- Nor had lie more Wit likewife than to publifh his Defence of Monarchy in Holland, at the fame time that he had a Pen/ion from that Free State, and was actually entertain'd in their Service 5 for tho the Butch were then no good Friends to the Englijh, being jealous of their
with
growing Power, yet they could not be pleas'd with any Writing oppos'd to the common Caufe of Liberty, and accordingly they blanrTd Salmafita, and order'd the DeNo fooner did this Book appear in England, but Milton befence to be fuppreft. was then ing prefent, unanimoufly nam'd by every Member of the Council of State to anfvverit; fo good an opinion they had of his Capacity, neither did he for within a very ihort time he publim'd his fail their Expectations Defenfio fro Pojwlo Anglkano, or the Defence of the People of England; wherin, to fpeak no more of his admirable Stile than we have don already, nor of his handfomly expofing the Ignorance or Fury of Salmafms, lie defended the Proceedings of the People of England from the beginning of the Civil War to that time, with fuch Force of Arguments and Authority of Examples, that fince there could be no difnute about the Victory he obtained over his Adverfary, the only doubt remaining with his Readers was, which mould be counted fuperior, his own great The Subject is too nice for me to make any Reading, Politenefs, or Judgment. extract: of it according to the method I obferv'd in fom of his other Books $ and befides ir deferves fo much to be confider'd at length in the Original, or in the Englifh Verfion by Mr. ffafhington of the Temple, that I will not deprive any body of that pleafure. It's true indeed, that fom have blam'd Milton for his rough ufage of Salmaftu, nor herein will I pretend wholly to excufehim But when I confider how bafely the whole Englifh Nation was abus'd by Salmafim, as fo many Barbarians or Enthufiafts, fiercer than their own Maftifs and yet fillier than Athenian Owls, it gos a great way with me towards Milton's Juftification ; and if we add to this, that he (peaks not in his own Perfon, but as the Mouth of a potent State tradue'd by a pitiful Profeflor, there be thofe in the World that will poTwo paflages only I (hall infert here out of his Book ; fitively commend him. wherof the firft (hall be an Epigram he made to ridicule his Adverfary for medling with Affairs to which he was a ftranger, having all his intelligence from inrag'd and partial Exiles ; but particularly for his miftaking of Englijh Names, and his mentioning of the County Court, and Hundred.
: :
Qujs expedivit Salmafio fuam Hundredam ? Picamque docuit verba noflra conari ? facobai Magijler artis venter, Centum, exulantis vifcera Marfupii regis.
&
Quod
fi dolofi fpes refulferit
nummi,
Ipfe, Antichrifi
m&do
qui
primatum Papa
Minatus uno
eft
diffipare fufflatu,
.Cantabit ultro Cardinalitium Melos.
Englifh'd.
that Frtnch-chmx'mg Py, and Hxndreda cry ? The ftarving Rafcal, flufht with juft a hundred Englifll facohJfes y Hundred* bliwder'd i
Who taught Salmafitu,

aim
at Englifh,
To
An
52
John Milton. An outlaw'd Kings laft Stock. A hundred more

Life of
Would make him pimp for th'Antichriftian Whore; And in Rome's praife imploy his poifon'd Breath,
The
Who threaten d once to
ftink the
Pope to death.
In thefe Verfes he reflects on Salmaftns for declaring himfelf againft any fort of Hierarchy in his Book de PrimatH Papa, and yet being a mighty ftickler for Biihops in his Defence of the King. The ocher Paffage fhall be the Epilogue or Conclu"" fion of Milton % Book. And now I think, fays he, that by God's Affiftance I " have finiuYd the Work I undertook, namely, to defend the noble Actions of " my Countrymen at home and abroad, againft the raging and envious madnefs of " this diftrafted Sophifter ; and to affert the common Rights of the People againft
theunjuft domination of Kings, not out of any hatred to Kings, but Tyrants: " nor have I purpofely left unanlwer'd any one Argument alleged by my Adverfa" ry, nor any Example or Authority quoted by him, that feenvd to have any " force in it, or the leaft color of a proof; perhaps I have bin guilty rather of die " other extreme, of replying to fom of his Fooleries and Trifles as if they were '* folid Arguments, and therby may feem to have attributed more to them than " One thing yet remains to be don, which perhaps is of the delerv d. " they greateft concern of all, and that is, that you my Countrymen confute this Ad'' verfary of yours your felves; which I do not fee any other means of your effedt" than by a conftant indeavor to outdo all Mens bad words by your own " ing Deeds. When you labor'd under more forts of Opprefllon than one, you " good betook your felves to God for Refuge, and he was gracioufly pleas'd to hear " your moft earneft Prayers and Defires. He glorioufly deliver'd you, the firil " of Nations, from the two greateft Mifchiefs o{' this Life, and the moif pernici" ous to Virtue, Tyranny and Superfticion; he indu'd you with that Gieatnefs " of Soul to be the firft of Mankind, who, after having conquer' d and captivated " their own King, have not fcrupl'd to condemn him judicially, and, according " to that juft Sentence, to put him to death. After performing (o iiluftrious an " Action as this, you ought to do nothing that's mean and little, not even to think, " much lefs to do any thing but what is great and iublime. To attain which Praile " there is only this one way, that as you have fubdu'd your Enemies in the held, " fo to make it appear that unarm'd and in full Peace you of all Mankind are ableft. " to Ambition, Avarice, the love of Riches, and can belt avoid thofe conquer " of Profperity which are apt to get the better of ovher Nations 5 to " Corruptions fhew as great Juftice, Temperance, and Moderation, in preierving your Uoer" Thefe are ty, as you have don Courage in freeing your felves from Slavery. " the only Arguments and Authorities by which you will be able to evince that <c you are not fuch perfons as this Fellow reprefents you, Traitors, Robbers, Mar" derers, Parricides, Madmen ^ that you did not put your King to death out of
"
".any ambitious dehgn or a
"
"
delire of invading the Rights of others, not out of
any
that
feditious Principles or linifter Ends, not agitated by
Fury or Madnefs ; but
it was wholly out of love to your Liberty, Religion, Juftice, Virtue, and in" flam'd with an Affection But for your Country, that you punifh'd a Tyrant. l! if it fhould happen otherwife (which I pray God mercifully to forbid) if as yon " have bin valiant in War, you fhould grow debauch'd in Peace, you that have " had fuch vifible Demonftrations of the Goodnefs of God to your felves, and iC his Wrath againft your Enemies, and that you fhould not learn by fo eminent " and memorable an Example before your eys, to fear God and work llighteouf"
nefs
for
"
my part,
I fhall eafily
grant and confefs (for
cannot deny
it)
all
the
il!
" find "
that Liers and Slanderers

in a little
time
now think or fpeak of you to be true. And you will that God s Difpleafure againft you will be greater than it has
"
bin againft your Adverfaries, greater than his benign Favor and paternal Care which you have experience above all the Nations under Heaven. Milton was
-,
rewarded with a thoufand Pounds for this performance and how differently his Defence of the People, and that of Salmaptu for the King were entertain'd by the curious, we may learn from the mouth of him that next appeared for the Roy" al Caufe. What the moft accomplifh'd Salmapm, fays he, has difcretely writ" ten in defence of the Right and Honor of Charles the Britifk Monarch, mur" der'd by wicked Men, has bom but one Impreffion, and faw the Light with " great difficulty ; with fo much hatred dos the World perfecute Truth in thefe " latter times: but of what the moft execrable Milton has fpitefuily elaborated to " ruin the Reputation of the deceas'd King, and to deftroy the hereditary Suc"
ceffion
The Life of John Milton,

of the Crown, there are fo many Editions, that I am uncertain to " which of them I fhould refer my Reader ; fo paflionatly fond are Men grown " now of Lies and Calumnies On this Book our Author did not think it worth his while to animadvert, but delegated that eafy task to his younger Nephew fohn who foon wrote a fufficient Anfwer to Bilhop Bramhal for fo Philips, now alive, this new Antagonift was fuppos'd to be cal'd.
ceflion
!
.
33
"
Salmafnu
made
huge
the
Cbriftina invited
'all
Men
figure at this time in the Swedi/h Court, whither Queen of Letters in Europe, fo that her whole Train was
compos'd in a manner of Grammarians, Rhetoricians, Philofophers, Aftrologers, and Critics: nor was her Adminiftration unanfwerable to her Attendents ; for beiides a total neglect of good Laws for the public Benefit, and her imprudent preferring of Strangers before the Natives of the Country, (lie led a mere romantic Life, fomtimes frolicfomly difguifing her felf in Mens Clothes, and then gravely difputing with her Doctors, till at laftfhe wasforc'd to afliameful Abdication of the Government 5 and the end of all her Learning was to turn Papift for a Penlion from the Pope, or to have an old meager Frier to pardon her Sins, and a brawny Now no foonerhad the Defence of the Englifh Nation Cardinal for her Stallionto the Queen at her own defire, but Sdmafim, who was read and reach'd Sweden, rill then had bin as it were her prime Minifter, and who, when he fir ft (aw the Book, fooliibly fwore he would deftroy Milton and the whole Parlament, decreas'd fo much in her efteem, and dwindled to fuch a degree in the opinion of all others, that he thought it not for his Intereft to continue longer there, and wasdifAnd not expecting to be better mift with extraordinary Coldnefs and Contemt. receiv'd in Holland, or any where elfe, he left an imperfect pofthumous Reply, and had recourfe to Death, the laft refuge of the Miferable., and the fafeft (belter to cover them from Infamy and Difgrace- Milton, on the other hand, was, on the firft appearance of his Book, vifited or invited by all the Ambaffadors at London, not excepting thofe of Crown'd Heads, and particularly efteem'd by Adrian Paw the Ambaffador of the flourifhing Republic of Holland. His Book indeed was burnt at Paris, not by order of the Parlament, but, at the inftigation of the Priefts, by the Lieutenant Civil, and likewife at Thokufe, which ferv'd only to procure it more Readers : for he was highly extol'd at the fame time, or complemented by Letters from the nioft ingenious Perfons in Germany or Frame 5 and, as if the old Grecian Republics had reviv'd to decree the accuftom'd Honors to the Afferfors of Liberty, Lconardus Philaras, an Athenian born, and Ambaffador from the Duke of Parma to the French King,wrote a fine Commendation of his Defence, and fent him his Picture, From thefe undeniable Matters of Fad: together with a perfonal Elogium. (without deciding the merit of the caufe on either fide) it is plain that in the judgment of all Europe, yi/z/row got infinitly the better of Salmafim % for it could not be Partiality to a Free Government, but the refiftlefs Light of Truth, that obtain'd fuch a Confeffion from theMinifters or Subjects of abfolute Princes. Now he had fom leifure again to follow his other Studies of a more delightful and peaceable nature thqn thefe Controverfies, and had alfo a Son born to him, who dy'd in his Infancy. In the year ji, he remov'd for his Health from his Lodgings at whitehal to a Houfe opening into St. fames' s Park, which fhall be the Scene of all his Actions till the Reftoration of the Royal Family. In this place
his firft
Wife dying
Catharine the
in the
in Childbed, he, after a convenient fpace, marry'd a fecond, Daughter of Captain Woodcoc\ of Hackney, who within a year dy'd alfo
fame condition, and was about a month after follow'd by her Child, which His Sight was quite gon before this Match ; for by reafon of his continual Studies, and the Headach, to which he was fubject from his Youth, his Eys were decaying for a dozen years before but we fhall have an occafion by and by to give a further account of this matter. The fame year appear'd a bitter Invective from abroad againft the Parlamen* tarians. The Title of it was, The Cry of the Kings Blood for Vengeance to Heaven* Clamor Rethe In this Book Milton is particularly tiaduc'd, and ac- 8" San g uinis again/l Englifh Parricides, ad c**' "^ 81 cus'd to have bin expel'd out of the Univerfity oiCambridg for fom Mifdemeanors, wherupon he retir'd into Italy but the falfity of this Story is already prov d. Several other frivolous things are laid to his charge, which he on the other hand denies nor do his Adverfariesinfift upon them in their Anfwers: now there cannot be a clearer proof of his Innocence, than that being accus'd he publicly denies the fact, and his Enemies can't contradict him. But Envy and Malice often carry fuch as have got the worfe to affirm moft abfurd and ridiculous things: So Salmafim in his dying Reply foolilhly reports that Milm wrote not the Defence himfelf, but lent d his
was
a Girl.
'
34
his

Name to the Hand
in fuch cafes,
of a
little
French Schoolmafter at London.

this (illy figment,
But, as
it al
happens
he got nothing by
ways
known
portunity of making his own Ability, and the Weaknefs of Salmafms, further Thus fom People think to gratify an offended Perfon with to the World. telling him a hundred ilnatur'd Stories of his Antagonist, to which his Paflion makes him give credit without due Examination,and then becoms a Fool by aiTerting them. The true Author of the Clamor Regit Sanguinis was Peter du Moulin the younger, a Prebendary of Canterbury^ but Alexander Morns a French Minifter being the Publisher
but gave Milton an op-
of it, and having prehVd a Dedication in the Printer's Name to Charles II. he was generally thought to be the Writer of the whole. This Morns was the Son of a learned Scot, who was Principal of the Proteftant College formerly at Caftres in His infufTerableHaughtinefs, immoderat Inclination for Women, and Languedoc. Contemt of his Collegues, made him odious and uneafy wherever he liv'd. He was hafty, ambitious, fatyrical, and could never commend any thing but his own Works, or thofe of his Admirers. He was cry 'd up for a Seraphic Preacher ; but, as Baile judicioufly fays, his Talent muft have confided in the Gracefulnefs of his Pronunciation and Gefture, or in thofe Flourilhes and Puns wherof his Sermons are full for 'tis certain that they retain not thofe Charms now on Paper which they were faid to have formerly in the Pulpit. Againft him therfore Milton by public Command publifhes a fecond Defence for the People of England, which,
:
befides
what the Title promiies, contains a bloody Satyr upon Morns, nor dos he deny himfelf to have bin the occaiion of Salmafms % Death. I (hall not rake into the Allies of the Dead, but content my felf with inferring here two pieces of The firft is a Diftich made upon Morns for getting Pomia the Maid Milton 's Witof his Friend Salmafms with Child.
Galli
ex Concubitu gravidam te, Pontia, Mori, Qujs bene moratam, tnorigeramque negct?
The
other (hall be an Epigram wherin Milton laughs at Morns for threatning him with a fecond Edition of Salmafius's Defence of the King, augmented with Animadversions on his Defence of the People.
Gaudste Scombri, quicquid eft pifcium Srf/o, incolitis Hyetne Qui frigida algentes fretct,
Kejlritm mifertus ille Salmafms Eques Bonus amicire nuditatem cogitat
,
&
Chartaque largus apparat papyrinos

Vobis cucullos pra-ferentes Claudii
Infignia, nomenque,
Gefietis ut per
& Dccus Salmafii
L.
omne cetarium forum Equitis clicntes, fcriniis mungentium

Cubito njirorum,
& capfulis gratijfnnos.
the Clamor RegU Sanguinis having barbaroufly objected to Milton his and that he was meager and pale, he gives him an Anfwer in thefe Blindnefs, " I was never counted deform'd, as I know, by any that everfaw me j words: " but whether to be counted handfom or not is none of my concern. My Stature, " I confefs, is not extraordinary tall, yet I am rather a middlefiz'd than little Man. " But what if little I were ? Have not many Perfons eminent in the Arts of War " and Peace bin fo before me ? tho I fee no reafon why that lhould be cal'd little " which in Courage is fufficiently great. Neither am I fo flender ; for I was ftrong " and capable enough in my Youth to handle my Weapons, and to exercife daily
The Author of
"
"
Fencing thought
fo that wearing a Sword by my fide, as became a Gentleman, I my felf a match for thofe that were much ftronger, and was not afraid
*' of receiving an affront from any body. I have ftill the fame Soul and Vigor, but " not the fame Eyes j yet to all outward appearance fo found, fo clear, and free " from the leaft fpot, as theirs who lee furtheft: and herein only, in fpite of my " felf, I am a Deceiver. My Countenance, than which he fays there's nothing " paler, is ftill of a Color fo contrary to wan and bloodlefs, that tho I am above " any body would think me ten years younger, being neither contracted in " forty, bedefei
" Body
"
or Skin.
If in
any of thefe Particulars
I told a Ly, I fliould
ved-
ly ridiculous to
gers that
many thoufands of my own Countrymen, and to feveral StranAs for his Blindnefs, he fays that fuch a conperfonally know me.
*
dition

but not to be able to bear it; and then quotes the Examdition is not miferable, learned, wife, and holy Men of all times that have bin blind. Buc ples or valiant, the lots of his Eys being objected to him as an efTecl: of divine Vengeance, after
he s not confcious of any thing tor which he ihould defolemnly protefting that " than other Men, he adds, more As for what 1 wrote at ferve that punifliment " think I nowfufferon that (fince theRoyalifts account, and triumph anytime ,( over me ) 1 call God to witnefs that I did not write any thing but what I then " thought, and am (till perfuaded to be right, and true, and acceptable to God 5 " not led by any fort of Ambition, Profit, or Vainglory ; but have don all from " a fenfeof Duty and Honor, out of piety to my Country, and for the Liberty of " Church and State. On the contrary, when that Task of anfwering the King's " Defence was injoind me by pablic Authority, being both in an ill ftate of " Health, and the Sight of one Ey almoft gon already, the Phyficians openly " of both if I undertook this Labor yet nothing terrify'd by predicting the lofs " their Premonition, I did not long balance whether any Duty Ihould be pre" And what he really thought of his Blindnefs, and how he fer'd to Eys.
',
my
bore
it,
may be
further perceiv'd
by
this
Sonnet to
his
Friend Cjriac Skinner, never
other Poems. printed with his
Cjriac this three years day, thefe Eys, tho clear To outward view of blemiih or of fpot,
Nor
Bereft of fight, their feeing have forgot. to their idle Orbs dos Day appear,
Or Sun, orAloon, or Star, Or Man, or Woman.
throout the year; Yet I argue not Againft Heaven's hand, or will, nor bate one jot Of Heart or Hope ; but (till bear up, and (leer
Right onward.
What fupports me, doft thou ask ? TheConfcience, Friend, t'have loft them overply'd
In Liberty's Defence,
my noble
Task,
Wherof
all
Euro, e rings
from
fide to fide.
This Thought might lead me thro this World's vain Mask, Content, tho blind, had I no other Guide.
Morns publifht his Tides publica in anfwer to Milton\ fecond Defence, to which * * Defenfio the latter oppos'd a Defence of himfelf; and by Original Letters, or the like Auro fe * thentic Pieces, made good all his Aftertions againft his Adverfary : wherupon P and Morns vanquillit Our Author was now Latin baffled, quitted the Field.
Secretary to 'the Prote&or Oliver Cromwel, who, he confidently hopd, would imploy his Ti uft<and Power to extinguish the numerous Factions of the State, and to
fettle
Form of a Free Government, wherin no (ingle Perfon Ihould above or befide the Laws but he particularly expected his eftaPower injoy any an impartial Liberty of Con(cience, to which he incourages him by thefe blifhing Lines, never printed among his Poems.
fuch a perfect
:
Cromwel, our chief of Men, that thro a croud only, but Diftraclions rude, (Guided by Faith and matchlefs Fortitude)
Not of War
Peace and Truth thy glorious Way haft plow'd, fought God's Battles, and his Work purfu'd, While Darwent ftreams with Blood of Scots imbru'd, And Dunbar Field refound thy Praifes loud, And worcfters Laureat Wreath. Yet much remains To conquer (till , Peace has her Victories, No lefs than thofe of War. New Foes arife Threatning to bind our Souls in fecular Chains : Help us to fave free Confcience from the Paw
To
And
Of
Hireling
Wolves, whofe Gofpel
is
their
Maw.
He had leifure enough now from his Imployment in the State ( no Adverfary daring to appear any more ) to purfue his Hiflory of Britain, and his new Thefaurut LingitA Latin* : but what took up moft of his time was the Epic Poem he had fo long defign'd, and which is fince printed under the Title of Paradife Loft, wherof in due order. But the next Book he publiftit was a Treatife, dedicated to the Pard
t
lament,
5 ->

lament, of Civil Power in Ecclefiaflkal Caufes, (hewing that it is not lawful for any Power on Earth to compel in Matters of Religion, whether Speculative or Practior in any thing except Immorality, or what evidently fubverts the Foundacal tions of Civil Society for which reafon he juftly excludes Popery from thisToleration,for being not fo much a Religion, as a Politic Faction wherof the Members, wherfoever they are, own the Pope tor their Superior, to the prejudice of the Allenever tolerac others where giance due to their Natural Soverains. Befides, that they they have the maftery > and that their Doiftrinof Dilpenlations, or keeping no Faith with fuch as they count Heretics, renders 'em worfe than Atheifts, and the declar'd Enemies of all Mankind befides thole ot their own Communion. After this he addreft to the Parlainent, Corfderations touching the likeliefi means to
,
remove Hirelings out of the Church 5 not that he was a&iinit all fort of Maintenance for the public miniftry of Religion, which he acknowleges due by tiie Light of Realon, as well as the Examples of all Ages; but he proves that Tkhes were inconvenient, and not of Divine Right, which was then ftrongly afierte< even by the Presbyterians and Independents. He obferves, that two things do mainly corrupt Religion, and hinder the advancement of Truth, Force on rhe one fide retraining the Profeffors, and Hire on the other fide corrupting the Teach" The latter of thefe, fays lie, is by much the more dangerous: for ers of ic. " under Force, tho no thanks to the Forcers, true Religion ofttimes bed thrives " and flourilhes but the corruption of Teachers, molt commonly the effect oi " There is much Hire, is the very bane of Truth in them who are fo corrupted. which tc I refer thole Church this Book in curious Hiftory Revenues, concerning
,
who
wrote "
have not read Father Paul of Beneficiary Matters, nor Father i>imon who " after him. They pretend, fays lie, that their Speaking of the Minifters, has bin very chargeable, and the or either at School Univerfity, Education, " therfore fruitful Maintenance wheras it is a afterwards to be by repair'd ought " well known that the better half of them 1 and ofttimes poor and pitiful Boys, " of no merit or promifing hopes that might intitle them to the public Provifion, " but their poverty and the unjuft favor of Friends ) have had the mod of their u breeding, both at School and Univerfity, by Scholarfhips, Exhibitions, and Fel" at the public Coft, which might ingage them the rather to give freely " lowfhips, Or if they have mifs'd of thefe Helps at the latter place, as they freely receiv'd. " have two after or three years left the courfe of their Studies there ( if they " they ever well began them) and undertaken, tho furnifht with little elfe but igno" in fom ranee, boldnefs, and ambition, if with no worfe Vices, a Chaplainlhip '* Gentleman's Houfe, to the frequent imbafing of his Sons with illkerat and " narrow Principles. Or if they have Hv'd there upon their own, who knows " not that feven years charge of living there, to them who fly not from the Go" vernment of their Parents to the Licenfe of a Univerfity, but com ferioufly to " is no more than may be well defray'd and reimburft by one year's Reve" ftudy, nue of an ordinary good Benefice ? If they had then Means of breeding from " their Parents, 'tis they have more now ; and if they have, it mu ft needs " be mechanic and likely difingenuous in them to bring a Bill of Charges for the learning " thofe liberal Arts and Sciences which they have learnt (if they have indeed " learnt them, as they feldom have ) to their own benefit and accomplilhment. Towards the conclufion he has thefe words; "I have thus at large examind the " ufual Pretences of Hirelings, colofd over moft commonly with the Caufe of " Learning and Univerfities ; as if with Divines Learning flood and fell, whei in " for the moft part their Pittance is fo fmall; and, to fpeak freely, it were much " better there were not one Divine in the Univerfity, nor no School Divinity ' known, the idle Sophiftry of Monks, the Canker of Religion ; and that they " in the Church were trained to be by the
:
" "
"
lC
who intended
ture,
Minifters,
up
and
in the Original
Languages therof
compais of other Arts and Sciences more condary leifure, and at home. Neither fpeak
or the Miniftry, but hating the
only ScripSchool, without fetching the than what they can well learn at feat
I this
in
contemt of Learning,
" " " and

*'
cheats of both-, hating that they who and out fhould, in what ferves their Canonifls, Prelats, Bilhops, havepreacht own ends, retain their falfe Opinions, their pharifaical Leven, their Avarice,
common
" " Maintenance which two in Religion, can things, Independence and Statehire one time or other, at 2 never coniift long or certainly together. For Magiftrats "nos
-,
their odious clofely their Ambition, their Pluralities, their Nonrefidences, Fees, and ufe their Legal and Popilh Arguments for Tithes: That Independents fhould take that name, and feek to be Dependents on the Magiflrat for their

" not like thefe at prefent our Patrons of Chriftian Liberty, will pay none but " fuch whom by their Committees of Examination, they find conformable to " their Intertft and Opinions And Hirelings will foon frame themfelves to that " which thofe and Opinions Intereft they fee beft pleafing to their Paymafters 5 " After provfeem will force others as to the Truth. to right themfelves, and, Chriftian Religion not to be more difficult than any other Art or Science, the ing " of it may be much fooner attaint! may connay, and that the knowlege " elude, fays lie, that if Men be not all their lifetime under a Teacher to learn Lo" or Mathematics, which are more difficult; gic, Natural Philofophy, Ethics, " that certainly it is not the attainment of Chi iftian Knowlege, that to neceffary c life their at the feet of a pulpited Divine, while he, a fit all Men fhould long *' over his elbow indeed Lollard Cufliiori, in almoft the fevemh part of forty or
:
,
3/
We
'
them fcarcehaif the Prieciples of Religion: And his Sheep fifty years teaches " ofttimes fit all the while to as little purpofe of benefiting, as the Sheep in their " are by fom Simony or other bought and for the and moft at part pews Smithpeld, " ibid like them; or, if this Comparifon be too low, like thofe Women, men" yet not lb much thro tion'd by St. /'<''</, ever learning and never attaining " thro the unskilful and immethodical Teaching of their Paftheir own Fault, as " here and there ac random out of- this or that Text, as hiseafe or
,
"
"
tor, preaching
Army having reftor'd the old faMilton wrote a Letter to fom as almoft but foon diflblv'd it, mous Pa-lament, the lamentable Confufions he had a about whom ferious difcourfe with Statefman, of that time. It is in a very pathetic Stile, and contains a true Renrefentation ot what the Soldiers had don , to whom he tells, that it is fcarce to be exampled, even among Barbarians, that an Army duly paid ihould, fornocaufeatall, fubdue the Supreme Power that fet them up. '"This, fays he, other Nations will " that Army, lately renown d for the civileft and beft
" judgtothefaddilbonorof order'd in the Univerfe, and by
if
as his health guides him. fancy, and ofttimes Cromwel being dead, Richard depos'd, and the
us here at
home
for the
mod
confeientious.
Character was capable of inflaving their CounArmy deferving Now, > from be what any other, as molt are, of a worfe difpofition expected may try, In this Letter he delivers the Model of a Commonwealth i not fuch as he thought the beft, but what might be readieft fettled at that time to prevent the reftitution of Kingihip and Domeftic Disorders, till a more favorable Seafon, or betThis and another fmall Piece ter Difpofitions for erecting a perfect Democracy.
an
this
to the fame purpofe, addreft I fuppofe to Monk^ were communicated to me by a worthy Friend, who, a little after the Author's Death, had them from his Nephew and I imparted them to the Publifhers of the new Edition of his Works
,
in Folio.
His laft Piece before the Reftoration of the Royal Family, except the brief Notes he publimt on Dr. Griffith's Sermon, was intitul d, The ready and eafy Way to a Free Commonwealth, and the Excellence therof compard with the Inconvenieftablifh This Book appeared in ences and Dangers of readmitting King/hip in this Nation. to Bondage, as he of that noxious humor when he returning perceiv'd Sixty, and nourifht by the calls it, to prevail, which was inftil'd by fom Deceivers, " If their abfolute Deter the of bad Principles or falfe Apprehenfions People. " mination be to enthral us, fays he ; before fo long a Lent of Servitude, they
"
"
little Shroving time firft, wheriri to fpeak freely and take our He indeavors to fet before the Eys of the Nation the folof leaves Liberty. of all they had fo valiantly don for feveral years, if they unreafonablenefs and ly at laft readmitted Kingfhip; that they would be the fhame of all free Countrys, " Where is this goodly Tower of a and the Laughingftock of all Monarchies. '' Commonwealth, will Foreners fay, which the Englifh boafted they would build " to overfhadow Kings, and be another Rome in the Weft ? The Foundation in" deed they laid gallantly, but fell into a worfe Confufion, not of Tongues but " of Factions, than thofe at the Tower of Babel; and have left no Memorial of *' their Work behind them remaining, but in the common laughter of Europe. " Which muft needs redound the more to our fhame, if we but look on our " Neighbors the "United Provinces, to us inferior in all outward Advantages-, who " notwithstanding, in the midft of greater Difficulties, couragioufly, wifely, con" taftantly went thro with the fame Work, and are fettled in all the happy " Befides this, if we lyments of a potent and flourifhing Republic to this day. " return to Kingihip, and foon repent ( as undoubtedly we fhall when we find the " old Incroachments which coming by little and little upon our Confciences, " muft
may
permit us a
8
" " " " " " " " "
'
the life of John Milton.

muft
neceffarily
procede from King and Bifhop united jnfeparably in one Inbe forc'd perhaps to fight over again all that_ we have fought. tereft) A. Free Commonwealth was not only held by wifeft Men in all Ages, the' nobleft, the manlieft, the equalleft, the jufteft Government, the moft agreable to due Liberty, and proportion^ Equality, both Human, Civil, and Chriftian, moft cherifhing to Virtue and true Religion, but alfo plainly commended, or rather injoin d by our Savior himfelf to all Chriftians, not without a remarkaGod in much ble difallowance, and the brand of Gentilifm upon Kingfhip. it a the and Sin to them that to a Ifiaetits, imputed difpleafure gave King " Chrift his forbids but one: Difciples to admit of apparently they fought s The the GovernmentHeathenifh fuch Gentils, fays he, exKings of any " a. on them are cald that and over
we may
But yon [hall not do fo, but he that is great efl among you, let him Benefallors " The OCCafion of be as the younger $ and he that is chief, as he that ferves. " thefe words was the ambitious defire of Zebedecs two Sons to be exalted " above their Brethren in the Kingdom, which they thought was to be ere long " That he fpeaks of Civil Government is manifeft by the former Earth. " uponof the part Comparifon, which infers the other part to be always of the fame " And what Government corns nearer to this Precept of Chrift, than a kind. '' Wherin they who are greateft are perpetual Servants Commonwealth? Free " and Drudges to the Public at their own coft and charges, neglecting their own " AfFairs, yet are not elevated above their Brethren, live foberly in their Fami" walk the Streets as other Men, may be fpoken to freely, familiarly, friendlies, " Wheras a King muft be ador'd like a Demigod, with Adoration. without ly, " a diffolute and haughty Court about him, of vaft Expence and Luxury, Masks " and Revels, to th& debauching of our prime Gentry both Male and Female, <c not in their Paftimes only, but in earneft by the loofe Imployments of Court" There will be a Queen of no Service, which will be then thought honorable. " lefs and a likelihood outlandifh in moft Papift, betides a Queenmother charge " Then a fuch already, together with both their Courts and numerous Train. " to the fumtucus their and e're Courts, long feverally multiplying Royal Iflue, " of a fervil Crew, not of Servants only, but of Nobility and Gentry bred up " then, not to the hopes of Public, but of Court Offices j to be Stewards, Chamber" And the lower their Minds are lains, Ufhers, Grooms, evenot the Cloleftool " debas'd with Court opinions contrary to all Virtue and Reformation, rhehaugh" As to the burden of Expence, we lhall tier will be their Pride and Profufenefs. " for any good to us, deferving to be term'd no better foon know it to our coft " than the vaft and lavifh price of our Subjection, and their Debauchery, which we " are now fo greedily cheapening, and would fo fain be paying meft inconfideratly " to a tingle Perfon, who, for any thing wherin the Public really needs him, will " have little elfe to do but to beftow the eating and drinking of exceffive Dainties, " to fet a pompous face upon the fuperficral actings of State, to pageant 4iimfelf " and down in progrefs among the perpetual Bowings and Cringings of an ab" up People, on either fide deifying and adoring him for nothing don that can " ]et In this Book he delivers the Model of a Commonwealth, well futed deferve it. perhaps to the Circumftances of that time, but inferior in all refpeds to Harringtons Oceana, which for the Pradticablenefs, Equality, and Completenefs of it, is the moft perfect form of fuch a Government that was ever delineated by any antientor modern Pen. And now, the King being ready to land, our Author was difcharg'd from his Office of Latin Secretary, and oblig'd for the Safety of his Perfon tojeave his Houfe near St. James's Park, where for eight years before he was vifited by all Foreners of Note, by feveral Perfons of Quality, and by the Ingenious of every Andrew Marvel, who by his Parts and Probity made himPerfuafion or Party. felf fo much known fince that time in England, us'd to frequent him the ofteneft of any body 5 and whether it was he or Milton (for both are nam'd for it) that made theVerfes fent with Cromwel's Picture to the Queen of Sweden, I am uncertain:
:
,
"
ercife
Lord/hip
them,
they
exercife Authority
-,
but whoever was the Author, they deferve a room in
this place.
Cromml
fpeaks
Bellipotens virgo^ feptem Regina Trionum Chrijiina, Arttoi lucida Jlella poli \
Ccrvm
The Life 0/ John Milton.

Cernis quels merui durafub CaJJide rugas, Vtque fenex armis impigcr ora tero :
20
Invia fatorum
dum
Exequor & populi fortia jujfa manu.

tibi
per veftigia nitor,
Afl
Necfunt
fubmittit frontem reverentior umbra, hi vultus regibus ufque truces.

EngliflPd.
Bright martial Maid,
Queen of the
frozen Zone,
The Northern Pole
fupports thy fhining

Steel can
Throne
Behold what Furrows Age and
The
Thro
Helmet's weight oppreft this Fate's untrodden Paths I move, my Hands Still ad my freeborn Peoples bold Commands Yet this ftern fhade to you fubmits his Frowns, Nor are thefe looks always fevere to Crowns.
:
plow, wrinkled Brow.
the year ji, to that of 60, he correfponded much with learned FoLeo reners, as appears by his Letters to Millius, Oldenburg, Hcimbachitts, Be Brafs, *b Aizema, and Emeric Bigot. His Admirer Leonardus Philaras coming upon fom
From
occafions to London,
Letter, that there
ris,
went to
his
fee Milton,
who, tho he could not
fee
him
again,
was
extremely pleas'd with
Converfation
was
a Phyfician
who
afterwards acquainted Milton by a perform'd Wonders on blind People at Pa-
He
and requefts him to fend
in writing the ftate
and progrefsof
his
Di (temper,
which to gratify his Friend our Author perform'd, yet without expreflingany hopes of a cure. Cyriac Skinner was one of his conftant Vifiters, which Honor he not feldom receiv'dalfo from the pious and virtuous Lady RaneUgh, whofeSon, the prefent Earl of Ranelagh, he inftru&ed for fom time, and fent him feveral Letters of Advice during his Travels abroad but in one directed to him at the Univerfity, he " ufes thefe words As for what you write to me, that you are fo much pleas'd " with Oxford, you cannot perfuade me the more that you receiv'd any Improve" ment there, or art becom a bit the wifer, unlefs you mew me fom other Rea" fons for it. Thofe Victories of Princes which you extol, and fuch other things, " wherin Force has the grea r eft fhare, I would not have you too much admire, " where's the wonder if in the, efpecially now being a Hearer of Philosophers " Country of Rams there grow ftrong Horns, which are able to batter Towns " and Cities with fuch violence ? But learn thou from thy Childhood to dif" cernand judg of great Examples, not from Violence and Force, but by Juftice " and Temperance. But, as I faid before, he was now oblig'd to abfeond till the Acl: of Oblivion was publifh'd, wherin he and John Goodwin (the great fpreader of Arminianifm, and who in writing alfo juftify'd the Death of Charles the Firft) were only excepted from bearing any Office in the Nation. Our Author had many good Friends to intercede for him both in the Privy Council and in the Houfeof Commons 5 nor was Charles the Second fuch an Enemy to theMufes as to require his Deftru&ion, tho fom are of opinion that he was more oblig'd to that Prince's Forgetfulnefs than to his Clemency. As foon as his Pardon was pall: the Seals, he appear'd again, and marry'd his third Wife Elizabeth, the Daughter of Mr. Minjhal of Chefhire, recommended to him by his Friend Dr. Paget. He had no Children by this laft Wife, nor any living by his fecond ; but of his three Daughters by the firft, he made two very ferviceable to For tho many fent their himfelf, and, in fo doing, to the reft of the World. Sons to read for him, and feveral grown Perfons were ambitious of obliging him that way for their own Improvement \ yet he taught thefe young Women to read and pronounce with great exaclnefs the Englijh, Italian, Spaui/h, French, Hebrew, So that whatever Book he had occafion to ufe, one Greec, and Latin Languages. of 'em was fore'd to read it to him, tho neither of 'em underftood a word of thofe Writings, except Englijh their Mother Tongue. This Drudgery could not but render them in time very nneafy and accordingly when he underftood their Murhe with difpens'd their Duty in this cafe, and fent them out to learn other murs, more their Sex and Condition. things becoming What imploy'd a good part of his Thoughts for many years before, and was at firft only defign'd to be a Tragedy, I mean his incomparable Epic Poem, intitul'd,
,
Paradife
40

It is a great Paradife Loft, he now had fufficient leifure to profecute and finifh. wonder that this piece fhould ever be brought to perfection, confidering the many
Interruptions that obftructed

religious Controverfy
his
;
it.
His Youth was (pent
in
Study, Travelling, and
his
Manhood was imploy'd
in Affairs
of
Stare,
orthofeof
Family
and
in his latter years,
his perfonal Troubles, he was by foever hand came next, ten, or twenty, or thirty Verfes at a time; and 'confequently muft truft the judgment of others at leaft for the Pointing and OrthograBut another difficulty that ftopt its paiTage to the World was very lingular : phy. for his Vein never happily flow'd but from the Autumnal to the Vernal Equinox, as his Nephew Edward. Philips affirms, who fays he was told this particular by Milton
to fpeak nothing of a decaying Fancy, nor of reafon of his Blindnefs oblig'd to write by -what-
himfelf; and yet

in his Latin
if
fancy he might be miftakeu as to the time, becaufe our Author on the approach of the Spring feems to fay juft the contrary, as Elegy
I
he could not
lines.
make any Verfes to his
fatisfaction
till
the Spring begun, according
to thefe
Eallot
? An nobis redcunt in carmina vires^ Ingeniumque mihi muntrc veris adeji ?
&
J\4untre verts adeft,
iterumque vigefcit ab
illo t
(Qui* putet) atque aliquod jam fibi
pofcit opus.
informs me, that he could never compofe well but and Autumn let it be which way you will, it follows that this And Spring Piece was compos'd in half the time he was thought to be about it. As to the choice of his Subject, or the Particulars of his Story, I fhall fay nothing in defence of them againft thofe People who brand 'em with Herefy and Impiety for to incur the Difpleafureof certain ignorant and fupercilious Critics, argues free ThinkI'm fure if Hejiod, or ing, accurat Writing, and a generous Profeflion of Truth. fuch other fabulous Authors in the rude ages of the World, had given fo intelligible, coherent, and delightful an account of the Creation of the Univerfe, and the Origin of Mankind their Syftem had paft for Divine Infpiration and the Unbelievers of it would appear to be fo few, that any of 'em might well be fhewn for a Monfter rather than be thought worthy of Punifhment or Confutation. As to the regularity of the Poem, I never knew it queftion'd by any but fuch as would build themfelves a Reputation on the flaws and miftakes they difcover in other Mens Labors. But the unparallel'd Sublimity and Force of the Expreflion, with the delicacy of his Thoughts, and the copioufnefs of his Invention, are unanimoufly own'd by all ranks of Writers. He has inconteftably exceded the fecundity of Homer, whofetwo Poems he could almoft repeat without book: nor did he com much fhort of the correctnefs of Virgil ; which is affirm'd by one whole judgment in this Province will beacknowleg'd by every man that is not willing to expofe the defect of his own. I mean the famous John Dryden, the belt ErgH/b Poet alive, the prefent Glory of our Stage, and the Model of the fame to future Ages , for he (having abfolutely mafter'd thefe three Originals by framing a Tragedy out of Paradlfe Loft, making the Charms of Virgil appear in the Englijb Tongue, and ftudying Homer for the fame purpofe) pronounces his Judgment in favor of Milton by this incomparable and envy'd Epigram.
in the
:
.
A more judicious Friend of his
Three Poets
in three diftant
Ages born,
5
Greece, Italy, and England did adorn : The firft in Loftinefs of Thought furpaft
The next in Majefty ; in both the Iaft. The Force of Nature could no further go: To make a Third, fhe join'd the other Two.
Thefirfl Edition of Paradife Lo(l was publifh'd in the year 1666, in ten Books; afterwards, amended and inlarg'd by himfelf, it was difpos'd according to his I muft not forget that we rection into twelve Books, as it is read at prefent. like to be eternally depriv'd of this Treafure by the Ignorance or Malice of
Licenfer
;
but
Dihad
the
who, among other
whole Poem
frivolous Exceptions, would needs fupprefs the for imaginary Treafon in the following lines.
As, when the Sun new rifen Looks thro the Horizontal mifty Air
Shorn
The Life of John Milton,

Shorn of his Beams, or from behind the Moon In dim Eclipfe difaftrous Twilight fheds On half the Nations, and with fear of change Perplexes Monarchs.
Milton, taking an occafion from Satan s afcending out of infernal Darknefs towards the Light of this World then newly created, perpetuats the Hiftory of his
41
own
Blindnefs in this admirable Paflage.

Hail, holy Light Oispring of Heaven Firftbom, of th' eternal coeternal Beam,
,
Or
May I exprefs thee unblam'd ?' Since God And never but in unapproached Light
is
Light,
Dwelt from Eternity, dwelt then in thee Bright Effluence of bright Eflence increate. Or hearft thou rather pure ethereal Stream, Whofe Fountain who (hall tell ? Before the Sun, Before the Heavens thou wert , and at the Voice
Of God,
The
rifing
as
with a Mantle, didft invert
deep, the void and formlefs Infinite. Thee Irevific now with bolder Wing, Efcap'd the Stygian Pool, tholong detain'd In that obfcure Sojourn while in my flight
World of Waters dark and
Won from
-,
(Thro utter and thro middle Darknefs born)

fung of Chaos and eternal Nighr, Taughc by the heavenly Mufe to venture down The dark Defcent, and up to reafcend Tho hard and rare. Thee I revific fafe, And feel thy fovrain vital Lamp ; but thou Revifit'fl not thefe Eys that roll in vain To find thy piercing Ray, and find no dawn: So thick a Drop ferene has quench'd their Orbs Or dim SufTuflon veil'd ! Yet not the more Ceafe I to wander where the Mufes haunt Clear Spring, or fhady Grove, or funny Hill, Smit with the Love of facred Song ; but chief, Thee, Sion, and thy flowry Brooks beneath That wafh thy hallowed Feet, and warbling flow,
I
Nightly
I vifit.
Nor fomtimes
forget
Thofe other two equaPd with me in Fate (So were I equal'd with them in Renown)
Blind Thamyris and blind Maonidcs, And Tyrefias and Phineus, Prophets old. Then feed on Thoughts that voluntary move Harmonious Numbers ; as the wakeful Bird
Sings darkling, and, in fhadyeft Coverts hid, Tunes her nocturnal Note- Thus with the Year Seafons return, but not to me returns Day, or the fweet approach of Ev'n, or Morn,
Or fight of vernal Bloom, or Summers Role, Or Flocks, or Herds, or human Face divine
:
and everduring Dark Surrounds me, from the chearful ways of Men Cut off 5 and, for the Book of Knowlege fair, Prefented with an univerfal Blank Of Nature's Works to me expung'd and raz'd, And Wifdom at one entrance quite (hut out. So much the rather, thou Celeftral Light, Shine inward, and the Mind thro all her Powers Irradiat: there plant Ey?, all Mift from thence Purge and difperfe, that I may fee and tell Of things invifible to mortal fight.
inftead,
But Cloud
Aa
Ai
An

Epic Poem is not a bare Hiftory delightfully related in harmonious Numbut ic always contains, betides a general reprefentaand bers, artfully difpos'd tion of Paffions and Affections, Virtues and Vices, fom peculiar Allegory or MoHomer therfore, according to Dionjftw Ralicarna<ms, expreffes Strength of ralBody in his fltad by the Wars of the Greecs and Trojans, but particularly by the vaand in his Odyffeiu he describes generoftty of Mind by liant Deeds of Achilles the Adventures and Wandrings of Vlyffes in his return from Troy. Thus Torquats Nor was Milton beTatfo has prefixt an Explication to his Gkrufalemme Llberata hind any body in the choice or dignity of his Instruction for to difplay the different Effects' of Liberty and Tyranny, is the chief defign of his Paradife Loft. This in the conclusion of his fecond Book of Reformation, publifh'd in 41, he tells us was his Intention at that time ; and he afterwards made this promife good. His own words, being part of a Prayer to God, deferve Serious confederation. " Then, " fays he, amidft the Hymns and Hallelujahs of Saints, fom one may perhaps be " heard offring at high (trains in new and lofty meafures, to fing and celebrat " thy divine Mercies, and marvellous Judgments in this Land throout all " Ages, wherby this great and warlike Nation (instructed and inur'd to the fer" vent and continual practice of Truth and Righteoufnefs, and calling far from " it the Rags of its old Vices) may prefson hard to that high and happy Emula" tion to be found the fobereft, wiSeSt, and mod Christian People at that day, " when Thou, the eternal and Shortly expected King, (halt open the Clouds to H and, distributing national Honors and judg the feveral Kingdoms of the World " Rewards to religious and juSt Commonwealths, Shalt put an end to all earthly " Tyrannies, proclaiming thy univerfal and mild Monarchy thro Heaven and " Earth. Where they undoubtedly, that by their Labors, Counfels, and Prayers, " have bin earneft for the common Good of Religion and their Country, (hall " receive (above the inferior Orders of the BleiTed) the regal addition of Princi" Legions, and Thrones into their glorious Titles ; and in fupereminence " palities. of beatific Vifion, progrefling the datelefs and irrevoluble Circle of Eternity, " (hall clap infeparable hands with joy and blifs in overmeafure for ever. But " they on the contrary, that by the impairing and diminution of the true Faith, " by the DiStreffes and Servitude of their Country, afpire to high Dignity, Rule, " and Promotion here, after a (hameful end in this life ( which God grant them ) " (hall be thrown down eternally into the darkest and deeped Gulf of Hell : " where under the defpitful controul, the trample, and fpurn of all the other " Damn'd, that in the anguiSh of their torture (hall have no other eafe than to " exercife a raving and beStial Tyranny over them as their Slaves and Negros, " they (hall remain in that plight for ever, the bafeSt, the lowermoft, the moft de-" I (hall end jected, mo(t underfoot, and downtrodden Vaflals of Perdition. my account of this Divine Poem with a Copy of Latin Verfes made uj?on it by SamuelBarrow, a Doctor of Phyfic.
,
-,
Qui Legis amiflam Paradifum, grctndia magni Carmina Miltoni, quid nifi cuntla Legis ) cunttamm primordia rerumy Res cunttas, Liber. Et fata, fines, continet ifle Intima panduntur magni penetralia mundi,
& &
Scribitur
& toto quicquid in orbe latet.
Terraque tratlufque maris, ccelumque profundum7 Sulphureumque Ereli fiammivomumque fpecus. tartar a ceeca, Quacque colunt terras, pontumque, Quaque colunt fummi lucida regna poll. Etquodcunque ullls conclufum eft finibus ufquam, Et fine fine Chaos, fine fine Deus :
&
&
Et
eft fine fine) In Chrifto erga homines conviliatus amor. Hac qui fpcraret, quvs crederet ejje futurum } Et tamen hcec hodic Terra Brit anna Legit.
fine fine
magxs (fiquid magis
O quantus in bella duces

canit, Cccleftes acies
Qua
& quanta prcclia dira tuba
qua
protulit artna
!
caelum ! atque in certamine ! deceret agros cceleftes pugna in atherm tollit fe Lucifer armvs ! Quantus .Atque ipfo graditur vix Michaele minor
!
Et qua
The Life of John

Ouant'vs ac
Miltori.
!
43
%
Dum ferus hie jlellas protegit, Me rapit ! Dum vulfos montes, ceu tela rcciproca, torquent
Et non mortali defuper igne pluunt
:
quam funeftk
concurritur iris
Stat dulius cui fe parti concedat Olympus, Et metuit pugrtcc non fuperefje fua?.
fimul in ccelis Meffix infignia fulgent , Et currus animes, armaque digna Deo, Horrcndumquc rota flridenc, fxva rot arum Erumpunt torvvs fulgura lummibus, Et flamma: vibrant vera tonitrua rauco
At
&
&
Admifiis flamm'vs infonuere polo : Excidtt attonitvs mens omn'vs, impetus omnvs, Et c.ijjis dextris irrita tela cadunt. Ad ptenxi fughint) &, ceu foret Orcus Afy\um\
&
Infemis certant condere fe fencbris. Cedtte Romani fcriptores, Cediie Graii,
Et
quot recens farna,
<vel
celebravit anus.
ceeiniffe putabit
Hxc
quicunque leget
tantum
Maonidem
ranat, ytrgiliumCulices.
In the year 1670 he publifh'd his Paradife Regain d, confiding of four Books \ buc generally efteem'd much inferior to Paradife Loft, which he could not endure to hear, being quite of another mind : yet this occafion'd fom body to fay witthat Milton might be feen in Paradife Loft, but not in Paradife tily enough
With this laft Book he publifht his Samfon Jgoniftes t an admirable Tragedy, not a ridiculous mixture of Gravity and Farce according to moft of the
Regained.
Modern, but
after the
Example of
and
the yet unequal'd Antients, as they are juftly

his Hi/lory
cal'd, tsiifcbyltu,
Sophocles,
Eftripides.
In the year 70 alfo casion to fpeak before.
came abroad
of Britain, wherof
we had
oc-
have
it
not
as
it
came
only to the Norman Conqueft, and yet we out of his hands for the Licenfers, thofe fworn Officers to
it
-,
He dedue'd
deftroy Learning, Liberty, and good Senfe, expung'd feveral paflages of it wherin he exposed the Supa ftition, Pride , and Cunning of the Popilh Monks in the Saxon Times, but apply'd by the fagacious Licenfers to Charles the Second's
Biihops-
Howard
mind of a Reply to a certain Perfon by Sir Robert Gentleman of great Generofity, a Patron of Letters, and a hearty Friend to the Liberty of his Country. Being told that he was charg d in a Book with whipping the Proteftant Clergy on the back of the Heathen and Popilh Priefts, he prefently ask'd what they had to do there ? He was a great admirer of Milton to his dying day ; and, being his particular Acquaintance, would tell many pleafant Stories of him, as that lie himfelf having demanded of him once what made him fide with the Republicans Milton anfwer'd, among other Reafons, becaufe theirs was the moft frugal Government ; for that the Trappings of a Monarchy might fet up an ordinary Commonwealth. Buc
This puts
in
me
lately
deceaft,
.?
not
his
our Author beftow'd a Copy of the unlicensed Papers of on the Earl of Angkfey, who, as well as feveral of the Nobility Hiftory and Gentry, was his conftant Vilitor. Nor was he lefs frequented by Foreners to the laft, than in the time of his flourifhing condition before the Reftoration. It is an irreparable lofs to this moft potent Nation, that Milton did not find leifure to bring down his Hiftory to his own times For ( as the nobleft Ornament of all Politenefs and Literature Sir William Temple juftly complains) " tho the Engllfh are fo renown'd by the Fame of their Arms and Exploits abroad, fo applauded anJ envy'd for their wife and happy Inftitutions at home, fo flourifhing in Arts and Learning, and fo adorn'd by excellent Writers in other Kinds, yet none of 'em has produe'd one good or approv'd general Hiftory ' of England. But our Hiftories (continues he) have bin written by fuch mean
:
todigrefs" too far,
and vulgar Authors,

'
"
fo tedious in their Relations, or rather Collections j fo in* judicious in the choice of whauwas fit to be told or to be let-alone 5 with fo little
'
"
order, and in fo wretched a Stile that as it is a fhame to be ignorant in the Affairs or our own Country, fo'tis hardly worth the time or pains to be inform'd, fince for that end a Man muft read over a Library, rather than a Book and after
,
all, muft be content to forget more than he remembers. This Charge is too true, and yet it s very ftrange it fhould be fo, feeing no Country in the World has
e *
afforded
44
2^0 Life of John Milton.

afforded a greater diverfity or a better choice of Actions, nor is furniflit with more ample or authentic Materials for framing a juft and fuil body of Hiftory. Would Sir William he pleas'd to continue fo ufeful a Work, according to the inimitable Specimen he has publifht for encouraging fom other to pudue this Attemt, England might boldly compare with feme, andhimfelf bereckon'd equal with But tho he gos no further than the Norman Conqueft, which is the peLlvj. riod of Milton, yet we expect a larger Account from James Tyrrel, the worthy Grandfon of Archbifhop Vjher. This learned Gentleman, to fupply the Defe&s wherof Sir William Temple complains, has undertaken to write a General Hiftory of England, from the remoteft traditional Beginnings to this time. The firft Volume of it is already abroad, which reaches likewife to William the Firft; the Se-
cond
is
now
finifht
and
hope
he'l
meet with
fufficient
encouragement to make
a fpeedy "publication of the reft. For tho his Sir Williams Plan in the niceft exactnefs of Order,
not perfectly reach and Stile, Compo/ition ; yer it muft beconfert by all true Judges to be the moft impartial and complete, the faithfulleft, the moft methodical, and in all refpects the beft Collection tliat was ever made in England. All our Manufcript hiftorical Records, and the numerous company of our particular Hiftorians, can ferve for little more to pofteiity than to verify the Contents oi this Book \ nor will any body be at the trouble to preferve em for this purpofe, that is not a ftianger to Mr. Tyrrefs Diligence and Integrity.
Work may
Pieces much inferior to his other Works, Latin the for learning Tongue ; a Logic after the method of Petrus Ramus ; a brief Hiftory of Afafcovy, and of other lefs known Countries lying eaftward of it as far as Cathay, collected from the Relations of feveral Travellers : lie tranflated out of Latin into Englifh the Declaration of the Poles concern-
Milton wrote
fom Mifcellaneous
as a
Grammar
ing the Election of their King John the Third, containing an Account of the Virtues and Merits of the laid Prince; he publifht Sir Walter Raleigh's Prince, or his Maxims and Afhorifms of State ; and he alfo printed his Cabinet Council. More pieces of this rarely accomplilht, tho unfortunat Gentleman, were made public by other
perfons
fom more from James Tyrrel, who has the Manufcript dare affirm; will not envy luch a blefting to the Nation. Our Author's Juvenil and Occafional Poems, both in Englifh and Latin, were I took notice of the beft of 'em in many places of printed in one fmall Volume. this Difcourfe ; but the Monody wherin he bewails his Learned Friend Mr. King drown'd in the Irijh Seas, is one of the fineft he ever wrote. The Dani/k Refident prevaifd with Milton to get the Letters of State (formerly
;
and
daily expect
Copies
in his hands, and, I
Familiar Letters in 7 4, wherin, to ufe the
after his death ; as were alfo his words of Morhf, there are many Characters of Antient and Modern, of Domeftic and Foren Authors, very fit to be reacl and underftood. The laft thing he wrote, and that was publifht a little before his
mention'd) tranferib'd, and which were publifht
Beath, is his Treatife of true Religion, Herefy, Schifm, Toleration, and the befl means that may be usd to prevent the He obfervd (as all decerning Men growth of Popery. muft have don at that time ) the prodigious increafe of the Romifh Superftition, occafion'd partly by the Perfecution againft Diflenting Proteftants, but more by the incouragement it receiv'd from the Royal Brothers Charles and the Duke of York. From the Principles which our Author lays in his Book ( and which, I think, are thofeof the firft Reformers) he infers that no true Proteflant can perfecute any perfons for fpeculative Points of Confcience, much lefs not tolerat his fellow After fhewing Protcftant, tho in fom things diftenting from his own Judgment. that falfe Religion confifts in the corrupt Traditions of Men, and their arbitrary Additions to the divine Rule or Standard of all Truth, fie was at no great labor to prove the Members of the Roman Church to be the greateft Heretics in the World. As for Schifm, or the divifion of Congregations from their difference in Opinions, he lhewsit may happen in the true Church as well as in the falfe; but that in the firft it need not break Communion or brotherly Love, no more than among the Pharifes and Saddles, who amicably met at their common Wor" It is human frailty to err, fays he, and no Man is infallible \\\\\)'mjerufalem. '' here on Earth. But fo long as the Lutherans, Ca/vinifis, Anabaftifls, Socinians, " and Arminians, profefs to fee the Word of God only before them as the Rule ' of their Faith and Obedience and ufe all diligence and fincerity of heart by " reading, by learning, by ftudy, by prayer for illumination of the Holy Spirit, to " underftand this Rule and obey it, they have don whatever Man can do. God " will afluredly pardon them, as he did the Friends of Job, good and pious Men, * tho
:

fc
45
Bud
'
" will (ay, with CtiriftUns it is otherwise, whom God has promis'd by his Spirit to " teach all But the things.' True, all things absolutely neeeffary to Salvation
:
thf>
much miftaken
( as
there
it
appears
in
fom
points of Doctrin,
"
"
"
"
hotteft Difputes among Proteflams, calmly and charitably examined, will be an error indeed, found lefs than fuch. The Lutheran holds Confubltantiation The Calvinifi is tax'd with Predestination, and to make God but not mortal.
,
'
" "
"
<c
Author of Sin i not with any cfifhonorable thoughts of. God, bur, it may be, overzealoufly afTerting his abfolute Power, not without pica frpm Scrip! The Anabaftift i^ accus'd of denying Infants dieir, right to Baptifm \ they
the
again, that they
" " "
deny nothing but what the Scripture deuys them. The e charg'd to difpute againftthe Trinity > yet they affirm to belies e the Apoitolic ie Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, according to Scripture and Creed. As for the terms of Trinity, Trinunity, Coeffentiality, Triperfona
and s
:
nam
lity,
and the
like,
they reject them as Scholaltic Notions not to be found in
"
" " " " " " " "
"
'
Sc.iptare, which,
by a general
Pieteftant
Maxim,
is
plain
and perfpicuous
a-
"
" " "
"
"
ft
"
" I anfwer, doutlefs equally, as being all Proteftants that is, on all occafions to " be permitted to give an account of their Faith, either by arguing, preaching <c in their leveral Allemblies, by public writing, and the freedom of printing. Nothing can be imagin'd more reafonable, honeft, or pious, than this paffage ; and I don't remember ever 10 have met with any perfon whofpoke with fuch difintereftednefs and impartiality of our various Seels in Religion except Thomai Firming whofe Cliarity was as much extended to men of different Opinions, as it was to the Poor of all forts in good Works but in this lalt refpect he was never yet tho his excellent Example equal'd, nor likely to be eafily exceded by any hereafter is admir'd by leveral, and deferves to be imitated by all. In the laft place, Milton fhews that Popery ( not as it is a Religion, but as a tyrannical Faction opprelfing all others) is intolerable, and that the beft method of keeping it from ever increafing in this Nation, is by the toleration of all kinds of Protejimts, or any ethers whofe Principles do not necefTarily lead 'em to Sedition or \ ice. But this Subject is fince perfectly exhaufted, and treated with greater clearnefs and brevity than ever before in a Letter concerning Toleration by John Lock,, who in his Book of Human VnAerft anting muft be COnfeft to be the greateft Philolopher after Cicero
-, ,
bundantly to explain irs own meaning in the properefl wotds belonging to Co high a matter, and fo neceflary to be known , a myfteiy indeed in then SophiThe Arminian laffly is conflic Subtilties, but in Scripture a plain Doctrin. demned for letting up Free Will againft Free Grace-, but that imputation he disclaims in all his Writings, and grounds himfelf largely upon Scripture only. It cannot be deny'd that the Authors or late Revivers of all thefe Sects or Opinions were learned, worthy, zealous, and religious Men, as appears by their Lives written, and the Fame of their many eminent and learned Followers, per'ect and powerful in the Scriptures, holy and unblamable in their Actions And it cannot be imagin'd that God would defer* fuch painlul and zealous Laborers in his Church, and ofttimes great fufferers for. their Confcience, todamnable Errors and a reprobat Senfe, who had i'o often implore! the affillance of his Spirit , but rather, having made no Man infallible, that he has pardon'd their Errors, and accepts their pious Endeavors, iiucerely fearching all things according to the Rule of Scripture, with fuch guidance and direction as they What Proteflant then, who himfelf maintains can obtain of God by Prayer. the fame Principles, and difavows all implicit Faith, would perfecute, and not rather charitably tolerat fuch men as thefe, unlefs he means to abjure the Principles of his own Religion? If itbeask'd how far they mould be tolerated?
:
in the
World , for he's perfectly acquainted with human Nature, well vers'd in the ufeful Affairs of the World, a great Mafter of Eloquence ( Qualities in
which the Roman Conful exccl'd ) and like him alfo a hearty lover of his Coun try, as appears by his Treatifesof Government and Education, not infer* irin theii kind to the divineff Pieces of Tully. Milton 's Thefaunu Lingua Latin.., defign'd as a Supplement to Stephanw, was never publifht, and has bin of great ufe to Or. Littleton in compiling his Dictionary. He wrote like wife a Sjfiem of Divinity, but whether intended for public view, or collected merely for his own ufe, I cannot determin. It was in the hands of his Friend Cyriac Skinner \ and where at prefent
<
is
uncertain.
is a lull and true account of his genuin Works and Sentiments, not putthe Directions or Affiftance, which he frequently gave other Writers, to his ting account. Towards the latter part of his time he contracted his Library, both becaufe
This
46

taufe the Heirs he left could not make a right ufe of it, and that he thought he might fell it more to their advantage than they could be able to do themfelves. His Enemies reported that Poverty conftrain'd him thus to part with his Books : and were this true, it would be indeed a great difgrace, not to him (for Perlons of the high'
eft Merits have bin often reduc'd to that condition) but to any Country that fhould have no more regard to Probity or Learning this Story however is fofalfe, that he dy'd worth fifteen hundred Pounds, befides all his Goods. The Houfe wherin he was born, and which Strangers us'd to vifit before the Fire, was part of his He put two thoufand Pounds into the Excife, which Eftate as long as it ftood. not to mention another great Sum which was he loft when that Bank fail'd and of want for good advice. He was never very healthy, nor too management gon him moft of any other was the Gout, of that troubled and the Diftemper fickly ; which he dy'd without much pain in the year from the birth of Chrift 1 674, and in the fix and fixtieth of his own Age. All his learned and great Friends in
:
-,
London, not without a friendly concourfe of the Vulgar, accompany'd his Body to the Church of Si Giles near Cripp legate, where he lies buried in the Chancel, and where the Piety of his Admirers will fhortly ereit a Monument becoming his
worth, and the incouragement of Letters in King William's Reign. Thus liv'd and dy'd jOHN MILTON, a Perfon of the beft Accomplishments, the happieft Genius, and the vafteft Learning which this Nation, fo renown'd for producing excellent Writers, could ever yet mew: efteem'd indeed at home, but much more honor'd abroad, where almoft in his very Childhood he made a confiderable figure, and continues to be ftill reputed one of the brighteft Luminaries of the Sciences. He was middleliz'd and well proportion^, his Deportment erect and manly, his Hair of a light brown, his Features exactly regular, his Complexion wonderfully fair when a Youth, and ruddy to the very laft. He was affable in Converfation, of an equal and chearful Temper, and highly delighted with all He was extraordinary forts of Mufic, in which he was himfelf not meanly skil'd. the eafieft procur'd, in feafon or moft was his which in Diet, any thing temperat and was no Friend to fharp or ftrong Liquors. His Recreations, before his Sight was gon, confifted much in feats of Activity, particularly in the exercife of his Arms, which he could handle with dexterity but when Blindnefs and Age confin'd him, he play'd much upon an Organ he kept in the Houfe \ and had a Pully to fwing and keep him in motion. But the love of Books exceded all his other Paffions. In Summer he would be ftirring at four in the Morning, and in Winter at five ? but at Night he us'd to go to bed by nine, attributing the lofs of his Eys to his late watching when he was a Student, and looking on this cuftom as very pernicious to Health at any time: but when he was not difpos'd to rife at his ufual hours, he always had one to read to him by his bedfide. As he look'd upon true and abfolute Freedom to be the greateft Happinefs of this Life, whether to Societies or fingle tor which Perfons, fo he thought Conftraint of any fort to be the utmoft Mifery Reafon he us'd frequently to tell thofe about him the intire Satisfaction of his Mind, that he had conftantly imploy'd his Strength and Faculties in the defence of He ever expreft the profoundeft Liberty, and in a direct oppofition to Slavery. Reverence to the Deity as well in Deeds as Words , and would fay to his Friends, that the divine Properties of Goodnefs, Juftice, and Mercy, were the adequac Rule of human Actions, nor lefs the Object of Imitation for privat Advantages, than of Admiration or Refpect for their own Excellence and Perfection. In his early days he was a Favoter of thofe Proteftants then opprobrioufly cal'd by the name of Puritans In his middle years he was beft pleas'd with the Independents and Atuibaptifis, as allowing of more Liberty than others, and coming neareft in his opinion to the primitive practice but in the latter part of his Life, he was not a profeft Member of any particular Sect among Chriftians, he frequented none of their Aflemblies, nor made ufe of their peculiar Rites in his Family. Whether this proceded from a diilikeof their uncharitable and endlefs Difputes, and that Love of Dominion, or Inclination to Perfecution, which, he faid, was a piece of Popery infeparable from all Churches \ or whether he thought one might be a good Man, without fubfcribing to any Party 5 and that they had all in fom things corrupted the Inftitutions of Jefus Chrift, I will by no means adventure to determin : for Conjectures on fuch occafionsare very uncertain, and I never met with any of his Acquaintance who could be pofitive inaffigning the true Reafons of his Conduct. I fhall now conclude this Difcourfe with a Character given of him by a Man of
:
.
unparallel'd Diligence and Induftry, who has difoblig'd all fides merely for telling have the Truth either intirely, or without difguife 5 and who, fince moft
Men
the

sthe frailty of ingaging in Factions, cannot be fufpe&ed of Partiality in favor of Milton. He was a Perfon, (ays Anthony wood in the firft Volume of his Athen* Oxonienfcs, of wonderful Parts, of a very fharp, biting, and fatyrical Wit ; he
a good Philofopher and'Hiftorian 5 an excellent Poet, Latin iff, Grecian, and Hebrician a good Mathematician and Mufician ; and fo rarely endovv'd by Nature, that had he bin but honeftly principled, he might have bin highly ufeful to that Party, againft which he all along appear'd with much Malice and Bitternefs.
aj
w$s
Sir, I end with you, with whom I begun, not doubting but this fmall both from the dignity of the Subject and your Favor to the Writer, will Prefent, be kindly accepted- It may indeed be the more plain and unpolihYd, but not the lefs ufeful or (incere for coming out of a Country Retirement. The moft knowing Perfons acknowledge that Divine Philofophy her felf was begot in the Woods, where agreably parting her Infancy, and growing up in the neighboring Fields, (lie became gentle in time, and foventur'd to com into Towns and Cities; but being quick. y weary'd there with the Tumult of Bufinefs or Faction, .and longing for her former Tranquillity, (he ftraight retird into Gardens or Groves, to her Fields and Woods again, 'lis probable that you (as well as I or any other) may disprove of Milton's Sentiments in feveral cafes, but, I'm fure, you are far from being difpleas d to find 'em particulariz'd in the Hiftory of his Life ; for we mould have no true Account of tilings, if Authors related nothing but what they lik'dthemfelves: one Party would never (uffer the Lives of Tarquin, or Pkilaris, or Sjlla, or Cafar, to appear \ while another would be as ready to fupprefs thofe of Cicero, of Cato, of But a Hiftorian ought to conceal or difguife nothing, and the Trajan, or Brutus. Reader is to be left Judg of the Virtues he fliould imitate, or the Vices he ought to deteft and avoid, without ever loving his Book the lefs: for (as the Lord Bacon truly faid) a forbidden Writing is thought to be a certain Spark of Truth that flies up in the But your extraordinary faces of them who feek_ to tread it out. and
AND now,
Judgment Candor, of Men and Affairs, render my further inculcating of thefe Maxims very needlefs and therfore I (kail only put you in mind, Sir, that my defire of gratifying your Curiofiry conquer'd my Averiion to write any thing during this pleafantefi Seafon of the Year.
join'd to the beft Learning,
and an exact
Know lege
,
Sept. 3. i6$2.
I T:
HIS.
48
The life of John Milton.
Al
Signor Gio. Miltoni Nobile Inglefe.
ODE.
alf Etra o Clio
Fabro
Per che di ERgimi
qttafi
divino
il
t/'.o
(telle intrecciert corona
Sol virtu rintracciando
penjiert
Non piu del Biondo D!o La Fronde eterna in Pindo,
e in
Elicona,
i
Vide in ogni confine Chi di nobil valor calca
il
fentiero
Dienfi a merto maggior, maggior i A^ celefte virtu celefti fregi.
fregi,
L' ottimo dal miglior dopo fcegliea Per fabbricar d' ogni virtu f Idea.
1
Non puo
Rimaner
del tempo edace preaa, eterno alto valor e

oblio r apace
Quanti nacquero
in Flora
in lei del parlar
7 ofco apprefer
Non
Su I
arte,
puo C
dalle
La
Furor
Virtu
memorie
eccelfo onore,
memoria onora 11 mondo fatta eterna in

cui
dotte carte,
arco di
forte addatti, e feriro la morte.
mia cetra un dardo
Volefli ricercar per tuo teforo, parlafti con lor neir opre loro,
Del Ocean profondo

d.tgli ampigorghi Anglia reficde Separata dal mondo, Pero che il fuo valor tumano eccede :
Nell' altera Babe He
Cinta
Per
te il parlar confufe
Giove
in
vano,
:
Che per varie
favelle
Di
fe fiejfa trofeo cadde
ful piano
Queft a feconda fa produrre Erai, Ch hanno a ragion del fovruman tra
Ch' Ode oltP alf Anglia

noi.
il fuo
piu degno Idiom a
Spagna, Francia, Tofcana, e Grecia e Roma.

1 piu profondi arcani occulta la natura e in cielo e in terra
AHa v irtu sbandita Danno ne i petti lor fido
ricetto,
CV
Quella gli e fol gra~d.it a, Per che in lei (an trovar gioia,
Ridillo tu,
Ch a
Giovanni ,
e diletto ; e mofira in tanto

il
Ingegni fovrumani Troppo avara tat hor gli chiude, e ferra,
Con tua Vera
virtu, vero
mio Canto,
Chiaramente conofci, e giungi al fine Delia moral virtude al gran confine.
Lungi dal Patrio
lido
Non
brama
5
batta
il
Tempo P
ale,
Spinfe Zenji C indufire ardente Ch udio d' Helena il grido
Fermifi immotto, e in unfermin ft gt anni, Che di virtu immortaJe

Scorron di troppo ingiurioji a
i
Con aurea tromba rimbombar
la
E per poterla ejfigiare al paro

Dalle pin
belle Idee trajfe il
fama,
.
danni^
pin raro.
Che s' opre degne di Poema e floria Furon gia, f hai prefenti alia memoria.
Cofi f Ape Ingegnofa Trae con induflria il fuo
liquor pregiato
il
E>al giglio e dalla rofa, ornano qtianti vagbi fiori
Dammi tua dolce Cetra Se vuoi chio dica del tuo dolce canto, Cti inalzandoti alP Etra
Di
II
prato
farti
huomo
il
celefte ottiene il vanto,
Formano un
dolce ftton diverfe Chorde,
Fan varie
voci melodia Concorde.
Tamigi Per te fuo
dira che
gP e
concejfo
cigno pareggiar Permejfo.
Di be/la gloria amante

Milton dal Ciel natio per varie parti
Jo che in riva del
Arno
Tento
Le
peregrine piante arti 5 Volgejli a ricercar fcienze, ed Del Gallo regnator vedefii i Regni, deW Italia ancorgl' Eroi piu degni.
fpiegar tuo merto alto, e preclaro So che fatico indarno, ad ammirar, non a lodarlo imparo 5
Freno dunque la il core lingua, e afcolto Che tiprende alodar con lo ftupore.
Del
fig.
Antooio Francini gentilhuomo

Florentine
Complete Collection
o
Hiftorical,
T H
Political,
and Mifcellaneous
WORKS
o
F
John Milton,
Both
ENGLISH
OF ALL
and
LATIN.
before
Publifti'd.
With fom Papers
never
WHICH
An Exaft
Catalogue follows in the next Leaf.
SCfte ifaft
Volume.
AMSTERDAM,
Finifh'd in the
Year
M. DC. XC. VIIL
Ill
All imaginable care was taken by the Publifhers to themfelves as they ought in this Edition of acquit Milt oris Works, which is not only a complete
Colle&ion of all his printed Pieces, but augmented alfo with an addition of two Letters never before publifh'd, and a correct Tranflation of his Defence of the People, and his Letters of State The Printer for the benefit of Englifli Readers.
indeed has tranfpos'd feme of the Books, which fhould have bin inferted according to the Order of
Time
as
they were feverally written

is
this
Neg-
le& however
of fmall importance, becaufe few of thefe Books have any dependence one upon another : Yet left any Confufion might procede from hence, here follows an exact Catalogue of
Milton's
Works
in their true
Order, as they are
found
in the
Hiftory of
his Life.
The
firlt
Fi-
gure ftands for the Page of the Life, wherein each Book is treated of, and the fecond for the Page of
the enfaing
Volumes where the fame Book begins.
2.
}.
Reformation in England, and the Caufes that hitherto have hindered it. In two Books: Written to a Friend. Page n. 249. Of Prelatical Epifcopacy y and whether it can be deduced from the Apofiolical Time. p. 12. 239. The Reafon of Church-Government urgd againfi Prelacy. In two
jF
O
\^
Books.
4. Animadverfions
p. 12.
201.
1
upon
the
Remonflrants
Defence
againfl
Sme&ymp. 1
j*.
nuus.
5.
59.
An Apology for Smeftymnuus.

The DocJrine and
Sexes.
the Difcipline of Divorce re florid for
p. 14.
p. 1 8.
169.
6.
Good of both
7.
27^. Tetrachordon, or Expojitions upon the four chief places of Scripture which treat p. 20. jfi. of Marriage, or Nullities in Marriage. 8. The Bucer Martin Divorce. p. 20. $85. 'Judgment of concerning to a a the DocJrine and Difci9. Colafterion, Reply namelefs Anfwer againfi pline of Divorce. p. 20. 409. 10. Of Education, to Mr. Samuel Hartlib. p. 21. 845. 11. Areopagitica, a Speech the for Liberty of unlicensed Printing, to the Parliament of England. p. 21. 42 j. 12. The Tenure of and is it at that Kjngs lawful to call a. Magifir s, proving to account and to Tyrant , -p. 24. 529. depofe or put him to death.
IV
[3.
The
Muffacre.
General Contents.
Eikon Bafilike. p. 26. 44* Eikonoclaftes, in anfwer to a Book intitul'd, To this Book is added the Commiffion produced by the Jnjh Rebels tojujlify the
on OrmondV Articles of Peace rvith the Iriflj, his Letter to Col. Jones, and on the Reprefentation of the Presbytery o/Belfaft,p.$p. 554. The Articles are added verbatim in this Edition.
14. Obfervations
or his Defence of the People of Eng15. Defenfio pro Populo Anglicano, The Engliflj Verland againft Salmafius'j Defence of the Kjng, p. 30. Latin Volume. The Original, p. 1. of the jion, p. 557. 16. Joannis Philippi Refponfio ad Apologiam Anonymi cujufdam.
p. 33.
17. 18.
19. 20. Confi 21.
Defenfio fecunda pro Populo Anglicano, &c. p. 33, 54. 79. Lat. Defenfio pro fe adverfus Alexandrum Morum. p. 35. 107. Lat. A Treat ife of Civil Power in Ecclefiaftical Caufes. p. 36. 741. the likelteft means to remove Hirelings out of the derations
touching
a
p. 36.
&
147. Lat.
Church.
757.
A
.
Letter
to
Friend
;
concerning the
Ruptures of the
Common779*
wealth.
p. 37-
p. 57. 799. 22. The brief Delineation of a Commonwealth. The Tear Dr. Griffiths on intituled, Notes 2 3 Brief Sermon, of God and the p. 37- 801.
Kjng.
24. The
cellence
ready
and
eafy
way
to
efiablijh
d Free Commonwealth, and the
Ex-
p. 37. 1%\the Life ; for the Book it elf is not in this Edi40 p. of Loft, 25. Paradife Volume by Jacob Tonfon. tion, all his Poetry being printed in one and 26. Agoniftes, p. 43 of the Life.
Kjngjhip
thereof compared in this Nation.
with the Dangers and Inconveniences of readmitting
Sampfon Paradife Regained, and Latin, p. 27. Occasional and Juvenil Poems, Englijb 28. The Hiftory of Britain to the Norman Conqueft. commenced Grammar. 29. Accedence
'
44 of
the Life.
43. 1. P44- 852.

p.
p. 44. 819. 30. ^f brief Hiftory of Mufcovy. Declaration of'the Election of"John 111. Kjng of Poland, p. 44. 8519. 2i. Inftitutio ad Petri Rami methodum concin32. Artis Logicae plenior nata. P- 44- 2 5 9- ^-2X Treat ife of true Religion, Herefy, Schifm, Toleration, and the heft
"ft.
means to prevent the growth of Popery. p. 44. 807. or Letters of State, p. 26 & 44 of the Senatus Sec. Litterx Anglicani, 34. In the Englifh Volume, p. 659. and in the Latin Original, p. 167. Life. accefferunt Prolufiones quaedam Epiftolarum Familiarium Liber unus ;
3 5.
Oratori*.
P-44- ^2i.Jjnt.
THE HISTORY
THE
HISTORY BRITAIN,
O
F
That Part
efpccially
now
call'd
ENGLAND,
From
the
firft
Traditional Beginning,
Continu'd to the
Norman
Colle&ed out of the
Publijh'd from
Conqueft.
and beft Authors
therof.
antienteft
a Copy correSled by the Author him/elf,
Amsterdam, MDCXCIV.
Book
it
HISTORY
O F
THE
TA
now
calFd
That Part
efpecialjy
ENGLAND;
Concfuejl*
Ccntinu'd to the Norman
BOOK
I.
TH
with*a
juft
E beginning of Nations, thofe excepted of whom facred Books have fpok'n, is to this day unknown. Nor only the beginning, but the Deeds alfo of many fucceeding Ages, yea periods of Ages, either wholly unknown, or obfcur'd and blemifh'd with Fables. Whether it were that the ufe of Letters came in long after, or were it the violence of barbarous Inun-
dations, or they themfelves at certain Revolutions of Time, fatally decaying, and degenerating into Sloth and Ignorance j wherby the Monuments of more
ancient Givility have bin fom deltroy'd, fom loft. Perhaps Difefteem and of the Affairs then as not worth Contempt public prefent, recording, might Certainly oft-times we fee that wife Men, and of belt Abipartly be in caufe. beheld lity, have forborn to write the Ads of thir own days, while
they Loathing and Difdain, not only how unworthy, how perversa how corrupt, but often how ignoble, how petty, how below all Hiftory the Perfons and thir Actions were ; who either by Fortune, or fom rudeEle&ion, hadattain'd as a fore Judgment and Ignominy upon the Land, to have chief fway in managing the Commonwealth. But that any Law or Superftition of our old Philofophers the Druids forbad the Britans to write thir memorable Deeds, I know not why any out of C<efar Ihould allege he indeed faith, that thir Dodlrin they thought not lawful to commit to Letters-, but in moftacf. U6i Matters elfe, both privat and public, among which well may Hiftory be reck'nd, they us'd the Greek Tongue and that the Briti/b Druids who taught thofe in Gaul would be ignorant of any Language known and us'd by thir Difciples, or fo frequently writing other things, and fo inquifitive into higheft, would for want of recording be ever Children in the Knowledg of Times and Ages, is not likely. Whatever might be the reafon, this we find, that of Britifh JffaWs, from the firft peopling of the Hand to the coming of Juliilt Cafar, nothing certain, either by Tradition, Hiftory, or ancient Fame hath hitherto bin left us. That which we have of oldeft feetning, hath by the greater part of judicious Antiquaries bin long rejected for a modern Fable. Neverthelefs there being others befides the firft fuppos'd Author, Men not unread, nor unlerned in Antiquity, who admit that for approved .Story, which the former explode for Fiction ; and feeing that oft-times Relations heertofore accounted fabulous have bin after found to contain in them many Footfteps and Reliques of fomthing true, as what we read in Poets of the Flood, and Giants little beleev'd, till undoubted Witnelles taught us, that all
:
:
V.-2?

was not fainM
^ I
The Hiftory of England.
Book
i.
Hsiinftied.
have therfore determin'd to beftow the telling over ev'n of thefe reputed Tales ; be it for nothing elfe but in favour of our Englifh Poets and Rhetoricians, who by thir Art will know how to ufe them judicioully. 1 might alfo produce example, as Diodorus among the Greeks, Livie and others of the Latins, Polydore and Firunniw accounted among our own "Writers. But I intend not with Controverfies and Quotations to delay or interthe fmooth courfe of Hiftory ; much lefs to argue and debate long who rupt were the firft Inhabitants, with what Probabilities, what Authorities each Opinion hath bin upheld, but ihallendevor that which hitherto hath bin needed moft, with plain and lightfom Brevity, to relate well and orderly things worth the noting, fo as may beft inftruct and benefit them that read. hich, redound to his Glory, and the Good imploring divine Afllftance, that it may of the Briti/h Nation, I now begin. That the whole Earth was inhabited before the Flood, and to the utmoft effe&ual Words of God in the Creapoint of habitable Ground, from thofe Hence that this Hand alfo had her then be more conjecturM. tion, may ev'n in that old World thofe and her her Stories-, Affairs, perhaps Dwellers, infer. After the Flood, and much we with reafon hunderd may many years, as they journey'd leafurely from the Eaft, Gotner the of Nations, thedifperfing eldeft Son of Japbet, and his Ott-fpring, as by Authorities, Arguments, and were the firft that peopl'd all Affinity of divers Names is generally beleev'd, But Climes. thefe Weft and Northern they of our own W'nters, who unlefs with all circumftance they tell us don had nothing, when, thought they and who firft fet foot upon this Hand, prefume to name out of fabulous and couriterfet Authors a certain Samotbes or D'vs, a fourth or fixt Son of Japhet, whom they make about 200 years after the Flood, to have planted with Colonies, firft the Continent of Celtic a, ox Gaul, and next this Hand; thence to have nam'd it Satnothea, to have reign'd heer, and after him lineally four Kings Magus, Saron, Druis, and Bardus. But the forg'd Berofus, whom only they have to citer no where mentions that either he, or any of thofe whom So that they bring, did ever pafs into Britain, or fend thir People hither. this outlandifti Figment may ealily excufe our not allowing it the room heer fo much as of a Britifh Fable. That which follows, perhaps as wide from Truth, though feeming lefs imunder the Reign of Bardus were fubduM pertinent, is, that thefe Samotbeans call'd the Hand after his own Name, who of Albion a Son Giant, by Neptune ; and rufd it 44 years. Till at length pafling over into Gaul, in aid of his Brother Lejlrygon, againft whom Hercules was halting out of Spain into Italy, he was there llain in fight, and Bergion alfo his Brother. Sure anough we are that Britain hath bin anciently term'd .Albion, both by the Greeks and Romans. And Mela the Geographer makes mention of a ftony The reft, as ftioar in Languedoc, whereby report fuch a Battel was fought. his giving name to the lie, or ever landing heer, depends altogether upon late Surmifes. But tooabfurd, and too unconfeionably grofs is that fond Invention that wafted hither the fifty Daughters of a ftrange Dioclefian King of Syrta ; brought in doubtlefs by fom illiterat Pretender to fomthing miftak n in the common poetical Story of Danaus King of Argos, while his Vanity, not pleas'd with the obfeure beginning which trueft Antiquity affords the Nation, labour'd to contrive us a Pedigree, as he thought, more noble. Thefe Daughters by appointment of Danaus on the Marriage-night having murder'd all thir Husbands, except Linceus, whom his Wifes Loyalty fav'd, were by him at the fuit of his Wife thir Sifter, not put to Death, but turn'd out to Sea in a Ship unmann'd of which whole Sex they had incurr'd the hate and Where the Inhabitants, none as the Tale goes, were driv'n on thvs Hand. but Devils, as fom write, or as others, a law lefs crew left heer by Albion without Head or Governour, both entertain'd them, and had ifiiie by them a fecond Breed of Giants, who tyranniz'd the lie, till Brutus came. The eldeft of thefe Dames in thir Legend they call Albina \ and from thence, for which caufe the whole Scene was fram'd, will have the name Albion deriv'd. Incredible it may feem fo iluggiih a Conceit fhonld prove fo ancient, as to be authoriz'd by the Elder Ninnius x reputed to have liv'd above a but that Hijlion fprung of Jathoufand years ago. This I find not in him
-,
phet,
Book
i.
,
The Htftory of England.
Francus, Romanus, Akmannus, and Brim, of whom the pbet, Britans ; as true, 1 believe, as that thofe other Nations vvhofe names are refembl'd, came of the other three ; if thefe Dreams give not juft occafionto call in doubt the Book it felf, which bears that title. Hitherto the things themfelves havegivnus a warrantable difpatch to run them fuon over. But now of Brutus and his Line; with the whole Progeny of Kings, to the entrance ot Julius Cafar, we cannot fo ealily be difcharg'd; Del tents of Anceftry, long continud, Laws and Exploits not plainly Teeming to be borrow'd, ordevis'd, which on the common belief have wrought no firtall imprefllon ; defended by many, deny'd utterly by few. For what though Brutus, and the whole Trojan pretence were yeelded up, feeing they whofirit devisd to bring usfromfom noble Anceftor, were content at fir It with Brutus he Conful { till better invention, although not willing to forgo the name, taught them to remove it higher into a more fabulous Age, and by the fame remove lighting on the Trojan Tales in affectation to make the Britart of one Original with the Roman, pitclTd there, yet thofe old and inborn names of fuccellive Kings, never any to have bin real Per Ions, or don in thir lives at leaft fom part of what fo long hath bin remember'd, cannot be thought without too Itrift an incredulity. For thefe, and thofe caufes above mention'd, that which hath receiv'd ApCertain or uncertain, be f nation from fo many, I have chos'n not to omit. mult follow \ fo far as keeps aloolf from that upon the Credit of thofe whom from Books moreantient, I iiiipollibleand abiiird, attefted by antient Writers of The principal Author is due and refafe not, as the Story. proper fubject weil known to be Geoffny of Monmouth ; what he was, and whence his Authothe fame matter, and rity, who in his Age, or before him, have delivered fuch like general I ifcomfes, will better Hand in a Treat ife by themfelves. AH of them agree in this, that Brutus was the Son ot Silvius ; he of Afeanius } Henry of Hunwhofe Father was ^/EmMa. Trojan Prince, who at the burning of that City, tingdon, Matwith his Son Afcantus, and a collected number that efcap'd, after long wander- tlleW ff eftminfter ingontheSea, arriv'd in Italy. Where at length by the alliltance of Latmus bis who had heobtaind to ruegiv'nhim Daughter Lavinia, Ring of Lcttiumy cecd in tint Kingdom, and left it to Afeanius, whofeSon5/7w'j (though Roman Hiitories deny Silvius to be Son of Afeanius) had maried fecretly a
had four Sons
-i
Neece of Lavinia.
Who comShe being with Child, the matter became known to Afeanius. what the Sex had his to Maid had conceived, manding enquire by Art, Magicidits anfwer, that it was one win (hould be the detith of both his Parents ; and bdni/h^d for
the
The PredictiFi3, (hould after all in t far Country, attain to higheft Honour. on faiPd not, .for in Travel rhc Mother di'd. And Brutus (the Child was Co ca!I\l) at fifteen years of Age, attending his Father to the Chace, with an
unfortunately kill'd him. Where meeting Ban'fh'd therforeby his kindred, he retires into Greece. with the race of Hctenus King I'riams Son, held there in fervile Condition by
Arrow
For Pirrhus in revenge of his FaPandrafus then King, with them he abides ther (lain at Troy, had brought thither with him Helenm, and many others into fervitnde. There B'utm among his own Stock fo thrives in Vertue and in
renders him bclov'd to Kings, and great Captains above all the and. Wherby the Trojans not only begin to hope, but fecretThey allege ly to move him, that he would lead them the way to liberty. thir numbers, and the promis'd help of Ajfaracus a Noble Greekifli Youth, by the .Mothers lide a Trojan ; whom for that caufe his Brother went about to
Arms,
as
Youth of that
difpollefs
Brutus confidering of certain Caftles bequeath'd him by his Father. both the Forces offer'd him, and the ftrength of thofe Holds, not unwillingly
Firlt therfore having fortifi'd thofe Caftles, he with Ajfaracus and the whole Multitude betake them to the Woods and Hills, as the fafeft place from
confents.
whence to expoftulate
fage
Tl)at the
and
in the
name
ot
, Trojans holding it unworthy dom, had retreated to the Woods ; chooftng rather a favagc life then a flavifh that difplsas'd him, that then with his leave they might depdrt to fonu other Soil.
thir
fends to Pandrafus this McfAnceftor s to ferv in a Foren Kingall

:
If
As
The Hijhry of England.
Book
ii
As this may pafs with good allowance, that the Trojans might be many in thefe parts, for Helenus was by Pirrbus made King of the Chaonians, and the Sons of Pirrbus by Andromache Hetlors Wife, could not but be powerful all Epirus, fo much the more it may be doubted, how thefe Trojans
through
could be thus in Bondage, where they had Friends and Country-men fo poBut to examin thefe things with diligence, were but to confute the Fatent. bles of Britain, with the Fables of Greece or Italy ; for of this Age, what we have to fay, as well concerning moll other Countries, as this Hand, is equally under queftion. Be how it will, Pandrafus not expecting fo bold a Meffage from the Sons of Captives, gathers an Army ; and marching toward the Woods, Brutus who had notice of his approach nigh to a Town calfd Sparaof no Greek name) over night tinum, (I know not what Town, but certain of his men, fuddenly fets upon him, with there himfelf good part planting and with daughter of the Greeks puriues him to the pafTage of a River, which mine Author names Akalon, meaning perhaps Achelous, or Acheron: whereat
the Ford he overlaies them afrefh. This victory obtain'd, and a fufficient ftrength left in Sparatinum, Brutus with Anugonus, the Kings Brother, and his Friend Anacletus, whom he had tak'n in the Fight, returns to the refidue of while Pandrafus with all fpeed recollecting, his Friends in the thick Woods
,
men befeig'd, who earneftly call'd of his the Force, bethinks himfelf of this Policy. fiiificiency him, diftrufting Calls to him Anacletus, and threatning initant death elfe, both to him and his friend Antigonus, enjoy ns him, that he fhauld go at the fecond Hour of Night to the Greekifh Leagre, and tell the Guards he had brought Antigjonus by Health out of Prifon to a certain woody Vale, unable through the waight of his Fetters to move furder ; entreating them to come fpeedily and fetch him
befeiges the
Town.
Brutus to relieve his
Anacletus to fave both himfelf and his friend Antigonus, fwears this, and at fit Hour fets on alone toward the Camp; is met, examin'd, and at
in.
To whom, great profeffion of Fidelity firft made, unquestionably known. his Tale, as had bin taught him ; and they now fully affur'd, with a credulous rafhnefs leaving thir Stations, far d accordingly by the Ambufh that there awaited them. Forthwith Brutus dividing his men into three parts, leads on in filence to the Camp ; commanding firft each part at a feveral place to enter, and forbear Execution, till he with his Squadron poflefs'd of The found wherof no the King's Tent, gave Signal to them by Trumpet. fooner heard, but huge Havock begins upon the fleeping, and unguarded Enemy ; whom the befeiged alfo now fallying forth, on the other fide afTail. whofe Brutus the while had fpecial care to feife and fecure the Kings Perfon Life ftill within his Cuftody, he knew was thefureft pled g to obtain what he mould demand. Day appearing, he enters the Town, there diftributes the Kings Treafury, and leaving the place better fortifi'd, returns with the King
laft
he frames
-,
his Prifner to the
Woods. Strait the antient and grave men he fummons to what Counfel, they fhould now demand of the King. After long debate Mempricius, one of the graveft, utterly difTuading them from thought of longer ftay in Greece, unlefs they meant to be deluded with a futtle Peace, and the awaited revenge of thofe whofe Friends they had llain, advifes them to demand firft the Kings Eldeji Daughter Innogen in mariage to thir Leader Brutus with a rich Dowry, next Shipping, Money, and fit Provifion for them all to depart the Land. This refolution pleafing beft, the King now brought in, and plac'd in a high Seat, is briefly told, that on thefe Conditions granted, he might be free ; not
granted, he muft prepare to die. Preft with fear of death, the King readily yeelds , efpecially to beftow his Daughter on whom he confefs'd fo Noble and fo Valiant offers them alfo the third part of his Kingdom, if they like to ftay \ if not, to be thir Hoftage himfelf, till he had made good his word. The Mariage therfore folemniz'd, and fhipping from all parts got together, the" Trojans in a Fleet, no lefs written then three hunderd four and twenty Sail, betake them to the wide Sea : where with a profperous Courfe two days and a Night bring them on a certain Hand long before difpeopl'd and left waft by Sea-Rovers, the name wherof was then Leogecia, now unknown. They who were fent out to difcover, came at length to a ruin'd City, where was a
:
Temple
Book
I :
TbeHifloryof England.
that gave Oracles: but not meeting fir ft or laft Temple and Image of Diana to thir Ships: Wifhingthir fave wild Beafts, they return with this notice General would enquire of that Oracle what Voiage to purfue. twelv of Confutation had, Brutus taking with him Gerion his Diviner, and of the Godflirine before the inward wonted Ceremonies the ancienteft, with Diva his utters the manner potens newas, defs in Verfe, as it feems requeft, morum, &c.
who at Goddefs of Shades, and Huntrefs,

Walk'ft on
will
.
On thy What Land, What certain
the rowling Sphear, and through the deep, third Reign the Earth look now, and tell
what Seat of
reft thou bidft
me
feek,
Seat, where I may wor/hip thee For aye, with Temples vow'd, and Virgin quires.
To whom fleeping before the

fwer'd, Brute fub occafum
Solvs,
Altar, Diana in a Vifion that night thus an-
&c.
Brutus far
Beyond
the
to the Weft, in r/;' Ocean wide Realm of Gaul, a Land there lies,
Sea-girt it Now void,
lies,
it
fits thy People ;
where Giants dwelt of old, thether bend
Thy
courfe,
to thy
there /halt thou find a lafting feat,
There
Shall
And Kings
aw
Troy (hall rife. be born of thee, whofe dredded might the World,, and conquer Nations bold.
Sons another
Thefe Verfes originally Greek, were put in Latin, faith Virunnius, by Gilda* and him to have liv'd under Claudius. Which granted true, adds much to the Antiquity of this Fable ; and indeed the Latin Verfes are
a Britilh Poet,
much better, then for the Age of Geoffrey ay- Arthur, unlefs perhaps Jofeph of Exeter, the only fmooth Poet of thofe times, befriended him : in this Diana overfhot her Oracle thus ending, Ipfis totius terra: fubditus orbis erit, That to the
Race of Brute Kings of this Hand, the whole Earth fhall be fubjedt. But Brutus guided now, as he thought, by divine Conduct, fpeeds him towards the Weft ; and after fom encounters on the Afric fide, arrives at a place on the Tyrrhen Sea where he happ'ns to find the Race of thofe Trojans, who with Antenor came into Italy ; and Corineus a man much fam'd, was thir Chief: though by furer Authors it be reported, that thofe Trojans with Antenor, were feated on the other of Italy, on the Adriatic, not the Tyrrhen Shoar. But jjyie thefe joining Company, and paft the Herculean Pillars, at the mouth of Liger'vs in Aqv.itania caft Anchor Where after fom difcovery made of the Place, Corineus hunting nigh the fhoar with his Men, is by Mefiengers of the King Pitlus and about his Errand there. Who not anmet, Goffarius queftion'd to thir of one lets an at Corineus, Arrow fwering mind, Imbertus, them, fly which be avoiding, flaies him and the Piilavian hknfelf heerupon levying his whole Force, is overthrown by Brutus, and Corineus ; who with the Battel Ax which he was wont to manage againft the Tyrrhen Giants,is faid to have done marvels. But Goffarius having drawn to his aid the whole Country of Gaul, at that time govern'd by twelv Kings, puts his Fortune to a fecond Trial , wherin the Trojans over-bom by Multitude, are driv'n back, and befeig'd in thir own Camp, which by good forefight was ftrongly fituate. Whence Brutus unexpectedly ifluing out, and Corineus in the mean while, whofe device it was, aflaulting them behind from a Wood, where he had convay'd his men the Night before The Trojans are again Victors, but with the lofs of Turon a Valiant Nefew of Brutus ; whofe Alh.es left in that place, gave name to the Brutus finding now his Powers much City of Tours built there by the Trojans. leflh'd, and this yet not the place foretold him, leavs Aquitam, and with an
,
cafy Courfe, arriving at Totnefs in Dev'nfhire, quickly perceivs heer to be the
promis'd end of his Labours. The Hand not yet Britain but Albion, was in a manner defert and inhofpitable kept only by a remnant of Giants, whofe exceffive Force and Tyranie
,
had
The Hijlory of England.
Book
i.
Brutus deftroys, and to his People divides the had confum'd the reft. to his own Name he thenceforth calls which fome reference with Land, To Corineus y Corneal, as now we call it, fell by Lot ; the rather Britain.
Them
by
for that the hngefl Giants, in Rocks and Caves were faid to lurk ftill there ; which kind of Monfters to deal with was his old Exercife. And heer with leave be fpok'n to recite a grand Fable, though dignifi'd
him
lik't,
by
our belt Poets, while Brutus on a certain Feftival Day folemnly kept on that fhoar, where he firft landed, was with the People in great jollity and mirth, a crew of thefe Savages breaking in upon them, began on the fudden another fort of Game then at fuch a meeting was expected. But at length by many hands overcom, Goemagog the hugeft, in higth twelv Cubits, is referv'd alive, that with him Corineus, who dellr'd nothing more, might try his ftrength ; whom in a Wreftle the Giant catching aloft, with a terrible hugg broke three of his Ribs: neverthelefs Corineus enragd, heaving him up by main force, and on his Shoulders bearing him to the next high Rock, threw him headlong all fhatter'd into the Sea, and left his Name on the Cliff, call'd ever fince Langoemagog, which is to fay, the Giant's Leap. After this, Brutus in a chofen place builds Troia nova, chang'd in time to Trinovantum, now London : and began to enact Laws ; Heli being then high Prieft in Judaea : and having govern'd the whole He 24 Years, dy'd, and was buried in his new Troy. His three Sons Locrine, Albanail, and Camber divide the Land by confent. Locrine had the middle part Loegria ; Camber poflefs'd Cambria or Wales ; Albanatl Albania, now Scotland. But he in the end by Humher King of the Hunns, who with a Fleet invaded that Land, was flain in fight, and his People driv'n back into Loegria. Locrine and his Brother go out againft Humber ; who now marching onward, was by them defeated and in 3 River drown'dj which to this day retains its name. Among the fpoils of his Camp and Navy, were found certain young Maids, and Ejlrildvs, above t.he reft, palling fair, the Daughter of a King in Gtrmany ; from whence Humber, as he went waiting the Sea-Coaft, had led her Captive whom Locrine, though before contracted to the Daughter of Corineus, refolvs to marry. But being forc'd and threatn'd by Corineus, whofe Autority, and Power he fear'd, Guendolen the Daughter he yeelds to marry, but in fecret loves the other and oft-times retiring as to fom privat Sacrifice, through Vaults and Pallages made under ground, and feven Years thus enjoying her, had by her a Daughter But when once his fear was oft* by the equally fair, whofe Name was Sabra. Death of Corineus, not content with fecret Enjoyment, divorcing Guendolen y he makes Eftrildis now his Queen. Guendokn all in rage departs into Cornwall, where Madan, the Son fhe had by Locrine, was hitherto brought up by Corineus his Grandfather. And gathering an Army of her Father's Friends and Subjects, gives Battel to her Husband by the River Sture ; wherein Locrine fhot with an Arrow ends his Life. But not fo ends the fury of Guendolen ; for and to leave a MoEJlrildis and her Daughter Sabra, fhe throws into a River nument of Revenge, proclaims, that the ftream be thenceforth call'd after the Damfel's Name ; which by length of time is chang'd now to Sabrina, or
:
: :
Severn.
Fifteen Years fhe governs in behalf of her Son-, then refigning to him at Age, retires to her Father's Dominion. This faith my Author, was in the Madan hath the praife to have well and peacefully rul'd the days of Samuel. fpace of 40 Years ; leaving behind him two Sons, Mempricius, and Malim. Mempricius had firft to do with the ambjtion of his Brother, afpiring to fhare with him in the Kingdom ; whom therfore at a meeting to compofe matters,
with a treachery which his caufe needed not, he flew. Nor was he better in the fole pofTeffion, wherof fo ill he could endure a Partner, .killing his Nobles, and thofe efpecially next to fucceed him ; till laftly giv'n over to unnatural Luft, in the twentieth of his Reign, hunting in a Foreit, he was devour'd by Wolves. His Son Ebranc, a Man of mighty Strength and Stature, reign'd 40 Years. He firft after Brutus wafted Gaul; and returning rich and profperous, builded Caerebranc, now Tork ; in Albania y Alclud, Mount Agned, or the Cajlle of May dens y now Edinburgh. He had 20 Sons and 30 Daughters by 20 Wives. His Daughters he fent to Silvius Alba into Italy, who beftow'd them on his Peers of the
Trojan
Book
i .
His Sons under the leading of Afaracus thir Brother, won in Germany ; thence call'd, from thefe Brethren Germania : a Derivation too haftily fuppos'd, perhaps before the word Germanus or the Latin Tongue was in ufe. Som who have defcrib'd Henault, as Jacobus Bergomas, and Lejfabeus, are cited to affirm that Ebranc in his War there, was by Bruncbild'vs Lord of Henault put to the worfe. Brutus therfore furnam'd Greenfield fucceeding, to repair his Father's Lofl'es, as the fame Lcffabeus reports, fought a feiond Battail in Henault with Brimcbild at the mouth of Scaldis, and encarap'd on the River Hania. Of which our Spencer alfo thus lings.
Trojan Line.
them Lands and Signories
Let Scaldis
tell,
and
let
tell
Hania,
And let the Marfli of Efthambruges tell What colour were thir Waters that fame d.iy, And all the Moar tivixt Elverfham and Dell,
With Blood
How
oft that
of Henalois which therm fell; day did fad Brunchildis fee

in dolorous
The Grccnfhield dy d
Vermeil, &c.
Greenfhicld, feem newer Names then for A Story pretended thus ancient. Him fucceeded Leil, a maintainer of Peace and Equity but fhckn'd in his latter end, whence arofe fom civil Difcord. He builc in the North Cairleil ; and in the days of Solomon. Kudbuddibras, or Hudtbras, appealing the Commotions which his Father could not, founded Cacrkeynt or Canterbury, Cacrguent, or Winchefler, and Mount Paladur, now Scptonia or Shaftsbury : but this by others is contradicted. Bladud his Son built Caerbadus or Bathe, and thofe medcinable Waters he dedicated to Minerva, in whofe Temple there he kept Fire continually burnHe was a Man of great Invention, and taught Necromancy till having ing. made him Wings to fly, he fell down upon the Templeof Apollo in Trinovant and fo dy'd after twenty Years reign. Hitherto from Father to Son the direft line hath run on but Leir who laudanextreign'd, had only three Daughters, and no Male UTue
-,
But Henault, and Brunchild, and
But at laft, Caer-Lcir, now Leicejlre, on the bank of Sora. failing through Age, he determins to beftow his Daughters, and (6 among them to divide his Kingdom. Yet firft to try which of them lov'd him belt (a Trial that might have made him, had he known as wifely how to try, as he feem'd to know how much the trying behoov'd him ) he refolves a fimple Refolution, to ask them folemnly in order ; and which of them fhould profefslargeft, her to belicv. Gonorill th' eldeft, apprehending too well her Father's weaknefs, makes anfwer invoking Heav'n, That {he lov'd him above her Soul. Therfore] quoth the old Man over joy'd, fince thou fo honourjl my declined Age, to thee and
bly,
govern'd
and
bi'ilt
the Husband whom thou flmlt choofe, I So fair give the third part of my Realm. a fpeedingfor a few words foon utter'd, was to Regan the fecond, ample inftnidion what to fay. She on the fame demand lpares no protefting, and the Gods mull witnefs, that otherwife to exprefs her thoughts fhe knew not, but that fhe lov'd him above all Creatures ; and fo receavs an equal reward with But Cordeilla the youngeft, though hitherto beft her Sifter. belov'd, and now before her Eyes the rich and pre'fent hire of a little eafie foothing, the danger alfo, and the lofs likely to betide plain dealing, yet moves not from the folid purpofe of a fincere and vertuous Anfwer. Father, faith fhe, my love towards you, is as what can a Child my Duty bids ; what fhould a Fathtr
feek,
promifemore? they who pretend beyond this, flatter. When the old Man, forry to hear this, aad wilhing her to recal thofe words, perfifted asking, with a loial fadnefs at her Father's infirmity, but fomthing on the fudden, harfli, and glancing rather at her Sifters, then fpeaking her own mind, Two waies
only, faith (he,
is,
to anfwer what you require me; the former, your command recant; accept then this other which is left me; look how much you Then hear thou, have, fo much is your value, and fo much I love you. quoth Leir now all in paffion, what thy Ingratitude hath gaind thee becaufe thou baft not reverene'd thy aged Father or what equal to thy Sijlirs, part in my Kingdom *
I
have
1 Jko'ild
tfi
to
Book i. The Hijlory of England. And without delay gives in Marriage his vs mine reckon to have none. elfe other Daughters, Gonorill to Maglaunus Duke of Albania, Regan to Henninui Duke of Cornwall with them in prefent half his Kingdom j the reft to
,
follow at his Death. In the mean while Fame was not fparing to divulge the Wifdom and other Graces of Cordeilla, infomuch that Aganippus a great King in Gaul ( however he came by his Greek Name not found in any Regifter of French Kings) feeks her to Wife, and nothing alter'd at the lofs of her Dowry, receavs her gladly in fuch manner as Ihe was fent him. After this King LaV'more and more drooping with Years, became an eafy Prey to his
:
Daughters and thir Husbands ^ who now by daily encroachment had feis'd the whole Kingdom into thir hands and the old King is put to fojorn with But they in a his eldeft Daughter, attended only by threefcore Knights. and as too numerous continual for while fhort Guefts, diforderly grudg'd at,
Not brooking that Affront, the old King betakes him are reduc'd to thirty. but there alfo Difcord foon arifing between the Serto his fecond Daughter vants of differing Mafters in one Family, five only are fuffer'd to attend him. Then back again he returns to the other hoping that fhe his eldeft could not but have more pity on his gray Hairs : but fhe now refufes to admit him, unlefs he be content with one only of his Followers. At laft the remembrance of his youngeft Cordeilla comes to his thoughts and now acknowledging how true her words had bin, though with little hope from whom he had fo injur'd, be it but to pay her the laft recompence fhe can have from him, his confeffion of her wife forewarning, that fo perhaps his Mifery, the proof and experiment of her Wifdom, might fomthing foft'n her, he takes Now might be feen a difference between the filent, or his Journy into France. of fom Children to thir Parents, and the talkaAffedtion down-right fpokm while the hope of Inheritance over-afts tive Obfequioufnefs of others end thir Duty. the Cordeilla out of meer on and enlarges Tongues them, of expected Reward, at the mefiage only of her love, without the fufpicion Father in diftrefs, pours forth true filial Tears. And not enduring either that her own, or any other Eye fhould fee him in fuch forlorn condition as his MefTenger dedar'd, difcreetly appoints one of her trufted Servants, firft to convay him privatly towards fom good Sea Town, there to array him, bathe him, cherifh him, furnifh him with fuch Attendance and State, as befeem'd his Dignity, that then, as from his firft landing, he might fend word of his Arrival to her Husband Aganippus. Which don with all mature,, and requifit contrivance, Cordeilla with the King her Husband, and all the Barony of his Realm, who then firft had news of his palling the Sea, go out
:
-, , ,
to meet him , and after all honourable and joyful Entertainment, Aganippus, as to his Wives Father, and his Royal Gueft, furrenders him, during his abode there, the power, and difpofal of his whole Dominion permitting his Wife Cordeilla to go with an Army, and fet her Father upon his Throne. Wherin her Piety fo profper'd, as that fhe vanquifh'd her impious Sifters withthofe Dukes \ and Leir again, as faith the] Story, three Years obtain'd
:
the Crown. To whom dying, Cordeilla with all regal Solemnities gave Burial And then as right Heir fucceeding, and. her Hufin the Town of Leicejlre. band dead, rul'd the Land five Years in Peace. Until Marganus and Cuneda^MM.hertwo Sifters Sons, not bearing that a Kingdom fhould be govern'dby a Woman, in the unfeafonableft time to raife that quarrel againft a W^>man fo worthy, make War againft her, depofe her, and imprifon her ; of which as is related, kill'd impatient, and now long unexercised to fuffer, fhe there, her felf. The Vi&ors between them part the Land : but Marganus the eldeft Sifter's Son, who held by agreement from the North-fide of Humber to Catb' thofe about him to invade all as his own right, wars on Cunenefs, incited by met him, overcame, and overtook him in a Town of Wales, who foon dagius, where he left his Life, and ever fince his Name to the place.
Cunedagius was now fole King, and govern'd with much praife many Years, about the time when Rome was built. Him fucceeded Rivallo his Son, wife alfo and fortunat ; fave what they tell us of three days raining Blood, and fwarms of Hinging Flies, wherof Men di'd! In order then Gurguftius, J ago or Lago, his Nefew \ Sifilius, Kinmarcus.
Then
Gorboguda,
whom
others
name
Gorbodego,
and Gorbodion, who had
two
Book
contend
I.
two Sons,
in his Bed: With whom ended, as is thought, the Line of Brutus. Wherupon, the whole Land with civil Broils was rent into five Kingdoms, long time vvaging War each on other ; and fom fay 50 Years. At length Dunrvallo Molmutius the Son of Clotcn King of Cornwall one of the forefaid five excelling in Valour, and goodlinefs of Perfon, after his Father's deceafe, found means to reduce again the whole Hand into a Monarchy fubduing the reft at opportunities. Fit ft, Tmntr King of Loegria whom he flew ; then Rudaucut of Cambria, Statcrius of Albania, confederat together. In which fight Dunwalio is reported, while the Victory hung doubtful, to haveus'd this Art. He takes with him 600 ftout Men, bids them put on the Armour of thir flain Enemies ; and fo unexpeftly approaching the Squadron, where thofe two Kings had plac'd themfelves in fight, from that part which they thought feThen difplaying his own Enfigns which cureft, aflaults and difpatches them. before he had conceal'd, and fending notice to the other part of his Army what was don, adds to them new Courage, and gains a final Vi&ory. This Dunwalio was the firjl in Britain that wore a Crown of Gold, and therfore by fome Heeftablilhed the Aiolmutine Laws, famous among the reputed the firfl King. to this writt'n Englilh long after in Latin by Gildas, and in Saxon by day, : So faith Alfred King Geofry, but Gildws denies to have known aught of the Britans before Cacfar ; much lefs knew Alfred. Thefe Laws, whoever made them, beftow'd on Temples the Privilege of Sanctuary ; to Cities alfo, and the ways thither leading, yea to Plows granted a kind of like refuge; and made fuch riddance of Thieves and Robbers, that all PafTages were fafe. Forty Years he govern'd alone, and was buried nigh to the Temple of Concord ; which he, to the memory of Peace reftor'd, had built in Trinovant. His two Sons, Belinus and Brennus, contending about the Crown, by decilion of Friends, came at length to an Accord \ Brennm to have the North of Humber, Belinus the Sov'rainty of all. But the younger not long fo contented, that he, as they whifper'd to him, whofe Valour had fo oft repelPd the Invafionsof Ceulphustbe Aforine Duke, fhould now be fubjecl: to his Brother, upon new Delign fails into Norway, enters League and Affinity with Fifing that King which Belinus perceaving,in hisabfence difpoflefles him of all the North. Brennm with a Fleet of Norwegians, makes toward Britain ; but encounter'd by Guithlac the DanilhKing, who laying claim to his Bride, purfu'd him on the Sea his hafte was retarded, and he bereft of his who from the Spoufe a fudden with was the Northumberdriv'n on Fight by Danifh King Tempeft, Brennus neverthelefs finding means to recolledr. land, and brought to Belinus. his Navy, lands in Albania, and gives Battel to his Brother in the Wood CaMean laterium; butlofing the day, efcapes with one fingle Ship into Gaul. while the Dane, upon his own offer to become tributary, lent home with his new Prize, Belinus returns his thoughts to the adminiftring of Juftice, and the perfecting of his Father's Law. And to explain what High-ways might enjoy the forefaid Privileges, he caus'd to be drawn out and pav'd four main Roads to the utmoft length and bredth of the Hand, and two others athwart \ which are fince attributed to the Romans. Brennus on the other fide folliciting to his Aid the Kings of Gaul, happ'ns at laft on Seginus Duke of the AUobroges ; where his worth, and comelinefs of Perfon, wan him the Duke's Daughter and Heir. In whofe Right he Ihortly fucceeding, and by obtain'd leave with a great Holt through the length of Gaul, gets footing once palling Now was Belinus unprepar'd And now the Battel ready again in Britain. to join, Conuvenna the Mother of them both, all in a fright, throws her felf between ; and calling earneftly to Brennus her Son, whofe abfence had fo long depriv'd her of his fight, after imbracements and tears, aflails him with fuch a motherly Power, and the mention of things fo dear and reverend, as irrefi,
Fcrrex thir Father falling to Ihould fucceed, Porrex attempting by Treachery his Brother's Life, drives him into France ; and in his return, though aided with the Force of that Country, defeats and flays him. But by his Mother Videna who lefs lov'd him, is himfelf, with the afliftance of her Women, foon after flain
The Hiftory of England. and Porrex. They in the old Age of
t 1
who
ftibly
wrung from him all Then are hands join'd,
his
Enmity agamft
Belinus.
Reconciliation
thir united Preparations
on Foren parts.
made firm, and Counfel held to turn, Thence that by thefe two all Gallia
was
Tix Hifiory
of
England.
Book
was over-run, the Story tells ; and what they did in Italy, and at Rome, if thefe be they, and not Gauls, who took that City, the Roman Authors can belt relate. So far from home I undertake not for the Monmouth Chronicle ; which here againft the ftream of Hiftory carries up and down thefe Brethren, now into Germany, then again to Rome, purfuing Cabins and Porfena, two unheard of Confuls. Thus much is more generally believ'd, that both this whom the Epitomift Florus Brennns, and another famous Captain, Britomarus, the name of the firft in that and others mention, were not Gauls but Britains ; However BeliBritain. a of the other Great and Tongue lignifying a King,
mts after a while returning
home, the
reft
of
his
days rul'd
in
Peace, Wealth,
and Honour, above all was Cacrofe upon Ofca,
his PredecelTors
a Gate, a Hav'n, and a Towr, on thcThames, retaining yet his Name the top wherof his Afiiesare faid to have bin laid up in a Golden Urn.
his Father's
fince Caerkgion
Cities, of which one ; beautifying others, as Trmovant, with
building fom
on
After him Gurguntim Barbirus was King, mild and juft, but yet inheriting Courage ; he fubdu'd the Dacian, or Dane, who refus'd to pay In his return finding the Tribute cov'nanted to Minus for his Enlargement. about the Orkneies 30 Ships of Spain, or Bifcay, fraught with Men and Women for a Plantation, whofe Captain alfo Bartbolinus wrongfully baniih't, as he pleaded, befoughr. him that fom part of his Territory might be aflign'd them to dwell in, hefent with them certain of his own Men to Ireland, which then lay unpeopPd ; and gave them that Hand to hold of him as in Homage. He was buried in CaerUgion, a City which he had wall'd about. Guitheline his Son is alio remember'd as a juft and good Prince, and his Wife M?m'<i to have excell'd lb much inWifdom, as to venture upon a new lnftitution of Laws. Which King Alfred tranflating, call'd Afarchcn Leage; but more truly therby is meant, the Mercian Law ; not tranflated by Alfred, but In the minority of her Son digefted or incorporated with the Weft-Saxon. be as fhehadthe Rule:, and then, may fuppos'd, brought forth thefe Laws, are not her felf, for Laws Mafculine Births, but by the Advice of her fageft fhe and therin Counfellors might do vertuoufly, fince it befel her to fupSon elfe nothing more awry from the Law of God the of her ply Nonage
,
and Nature, then that a Woman (hould give Laws to Men. Her Son Sifilius coming to Years, receiv'd the Rule ; then in order Kimfa Then Morindus, his Son by Tanguerus, then Danius or Elanius his Brother. who is recorded a Man of exceilive Strength, Valiant, Lia Concubi Jlela 11, not fparing in his Anger beral, and fair of Afpeft, but immanely Cruel-, hand. A certain King of the were in his Enemy or Friend, if any Weapon whofe Northumberland ; Army this King, though Marines, or Pica'ds, invaded But not wanting fufficient Numbers, chiefly by his own Prowefs overcame dilhonourM his Viftory by the cruel ufage of his Prifners, whom his own to feveral Deaths: well fitted to fuch hands, or others in his prefence put all a beftial Cruelty was his end ; for hearing of a huge Monfter that from the Irifh Seainfefted the Coaft, and in the pride of his Strength foolilhly attempting to fet manly Valour againft a brute Vaftnefs, w(ien his Weapons were all in vain, by that horrible Mouth he was catch't up and devour'd. Gorboni an the eldeft of his five Sons, then whom a jufter Man liv'd not in his Age, was a great builder of Temples, and gave to all what was thir due ; to his Gods devout Worfhip, to Men of defert Honor and Preferment, to the Commons encouragement in thir Labours and Trades, defence and protection from Injuries and Opprefiions ; fo t!i3t the Land florifh'd above her His Death was a geNeighbours, Violence and Wrong feldom was heard of. neral Lofs he was buried in Trinovant. follow'd not his Example; but deprefs'd the Archigallo the fecond Brother ancient Nobility ; and by peeling the wealthier fort, fluff d his Treafury, and
: :
took the right way to be depos'd. Elidure the next Brother, furnanfd the Pious, was fet up in his place ; a Mind fo noble, and fo moderat, as almoft is incredible to have bin ever found. For having held the Scepter five Years, hunting one day in the Foreft of Cahis depofed Brother, wandring in mean condition ; later, he chane'd to meet his Revain bin in had who beyond the Seas, importuning Foren Aids to long with ten in a and was now Followers, privatly ftorement ; only poor Habit,
return'd
Book
s.
The Hijlory
find Subfiftence
of
England.
At
\\
the unexpected fighi among of him, Elidure himfelf alfo then but thinly accompanied, runs to him with open Arms and after many dear and fincere Wclcomings, convey* him to the City Alclud, there hides him in his own Bed-chamber. Afterwards faining himfelf lick, fummonsall his Peers as about greateft Affairs ; where admitting-them one by one, as if hisWeaknefs endut'd not the dilturbance oi more at once, caufes them, willing or unwillirtg, once more to fw ear Allegiafter Reconciliation made on all fides, he leads to ance to Arcbigallo. and his from own Tork; head, places the Crown on the head of his Brother. thenceforth, Vice it felf diflblving in him, and forgetting her Ermeifc hold with the admiration of a Deed fo Heroic, became a true converted Man j rul'd worthily ten Years, dy'd, and was buried in Cairleir, Thus was a Brother fav'd by 3 Brother, to whom love of a Crown, the thing that fo often dazles, and vitiats mortal Men, for which thoufands of neareffc. Bipod have
returnM to
his fecret Friends.
Whom
Who
of Brotherly dearnefs, a deftroy'd each other, was in refpect contemptible

thing. Elidure
now
in his d'wii behalf
reaffurn'es
worthy want no fortot
Inch a
Man
to do.
When
the Government, and did as was Providence, that fo great Vcrtue might
trial to make it more illuftrious, Itirsup Pigenius, and Peredurt his voungcit Brethren, againft him who had deferv'dfo nobly of that Relation, Yet him they defeat, him they ja> as lcaft of all by a Brother to be injur'd.
prifori in
the
Towr
of Trinovant, and divide
After whofe Percdurc, the South to Vtgcnius. (6 much the better us'd his Power, by how
that Elidure
Kingdom ; the North to Death Peredur'e obtaining all, much the worfe he got it: So
his
now is hardly mifs't. But yet in all right owing to his Elder the due place wherof he had deprived him, Fate would that he fhould die fir It : And Elidure after many years Imprifonment, i? now the third time feated on the Throne which at lalt he enjoy'd long in Peace, finiihing the interrupted courfe of his mild and juft Reign, as full of vertuous Deeds, as Days to his end. After thefe five Sons of Morindm, fucceded alfo tliir Sons in order. * Re- * Ma'cthi But Enniaunus Wefte'. gin of Gorbonian, Marganus of ArcbigaUo, both good Kings. his Brother taking other courfes, was after fix Year; depos'd. Then Idxvalle Then Runno, then Geruntaught by a near Example, govern d fobcrly. tius y He of Peredure, this lalt the Son oi Elidure. From whofe Loyns (for that likely is the durable, and furviving Race that fprings of juft Progeni,
iflii'd a long defcentof Kings, whofe Names only for many Succeffions, without other memory, Itand thus regifter'd CateUus, Coillus, Poriex, CheW, and his three Sons, Fulgenius, Eldadus^ and Andradim, his Son Vria-
tors)
.,
nus;
Eliud, EledMcus, Clotenus, Gurguntius, Merianus, Bledun^ Capis nus, Sijillius, twenty Kings in a continu'd row, that either di 1 nothing, or liv'd in Ages that wrote nothing, at leaft a foul pretermiflicn in the Author
i
Oc
of
this, whether Story or Fable ; himfelf weary, as feems, of his own tedious Tale. , But to makeamends for this Silence, Blcgabredus next fuccecding, is recorded to have excelPd all before him in the Art of Mulic opportunely, had he but lelt us one Song of his 20 Predecefibrs doings. Yet after him nine more fucceeded in Name ; His Brother Archimailus, Elbut Cliguellius, with a'o/, Redion, Rcdercbius, Samultus, Penijfel, Pir, Capoirus ; the addition of Modeft, Wife, and Juft. His Son Heli reign'd 40 Years, and had three Sons, Lud, CaJJibelan, and Ntnnius. This Heli feems to be the fame whom Ninnius in his Fragment calls Minocan ; for him he writes to be the Father of Caffibelan. Lud was he who enlarg'd, and wall'd about Trinovant ; there kept his Court, made it the prime City, and call'd it from his own Name Caer-Lud, or Lud's Town, now London. Which, as is alledg'd out of Gildds, became matter of great diffention betwixt him, and his Brother Nennius \ who took it hainoufly that the Name of Troy thir ancient Country fhould be abolifh'd for any new one. Lud was hardy, and bold in War, in Peace a jolly Fealter. He conquer'd many Hands of the Sea, faith Huntingdon, and was buried by .the Gate which from thence we call Ludgate. His two Sons, Androgens and TemiMtius,
-,
|i
an tJijg3
Wix'i
14
were
left
Book
I.
to the Tuition of Cajjibelan , whofe Bounty and high Demeanor, fo wraught with the common People, as got him eafily the Kingdom transfer'd upon himfelf. He neverthelefs continuing to favour and fupport his Nefews, confers* freely upon Androgens, London with Kent; upon Tenuantius, Cornwal \ referving a Superiority both over them, and all the other Princes to Thus far, himfelf, till the Romans for a while circumfcribd his Power. and his of I on the Credit Affertors, A4onmouth, Geffrey though leaning only
yet for the fpecified Caufes have thought it not beneath my purpofe, to relate what I found. Wherto I neither oblige the belief of other Perfon, nor Nor have I flood with others computing or over-haftily fubfcribe mine own. left I fhould be vainly curious about the Time collating Years and Chronologies, and Circumftance of things wherof the Subftance is fo much in doubt. By this time, like one who had fet out on his way by Night, and travailM through a Region of fmooth or idle Dreams, our Hiftory now arrives on the Confines, where Daylight and Truth meet us with a clear Dawn, reprefenting to our
For albeit Cafar, view, though at a far diftance, true Colours and Shapes. whofe Autority we are now firft to follow, wanted not who tax'd him of mifreporting in his Commentaries, yea in his Civil Wars againft Pompey, much more, may we think, in the Britijh Affairs, of whofe little skill in writing he did not eafily hope to be contradicted yet now in fuch variety of good Aothors, we hardly can mifs, from one hand or other, to be fufficiently inform'd as of things paft fo long ago. But this will better be referr'd to a fecond Difcourfe.
,
The End of
the
firft
'Book.
THE
Book
11
HISTORY BRITAIN.
O F
The Second Book.
to write of what befel the Britain* from fifty and three years beSaviour , when firft the Romans came in, till the decay and ceafing of that Empire ; a Story of much Truth, and for the firft
THE
now
fore the Birth of our
So years and fomwhat more, collefted without much Labour. which thofe were the civilcft and the the fo and Writers, two, many prudent wifeft of European Nations, both Italy and Greece, afforded to the Actions of that puiflant City. For worthy Deeds are not often deftitute of worthy Reas by a certain Fate great Ads and great Eloquence have molt comlators monly gon hand in hand, equalling and honoring each other in the fame Ages. 'Tis true that in obfcureft times, by (hallow and unskilful Writers, the indiftind noife of many Battels, and Devaftations of many Kingdoms over-run and loft, hath come to our ears. For what wonder, if in all Ages Ambition and the love of Rapine hath ftirr'd up greedy and violent Men to bold Attempts in wafting and ruining Wars, which to Pofterity have left the Work of wild Beaftsand Deftroyers, rather then the Deeds and Monuments of Men and Conquerors ? But he whofe juft and true Valour ufes the neceffity of War and Dominion, not to deftroy but to prevent Deftrudion, to bring in Liberty againft Tyrants, Law and Civility among barbarous Nations, knowing that when he conquers all things elfe, he cannot conquer Time or DctracJion 7 wifely confcious of this his want as well as of his Worth not to be forgott'n or conceaPd, honours and hath recourfe to the aid of Eloquence, his freindlieft and beft Supply by whofe immortal Record his noble Deeds, which elfe were tranfitory, becoming fixt and durable againft the Force of Years and Generations, he fails not to continue through all Pofterity, over Envy, Therfore when the Efteem of Science and Death, and Time, alfo victorious. low the in waxes liberal Study Commonwealth, we may prefume that alfo there all civil Vertue, and worthy Adion is grown as low to a decline and then Eloquence, as it were conforted in the fame Deftiny, with the decreafe and fall of Vertue corrupts alfo and fades ; at leaft refigns her Office of relating to illiterat and frivolous Hiftorians, fuch as the Perfons themfelvs both deferv, and are beft pleas'd with ; whilft they want either the underftanding to choofe better, or the Innocence to dare invite the examining, and fearching Stile of an intelligent and faithful Writer to the Survay of thir unfound Exploits, better befreinded by Obfcurity then Fame. As for thefe, the only Authors we have of Briti/h Matters, while the Power of Rome reach'd hither, (for Gihlai affirms that of the Roman times no Briti/h Writer was in his days extant, or if any ever were, either burnt by Enemies, or tranfpor ted with fuch as fled the Pitfi/h and Saxon Invafions) thefe therfore only Roman Authors ther be who in the Englifh Tongue have laid together as much, and perhaps more then was requifite to a Hiftory of Britain. So that were it not for leaving an unfightly gap fo neer to the beginning, I fhould ha ye
:
-,
hunderd IAm
The Htjloryof England.
Book
i.
have judg'd this Labour, wherin fo little feems to be requir'd above Transcription, almoft fuperfiuous. Notwithftanding fince I muft through it, if ought
by Diligence may be added or omitted, or by other difpofing may be more exexprefs'd, 1 (hall allay. Julius Cafar (of whom, and of the Roman Free State, more then what apbe difcours'd) having fubdu'd molt part of Gallia, pertains-, is not here to which by a potent Fa&ion he had obtain'd of the Senat as his Province for maSuecon. vie
plain'd, or
more
Ctl.
ftirr'd up with a defire of adding ftill more Glory to his Name, and the whole Roman Empire to his Ambition, fom fay, with a far meaner and ignobler, the defire of Britt/h Pearls, whofe bignefs he delighted to ballance
ny years,
Tear
before
Chrifisy
hand, determins, and that upon no unjuft pretended occalion, to try Force in the Conqueft alfo of Britain. For he understood that the Britains in moftcf his Gallian Wars had fent Supplies againft him, had receiv'd Fugitives of the Bellovaci his Enemies, and were call'd over to aid the Cities of TherArmorica, which had the year before confpir'd all in a new Rebellion. fore Ctefar, though now the Summer well nigh ending, and the Seafon unagreeable to tranfport a War, yet judg'd it would be great Advantage, only to get entrance into the lie, Knowledg of the Men, the Places, the Ports,
in his
his
theAccefles^ which then, it feems, were ev'n to the Gauls thir Neighbours For except Merchants and Traders, it is not oft, faith he, almoft unknown. that any ufe to travel thether and to thofe that do, belides the Sea Coalt, and the Ports next to Gallia, nothing elfe is known. Butheer I muft require, Suetonius. as Pollio did, the Diligence, at leaft the Memory of Cafar : for if it were Caf. Com. true, as they of Rhemcs told him, that Divitiachus, not long before a puiffanc King of the Soifons, had Britain alfo under his Command, belides the Belgian Colonies which he affirms to have nam'd, and peopl'd many Provinces there ; if alfo the Britans had fo frequently giv'n them aid in all thir Wars ; if laftly the Druid Learning honoured fo much among them, were at firft taught them out of Britain, and they who fooneft would attain that Difciplin, lent hetherto Cif.Com./. 4. learn it appears not how Britain at that time fhould be fo utterly unknown in or Gallia, only known to Merchants, yea to them fo little, that being call'd from all parts, none could be found to inform Cafar of what bignefs together the lie, what Nations, how great, what ufe of War they had, what Laws, or fb much as what commodious Havens for bigger Veflels. Of all which it were then firft to make difcovcry, he fends Cains rdufenus, in a as things long Galley, with Command to return as foon as this could be effected. He in the mean time with his whole Power draws nigh to the Monne Coaft, whence
,
/.
thelhorteft Paffage was into Britain. Hether his Navy which he usM againft the Armoncans, and what elfe of Shipping can be provided, he draws togeThis known in Britain, Emballadors are fent from many of the States ther. who there, Them, promife Hoftages and Obedience to the Roman Emprc. after Audience giv'n, Ccefar as largely promilingfand exhorting to continue in that mind, fends home, and with them Comiusof Arras, whom he had made
King of that Country, and now
fecretly employ'd to gain 3 Roman Party athe as as he found inclinable, and to tell them, in Cities Britans, mong many that he himfelf was Speeding thether. Volufcnus with what Dilcovery of the Hand he could make from aboard his Ship, not daring to venture on the [hoar,
'
foon after, with two Legions, ordthir Allies, to about 2 5000 Foot, and 4500 Horfe, the Foot in 80 Ships of Burden, the Horfe in 18, belides what Gallics were appointed for his chief Commanders, fets off about the third watch of
within five days returns to Cafar.
Who
narily amounting, of
Romans and
Cic
Act.
/.
*> '7-
Night with a good Gale to Sea ; leaving behind him Sulpitius Rufus to make good the Port with a fufficient Strength. But the Horfe whofe appointed Shipping lay Wind-bound 8 Mile upward in another Hav'n, had much trouble to imbark. Cxfar now within light of Britain beholds on every Hill multitudes of armed Men, ready to forbid his Landing \ and Cicero writes to his Friend Atticus, that the Acceffes of the Hand were wondronfly fortify'd with Heer from the fourth to the ninth hour of day he ftrong Works or Moles. awaitsat Anchor the coming up of his whole Fleet. Meanwhile with his Legats and Tribuns confulting and giving order to fit all things for what might happ'n in fuch a various and floating Water-fight as was to be expected. This place, which was a narrow Bay, dofe eavironM with Hills, appearing no way
corij-
Book
i.
17
and excufing that hisSouldiers were to com down from thir Ships, to Hand in Water heavy arnVd, and to fight at once, denies not but that the Terror of fuch new and refolute Oppofition made them forget thir wonted To fuccour which he commands his Gallies, a light unufual to the Valour. more apt for Motion, drawn from the bigger Veflels, to row and Britans, thence with Slinks, Engines, and the op'n lide of the Enemy, and againft neither yet, though amaz'd at the ftrangeBut back. them beat to Darts, nefs of thofe new Sea-Caftles, bearing up fo neer, and fo fwiftly as almoft to over-whelm them, the hurtlingof Oars, the battring of feirce Engines againft thir Bodies barely expos'd, did the Britans give much ground, or the Romans
confeffing
<*ain
\
commodious, he removes to a plain and open (hoar 8 Mile diftant ; commonly Dealin Kent. Which when the Britans perceav'd, thir Horfe Camden, fupiios'd about and Chariots, as then they us'd in fight, fcowring before, thir main Powr thick upon the fhoar, others not tarrying to be allail d, lpeeding after, fom ride in among the Waves to encounter, and aflault the Romans ev'n under thir Ships, with fuch a bold and free Hardihood, that deter himfelf between
Eagle of the tenth Legion, yet in the Gallies, firlt bedown Souldiers, unless ye mean to befeeching his Gods, find, thus alow'd, Leap will perform what I ow to f/ie Commonwealth and I for my part tray your Enfipn ;
till
lx
who
bore the
This utter'd, over-board he leaps, and with his Eagle feircly General. advane'd runs upon the Enemy 5 the reft hartning one another not to admit the Difiionour of fo nigh loling thir cheif Standard, follow him lefolutely. Now was fought eagerly on both fides. Ours who well knew thir own Advanus'd them, now in the Shallows, now on the Sand, fti.l tages, and expertly went as the Romans trooping to thir Enfigns, receav'd them, difpatch'd with the help of thir Horfe, put them every where to great Diforthem, and But Cafar caufing all his Boats and Shallops to be fill d with Sov'dieis, der. commanded to ply up and down continually with Relief where they favv need wherby at length all the Foot now dif-imbark'd, and got together in fom order on firm ground, with a morefteddy charge put the Britans to flight: but wanting all thir Horfe, whom the Winds yet with neld from failing, In this confufed Fight Sc<eva a Roman Valer. Max. they were not able to make purfuit. too far Souldier having prefs'd among the Britans, and befet round, after in- Plutarch. credible Valour fhewn, fingle againft a multitnde, fwom back fafe to his General ; and in the place that rung with his Praifes, earneftly befought Pardon which modeft confeffing after no for his rafh Adventure againft Difciplin
my
bad Event, for fuch a Deed wherin Valour and Ingenuity fo much out-weigh'd and preferr'd him to be a Centurion. CaTranfgrelTion, eafily made amends to himfelf the Honour' if it were in alfo is Julian, attributing by brought far at all an Honour to that Perfon which he fuftain'd) of being the firft that left but this were to make Cafar lefs under/band what his Ship, and took Land became him than Scucva. The Britans finding themfelvs mafter'd in fight, forthwith fend Embafladors to treat of Peace, promifing to give Holiages, whom and to be at Command. With them Comius of Arras alfo return'd hitherto fince his firft coming from Cccfar, they had detain'd in Prifon as a Spy the blame wherof they lay on the common People ; tor whofe Violence, and thir own Imprudence they crave Pardon. Cafar complaining they had firft fought Peace, and then without caufe had begun War, yet content to pardon them, commands Hoftages wherof part they bring in ftrait, others Mean while far up in the Country to be fent for, they promife in a few days. the People disbanded and fent home, many Princes and cheif Men from all parts of the He fubmit themfelves and thir Cities to the Difpofe of Cafar, who lay then encamp'd, as is thought, on Baram-down. Thus had the Britans mad^hir Peace when fuddenly an Accident unlook'd for put new Counfels into fur Minds. Four days after the coming of Cafar, thofe 1 8 Ships of burden, which from the upper Hav'n had tak n in all the Roman Horfe, born with a foft Wind to the very Coaft, in fight of the Roman Camp, were by a fudden Tempeft fcatter'd and driv'n back, fom to the Port from whence they loosd, others down into the Weft Country ; who finding there no Safety ei(
in Csfar. ib.
ther to land or to caft Anchor, chofe rather to commit themfelvs again to the The troubl'd Sea ; and as Orofms reports, were moft of them caft away. fame Night, it being full Moon, the Gallies left upon dry Land, were, una-
ware
Book
2.
wave to the Romans, cover'd with a Spring-tide, and the greater Ships that beat'n with Waves, to the great perplexity of Ctclay off at Anchor torn and who now had neither Shipping left to convay them his whole and Army , far, to ftay heer, intending to have winter'd in made nor back, any proviiion
Gallia.
All this the Britans well perceaving, and by the Compafs of his without Baggage appear d the fmaller, gueffing at his Numwhich Camp, bers, confult together, and one by one flily withdrawing from the Camp, where they were waiting the conclufion of a Peace, refolve to ftop all ProviCatfar, though ignorant of fions, and to draw out the bulinefs till Winter. what they intended, yet from the condition wherin he was, and thir other Hoftages not fent, fufpecting what was likely, begins to provide apace, all that might be, againft what.might happ'n lays in Corn, and with Materials fetch'd from the Continent, and what was left of thofe Ships which were paft So that now by the inccfTant Labour of his Soulhelp, he repairs the reft. made ferviceable. were hile thefe things are doall but twelv again diers, fent out to was of the as one Legions being forage, accuftonfd, and no ing, fufpicionof War, while fom of the Britans were remaining in the Country about, others alfo going and coming freely to the Roman Quarters, they who were in ftation at the Camp Gates fent fpeedy Word to Cafar, that from that part of the Country, to which the Legion went, a greater Dull than ufual was feen to rife, Cafar guefling the matter, commands the Cohorts of Guard to follow him thether, two others to fucceed in thir ftead, the reft all to arm and follow. They had not march d long, when Cafar difcerns his Lefore over-charg d for the Britans not doubting but that thir Enemies on gion the morrow would be in that place which only they had left unreap'd of all thir Harvelt, had plac'd an Ambufh \ and while they were difperft and bulieft at thir Labour, fet upon them, kilPd fom, and routed the reft. The manner of thir fight was from a kind of Chariots } wherin riding about, and throwing Darts, with the clutter of thir Horfe, and of thir Wheels, they ofttimes broke the rank of thir Enemies \ then retreating among the Horfe, and The Charioters in the mean quitting thir Chariots, they fought on foot. while fomwhatalide from the Battel, fet themfelves in fuch order, that thir
,
Maftersat any time opprefs'd with odds, might retire fafely thether, having performed with one Perfon both the nimble Service of a Horfe-man, and the ftedfaft Duty of a Foot-Souldier. So much they could'wkh thir Chariots by ufe and exercife, as riding on the fpeed down a lteep Hill, to ftop fuddenly, and with a fhort rein turn fwiftly, now running on the Beam, now on the Yoke, then in the Seat. With this fort of new skirmifhingthcftowajw now over-match'd and terrify'd, Cafar with opportune Aid appears for then the Britans make a ftand but he confidering that now was not fit time to offer Battel, while his Men were fcarce recover'd of fo late a fear, only keeps his ground, and foon after leads back his Legions to the Camp. Furder A&ion for many days following was hinder'd on both fides by foul Weather , in which time the Britans difpatching Meffengers round about, to how few the Romans were reduc'd, what hope of Prife and Booty, and now if ever of freeing themfelvs from the fear of like Invafions heerafter, by making thefe an example, if they could but now uncampthir Enemies, at this intimation multitudes of Horfe and Foot coming down from all parts make towards the Romans. Cafar forefeeing that the Britans^ tho beat'n and put to flight, would eafily evade his Foot, yet with no more then 30 Horfe, which Comius had brought over, draws out his Men to Battel, puts again the Britans to flight, purfues with Slaughter, and returning burns and lays wafte all about. Wherupon Embafladors the fame day being fent from the Britans to defire Peace, Cafar y as his Affairs at prefent ftood, for fo great a breach of Faith, only impofes on them double the former Hoftages, to be fent after him into GillicR And becaufe September was nigh half fpent, a feafon not fit to tempt the Sea with his weather-beat'n Fleet, the fame Night with a fair Wind he departs towards Belgia j whether two only of the Britain Cities fent Hoftages, as they proBut at Rome when the News came of Cafar\ Afts mised, the reft negle&ed. here, whether it were efteem'd a Conqueft or a fair Efcape, Supplication of twenty days is decreed by the Senat, as either for an Exploit done, or a Difcovery made, wherin both Cafar and the Romans gloried not a lit, :
tle,
Book
2.
TkHiJlory
of
England.
it brought no benefit either to him, or to the Commonwealth. tie, though The Winter following, Cafar, as his Cultom was, going into Italy, when Dion, as he faw that molt of the Britans regarded not to fend thir Hoftages, appoints OiJrCom. 5. whom he left in Belgtat to provide what poffible Shipping they could his Lggats Low built they were to be, as therby ealier both to either build, or repair. nor needed to be higher, becaufe the Tide fo afhoar hale to and ; fraught, often changing, was obferv'd to make the billows lefs in our Sea then thofe in the Mediterranean broader likewife they were made, for the better tranfporting of Horfes, and all other fi aughtage, being intended chiefly to that end. Thefeall about 600 in areadinefs, with 28 Ships of burden, and what with Adventurers, and other Hulks above 200, Cotta one of the Legates wrote them, as Athueneus affirms, in all 1000; Catfar from Port Iccius, a Paflage of fom 30 mile over, leaving behind him Labknus to guard the Hav'n, and for other fupply mt need, with five Legions, though but 2000 Horfe, about Sun fet hoyling Sail with a flack South-Weft, at midnight was becalm'd. And whole Navy lying on the Current, had finding when it was Light, that the fal'n off from the He, which now they could defcry on thir left hand, by the unwearied labour of hisSouldiers, who refus'dnotto tug the Oar, and kept courfe with Ships under fayl, he bore up as neer as might be, to the lame place where he had landed the yeer before ; where about Noon arriving, no Enemy Before the Birth chrilh S 3 For the Britans, which in great number, as was after known could be feen. had bin there, at fight of fo huge a fleet durft not abide. Cafar forthwith landing his Army, and encamping to his belt advantage, fom notice being giv n him by thofe he took, where to find the Enemy, with his whole Power, fave only ten Cohorts, and 300 Horfe, left to Ouintus Atrius for the guard of his Ships, about the third watch of the fame Night marches up twelv Mile into the Country. And at length by a River, commonly thought the Stome in embattail'd the Briti/h Forces. They with thir Horfes and ChariKent, efpies ots advancing to the higher Banks, oppofe the Romans in thir March, and begin the Fight ; but repuls't by the Roman Cavalry give back into the Woods to a place notably made ftrong both by Art and Nature ; which, it feems, had bin a Fort, or Hold of ftrength raisM heertofore in time of Wars among themfelvs. For entrance, and accefs on all fides, by the felling of huge Trees overthwart one another, was quite barr'd up ; and within thefe the Britans did thir utmoft to keep out the Enemy. ButtheSouldiers of the feventh Legion a thir Shields like Rooff clofe over head, and others rayall together locking much a without lofs of Blood took the Place, and drove them all Mount, fing to forfake the Woods. Purfuit they made not long, as being through ways unknown and now Ev'ning came on, which they more wifely fpent, in The next choofing out where to pitch and fortify thir Camp that Night. Morning Cafar had but newly fent out nis men in three Bodies to purfue, and the laft no furder gon then yet in fight, when Horfemen all in Poft from Ouintus
:
all his Ships in a Tempelt that Night the brok'n fhoar. lay upon Ctefar at this news recalls his Legions, himfelf in all haft riding back to the Sea-fide, beheld with his own Eyes the ruinous profpect. About forty Velfels were funk and loft, the refidue fo torn and fhak'n, as not to be new rigg'd without much labour. Strait heaffembles what number of Ship-wrights either in his own Legions or from beyond Sea, could be fummon'd ; appoints Labknus on the Belgian fide to build more ; and with a dreadful induftry of ten days, not refpiting his Souldiers day or night, drew up all his Ships, and entrench'd them round within the circuit of his Camp. This don, and leaving to thir defence the fame Strength as before, he returns with his whole Forces to the fame Wood, where he had defeated the Britans ; who preventing him with greater Powers then before, had now repoffefs'd themfelves of that place, under CaJJibelan thir chief Leader. hole Territory from the States bordering on the Sea was divided by the River Ti.imes about 80 mile inward. With him formerly other Cities had continual War ; but now in the common danger had all made choife of him to be thir General. Heer the Briti/h Horfe and Charioters meeting with the Roman Cavalry, fought ftoutly ; and at firft, fomthing overmatcrfd they retreat to the neer advantage of thir Woods and Hills, but ftill follow'd by the Romans, make head again, cut off the forwardeft among them, and after fome paufe, while Cecfar^
Artrius bring
fuffer'd
word
to Cttfar, that almoft
had
wrack, and
who
2o
who thought the
his
The Hi/lory of England.
Book
2."
days work had bin don, was bulled about the entrenching of out again, give feirce alTault to the very Stations of his march Camp, Guards and Senferies , and while the main Cohorts of two Legions that were
fent to the Alarm, flood within a fmall diftance of each other terrifi'd^t the newnefs and the boldnefs of thir fight, charg'd back again through the midft, without lofs of a man. Of the Romans that day was flain Qumtus Laberius
Bums a Tribune
the Britans having fought thir fill at the very entrance of fuftain'd the refiftance of his whole Army and Cafars Camp, entrench'd, over the Afiault. Cafar heer acknowledges that the Roman way gave both of arming, and of fighting, was not fo well fitted againft this kind
-,
Camden.
of Enemy ; for that the Foot in heavy Armour could not follow thir cunning flight, and durft not by antient Difciplin ftir from thir Enfign and the Horfe alone, disjoin'd from the Legions, againft a Fo that turn'd fuddenly upon them with a mixt encounter both of Horfe and Foot, were in Befides thir fafhion was, not in equal danger both following and retiring. but in fmall clofe and Divilions, and open Diftances to great Bodies, Order, make thir onfet appointing others at certain fpaces, now to releev and bring which argu'd no fmall off the weary, now to fucceed and renew the Conflict the Britans off upon the Hills ufe of Next afar and Arms. day experience, begin to (hew themfelves heer and there, and though lefs boldly then before But at Noon Cafar having fent out 3 Leto skirmifh with the Roman Horfe. gions, and all his Horfe with Trebonius the Legat, to feek Fodder, fuddenly on all fides they fet upon the foragers, and charge up after them to the very The Romans with great Courage beat them Legions, and thir Standards. well feconded by the Legions, not giving them in the and back, Chace, being time either to rally, to ftand, ortodefcend from thir Chariots as they were wont, flew many. From this overthrow, the Britans, that dwelt farder off, betook them home ^ and came no more after that time with fo great a Power Wherof advertised he marches onward to the Frontiers of againft Cafar. Cajjibclan, which on this fide were bounded by the Thames, not paffable except in one place and that difficult, about Covoay /lakes neer Oatlands, as is conjedhir'd. Hither coming he defcries on the other fide great Forces of the Enemy, plac'd in good Array the Bank let all with fharp Stakes, others in the wherof the marks in Bcdah time, were to be bottom, cover'd with Water as he relates. This having learnt by fuch as were tak'n, or had run to feen, him, he firft commands his Horfe to pafs over ; then his Foot, who wading up to the Neck went on fo refolutely, and fo faft, that they on the furder fide not enduring the Violence, retreated and fled. Caffibclan no more now in hope to contend for Vi&ory, difmiffing all but 4000 of thole Charioters, through Woods, and intricate waies attends thir Motion , where the Romans are to pafs, drives all before him \ and with continual Sallies upon the Horfe, where they leaft expedted, cutting off fome and terrifying others, compels them fo clofe together, as gave them no leave to fetch in prey or booty without ill fuccefs. WheruponC<f/rfr ftridtly commanding all not to part from the Legions, had nothing left him in his way but empty Fields and Houfes, which he fpoil'd and burnt. Mean while the Trinobantes, a State, or Kingdom, and perhaps the greateft then among the Britans, lefs favouring CaffibeImmanuentius lan, fend Embaffadors, and yeild to Cafar upon this reafon. had bin thir King him Ca/fibelan had flain, and purposed the like to Mandu* bratius his Son, whom Orofius calls Androgorius, Beda Androgius ; but the youth efcaping by flight into Gallia, put himfelf under the protection of Cafar. Thefe entreat that Mandubratius may be ftill defended, and fent home to fucceed in his Fathers right. Cafar fends him, demands 40 Hoftages and Provifionfor his Army, which they immediately bring in, and have thir Confines protected from the Souldier. By thir example the Cenimagni, Segontiaciy Ancalites, Bibroci, Caff (fo 1 write them, for the Modern names are but guefs'd) on like terms make thir Peace. By them he learns that the Town of CaJJibefenc't about with Woods and lan, fuppos'd to be Verulam, was not far diftant For Towns then in Britain Marfhes, well ftufF't with men and much Cattel. were only Woody places Ditch't round, and with a Mud Wall encompafs'd aThether goes Cafar with his Legions, and gainft the inrodes of Enemies. a of though place great Strength both by Art and Nature, affaults it in two
,
-,
places.
Book
places.
2^

all
2
at another end of the great ftore of Cattel
The- Britans after fome defence fled out
Town;
found
not himfelf; nor was yet his Authority fo much impair'd, but that in Kent, though in a manner pofleft by the Enemy, his Meflengers and Commands find obedience anough to raife all the People. By his direction, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus 3nd
Segonax, four Kings reigning in thofe Countries which ly upon the Sea, lead them on to affault that Camp wherin the Romans had entrench'd thir Shipping : but they whom Cxfar left there, ifluing out, flew many, and took Prifners Ctngetorix a noted Leader, without lofs of thir own.. Ca/ftbelan after fo many defeats, mov'd efpecially by revolt of the Cities from him, thir inconftancie and falfhood one to another, ufes mediation by Comius of Arras to
in the flight many were taken, many flain, and there. Cajfibelan for all thefe Lofies yet deferts
fend EmbafTadors about Treatie of yielding. Cxfar who had determin'd to j winter in the Continent, by reafon that Gallia was unfettl'd, and not much of the Summer now behind, commands him only Hoftages, and what yearly Tribute the Hand fhould pay to Rome, forbids him to molefl the Trinobants, or Mandubratius ; and with his Hoftages, and ,great number of Captives he puts to Sea, having at twife embark't his whole Armie. At hvs return to Rome, Pliny. as from a glorious enterpife, he offers to Venus the Patronefs of hvs Family, a Cor/let
-of Britifh Pearles.
Howbeit other antient Writers have fpok'n more doubtfully of Ctcfars Vithat in plain terms he fled from hence ; for which the ; and common Verfe in Lucan, with divers paflages heer and there in Tacitus', is alPaulus Oroftus, who took what he wrote from a Hiftorie of Suetonius leg'd.
ctories heer
Orof. Lib.
7-
&
writes that C&far in his firft journey entertain'd with a fharp Fight, c * loft no fmall number of his Foot, and by Tempeft nigh all his Horfe. Dion affirms that once in the fecond Expedition all his Foot were routed; Orofius that another time all Horfe. The Britifh Author, whom I ufe only then when others are all lilent, hath many trivial difcourfes of Cajars being heer, which are beft omitted. Nor have we more of CajJIbelan, then what the lame Stohow he warr'd foon after with Androgeus, about his Nefew (lain by ry tells,
now
loft,
&
8:
Evelmus Nefew to the other ; which bufinefs at length compos'd, Ca/fibelan But at Ctefars dies, and was buried in York, if the Monmouth Book fable not. coming hither, fuch likelieft were the Britans, as the Writers of thofe times, and thir own aftions reprefent them ; in courage and warlike readinefs to take advantage by Ambulh or fudden Onfet, not inferiour to the Romans, nor Caffibelan to Ctefar ; in Weapons, Arras^ and the skill of Encamping, Embat- Dion, thir Weapons were a fhort Spear and Mela, tailing, Fortifying, overmatch't CllfaJro a alfo thir Sword light Target* by fide, thir fight fometimes in Chariots phangd at the Axle with Iron Sithes, thir Bodies moft part naked, only painted with woad in fundry figures to feem terrible as they thought, but pur- Herodian. fu'd by Enemies, not nice of thir painting to run into Bogs, worfe then wild Irifh up to the Neck, and there to flay many daies holding a certain Morfel in thir Mouths no bigger then a Bean, to fuffice hunger but that receit, and Dipn.
, ,
the Temperance it taught, is long fince unknown among us thir Towns and ftrong holds were fpaces of ground fenc't about with a Ditch and great Czfar. Trees fell'd overthwart each other, thir Buildings within were thatch't Houfes Strata for themfelves and thir Cattel in peace the Upland Inhabitants befides tended thir and Flocks Hunting, Herds, but with little skill of Countrie Dion. Affairs ; the making of Cheefe they commonly knew not, Wool or Flax they Strabo, fpun not, Gardning and Planting many of them knew not , Clothing they had none, but what the skins of Beafts afforded them, and that not alwaies ; Herodian. yet gallantrie they had, painting thir own skins with feveral Portratures of Solinus. Beaft, Bird, or Flower, a Vanitie which hath not yet left us, removed only from
:
:
many coloured Ribands and Gewthe gawet Ground, and liv'd much after Gdar. they the manner of Gauls thir thir Money was or firft Planters Neighbours, brazen pieces or Iron Rings, thir beft Merchandife Tin, the reft Tacitus, Dic^ dor Scribo Trifles of Glafs, Ivory, and fuch like ; yet Gems and Pearls they had, Lucm faith Mela,\x\ fome Rivers: thir Ships of light timber wicker'd with Oyfier and cover'd over with Leather, ferv'd not therfore to tranfport between, them far, and thir Commodities were fetch't away by foren Merchants:
the
skin to
:
the
skirt
behung
now
with
a/s
towards the Sea
fide
till'd
thir
21
tliir
The Hift oryof England.

dealing, faith Diodorus,
Book
2.
Tacitus.
Mela.
Dion.
plain and fimple without fraud , thir Civil Government under many Princes and States, not confederate or confulting in common, but mifhuflful, and oft-times warring one with the other, which gave them up one by one an eafie Conqueft to the Romans : thir Religion was governed by a fort of Ptlefts or Magicians, calPd Druides from the Greek name of an Oke, which Tree they had in great reverence, and the Misjleto Pliny writes them skill'd in Magic no lefs then efpecially growing thereon. thofe of Ptrfia : by thir abftaining from a Hen, a Hare, and a Goofe, from Fi(h alfo, faith Dion, and thir opinion of the Soul's parting after Death into
,
c.ifar.
Cx&t.
Scwbol.
2.
other Bodies, they may be thought to have ftudied Pythagoras yet Philofophers I cannot call them, reported Men factious and ambitious, contending fbmtimes about the Archpriefthood not without Civil War and Slaughter nor reftrain'd they the People under them from a lewd adulterous and inceftuous Life, ten or twelve Men abfurdly againft Nature, pofleffing one Woman as thir common Wife, though of nearelt kin, Mother, Daughter or Siller ProBut the Gofpel, not long after preach'd heer, genitors not to be glori'd in. aboliflfd fuch Impurities, and of the Romans we have caufe not to fay much worfe, then that they beat us into fome Civility ; likely elfe to have continu'd After Julius (for Julius belonger in a barbarous and favage manner of Life. fore his Death tyrannouily had made himfelf Emperor of the Roman Commonwealth, and was (lain in the Senat for fo doing) he who next obtain'd the Empire, Oclavianus C<ffar Auguftus, either contemning the Hand, as Strabo would have us think, whofe neither Benefit was worth the having, nor Enmity worth the fearing or out of a wholfom State Maxim, as fom fay, to
,
-,
moderate and bound the Empire from growing vaft and unweildy, made no But the truer caufe was partly civil War among attempt againft the Britans. tne R mans i partly other Affairs more urging. For about 20 Years after, all theWrtiof at time Britans liv'd thir own which the had difpofe, Auguftus in imitation cbrift, 22. of his Uncle Julius, either intending or feeming to intend an Expedition hiDion. 49. ther, was come into Gallia, when the news of a Revolt in Pannonia diverted f mm about feven Years after in the fame Refolution, what with the unfetPdpZiTfri ^ nt oj /> ne fs of Gallia, and what with Embaffadors from Britain which met him
1.
:
The next year, difference arifing about Cov'nants, there, he proceeded not. other new Commotions in Spain. he was Neverthelefs again by prevented 24. fom of the Britijh Potentates omitted not to feek his friendfhip by gifts offer'd in the Capitol, and other obfequious Addiefles. Infomuch that the whole Romans known the well to Hand became ev'n in Strabo thofe days ; too well perhaps 4. But for them, who from the knowledg of us were fo like to prove Enemies. as for Tribate, the Britains paid none to Augujlus, except what eafie Cuftoms were levied on the flight Commodities wherwith they traded into Gallia. After Ca/fibelan, Tenantius the younger Son of Lud, according to the Monmouth Story, was made King. For Androgens the elder, conceaving himfelf generally hated for fiding with the Romans, forfook his Claim here, and followM Ctefar's Fortune. Tim King vs recorded Juft and Warlike. His Son KymMine or Cunobeline fucceeding, was brought up, as is faid, in the Court of Augujlus, and with him held friendly Correfpondences to the end j was a warlike Prince, his chief Seat Camalodunum, or Maldon, as by certain Tiberius the next Emperor, adhering of his Coins, yet to be feen, appears. of himfelf lefs caring to extend the and to the of Advice always Augujlus, Bounds of his Empire, fought not the Britans; and they as little to incite him, fent home courteoufly the Souldiers of Germanicus, that by Shipwrack But Caligula his Succelfor, a wild and diflbTacit, an. I. 2. had bin call on the Britanfhoar. _ lute Tyrant, having pail the Alps with intent to rob and fpoil thofe Provinces an<^ fti r 'd U P by Adminius the Son of Cunobeline ; who by his Father baBi'nbofch/ii} 16. nifh'd, with a fmall number fled thither to him, made femblance of marchDion. Sueton. ing toward Britain but being come to the Ocean, and there behaving*himCaI and felf yet fent before him ridiculoufly, went back the fame way ; madly, An. Dom. 40. Cunoall Britain bin as if had to the Letters Senate, yeilded him. boafting beline now dead, Adminius the eldeft by his Father banifh'd from his Country, and by his own practice againft it from the Crown, though by an old Coin feeming to have alio reign'd ; Togodumnus, and Caratlacus the two younger, uncertain whether equal or fubordinat in Power, were advane'd into his place. But
Dion.
1.
53.
1.
->
'
Book
i.
The Hiftorjiof England.

civil difcord,
zj
Dion,
what he was furder, is not known) with But through others of his party flying to Rome, perfwaded Claudius the Emperor to an InClaudius now Conful the third time, and defirous to do fomthing, vafion.
Bericus (
43.
Suecon,
ado perfuaded the Legions to move out of Gallia, murmuring that now they mull be put to make War beyond the World's end, for fo they counted Britain ; and what welcom Julius the Dictator found there, doubtlefs they had heard. At laffc prevail'd with, and hoifTing fail from three feveral Ports, left thir landing fhould in any one place be refilled, meeting crofs Winds, till in the night a meteor (hooting flames they were call back and difheartn'd from the Eaft, and, as they fanci'd, directing thir courfe, they took heart again For the Britans having heard to try the Sea, and without oppofition landed. had bin to to of thir unvvillingnefs negligent provide againft them ; and com, intended to and Woods to the Mores, fruftrate, and wear them out retiring with delays, as they had ferv'd defar before. Plautius after much trouble to find them out, encountring fir ft with Caraclaem, then with Togodummis, overthrew them ; and receaving into conditions part of the Boduni, who then were fubjecf. to the Catuellam, and leaving thereaGarifon, went on toward a River ; where the Britans not imagining that Plautius without a Bridg could pafs, lay on the furder Me C3relefs and fecure. But he fending firft the Germans, whofe Cuftom was, arm'd as they were, to fwim with eafe the ftrongeft Current, commands them to ftrike efpecially at the Horfes, wherby the Chariots, wherin To fecond them he conlifted thir chief art of fight, became unserviceable. fent Ftfpatian, who in his latter days obtain'd the Empire, and Sabinus his Brother ; who unexpectedly afTailing thofewho were leaft aware, did much Yet not for this were the Britans difmaid ; but reuniting the next execution* day, fought with filch a Courage, as made it hard to decide which way hung the Vidlory till Caius Sidius Geta, at point to have bin tak'n, recover'd himfelf for which at Rome he recea'v'd ib valiantly, as brought the day on his fide After this the Britans drew back toward the mouth of Thames, high honours. and acquainted with thofe places, crofs'd over ; where the Romans following them through Bogs and dangerous Flats, hazarded the lofs of all. Yet the Germans getting over, and others by a Bridg at fome place above, fell on them again with fundry Alarms and great Slaughter but in the heat of purfuit running themfelves again into Bogs and Mires, loft as many of thir own. Upon which ill fuccefs, and feeing the Britans more enrag'd at the Death of Togodummis, who in one of thefe Battels had bin (lain, Plautius fearing the worft, and glad that he could hold what he held, as was enjoyn'd him, fends to Claudius. He who waited ready with a huge Preparation, as if not fafe the flowr of all his Romans, like a great Eaftern King, with, amidft anough armed Elephants marches through Gallia. So full of peril was this Enterprife efteem'd, as not without all this Equipage, and ftranger Terrors then Roman Armies to meet the native and the naked Britifh Valour defending thir Country. Join'd with Plautius, who encamping on the Bank of Thames attended The Britans, who had the Courage, but not the him, he pafles the River. wife Conduct of old Cajjibelan, laying all Stratagem afide, in downright Manhood fcrupl'd not to affront in op'n field almoft the whole Power of the Roman Empire. But overcom and vanquilh'd, part by Force, others by TreaClaudius therfore who took Camalodumm, the Royal ty com in and yeild. Seat of Cunobeline, was oft'n by his Army faluted lmperator ; a Military Title which ufually they gave thir General after any notable Exploit ; but to others not above once in the fame War ; as if Claudius by thefe Acts had deferv'd more then the Laws of Rome had provided honour to reward. Having theri. <5s. fore difarm'd the Britans, but remitted the Confifcation of thir Goods, for Dion. which they worlhip'd him with Sacrifice and Temple as a God, leaving Plau* Tacit, an. 14tius to fubdue what remain'd ; he returns to Rome, from whence he had bin 44. abfentonly (ix Months, and in Britain but iixteen days ; fending the News before him of his Victories, though in a fmall part of the Hand. By which
:
whenee he might gain the honour of a Triumph, at the perfualion of thefe Fuwhom the Britans demanding, he had deny'd to render, and they for gitives, that caufe had deny'd furder Amity with Rome, makes choife of this Hand for and fends before him Aulus Plautius the Prcetm-, with this Comhis Province bufinefs if the grew difficult to give him notice. Plautius with much mand,
:
;.
is
24
is
The Hifioryof England.
Book
2.
manifeftly refuted that which Eatropius and Orofius write of his conHands lying to the North of Scotquering at that time alio the Orcades the Romans land , and not conquer'd by (for aught found in any good
as for
Author) till above forty Years after, as (hall appear. To Claudius the Senat, Atchievments of higheit merit, decreed exceflive Honours ; Arches, Triumphs, annual Solemnities, and the Sirname of Britannicus both to him and
his Son.
Suetonius writes that Claudius found here no Refinance, and that all was don without ftroke but this feems not probable. The Monmouth Writer names thefe two Sons of Cunobeline, Guiderius, and Arviragus , that Guiderius being (lain in fight, Arviragus to conceal it, put on his Brother's Habillements, and in hisPerfon held up the Battel to a Vicfory ; the left, as of Hamo the Roman Captain, Genuijfa the Emperors Daughter, and fuch like Huff, is too Plautius alter palpably untrue to be worth reherfing in the midft of Truth. the his to frefli Forces and this, employing conquer on, quiet rebelling Counat his of work to return a kind found deferve Triumphant riding anough tries,
:
Sueton. ciuud. 5. 24.
nt0
had thirty
capital fide by fide with the Emperour. Vtfpatian alfo under Plautius conflicts with the Enemies in one of which encompafs'd, and in
Sueton. vefp. great Dio. I. 60. erful
47.
5c. Tadt. an. 12.
Eutropius.
Tacit, vit.
danger, he was valiantly and pioufly refafd by his SonTitus : two powNations he fubdu'd heer, above 20 Towns and the lie of Wight ; for which hereceavM at Rome Triumphal Ornaments, and other great Dignities. For that Citie in reward of Venue was ever magnificent ; and long after when true merit was ceast among them, lejl any thing refembling Vertue fhould want honour, the fame rewards were yet allow 'd to the very fhadow and oftentation of Merit. Oftorius in the room of Plautius Vice-praetor, met with turbulent Affairs; the Britans not ceafing to vex with inrodes all thofe Countries that were yielded to the Romans ; and now the more eagerly, fuppofing that the new General unacquainted with his Annie, and on the edg of Winter, would nothaftily oppofethem. But he waighing that firft events were moft available to breed fear or contempt, with fuch Cohorts as were next at hand fets out againft them: whom having routed, foclofe he follows, as one who meant not to be every day molefted with the Cavils of a flight Peace, or an embolden'd Enemy. Left they ihould make head again, he difarms whom he fufpeds; and to furround them, places many Garifons upon the Rivers of Antona and Sabrina. But the Icenians, a ftout People untouch'd yet by thefe Wars, as before having fought Alliance with the Romans, were the firft that brook'd thir not this. By Example others rife ; and in a chofen place, fenc't with of Banks Earth, and narrow Lanes to prevent the Horfe, warily enhigh camp. Oftorius, though yet not ftrengthn'd with his Legions, caufes the Auxiliar Bands, his Troops alfo alighting, to ailault the rampant. They within, though pefter'd with thir own number, flood to it like Men refolv'd, and in a narrow compafs did remarkable Deeds. But overpower'd at laft, and others by thir fuccefs quieted, who till then waver'd, Oftorius next bends his Force upon the Cangians, wafting all ev'n to the Sea of Ireland, without Fo in his way, or them, who durft, ill handl'd ; when the Brigames attempting new matters, drew him back to fettle firft what was unfecure behind him. They, of whom the chief were punifh'd, the reft forgiv'n, foon gave over, but the Silures no way tradable were not to be reprefs'd without a fet War. To furder this, Camalodunum was planted with a Colony of Veteran Souldiers ; to be a firm and ready Aid againft Revolts, and a means to teach the Natives Roman Law and Civility. Cogidunus alftra Britifh King, thir faft Friend, had to the fame intent certain Cities giv'n him a
'
Agric.
haughtie Craft, which the Romans us'd, to make Kings alfo the fervile Agents of enflaving others. But the Silures hardy of themfelves, rely'd more on the Valour of Carallacus ; whom many doubtful, many profperous Succeffes had made eminent above all that rul'd in Britain. He adding to his and to be himfelf of in o'her inferior, knowing Courage Policy, Strength Advantages the better, makes the Seat of his War among the Ofdovices; a Country wherin all the odds were to his own Party, all the difficulties to his Enemie. The Hills and every Accefs he fortifi'd with heaps of Stones, and Guards of Men ; to com at whom aRiver.of unfafe Paffage muft be firft waded. The place, as Camden conjectures, had thence the name of Caer-Caradoc on the
Weft
Book
l,
Shropfhire.
Weft edg of
his Officers
thir
The Hijlury of iinghnd. He himfelf continually went up and down, animating

;
and Leaders, that
Libertic, or to die free
stors,
who
glorious Ancedrove Cafar the Dictator out of Britain, whofe Valour hitherto
naubc Day, this the F'uld, calling to mind the Names of his
this
either to
defend
had preferv'd them from Bondage, thir Wives and Children from Dishonour. Inflam'd with thefe words^ they all vow thirutmoft, with iuch undaunted re.folution as amaz'd the Roman General ; but the Souldier lefs weighing, becaufe lefs knowing, clamour'd to be led on againft any Danger. uftoma "alter waThe Britains no fooner had them ry Circumfpection bids them pafs the River within reach of thir Arrows, Darts, and Stones, but Hew and wounded l.uvThey on the other tide doling thir Ranks, and over head ly of the Rom v,is. thir Targets, threw down the loofe Rampires of the Bnt.uns, ar.J doling them purine up the Hills, both light armed and Legions j till what with gauland Darts heavy Strokes, the Britons who wore neither Helmet nor Cuiing Tliis the Romans rafs to defend them, were at lait overconi. thought a famous Victory ; wherin the Witc and Daughter of Carattacv.s were tak'n
:
his
Brothers alio redue'd to obedience
himfelf efcaping \o Cartifniandux
Queen of the
Brigantes, againlt Faith giv'n
was to the Victors deliver'd bound
Provinces, ev'n to Italy and Rome; many deliring to fee who he was, that could withftand fo many Years the Romaq Puilfance and Ccefar, to extol his own Victory, extoll'd the Man whom lijc had vanquiih'd. being brought to Rome, the People as to a folemn Spectacle were call'd together, the
:
having held out againlt the Romans n'fne Tears, faith Tacitus, but by truer computation, Seven. Wherby his Name was up through all the- adjoining
Guard Hood
King's Servants, bearing his Trophies won in other Wars, next his Brothers, Wife, and Daughter', The Behaviour of others, through fear, was low and degenelaft himfelf. he only neither in Countenance, W,ord, or Action, fubmiffive rate Handing at the Tribunal of Claudius, briefly to this purpofe. // my mind, QeSpake, far, bad bin as moderate in the height of Fortune, my fiirth ayid Dignity was emij\or couldft nent, I might have come a Friend rather then a Captive into this City. thou have diflik'd him for a confederate, fo noble of and defcent,
the.
,
in
Arms.
In
Order came
Emperor's
firft
Nations.
Horfes,
My
If
prcfent Eftatc to
Arms, and Men

I
hy Fate, yours only muft '
ruling fo many I had Riches, difgraceful, to thee is glorious. ; no wonder then tf I contended, not to them. But if loft be Empire, then of ours the be
me
necejjity
among
reft
mufl
fubjcBion.
fooner had bin brought to yield, my Misfortune had bin lefs notorious, your Conqueft had been lefs renown 'd ; and in your feverefl determining of me,
_
both will be foon forgotten. But if you grant that I (hall live, by me will live to you jSr ever that praifc which is fo near Divine, the clemency of a Conquerow. Cxfar mov'd at fuch a Spectacle of Fortune, but efyecially at the noblenefs of his bearing it, gave him pardon, and to all the reft. They all unbound, fubmiily thank him, and did like reverence to Agnppina the Emperor's Wife, who fat of a Woby in State ; a new and difdained light to the
manly Eyes Romans, female Pride among Enligns and armed Cohorts. To Oftorius Triumph is decreed ; and his Acts efteem'd equal to thirs, than brought in Bonds to Rome faraoufeft Kings. But the fame Profperity attended not his later Actions here ; for the Silures, whether to revenge thir lofs of CaraCtacus, or that they faw Oftorius, as if now all were done, lefs earneft to reltrain them, befet the Prefect of his Camp, left there with Legionary Bands to appoint Garifons: And had not fpeedy Aid com in from the neighbouring Holds and Caftles, had cut them all off} notwithstanding which, the Prefeil
man
fitting public in her
with eight Centurions,
and m3ny
firft
thir ftouteft
Men, were
flain
neck of
and upon the
with Roman Foragers, then with other Troops halting to thir relief, utterly foil'd and broke them alfo. Oftorius fending more after, could hardly ftay thir flight-, till the weighty Legions coming on, at firft pois'd the Battel, at length turn'd the Scale to the Bntans without much lots, for by that time it grew Night. Then was fie War fhiver'd, as it were, into fmall Frays and Bickerings ; not unlike fomtimes to fo many Robberies, in Woods, at Waters, as Chance or Valour, Advice or Rafhnefs, led them on, commanded or without command. That which molt exafperated the Silures, was a Report of certain words caft out by the Emperor, That he would root them out to the very Name. Therfore two Cohorts more of Auxilithis,
meeting
ars,
26
ars,
Tta Hijlory of England.
Book
2.
by the avarice of thir Leaders too fecurely pillaging, they quite intercepted j and bellowing liberally the Spoils and Captives, wherof they took to join with them. Thefe Lofies falling fo plenty, drew other Countries with the and the thick upon thought Romans, OJlorius anguifh therof ended
the Britans rejoicing, although no Battel, that yet adverfe War days had worn out fo great a Souldier. Cafar in his place ordains Aulus Didius : but ere his coming, though much haftn'd, that the Province might not want a Governour, the Silures had giv'n an overthrow to Manlius Vakns with his Legion, rumorM on both (ides greater then was true, by the Silures to amate the new General ; by him in a double refpect, of the more praife if he
his
,
them, or the more excufe

infeft the
if
he
fail'd.
Mean time
Roman Pale with wide Excurfions , till kept fomwhat more within Bounds. Nor were they long tofeek, who after them Caraclacus fhould lead them ; for next to him in worth and skill of War, fenutius a Prince of the Brigantes merited to be thir Chief.
quel'd the Silures forget not to Didius marching out,
He
at
firft
faithful
to the Romans, and by them protected, was the Husband of Cartifmandua Queen of the Brigantes, himfelf perhaps reigning elfwhere. She who had betray'd Caraclacus and her Country to adorn the Triumph of Claudius, therby grown powerful and gracious with the Romans, prefuming on the hire of herTreafon, deferted her Husband} and marrying Fellocatus one of
Tacit, vit.
Agric.
Tacit.Hift. t.
Sueton.
This Deed fo odious and full his Squires, confers on him the Kingdom alfo. of Infamy, difturb'd the whole State-, Venutius with other Forces, and the help of her own Subjects, who detefted the Example of fo foul a Fact, and withal the uncomlinefs of thir Subjection to the Monarchy of a Woman, a piece of Manhood not every day to be found among Britans, though fhe had got by futtle train his Brother with many of his Kindred into her hands, brought her foon below the confidence of being able to refill longer. When imploring the Roman Aid, with much ado, and after many a hard Encounter, fhe efeap'd the Punifhment which was ready to have feiz'd her. Venutius thus debar'd the Autority of ruling his own Houfhold, jultly turns his Anger againft the Romans themfelves ; whofe Magnanimity not wont to undertake difhonourable Caufes, had arrogantly intermedl'd in his Domeftic Affairs, to uphold the Rebellion of an Adultrefs againft her Husband. And the Kingdom he rctain'd againft thir utmoft oppofition ; and of War gave them thir fill firft in a lharp Conflict of uncertain Event, then againft the Legion of Cdcfius Nafica. Infomuch that Didius growing old, and managing the War by Deputies, had work anough to ftand on his Defence, with the gaining now anc^ t ^cn of a fmall Caftle. And Nero (for in that part of the lie things cqa* tinu'd in the fame plight to the reign of refpatian) was minded but for fhame t0 have withdrawn the Roman Forces out of Britain: In other parts wherof, about the fame time, other things befel. Vcrannius, whom Nero fent hither to fucceed Didius, dying in his firft Year, fave a few inrodes upon the Silures, left only a great Boaft behind him, That in two Years, bad be liv'd, be would have conquered all. But Suetonius Paulinus, who next was fent hither, efteem'd a Souldier equal to the beft in that Age, for two Years together went on proAt laft fperoufly, both confirming what was got, and fubduing onward. overconfident of hisprefent Actions, and xmulating others, of whofc Deeds he heard from abroad, marches up as far as Mona, the lie of Anglesey, a populous place. For they it feems had both entertain'd Fugitives, and giv'n good Affiftance to the reft that withftood him. He makes him Boats with flat bottoms, fitted to the Shallows which he expected in that narrow Frith ; Thick upon the Shoar his Foot fo pafs'd over, his Horfe waded or fwom. flood feveralgrofs Bands of Men well weapn'd, many Women like Furies running to and fro in difmal Habit, with Hair loofe about thir Shoulders, held Torches in thir hands. The Druids, thofe were thir Priefts, of whom more in another place, with hands lift up to Heav'n uttering direful Prayers, afto:
Romans; who at fo ftrange a fight flood in amaze, though woundAt length awak'd and encourag'd by thir General, not to fear a barbarous and lunatic Rout, fall on, and beat them down fcorcht and rouling in thir own Fire. Then were they yok'd with Garifons, and the Places connifh'd the
ed
fecrate to thir bloody Superftitions deftroy'd. For whom they took in War, they held it lawful to facrificej and bv the Entrails of Men us'd Divination.
While
Book
i.
tjhi Hiftorf of
England.
fix'd before to
:
%f
While thus Paulhms had his thought ftill go on winning, his back hy broad op'n to occafion of loling more behind For the Britans, urg'd and opprefs'd with many unfufferable Injuries, had all banded themfelves to a The particular Caufes are not all writt'n by one Author general Revolt.
,
Tacitus
who
liv'd
next thofe
Times of any
to us extant, writes that Prafuta-
in Wealth, had left Caefar Coheir with gus King of the kenians, abounding to have fecur'd from all wrong both his his two Daughters therby hoping For under colour to which fell out far otherwife. and his Houfe , Kingdom overfee and take polleflion of the Emperor's new Inheritance, his Kingdom became a Pre-y to Centurions, his Houfe to rav'ning Officers, his Wife Boadicea violated with Stripes, his Daughters with Rape, the wealthieffc of his Teftament of thir King thrown out of Subjects, as it were, by the Will and then Slaves. The new Colony alfo little better his Kindred made thir Eltates, from whom or Land took. Houfe ztCamalodunum theypleas'd, terming them the Souldiers complying with the Colony, out of hope Slaves and V a ITa Is Moreover the Temple eredted hereafter to ufe the fame Liccnle themfelves. to Claudius as a Badg of thir eternal Slavery, ftood a great Eye-fore ; the Prielts wherof, under pretext of what was due to the religious Service, waftAnd Catus Decianus ed and imbczl'd each Man's Subltance upon themfelves. the Procurator, endeavour'd to bring all thir Goods within the compafs of a Dion: newConfifcation, by difavowing the remitment of Claudius. Laftly, Seneca, in
-, -,
Books a Philofopher, having drawn the Britans unwillingly to borrow of vaft Sums upon fair Promifes of eafy Loan^ and for repaiment to take thir own time, on a fudden compels them to pay in all at once with great ExThus provok't by heavieft Sufferings, and thus invited by Opportortion. tunities in the abfence of Paulinus, the kenians, and by thir Example the Of thefe Trinobantes, and as many elfe as hated Servitude, rife up in Arms. enfuing Troubles many foregoing Signs appear'd j the Image of Vidtory at Camalodimum fell down of it felf with her Face turn'd, as it were, to the Britans ; certain Women, in a kind of Extafy, foretold of Calamities to come: In the Council-houfe were heard by night barbarous Noifes ; in the Theater hideous Howlings, in the Creek horrid Sights, betok'nirtg the deftruction of that Colony \ hereto the Ocean feeming of a bloody hew, and human fhapes at a low ebb, left imprinted on the Sand, wrought in the Britans new Courage, in the Romans unwonted Fears. Camalodimum, where the Romans had feated themfelves to dwell pleafantly, rather then defenlively, was not fortifi'd The Souldiers within againft that therfore the Britans make firft aflault. were not very many. Decianus the Procurator could fend them but 200, thofe ill arm'd: and through the Treachery of fom among them, who fecretly favour'd the Infurredtion, they had defer 'd both to entrench, and to fend out fuch as bore not Arrhs ; fuch as did, flying to the Temple, which on the fecond day was forcibly tak'n, were put all to the Sword, the Temple made a heap, the reft rifl'd and burnt. Petilius Cereal'vs coming to his Succour, is in his way met, and overthrown, his whole Legion cut to pieces he with his Horfe hardly Decianus, whofe rapine was efcaping to the Roman Camp. thecaufeof all this, fled into Gallia. But Suetonius at thefe tidings not difmay'd, through the midft of his Enemies Country, marches to London (though not term'd a Colony, yet full of Roman Inhabitants, and for the frequency of Trade, and other Commodities, a Town ev'n then of principal But confidering note) with purpofe to have made there the feat of War. the imalnefs of his Numbers, and the late rafhnefs of Petilius, he chufes rather with the lofs of one Town to fave the reft. Nor was he flexible to any Prayers or Weeping of them that befought him to tarry there ; but taking with him fuch as were willing, gave lignal to depart ; they who through weaknefs of Sex or Age, or love of the place went not along, perifh'd by the Enemy ; fo did Verulam a Roman free Town. For the Britans omitting Forts and Caftles, flew thither firft where richeft Booty, and the hope of pillaging toald them on. In this Maffacre about 70000 Romans and thir AfTociats,
his
him
in the places above-mention'd,of a certain loft thir lives. None might be fpar'd, none ranfom'd, but tailed all either a prefent or a lingring Death , no cruelty that either outrage, or the infolence of Succefs put into thir heads, was
left
unadted.
The Roman Wives and
Virgins hang'd up E 2
all
naked, had thir

Breafts
Lion.-
6*>
28

,
Book
i.
Breafts cut off, and fow'd to thir Mouths , that in the grimnefs of Death while the Britans fell to feaftthey might feera to eat thir own Flefh thir Goddefs of Vi&ory. of Andate ing and carouling in the Temple and Souldiers therabout, Officers other old to his Suetonius adding Legion
which gather'd to him, were neer upon ten thoufand ; and purpoling with thofe not to defer Battel, had chosVi a place narrow, and not tobeoverwing'd, on his rear a Wood 7 being well inform'd that his Enemies were all in front on a Plain unapt for Ambufh the Legionaries flood thic in order, imThe Britans in Compathe Horfe on either Wing. pal'd with light armed nies and Squadrons were every where fhouting and fwarming, fuch a multitude as at other time never no lefs reckon'd then 200 and 30 thoufand, fo feirce and confident of Victory, that thir Wives alfo came in Waggons to fit and behold the fport, as they made full account of killing Romans : a folly doubtlefs for the ferious Romans to fmile at, as a fure Tok'n of profpering that day : For Boadicea and her Daugha Woman alfo was thir Commander in Chief.
:
, ,
ters ride about in a Chariot, telling the tall Champions as a great Encourageto be thir Leaders. ment, that with the Britans it was ufual for
Women
Dion.
Dion.
I affect Barbarifm, as if in Britain Women were Men, and Men Women. not fet Speeches in a Hiftory, unlefs known for certain to have bin fo fpok'n in effect as they are writ'n, nor then, unlefs worth rehearfal ; and to invent fuch, though eloquently, asfomeHiftorians have don, is an Abufe of Pofterity, railing in them that read other Conceptions of thofe Times and Perfons then were true. Much lefs therfore do I purpofe heer or elfwhere to copy out tedious Orations without Decorum, though in thir Authors compos'd Hitherto what we have heard of Cajfibelan, Togadumnus, ready to my hand. Venufius, and Caraclacus, hath bin full of Magnanimity, Sobernefs, and martial Skill but the truth is, that in this Battel and whole Bufinefs the Britans never more plainly manifefted themfelves to be right Barbarians no Rule, no of themfelves or of Forefight, no Forecaft, Experience or Eftimation, either thir Enemies \ fuch Confufion, fuch Impotence, as feem'd likeft not to a War, but to the wild hurry of a diffracted Woman, with as mad a Crew at her heels. Therfore Suetonius, contemning thir unruly Noifes and fierce looks, heart'ns his Men but to ftand clofe a while, and ftrike manfully this headlefs Rabble that flood neereft, the reft would be a purchafe rather then a toil. And fo it fell out ; for the Legion, when they fa w thir time, burftingout all elfe like a violent wedg, quickly broke and diffipated what oppos'd them held only out thir Necks to the Slayer, for thir own Carts and Waggons were fo plac'd by themfelves, as left them but little room to efcape between. The Roman flew all , Men, Women, and the very drawing Horfes lay heap'd About fourfcore thoufand along the Field in a gory mixture of Slaughter. Britans are faid to have bin flain on the place ; of the Enemy fcarfe 400, and not many more wounded. Boadicea poyfon'd her felf, or, as others fay, fick'nd and dy'd. She was of Stature big and tall, of Vifage grim and ftern, harfh of Voice, her Hair of bright colour flowing down to her Hips ; fhe wore a plighted Garment of divers Colours, with a great gold'n Chain ; buttoned over all a thick robe. Gildat calls her the crafty Lionefs, and leaves an ill fame Dion fets down otherwife the Order of this Fight, her upon doings. and that the Field was not won without much Difficulty, nor without intention of the Britans to give another Battel, had not the Death of Boadicea come between. Howbeit Suetonius, to preferve Difciplin, and to difpatch the Re:
,
the Field on a high heap of Turves, in a loofe-bodied Gown declaming, a Spear in her hand, a Hare in her Bofom, which after a long Circumlocution flie was to let flip among them for luck's fake ; then praying to Andate the BriAnd this they do out of a Vatijh Goddefs, to talk again as fondly as before. out thir fet and to embellifh Hiftory with the flrangnefs of our nity, hoping to while brand us with the rankeft note of in the mean not manners, caring
deal of other Fondnefs they put into her Mouth, not worth recital ; how fhe was lafh'd, how her Daughters were handl'd, things worthier Silence, Retirment, and a Vail, then for a Woman to repeat, as don to hir own Perfon, The Greek Hijlorian fets her in or to hear repeated before an Holt of Men.
liquesof War, lodg'd with all his Army in the op'n Field ; which was fupply'd out of Germany with 1000 Horfe and 10000 Footi thence difpers'd to
win-
Book
2.
Tk
Hijlory of England.
29
But to winter, and with Incurfions to waft thofe Countries that ftcod out. the Bntans Famin was a worfe Affli&ion } having left off during this uproar, to till the Ground, and made reck'ning to ferve themfelves on the Provifions Neverthelefs thofe Nations that were yet untam'd, hearing of thir Enemy. between- Suetonius and the new Procurator Clajficiamis, ris'n of fome Difcord were brought but llowly to terms of Peace ; and the Rigor usd by Suctumus on them that yeilded, taught them the better Courfe to ltand on thir Defence. For it is certain that Suetonius, though elfe a worthy Man, over-proud of his Tacicvir. A8nc# Clajfician Victory, gave too much way to his Anger againft the Britans.
therfoie fending fuch word to Rome, that thefe fevere Proceedings would beget an endlefs War, Polycletus, no Roman but a Courtier, was lent by Nero to cxamin how things went. He admonifhing Suetonius to ufe more Mildnefs, aw'd the Army, and to the Bntans gave matter of Laughter. Whofo much even till then were nurs'd up in thir nativ Liberty, as to wonder that fo great a General with his whole Army fhould be at the Rebuke and ordering of a Court Servitor. But Suetonius a while after, having loft a few Gallies on the was bid fhoar, refign his Command to PetroniusTurpilianus, who not
52,
provoking
cord ; charging him with Dilbrder and Sedition, and him Calius with peeling & vie. Agric. and defrauding the Legions of thir Pay ; infomuch that Trebellius hated and deferted of the Souldiers, was content a while to govern by bafe Entreaty, and Which notwithftanding remain'd in good fore'd at length to fly the Land. C alius and the other Legat of a Legion, both faithful to by quiet, govern'd rttellius then Emperor , who fent hither VeLlius Bolanus ; under whofe Lenity, 69. though not tainted with other Fault, againft the Britans nothing was don, Tacit.Hirt.2, nor in thir own Difciplin reform'd, Petilius Cerealis by appointment of Fef- & y ic- Agric. 70. pafian fucceeding, had to do with the populous Brigantes in many Battels, and foni of thofe not unbloody. For as we heard before, it was Venuftus who 74. even to thefe times held them tack, both himfelf remaining to the end unvan- CaIvis It quifh'd, and fom part of his Country not fo much as reachd. appears alfo Tacit.Hift.5i the of feveral in Hiftories that no fmall number of Briti/h & Vlc A nCo Tacitus, by PaiTages Forces were commanded over Sea the Year before to ferve in thofe bloody Wars between Otho and Vheliius, yitellius and P'efpafian contending for the Empire. To Cerealvs fucceeded Julius Frontinus in the Government of Britain^ who by taming the Silures, a People warlike and ftrongly inhabiting, augmented much his Reputation. But Julius Agricola, whom Vefpafian in his laft 79 Year fent hither, train'd up from his Youth in the Briti/h Wars, extended with Vi&ories the Roman Limit beyond all his Predeceflbrs. His coming was in the midft of Summer ; and the Ordovices to welcom the new General had hew'n in peeces a whole Squadron of Horfe which lay upon thir Bounds, few efcaping. Agricola, who perceav'd that the noife of this Defeat had alfo in the Province defirous of Novelty ftirr'd up new Expectations, refolves to be before-hand with the danger and drawing together the choice of his Legions with a competent number of Auxiliars, not being met by the Ordovices, who kept the Hills, himfelf in the head of his Men, hunts them up and down through difficult places, almolt to the final extirpating of that whole Nation. With the fame current of Succefs, what Paultnus had left unfinifhd he conquers in the lie of Mona : for the Ilanders altogether fearlefs of his Approach, whom they knew to have no Shipping, when they faw themfelves invaded on a Hidden by the Auxiliars, whofe Country Ufe had taught them to fwim over with Horfe and Arms, were compell'd to This gain'd Agricola much yeild. opinion ; who at his very entrance, a time which others beftow d of courfe in hearing Complements and Gratulations, had made fuch early Progrefs into laborious and hardeft Enterprifes. But by far not fo famous was AgricoU in bringing War to a fpeedy end, as in cutting oft theCaufes from whence War arifes. For he knowing that the end of War was not to make way for Injuries
:
the Britans, nor by them provok'd, was thought to have pretended the Love of Peace to what indeed was his Love of Eafe and Sloth. Trebellius Maximus follow"d his fteps, ufurping the name of Gentle Government to any Remifnefs or Negledt of Difciplin ; which brought in firft Licence, next Difobedience into his Camp , incens'd againft him partly for his Covetoufnefs, partly by the Incitement of Rofcius Caliw, Legat of a Legion ; with whom formerly difagreeing, now that civil War began in the Empire, he fell to op'n Dif- Tacit.
Hift./.r.
in
ô
in Peace,
not his Attendants and Followers to fway, or have to do at all in public Affairs: lays on with Equality the Proportions of Corn and Tribute that were impos'd takes off Ex-actions, and the Fees of encroaching Officers, heavier than the Tribute For the Countries had bin compell d before, to lit and wait the op'nit felf. of public Granaries, and both to fell and to buy thir Corn at what rate ing the Publicans thought fit ; thePourveyers alio commanding when they pleas'd to bring it in, not to the neereft, but ftill to the remoteft places, either by the compounding of fuch as would be excus'd, or by cauling a Dearth, where none was, made a particular Gain. Thele Greevances and the like, he in the time of Peace removing, brought Peace into fome Credit \ which before,
,
-,
The Hiftory of England. began Reformation from his own Houfe permitted
Book
i.
So.
Romans coming, had as ill a name as War. The Summer following, Emperor, he fo continually with Inroads difquieted the Enemy over all the He, and after Terror fo allur'd them with his gentle Demeanour, .that many Cities which till that time would not bend, gave Hoftages, admitThe Winter he fpent all in worthy ted Gariibns, and came in voluntarily. like and a A&iorisi teaching public Father the Inftitutesand Cupromoting itoms of civil Life. The Inhabitants rude and fcatter'd, and by that the proner to War, hefo perfwaded as to build Houfes, Temples, and Seats of juftice ^ and by prailing the forward, quick'ning the flow, affifting all, turn'd He causd moreover the Noblethe name of Necellity into an Emulation. mens Sons to be bred up in liberal Arts} and by preferring the Wits of Britain before the Studies of Gallia, brought them to affect the Latin Elolince the
Titus then
Si.
Dion.
/.
66.
82.
3*
84.
who before hated the Language. Then w ere the Roman Fafhions imiand the Gown \ after a while the Incitements alfo and Materials of tated, and Vice, voluptuous Life, proud Buildings, Baths, and the Elegance of Banthe foolifher fort call'd Civility, but was indeed a fecret Art which queting ; to prepare them for Bondage. Spring appearing, he took the Field, and with a profperous Expedition wafte^d as far Northward as the Frith of Taus all that obey'd not, with fuch a Terror, as he went, that the Roman Army, though much hinder'd by tempeftuous Weather, had the leafure to build Forts and Caftles where they pleas'd, none daring to oppofe them. Befides, slgricola had this Excellence in him, fo providently to choofe his Places where to fortify, as not another General then alive. No Sconce or Fortrefs of his to bin was ever known either have forc'd, or yeilded up, or quitted. railing Out of thefe impregnable by Seige, or in that cafe duly releev'd, with continual Irruptions he fo prevail'd, that the Enemy, whole manner was in Winter to regain what in Summer he had loft, was now alike in both Seafons kept fhort and ftraitVd. For thefe Exploits, then efteem'd fo gre3t and honourabi Ci Titus in whofe Reign they were atcheev'd was the fifteenth time faluted Imperator-, and of him Agricola receav'd triumphal Honours. The fourth Summer, Domitian then ruling the Empire, he fpent in fetling and confirming what the Year before he had travail'd over with a running Conqueft. And had the Valour of his Souldiers bin anfwerable, he had reach'd that Year, as was thought, the utmoft Bounds of Britain. For Glota and Bodotria, now Dunbritton, and the Frith of Edinburrow, two oppofite Arms of the Sea, divided only by a neck of Land, and all the Creeks and Inlets on this fide, were held by the Romans, and the Enemy driv'n as it were into another Hand. In his fift Year he pafs'd over into the Orcades, as we may probably guefs, and other Scotch lies ; difcovering and fubduing Nations, till then unknown. He gain'd alfo with his Forces that part of Britain which faces Ireland, as aiming alfo to conquer that Hand ^ where one of the Irifh Kings driv'n out by civil Wars coming to him, he both gladly receav'd and retain'd him as againft a fit time. The Summer enfuing, on miftrult that the Nations beyond Bodotria would generally rife, and forelay the Paflages by Land, he caus'd his Fleet, making a great fhew, to bear along the Coaft, and up the Friths and Harbours ; joining moll commonly at Night on the fame Ihqar both Land and Sea At fight wherof the BriForces, with mutual Shouts and loud Greetings. to Howbeit the not fee wont thir Sea fo were much daunted. tans, ridd'n, Caledonians with great Preparation, and by Rumor, as of things unknown much greater, taking Arms, and of thir own Accord beginning War by the Afiault of fundry Caftles, feat back fome of thir Fear to the Romans themquence,
felves
:
Book
2.
Tk Hijlory
of
England.
,,'
felves: and there were of the Commanders, who cloking thir fear under fhew of fage Advice, counfel'd the General to retreat back on this iide BodoHe in the mean while having intelligence, that the Enemy would fall on tria.
in many Bodies, divided alfo his Armie into three parts. Which advantage the Britans quickly fpying, and on a fudden uniting what before they had difwith all thir Forces that part of the Roman Armic join'd, aflail by Night which they knew to be the weakeft ; and breaking in upon the
between fleep and fear, had begun fom Execution. When Agrkola, who had learnt what way the Enemies took, and follow'd them with all fpeed, fending before him the lighted of his Horfe and Foot to charge them behind, the reft as they came on to afright them with clamour, fo ply'd them without refpit, that by approach of day the Roman Enligns glittering all about, had enoompafs'd the Britans : who now after a lharp fight in the very Ports of the Camp, betook them to thir wonted refuge, the Woods and Fens, purfu'd a while by the Romans ; that day elfe in all appearance had ended the War.
Camp, furpris'd
The
Legions reincourag'd by this event, they alfo
now
boafting,
who
but
to be led on as far as there was Briti/h lately trembl'd, cry all ground. The Britans alfo not acknowledging the lofs of that day to Roman valour, but to the policy of thir Captain, abated nothing of thir ftoutnefs ; but thir
youth, conveying thir Wives and Children to places of fafety, in frequent AlFemblies, and by folemn Cov'nants bound themfelves to mutual affiftance acommon Enemy. About the fame time a Cohort of Germans hagainft the thir Centurion with other Roman Officers in a Mutiny, and for fear llain ving of punifhment fled a Shipboard, launch'd forth in three light Gallies without Pilot i and by Tide or Weather carried round about the Coaft, uling Piracy Dion. /. 66. where they landed, while thir Ships held out, and as thir skill ferv'd them, with various fortune,were the firft difcoverers to the Romans that Britain was an hand. The following Summer, Agrkola having before fent his Navie to hover on the 8$Coaft, and with fnndrie and uncertain Landings to divert and difunite the Britans, himfelf with a power belt appointed for Expedition, wherin alfo were many Britans, whom he had long try'd both valiant and faithful, marches onward to the Mountain Grampus, where the Briti/h, above thoufand
arming
30 were now lodg'd, and ftill encrealing , for neither would thir old men, fo many as were yet vigorous and lufty, be left at home, long pradtis'd in War, and every one adorn'd with fome Badg, or cognifance of his warlike deeds Of whom Galgacus, both by Birth and Merit the prime Leader to long ago. thir courage, though of it felf hot and violent, is by his rough Oratory, in deteftation of fervitude and the Roman yoke, faid to have added much more eagernels of Fight, teftifi'd by thir fhouts and barbarous applaufes. As much did on the other fide Agrkola exhort his Souldiers to Viftory and Glorie as much the Soldiers by his firm and well grounded Exhortations were all o'n a But firft he orders them in this fort Of 8000 Auxiliar fire to the Onfet. Foot he makes his middle ward, on the Wings 3000 Horfe, the Legions as a
,
Referve, flood in array before the Camp} either to feife the Vidtory won without thir own hazard, or to keep up the Battle if it fhould need. The Briti/h powers on the Hill fide, as might beft ferve for fhew and terrour, flood in thir Battalions } the firft on even Ground, the next rifing behind, as the The Field between rung with the noife of Horfemen and ChaHill afcended. riots ranging up and down. Agrkola doubting to be over wing'd, ftretches out his Front, though fomwhat with the thinneft, infomuch that many advis'd to bring up the Legions yet he not altering, alights from his Horfe, and ftands on foot before the Enfigns. The fight began aloof, and the Britans had a certain skill with thir broad fwafhing Swords and fhort Bucklers cither to flrike afide, or to bear off the Darts of thir Enemies and withal to fend back fhowers of thir own. Until Agrkola difcerning that thofe little Targets and unweildie Glaves ill pointed, would foon become ridiculous againft the thruft and dofe, commanded three Batavian Cohorts, and two of the T'mgrians exercis'd and arm'd for clofe fight, to draw up, and come to handyThe Batavians, as they were commanded, running in ftrokes. upon them, now with thir long Tucks thrufting at the face, now with thir piked Targets bearing them down, had made good riddance of them that flood below ; and for haft omitting furder Execution, began apace to advance up Hill, feconded
:
,
now
1'he
Bijhryof England.
Book
2=
now by all the other Cohorts. Mean while the Horfe-men fly, the Charioters mix themfelves to light among the Foot, where many of thir Horfe alfo fall'n in difordct ly, were now more a mifchief to thir own, then before a terrour The Battle was a confus'd heap, the ground unequal ; Men, to thir Enemies.
Horfes, Chariots crowded Pelmel
j
fomtimes in
little
room, by and by
in
large, fighting, ruining, felling, over-bearing, over-turning. They on the Hill, which were not yet com to blows, perceaving the fewnefs of thir Ene-
mies, came down amain j and had enclosed the Romans unawares behind, but that Agrioola with a ftrong Body of Horfe, which he referv'd for fuch a purpofe, repeird them back as fait ; and others drawn off the Front, were commanded to wheel about and charge them on the backs. Then were the Romans clearly Mafters \ they follow, they wound, they take, and to take more, kill whom they cake: the Britans in whole Troops with weapons in thir Hands one while flying the purfuer, anon without Weapons defperately running upon the Skyer. But all of them, when once they got the Woods to thir flielter, with frefh boldnefs made head again, and the forwardeft on a Hidden they tuvm'd and ilew, the reft fo hamper'd, as had not Agrkola, who was every where at hand, fent out his readieft Cohorts, with part of his Horfe to
and fcowrthe Woods, they had receiv'd a foyl in the midft of Vidlobut ; following with a clofe and orderly purfuit, the Britans fled again, and were totally fcatter'd , till Night and wearinefs ended the chafe. And of them that day 10 thoufand fell ; of the Romans 340, among whom Aulus Aniens the Leader of a Cohort , carried with heat of Youth, and the lircenefs of his Horfe too far on. The Romans jocond of this Victorie, and the fpoil they got, fpent the Night-, the vanquifh'd wandring about the Field, both Men and Women, fom lamenting, fom calling thir loft Friends, or carrying off thir Wounded ; others forfaking, fom burning thir own Houfes \ and it was certain enough, that there were who with a. ftern Companion laid violent hands on thir Wives and Children, to prevent the more violent hands of hoftile Injury. Next day appearing manifefted more plainly the greatnefs of thir Iofs veteav'd ; every where filence, defolation, Houfes burning afar off, not a man feen, all fled, and doubtful whether fuch word the Scouts bringing in from all parts, and the Summer now fpent, no fit feafon to difperfe a War, the Roman General leads his Armie among the Horeflians ; by whom Hoftagcs being giv'n, he commands his Admiral with a fufficient Navie to fail round the Coaft of Britain ; himfelf with How marches, that' his delay in parting m'ght ferve to aw thofe new conquer'd Nations, beftows his Army
alight
rie
:
Winter-qmrtcrs. The Fleet alfo having fetch t a profperous and fpeedy compafs about the He, put in at the Haven Trutulenfis, now Rkbborrow and now likelieft, if not two years Juvenal, lac.;, near Sandwich, from whence it firft fet out as was the Romans before, mentioiVd, might difcover and fubdue the lies of Eutrop. /. 7. Orkney ; which others with lefs rcafon following Eufebius and Orofius, attribute to the deeds of Claudius. Thefe perpetual Exploits abroad won him wide fame j with Domitian, under whom great Virtue was as punifiiable as op'n Dion. /. 66. Crime, won him Flatted. For he maligning the renown of thefe his acts, in Jhew decreed him honours, in fecret devis'd his ruin, Agricola therfore, com35_ manded home for doing too much of what he was fent to do, left the Province to his Succeftor quiet and fecure. Whether he, as is conjectured, were or him fom before Salujlius Lucullus, other, for Suetonius only names him Leof Britain under furder of him, or ought elfe don here but Domitian; gat until the time of Hadrian, is no where Som gather by plainly to be found. a Preface in Tacitus to the Book of his Hiftories, that what Agricola won here, was foon after by Domitian either through want of Valour loft, or through Envy neglected. And Juvenal the Poet fpeaks of Arviragus in thefe days, and not before, King of Britain; who ftood fo well in his refinance, as not only to be talk'd of at Rome, but to be held matter of a glorious Triumph, if Domitian could take him Captive, or overcom him. Then alfo Claudia Rufina the Daughter of a Britan, and Wife of Pudence a Roman Sena1r, liv'd at Rome ; famous by the Verfe of Martial for Beauty, Wit, and Learning. The next we hear of Britain, is that when Trajan was Emperor, it revolted, an ^ was fubdued. But Hadrian next entring on the Empire, they foon unfubdu'd in
in thir
Camden.
vie.
Spartianus Hadrian,
themfclvcs.
Julius Scvcrus, faith Dion, then govern'd the Hand, a
prime Souldier
Book
2.
Tl>e
Hiflory of England.
2 j
dierof that Age: he being

left things at fuch a pafs, as
away to fupprefs the Jews then in Tumult, caus'd the Emperor in Perfon to take a Journey
call'd
122.
hither; where many things he reform'd, and, asAuguftus, and Tiberius coun- Spartaquj fel'd to gird the Empire within moderate Bounds, he rais'd a Wall with driv'n in deep, and faftn'd together, in manner of a ftrong great (lakes Mound, fourfcore mile in length, to divide what was Roman from Barbarian ; as his manner was to do in other Frontiers of his Empire, where great Rivers No antient Author names the place, but old Infcripdivided not the Limits. it felf ruin and yet teftifies where it went along between Solway Frith by tions, Hadrian having quieted the Hand, took it Camden, Carlile. and the Mouth of Tint. In his time alfo for honour to be titl'd on his Coin, The Reftorer of Britain. wasLieutenant old heer. an Anas Infcription, by appears Licinim,
Prifcus toninus Pius reigning, the Brigantes ever leaft patient of Foren fervitude, break- Paufan. Camden guelles to be Guimthia or North-Wales) chad * ing in upon Genounia (which driv'n back of the Roman Province, were with the lofs of much
ap-
another Wall of Turves , in likelihood much Capit.vir. Ant. by Lollius Vrbicus, who drew Camden as and '44proves, between the Frith of Dunbntton, beyond the former, Ci n Mare. and of Edinborrow ; to hedg out incurfions from the North. And Seius Satur- V Anc from the digefts, had charge heer of the Roman Navie. ninus, as is collected With like fuccefs did Marcus Aurelius,next Emperor, by his Legat Calphurnius D \ *"_^ Commodus alter him obteining the Empire. a new War Agricola, finilh heer different accounts may feem molt probable, In his time, as among fo many of fome Beda. Lucius a fuppos'd King in Britain, the firft of any King in Europe, part Chriftian the receav'd that we read of, Faith, and this Nation the firft by it: a high and fingular Grace from above, if finpublic Authority profefs'd ceritie and perfeverance went along, otherwife an empty boaft, and to be And indeed fear'd the verifying of that true fentence, The firft [hall be laft.
'
part
Territory
the praife of this action
is
more proper to King
Lucius, then
common
to the
was no real commendati; profeffing by public Authority on of thir true Faith, which had appear'd more lincere and praife-worthy, whether in this or other Nation, firft profefs'd without public Authority or have bin but outward conformity. Lucius in our Monagainft it, might elfe the mouth Story is made fecond by JDefcent from Marks ; Marius the Son of overthrown the Pitts then firft coming out of to have faid there Arviragus is thir King ; and in fign of Victorie to have fet up a MonuRoderic flain Scythia, ment of Stone in the Country fince calFd Weftmaria , but thefe things have no Coilus the Son of Marius, all his Reign which was juft and Foundation. the Romans, left it Hereditary to Lucivj. peaceable, holding great amity with He (if Beda err not, living neer 500 years after, yet our antienteft Author of this report) fent to Eleutberius then Bilhop of Rome, an improbable Lethe 181. ter, as fom of" the Contents difcover, defiring that by his appointment whom two DoFrom receave and his People might religious Chriftianity. and Deruviams, forthwith fent,, are ctors, nam'd in our Chronicles Faganus thence Lu- Nenmus. faid to have converted and baptiz'd well nigh the whole Nation Nor cius to have had the firname of Levermaur, that is to fay, Great light. but ev'n from the latter daies heer Faith was the Chriftian then firft known, yet of Tiberius, as Gildu confidently affirms, taught and propagated, and that as fom fay by Simon Zelotes, as others by Jofeph of Arimathxa, Barnabas, Paul, But of thefe matters, varioufly written and Peter, and thir prime Difciples. beft determin ; as the belt of them do, can believ'd, Ecclefiaftic Hiftorians
Nation
whofe
firft
As for Credit giv'n to the particulars of fuch uncertain relations. Geff. Men. he was buried a after that butdyinGlofler; long Reign Lucius, they write, truer in Commotion. the without left teftimony By great Kingdom ing Ilfue, we find that the greateft War which in thofe days bufy'd Commodus, was in Dion. 1. 72. For the Nations Northward, notwithftanding the Wall rais'd to this Hand. and both keep them out, breaking in upon the Roman Province, waited wide them the Army and the Leader that came againft wholly routed, and deas to a which in fuch difpatch hither one of fear, put the Emperor ftroy'd ; He a man endu'd with all noblenefs 183. his beft Commanders, Vlpius Marcellus. of mind, frugal and temperate, mild and magnanimous, in War bold and with his watchful, invincible againft Lucre, and the alfault of Bribes ; what .this War that look'd fo ended other his thefe and Virtues, quickly Valour, F dangerous,
with
little
,
H
I
amprid.
in
comm. 1 85.
The Hijlory of England. Book 2. to have like been ended the had liimfelf Peace which he by dangerous, and brought home, for prefuming to be fo worthy and fo good under the envy After whofe departure the Roman of fo worthlcfs and fo bad an Emperor. themfelves fifteen hundred of them went to to Sedition fell ; among Legions Rome in name of the reft, and were fo terrible to Commodus himfelf, as that to pleafe them he deliver'd up to thir care Perennis the Captain of his
Guard,
Senators',
remov'd thir Leaders, who for having in the Britifh and in thir places put thofe of the Equeftrian Order.
War
were Not-
Capitolin. in Pert.
withftanding which compliance, they endeavour'd here to fet up another Emperor againft him ; and Helvius Pertinax who fucceeded Governour, found it a work fo difficult to appeafe them, that once in a Mutiny he was left for dead among many (lain ; and though afterwards he feverely punifh'd the
Capitolin. in Alb.
193Dion. Did. Jul.

Spartian. in Sever.
Herod.
Herod.
Digeft.
tit. 6.
I.
3.
I.
3.
1.
28
Dion.
Herod.
1.
3.
208.
Tumulters, was fain at length to feek a difmiffion from his Charge. After him Clodius Albinus took the Government ; but he, for having to the Souldiers mule an Oration againft Monarchy, by the appointment of Commodus was bid rclign to Junius Severus. But Albinus in thofe troublefom times enfuing under the lhort Reign of Pertinax and Didius Julianus, found means to keep in his hands the Government of Britain ; although Septimius Severus who next held the Empire, fent hither Heraclitus to difplace him but in vain, for Albinus with all the Britifh Powers and thofe of Gallia met Severus about Lyons in France, and fought a bloody Battail with him for the Empire, though The Government of Britain, Severus divided at laft vanquifh'd and (lain. between two Deputies till then one Legat was thought fufficient , the North Where the Meat rifing in Arms, and the he committed to Virius Lupus. had Caledonians, though they promis'd the contrary to Lupus, preparing to defend them, fo hard befet, he was compelled to buy his Peace, and a few of Pris'ners with great Sums of Money. But hearing that Severus had now brought to an end his other Wars, he writes him plainly the ftate of things here, that the B'itans of the North made War upon him, broke into the Province, and harafs'd all the Countries nigh them, that there needed fuddenly either more Aid, or himfelf in Perfon. Severus, though now much weaken'd with Age and the Gout, yet delirous to lcav fom Memorial of his warlike Acheevments here, as he had don in other places, and befides to withdraw by this means his two Sons from the Pleafuresof Rome, and his Souldiers from Idlenefs, with a mighty power far fooner than could be expe&ed, arrives in Britain. The Northern People much daunted with the report of fo great Forces brought over with him, and yet more preparing, fend Emballadors to treat of Peace, and to excufe thir former doings. The Emperor now loth to return home without fom memorable thing don, wherby he might alliime to his other Titles the addition of Britannicus, delays his Anfwer, and quirkns his Preparations-, till in the end, when all things were in readinefs to follow them, they are difmifs't without effect. His principal care was to have many Bridges laid over Bogs and rotten Mores, that his Scmldiers might have to fight on fure footing. For it feems through lack of the were Northern as Ireland is at this then, Tillage, parts day ; and the Inhabitants in like manner wonted to retire, and defend themfelves in fuch
, ,
209.
watery places half naked. He alfo being paft^n'^'s Wall, cut down Woods, made way through Hills, faft'nd and fill d up unfound and plafhy Fens. Notwithftanding all this Induftry us\l, the Enemy kept himfelf fo cunningly within his beft Advantages, and feldom appearing, fo opportunely found his times to make Irruption upon the Romans, when they were mofl in ftraits and difficulties, fomtimes training them on with a few Cattel turn'd out, and drawn within Ambufh cruelly handling them, that many a time cnclos'd in the midft of Sloughs and Quagmires, tne y chofe rather themfelves to kill fuch as were faint and could not fhift away, then leave them there a Prey ro the Caledonians. Thus loft Severus, and by Sicknefs in thofe noifom places, no lefs then fifty thoufand Men and yet defifted not, though for Weaknefs carried in a Litter, till he had march'd through with his Army to the lit molt Northern Verge of the lie and the Britans offering Peace, were compell'd tolofe much of thir Country not before fubject to the Romans. Severus on the Frontiers of what he had firmly conquer'd, builds a Wall crofs the Hand 10 from Sea to Sea ; which one Author judges the moft magnificent of all his other
:
:
Dion.
210.
Spartianui 5evcr.
Book
i.
The Hifiory of England.

in
3 5
length other Deeds-, and that he thence receav'd the ftile of Entanmcus \ adds it fortify'd with a deep Trench, and between cerMiles. Oroftus 132 tain many Towers, or Battlements. The place wherof fom will have
{paces to be in Scotland, the
Eutropii Pe'
01-
'"
Others the Bucllanan and both Authorities Work Hadrians re-edi(id; plead aifirm it only I leave this the thefe Antibut of ftudious vilible Tracl ancient among yet While Peace held, the Emprefs Julia to be difcus't more at large. quities meeting on a time certain Britifh Ladies, and difcourling with the Wife of caftouta Scoff againft the Loofenefs of our Hand a gentocoxus Caledonian, Women whole manner then was to ufe prdmifcuoufly the company of divers
fame which
:
Lollius ZJrbicus
had wall'd before.
jLVj a "^
'
dorre Britans/nZ/zi the irork
Woman boldly thus anfwer'd Much better then you Romans ; we with the befl Men Nature of commit with the Whether me private Adulteries. bafefl aca'ijlom np'n'.y \ you the practice of her to ferve this juftifie Anfwer might Country, as thought when Vices are compar'd, the greater feems to juftifie the lefs, or whether the Law and Cuftom wherin me was bred, had whip'tout of her Confcience the better Di&ateof Nature, and not convinc't her of the fhamej certain it is th.it wheras other Nations us'd a liberty not unnatural for one Man to have many Wives, the Brians altogether as licentious, but more abfurd and crfir. inthir licence, had one or many Wives in common among ten prepofterous or twelve Husbands ; and tliofe for the moft part inceftuoufly. But no fooner was Sevcrus return'd into the Province, then the Britans take Arms again. worn out with Labours and Infirmity, fends Antoninus Againft whom Sevcrus, his eldcft Son, e\-prelly commanding him to fpare neither Sex nor Age. But tak'n with wicked his the who had of his up thoughts Antoninus, contriving Father's Death, a fafer Enemy then a Son, did the Britans not much detriment. Wherat Sevcrus, more overcom with Grief then any other Malady, 211. After whofe deceafe Antoninus Caracalla his impious ended his Life at York. in Son, concluding Peace with the BritanS, took Hoftagcs and departed to Rome. Sparrunus Sever War Writers this of name all Northern The Conductor Scott/b Donaldus, he of Monmouth Fulgenius, in the reft of his relation nothing worth. From hence the Roman Empire declining apace, good Hiftorians growing fcarce, or Under loft, have left us little elfe but Fragments for many years enfuing. Gorman the Emperour we find by the Infcription of an Altar-ftone, that Nonius ca md +CumUnder Galienus we read there was a ftrong and ge- ber. Philippus govcrn'd here. Of the thirty Tyrants which not long ileral revolt from the Roman Legat. 259. after took upon them the ftile of Emperor, by many Coins found among us, Eumen. Pane S- Con ftLollianus, Fitforinus, Pojlhumus, the Tetrici and Marius are conjectured to 26 ~have ris'n or born great fway in this Hand. Whence Porphyrins, a Philofowas then that Britain a Soil fruitful faid of and Tyrants-, phcr living, is?^"' noted to be the firft Author that makes mention of the Scotijh Nation. Hieronym. While Probus was Emperor, Bonofus the Son of a Rhetorician, bred up a 282. Spaniard, though by defcent a Britan, and a matchlefs Drinker, nor much to be Vapifc. in
Men.
Whom ftraight the
Britifh
'
blam'd, if, as they write, he were ftill wifeft in his Cups, having attain'd in EonoC warfare to high Honours, and laftly in his Charge over the German {hipping, willingly, as was thought, mifcarried, trufting on his Power with the Weftern Armies, and join'd with Proculus, bore himfelf a while for Emperor , but after a long and bloody fight at Cullen, vanquifh'd by Probus he hang'd himfelf, and gave occafion of a ready Jeft made on him for his much drinkAfter this, Probus with much Wif- Zozim. ing ; Here hangs a Tankard, not a Man. dom prevented a new rifing here in Britain by the fevere Loyalty of Fittorinus a .Moor, at whofe entreaty he had plac'd here that Governour which rebell'd. For the Emperor upbraiding him with the Difloyalty of whom he had com-
i.
r-
mended, Vittorinus undertaking to fet all right again, haftes hither, and finding indeed the Governour to intend Sedition, by fom contrivance not mention'd in the Story, flew him, whofe name fom imagin to be Cornelius Lelia- Camd. nus. They write alfo that Probus gave leave to the Spaniards, Gauls and Britans to plant Vines, and to make Wine ; and having iubdu'd the Vandals,
and Burgundians in a great Battail, fent over many of them hither to inhabit, where they did good Service to the Romans when any Infurreftion happcnM in the lie. After whom Cams Emperor going againft the Perjlans, ^tCarinusont of his Sons to govern among other Weftern Provinces this F i Hand
Zozimu?.
~r2'
C " '"
ciriri-
36
284Aurel.
victor,

,
Boole
i.
Hand with Imperial Authority but him Dioclefian, faluted Emperor by the About which. time Caraufms, a Man of Eaflern Arms, overcame and flew.
low Parentage, born in Menaîa, about the parts of Clews and Juliers, who through all military degrees was made at length Admiral of the Belgic and Armoric Seas, then much infefted by the Franks and Saxons, what he tooJc from the Pyrats, neither reftqring to the Owners, nor accounting to the Public, but enriching himfelf, and yet not fcowring the Seas, but conniving rather at thofe Sea-Robbers, was grown at length tco great a Delinquent to be lefs then an Emperor for fear and guiltinefs in thofe days made Emperors ofter then merit And underftanding that Maximianus Htrculius
: :
de Cifar.
28$.
Eutrop. Orof.
Eumen. Pa-
Dioclejian's
the
285.
adopted Son, was com againft him into Gallia, pafs'd over with Navy which he had made his own, into Britain, and poflefs d the Hand. Where he built a new Fleet after the Roman fafhion, got into his Power the
Viftor.
Eu-
trop.
291.
Buchanan.
writes that he made the" Pitts his Confederates ; to whom lately com out of Scythia he gave Albany to dwell in and it is obferv'd that before his time the Pitts are not known to have bin any where mention'd, and then firft by Eumtnius a Rhetorician. He repairM and fortifi'd the Wall of Severus with Paneg. 2. feven Caftles, and a round Houfe of fîooth Stone on the Bank of Canon, which River, faith Ninnius, was of his Name focall'd ; he built alfo a Triumphal Arch in remembrance of fom Victory there obtainM. In France he Paneg. Sigo- held Gejforiacum, or Boloigne ; and all the Franks which had by his permillion nius. feated themfelves in Belgia, were at his devotion. But Conjlantius halting into Gallia, befieges Boloigne, and with Stones and Timber obftru&ing the Who ere ConPort, keeps out all Relief that could be fent in by Caraufms. jlantius with the great Fleet which he had prepar'd, could arrive hither, was flain treacheroufly by Alettus one of his Friends, who long'd to ftep into his 292. place;, when he feven Years, and worthily as fom fay, as others tyrannicalSo much the more did Conjlantius profecute that op-' ly, had ruFd the Hand. before Alettus could well ftrengthen his Affairs: and though in Camd. ex portunity, Nin. Eumen. ill weather, with all urgency from feveral Hav'ns to fpread the to Sea putting Pan. 5. terror of his landing, and the doubt where to expert him, in a Mift palling Orof. 1. 7. the Britijh Fleet unfeen, that lay fcoutingnear the He of Wight, no fooner got cap. 25. a fhoar, but fires his own Ships, to leave no hope of Refuge but in Victory. Alettus alfo, though now much difmaid, transfers his Fortune to a Battel on the [hoar but encountered by Afclepiodotus Captain of the Pratorian Bands, and defperarely rufhing on, unmindful both of ordering his Men, or bringing them all to fight, fave the Acceffories of his Treafon, and his outlandifh' Hirelings, is overthrown, and flain with little or no lofs to the Romans, but His Body was found almoft naked in the great execution on the Franks. field, for his Purple Robe he had thrown afide, left it fhould defcry him, unThe reft taking flight to London, and purpofing with the willing to be found. Pillage of that City to efcape by Sea, are met by another part of the Roman Army, whom the Mift at Sea disjoining had by chance brought thither, and with a new flaughter chas'd through all the Streets. The Bntans, thir Wives alfo and Children, with great joy go out to meet Conjlantius, as one whom All this feems they acknowledg thir Deliverer from Bondage and. Iniblence. was of who then and to have bin Houfhold, by Eumenius, liv'd, Conjl.antiush don in the courfe of one continu'd A&ion ; fo alfo thinks Sigonius a learned Writer: though all others allow three Years to the Tyranny of Alettus. In Eumen. thefe days were great ftore of Workmen, and excellent Builders in this Hand, whom after the alteration of things here, the zAlduans in Burgundy
:
:
Legion that was left here in Garifon, other outlandifh Cohorts detain'd, lifted the very Merchants and Fadtors of Gallia, and with the allurement of Spoil invited great numbers of other barbarous Nations to his part, and train'd them to Sea-Service, wherin the Romans at that time were grown fooutof skill, that Caraufms with his Navy did at Sea what he lifted, robbing on every Coaft ; wherby Maximian, able to com no nearer then the" fhoar of Boloigne, was forc't to conclude a Peace with Caraufms, and yeild him Britain ; as one fitteft to guard the Province there againft Inroads from the North. But not long after having aflum'd Conjlantius Cblorus to the dignity of Cafar, fent him againft Caraufms ; who in the mean while had made himfelf ftrong both within the Land and without. Galfred of Monmouth
enter-
Book
2.
The Htflory of England.

thir
Temples and public Edifices. Dioclefian having hitherto fuccefsfully us'd his Valour againft the Enemies of his Empire, ufes now his Rage in a bloody Perfecution againft his obedient and harmlefs C hriftian Subje&s from the feeling wherof neither was this Hand, though Gi!(i as moft remote, far anough remov'd. Among them here who fufFer'd glorioufly Aron, and Julius of Caer leon upon Vsk, but chiefly Alban of {'erulam, were The ftory of whofe Martyrdom foil'd, and worfe marmoft renown'd d with the fabling Zeal of fom idle Fancies, more fond of Miratyr then Concles, apprehenlive of Truth, deferv.es not longer digreffion. the with after had Britain aDtoclefian, dividing Empire ftantius Galerins, mong his other Provinces ; where either preparing or returning with Vi&ory from an Expedition againft the Caledonians, he died at York. His Son Conftantine, who happily came poft from Rome to lioloigne, jnft about the Auchor.ignor. time, faith Eumenius, that his Father was fetting fail his laft time P^rt Marcelhither , and not long before his Death, was by him on his Death- ''" Valef,i 35 bed nam'd, and after his Funeral, by the whole Army faluted Emperor. p Eu " There goes a fame, and thatleconded by moft of our own Hiftorians, though d not thole the ancienreft, that Conftanttne was born in this Hand, his Mother a uch\ isnor. Helena the Daughter of Coitus a Briti/h Prince, not fm c the Father of King Lucius, whofe Sifter [he muft then be, tor that would deted her too old b/ a hundred Years to be the Mother of Conftantine. But to falve this Incoheentertain'd to build
: : -
'
To this ther- id em vie rence, another Coilus is feign'd to be then Earl of Colchefter. fore the Roman Authors give no teftimony, except a Paffage or two in the Pa- Audi, ignofc Others neareft to thofe times Euieb. Cbnrt. negyrics, about the fenle wherof much isargu'd clear the Doubt, and write him certainly born of a mean Woman, Helena, the ro1 ' 7:
-
Concubine of Conftantius, at Naifus in Dardania. Howbeit, ere his departure Qff^ch hence, he feems to have had fome Bickerings in the North, which by reafon , 07 of more urgent Affairs compos'd, hepaffes into Gallia ; and after four Years sigon. returns either to fettle or to alter the ftate of things here, until a new War a\ .
3
(
him back, leaving Pacatianus his Vicegerent. He de- Camd. his eldeft Son enjoy'd for his part of the Empire, with all Amman. cealing, Conftantine ineLl!n the Provinces that lay on this fide the Alps, this Hand alfo. But falling to yj^ Civil War with Conftans his Brother, was by him flain ; who with his third Brother Conftantius coming into Britain, feizM it as Vi&or. Againft him Libanius in rofe Magnentius, one of his chief Commanders, by fom affirm'd the Son-of Bafilico. a Britan, he having gain'd on his fide great Forces, contefted with Conftan343. Camb. ex tius in many Battels for the fole Empire ; but vanquifh't, in the end flew himgainft Maxentius calfd
I.
felf.
before this time Gratianus Funarius, the Father of ralentinian, i;nmK0 afterwards Emperor, had chief command of thofe Armies which the Rom.ins -^5iin " en And the Arian Doftrin which then divided Chriftendom, kept here. wrought alfo in this Hand no fmall Difturbance ; a Land, faith Gildas, ereedy aJ*J'
Somwhat
"
or every thing new, ftedtalt in nothing. At laft Conftantius appointed a Sy3^g nod of more then 400 to aflemble at Ariminum on the Emperor's Bifhops Charges, which the reft all refilling, three only of the Briti/h, poverty conftraining them, accepted ; though the other Bifhops among them offer d to have born thir Charges ; efteeming it more honourable to live on the Public, then to be obnoxious to any private Purfe. Doubtlefs an ingenuous Mind, and far above the Presbyters of our Age , who like well to fit in Affembly on the After public Stipend, but lik'd not the Poverty that caus'd thefe to do fo. this Marttnus was Deputy of the Province who being offended with the Cruelty which Paulus, an Inquifitor fent from Conftantius, exercis'd in his enquiry after thofe Military Officers who had confpir'd with .Magnentius, was himfelf laid hold on as an AccefTory ; at which enrag'd he runs at Paulus with his drawn Sword but failing to kill him, turns it on himfelf. Next to whom, as may be guefs'd, Altpius was made Deputy. In the mean time Julian, whom Conftantius had made C<efar, having recover'd much Territory Liban.Orat.io. about the Rhine, where the German Inrodes before had long infulted, to relieve Zozim. 3. thofe Countries almoft ruin'd, caufes 800 Pinaces to be built and with them, Mj rcel.I.i8. by frequent Voyages, plenty of Corn to be fetch'd in from Britain; which ev'n then was the ufual bounty of this Soil to thofe parts, as oft as French and Amm. 1.23. Saxon Pirats hindered not the tranfportation. While Conftantius yetreii,n'd, 3 6 1. 20. Amm. the Scots and Pills breaking in upon the Northern Confines, Julian, being at
, ,
I.
-,
Paris,
The Hiflory of England.

Lupicinus, a well-try'd Souldier,
Book
2.
364.
Amm.
27-
/.
26,
367.
but a proud and covetous Pam, fends over a of who with Power light-arm'd Herulians, Batavians, and Ma/ians y Man, in the midft of Winter failing from Boloigne, arrives at Rutuptx feated on the oppoiite Shoar, and comes to London, to confult there about the War ; but Under whom we read foon after was recafd by Julian then chofen Emperor. not of ought hapning here, only that Palladius one of his great Officers was This Year Vakntinian being Emperor, the Attacots, Pills, hither banifh'd. and Scots, roving up and down, and laft the Saxons with perpetual Landings and Invafions harryed the South Coaft of Britain ; flew Neilaridius who govern'd the Sea-Borders, and Bukbobaudes with his Forces by an Ambufh. With which News Vakntinian not a little perplext, fends firft Severus high Steward of his Houfe, and foon recals him then Jovinus, who intimating the neceflity of greater Supplies, he fends at length Theodoftus, a Man of try'd Valour and Experience, Father to the firft Emperor of that Name. He with felected Numbers out of the Legions, and Cohorts, croffes the Sea from Boloigne to Rutupia ; from whence with the Batavians, Herulians, and other Legions that arriv'd foon after, he marches to London; and dividing his Forces into feveral Bodies, fets upon the difpers'd and plundring Enemy, lad'n with fpoil from whom recovering the Booty which they led away, and were fore'd to leave there with thir lives, he reftores all to the right Owners, fave a fmall Portion to his wearied Souldiers, and enters London vi&orioufly ; which before in many Straits and Difficulties, was now reviv'd as with a great deliverance. The numerous Enemy with whom he had to was of different Which TJjeodo/ius, deal, Nations, and the War fcatter'd
, ,
368.
Amm.
Zozim.
/.
28.
4.
/.
getting daily fome intelligence from Fugitives and Prifoners, refolves to carry on by fudden Parties and Surprifals, rather then fet Battels ; nor omits he to proclaim Indemnity to fuch as would lay down Arms, and accept of Peace, which brought in many. Yet all this not ending the Work, he requires that a Man of much UprightnTs, might be fent him, to be as Deputy of Civil'vs, the Hand, and Dulatius a famous Captain. Thus was Theodoftus bufy'd, bewith Ambufhes the roving Enemy, repreffing his Roads, reftoring fetting Cities and Caftles to thir former Safety and Defence, laying*every where the firm Foundation of a long Peace, when Vakntinus a Pannoman, for fom great Offence banifh'd into Britain, confpiring with certain Exiles and Souldiers againft Theodoftus, whofe Worth he dreaded as the only Obftade to his greater Delign of gaining the He into his Power, is difcover'd, and with his chief
doftus
373 Amm.
/,
Accomplices deliver'd over to condign Punifhment Againft the reft, Theowith a wife Lenity fuffer'd not Inquilition to proceed too rigoroufly, left the fear therof appertaining to fo many, occalion might arife of. new Trouble in a time fo unfetl'd. This don, he applies himfelf to reform out of raifes on the Confines many ftrong holds ; and in them order, things and due and fo redue'd all things out of danger, Watches: appoints diligent that the Province which but lately was under command of the Enemy, became now wholly Roman, new nam'd Vakntia of Vakntinian, and the City of Thus Tbeodofius nobly acquitting himfelf in all Affairs, London, Augufta. with general applaufe of the whole Province, accompanied to the Sea-fide, Who about five Years after fent hither Fraomarius, a returns to Vakntinian. King of the Almans, with Authority of a Tribune over his own Country Forces ; which then both for number and good Service, were in high efteem.
:
Zozim.
Sigon.
/.
4.
Profper.Aquitame, chron
.383Gildas.
388.
Beda. Ninn.
Againft Gratian who fucceeded in the Weftern Empire, Maximus a Spaniard, and one who had ferv'd in the Britifh Wars with younger Tbeodofius, (for he alfo, either with his Father, or not long after him, feems to have don fomthing in this Iland) and now General of the Roman Armies here, either dif contented that Theodoftus was prefer'd before him to the Empire, or conftraind by the Souldiers who hated Gratian, aflumes the Imperial Purple and having attain'd Victory againft the Scots and PiSs, with the flow'r and ftrength of Britain, paffes into France ; there flays Gratian, and without much difficulty, the fpace of five Years, obtains his part of the Empire, overthrown at length, and flain by Theodoftus. With whom perifhing moffc of his Followers, or not returning out of Armorka, which Maximus had giv n them to poffefs, the South of Britain by this means exhaufted of her Youth,and what there was of Roman Souldiers on the Confines drawn off, became a Prey to fa,
vage
Book
vagc
-/>;'(?*
i.
tla Biftory of
England
:
\$
3851'.
Invafions ; of Scots from the Irifh S as, of Saxons from the German, of from the North. Agafrtft them, fir ft Chryfanthus the Son of Marciait a
Britain by Theodqfiits, demean d himfelf worthily Socrat. /,% of then Stilichoa. Man great Power, whom Theodofius dying, lefc Protector bfCIaudian.de ^ iJ; /:sl came in Perfon, Or fending over fufficient Aid, re--^ either his Son Honorius, ^ bci:j as it feems new fortifi'd the Wall againft them. But and prefs'dthem, thatjjet legion being call'd away, when the Roman Armies from all parts halted to relieve Honorius then belieg'd in Aft a of I'iemont, by Alaric the Goth, Britain 4CZ. was left expos'd as before, to thofe barbarous Robbers. Left any wonder how the Scots came to infeft Britain from the Infh Sea, it muft be underitood, that the Scots not many Years before had been driv'n all out of Britain by Ethehverd; Maxima* 1 and thir King Eugenius ttain in Fight, as thir own Annals report $m- an. L cd e P :C in wherby, it feems, wandring up and down, without certain Seat, they liv'd ^ But more authentic Wt&t&rl by fcumming thofe Seas and Shoars as Pirats. ^dBeL'Uii confirm us, that the Scott, whoever they be originally, bailie firfi: inxAlrelani, c .^. and dwelt there, and nam'd it Scotia long before the North of B -itain took
Bifhop,
made Deputy of
'
that Name. Oroftus who liv'd at this time writes, that Ireland was then inha- Oraf.M.car-21 About this time, though troublefom, Pelagius a Britain found bited by Scott. 405. the leafure to bring new and dangerous Opinions into the Church, and is But the Roman Powers which were call'd largely writ againlt by St. Auftin. of Alaric the was over, made return into feveral fear into iftf/)', when once Vitlorinus of and Provinces ; Tolofa, whom Rutilius the Poet much perhaps
this Hand ; if it were not he whom StiBuchanan writes, that endeavouring to reduce the Picls into a Province, he gave the occafion of thir calling back Ferguftus and the Sc<*ts, whom Maximus with thir help had quite driv'n out of the Hand and indeed But the the Verfes of that Poet fpeak him to have bin active in thofe parts. time which is allign'd him later by Buchanan after Gratianus Municeps, by Camden after Conftantirte theTyrant,accords not with that which follows in the For the Sandals having broke in and waited all Belplain courfe of Hiftory.
commends, might be then Prefect of

fent hither.
licbo
407.
1.
eafieft paffage is into Britain, the Roman Zozim. gia, ev'n to thofe places from whence Forces here, doubting to be fuddenly invaded, were all in uproar, and in tu-
6.
multuous manner fet up Marcus, who it may feem was then Deputy. But him not found agreeable to thir heady courfes, they as haftily kill } for theSozom. giddy favour of a mutining Rout is as dangerous as thir Fury. The like they do by Gratian a Britijh Roman, in four Months advanc't, ador'd, and de- orof. 1. There was among them a common Souldier whofe name was Conftroy'd. ftantine, with him on a fudden fo taken they are, upon the Conceit put irt them of a luckinefs in his Name, as without other vifible Merit to create him Fmperor. It fortun'd that the Man had not his Name for nought \ fo well he knew to lay hold, and make good ufe of an unexpected Offer. He therfbre with a wak'nd fpirit, to the extent of his Fortune dilating his mind, which in his mean condition before lay contracted and fhrunk up, orders with good Advice his Military Affairs and with the whole Force of the Province, and what of Briti[}i Was able to bear Arms, he palfes into France, afpiring at leaft to an equal fhare with Honorius in the Empire. Where, by the Valouf of Edobecus a Frank, and Gerontius a. Britain, and partly by perfwalion, gain*
:
1.9.
7.
ing
all in his
whom
of a
Monk
way^ he comes to Aries. With like felicity by his Spn Conftans, he had made a Cxftar, and by the Conduct of Gerontius he
Q$.
reduces all Spain to his Obedience. But Conftans after this difplacing Geronine to wrack; for he by this means athe foon went of Affairs tius, Conftant fet one of his Friends Maximus lienated, againft him in Spain ; and pafup 409. fing into France, took Vienna by affault, and having flain Conftans in that City, calls on the Vandals againft Conftanttnc ; who by him incited, as by him before they had bin repres't, breaking forward, over-run moft part of France. But when Conftantius Comes, the Emperor's General, with a ftrong Power cameoutof Italy, Gerontiu> deferted by his own Forces, retires into Spam; sozom. 1. 9: where alfo growing into contempt with the Souldiers, after his flight out of France, by whom his Houfe in the night was befet, having firft with a few of olympiodor. " a his Servants defended himfelf valiantly, and flain above 300, though when P ud pllt01 um his Darts and other Weapons were fpent, he might have fcap'd at a private Door, as all his Servants did, not enduring to leave his Wife Noniiichia, wi?oni
4c
whom
Head
The Hiflory of England.

of his Friend Alarms, as
:
Book
2,
Gildas.
Eeda.
Zozim.
I.
6.
Procopius
vandalic.
Calvif.
Sigon.
he lov'd, to the violence of an enraged Crew, he firft cuts oft' the was agreed ; next his Wife, though loth and her and entreated importun'd, refilling to outlive her Hufdelaying, yet by which for he her Refolution, Sozomenus an Eccleliaftic band, difpatches Writer gives her high praife, both as a Wife, and as a Chriftian. Laft of all but miffing the mortal place, with his againft himfelf he turns his Sword Poin3rd finilhes the Work. Thus far is purfu'd the ftory of a famous 'Britan t related negligently by our other Hiftorians. As for Conjlantine, his ending was not anfwerable to his fetting out-, for he with his other Son Julian befiegM by Confiantius in Aries, and miftrufting the change of his wonted Succefs, to favehis head, poorly turns Prieft , but that not availing him, is carried into Italy, and there put to death having four Years acted the Emwere While thefe the Britans at home, deftituteof Rothings peror. doing, man Aid, and the chief ftrength of thir own Youth, that went firft with Maximw, then with Conjlantine, not returning home, vext and haras'd by but he at that time not thir wonted Enemies, had fent MeiTages to Honorius being able to defend Rome it felf, which the fame Year was taken by Alaric, advifes them by his Letter to confult how beft they might for thir own SafeThey therfore thus relinty, and acquits them of the Roman Jurifdiction. quifht, and by all Right the Government relapfing into thir own hands, thenceforth betook themfelves to live after thir own Laws, defending thir Bounds as well as they were able \ and the Armoricans, who not long after were call'd the Britans of France, follow'd thir Example. Thus expir'd this great Empire of the Romans ; firft in Britain, foon after in Italy it felf: having born chief fway in this Hand, though never throughly fubdu'd, or all at once in fubjection, if we reck'n from the coming in of Julius to the taking of Rome by Alaric, in which Year Honorius wrote thofe letters of Difcharge into Britain, thefpaceof 462 Years. And with the Empire fell alfo what before in this Weftern World was chiefly Roman j Learning, Valour, Eloquence, Hiftory, Civility, and ev'n Language it felf, all thefe together, as it were, with equal pace, diminifliing and decaying. Henceforth we are to ftear by another fort of Authors ; near anough to the things they write, as in thir own Country, if that would fer.ve^ in time not much belated, fom of equal Age, in exprefiion barbarous j and to fay how judicious, I fufpend a while : This we muftexpecV, in Civil Matters to find them dubious Relaters, and ftill to the beft advantage of what they term Holy Church, meaning indeed themfelves: in moft other Matters of Religion, blind, aftonilh'd, and ft rook with Superftitionas with a Planet ; in one word, Monks. Yet thefe Guides, where canj be had no better, muft be follow'd } in grofs, it may be true anough ; in circumftance each Man as his Judgment gives him, may referve his But fo different a ftate of things requires a feveral reFaith, or beftow it.
,
,
-,
lation.
THE
Book
3.
4*
HISTORY B RITAIN.
O F
The Third Book,
S third Book having to tell of Accidents as various and exemplary as the Intermiflion or Change of Government hath any where brought forth, may deferve Attention more than common, and repay it with like benefit to them who can judicioufly read confidering efpecially that the late civil Broils had call us into a condition not much unlike to what the Britans then were in, when the imperial Jurifdiftion departing hence left them to the fway of thir own Councils ; which times by comparing fcrioufly with theft later, and that confufed Anarchy with this Interreign, we may be able from two fuch remarkable turns of State, producing like Events among us, to raife a Knowledg of our felves both great and weighty, by judging hence what kind of Men the Britans generally are in Matters of fo high Enterprife, how by Nature, Induftry, or Cuftom, fitted to attempt or undergo Matters of fo main Confequence for if it be a high point of Wifdom in every private Man, much more is it in a Nation to know it
I
THE
TH
felfj rather then putt
up with vulgar Flatteries and Encomiums, for want of
felf-knowledg, to enterprife rafhly and come off miferably in great UnderThe Britans thus as we heard being left without protection from the takings.
in a manner emptied of all her Youth, confum'd in abroad, or not caring to return home, themfelves through long Subjection, fervile in Mind, flothful of Body, and with the ufe of Aims unac- Gild. Bede. quainted, fuftain'd but ill for many Years the Violence of thofe barbarous In- M a ns For although at fnft greedy of vaders, who now daily grew upon them. the to Freedom from the Empire, z zim. /. 5 and to be Nation leading Change, thought they feem'd a while to beftir them with a fhew of Diligence in thir new Affairs, fom fecretly afpiring to rule, others adoring the name of Liberty, yet fo foonas they felt by proof the weight of what it was to govern well themfelves, and what was wanting within them, not ftomach or the love of Licence, but the Wifdom, the Vertuc, the Labour, to ufe and maintain true Liberty, they foon remitted thir heat, and fhrunk more wretchedly under the Infomuch Burden of thir own Liberty, then before under a foren Yoke. that the Refidue of thofe Romans which had planted themfelves heer, derailing of thir ill Deportment at home, and weak Refinance in the Field by thofe few who had the Courage or the Strength to bear Arms, nine Years after the facking of Rome remov'd out of Britain into France, hiding for hafic great g And now again the Ethclwe'rd. part of thir Treafure, which was never after found. Britans, no longer able to fupport themfelves againft the piev.tiliiy Enemy, annal. Sax. folicit Honorius to thir aid, with mournful Letters, Emballagcsand Vows of Giidas. ie at perpetual Subje&ion to Rome, if the Northern Fo were but repulsM. 422. thir requ eft fpares them one Legion, which with great Slaughter of the Scowpiaconus,/.!^ and Pitts drove them beyond the Borders, refcu'd the Britans, aadadvis'd them to build a Wall crofs the Hand, between Sea and Sea, from the plate
Empire, and the Land
Wars
|j
where
42
Eede, m.c.j.

where Edinlurg now ftands to the Frith of
built
Book
by the City
3.
Dunbritton,
Alcluith.
CildaE.
423.
But the Material being only Turf, and by the rude multitude unartifkially up without better Direction, avaiPd them little. For nofooner was the Legion departed, but the greedy Spoilers returning, land in great numbers from thir boats and Pinaces, wafting, flaying, and treading down all before them. Then are Meflengers. again polled to Rome in lamentable fort, befeeching that they would not fuffer a whole Province to be deftroy'd, and the RowName, fo honourable yet among them, to become the Subject of BarbaThe Emperor, at thir fad Complaint, with what rian Scorn and Infolence.
Cede, ibid.
Gildas.
Blcnd.
Sjbtllic.
i!
ch.
/. 5.
Who coming fuddenlyon thofe fpeed was poffible, fends to thir fuccour. ravenous multitudes that minded only Spoil, furprife them with a terrible They who efcapM fied back to thofe Seas from whence yearly Slaughter. But the Romans, they were wont to arrive, and return lad'n with Booties. to but that it ftood not to now who came not aid, declaring rule, charitably to make fuch laborious Voyages in purfuit of thir with the eafe Affairs longer of fo bafe and vagabond Robbers, of whom neither Glory was to be got, nor Gain, exhorted them to manage thir own Warfare-, and to defend like Men thir Country, thir Wives, thir Children, and what was to be dearer then an Enemy not ftronger then themfelves, if thir Life, thir Liberty, againft own Sloth and Cowardife-had not made them fo ; if they would but only find hands to grafpdefenllve Arms, rather then bafely ftretch them out to receave Bonds. f They gave them alfo thir help to build a new Wall, not of Earth as the former, but of Stone, (both at the public Cofl, and by particular Contributions) traveriing the lie in direct Line from Eaft to Weft between certain Cities placd there as Frontiers to bear off the Enemy, where Severus had wall'd once before. They rai>'d it 2 foot high, 8 broad. Along the South thence alfo like Hoftility was fear'd, they place Towers from becaufe Shoar, Withal they at the certain Sea-lide diftances, for Safety of the Coaft. by inftrutt them in the Art of War, leaving Patterns of thir Arms and Weapons behind them ; and with animating Words, and many Leffons of Valour to a faint-hearted Audience, bid them finally farewel, without purppfe to return. And thefe two friendly Expeditions, the laft of any hither by the Romans, were perform'd, as may be gather'd out of Beda and Diaconus, the two laft Years of Honorius. Thir Leader, asfom modernly write, was Gallio of Ravenna; Buchanan, who departs not much from the Fables of his Predeceflbr Botthius, names him Maximianus, and brings againft him to this Battel Fergus firft King of Scots', after thir fecond fuppos'd coming into Scotland, Durftus King of Pitts, both there (lain, and Dionetb an imaginary King of Britain, or Duke of Cornwall, who improbably lided with them againft his own Country, With no lefs exact nefs of particular Circumftances he takes hardly efcaping. upon him to relate all thofe tumultuary Inrodes of the Scots and Pitts into Britain, as if they had but yefterday happen'd, thir Order of Battel, manner of Fight, number of Slain, Articles of Peace, things wherof Cildas and Beda are utterly iilent, Authors to whom the Scotch Writers have none to cite comparable in Antiquity ; no more therfore to be believ'd for bare Aflertions, however quaintly dreft, then our Geofry of Monmouth* when he varies moll from authentick Story. But either the inbred Vanity of fom, in that reflect unworthily call'd Hiftorians, or the fond Zeal of praifmg thir Nations
1
above Truth, hath
fo far tranfported
them,
that
faithfully to relate, they fall confidently to invent belt fet off thir Hiftory, or magnify thir Country.
where they find nothing what they think may either
Gild.15,
Eede.
The Scots and Pitts in Manners differing fomwhat from each other, but ftill unanimous to rob and fpoil, hearing that the Romans intended not to return from thir Gorroghs orleathern Frigats, pour out themfelves in Swarms upon the Land more confident then ever and from the North end of the lie to the very Wall-fide, then firft took pofTeflion as Inhabitants ; while the Britans with idle Weapons in thir hands ftand trembling on the Battlements, till the halfnaked Barbarians with thir long and formidable Iron Hooks pull them down headlong. The reft not only quitting the Wall, but Towns and Cities, leave them to the bloody Purfuer, who follows killing, wafting, and deftroying all in his way. From thefe Confufions arofe a Famin, and from thence Difcord and civil Commotion among the Britans : each Man living by what he robb'd
:
or
Book
l'.
Tk
Hijlory of England.
43
or took violently from his Neighbour. When all Stores were confuirTd and betook them to the Woods, and liv'd by fpent where Men inhabited, they To the heaps of thefe Evils from Eede. Suftainment. thir only hunting, which was within the Church. For Agrkola the Son Confiantius. new Divilions without were added his had Doctrin wide among the Bria fpread of Severianus Pelagian Bifhop founder The neither before. uninfected part willing to embrace his tans not the overthrow of Divine Grace, nor able to refute him, crave to Opinion Afliflance from the Churches of France : who fend them Germanus Bifhop of
Streets
They by continual preaching in Churches, in 429. Auxerre, and Lupus of Troyes. in Fields, and not without Miracles, as is writt'n, confirm'd fom, Profp. Aquic. and at Ferulam in a public Difputafiion put to lilence thir chief Match. Weft. regain d others, This Reformation in the Church was beleev'd to be the caufe of ad arm. 446. Adverfaries. For the Saxons and Pitts with joint a while after in the Field. thir Succefs 430. the Saxons at lead had any dwelling in before new no was which thing force, this Hand, during the Abode of Germanus heer, had made a ffxong imprefiion from the North. The Britans marching out againlt them, and miftrufting Conrtant. vit. German, thir own Power, fend to Germanus and his Collegue, repofing more in the fpiritual Strength of thofetwoMen, then in thir own thoufands arm'd. They came and thir Prefencein the Camp was not lefs then if a whole Army had com to fecond them. It was then the time of Lent, and the People inftrudted two Paftors, came flocking to receave Baptifm. by the daily Sermons of thefe in the a There was Camp fet apart as a Church, and trick'd up with place The Enemy underftanding this, and that the BriBoughs upon Eafler-day. tans were tak'n up with Religions more then with feats of Arms, advances, after the Pafchal Feaft, as to a certain Vidrory. German, whoalfohad intelto be that day ; and riding out undertakes of thir Captain Approach, ligence with feledted Troops to difcover what Advantages the place might offer, about with Hills, by which the Enemy was to pafs. lights on a Valley compafs'd And placing there his Ambufh, warns them, that what word they heard him
pronounce aloud, the fame they mould repeat with univerfal fhout. The Enemy paffes on fecurely, and German thrice aloud cries Hallelujah , which anfwer'd by the Souldiers with a fudd n burft of Clamour, is from the Hills and The Saxons and Pitts on a fudden fuppofing it the noife Valleys redoubled. of a huge Hoaft, throw themfelves into flight, calling down thir Arms, and great numbers of them are drown'd in the River which they had newly pafs'd. This Vidtory, thus won without hands, left to the Britans plenty of Spoil, and to the Perfon and the Preaching of German greater Authority and Reve-
And the Exploit might pafs for current, if Confiantius, rence then before. in the next Age, had refolv'd us how the Britifh Army Life of the Writer his. came to want baptizing ; for of any Paganifm at that time, or long before, The place ol in the Land, we read not, or that Pelagianifm wasre-baptiz'd.
this Vidtory, as
ufTei-.Primoid. reported, was in Flint/hire, by a Town call'd Guid-cruc, ând the River Allen, where a Field retains the name of Maes German to this 553Butfo foon as German wasreturnM home, the Scots and Pitts, though 43 * day. now fo many of them Chriftians, that Palladius a Deacon was ordain'd and Profp. Aquic fentby Celejline the Pope to be a Bifhop over them, were not fo well reclaim'd, Ethclwad. or not fo many of them as to ceafe from doing Mifchief to thir Neighbours, Horent. where they found no Impeachment to fall in yearly as they were wont. They Gild. Eede. therfore of the Britans who perhaps were not yet wholly ruin'd, in the flrongeft and South-weft parts of the He, fend Letters to tAEtius, then third time Malmsbury, 8 Conful of Rome, with this Superfcription ; To jEtius thrice Conful, the Groans '' c * J>And after a few words thus : The Barbarians drive us to the 446. of the Britans.
is
-
Sea, the Sea drives us back to the Barbarians ; thus bandied up and down between two Deaths, we peri/h cither by the Sword or by the Sea. But the Empire, at that time overfpread with Hunns and Vandals, was not in condition to lend them Thus rejected and wearied out with continual flying from place to place, aid.
with Famin, which then grew outrageous among them, many Hunger yielded to the Enemy, others either more refolute, or lefs to wants, keeping within Woods and mountainous places, not only expos'd defended themfelves, but fallying out at length gave a ftop to the infulting Fo, with many feafonable Defeats^ led by fom eminent Perfon, as may be thought, who exhorted them not to truft in thir own Strength, but in Diafflicted
but more
for
vine
44
Tl^ Hi/? or) o/ England.
Book
3.
Gildas.
447Conftanc.
Eede.
448.
Sigon.
Gildas.
And perhaps no other heer is meant then the forefaid Delivine Affiftance. verance by German, if computation would permit, which Gildas either not much regarded, or might miftake ; but that he tarried fo loDg heer, the Writers of his Life afient not. Finding therfcre fuch oppofition, the Scots or Irtjh Robbers, for fo they are' indifferently term'd, without delay get them home. The Pitts, as before was mention'd, then firft began to fettle in the utmoft parts of the Hand, ufing now and then to make Inroads upon the Britans. But they in the mean while thus rid of thir Enemies, begin afrefh to which after CefTation yields her Fruit in fuch abundance, as till the Ground had not formerly bin known for many Ages. But Wantonnefs and Luxury, the wonted Companions of Plenty, grow up as fall, and with them, if Gildas That Which he deferve belief, all other Vices incident to human Corruption. notes efpecially to be the chief perverting of all Good in the Land, and fo continued in his days, was the hatred of Truth, and all fuch as durft appear to vindicate and maintain it. Againft them, as againfl the only Difturbers, Lies and Falfities, and fuch as could all the Malice of the Land was bent. Evil was embrac'dfor Good, Wickbeft invent them, were only in requeft. And this quality thir Valour had, ednefs honourM and efteem'd as Vertue. to ever be backward and heartlefs , to civil Broils eaa foren Enemy againft In Matters of Government, and the fearch of Truth, weak ger and prompt. and (hallow, in Falfhood and wicked Deeds pregnant and induftrious. Pleahng to God, or not pleafing, with them weighed alike ; and the worfe moft an end was the weightier. All things were don contrary to public Welfare and nor only by fecular Men, for the Clergy alfo, whofe Example mould Safety have guided others, were as vitious and corrupt. Many of them befotted with continual Drunkennefs ; or fwoln with Pride and Wilfulnefs, full of Contention, full of Envy, indifcreet, incompetent Judges to determinwha-t in the practice of Life is good or evil, what lawful or unlawful. Thusfurniflidwith Judgment, and for Manners thus qualify'd both Prieft and Lay, they agree to chufe them feveral Kings of thir own , as neer as might be, likeft themfelves:, and the words of my Author import as much. Kings were anointed, faith he, not of God's anointing, but fuch as were cruelleft, and foon after as inconfiderately, without examining the truth, put to death by thir Anointers, to fet up others more fierce and proud. As for the Election of thir Kings (and that they had not all one Monarch, appears both in Ages paft and by the Sequel) it began, as nigh as may be guefs'd, either this Year or the following, when they faw the Romans had quite deferted thir claim. About which time alfo Pelagianifm again prevailing by means of fom the Britifh Clergy too weak, it feems, at difpute, entreat the fecond few, time German to thir Affiftance. Who coming with Severus a Difciple of Lupus that was his former Afibciate, ftands not now to argue, for the People generally continued right*, but enquiring thofe Authors of new Disturbance, adThey therfore by confent of all were deliver'd judges them to Banifhment. to German ; who carrying them over with him, difpos'd of them in fuch place where neither they could infect others, and were themfelves under cure of better Inftru&ion. But Germamis the fame year dy'd in Italy; and the Britans not long after found themfelves again in much perplexity, with no had prepar'd a ftrong flight rumour that thir old Troublers the Scots.and Pitts Invafion, purpofingto kill all, and dwell themfelves in the Land from end to
,
,
Malmf.
/.
1.
end. Bute're thir coming in, as if the Inftruments of Divine Juftice had bin at ftrife, which of them firft mould deftroy a wicked Nation, the Peftilence to bury the dead ; and for that foreftalling the Sword, left fcarce alive whom off one another, preferv'd the Land from a worfe Extremity keeps time, as Incumbrance of thofe barbarous Difpofleffors, whom the Contagion gave not And yet the Britans, nothing better'd by thefe heavy leave now to enter far. the one threatn'd, the other felt, inftead of acknowledging the Judgments, hand of Heaven, run to the Palace of thir King Vortigern with Complaints and Cries of what they fuddenly fear'd from the Pitlifh Invafion. Vortigern, who at that time was chief rather then fole King, unlefs the reft had perhaps left thir Dominions to the common Enemy, is laid by him of Monmouth to
have procur'd the Death firft of Conflantine, then of Confiance his Son, who of But a Monk was made King, and by that means to have ufurp'd the Crown. they
77* Hiftory of England. how Conflantine with his Son Conftance the Monk, the they who can remember one made Emperor, the other Cdfar, perifh'd in France, may difcern the fim-
Book
4?
But Vortigern however coming to reign, is decithis Fable. ple fraud of ftories a proud unfortunate Tyrant, and yet of the People much truer by pher'd Vices forted fo well with theirs. For neither was he belov'd, becaufe his but wife in nor skill'd in War, Counfel, covetous, luftful, luxurious, and to all Vice \ wafting the public Treafure in Gluttony and Riot, carelefs prone of the common danger, and through a haughty Ignorance, unapprehenllve of Neverthelefs importun'd and awak'd at length by unufual clamours his own. of the People, he fummons a general Council, to provide fome better means then hecrtofore had been us'd againft thefe continual annoyances from the North.
Wherin by
advice of
all it
into Britain againft the Scots and Pitts;
was determin'd, that the Saxons be invited whofe breaking in they either fhortly
found they had not ftrength anough to oppofe. The expected, or already Saxons were a barbarous and heathen Nation, famous for nothing elfe but Robberies and Cruelties done to all thir Neighbours, both by Sea and Land ; in this Hand, witnefs that military Force which the Roman Empeparticular to rors maintain'd heer purpofely againft them, under a fpecial Commander, whofe title, as is found on good record, was Count of the Saxon fhoar in Britain
Notitia:
impe-
and the many mifchiefs done by thir landing heer, both alone and with * ; the Pitts, as above hath bin related, witnefs as much. They were a People to be defcended of the Sac*, a kind of Writers, good by Scythian in Florenr. thought the North of Afia, thence calPd Sacafons, or Sons of Sac*, who with a Flood wigorn. ad of other Northern Nations came into Europe, toward the declining of the aiM7Roman Empire ; and uling Pyracy from Denmark all along thefe Seas, poffefs'd at length by intrulion all that Coaft of Germany and the Nether-lands, which Etheiwetd; took thence the name of old Saxony, lying between the Rhene and Elve, and from thence North as far as Eidora, the River bounding Holfatia, though not fo firmly, or fo largely, but that thir multitude wander'd yet uncertain of Such Guefts as thefe the Britans refolve now to fend for, and Habitation. entreat into thir Houfes and Poffeffions, at whofe very name heertofore they So much do men through impatience count ever that the trembl'd afar off. which heavieft they bear at prefent, and to remove the evil which they fuffer, as if variety and to not care pull on a greater ; change in evil alfo were accepOr whether it be that men in the defpair of better, imagin fondly a table. kind of refuge from one mifery to another. The Britans therfore, with Vortigern, who was then accounted King over Ethelwerd. them all, refolve in full Council to fend Embafladors of thir choiceft men Malmsb. with great Gifts, and faith a Saxon Writer in thefe words, defiring thir aid.
Worthy Saxons, hearing

out
,
the
fame of your
invading They have a Land fertile andfpatious, which to your commands they bid us furrender. Heertofore we have liv'd with freedom, under the obeditnee and protettion of the Roman Empire. Next to them we know none worthier then your felves ; and therfore
become fuppliants
to your Valour.
a;id overprejl by a continual
jt><*iB prowefs, the dijirejfed Britains xoeariedf\ Enemy, have fent us to befeech your aid.
[p^
and to Yet Ethelwerd writes not that ought by you imposed, willingly but and therfore who had only Amity League. They fubjettion, they promised chief Rule among them, hearing themfelves entreated by the Britans, to that Malmf. which gladly they would have wilh't to obtain of them by entreating, to the Be alfur'd henceforth of the Saxons, as of WicichimL Britifh Embaffy return this anfwer no lefs the to faithful Friends Britans, ready to ftand by them in thir need, then in thir belt of fortune. The Embafladors return joyful, and with news as welcom to thir Country, whofe finifterfate had now blinded them for deftruftion. The Saxons, confulting firft thir Gods (for they had anfwer, thatGildas. the Land wherto they went, they fhould hold 300 years, half that time conquering, and half quietly poffefring) furnifh out three long Gallies, or Kyules, Bedewith a chos'n company of warlike Youth, under the conduct of two Brothers, Hengifl and Horfa, defcended in the fourth degree from Woden ; of whom, deify'd for the fame of his Acts, moft Kings of thofe Nations derive thir Pedigree. Thefe, and either mixt with thefe, or foon after by themfelves, two other Tribes, or neighbouring People, Jutes and Angles, the one from Jutland, the other from Anglen by the City of Slcfwicb, both Provinces of Deri*
we
fhall fubmit.
:
Leave us
not below our prefent Enemies,
tttarh
4*
mad,
4$o.
Nennius.
The Hiftoryof England.

arrive in the
firft
Book
3.
Malmf.
year of Martian the Greek Emperor, from the Birth of Chrilr.450, receavM with much goodwill of the People firft, then of the King, who after fome alfurances giv'n and tak'n, beftows on them the lie of Tanet, where they firft landed, hoping they might be made heerby more eager
for thir own Country, and more loyal againft the Pitts, when they fought as to the Britans, from whom they had receav'd a place to dwell in, which beThe Britijh Nennius writes, that thefe Brethren were fore they wanted. r driv'n into Exile out of Germany, and to l oietigern who reign'd in much fear, one while of the Pitts, then of the Romans and Ambrofius, came opportunely into the Hav'n. For it was the cuftom in old Saxony, when thir numerous Offfpring overflowed the narrownefs of thir bounds, to fend them out by lot in-
Malmsb.
Henry Hurttingd.
Ethclwerd.
Bed.
Nin.
Nenn.
wherever they found room, either vacant or to be forc't. But whether fought, orunfought, they dwelt not heer long without Employment. For the Scots and Pitts were now com down, fom fay, as far as Stamin ford Lincoln-fhire, whom, perhaps not imagining to meet new oppolition, the Saxons, though not till after a fharp Encounter, put to flight ; and that more then once ; flaying in fight, as fome Scotch writers affirm, thir King Eu~ Hengift perceaving the Hand to be rich and fruitgenius the Son of Fergus. Inhabitants giv'n to vicious eafe, fends word and other but her Princes ful, home, inviting others to a fhare of his good fuccefs. Who returning with 17 Ships, were grown up now to a fufficient Army, and entertain'd without fufpicion on thefe terms, that they fhould bear the brunt of War againft the With thefe was brought Pitts, receaving ftipend and fome place to inhabit. over the Daughter of Hengift, a Virgin wondrous fair, as is reported, Rowen the Britijh call her fhe by commandment of her Father, who had invited the to a King Banquet, coming in prefence with a Bowl of Wine to w elcom him, and to attend on his Cup till the Feaft ended, won fo much upon his fancy,
:
v
to. new Dwellings
though already wjv'd, as to demand her in manage upon any Conditions. to his drift, held off, exHengift at firft, though it fell out perhaps according and almoft a neceility, a delire his meannefs then intimating ; obfeurely culing byreafonof his augmented numbers, to have his narrow bounds of Tanet enlarg'd to the Circuit of Kent, had it ftreit by Donation , though Guorangonus till then was King of that place ; and fo, as it were overcom by the great And ftill encroaching on the munificence of Vortigern, gave his Daughter. and Ebijja, his own and his Otta over to call leave furder Kings Favour, got Brothers Son ; pretending that they, if the North were giv'n them, would
Gildas. Bed.
'
Ninn.
there as a continual defence againft the Scots, while himfelf guarded the They therfore fayling with forty Ships ev'n to the Orcades, and every way curbing the Scotland Pitts, poflefsM that part of the lie which is now Northumberland. Notwithstanding this they complain that thir Monthly pay was grown much into Arrear ; which when the Britans found means to fatisfy, though alleging withal that they to whom promife was made of Wages, were nothing fo many-in number: quieted with this a while, but ftill feeking occafion to fall off, they find fault next, that thir Pay is too fmall for the danger they undergo, threatning op'n Warunlefs it be augmented. Guortimcr the Kings Son perceaving his Father and the Kingdom thus betray'd, from that time bends his utmoft endeavour to drive them out. They on the other fide making League with the Pitts and Scots, and ifluing out of Kent, wafted without refiftance almoft the whole Land ev'n to the Weftern Sea, with fuch a horfit
Eaft.
rid devastation, that Towns and Colonies overturn'd, Priefts and People flain, Temples and Palaces, what with Fire and Sword, lay altogether heap'd in one mixt ruin. Of all which multitude, fo great was the finfulnefs that brought this upon them, Gildas adds that few or none were likely to be other then lewd and wicked Perfons. The refidue of thefe, part overtak'n in the Mountains were flain ; others fubdifd with Hunger preferr'd flavery before inftant Death ;
Primord.
fag. 4 l8 -
fom getting to Rocks, Hills, and Woods inacceflible, preferr'd the fear and danger of any Death before the fhame of a fecure Slavery ; many fled over Sea into other Countries ; fome into Holland, where yet remain the ruins of low Water not far from Brittenburgh, an old Caftle on the Sea, tobefeenat
Leiden, either built, as Writers of thir own affirm, or feiz'd on by thofe Britans in thir efcape from Hengift : Others into Armorica, peopl'd, as fom think, with Britans long before, either by gift of Conftantine the Great, or
elfe
Malms.
c. I.
/. l
Book
elfe
5.
TI* Hijh>y of England.

Britijh
47
Forces which had ferv'd them in F01 en Wars, Humingd. ' to whom thofe alfo that mifcarried not with the latter C onjl ant ine at Aries ;ând laftly, thefe Exiles driv'n out by Saxons, fled for Refuge. But the antient Chronicles of thofe Provinces atteft thir coming thether to be then firfl when they fled the Saxons, and indeed the name of Britain in France is not read Yet how a fort of Fugitives, who had quitted without till after that time. own thir ftroke Country, mould fo foon win another, appears not, unlefs
of Maximus to thofe
join'd to
fom party of thir own fetl'd there before. Vortigern nothing better'd thefe Calamities, grew at lalt fo obdurat as to commit inceft with his by out of an ambition to the Crown. For Daughter, tempted or tempting him which being cenfur'd and condemn'd in a great Synod of Clercs, and Laics, and partly for fear of the Saxons, according to the Counfel of his Peers he retir'd into Wales, zr\d built him there a ftrong CalHe in Radnor/hire, by the advice
n'
j'"
-
Nmn of Ambrofnts a young Prophet, whom others call Merlin. Neverthelefs Faufius, the under inftru&ions of who was the Son thusinceftuoufly begott'n, German, or fom of his Difciples, for German was dead before, prov'd a religious man, and liv'd in devotion by the River Remnvs in Glamorgan/hire. But the Saxons, Gildas. fubdue the He, with moft of thir Forces, uncertain though finding it foeafy to when as the eafmefsof thir Conqneft might for vvhatcaufe, return'd home feem rather likely to have call'd in more \ which makes more probable that which the Britijh write of Guortemir. For he coming to reign, inltead of his Ninn< Father depos'd for Inceft, is faid to have thrice driv'n and befeig'd the Saxons in the He of Tanetb; and when they iffu'd out with powerful Supplies fent from Saxony, to have fought with them four other Battels, wherof three are nam'd-, thefirftonthe River Darwent, the fecond at Episford, wherin Horfa the Brother of Hmgifl fell, and on the Britijh part Catigern the other Son of The third in a Feild by Stonar, then call'd Lap'vs tituli, in Tanet, Vortigern. where he beat them into thir Ships that bore them home, glad to have fo to land again for five years after. In the fpacc wherfcap'd, and not venturing of Guortemir dying, commanded they Ihould bury him in the Port of Stonar ; perfwaded that his Bones lying there would be terror enough to keep the Sax:
ons
from ever landing mand, buried him in
in that place
Lincoln.
of the Saxons relate in this
they, faith 'Ninkiiu, negleding his comBut concerning thefe times, antienteft Annals In the year 455. manner. Hcngifl and Horfa
:
fought againft Vortigern, in a place call'd Egleflhrip, now Ailsford in loft his Life, of whom Horfled, where Horfa \ took place of his burial, J ' the * ' Anna. Sax. name. After this firft Battel and the Death of his Brother, Hengifi with his Son The Kingdom Kcnc Efca took on him Kingly Title, and peopl'd Kent with Jutes; who alfo then, "/ or not long after poffefs'd the lie of Wight, and part of Hampfhire lying opTwo years after in a fight at Creganford, or Craford, Hcngifl and his 457polite. Son flew of the Britains tour chief Commanders, and as man-/ thoufand men ; the reft in great diforder flying to London, with the total lofs of Kent. And 4^5* eight years paffing between, he made new War on the Britans ; of whom in a Battel at Wippeds-fleot, twelve Princes were (lain, and Wipped the Saxon Earl, who left his name to that place, though not fufficient to direct us where it now Hands. His laft encounter was at a place not mention'd, where he gave them +73fuch an overthrow, that flying in great fear they left the fpoil of all to thir And thefe perhaps are the four Battels, according to Nenniits, Enemies.
*
4.5* Eede. Ethelwerd. Kent; Florenc
fought by Guortemir, though by thefe Writers far differently related ; and happ'ning befides many other bickerings, in the fpace of 20 years, as Malmsbury reck'ns. Neverthelefs it plainly appears that the Saxons, by whomfoever, were put to hard (hifts, being all this while fought withal in Kent, thir own allotted dwelling, and fomtimes on the very edg of the Sea, which the word But Guortemir now dead, and none of Cou- Nennius. Wippeds-fleot feems to intimat. rage left to defend the Land, Vortigern either by the power of his Faftion, or by confent of all, reaffumes the Government and Hengijl thus rid of his grand oppofer, hearing gladly the reftorement of his old favourer, returns "again with great Forces ; but to Vortigern whom he well knew how to handle without warring, as to his Son in Law, now that the only Author of diffention between them was remov'd by Death, offers nothing but ail terms of new
:
"':
"
League and Amity.
The King both for
his
Wives
fake and. his
own
fottifhnels.
48
Weapons.
his
Book
3."
nefs, confiiking alfo with his Peers not unlike himfelf, readily yields ; and the place of Parly is agreed on ; to which either fide was to repair without
Ma'mf.
but Treachery, appointHengift, whofe meaning was not Peace, to be fecretly arm'd, and acquainted them to what intent. The watch-word was, Nemet tour Saxes, that is, Draw your Daggers ; which they obferving, when the Britans were throughly heated with Wine (for the Trea-
ed
men
ty it feems was not without Cups) and provokM, as was plotted, by fom Affront, difpatch'd with thofe Poniards every one his next man, to the number of 300, the chief of thofc that could do ought againfl him, either in Counfel
Mia. ex
le-
gend
St. Ger.
or in Field. Fortigcrn they only bound and kept in Cuftody, until he granted them for his ranfom three Provinces, which were called afterward Effexy Who thus difm ill, retiring again to his folitary abode Sufjex, and Middlesex. in the Country of Guorthigirniaun, focall'dby his name, from thence to the Caftleof his own building in North Wales, by the River Ttebi ; and living there obfeurely among his Wives, was at length burnt in his Tower by Fire from Heav'n, at the praier, asfomefay, of German, but that coheres not ; as others, by Ambrofim Aurilian ; of whom as wc have heard at firlt,he Hood
in the Saxons. whether mifchief or thir after much moft of them of own accord by conftraint, don, a to back own fair into thir left the Britans of returning Country, opportunity thcmfclves on that ftaid behind. eafier thofe avenging Repenting therfore, and with carneft fupplication imploring divine help to prevent thir final rooting out, they gather from all parts, and under the leading of Ambrofim Aurtli.inus, a vertuous and modeft man, the laft heer of the Roman Stock, advancing now onward againft the late Victors, defeat them in a memorable Battel. Common opinion, but grounded chiefly on the Britifl) Fables, makes this Ambrofim to be a younger Son of that Conflantme, whofe eldeft, as we heard, was Conjlance the Monk ; who both lolt thir Lives abroad ufurping the EmBut the exprefs words both of Gildas and Bede, allure us, that the pire. Parents of this Ambrofim having heer born regal Dignity, were flain in thefe And if the fear of Ambrofe inpillijh Wars and Commotions in the Hand. due'd Vortigcrn to call in the Saxons, it feems Fortigern ufurp'd his Right. I
Ciltiid.
Monmouth.
in great fear,
and partly for that caufe invited
Who
pcrccave not that Nenniut makes any difference between him and Merlin : for that Child without Father that propheci'd to Fortigern, he names not Merlin, but Ambrofe, makes him the Son of a Roman Conful:, but conccaPd by his Mother, as fearing that the King therfore fought his Life: yet the Youth no
fooncr had confefs'd his Parentage, but Vortigcrn either in reward of his Predictions, or as his Right, beftow'd upon him all the Weft of Britain; himfclf retiring to a Whofe ever Son he was, he W3S the firfl, acfolitary Life. cording to fureft Authors, that led againfl the Saxons, and overthrew them ; but whether before this time or after, none have writt n. This is certain, that in a time when moft of the Saxon Forces were departed home, the Britans gather' d Strength; and either againft thofe who were left remaining, or againft thir whole Powers, the fecond time returning obtain'd this
Qifcfcs.
Bed.
Thus Ambrofe as chief Monarch of the He fucceeded Fortigern; Victory. to whofe third Son Pafcentim he permitted the rule of two Regions in
Norm.
477Sax. an.
In his daies, faith Nenmw, the SaxW.ues, Buelth, and Guortbigirniaun. not much whom prevaifd Arthur, as being then Chief Geagainft neral for the Britifh Kings, made great War, but more renown 'd in Songs and Romances, then in true ftories. And the fequel it felf declares as much. For in the year 477, Ella the Saxon, with his three Sons, Cymen^
ons
:
Ethelw. Horent.
485.
F lorcnt.
Huntingd.
489.
Malmf. Bed. I.
r.
2.
5.
492.
and Cijfa, at a place in Suffix call'd Cymenfiwrc, arrive in three Ships, many of the Britans, chafing them that rcmain'd into the Wood Andreds Another Battel was fought at Mercreds-Burnamflcd, wherin Ella had by Leage. far the Vidory ; but Huntingdon makes it fo doubtful, that the Saxons were conftrain'd to fend home for fupplies. Four year after dy'd Hengift, the firft Saxon King of Kent ; noted to have attain'd that Dignity by craft, as much as Valour, and giving fcope to his own cruel nature, rather then proceeding His Son Oeric fmnam'd Oifc, of whom the Kentifh by Mildncfs or Civility. Kings were call'd Oifeings, fucceeded him, and fate content with his Fathers he winnings, more defirous to fettle and defend, then to enlarge his Bounds reign'd 24 years. By this time Ella and his SonCiJfa, befeiging Andredcbefter,
Pleting,
kill
:
fup'pos'd
Book

to be Newenden in Kent , take
it
49
all
fuppos'd now the Sword.
by force, and
within
it
put to Camden,
Thus Ella three years after the death of Hengijl, began his Kingdom of The Kingdom f the South-Saxons ; peopling it with new Inhabitants, from the Country which South-Saxons'. was then old Saxony, at this day Holftein in Denmark, and had betides at his 1 c 1 ^ command all thofe Provinces which the Saxons had won on this fide Number. " c as if Britain were becom now the field Animated with thefe good Succefies, of Fortune, Kerdic another Saxon Prince, the tenth by Linage from Woden, ao Sax. an. om.i.
^^
'
'
old and pra&is'd Souldier, who in many profperous Conflicts againft the Enemy in thofe parts, had nurs'd up a Spirit too big to live at home with Equals, which from thence took the name of Kerdic-Jhoar, coming to a certain place his Son, the very fame day overthrew the Britans and Kenric with five Ships, that fmaller Skirmifhes after that day fo and him effectually, that
45,5.
oppos'd
were
fufficient to
drive them
ftill
furder
off",
leaving him a large Territory.
$or.
Sax an - mn. Hlinnn gd.
.
After him Porta, another Saxon, with his two Sons Bida and Mtgla, in two thence call'd, and at thir landing flew a young Ships arrive at Portsmouth others who unadvifedly fet upon them. The Briti/h Nobleman, with many had loft, draw together all thir Forces led by Britans to recover what they in Britain, and the greateft faith one ; Natanleod, or Naz.aleod, a certain King
"
508.
Annal.
omn.
the place in Hantfhire, as far as Kerdicsford, now Chardford, was call'd of this King fhould be, hath bred much queftion ; fom think mi. Naz.aieod. primord. it to be the Briti/h name of Ambrofe ; others to be the right name of his Bro-
but with him S oco
ot his
Men
Kerdic puts to rout and
flays.
From whence
Huntingd. en * old c d
Who
; whom Cifta his youngeft fucceeded ; him. the other two failing before Nor can it be much more or lefs then about this time, for it was before the The Kingdom of Weft-Saxon Kingdom, that Vffa, the 8th from Woden, made himfelf King Eaft-Angles. of the Eaft-Angles ; who by thir name teftifie the Country above mention'd ; from whence they came in fuch multitudes, that thir native Soil is faid to Malmf.I.i.c.5. have remain'd in the days of Beda uninhabited. Huntingdon defers the time Bed. i.e. 15. of thir for, faith he, at Huntingd. in, to the ninth year of Kerdich Reign
might not come fluggifhly to poflefs An. omn. what others had won for them, eifher by thir own feeking, or by appointment, are fet in place where they could not but at thir firft coming give proof and fo well they did it, that the Britans of themfelves upon the Enemy About the fame time, Huntingdon. after a hard encounter left them Mafters of the field.
:
himfelf, Levies to Kerdic fiioar.
who for the terror of his eagernefs in fight, became more known by theSirnameof Vtber, which in the Welch Tongue fignifies Dreadful. And if ever fuch a King in Britain there were as Vtber Pendragon, for fo alfo the Monmouth Book furnames him, this in all likelihood muft be he. Kerdic by fo had made large room about him ; not only great a blow giv'n to the Britans with for the Men he brought him, but for fuch alfo of his Friends, as he dewhich for fir'd to make great ; caufe, and withal the more to ftrengthen his two Nefews Stuff and Withgar, in three Veflels bring him new
ther,
Who that they
514.
Ella the firft South-Saxon
King dy'd
I.
coming
ftrove for Principality, feiling every one his Province, 1.2. p. 313, x and for fom while fo continu'd making petty Wars among themfeles} till 3 5were call'd Vffings, over-top'd them Bedel. 2. c. 15. in the end Vffa, of whom thofe Kings Malmf.i.i.c.6. his Titilus then all in the Son, the Father of Rcdwald, who became year 571,
firft
many of them
the Eaft-Angles, began alfo the Eaft-Saxons to erect a The Kingdom of Ea rt- Sa* ons Kingdom under Sleda the tenth from Woden. But Huntingdon, as before, will have it later by 1 1 years, and Ercbenwin to be the firft King. Kerdic the fame in power, though not fo fond of Title, forbore the name 519. The Kingdom of 24 Years after his arrival^ but then founded fo firmly the Kingdom of Wefteft-Saxons. Saxons, that it fubjedted all the reft at length, and became the fole Monarchy of England. The fame year he had a Victory againft the Britans at Kerdics Sax> an# omnt Ford, by the River Aven : and after eight years, another great fight at Kerdics 27 Hitherto hath bin Leage, but which won the day is not by any fet down. collected what there is of certainty with circumftance of time and place to be found regifter'd, and no more then barely regifter'd in Annals of beft note ; without defcribing after Huntingdon the manner of thofe Battels and Encounhe ters, which they who compare, and can judg of Books, may be confident
potent.
And
not
much after
never
ô
Book 5. Hiftory of England. never found in any current Author whom he had to follow. But this Difeafe hath bin incident to many more Hiftorians and the Age wherof we now then any fince the firft fabulous times, to be write, hath had the ill hap, more Yet that we may not rely furcharg'd with all the idle fancies of Pofterity. in Antiquity far before thefe, and every altogether on Saxon Relaters, Gildan, in fuch a manner, of thefe Wars though nothing way more credible, fpeaks
:
Tk
conceited of the Brittjh Valour, as declares the Saxons in his time and before For belides that firlt Victory to have bin foil'd not feldomer then the Britans. of Ambrose, and the interchangeable Succefs long after, he tells that the lalfc overthrow which they receav'd at Badon Hill, was not the leaft ; which they And becaufe the time of this Battel, in thir oldelt Annals mention not at all. is not fet then do more who could down, or any Foundation guefs, any by giv'n from whence to draw a folid compute, it cannot be much wide to infert it in this place. For fuch Authors as we have to follow, give the Conduft and Praife of this Exploit to Arthur ; and that this was the laft of twelve great The feveral places Battels which he fought victorioufly againft the Saxons.
Ninn.
writt'n by Nennius in thir Welch Names, were many hunder'd years ago unknown, and fo here omitted. But who Arthur was, and whether ever any fuch reign'd in Britain, hath bin doubted hertofore, and may again with good
reafon.
For the Monk of Malmsbury, and others whofe Credit hath fway'd moft with the learneder fort, we may well perceave to have known no more of this Arthur 500 years pall, nor of his doings, then we now living , and what they had to fay, tranferib'd out of Nennius, a very trivial Writer yet extant, which hath already bin related ; or out of a Bntijh Book, the fame which he of Monmouth fet forth, utterly unknown to the World, till more then 600 Years after the days of Arthur, of whom ( as Sigebert in his Chronicle contents ) all other Hiftories were fdent, both Foren and Domeftic, Others of later time have fought to alTert except only that fabulous Book. him by old Legends and Cathedral Regeffcs. But he who can accept of Legends for good Story, may quickly iwell a Volume with Trafh, and had need be furnifh'd with two only Neccflaries, Leifure and Belief, whether it be the Writer, or he that fhall read. As to Arthur, nolefs is in doubt who was his Father ; for if it be true as Nennius or his Notift avers, that Arthur was call'd Mab-Vthtr, that is to fay, a cruel Son, for the fierfenefs that Men faw in him of a Child, and the intent of his Name Arturus imports as much, it might well be that fomin after Ages who fought to turn him into a Fable, wrefted the word Vther into a proper Name, and fo fain'd him the Son of Vther, lince we read not in any certain Story, that ever fuch Perfon liv'd till Geffry of Monmouth fet him off with the firname of Pendragon. And as we doubted of for wT hether that Victory at his Parentage, fo may we alfo of his PuiiTance Badon Hill were his or no, is uncertain Gildws not naming him, as he did Caradoc. Ambrofi in the former. Next, if it be true as Caradoc relates, that Melvas Llancarvon. King of that Country which is now Summerfei, kept from him Gueniver his Vic. Gild. Wife a whole Year in the Town of Glafton, and reftor'd her at the entreaty of Gildas, rather then for any enforcment that Artur with all his Chivalry could make againfl a fmall Town defended only by a moory iituation ; had either his knowledg in War, or the force he had to make, bin anfwerable to the Fame they bear, that petty King had neither dar'd fuch an affront, nor he bin fo long, and at laft without effeft, in revenging it. Confidering laflthe of his fuppos'd all time how the Saxons where him ly every gain'd upon Malmf. Ami- Reign, which began, as fom write, in the tenth year of Kerdic, who wrung quicGlafton. from h\ m by or) g \^ ar tne Countries of Summerfet and Ham/hire ; there will 529. remain neither place nor circumftance in flory, which may adminifter any Pnmord. p. This only is alledg'd iêiihood of thofe great Adts that are afcrib'd him. Nenniiis in ArturH behalf, that the Saxons, though vanquifh'd never by Polychrome, 1. 5. c 6. fo oft, grew flill more numerous upon him by continual Supplies out of Germany. And the truth is, that Valour may be over-toifd, and overcom at laft with endlefs overcoming. But as for this Battel of Mount Badon where the Saxons were hemm'd in, or befieg'd, whether by Artur won, or whenfoever, it feems indeed to have giv'n a mofl undoubted and important blow to the Saxons, and to have ftop'd thir proceedings for a good while
after.
Gildas himfelf witnefling that the Britans having thus compell'd
them
to
Book
}.
The Hijlory
of
England.
to fit down with Peace, fell therupon to civil difcord among tl'iemfelves. Which words may feem to let in fom light toward the fearching out when And we fhall find no time lince the firit Saxon War, this Battel was fought. from whence a longer Peace enfifd, then from the fight at KerdiSs Leage in the year 527. which all the Chronicles mention, without Victory to Kerdic; and give us argument from the cuftom they have of magnifying thir own Deeds upon all occalions, to prefume here his ill ipeeding. And if we
look Hill onward, ev'n to the 44^ year after, wherin Gildm wrote, if his obfeure utterance be underllood, we fhall meet with very Utile War between This only remains difficult, that the Victory firft the Britans and Saxons. won by Ambrofe, was not fo long before this at Badon Siege, but that the fame Men living might be eye-witneffes of both ; and by this rate hardly can
Jeaft in the days
Gildis,
the latter be thought won by Artur, unlcfs we reck'n him 3 grown youth at of Ambrofe, and much more then a youth, if Malmsbury be heard, who alarms all the Exploits of Ambrofe to have bin don chiefly by Artur as his General, which will add much Unbelief to the common AfTertion of hisreigniag after Ambrose and Vtber, efpecially the fight at Badon. being the But to prove.by that which follows, that the fight laft of his twelve Battels. : at Ke> c'^Lea^c, though it differ in name from that of Badon, may be thought the fair.eby all effects i Kerdic three years after, not proceeding onward, as 530. his manner was, on the Continent, turns back his Forces on the lie of Wight ; Sax. an. oroa, which with the flaying of a few only in Witbgarburgb, he foon mailers ; and not long furviving, left it to his Nephews by the Mothei's fide, Stuff and 534. Wnhgar: the reft of what he had fubdu'd, Ktnric his Son held and reign'd was in the buried Town of that Hand 5+4* 26 Years, in whole tenth Year Witbgar all unlikelihoods of ArtuSs his thefe Name. Notwithftanding which bore in in a knew not Narration I how and crept great Acheivments, among Reign the Laws of Edward the Confejjcr, Artur the famous King of Britans, is faid not only to have expell'd hence the Saracens, who were not then known in Europe, but to have conquer'd Free/land, and all the North Eaft lies as far as KuJJia, to have made Lapland the Eaftern bound of his Empire, and Norway When fhould this be don ? from the Saxons, the Chamber of Britain. till after twelve Battels, he had no reft at home ; after thofe, the Britans contented with the quiet they had from thir Saxon Enemies, were fo far from feeking Conquefts abroad, that, by report of Gildas above cited, they fell to civil Wars at home. Surely Artur much better had made War in old Saxony, to reprefs thir flowing hither, then to have won Kingdoms as far as Buchanan our Neighbour Hiftorian RuJJia, fcarce able here to defend his own. for others Monmouth and him of fabling in the Deeds of Artur; reprehends yet what he writes therof himfelf, as of better Credit, fliews not whence he had but from thofe Fables ; which he feems content to believe in part, on condition that the Scots and Picls may be thought to have affifted Artur in all his Wars, and Achievments ; wherof appears as little ground by any credible But not furder to conteft Story, as of that which he moft counts fabulous. about fuch Uncertainties. In the Year 547, Ida the Saxon, fprung alfo from Woden in the tenth De547. rtie Kingdom of gree, began the Kingdom of Bernkia in Northumberland; built the Town NrchumberBebenburgh, which was after wall'd ; and had twelve Sons, half by Wives, and half by Concubines. Hengijl by leave of Vortigem, we may remember, ^" n ^j omili had fent Ottave and Ebiff.i to feekthem Seats in the North, and there by war- Bed. Epit. Which they fo pruder.-tly ef- Malmsb, ring on the PtBs, to fecure the Southern parts. fefted, that what by Force and fair proceeding, they well quieted thofe Coun5,
'
fo far diftant from Kent, nor without Power in thir hands, themfelves yet kept nigh So Years within moderation ; and as inferior Governors, they and thir Off- fpring gave obedience to the Kings of Kent, as to the elder Family. Till at length following the Example of that Age, when no lefs then Kingdoms were the prize of every fortunate Commander, they thought it but reafon, as well as others of thir Nation, to affume Royalty. Of whom Ida was the firft, a Man in the Prime of his Years, and of Paren- Majmib, tage as we heard but how he came to wear the Crown, afpiring or by free Certain anough it is, that his Vertues made him not choice, is not faid. lefs noble then his Birth, in War in Peace temundaunted, and unfoil'd
tries
;
and though
pi
pering
5*
552Aniul omn.
Book
3.
Camden.
pcring the aw of Magiftracy, with a natural mildnefs he raignM about 12 In the mean while Kenrk in a Fight at Searesbirig, now Salisbury, kill'd Years. and put to flight many of the Britans ; and the fourth Year after at Beranv ' r *gi now Banbury i as fom think, with Keaulin his Son put them again to Keaulin fiiortly after fucceeded his Father in the Weft-Saxons. And flight.
Alia defcended alfo of Woden, but by another Line, fet
up a fecond Kingdom
55o.
Annal.
Florent.
5<5i.
in Deira, the South part of Northumberland, and held it 30 Years ; while Adda, the Son ot Ida, and five more after him reign'd without other memory in For Eft a the Son of Bernicia : And in Kent, Ethelbert the next Year began. he to and Emeric rule left after had him both Otba, ; which, without Hengisi
Malmf.
Ann. omn.
568.
GilJas.
adding to thir Bounds, kept what they had in Peace 53 Years. But Ethelbcrt in length of reign equal'd both his Progenitors, and as Beda counts, three Years exceeded. Young at his firft entrance, and unexperienc'd, he was the firft raifer of Civil War among the Saxons ; claiming from the priority of time wherin Hengift took poffeffion here, a kind of Right over the later Kingdoms and therupon was troublefom to thir Confines but by them twice defeated, he who bat now thought to feem dreadful, became almoft conFor Keaulin and Cutba -his Son, perfuing him into his own Tertemptible. in Battel, at Wibbandun, two of his Earls, OJ/ac and Onebthere flew ritory, ban. By this means the Britans, but chiefly by this Viftory at Badon, for the fpace of 44 Years, ending in 571, receiv'd no great Annoyance from the Saxons : But the Peace they enjoy'd, by ill ufing it, prov'd more deftrudtive For being rais'd on a fudden by two fuch eminent Sucto them then War. condition of Thraldom, they whofe Eyes had beheld the loweft from ceffes, both thofe Deliverances, that by Ambroft, and this at Badon, were taught by the experience of either fortune, both Kings, Magistrates, Priefts, and priBut when the next Age, unacquainted with paft vat Men, to live orderly. Evils, and only fenlible of thir prefenteafe and quiet, fucceeded, ftrait followed the apparent fubverfion of all Truth, and Juftice, in the minds of moft Men fcarce the leaft footftep, or impreffion of Goodnefs left remaining through all Ranks and Degrees in the Land ; except in fom fo very few, as to be hardly vilible in a general Corruption: which grew in fhort fpace not on:
,
ly manifeft, but odious to all the alfo the Sons or among,
whom
Neighbour Nations. And firft thir Kings, Grand-children of Ambroft, were fouly de-
Wherof to hear fome Particulars generated to all Tyranny and vitious Life. out of Gildas, will not be impertinent. They avenge, faith he, and they not the Innocent, but the Guilty: They fw ear oft, but perjure ; proteft they wage War, but civil and unjuft War. They punifh rigoroufly them that rob by the High-way; but thofe grand Robbers that fit with them at Table, they honour and reward. They give Alms largly, but in the face of thir Alms-deeds, pile up Wickednefs to afar higher heap. They fit in the Seat of Judgment, but go feldom by the Rule of Right neglecting and proudly overlooking the modeft and harmlefs, but countenancing the audacious, though guilty of abominableft Crimes ; they ftuff thir Prilbns, but with Men committed rather by Circumvention, then any juft Caufe. Nothing better were the Clergy, but at the fame pafs, or rather worfe then when the Saxons came firft in ; unlearned, unapprehenfive, yet impudent ; futrie Prowintent upon all occafions, not to lers, Paftors in Name, but indeed Wolves feed the Hock, but to pamper and well-line themfelves: notcalfd, but feifing on the Minftry as a Trade, not asa fpiritual Charge: teaching the People, not by found Dodtrin, but by evil Example ufurping the Chair of Peter, but through the blindnefs of thir own worldly Lufts, they Humble upon the Seat of Judat: deedly haters of Truth, broachers of Lies: looking on the poor Chriftian with eyes of Pride and Contempt ; but fawning on the wickedeft rich Men without fhame great promoters of other mens Alms, with thir fet Exhortations ; but themfelves contributing ever leaft: flightly touching the many Vices of the Age, but preaching without end thir own Grievances, as don to Chrift ; feeking after Preferments and Degrees in the Church, more then after Heav'n^ andfogain'd, make it thir whole ftudy how to keep them by any Tyranny. Yet left they fhould be thought things of no ufe in thir eminent Places, they have thir Niceties and trivial Points to keep in aw the fuperftitious Multitude ; but in true faving Knowledg leave them
, , ,
ftill
Book
ilill
3.
The Hiflory
of
England.
and llupid as themfelvcs ; bunglers at the Scripture, nay, forand filencing them that know ; but in worldly Matters, praetis'd and bidding that only Art and Symony, great Geres and Mailers, Shifters ; in cunning but thir thoughts abject and low. heads thir He taxes them high, bearing And what (houldil alfo as gluttonous, incontinent, and daily Drunkards. thou expect from thefe, poor Laity, fo he goes on, thefe Beads, all Belly ?
as grofs
amend thee, who are themielves laborious in evil doings ? Shalt with thir Eyes, who fee right forward nothing but Gain ? Leave them rather, as bids our Saviour, lell ye fall both blindfold into the fame Are all thus? Perhaps not all, or not fo grofly. But what avail d Perdition. it Eli to be himfelf blamelefs, while he conniv'd at others that were abominaho of them hath been envi'd for his better Life? who of them hath ble ? hated to confort with thefe, or withftood thir entring the Miniitry, or endeavoured zealoufly thir calling out ? Yet fom of thefe perhaps by others are leThis was the Itate of Government, this of Religigended for great Saints. on among the Britans, in that long calm of Peace, which the fight at HadunShall thefe
thou fee
Hill had
to nothing.
to pafs, that fo fair a Victory came brought forth. Wherby it came Towns and Cities were not reinhabited, but lay vuin'd and wall ; For nor was it long ere Domeltic War breaking out, walled them more. Five of whom Gildas., Primord, Britain as at other times, had then alfo feveral Kings at a fafe diflance, boldly reproves by name j Firil P-444living then in Armorica the Son of Cador, Duke of Cornwall Arturs half Brother Conjlantinc (fabl'd who then reign'd in Cornwal and Devon, a Tyrannical by the Mother's fide) alfo with and Bloody King, polluted many Adulteries He got into his Power two young Princes of the Blood Royal, uncertain whether before him in and after folemn Oath giv'n of thir Safety the right, or otherwife fufpected ; Year that Gildas wrote, flew them with thir two Governors in the Church, and in thir Mother's Arms, through the Abbot's Coap which he had thrown over them, thinking by the reverence of his Veflure to have withheld the Murderer. Thefe are commonly fuppos'd to be the Sons of Mordred, Arturs Nefew, laid to have revolted from his Uncle, giv n him in a Battel his Which things were Death's Wound, and by him after to have bin (lain. the blame of in muchdiminifh would Cruelty Conjiantine, revengthey true, ing Artur on the Sons of fo falfe a Mordred. In another part, but not exConanus was King him he charges alfo with Adulteprefs'd where, Aurelius wors then the former ^ to be a hater of his Cruelties and Parricide-, ries, after Civil War and Prey. His Condition it feems thirfling Peace, Country's was not very profperous, for Gildas wilhes him, being now left alone, like a
:
barren Field, to remember the Vanity and who came all to untimely Arrogance of third in The in Youth. thir Death reigning Demetia, or South Wales, was, a he of Father when Gildas wrote, grown old, Son the , was, good Vwtipor, not in Years only, but in Adulteries and in governing, full of Falfhood and In his latter days, putting away his Wife, who di'd in Dicruel A&ions. vorce, he became, if we miftake not Gildas, inceftuous with his Daughter. The fourth was Cuneglas, imbru'd in Civil War ; he alfo had divore'd his Wife, and tak'n her Siller, who had vow'd Widowhood: he was a great Enemy to the Clergy, high-minded, and trufting to his Wealth. The laft, but greater! of all in Power, was Maglocune, and greatefl alfo he had driven out, or (lain, many other Kings or Tyin Wickednefs the I/land Dragon, perhaps having his Seat in Angle call'd was and rants, a great Warrior, and of a goodly Stature. While a Giver, fey ; profufe he was yet young, he overthrew his Uncle, though in the head of a Then touch't with, compleat Army, and took from him the Kingdom remorfe of his doings, not without deliberation, took upon him the profeflion of a Monk-, but loon forfook his Vow, and his Wife alfo j which for that Vow he had left, making Love to the Wife of his Brother's Son then not refufing the Offer, if (he were not rather the firfl that en-: living. means both to difpatch her own Husband, and the former Wife found tie'd, of Maglocune, to make her Marriage with him the more unquestionable. Neither did he this for want of better Inflru&ions, having had the learncdefl; and wifeft Man reputed of all Britain, the inltituter of his Youth. Thus
Tree withering inthemidftof

his Father,
and elder Brethren,

-
Who
much,
54
3. be learnt by truer Story, of what pair, that can utmoft the much, among the Brit aim from the time of thir ufelefs Vidtory at Badon, to the time that GildaA wrote, that is to fay, as may be guefs't, from s^7to 571, is here fet down altogether not to be reduc't under any certainty of Years. But now
,
Book
57*Camden.
Aniul. omn.
the Saxons, who for the molt part all this while had bin ftill, unlefs among themfelves, began afrefh to aflault them, and ere long to drive them out of all which they yet maintain'd on this fide Wales. For Cuthulf the Brother of KeauUn, by a Vi&ory obtain'd at Bedanford, now Bedford, took from them
four good
fliire,
Towns, Liganburgb,
Eglesburb, Befington,
now
Benfon in Oxford-
577-
5 3+.
and Ignefham ; but outliv'd not many months his good Succefs. And after fix Years more, Keaulin, and Cutbwin his Son, gave them a great overthrow at Deorrbam in Glojler/hirc, flew three of thir Kings, Comail, Condidan, and Farinmaile ; and took three of thir chief Cities, Glocejler, Cirencefler, and The Britans notwithstanding, after fome fpace of time, judgBadenccfler.
ing to have out-grown thir Lofles, gather to a head, and encounter Keaulin with Cutba his Son, at Fetbanleage whom valiantly fighting, they flew among But Keaulin reinthe thickeft, and, as is faid, forc'd the Saxons to retire. to a main them rout and the ; Fight, put following his Advantage, forcing took many Towns, and return'd laden with rich Booty.
,
Huntingd.
The Kingdom
of Mercia.
The
was
laft
of thole
Saxms who
rais'd thir
own Achievmentsto
Monarchy,
Huntingd. Matt.Weftm.
Crida, much about this time, firfl founder of the /Mercian Kingdom, drawing alfo his Pedigree horn Woden. Of whom all to write the feveral
Malmsb.
c. 3.
1. 1.
Florent. ad
ann.
559-
5.
Anna!, omn.
Genealogies, though it might be don without long fearch, were, in my opinion, to encumber the Story with a fort of barbarous Names, to little purThis may fuffice, that of Wodens three Sons, from the eldeft iflu'd pofe. from the fecond, the Kings of Mercia ; from Hengift, and his Succellion the third, all that reign'd in Weft-Saxon, and molt of the Northumbers, of whom Alia was one, the firfl King of Deira ; which, after his Death, the Race of Ida feiz'd, and made it one Kingdom with Bemicia, ufurping on the Ethclric the Son of Ida expel'd. Childhood of Edwin, Allah Son : Notwithstanding others write of him, that from a poor Life, and beyond hope in his old Age, coming to the Crown, he could hardly, by the Accefs of a Kingdom, have overcom his former obfcurity, had not the Fame of his Son preferv'd him. Once more the Britans, ere they quitted all on this fide for meeting Keaulin at the Mountains, forgot not to fhew fome Manhood
,
Whom
592.
Florcnt.
Wodens Beorth,
thir
that
is
to fay,
affifted
Wodens Mount
in Wiltshire
whether
it
were
Bed.
1.2. c.j.
Malml".
Morent.
Sax. an.
by the Angles, whofe hatred Keaulin had inby his whole ruin'd Army, and chas'd him out of his Kingdom , cur'd, they from whence flying, he di'd the next Year in Poverty, who a little before
Forces, or
own
was the molt potent, and indeed fole King of all the Saxons on this fide Hmnber. But who was chief among the Britans in this Exploit, had bin worth remembring, whether it were Maglocune, of whofe Prowefs hath bin fpok'n,
593-
or Teudr.ic King of Glamorgan, whom the Regeft of Landaff recounts to have bin always victorious in fight ; to have reign'd about this time, and at length to have exchanged his Crown for a Hermitage ; till in the Aid of his Son Mw.y'ic, whom the Saxons had reduc'd to extremes, taking Arms again, he defeated them at Tinterne by the River Wye ; but himfelf receiv'd a mortal Wound. The fame Year with Keaulin, whom Keola the Son of Cuthulf, Keaulin's Brother, fucceeded, Crida alfo the Mercian King deceas'd, in whofe room Wibba fucceeded ; and in Northumberland, Etbelfrid, in the room of Ethelric, Thus omitting Fables, we have the view of what with reigning 2+ Years. rcafon can be rely'd on for truth, don in Britain fince the Romans forfook it. Wherin we have heard the many Miferies and Defolations brought by Divine
perverfe Nation ; driv'n, when nothing elfe would reform them, out of a fair Country, into a mountanous and barren Corner, by Strangers, and Pagans. So much more tolerable in the Eye of Heav'n is Infidelity profeft, then Chriftian Faith and Religion difhonour'd by unchriftian Works. Yet they alfo at length renounc'd thir Heathenifm ; which how it came to pafs, will be the Matter next related.
Hand on a
The End of
the third 'Book.
THE
Book 4.
5 5
HISTORY BRITAIN.
O F
The
Fourth Book.
Saxons grown up now to feven abfolute Kingdoms, and the of them eftablifti't by Succeflion, finding thir Power arrive well nigh at the utmoft of what was to be gain'd upon the Britans, and as little fearing to be difplanted by them, had time now to one anothers Greatnefs. Which quickly bred among them at leafure furvey either Envy or mutual Jealoufies ; till the Well Kingdom at length grown Mean while, above others, Ethel- Bed. Malmf. over powerful, put an end to all the reft. well time had bert of Kent, who by this rip'nd his young Ambition, with more in of and Years War, what before he attempted to his Experience Ability attains and now , by degrees brought all the other Monarfuccefsfully Lofs, To which defign the chies between Kent and Humber to be at his devotion. the of firmeft of them all, at that time fore Weft-Saxons, being Kingdom fhak'n by thir overthrow at Wodens-beorth, and the Death of Keaulin, gave him no doubt a main Advantage ; the reft yeilded not Subjection, but as he carn'd it by continual Vi&ories. And to win him the more regard abroad, Eed.I.r. c.25i he marries Bertha the French King's Daughter, though a Chriftian, and with this condition, to have the free exercife of her Faith, under the Care and Inftru&ion of Letardus a Biftiop, fent by her Parents along with her ; the King notwithstanding and his People retaining thir own Religion. Beda out of Gildas Eed. i.e. 22. lays it fadly to the Britans charge, that they never would voutfafe thir Saxon Neighbours the means of Converfion but how far to blame they were, and what hope there was of converting in the midft of fo much Hoftility, at leaft Bed. 1. 2. c. t. Howbeit not Fallhood, from thir firft Arrival, is not now eafy to determin. long after they had the Chriftian Faith preach'd to them by a Nation more Malmf.K1.93j remote, and (as a Report went, accounted old in Beda\ time) upon this oc~
lateft
I.
:
THE
^HE
cafion.
The
after not abolifli't, to
Northumbrians had a Cuftom at that time, and many hunder'd years fell thir Children for a fmall value into any foren Land.
to Rome, whofe fair and
Of which number two comly Youths were brought

was
honeft Countnances invited Gregory Arch'deacon of that City, among others that beheld them, pitying thir condition, to demand whence they were it
,
anfvver'd by fom who ftood by, that they were Angli of the Province Deira, Subjects to Alia King of Northumberland, and by Religion Pagans. Which laft Gregory deploring, fram'd on a fudden this allufion to the three names he
heard that the Angli fo like to Angels fhould be fnatch't de ira, that is, from the Wrath of God, to ling Hallelujah : and forthwith obtaining Licenfeof Bened'dl the Pope, had com and preach't heer among them, had not the Roman People, whofe Love endur'd not the Abfence of fo vigilant a Paftor over them, recaPd him then on his Journey, though but defer a his pious Intention. For a while after, fucceeding in the Papal Seat, and now in his fourth Year, admonifrTd, faith Beda, by divine Inftinct, he fent Ajgufline, whom he had de,
59^*

defign'd for Bifliop of the Englifo Nation,
Book
4.'
and other zealous Monks with him, to preach to them the Gofpel. Who being now on thir way, difcourag'd by fom Reports, or thir own carnal Fear, fent back Auftin, in the name of all, to befeech Gregory they might return home, and not be fent a Journey fo full of hazard, to a fierce and infidel Nation, whofe Tongue they underltood not. Gregory with pious and ApoftOlic Perfwalions exhorts them not to fhrink back from fo good a Work, but cheerfully to go on in the Strength of Divine Afliftance. The Letter it felf yet extant among our Writers of Ecclefiaftic I omit Story, here, as not profefling to relate of thofe Matters more then what mixes aptly with civil Affairs. The Abbot Auftin, for fo he was ordain'd over the reft, reincourag'd by the Exhortations of Gregory, and his Fellows the Letter which he brought them, camefafe to the lie of Tanet, by 597. in number about 40, befides fom of the French Nation whom they took along as Interpreters. Ethelbert the King, to whom Auftin at his Landing had fent a new and wondrous Mellage, that he came from Rome to profer Heav'n and eternal Happinefs in the knowledg of another God then the Saxonsknew, appoints them to remain where they landed, and Neceflaries to be provided them, confulting in the mean time what was to be done. And after certain days coming into the Hand, chofea place to meet them under the open Sky, poileft with an old perfwafion, that all Spels, if they fhould ufe any to deceive him, fo it were not withindoors, would be unavailable. They on the other fide calPd to his prefence, advancing for thir Standard a Silver Crofs, and the painted Image of our Saviour, came flowly forward, finging thir folemn Litanies which wrought in Etbelbert more fufpicion perhaps that they us'd Enchantments ; till fitting down as the King will'd them, they there preach'd to him, and all in that Whom having Aflembly, the tidings of Salvation. heard attentively, the King thus anfwer'd Fair indeed and ample are the Promifes which ye bring, and fuch things as have the appearance in them of much good; yet fuch as being new and uncertain, I cannot haftily afient to, quitting the Religion which from my Anceftors, with all the Engli/h Nation, fomany.years I have retain'd. Neverthelefs becaufe ye are Strangers, and have endur'd fo long a Journey, to impart us the knowledg of things, which Iperfwademe you believe to be the trueft and the beft, ye may be fure we fiiall not recompence you with any Moleftation, but fliall provide rather how we may friendlieft entertain ye ; nor do we forbid whom ye can by preaching And accordingly thir Refidence he allotted them in Dogain to your Belief. roverne or his chief City, and made provifion for thir maintenance, Canterbury with free leave to preach thir Do&rin where they pleafed. By which, and by the example of thir holy Life, fpent in Prayer, Falling, and continual Labour in the Converfion of Souls, they won many ; on whofe Bounty and the There flood King's, receiving only what was neceflary, they fubfifted. without the City, on the Eaft-fide, an ancient Church built in honour of St. Martin, while yet the Romans remained heer in which Bertha the Queen went out ufually to pray Heer they alfo began firft to preach, baptize, and 598. openly to exercife Divine Worlhip. But when the King himfelf, convinc't by thir good Life and Miracles, became Chriftian, and was baptized, which came to pafs in the very firft Year of thir Arrival, then multitudes daily, conforming to thir Prince, thought it honour to be reckon'd among thofe of his Faith. To whom Ethelbert indeed principally fhewed his Favour, but comBed. 1. 2. c. 5. pell'd none. For fo he had bin taught by them who were both the Inftru&ors and the Authors of his Faith, that Chriftian Religion ought to be voluntary, not cbmpelFd. About this time Kelwulf the Son of Cutba, Keaulins Brother, Sax. an.Malmf. over the reign'd Weft-Saxons, after his Brother Keola or Kelric, and had continual either War with Engli/h, Welch, Pitts, or Scots. But Auftin, whom dor, Bcd.l.i.c. 27. with his Fellows, Ethelbert now had endowM with a better place for thir Abode in the City, and other PofTefiions neceflary to Livelihood, croflinginto Trance, was by the Archbifiiop of Aries, at the Appointment of Pope Gregory, ordain'd Archbifhop of the Engli/h ; and returning, fent to Rome Laurence and Peter, two of his Aflbciates, to acquaint the Pope of his good Succefs in England, and to be refolv'd of certain Theological, or rather Levitical Queftions: with Anfwers to which, not proper in this place, Gregory fends alfo to the great Work of Converting, that went on fo happily, a Supply of La:
:
bourers,
of England. bourers, Afelliius, Juftus, Paulinas, Rufinian, and many others ; who what be guefs't by the fluff which they brought with them, Veil'els they were, may and Veftments tor the Altar, Coaps, Rcliqucs, and for the Archbifhop Aujlin to fuch a rank Supcrftition that Age was grown, a Pall to fay Mafs in though fom of them yet retaining an Emulation of Apoftolic Zeal. Laffly, to
4,
l-iijlory
:
Book
The
57
with many Prefents. Aujlin thus exalted to recovered from the Ruins and other profane Ufes, Archiepifcopal Authority, a Christian Church in Cant urbury built of ofel by the Romans, which he dedicated by the name of Chrilt's Church, and joyning to it built a feat for himfelf and his Succeffbrs } a Monaftcry alfo neer the City Eaftward, where tbelbert at his Motion built St. Peters, and enrich'd it with great Endowments, to be a place of Burial for the Archbilhops and Kings of Kent : fo quickly they While thus Etbelbert and his Ecd. ta ltcp'd up into Fellowfhip of Pomp with Kings. the Northumbrian had thir Minds intent, Etklfrid King was not lefs
Etbelbert they
brought
a Letter
c.
34
People
for being altogether warlike, and covetous of bulled in far different Affairs Britans than any Saxon King before him the wafted he more Fame, winning from them large Territories, which either he made tributary, or planted
:
-,
tain, jealous of his Succeffes,
thofe Scots that dwelt in Bria mighty Army, to a but in the fight loling m'oft of his Men, himfclf with a call'd ; Degfajlan place tew efcap'd only Theobald the King's Brother, and the whole Wing which he commanded, unfortunately cut off", made the Viftory to Ethelfrid lefs intire.
with
his
own
Subjects.
Whence Edan King of

came
againft
6"
;,
him with
Yet from that time no King of Scots in hoftile manner durft pafs into Britain and what fom Years before Kehvulf the for a hunderd and more Years after is annal'd to have don againft the Scots and Pitts, pafling Weft-Saxon through the Land of Ethelfrid a King fo potent, unlefs in his Aid and Alliance, is not
:
Buchanan writes as if Ethelfrid, afiifted by Keaulin whom he miltitles of Eaji-Saxons, had before this time a Battel with Aidan, wherin Cutba King Keaulinh Son was llain. But Cutba, as is above-written from better Authorithe Welch 20 years before. The number of Chrity, was (lain in fight againft
likely.
604.
ftians
began
by preaching converted the Edfl-Saxons, over Sleda, by permiflion of Etbelbert, being born of his Whofe Converfion Etbelbert to gratulate, built Sifter Ricula, then reign'd. them the great Church of St. Paul in London to be thir Bifhop's Cathedral ; as Jujlus alfo had his built at Rochejler, and both gifted by the fame King with Hitherto Aujlin labour'd well among Infidels, but not with fair Pofleffions. like Commendation foon after among Chriftians. For by means of Etbelbert fummoning the Br it an Bifhops to a place on the edg of Worcejltrflure, call'd from that time Augujlirfs Oke, he requires them to conform with him in the fame day of celebrating Eafler, and many other points wherin they differ'd from the Rites of Rome: which when they refus'd to do, not prevailing by Difpute, he appeals to a Miracle, reftoring to fight a blind Man whom the At this fomthing mov'd, though not minded to reBritans could not cure. cede from thir own Opinions without furder Confultation, they requeft a fecond meeting to which came feven Britan Bifhops, with many otherlerned Men, efpecially from the famous Monaftry of Bangor, in which were fa id to be fo many Monks, living all by thir own Labour, that being divided under feven Retftors, none had fewer then 300. One Man there was who ftaid behind, a Hermit by the Life he led, who by his Wifdom effected more then all the reft who went: being demanded, for they held him as an Oracle, how they might know Aujlin to be a Man from God, that they might follow him, he anfwer'd, that if they found him meek and humble, they fhould be taught by him, for it was likelieft to be the Yoke of Chrift, both what he boiehimfelf, and would have them bear^ but if he bore himfelf proudly, that they fhould not regard him, for he was then certainly not of God. They took his Advice, and halted to the place of meeting. Whom Ait'lui, being already there before them, neither arofe to meet, nor receiv'd in any brotherly fort,
Mellitus
him, two of thir Miniftry.
to increafe fo faft, that Av.gujlin ordaining Bifliops under Bed. 1.2.0.34 of his Affiftants Mellitus and Jujlus fent them out both to the Work
now
And
whom
Sebert the
Son of
but fat
all
the while pontifically in his Chair.
Wherat
the Britans, as they

\
were counfel'd by the holy Man, neglected him, and neither harkn'd.to his Propofais of Conformity, nor would acknowledg him for an Archbifhop
I
And
the Hijlory of England.
Book
4.
Spelman.Con- And in name of the reft, Dinothm, then Abbot of Bangor, is faid thus fagely cil. p. ic8. As to the Subjection which you require, be thus perto haveanfwer'd him. the bond of Love and Charity we are all Subjects and in that of fwaded us, Servants to the Church of God, yea to the Pope of Rome, and every good Chtiftian to help them forward, both by Word and Deed, to be the Childern of God other Obedience then this we know not to be due to him whom you term the Pope ; and this Obedience we are ready to give both to him and to every Chriftian continually. Betides, we are governM under God by the To which Au(lm Biftiop of Cacrkon, who is to overfee us in fpiritual Matters. thus prefaging, fom fay menacing, replies, Since ye refufe to accept of Peace with your Brethren, ye fliall have War from your Enemies ; and lince ye will not with us preach the Word of Life to whom ye ought, from thir hands ye fhall receive Death. This, though Writers agree not whether Auftin fpake it For as his Prophecy, or as his Plot againft the Britans, fell out accordingly. own of his not when whether or were at Sax. an. accord, paft, many years Ethelfrid, Huntingd. of with a Hoft came to t he incens'd powerful by Auftin, Etbelbert, requeft Where being met by the Eritifli Forces, and 607. Weftchefter, then Caer-kgion. both fides in readinefs to give the onfet, he difcerns a Company of Men, not habited for War, ftanding together in a place of fom Safety ; and by them a Whom having lemt upon fom enquiry to be Priefts and Squadron arm'd. Monks, aflembrd thither after three days fafting, to pray for the good Succefs of thir Forces againft him, therfore they firft, faith he, fhall feel our
:
Malmf.geft.
pont.
1.
1.
Sax. an.
6\\.
Sax.an.Malmf.
614.
Camd.
616.
Sax. an.
Malmf.
for they who pray againft us, fight heavieft againft us by thir Prayand are our dangerouleft Enemies. And with that turns his firft Charge upon the Monks Brocmail the Captain fet to guard them, quickly turns his back, and leaves above 1200 Monks to a fudden Mafiacer, wherof fcarce But not fo eafy work found Ethelfrid againft another part of fifty fcap'd. Britans that ftood in arms, whom though at laft he overthrew, yet with To excufe Auflin of this BloodSlaughter nigh as great to his own Souldiers. lhed, left fom might think it his revengeful Policy, Bcda writes that he was dead long before, although if the time of his fitting Archbifhop be right comOther juft ground of puted fixteen years, he muft furvive this Action. charging him with this Imputation appears not, fave what evidently we have from Gejfry Monmouth, whofe weight we know. The fame year Kelwulf made War on the South-Saxons, bloody, faith Huntingdon, to both fides, but molt to them of the South : and four years after dying, left the Government of Others, Weft-Saxons to Kinegih and Cuicbelm, the Sons of his Brother Keola. as Florent of Worfter, and Mattbexo of Weftmmfter, will have Cuichelm Son of Kinegih, but admitted to reign with his Father, in whofe third year they are recorded with joynt Forces or Conduct to have fought againft the Britans In Beandune, now Bindon in Dorfetflrire, and to have flain pf them above two More memorable was the fecond year following, by the Death of thoufand. Etbelbert the firft Chriftian King of Saxons, and no lefs a Favourer of all CiviHe gave Laws and Statutes after the example of Rolity in that rude Age. man Emperors, written with the Advice of his fageft Counfellors, but in the Wherin his fpecial care was to Englifh Tongue, and obferv'd long after. thofe who had ftoln from Church or Churchman, thei by fhewing punifh ought how gratefully he receiv'd at thir hands the Chriftian Faith, Which, he no not fooner dead, but his Son Eadbald took the Courfeas faft to extinguifh wont to abwas back to Heathenifm but that which only falling Heathenifm, his Then foon was what Father's fecond Wife. hor, marrying perceiv'd multitudes for fear or countenance of the King had profefs't Chriftianity, returning now as eagerly to thir old Religion. Nor ftaid the Apoftacy within one Province, but quickly fpread over to the Eaji-Saxons ; occafion'd there likewife, or fet forward by the Death of thir Chriftian King Sebert : whofe three Sons, of whom two are nam'd Sexted and Seward, neither in his life-time would be brought to Baptifm, and after his Deceafe re-eftablifh'd the free Exercife of Idolatry ; nor io content, -they fet themfelves in defpight to do fom op'n Profination againft the other Sacrament. Coming therfore into the Church where Mellitus the Bifhop was miniftring, they requir'd him in abufe and fcorn to deliver to them unbaptiz'd the confecrated Bread} and him reWho crofs'd forthwith futing, drove difgracefully out of thir Dominion.
Swords
ers,
into
Book
4.
The
H'tftory
of England.
50
into Kent, where things were in the fame plight, and thence into France, with of Rocbcjier. But Divine Vengeance defer'd not long the PuniihJuftus Bifhop mentof men fo impious; for Eadbald, vextwithan evil Spirit, tell oft'n into foul fits of Diftra&ion ; and the Sons of Sebert, in a \ ight againft the IVeJlBut Eadbald, within the year, by an Saxons, perifhd with thir whole Army. For when Laurence the Archbilhop means became penitent. extraordinary to was of and SuccefTor preparing (hip for France, after Jujlus and A-lelAuflin be worth if it belecving, that St. Peter, in whofe Church litus, theftory goes, he fpent the Night before in watching and praying, appear'd to him, and to make the Vifion more fenlible, gave him many ftripes tor offering to defert wherof the King (to whom next Morning he fhcw'd the at his Flock
;
fight
and for what caufe) relenting fuffer'd, by in great fear, diffolv'd his inceituous marriage, and appli'd himfelf to the But the Chriftian Faith more lincerely then before, with all his People. be would not Londoners addi&cd ftill to Paganifm, perfwaded to remarks of what he had
ceave again Mellitm thir Bifhop, and to compel them was not in hispower. Thus much through all the South was troubl'd in Religion, as much were the 617. North parts difquieted through Ambition. For Ethelfrid of Bernicia y as was touch't before, having thrown Edwin out of Deira, and join'd that Kingdom to his own, not content to have bereav'd him of his Right, whofe known verities and high parts gave caufe of fufpicion to his Enemies, fends Mel lingers to demand him of Redwald King of Eaft- Angles; under whofe Protection, after many years wandring obfeurely through all the Hand, he had plac'd his Redwald, though having promis'd all defence to Edwin as to his fupfafety. with continual and large offers of Gold, and not contemnpliant, yet tempted of Ethelfrid, yeilded at length, eithe.r todifpatch him, or to ing the puiffance but earneftly exhorted by his Wife, not to betray hands thir into give him the Faith and inviolable Law of Hofpitality and Refuge giv'n, prefers his firlt Malmf.l.i.c.3, promife as the more Religious; nor only refufes to deliver him, but fince War was therupon denounc't, determins to be beforehand with the danger ; and with a fudden Army rais'd, furprifes Ethelfrid, little dreaming an Invalito the Eaft-fide of the River Idle, on the Mercian boron, and in a Fight near Camden. flaies him, diflipating cafily thofe few Forces which now Nottingharnflnre, der, his who yet as a teltimony of he had got to march out over-haftily with him Fortune, not his Valour to be blam'd, Hew firft with his own hands, Reiner His two Sons Ofwald, and Ofwi, by Acca, Edwins Silber, ethe Kings Son. Scotland. into By this Viftory, Redwald became fo far fuperior to the fcap'd other Saxon Kings, that Beda reck'ns him the next after Ella and Ethelbert ; whobefictes this Conqueft of the North, had likewife all on the hitherfide Humber at his obedience. He had formerly in Kent receav'd Baptifm, but Eed : r 1 5coming home and perfwaded by his Wife, who ftill it feems was his chief Counfellor to good or bad alike, relaps'd into his old Religion yet not willing to forgo his new, thought it not the worft way, left perhaps he might err in either, for more aflurance to keep them both ; and in the fame Temple erefted one Altar to Chrift, another to his Idols. But Edwin, as with more deliberation he undertook, and with more fincerity retain'd the Chriftian Profeffion, fo alfo in Power and extent of Dominion far exceeded all before him ; fubduing all, faith Beda, Englifh or Britifh, ev'n to the lies, then call'd Mevanian, Anglefey, and Man ; fetl'd in his Kingdom by Redwald, he fought in manage Edelbwga, whom others call Tate, the Daughter of Ethelbert. To whofe EmbafTadors, Eadbald her Brother made anfwer, that to wed thir Daughter to a Pagan, was not the Chriftian Law. Edwin repli'd, that to her Religion he would be no hindrance, which with her whole Houfhold fhe might And moreover, that if examin'd it were found the better, freely exercife. he would imbrace it. Thefe ingenuous offers, op'ning fo fair a way to the advancement of Truth, are accepted, and Paulinw as a fpiritual Guardian fent 625. He being to that purpofe made Bifhop by Juftus, along with the Virgin. omitted no occafion to plant the Gofpel in thofe parts, but with fmall fuccefs, till the next year, 626. Cuichelm, at that time one of the two IVeft-Saxon Kings, envious of the greatnefs which he faw Edwin growing up to, fent privily Eumerm a hir'd Sword-man toaffaffin him; who under pretence of doing a Meffage from his Mafter, with a poifon'd Weapon, ftabsat Edwin, conferring I 2 with
:
,
whom
and
'
60
Book
4.
with him in hisHoufe, by the River Derwent m Torhjhire, on an Faiter-day ; which Lilla one of the Kings Attendants, at the inftant perceaving, with a Loyalty that flood not then to deliberate, abandon'd his whole Body to the blow j which notwithstanding made paflage through to the Kings Pcrfon, with The murderer encompafsM now with Swords, a wound not to be flighted. and defperate, fore-revenges his own fall with the Death of another, whom Paulinus omitting no opportunity to win the King his Poniard reach'd home. from misbeleef, obtain'd at length this promife trom him that if Chrift, whom he fo magnifi'd, would give him to recover of his wound, and viftory of his Enemies who had thus afiaulted him, he would then becom Chriftian, in pledg wherof he gave his young Daughter Eanfled to be bred up in Religion ; who with 1 2 others of his Family, on the day of Penttcojl was baptizM. And by that time well recover'd of his wound, to punifh the Authors of fo foul a Faft, he went with an Army againlt the IVefl-Saxons : whom having quell'd by War, and of fuch as had confpir'd againft him, put fom to Death, others pardon'd, hereturn'd home victorious, and from that time worfhip'd no more his Idol-,, yetventur'd notrafhly into Baptifm, but firft took care to be inftru&ed rightly what he learnt, examining and ftill confidering with himfelf and others, whom he held wifeft^ though Boniface the Pope, by large Letters of Exhortation, both to him and his Queen, was not wanting to quicken his beleef. But while he ftill defer'd, and his deferring might feem now to have
,
pall the maturity of
was
Wifdom to a faulty lingring, Paulinus by Revelation, as beleev'd, coming to the knowledg of a Secret, which befel him ftrangly in the time of his troubles, on a certain day went in boldly to him, and laying his right hand on the head of the King, ask'dhim if he remember'd what
\
maze rifing up, ftrait fell at him from the Ground, God hath deliver'd you from your Enemies, and giv'n you the Kingdom, as you defir'd perform now what long fince you promisd him, to receave his Do&rin which I now bring you, and the Faith, which if you accept, fhall to your temporal Felicity, add eternal. The promife claim'd of him by Paulinus, how and wherfore made, though favouring much of Legend, is thus related. Redwald, as we heard before, dazl'd with the Gold of Ethel/rid, or by his
that lign meant
his Feet.
the King trembling, and in a
Behold, faith Paulinus, railing
threatningover-aw'd, having promisM to yield up Edwin, one of his faithful Companions, of which he had fom few with him in the Court of Redwald, that never Ihrunk from his Adverlity, about the firft hour of night comes in
Chamber, and calling him forth for better fecrecy, reveles to him his danger, offers him his aid to make efcape ; but that courfe not approv'd, as feeming dilhonourable without more manifeft caufe to begin diftruft tohaft to his
Edwin fo long bin his only refuge, the friend departs. alone without the Palace Gate, full of fadnefs and perplext Thoughts, difcerns about the dead of Night, a man neither by Countenance nor by Habit after falutation, ask'd him to him known, approaching towards him. he at alone fo fadly fat waking at this others were when all reft, why hour, on a cold Stone ? Edwin not a little mifdoubting who he might be, ask'dhim again, what his fitting within dores, or without, concern'd him to know ? To whom he again, think not that who thou art, or why fitting heer, or what danger hangs over thee, is to me unknown But what would you promife to that man, who ever would befriend you out of all thefe troubles, and perfwade Redwald to the like? All that I am able, anfwer'd Edwin. And he, What if the fame man Ihould promife to make you greater then any Englifh King hath bin before you ? I mould not doubt, quoth Edwin, to be anfwerably gratful. And what if to all this he would inform you, faid the other, in a way to Happinefs, beyond what any of your Anceftors hath known ? Would you hark n to his Counfel ? Edwin without flopping promis'd he would. And the other laying his Right hand on Edwin's Head, When this Sign, faith he, fhall next befal thee, remember this time of Night, and this Difcourfe, to perform what thou
left
wards one who had
Who
; and with thefe words difappeering, left Edwin much reviv'd, but not lefs fill'd with wonder, who this unknown fhould be. When fuddenly the Friend who had bin gon all this while to lift'n furder what was like to be decreed of Edwin, comes back and joyfully bids him rife to his repofe, for that the Kings mind, though for a while drawn afide, was now fully refolv'd not
haft promis'd
only
Book
4.
Tie Hift oi)
of
England.
but to defend him againft all Enemies, as he had only not to betray him, pro-r to faid be the caufe why Edwin admonifh'd by the was This mis'd. Bifhop of a Sign which had befaln him fo ftrangely, and as he thought fo fecretly, arofe to him with that reverence and ama7.cmcnt, as to one fent from Heav n, to claim that Promife of him which he perceav'd well was due to a Divine To Paulinus therfore he Power, that had affifted him in his Troubles. makes anfwer, that the Chriftian Belief he himfelf ought by promife, and but would confer firJt with his chief Peers and Counintended to receave likevvife could be won, all at once fellors, that if they might be
,
baptiz'd.
They therfore being ask'd in Council what thir opinion was concerning this new Dodrin, and well perceaving which way the King enclin'd, every one therafter fliapM his Reply. The Chief Prieft fpeaking firft, difcover'd
an old grudg he had againft his Gods, for advancing others in the King's Favour above him thir Chief Prieft another hiding his Court-compliance with a grave Sentence, commended the choifeof certain before uncertain, upon due examination ; to like purpofe anfwer'd all the reft of his Sages, none what was likely to be the King's Creed: wheras the op'nly diflenting from could work no ilich effect upon them, toiling till that of Paulinus preaching time without fuccefs. Wherupon Edwin renouncing Heathenifm, became Chriftian: and the Pagan Prieft, offring himfelf freely to demolifhthe Altars of his former Gods, made fome amends for his teaching to adore them. With Edwin, his two Sons Osfrid and Eanfrid, born to him by guenburga, 627, Daughter, as faith Bcda, of Keark King of Mercia, in the time of his Banifhment, and with them moft of the People, both Nobles and Commons, were baptiz'd ; he with his whole Family at Tork, in a ealily converted, Church haftily built up of Wood, the multitude moft part in Rivers. Northumberland thus chrift'nd, Paulinus crofting Humber, converted alfo the Province of Lindfey, and Blecca the Governour of Lincoln, with his Houfhold and moft of that City wherin he built a Church of Stone, curioufly wrought, but of fmall continuance ; for the Roof in Beda% time, uncertain whether by was down ; the Walls only ftanding. Mean while in neglect or Enemies, of Wibba, faith Huntingdon, not a a Kinfman Kearle Mercia, Son, having the withheld Kingdom from Penda IVibbd's Son, left it now at length long with whom Kinegils and Cuichelm, the to the fiftieth Year of his Age 6l 9> two Year xon Sa Kings, after, having by that time it feems recover'd Weft. Saxon an fince the Inrode made upon them by Edwin, fought at Strength, Cirencefter, then made Truce. But Edwin feeking every way to propagate the Faith, which with fo much deliberation he had receav'd, perfuaded Eorpwald the Son 6 3 2: of Redwald, King of Eaft-Angles, to embrace the fame belief} willingly or in aw, is not known, retaining under Edwin the name only of a King. Sjxon# But Eorpwald not long furviv'd his Converfion, flain in fight by Ricbert a Pa- _. C gan wherby the People having lightly follow'd the Religion of thir King, as nJk>' lightly fell back to thir old Superftitions for above three Years after: Edwin in the meanwhile, to his Faith adding Vertue, by the due adminiftration of Juftice wrought fuch Peace over all his Territories, that from Sea to Sea, Man or Woman might have travail'd in fafety. His care alfo was of Fountains by the way fide, to make them fitteft for the ufe of Travellers. And not unmindful of regal State, whether in War or Peace, he had a Royal Banner carried before him. But having reign'd with much honour feventeen Years, he was at length by Kedwalla, or Cadwallon, King of the Britans, who with aid of the Mercian Penda had rebell'd againft him, flain in a Battel with his Son Osfrid, at a place call'd Hethfeild, and his whole Army overthrown or difperft in the Year 633. and the 4.7th of his Age, in the Eye of ^33Man worthy a more peaceful end. His Head brought to York, was there buried in the Church by him begun. Sad was this overthrow, both to Chi'rch and State of the Northumbrians : for Penda being a Heathen, and the Britifh King, though in name a Chriftian, yet in deeds more bloody then the Pagan, nothing was omitted of barbarous Cruelty in theflaughter of Sex or Age; Kedwalla threatning to root out the whole Nation, though then newly For the Britans, and, as Beda faith, ev n to his days, accounted Chriftian. Saxon Chriftianity no better then Paganifm, and with them held as little Communion. From thefe Calamities no refuge being left but flight, Pauliim
:
,
"
taking
6z
634.
4. the and her him aided with Queen one Children, by Baffin, Ethilburga taking of Edwin's Captains, made efcapeby Sea to Eadbald King of Kent: who receaving his Sifter with all kindnefs, made Paulinas Bifliop of Rocbe/ler, where he ended his days. After Edwin, the Kingdom of Northumberland became divided as before, each rightful Heir feifing his part ; in Deira OJric, the Son of Elfric, Edwins Uncle, by profeffion a Chriftian, and baptiz'd by Paulinus: in Bernicia, Eanfrid, the Son of Etbelfrid ; who all the time of Edwin, with his Brother Ofwald, and many of the young Nobility, liv'd in Scotland exil'd, and had bin there taught and baptiz'd. No fooner had they gott'n each a Kingdom, but both turn'd recreant, Aiding back into thir old Religion ; and both were the fame Year flain Ofric by a fudden eruption of Kedwalla, whom he in a ftrong Town had unadvifedly befieg'd ; Eanfrid feekihg Peace, and Kedwalla now rang'd at will inconfideratly with a few furrendring himfelf. through both thofe Provinces, ufing cruelly his Conqueft ; when Ofwald the Brother of Eanfrid with a fmall but Chriftian Army unexpectedly coming on, defeated and deftroyd both him and his huge Forces, which he boafted to be invincible, by a little River running into Tine, near the antient Roman Wall then call'd Denisburn, the place afterwards Heav'n field, from the Crofs, reported miraculous for Cures, which Ofwald there eredted before the Battail, in tok'n of his Faith againft the great number of his Enemies. Obtaining the to care he took inftruft the in Send* People again Kingdom, Chriftianity. the to j5e^fo terms Scotilh whom he had Elders, them, among ingtherfore receavd Baptifm, requefted of them fom faithful Teacher, who might again fettle Religion in his Realm, which the late Troubles had much impar'd ; they as readily hearkning to his Requeft, fend Aidan a Scotch Monk and Bifliop, but of Angular Zeal and Meeknefs, with others to aflift him, whom at thir own defire he feated in Lindisfame, as the Epifcopal Seat, now Holy Hand : and being the Son of Etbelfrid, by the Sifter of Edwin, as right Heir, others failing, ealily redue'd both Kingdoms of Northumberland as before into one ; nor of Edwin's Dominion loft any part, but enlarg'd it rather over all the four Britifh Nations, Angles, Britans, Pitts and Scots, exOf his Devotion, Humility, and Alms-deeds, much erciling Regal Authority. is fpok'n ; that he difdain'd not to be the Interpreter of Aidan, preaching in Scotch or bad Englifh, to his Nobles and Houlhold Servants and had the Poor continually ferv'd at his Gate, after the promifcuous manner of thofe
, ,
,
Book
,Sax. an."
636.
640.
Mac. Weft,
642.
Camden.
times his meaning might be upright, but the manner more antient of privat or of Church-Contribution, is doubtlefs more Evangelical. About this time, the Wefl-Saxons, antiently call'd Gevi/Ji, by the preaching of Berimis, a Bifliop, whom Pope Honorius had fent, were converted to the Faith with Kinegils thir King: him Ofwald receavd out of the Font, and his Daughter The next Year Cuicbelm was baptiz'd in Dorchejler, but liv'd in Marriage. not to the years end. The Eaft- Angles alfo this year were reclaim'd to the Faith of Chrift, which for fom years paft they had thrown off". But Sigbert the Brother of Eorpwald now fucceeded in that Kingdom, prais'd for a mbft Chriftian and Learned Man: who while his Brother yet reign'd, living in France an Exile, for fom difpleafureconceav'd againft him by Redwald his Father, learn'd there the Chriftian Faith , and reigning foon after, in the fame inftru&ed his People, by the preaching of Felix a Burgundian Bilhop. in tne Year 640 Eadbald deceafing, left to Ercombert his Son by Emma the French King's Daughter, the Kingdom of Kent ; recorded the firft of Englifh Kings, who commanded through his limits the deftroying of Idols ; laudably, if all Idols without exception , and the firft to have eftablifti'd Lent among us, under ftrift Penalty, not worth remembring, but only to inform us, that no Lent was obferv'd here till his time by compulfion efpecially being noted by fom to have fraudulently ufurp'd upon his elder Brother Ermenred, whofe right was precedent to the Crown. Ofwald having reign'd eight Years, worthy alfo as might feem of longer Life, fell into the fame fate with Edwin, and from the fame hand, in a great Battel overcom and flain by
: :
Bed.
1.
Penda, at a place call'd Maferfeild, now Ofwejlre in Sbrop/hire, miraculous, as faith Beda, after his Death. His Brother Ofwi fucceeded him reigning, 3.C.14. though in much trouble, 28 Years ; oppos'd either by Penda, or his own Son
,
<?43-
Alfred, or his Brother's
Son Ethilwald.
Next Year
Kinegils the Weft-Saxon
dying,
Book
4*
Tfo Hiftory cf England.
<$V
Sax. an.
in his Head, though as yet unconverted. About dying, left his Son Kenwalk this time Sigebert King of Eafl-Anglcs having lernt in France, e're his coming to reign, the manner of thir Schools, with the Afliftance of fom Teachers out of Kent, inftitutcd a School heer after the fame Difciplin, thought to be the Univerlity of Cambridg then firft founded: and at length weary of his to a Monaftical Life:, commending the Care of GoKingly Office, betook him vernmentto his Kinfman Egric, who had fuftain'd with him part of that BurIt happcn'd fom Years after, that Penda made War on the den before. Eaft-
Angles: they expecting a fharp Encounter, befought Sigebert, whom they efteenfd an expert Leader, with his Prefence to confirm the Souldicry and him refilling, carried by force out of the Monaflery into the Camp ; where acting the Monk rather then the Captain, with alingle Wand in his hand, he was llain with Egric, and his whole Army put to flight. Anna of the Royal Stock, as next in right, fucceeded ; and hath the Praife of a vertuous and moll Chriltian Prince. But Kenwalk the Weft-Saxon having marry'd the Siller 6<. of Penda, and divorc'd her, was by him with more appearance of a jnlt caufe Sax. an', of his Crown: whence vanquifh'd in Fight, and depriv'd retiring to Anna three after Years in his abode of Court, he there became King Eafl- Angles, his Kingdom. afterwards and regained Ofwi in the former Years 648. Chriltian, of his Reign had (harer with him, Ofwin Nephew of Edwin, who rul'd in Deira feven Years, commended much for his Zeal in Religion, and for Comlinefs of 1'erfon, with, other princely Qualities, belov'd ot all. Notwithflanding
:
which, Diflentions growing between them, it came to Arms. Ofwin feeing himfelf much exceeded in numbers, thought it more Prudence, difmiffing his Army, to referve himfelf for fom better occafion. But committing his Perfon with one faithful Attendant to the Loyalty of Hunwald an Earl, his iroagin'd Friend, he was by him treacheroufly difcover'd, and by Command of After whom within twelve days, and for Grief of him whofe Ofwi llain. 651, Death he foretold, dy'd Bilhop Aidan, famous for his 'Charity, Meeknefs, Bede. and Labour in -the Gofpel. The Facr of Ofwi was deteflable to all ; which therfore to expiate, a Monaflery was built in the place where it was don, and Prayers there daily offer'd up for the Souls of both Kings, the Slain and the Kenwalk by this time re-inftalPd in his Kingdom, kept it long, but Slayer. with various Fortune ; for Beda relates him oft-times airlifted by his Enemies Bed. I. ^.c. with great Lofles and in 652, by the Annals, fought a Battel (Civil War 652. Etbelwerd calls it) at Bradanford by the River Afene ; againft whom, and for what caufe, or who had the Victory, they write not. Camden names the place Bradford in Wilifhire, by the River Avon, and Cuthred his neer Kinfman, againft whom he fought, but cites no Autority ; certain it is, that Kemriik four Years before had giv'n large PofTeflions to his Nephew Cuthred, the more unlikely therfore now to have rebell'd. The next Year Peada, whom his Father Penda, though a Heathen, had for 653 his princely Vertues made Prince of Middle -Angles, belonging to the Mercians, was with that People converted to the Faith. For coming to Ofwi with requelt to have in Mariage Alfleda his Daughter, hewasdeny'd her, but on condition, that he with all his People mould receave Chriflianity. Heering therfore not unwillingly what was preach'd to him of Refuneftion and Eternal Life, much perfuaded alfo by Alfrid the King's Son, who had his Siller Kyniburg to Wife, he eafdy aflented, for the Truth's fake only as he profefs'd, whether he obtain'd the Virgin or no, and was baptiz'd with all his Followers. Returning, he took with him four Presbyters to teach the People of his Province ^ who by thir daily preaching won many. Neither did Penda, though himfelf no Beleever, prohibit any in his Kingdom to heer or beleeve the Gofpel, but rather hated and defpifed thofe, who profefting to beleevej attefted not thir Faith by good Works them for miferablc and condemning juflly to be defpis'd, who obey not that God in whom they choofe to beleeve. How well might Penda this Heathen rife up in Judgment againft many pretending Chriftians, both of his own and thefe days yet being a Man bred up toWar, (as no lefs were others then reigning, and oft-times one againft ano- gather, though both Chriftians) he warr'd on Anna King of the Eajt-Attgles, Sax; Sni perhaps without caufe, for Anna was efteenfd a juft Man, and at length Hew him. About this time the Eaft-Saxons i who, as above hath bin faid, had ex?
:
-,
pell'd
64
Book 4. were the the means and rerioune'd of OfFaith, by peil'd thir Bi(hop Mcllitus, the the of wi thus reconverted. furnam'd Son final], being Sward, Sigebert, without other Memory of his Reign, left his Son King of that Province, after him Sigebert the Second, who coming oft'n to vifit Ofwi his great I riend, was by him at feveral times fervently difuaded horn Idolatry, and convine'd at length to forfake it, was there baptiz'd ; on his return home taking with him Kcdda a laborious Preacher, afterwards made Bifhop ; by whofe teaching, with fom help of others, the People were again recover'd from MisbeBut Sigcbert fome Years after, though {landing fait in Religion, was by leef. the Confpiracy of two Brethren in place neer about him, wickedly murder'd ; who being ask'd what mov'd them to do a Deed fo hainous, gave no other then, this barbarous Anfwer , that they were angry with him for being fo gentle to his Enemies, as to forgive them thir Injuries whenever they befought him. Yet his Death feems to have hap'nd not without fom caufe by him giv'rt of Divine Difpleafure. For one of thofe Earls who flew him living in unlawful Wcdloc, and thcrfore excommunicated fo feverely by the Bifhop, that no Man might prefumeto enter into his Houfe, much lefs to fit at Meat with him, the King not regarding this Church- Cenfure, went to feaft with him at his InThe Hiftory of England.
the Bifhop meeting in his Return, though penitent for fain at his feet, touch'd with the Rod in his hand, and angerly thus foretold Becaufe thou haft neglected to abftain from the Houfe of that Excommunicate, in that Houfe thou fnalt die ; and fo it fell out, perhaps from that Prediction, God bearing witnefs to his Minifter in the Power of Church Difciplin, fpiritually executed, not juridically on the Contemner
vitation.
Whom
what he had don, and
655.
Eed.
1.3,
c.16.
Camd.
This Year 655 prov'd fortunate to Ofwi, and fatal to Panda, for Ofthe continual Inrodes of Penda having long endur'd much Devaftation, by to the endangering once by AfTault and Fire Bebbanburg, his ftrongeft City, now Bamborrow-Cah\\z, unable to refift him, with many rich Prefents offer d to buy his Peace. Which not accepted by the Pagan, who intended nothing
therof.
wi
but Deltruction to that King, though more then once in Affinity with him, turning Gifts into Vows, he implores Divine Affiftance, devoting, if he were deliver'd from his Enemy, a Child of one year old, his Daughter, to be a Nun, and 1 2 portions of Land wheron to build Monafteries. His Vows, as may be for heerupon with his thought, found better Succefs then his profer'd Gifts Son Alfrid, gathering a fmall Power, he encounter'd and difcomfited the Mer:,
Gamdeni
Mat. weft,
number, and led on by expert Captains, at a Befides this Ethelwald, the Son of place Loydes, with the Mercians, but in the Fight took who in rul'd Deira, part Ofwald, withdrew his Forces, and in a fafe place expected the event with which unfeafonable Retreat the Mercians, perhaps terrify'd and mifdoubting more Danger, fled ; thir Commanders, with Penda himfelf, moft being flain, among whom Edilhcre the Brother of Anna, who rul'd after him the Eaft- Angles, and was the Author of this War ; many more flying were drown'd in the River, which Beda calls Winrved, then fwoln above its Banks. The Death of Penda, who had bin the Death of fo many good Kings, made general rejoicing, as the Song witnefs'd. At the River Winwed Anna was avenged. To Edelhere
clans,
30 times exceeding
his in
call'd
now Leeds
in Torkffme.
Eed.I.vc
22.
Sax. an.'
fucceeded Ethelwald his Brother, in the Eaft- Angles ; to Sigebert in the Eaft. Saxons Suidbelm the Son of Sexbald, faith Bede, the Brother of Sigebert, faith Malmsbury ; he was baptiz'd by Kedda, then refiding in the Eaft- Angles, and by Ethelwald the King receav'd out of the Font. But Ofwi in the ftrength of his late Victory, within three Years after fubdu'd all Mercia, and of the Pictifh Nation greatefl part, at which time he gave to Peada his Son in law the King-
559.
Sax. an.
of South-Mercia, divided from the Northern by Trent. But Peada the Spring following, as was fa id, by the Treafon of his Wife the Daughter of fw ', marry'd by him for a fpecial Chriftian, on the Feaft of Eaftcr, not proThe ftiercian Nobles, Immin, Eaba, and tected by the holy time, was flain. of Ofwi, fet up iVulfer the other Son the off Government Eadbert, throwing of Penda to be thir King, whom till then they had kept hid, and with him adKenwalk the Weft-Saxon, now fettl'd at home, her'd to the Chriftian Faith. and defirous to enlarge his Dominion, prepares againft the Britans, joins Battel with them at Pen in Somcrfetfhire, and overcoming, purfues them to Pcdridan. Another Fight he had with them before, at a place call'd Witgeorn'es-
dom
bmg,
Book
4.
it long c're ho brug, barely mentiorfd fell at variance with I Vulfcr the Son of Penda, his old Enemy, fcarceyet warm 66i. in his Throne, fought with him at Poffentesburg, on the Eafter Holy days, Sax, an and as Ethelwerd faith, took him Prifner; but the S-jjcow Annals, quite other-
The Mtjhty of England. Nor was by the Monk of Malmsbury.
wife, that W^/ir winning the Field, wafted the Weft-Saxon Country as far as Eskefdun; ncr flaying thefe, took and wafted the lie of Wight, 'but cau.ing the Inhabitants to be baptiz'd, till then Unbeleevers, gave the Hand to Ethelwald King of South Saxons, whom he had receav'd out of the Font. The Year 664 a Synod of Scotifh and Englifh Bifhops, in the prefence of Ofwi and
66\.
Alfred his Son, was held at a Monaftry in thole parts, to debate on what day Eed, Eaftiv (hould be kept; a Controversy which long before had diflurb'd the Greek and Latin Churches wherin the Scots not agreeing with the way of tmft enRome, nor yeilding to the Difputants on that lide, to whom the
:
fuch as were Bifhops heer, refign'd, and return'd home with thirDifAnother clerical Queftion was there alfo much controverted, not fo ciples. fuperitiriomin my opinion as ridiculous, about the right lhaving of Crowns.
clin'd.,
King
junfledy Faith, fuppoling that this Plague was come upon them for renouncing thir old Which the Mercian King Religion, fell off the fecond time to Infidelity. Wulfer undti Handing, fent Jarumannus a faithful Bifhop, who with other his
The fame Year was ieen an Eclips of the Sun in May, followed by a fore Peftilence beginning in the South, but fpreading to the North, and over all IreMaln$ In which time the Eafi-Saxons after Sait&elm's land with great Mortality. Deceafe, being govern'd by Siger the Son of Sigebert the fmall, and Sebbi of of Seward, though both fubject to the Mercians ; Siger and his People
Fellow-labourers, by found Dodtrin and gentle dealing, foon recur 'd them of
In Kent, Ercombert expiring, was lucceeded by his Son thir fecond Relaps. In whofe fourth Year, by means of Theodore, a learned Greekifli Ecbert. 5,58. 5 Monk of Tarfus, whom Pope Vitalian had ordain'd Archbifhop of Canterbury, SsKm
the Greek and Latin Tongue, with other liberal Arts, Arithmetic, Mulic, Aftronomy, and the like, began firft to flourifh among the Saxons ; as did alfo the whole Land, under potent and religious Kings, more then ever beTwo Years after in Northumberland <5->o. fore, as Bede affirms, till his own days. dy'd Ofwi, much addicted to Romifh Rites, and refolv'd, had his LMfedfe re- cax a leas'd him, to have ended his days at Rome. Ecfrid the eldeft of his Sons begot After other three Years, Ecbtrt in Kent dein Wedloc, fucceeded him. 673. memorable left behind him, but the general fufpition to Sax. an. nothing ceafing, have flain or conniv'd at the Slaughter of his Uncles two Sons, Elbert and In recompence wherof, he gave to the Mother of them part of Egelbrigbt. to build an Abbey ; the Kingdom fell to his Brother Lothair. ivuimf. wherin Tanct, And much about this time, by beft account it fhould be, however plac'd in Beda, that Ecfrid of Northumberland having War with the Mercian Wulfer^ Eed.I.4.0 12, won from him Lindfey, and the Country therabout. Sebbi having reign'd over the Eaft-Saxons thirty years, not long before his Death, though long ber fore defiring, took on him the Habit of a Monk and drew his Wife at length, the to fame Devotion. Kenwalk alfo dying, left the Gothough unwilling, vernment to Sexburga his Wife, who out-liv'd him in it but one Year, driv'n After out, faith Mat. Weft, by the Nobles, difdaining Female Government. 575. whom feveral petty Kings, as Beda calls them, for ten Years fpace divided Bed. 1.4.012. the Weft-Saxons ; others name two, Efcwin the Nephew of Kinigils and Sax. an. Kentwin the Son, not petty by thir Deeds: for Efcwin fought a Battel with Malmf.
_
-,
at Bedanhafdc, and about a Year after both deceas'd ; but Wulfer not 676, without a flain left behind him, of felling the Bifhoprick of London to Wini the firft Simonift we read of in this Story ; Kenwalk had before expelPd him from his Chair atWinchefter. Etbelred the Brother of Wulfer obtaining next the Kingdom of Mercia, not only recover'd Lindfey, and what befides inthofe parts Wulfer had loft to Ecfrid fome Years before, but found himfelf ftrong enough to extend his Arms another way, as far as Kent, wafting that Country without refpedt to Church or Monaftry, much alfo endamaging the City of Bed. 1. 4.012. Rochefler, notwithftanding what Refiftance Lothair could make againft him, In Auguft 678 was feen a Morning Comet for three Months 6-3. following, in manner of a firy Pillar. And the South-Saxons about this time were converted to the Chriftian Faith, upon this occafion. Wilfrid Bifhop of the Northumbrians
Wulfer,
entri
66
Tk
Hijlory of
England.
Book
4.
his
.
entrihg into Contention with Ecfrid the King,
was by him depriv'd of
Bifhoprick, and long wandring up and down as far as Rome, return'd at 679. length into England ; but not daring to approach the North, whence he was banifh'd, bethought him where he might to belt purpofe elfwhere exercife his Miniftry. The South of all other Saxons remain'd yet H ithen ; but Edilvoalk thir King not long before had bin baptiz d in Aiercia, perfuaded by and by him, as hath bin faid, receav'd out of the Font. For which Eed. 4. c.i 3. Wulfer, fake he had the He of Wight, and a Province of the Meannari adrelations Camd. joining, giv'n him on the Continent about Mcanesborow in Hantfhire, which Wulfer had a little before gott'n from Kenwalk. Tliether Wilfrid takes his Journey, and with the help of other fpiritual Labourers about him, in fhort time planted there the Gofpel. It had not rain'd, as is faid, of three Years before in that Country, whence many of the People daily perifh'd by Famin , till on the firft day of thir public Baptifm, foft and plentiful Showers de. Two Years after 681. fcending, reftord all abundance to the Summer following. Sax. an. this Kentwm the other Weft-Saxon King above- nairfd, chac'd the Welch BriBut in tans, as is chronicl'd without Circumftance, to the very Sea-lhoar. the a of the Kedwalla Bedah 683. reck'ning, 683, Weft-Saxon Royal Line, Year, by Sax. an. (whom the Welch will have to be Cadwallader, laft King of the Bntans) thrown out by Faction, return'd from Banifhment, and invaded both Kentwin, if then living, or, whoever elfe had divided the Succeflion of JCenwalk, flayjng in fight Bed. 1. 4. c. 1 5. Edelwalk the South-Saxon, who oppos'd him in thir aid ; but foon after was repuls'd by two of his Captains, Bertune and Andune, who for a while held Malmf. the Province in thir Power. But Kedrvalla gathering new Force, with the 68+. Slaughter of Bertune, and alfo of Edric the Succeffor of Edelwalk, won the Bed. I.4.0 16. Kingdom: but reduc'd the People to heavy Thraldom, Then addrelling to the of till that time lie faith Beda, (others otherwife, conquer Wight, Pagan, as above hath bin related) made a Vow, though himfelf yet unbaptiz'd, to devote the fourth part of that Hand, and the Spoils therof, toholyllfes. Conqueft obtain'd, paying his Vow as then was the Beleef, he gave his fourth to Bifhop Wilfrid, by chance there prefent ; and he to Bertwin a Prieft, his Siller's Son, with commiflion to baptize all the vanquifh'd, who meant to fave thir Lives. But the two young Sons of Arwald, King of that Hand, met with much more Hoftility for they at the Enemies Approach flying out of the He, and betray'd where they were hid not far from thence, were led to Kedrvalla, who lay then under cure of fome Wounds receav'd, and by his appointment, after Inftruclion and Baptifm firft giv'n them, harfhly put to Death, which the Youths are faid above thir Age to have chriftianly fufFer'd. In Kent Lothis Year of his Wounds receav'd in the thair<\fc\ fight againft South-Saxons, led on by Edrick, who defending from Ermenred, it feems challeng'd the Crown, and wore it, though not commendably, one Year and a half: but 685. Malmf. coming to a violent Death, left the Land expos'd a Prey either to home-bred Ufurpers, or neighbouring Invaders. Among whom Kedwalla taking advantage from thir civil Diftempers, and marching eafdy through the South-Saxons, whom he had fubdu'd, forely harafs'd the Country, untouch'd of a long time by any hoftile Incurlion. But the Kentifh Men, all Parties uniting againft a common Enemy, with joint Power fo oppos'd him, that he was conftrain'd to Sax. an. retire back his Brother Mollo in the flight with 2 Men of his Company, feekin a Houfe, was befet, and therin burnt by the Perfuers Malmf. fhelter Kedwalla ing much troubl'd at fo great a Lofs, recalling and foon rallying his diforder'd nor could be got out of the 626. Forces, return'd fiercely upon the charing Enemy Province, till both by Fire and Sword he had aveng'd the Death of his Brother. At length Fitlrcd the Son of Ecbert, attaining the Kingdom, both fettl'd at 687. home all things in Peace, and fecur'd his Borders from all outward Hoftilitie. Bed. While thus Kedwalla difquieted both Weft and Eaft, after his winning the Crown, Ecfrid the Northumbrian, and Ethelrcd the Mercian, fought a fore Battel by the River Trent ; wherin Elfwin Brother to Ecfrid, a youth of 1 8 years, much belov'd, was flain ; and the accident likely to occafion much more fheding of Blood, Peace was happily made by the grave Exhortation of Archbifhop 'Theodore, a pecuniary Fine only paid to Ecfrid^ as fome fatisfaction for the lols of his Brothers Life. Another adverfity befel Ecfrid in his Family, by means of Ethildrith his Wife, King Anna's Daughter, who having tak'n him for her Hus1.
.
Book
4.
The
H'tftory
of England.
67
Husband, and profeffing to love him above all other men, perfifted twelve years in the obftinat refufal of his Bed, therby thinking to live the purer Life. So perverfly then was Chaftity inftru&ed againft the Apoftles rule. At length obtaining of him with much importunity her departure, me veild her felf a Nun, then made Abbefs of Ely, dy'd 7 years after the Peftilence; and might with better warrant have kept faithfully her undertak'n Wcdloc, though now In the mean while Ecfrid had fent Bertus with a canoniz'd St. Audrey of Ely. fubdue a to harmlefs Ireland, Nation, faith Beda, and ever friendly to power the Englilh , in both which they feem to have left a Polterity much unlike them at this day ; miferably walled, without regard had to places hallow'd or profane, they betook them partly to thir Weapons, partly to implore divine Aid ^ and, as was thought, obtain'd it in thir full avengeraent upon Ecfrid. For he the next year, againft the mind and perfualion of his fageft Friends, and efpecially of Cudbert a famous Biftiop of that Age, marching unadvifedly againft the Pills, who long before had bin fubjeft to Northumberland, was by them feigning flight, drawn unawares into narrow ftreights, overtopt with From which time, faith Bede, Hills, and cut off with moll of his Army. the Saxons to nor only the Pitts till then Valour among decay, began military
peaceable, but fom part of the Brttans alfo recover'd by Arms thir Liberty Yet Aldfrid elder, but bafe Brother to Ecfrid, a man for many years after. faid to be learned in the Scriptures, recal'd from Ireland, to which place in his
Brothers Reign he had retir'd, and now fucceeding, upheld with much hoKedwalia nour, though in narrower bounds, the refidue of his Kingdom. having now with great difturbance of his Neighbours reign'd over the WeftSaxons two years, befides what time he fpent in gaining .it, wearied perhaps with his own turbulence, went to Rome, delirous there to receave Baptifm, which till then his worldly Affairs had defer'd, and accordingly, on E after 6S9. Day, 689. he was baptizM by Sergim the Pope, and his name chang'd to Peter. All which notwithftanding, furpris'd with a Difeafe, he outlivM not the Ceremony fo far fought, much above the fpace of five Weeks, in the thirtieth year of his Age, and in the Church of St. Peter was there buried, with a large Him fucceeded Ina of the Royal Family, and from Epitaph upon his Tomb. the time of his cdming in, for many years opprefs'd the Land with like greevances, as Kedwalia had don before him, infomuch that in thofe times there was no Bilhop among them. His firft Expedition was into Kent, to demand fatisfaftion for the burning of Mollo : riclred loth to hazard all for the rafli adl: of a few, deliver'd up 30 of thofe that could be found Acceflbry, or as others Mean while, at the incitement Malmf. Sax. fay, pacifi'd Ina with a great fum of Money. of Ecbcrt, a devout Monk, Wilbroda Prieft eminent for Learning, pa ft over An Ethcl werd Sea, having 2 others in Company, with intent to preach the Gofpel in Gerto And Chief of the who a little before many. coming Pepin Franks, Regent 694.
-
had conquer'd the hither Frifia, by his Countnance and Protection, promife of many Benefits to them who Ihould beleeve, they found the work of Converfion much the eafier, and Wilbrod the firft Bifhoprick in that Nation. But two Priefts, each of them Hewald by name, and for diftindtion furnam'd from the colour of thir Hair, the black and the white, by his example, pioufiy affedted to the Souls of thir Countrymen the old Saxons, at thir coming thether For in the Houfe of a to. convert them met with much worfe entertainment. Farmer who had promis'd to convey them, as they defir'd, to the Governour of that Country, difcover'd by thir daily Ceremonies to beChriftian Priefts, andthecaufe of thir coming fufpedted, they were by him and his Heathen Neighbours cruelly butcher'd ; yet not unaveng'd, for the Governour enrag'd
alfo
Nobles, Epitome records Florence calls them Southimbrians, negligently omitting the caufe of fo And the year following, Berthred a Northumbrian General was ftrange a faft. flain by the Pitts. Ethelred feven years after the violent Death of his Queen, on the and put Monk, refign'd his Kingdom to Kenred the Son of Wulfer his The next year, Alfrid in Northumberland dy'd, leaving Ofred a Brother. Child of 8 years to fucceed him. Four years after which, Kenred having a while with praife govern'd the Mercian Kingdom, went to Rome in the time of Pope
,
at fuch violence offer'd to his Strangers, fending armed Men flew all thofe After three years \\\ Mercia, Oftrid the Inhabitants, and burnt thir Village. as Beda's Queen, Wife to Ethelred, was kill'd by her own
69-.
698.
704.
705. 709,
Conftantine,
68
Book 4.^ TheHijloryof England; there the refidue of his daies. Kelred Confiantine, and (horn a Monk fpent With fucceeded him, the Son of Ethelred, who had reign'd the next before.
Siger, King of Eaft-Saxons, and betook him to Wife and Native Country ; a comely Perfon in his the fame Habit, leaving defir'd of the People ; and luch his Vertue by much the prime ot his Youth,
Kenred went Offa the Son of
710.
Sas. Annal.
bin worthy to have reign'd. Ina the Wejlreport, as might have otherwife Saxon one year after fought a Battel, at firft doubtful, at laft fuccefsful, againft
of Wales. The next year Bertfrid, another Northumbrian Captain, the Pitts, and flaughter'd them, faith Huntingdon, to the full with fought pic The fourth year after, Ina had another doubtof Ecfrids Death. avengment 7 * crue * Battel at Wodncsburgh in Wiltfhire, with Kelred the Mercian, who an( Sax an." Sax! an! dy'd the year following a lamentable Death for as he fat one day feafling with his Nobles, fuddenly poll'efs'd with an e il Spirit, he expir'd in defpair, Huntingd. !<* as 7 Boniface Archbilhop of Ments, an Englilh man, who taxes him for a defiler of Nuns,writes by way of Caution to Etbelbald his next, of Kin, who fucceeded him. Ofred alfo a young Northumbrian King, flain by his Kindred in the wthoi his Reign, for his vitious Life and Inceft committed with Nuns, was by Kenred fucceeded and aveng'd ; he reigning two years, left Ofric in his room. In whofe qth year, if Beda calculate right, Fittred King of Kent deceas'd, having 718. L 5. c 5. reign'd 34 years, and fom part of them with Suebhard, as Beda teltifies. He left behind him three Sons, Ethelbert, Eadbert, and Alric his Heirs. Three 725. 728. years after which, appear 'd two Comets about the Sun, terrible to behold, the one before him in the Morning, the other after him in the Evening, for the fpace of two Weeks in January, bending thir blaze toward the North,v at which time the Saracens furioufly invaded trance, but were expell'd foon after with great overthi o.v. The fame year in Northumberland, Ofric dying or flain, Bed.I.s c.24. adopted Kclwulf the Brother ol Kenred his Succe .Tor, to whom Beda dedicates his ftory ^ but writes this only ot him, that the beginning, and the procefs of his Reign met with many adverie Commotions, wherof the event was then Mean while Ina feven years before, haying flain Kenwulf, doubtfully expected. to whom Florent gives the addition of Clito, giv'n ufually to none but of the Blood Roys!, and the fourth year after overthrown and flain Albright another to the South-Saxons tor a'd, vanquiftYtalfo the EaftClitc, clu.'n from Taunton one then more Battel, as Malmsbury writes, but not the year ; wheAnglts in ther to expiate fo much Blocd, or infedled with the contagious humour of thofe times, Malmsbury faith, at the perfuaiion of Etbelburga his Wife, went to Rome, and there ended his days ; yet this praife left behind him, to have made good Laws, the firft of Saxon that remain extant to this day, and to his Kinfman Edtlard bequeathed the Crown, no lefsthen the whole.Monarchy of England and Wales. For Ina, if we beleeve a digreflion in the Laws of Edtoard Confeflbr, was the firft King crown'd of Englilh and Britilh, fmce the Saxons entrance of the Britifn by means of his fecond Wife, fom way related to Cadwallader laft King of Waks^ which 1 had not noted being unlikelv, Eede. After Ina, by a furer Author, Ethelbaid but for the place where I found it. all on this lide Humbtr, with thir tne Provinces Mercia commanded l$i< Kingot in with the the Pitts were League Kings Englilh, the Scots peaceable within thir bounds, and of the Britans part were in thir own Government, part fubIn which peaceful ftate of the land, many in Northumjedt to thw Englilh. berland, both Nobles and Commons, laying afide the exercife of Arms, betook them to the Cloifter : and not content fo to do at home, many in the days of Ina, Clerks and Laics, Men and Women, halting to Rome in Herds, thought themfelves no where fure of Eternal Life, till they were cloifter'd there. Thus reprefenting the ftate of things in this Hand, Beda furceas d to write. Out of whom chiefly hath bin gather'd fince the Saxons arrival, fuch as hath bin deliver'd, a fcatterd ftory pickt out heer and there, with fom trouble and tedious work from among his many Legends of Vifions and Miracles ; toward the latter end fo bare of civil matters, as what can be thence collected may feem a Calendar rather then a Hiftory, tak'n up for the mofl: part with fucceflion of Kings, and computation of years, yet thofe hard to be reconciPd with the Saxon Annals. Thir actions we read of, were moll commonly Wars, but for what caure wag'd, or by what Councils carried on, no care was had to let us know wherby thir Strength and Violence we underHuncingd.
7I1
Qerent King
'.
'
ftand,
The Hijlory of England. 4. or Juftice, little or nothing, the reft SuperHand, of thir Wifdom, Reafon, Affectation and monaftical ftition Kings one after another leaving thir Kingwhich leaves us unthir Heads fondly into a Monks Cowle run to ly Charge, Yet certain whether Beda was wanting to his matter, or his matter to him. from hence to the Danijh Invaiion it will be worfe with us, deftitute of Beda. Left only to obfcure and blockifli Chronicles ; whom Malmsbury, and Hunneither they nor we had better Authors of thofe times) ambititingdon (for ous to adorn the Hiftory, make no fcruple oft-times, I doubt, to interline with conjectures and furmifes of thir own them rather then imitate, I fhall choofe to reprefent the truth naked, though as lean as a plain Journal. Yet William of Malmsbury mult be acknowledg'd, both for ftile and judgment, to be by far the belt Writer of them all but what labour is to be endur'd turnthe reft, Florence of Worfter, Huntingdon, Siing over Volumes of rubbifh in meon of Durham, Hoveden, Matthew of Weftminfter, and many others of obYet thefe are fcurer note, with all thir Monachifms, is a penance to think. our only Regifters, tranfcribers one after another for the moft part, and fomtimes worthy enough for the things they regifter. This travail rather then not know at once what may be known of our antient ftory, fifted from faand to fave others, if they bles and impertinencies, I voluntarily undergo
Book
6c
;,
labour ; except thofe who take pleafure to be all pleafe, the like unpleafing But thir Life time raking in the Foundations of old Abbies and Cathedrals. In the year 733, on the i2tb Kalends of to my task now as it befals. Septemher,
733.
was an Eclipfe of the Sun about the third hour of day, obfcuring al- Sax. an. moft his whole Orb as with a black Sheild. Etbelbald of Mercia, befeig'd and Ethdwer* took the Caltle or Town of Somerton : and two years after Beda our Hiftori7,L ,,g" an dy'd, fom fay the year before. Kelwulf in Northumberland three years after became Monk in Lindvsfarne, yet none of the fevereft, for he brought thofe Malmf, Monks from Milk and Water, to Wine and Ale ; in which Doclrin no doubt but they were foon docil, and well might, for Kelwulf brought with him good Provilion, great Treafure and revenues of Land, recited by Simeon, yet all under pretence of following (I ufe the Authors words) poor Chrift, by voluntary Poverty no marvel then if fuch applaufe were giv'n by Monkifh Writers to Kings turning Monks, and much cunning perhaps us'd to allure them, To Eadbert his Uncles Son, he left the Kingdom, whofe Brother Ecbert, ArchBut two years after, while Eadbert was 740; bifhop of fork, built a Library there. the Mercian, by foul fraud, aflaultthe Ethelbald bufiedinWar againft Pitts,
:
ed part of Northumberland in his abfence, as the fupplement of Beda's Epitome records. In the Weft-Saxons, Edelard who fucceeded Ina, having bin much molefted in the beginning of his Reign, with the Rebellion of Ofrvald his Kinfraan, who contended with him for the right of Succeffion, overcoming at laft thofe troubles, dy'd in Peace 741, leaving Cuthred one of the fame Li741. nage to fucceod him , who at firft had much War with Ethelbald the Mercian, Malmf. and various fuccefs, but joining with him in League two years after, made SaK aD War on the Welch ; Huntingdon doubts not to give them a great Victory. Sim74j3" And Simeon reports another Battel fought between Britans and Pitts the year enfuing. Now was the Kingdom of Eaft-Saxons drawing to a Period, Ho ^d^* for Sigeard and Senfrcd the Sons of Sebbi having reign'd a while, and after them Malmf. young Offa, who foon quitted his Kingdom to go to Rome with Kenred, as hath s a x, an, been faid, the Government was conterr'd on Selred Son of Sigebert the good, who having rul'd 38 years, came to a violent Death , how or wherfore, is After whom Swithred was the laft King, driv n out by Ecbcrt the not fet down. Weft-Saxon : but London^ with the Countries adjacent, obey'd the Mercians Cuthred had now reign'd about nine years, when till they alfo were diffblv'd. 748. valiant his Son a Kinric young Prince, was in a militarie Tumult flain by hissax.'an. own Souldiers. The fame year Eadbert dying in Kent, his Brother Edilbert Huntingd: But after two years, the other Eadbert in Northumberland, reign'd in his ftead. 750, whofe War with the Pitts hath bin above- mention'd, made now fuch Progrefs there, as to fubdue Kyle, fo faith the Au&arie of Bede, and other Countries therabout, to his Dominion ; while Cuthred the Weft-Saxon had a fight with Ethelhun, one of his Nobles, a ftout Warrier, envi'd by him in fom matter of the Commonwealth, as far as by the Latin of Ethelwerd can be underftood Huntingd ( others interpret it Sedition ) and with much ado overcoming, took Ethelbun 752.
-
7^
for
7o
Camd.
The Hiflory
for his Valour into favour, by
t>f
England.
Book
4.
753.
faithfully ferv'd in the twelfth or thirteenth of his Reign, he encounter'd in a fet Battel with Etbelbald the Mercian at Beorford, now Burford in Oxford/hire ; one year after againft the Welch,
whom
Sax. an.
754Malmf.
7SS-
Huntingd. Huntingd.
755.
Camden.
Camd.
757Sax. an.
Epit. Bed. Sim. Dun.
758.
Sim. Dun.
Eccief.
I.
2.
759762.
Sim. Dun. Mac Weft.
Huntingdon, as his manner is to comdeicription of that Fight between Cuthred and Etbelbald, and the Prowefs of Ethclhun, at Beorford, but fo affeftedly, and therfore fufpicioufly, that I hold it not worth rehearfal ; and both in that and the latter ConfM, gives Vi&ory to Cuthred; after whom Sigebert, uncertain by what right, his Kinfman, faith Florent, ftep'd into the Throne, whom hated tor his Cruelty and other evil doings, Kimwulf joining with moft of the Nobility, difpoflefs'd of all but Hamfhtre that Province he loft alfo within a year, together with the love of all thofe who till then remain'd his Adherents, by flaying Cumbran, one of his chief Captains, who for a long time had faithfully ferv'd, and now diifuaded him from incenfing the People by fuch Tyrannical Practices. Thence flying for fafety into Andrew's Wood, forfak'n of all, he was at length flain by the Swineherd of Cumbran in revenge of his Mafter, and Kinwulf who had undoubted right to the Crown$ joyfully faluted King. The next year Eadbert the Northumbrian joining Forces with Vnuji King of the Pitts, as Simeon writes, befieg'd and took by furrender the City Akluith, now Dunbritton in Lennox, from the Britans of Cumberland, and ten days after, the whole Army perifh'd about but to tell us he In Mercia, Etbelbald was flain at Niwanbirig, how, forgets. A place call'd Secandune, now in Seckington Warmcflrire, the year following, in a bloody fight againft as Cuthred, Huntingdon furmifes, but Cuthred was dead two or three years before ; others write him murder'd in the night by his own Guard, and the Treafon, as fom fay, of Beomred, who fucceeded him ; but ere many Months, was defeated and flain by Offa. Yet Etbelbald feems not without caufe, after a long and profperous Reign, to have tall'n by a violent Death; not fhaming on the vain confidence of his many Alms, to commit Uncleanefs with confecrated Nuns, befides Laic Adulteries, as the of Ments in a Letter taxes him and his PredecefTor, and that Arch-bifhop by his Example moft of his Peers did the like; which adulterous doings he foretold him were likely to produce a flothful Off-fpring, good for nothing but to be the ruin of that Kingdom, as it fell out not The next Year long after. Ofmund, according to Florence, ruling the South-Saxons, and Srvitbred the Eaft, Eadbert in Northumberland, following the fteps of his PredecefTor, got him into a Monk's Hood ; the more to be wonder'd, that having reign'd worthily 21 Years, with the love and high eftimation of all, both at home and abroad, able ftill to govern, and much entreated by the Kings his Neighbours, not to lay down his Charge, with offer on that condition to yeild up to him part of thir own Dominion, he could not be mov'd from his Refolution, but relaft
which was the
but one of his Life.
ment upon the annal Text, makes
a terrible
linquifh'd his Regal Office to Ofivulf his Son ; who at the years end, though without juft caufe, was flain by his own Servants. And the year after dy'd EthelAfter bert, Son of rittred, the fecond of that name in Kent.
755.
Sim. Dun.
759.
774Sim. Dun.
775Sax. an.
778.
Sim. Dun.
otherwise call'd Mallo, was fet up King ; who in his third Year had a great Battel at Eldune, by Melros, flew Ofwin a great Lord, rebelling, and gain'd the Vi&ory. But the third year after, fell by the treachery of Alcred, who affum'd his place. The fourth Year after which, Cataratta an antient and fair City in Yorkfhire, was burnt by Armed a* certain Tyrant, who the fame came to like end. And after five years more, Alcred the year King, depos'd and forfak'n of all his People, fled with a few, firft to Bebba, a ftrong City of thofe parts, thence to Kinot King of the Pitts. Ethelred the Son of Motto, was crown'd in his ftead. Mean while Offa the Mercian, growing powerful, had fubdu'd a neighbouring People by Simeon, call'd Heflings ; and fought fuccesfully this year with Alric King of Kent, at a place call'd Ottanford : the Annals alfo fpeak of wondrous Serpents then feen in Nor had KinSuffex. wulf the Weft-Saxon giv'n fmall proof of his Valour in feveral Battels againft the Welch heretofore ; but this year 775, meeting with Offa, at a place call'd Befmgton, was put to the worfe, and Offa won the Town for which they contended. In Northumberland, Ethelred having caus'd three of his
Aldvoulf, Kinreulf
Ofivulf, Ethelwald,
by two other Peers was himfelf the next year driv'n into Banifhment, Elfmld the Son of Ofivulf
flain
and Ecca, treacheroufly to be
Nobles,
fucceeding
Book
4.
in his place,
Tfje Hiflory
of England.
71
.
'
yet not without civil Broils ; for in his fecond year fucceeding 7g two Osbahl and Atbelbeard, Noblemen, railing Forces againft him, routed Sim. Dun. Beame his General, and purfuing, burnt him at a place call'd Seletune. I am fenlible how wcarifom it may likely be to read of lb many bare and reafonlcfs Aftions, fo many names of Kings one after another, acting little more then mute Perfons in a Scene: what would it be to have infertcd the long Beadroll of Arch-bi(hops, Bifhoj s, Abbots, Abbeffes, and thir doings, neither to Religion profitable, nor to Morality, fwelling my Authors each to a vo-
luminous Body, by me ftudioufly omitted ; and left as thir Propriety, who have a mind to write the Eccleliaftical matters of thofe Ages^ neither do I care to wiincle the fmoothnefs ot Hiftory with rugged names of places unknown, better harp'd at in Camden, and other Chorographers. Six years therfore pafs'd over in lilence, as wholly of fuch Argument, bring us to Z \ relate next the unfortunate end of Kinwulf the Weft-Saxon ; who having |^fjf laudably reign'd about 31 years, yet fufbecting thaC Kineetrd Brother of Sigebert the former King, intended to ufurp the Crown after his Deceafe, or revenge his Brother's Expullion, had commanded him into Banifhment ; but he lurk- Sax. an. with a fmall Company, having had intelliing here and there on the Borders in the Country therabout, at Merantun, or Merton Camd, was that Kinwulf gence "in Surrey, at the Houfe of a Woman whom he lov'd, went by night and befct the place. Kinwulf overconfident either of his Royal Prefence, or forth with the few about him, runs feirfly at Kineard, perfonal Valour, iffuing and wounds him fore, but by his Followers hem'd in, is kill'd among them. The report of fo great an Accident foon running to a place not far oil", where many more Attendants awaited the King's return, Ofric and Wivert, two Earls, hailed with a great number to the Houfe, where Ki neard and his elHe feeing himfelf furrounded, with fair words and prolows yet remain'd. mife of great Gifts, attempted to appeafe them ; but thofe rejected with difdain, fights it out to the lair, and is flain with all but one or two of his Kinwulf was fucceeded by Birtbric, Retinue, which were nigh a hundred. the of Kerdic Founder of that Kingdom. Not better defcended being both 7 s^. was the end of Elfwald in Northumberland, two years after flain miferably by Sim. Dun. the Confpiracy of Siggan, one of his Nobles, others fay of the whole People Malmf.
.
yet undefervedly, as his Sepulchre at Hafaid to be don, are Camd, guftald, five after and laid violent hands on himfelf. witnefs to ; years alleg'd Siggan the of into room of Alcred advanc't and within one Malmf. Son Elfwald, Ofred year driv'n out, left his Seat vacant to Etbclred Son of ftMlo, who after ten s m Dun years of Banithment ( Imprifonment, faith sllcuin) had the Scepter put again 1^9' Birtbric of of The third year into his hand. King Weft-Saxons, gave begina new and fatal revolution of this abroad to Land. on Calamity ning from For three Danifh Ships, the firft that had bin feen here of that Nation arriving in the Weft, to vilit thefe, as was fuppos'd, Foren Merchants, the Kings Gatherer of Cuftoms taking Horfe from Dorchefter, found them Spies and Enemies. For being commanded to come and give account of thir lading at the King's Cuftom Houfe, they flew him and all who came with him ; as an earnelt of the many Slaughters, Rapines, and Hoftilities, which they reOf this Danifh firft ar- l> incan ' turn'd not long after to commit overall the Hand. a and fudden worfe then hoftile on rival, Aggrefiion, the Danilh Hiitorv far otherwife relates, as if thir landing bad bin at the mouth of Humber, a thir fpoilful march far into the Country ; though foon repell'd by the In But from what Caufe, what bitants, they halted back as faft to thir Ships Reafon of State, what Authority or publick Council the Invalion proceed !,
at
Scilcefter
by the
Roman Wall
now Hexam upon
Tine, and fom Miracles there
'
'
makes not mention, and our wonder yet the more, by telling us that then King in Denmark, and long after, was a Man ftudious more of Peace and Quiet then of warlike Matters. Thefe therfore feem rather to have Pn wnbin fom Wanderers at Sea, who with public Commilfion, or without, throu love of Spoil, or hatred of Chriftianity, feeking Booties on any Land of The next year V Chriftians, came by chance or weather on this fliore. in Northumberland, who driv'n out by his Nobles had giv'n place to was tak'n and forcibly fliav'n a Monk at York. And the year after, ( nd _ (?1 Sons of were drawn fair from Oelfwin, by sim. Dim, promifes Elfwald^ former-ly King,
'
the
7*
Camden.
792.
Sim. Dun. Sim. Dun.
Ecclei;
1.
2.
793Sim. Dun.
the principal Ethelred, cruelly put to death at Wonwaldremcre, a Village by the great Pool in Lamaflnre, now call'd Wmandermere. Nor was the third year lefs bloody ; for Ofred, who not liking a fhav'n Crown, had defir'd Banilhment and obtain'd it, returning from the He of Man with fmall Forces, at the fecret but deceitful call of certain Nobles, who by Oath had promis'd to affift him, was alfo tak'n, and by Etbelred dealt with in the fame manner ; who the better to avouch his Cruelties, therupon married Elfled the Daughter of Offa: for in Offst was found as little Faith or Mercy. He the fame Year having drawn to his Palace Ethelbriie King of Eaft-Angles, with fair Invitations to marry his Daughter, caus'd him to be there inhofpitably beheaded, and his Kingdom wrongfully feis'd, by the wicked Counfel of his Wife, faith Mat. Weft, annexing thertoa long unlikely Tale. For which violence and bloodfhed to make Atonement, with Friers at leaft, he beftows the Reliques of St. Alb an, in a ihrine of Pearl and Gold. Far worfe it far'd the next year with Reliques in Lindisfame ; where the Danes landing, pillag'd that Monaftry, and of
kill'd fom, carried away others Captive, fparing neither Prieft nor which many ftrange Thunders and firy Dragons, with other imThis preflions in the Air feen frequently before, were judg'd to forelignify. year Alric third Son of Fiiired ended in Kent his long Reign of 34 years with him ended the Race of Hengift : thenceforth whomfoever Wealth or Faction advanc'd, took on him the name and ftate of a King. The Saxon Annals of 784. name Edmund then reigning in Kent ; but that coniifls noc with the time of Alric, and I find him no where elfe raentiond. The year was for the of remarkable Death the a ftrenuous following Mercian, Offa and futtle King; he had much intercourfe with Charles the Great, at firft Enmity, to the interdicting of Commerce on either fide, at length much Amity and firm League, as appears by the Letter of Charles himfelf yet extant, procur'd by Alcuin a learned and prudent Man, though a Monk, whom the Kings of Ingland in thofe days had fent Orator into France, to maintain good Correfpondence between them and Charles the Great. He granted, faith Huntingdon, a perpetual Tribute to the Pope out of every Houfe in his Kingdom, for yeilding perhaps to tranflate the Primacy of He drew a Trench of wonCanterbury to Lichfcild in his own Dominion. drous length between Alercia and the Britifn Confines, from Sea to Sea. Ecferth the Son of Offa, a Prince of great hope, who alfo had bin crown'd nine years before his Father's Deceafe,- reftoring to the Church what his Father had feis'd on, yet within four Months by a Sicknefs ended his Reign j and to Kenulf next in right of the fame Progeny bequeath'd his Kingdom. Mean while the Danijh Pirats who Hill wafted Northumberland, ventring on ftoar to fpoil another Monaftiy at the mouth of the River Don, were afiail'dby the Englilh, thir chief Captain flain on the place ; then returning to Sea, were moft of them fhip-wrack'd others driv'n aeain on fhoar, were put all to the Sword. Simeon attributes this thir Punilhment to the power of St. Cudbert, offended with them for the rifling of his Co-
The Hi/lory of England. Church of York, and after by command of
Book
4.
Fryers
:
Lay
794Malmf.
Aticr.
Men.
Sim. Dun.
79^.
Sim. Dun.
twice King, but not exempted many miferably flain by his People, fome fay defervedlv, as not infonfeious with them whotrain'd Ofred to his Osbald a Nobleman exalted to the Throne, and in lefs then a Month, ruin. defcrted and expell'd, was fore'd to" fly at laft from Lindisfarne by Sea to the Pi cJifh King, and dy'd an Abbot. Eardulf, whom Ethelred fix years before had commanded to be put to death at Ripun, before the Abbey-Gate, dead as was fuppos'd, and with folemn Dirge carried into the Church, after midnight found there alive, I read not how, then banifh'd, now recal'd, was in York created King. In Kent, Ethelbert or Pren, whom the Annals call Eadbright ( fo different they often are one from another, both in timing and in
vent.
after this, dy'd Ethelred
at laft
Two years
from the
fate of
his Predecefibrs,
naming) by fom means having ufurp'd Regal Power, after two years Reign contending with Kenulf the Mercian, was by him tak'n Pris'ner, and foon after out of pious Commiferation let go but not receav'd of his own, what became
:
of him, Malmsbury leaves in doubt. Simeon writes, that Kenulf commanded to put out his Eyes, and lop off his hands but whether the Sentence were executed or not, is left as much in doubt by his want of Exprefiion. The fecond
,
Year
The Hiftory of England. 7 Year after this, they in Northumberland who had confpir'd againft Ethelred, 798. now alfo railing War againft Eardulf, under Wada thir Chief Captain, after Sim. Dim, much havock on either lide at Langbo, by Wbaley in Lancashire, the ConfpiThe fame year London, rators at laft flying, Eardulf rctmn'd with Victory.
Book
4.
with a great multitude of her Inhabitants, by a fudden Fire was confum'd. 800. year 800 made way for great Alteration in England, uniting her feven Kingdoms into one, by Ecbert the famous Weft-Saxon ; him Birtbric dying childlefs left next to reign, the only Surviver of that Linage, defcended from And according to his Birth liberally bred, Malmf. Inegild the Brother of King but. he began early from his Youth to give lignal hopes of more then ordinary worth growing up in him which Birtbric fearing, and with all his jufter Title to the Crown, fecretly fought his Life, and Ecbert perceaving, fled to Offa the Mercian : but he having married Eadburg his Daughter to Birtbric, ealily gave ear to his EmbafTadors coming to require Ecbert : He again put to his Sax. an, but after three years Banifhment ihifts, efcap'd thence into France ; there, which perhaps contributed much to his Education, Charles the Great then over by the publick Voice (for Birtbric was newly reigning, he was call'd and with Applaufe created King of Weft-Saxons. The fame general dead) day Ethelmund at JCinneresford palling over with the Worcefterfhire Men, was met by Weolftan another Nobleman with thofe of Wiltshire, between whom happ'nd a great fray, wherin the Wiltshire Men overcame, but both Dukes were flain, no reafon of thir Quarrel writt'n ; fuch bickerings to recount met oft'n in thefe our Writers, what more worth is it then to chronicle the Wars of Kites or Crows flocking and fighting in the Air? The Year following Ear801. dulf the Northumbrian leading forth an Army againft Kenulf the Mercian for Sim. Dun. harboring certain of his Enemies, by the diligent Mediation of other Princes and Prelats, Arms were laid alide, and Amity foon fworn between them. But Eadburgathe Wife of Birtbric, a Woman every way wicked, in Malice Maimf. 1.2. efpecially cruel, could not or car'd not to appeafe the general Hatred juftly After, conceiv'd againft her } accuftom'd in her Husband's days to accufe any whom g 02 ihe fprighted ; and not prevailing to his Ruin, her practice was by Poifon fe- sim. Dun, It fortun'd that the King her Husband cretly to contrive his Death. lighthad on a which fhe temper'd, not for him, but for one of his great ing Cup Favourites, whom Ihe could not harm by acculing, fip'd therof only, and in a while after ftill pining away, ended his days ; the Favourite drinking deeper, found fpeedier the Operation. She fearing to be queftion'd for thefe Facts, with what Treafure fhe had, pafs'd over Sea to Charles the Great, whom with rich Gifts coming to his Prefence, the Emperor courtly receav'd with this Choofe Eadburga, which of us two thou wilt, me or my pleafant Propofal Son (for his Son ftood by him) to be thy Husband. She no DifTembler of what fhe lik'd beft, made eafy Anfwer Were it in my choice, I fhould choofe of the two your Son rather, as the younger Man. To whom the Emperour, between jeft and earneft, Hadft thou chofen me, I had beftow'd on thee my Son but fince thou haft chos'n him, thou fhalt have neither him nor me. Neverthelefs he affign'd her a rich Monaftery to dwell in as Abbefs ; for that Life it may feem fhe chofe next to profefs but being a while after detedted of Unchaftity with one of her Followers, fhe was commanded to depart thence ; from that time wandring poorly up and down with one Servant, in Paviaa. In the year 805 City of Italy, fhe finifh'd at laft in beggery her fhameful Life. 805. whom the inftead of made Mercian Cutbred, Kenulf had, Pren, King in Kent, Malmf. In Northumberland, Eardulf the Sax an; having obfeurely reign'd 8 years, deceas'd. 06 out of his was driv'n Realm year following by Alfwold, who reign'd two years in his room ; after whom Eandred Son of Eardulf 33 years ; but I fee """"j^' not how this can ftand with the Sequel of Story out of better Authors Much g ^' lefs that which Buchanan relates, the year following, of Achaius King of Scots, Mat# ef u who having reign'd 32 years, and dying in 809, had formerly aided (but in 8-9. what year of his Reign tells not) Hungus King of Pitls with 10000 Scots, againft Atbelftan a Saxon or Englifh-man, then wafting the Pillxfh Borders \ that Hungus by the aid of thofe Scots, and the help of St. Andrew thir Patron, in a Vifion by night, and the appearance of his Crofs by day, routed the aftonifh'd Englifh, and flew Atbelftan in Who this Atbelftan was, I believe fight. no Man knows ; Buchanan fuppofes him to have been fom Danifh Commander,
The
'
on
74
Sim. Dun.
813.
Sax. Aniul.
819.
Sax. an.
Malmf.
4. had beitovv'd but of this I Northumberland; Alfred find no Footftep in our antient Writers-, and if any fuch thing were done in this Atheljtan the time of Alfred, it mult belittle lefs then 100 years after feems rather have to bin the fancy of and this Overthrow, great therfore, fpm Legend then any warrantable Record. Mean while Ecbert having with much Prudence, Juftice and Clemency, a work of more then one year, eftablifh'd his Kingdom andhimfelf in the Affections of his People, turns his firft Enterprife againft the Britans, both them of Cormval and thofe beyond SeIn Mercia, Kenulf the 6th year after having reign'd with vern, fubduing both. of his religious Mind and Vertues both in Peace and War, degreat Praife His Son Kentlm, a Child of feven Years, was committed to the care ceas'd. of his elder Sifter hiendrid; who with a female Ambition afpiring to the Crown, hir'd one who had the charge of his Nurture to murder him, led into The Murder, as is reported, was a woody place upon pretence of hunting. but to tell how, by a Dove reveal'd ; miraculoutly dropping a writt'n Note on the Altar at Rome, is a long Story, told, though out of order, by Malmsbury, and under the year 821 by Mat. Wcfl. where I leave it to be fought by fuch as are more credulous then I wifh my Readers. Only the Note was to this puron whom King Aimed ox
:
Book
pofe
Low in a Mead of Kine under a Thorn, Of Head berift, Wth por Kenelm King-born.
820.
Ingulf.
823.
Sz&. an.
Keoltrulf the Brother of Kenulf, after one Year's Reign was driv'n out by one Bernulf an Ufurper who in his third Year, uncertain whether invading or invaded, was by Ecbert, though with great Lofs on both fides, overthrown and put to flight at Ellandune or IV'ilton : yet Malmsbury accounts this Battel fought in 806, a wide difference, but frequently found in thir Computations.
:
Bernulf thence retiring to the Eafl-Angles, as part of his late feifure of Offa, was by them met in the Field and (lain
Dominion by the
:
but they doubt-
Florenc.
ing what the Mercians might do in revenge hereof, forthwith yielded themfelves both King and People to the Sovrantie of Ecbert. As for the Kings of them not mention fince our Annals Ethelwald; him fucceeded his Eaft- Angles, Brothers Sons, as we find in Malmsbury, Aldulf (a good King, well acquaint-
Genealog. Eed. 1.2. c. i5-
ed with Bede) and Elrvold who left the Kingdom to Beorn, he to Ethelred the Father of Ethelbrite., whom Offa perfidioufly put to Death. Simeon and Hoveden, in the Year 749, write that Elfivald King of Eafl-Angles dying, Humbeanna and Albert fhar'd the Kingdom between them ; but where to infert after Ethelthis among the former Succeffions is not eafy, nor much material is nam'd of that till thir now to Ecbert : he none Kingdom fubmitting brite, from this Viftory againft Bernulf fent part of his Army under Ethelwulf his Son, with Aljlan Bifhop of Shirburn, and IVulferd a Chief Commander, into
:
Who finding Baldred there reigning in his iSth Year, overcame and Kent. drove him over the Thames; wherupon all Kent, Surrey, Suffex, and laftly Effex, with her King Swithred, became fubjeft to the Dominion of Ecbert. Neither were thefe all his Exploits of this Year, the firft in order fet down in Saxon Annals, being his Fight againft the Devon/hire Welch, at a place call'd
Gafulford,
Camd.
825.
Ingulf.
Ludiken the Mercian, after two years Camelford in Cornwal. to preparing avenge Bernulf his Kinfman on the Eaft- Angles, was by them with his five Confuls, as the Annals call them, furpris'd and put to the Sword : and Withlaf his Succefibr firft vanquifn'd, then upon Submiffion with all Mercia,
now
made tributary
to Ecbert.
Mean while
the Northumbrian
Kingdom of
it
felf
was falln to fhivers ; thir Kings one after another fo oft'n (lain by the People, no Man daring, though never fo ambitious, to take up the Scepter which many had found fo hot, (the only effectual cure of Ambition that have, read) for the fpace of 33 Years after the Death of Ethelred Son of Mollo, as Malmsbury writes, there was no King: many Noblemen and Prelats were fled the Country. Which Mif-rule among them the Danes having underftood, ofttimes from thir Ships entring far into the Land, infefted thofe Parts with wide Depopulation, wafting Towns, Churches, and Monafteries, for they were The Lent before whofe coming, on the North-fide of St. Peter's yet Heathen Church in York, was feen from the Roof to rain Blood. The Caufes of thefe Calamities, and the Ruin of that Kingdom, Alcuin, a learned Monk living in
I
:
thofe
Book
4.
The Hijhrji of England
;.
'-)
thofedays, attributes in feveral Epiftles, and well may, to the general ignorance and Decay of Lerning, which crept in among them after the Death of Beda and of Ecbert the Archbifliop , thir neglect of breeding up Youth in
the Scriptures, the fpruce and gay Apparel of thir Preifts and Nuns, difcovering thir vain and wanton minds: examples are alfo read, ev'n in Bcd.x's thence Altars defilM with Perjuries, Gloiltcrs days, of thir wanton deeds the Land with violated polluted with Blood of thir Prince's, civil Adulteries, DilTentions among the People, and finally all the fame Vices which isilaas alIn this eftate Ecbert, who had now leg'dof old to have ruin'd the Britans. all the South, finding them in the year 827, (for he was ma.rch'd 827; conquer'd thethcr with an Army to compleat his Conqueft of the whole Hand) no wonder if they fubmitted thernfdves to the Yoke without Rellftance, Eandred 828. Thence turning his Forces the Year followthir King becoming tributary. Mac \\ -.') remained what of I\orth4Vaks. j'ng, he fubdu'd more throughly
:
7he End of
the Fourth 'Book
Li
THE
?6
Book
5.
HISTORY
THE
O F
BRITAIN
The
Fifth
Book.
Calvifms.
Pontan.
Hift.
Dan.
fum of things in this Hand, or the belt part therof, reduc't now under the Power of one man, and him one of the worthieft, which as far as can be found in good Authors, was by none attainM at any time heer before unlefs in Fables, men might with fome reaibn have expected, from fuch union, peace and plenty, greatnefs, and the floubut far the contrary fell out foon after, rilhing of all eftates and degrees invafion, fpoil, defolation, flaughter of many, flavery of the reft, by the Danes commonly call'd, and fomtiraes forcible landing of a fierce Nation Dacians by others, the fame with Normans ; as barbarous as the Saxons themfelves were at firft reputed, and much more, for the Saxons firft invited came hither to dwell j thefe unfent for, unprovok'd, came only to deftroy. But if the Saxons , as is above related, came moft of them from Jutland and Anglert, a part of Denmark, as Danijh writers affirm, and that Danes and Normans are the fame^ then in this Invafion, Danes drove out Dams, thir own Pofterity. And Normans afterwards, none but antienter Normans. Which invafion perhaps, had the Heptarchie ftood divided as it was, had either not bin attempted, or not unealily refilled ; while each Prince and People, excited by thir neereft concernments, had more induftrioufly defended thir own bounds, then depending on the neglect of a deputed Governour, fent oft-times from the remote relidence of a fecure Monarch. Though as it fell out in thofe troubles, the letter Kingdoms revolting from the Weft-Saxon yoke, and not aiding each other, too much concern'd with thir own fafety, it came to no better
:
-,
HE
pafs while fcverally they fought to repel the danger nigh at hand, rather then But when God hath decreed fervitude on a finful jointly to prevent it far off". Nation, fitted by thir-own Vices for no condition but fervile, all Eftates of
,
God had purposd to puni/h our alike unable to avoid it. inftrumental punifhers, though now Chriftians, by other Heathen, according to his Divine retaliation Invafion for invafion, fpoil for fpoil, deftrucuon for
Government are
-,
Saxons were now full as wicked as the Bntans were at thir arrival, brok'n with Luxury and Sloth, either fecular or fuperftitious for laying aiide the exercife of Arms, and the ftudy of all vertuousKnovvledg, fom betook them to over-worldly or vitious practice, others to religious idlenefs and folitude, which brought forth nothing but vain and delulive Vifions , ealily perceav'd fuch by thir commanding of things, either not belonging to the Gofpel, or utterly forbidden, Ceremonies, Pv.eliques, Monafteries, Mafies, Idols, add to thefe oftentation of Alms, got ofttimes by rapine and oppreffion, or intermixt with violent and luftful deeds, fomtimes prodigally beftow'dasthe expiation of Cruelty and Bloodflied. What longer fuffering could there be, when Religion it felf grew fo void of fincerity, and the greateft fhews of Purity were impur'd ?
deftruftion.
;
The
EC BERT.
Book
7% Hiflory of
England,
T.
~,
C B E R
in full hight of
ful years, his victorious
Glory, having now enjoy'd his Conqueft feven peaceECbert Army long lince disbanded, and the cXercife of Arms perhaps laid alide, the more was found unprovided againit a fudden ftormof Danes from the Sea, who tending in the 32^/ of his Reign, waited g,., Shepy in Kent. Ecbert the next Year, gathering an Army, for he had heard Sax. an. of thir arrival in 35 Ships, gave them Battel by the River Can in Dorfttfhire ; 833, the event wherof was, that the Danes kept thir Ground, and cncauip'd where Sax. atn the Field was fought-, two Saxon Leaders, Dudda and Ofmund, and two BiThis was the only check of Fortune we fhops, as fom fay, were there flain. all his time receav'd. For the Danes returning two read of, that Ecbert 83?. and Forces with a with the Cormfl^ who hadSax, an. after joining great Navy, years enter'd League with them, were overthrown and put to flight. Of thefe In- Pontan, Hilt. vafions againft Ecbert, the Dantjh Hiflory is not iilent \ whether out of thir Dan. l.Y own Records or ours, may be juftly doubted for of thefe times at home 1 find them in much uncertainty, and beholden rather to Out-landifh ChroniThe Vidor Ecbert, as one who had done cles then any Records of thir own. enough, feafonably now, alter profpevous fnccefs, the next year with glory 835, ended hisdaies, and was buried at iVhicbefter, Sax. an,
'
T
mild Nature, not EThelrvoIf
l'w
Q L
F.
the Son of Ecbert fucceeded, by Afahnsbury defcribM a man of inelin'd to War, or delighted with much Dominion
;
that therfore contented with the antient Wtft-Saxon bounds, he gave to Ethclfian his Brother, or Son, as fom write, the Kingdom of Kent and EJfex. But the Saxon Annalift, whofe Autority is elder, faith plainly, that both thefe Countries and Suftex, were bequeath'd to Etbelftan by Ecbert his Father. The
mw
weft,
unwarlike difpofition of Ethelwolf gave encouragement no doubt, and eafier entrance to the Vanes, who came again the next year with 33 Ships j but g, 7 Wulfheard, one of the Kings chief Captains, drove them back at Soutbamton ^^ 2i\ with great (laughter ; himfelf dying the fame year, of Age, as I fuppofe, for he feems to have bin one of Ecberts old Commanders, who was fent with EthelEthelhelm another of the King's wolf to fubdue Kent. Captains, with the Dorfetfhire men, had at firft like fuccefs againft the Danes at Portfmouth ; but they Worfe was the reinforcing flood thir Ground, and put the Englifh to rout. fuccefs of Earl Herebert at a place call'd Merefwar, flain with the moft part of The year following in Lindfey alfo, E aft -Angles, and Kent, much his Army. 838. mifchief was don by thir landing ; where the next year, embold'nd by fuc- Sax. an,' cefs, they came on as far as Canterbury, Rochefter, and London it felf, with no 839. lefs cruel Hoftility and giving no refpit to the peaceable mind of Ethelwolf, Sax. an, they yet rcturn'd with the next year in 3^ Ships, fought with him, as before 3 40 with his Father, at the River Can, and made good thir Ground. In Mor- Sax. an,' thumberland, Eandred the Tributary King deceafmg, left the fame Tenure to Sim. Dun, his Son Etbdrcd driv'n out in his fourth year, and fucceeded by Readwulf, who Mac Weft foon after his Coronation halting forth to Battel againft the Danes at Alvethtli, ^44fell with the moft part of his Army ; and Ethelred like in fortune to the former Etbelred, was re-exalted to his Seat. And to be yet further like him in Osbert fucceeded in his room. But more Fate, was flain the fourth year after. foutherly, the Danes next year after met with fom flop in the full courfe of g4 thir outragious infolences. For Earnulf with the men of Somerftt, Alftan the Sax. an. Bilhop,and Ofric with thofe of Dorfetfhire,ktting upon them at the Rivers mouth of Pedridan, llaughter'd them in great numbers, and obtainM a juft Victory. This repulfequel'd them, for ought we hear, the fpace of fix years , thenalfo 851. renewing thir Invafion with little better fuccefs. For Keorle an Earl, aided with Sax. an, the Forces of Devon/hire, aflaulted and overthrew them at Wigganbcorch with Afier great Deftruction ; as profperoufly were they fought with the fame Year at Sandwich, by King Etbelftan, and Ealker his Geneial, thir great Army defeated, and nine of thir Ships tak'n, the reft driv'n off} however to rlie out the Winter on that (boar, After faith, they then firft winterM in Sjaefey lie.
:
< -
*.
Hard
7*8
Hard
iiuntingd.
5. the bad expreffion of thefe Writers, to define this Fight, is, through whether by Sea or Land ; Hoveden terms it a Sea-fight. Neverthelefs with 50 Ships ( AJfer and others add 300) they enter'd the mouth of Thames,
it
Book
Mat. Weft.
85 3Sax. an.
Malmf.
854.
Sax. an.
*55*
Afifer.
8S7-
and London, and as Ethilwcrd writes, both of \ Berfignifies deftroy'd only that they pillag'd it. London, Afjer tulf alfo the Mercian, SuccefTor of Witblaf, with all his Army they forc'd to Then palling over Thames with thir Powers fly, and him beyond the Sea. into Surrey, and the Wefl-Saxons, and meeting there with King Etbelwolf and Etbclbald his Son, at a place call'd Ak-Lea, or Oke-Lta, they receavM a total Defeat with memorable Slaughter. This was counted a lucky Year to EngBurbcd therfore, who land, and brought to Etbelwolf great Reputation. after Bertulf held of him the Mercian Kingdom, two years after this, imploring his Aid againft the North-lVelcb, as then troublefom to his Confines, obtain'd it of him in Perfon, and therby reduc'd them to Obedience. This his a. Child of fent Son five well Alfrid Etbelwolf years, don, accompanied to Rome, whom Leo the Pope both confecrated to be King afterwards, and adopted to be his Son ; at home Ealker with the Forces of Kent, and Hudct with thofe of Surrey, fell on the Danes at thir landing in Tanst, and at firft put them back; but the (lain and drown'd were at length fo many on either fide, as left the lofs equal on both : which yet hinder'd not the Solemnity of a Marriage at the Fealt of Eafter, between Burbed the Mercian, and EthelHowbeit the Danes next year winter'd fwida King Etbelwolf s Daughter. Whom in Etbelwolf, not finding Human Health fufficient to Sbepey. again refift, growing daily upon him, in hope of Divine Aid, regifter'd in a Book, and dedicated to God the tenth part of his own Lands, and of his whole Kingdom, eas'd of all Impofitions, but converted 'to the maintenance of MafTes and Pfalms weekly to be fung for the profpering of Etbelwolf and his Captains, as appears at large by the Patent it felf, in William of Malmsbury. he did it for the redemption of his Soul, and the Soul of his AnAfj'er faith, After cestors. which, as having don fom great matter to Ihew hlmfclf at be and Rome, applauded of the Pope, he takes a long and cumberfom Jourwith thether young Alfrid again, and there ftays a Year, when his place ney rather here in the field againft PaganE11emi.es left wintring in him requir'd his Land. Yet lb much Manhood he had, as to return thence no Monk ; and in his way home took to Wife Judith Daughter of Charles the bald, King of But ere his return, Etbclbald his eldeft Son, Alflan histrufty Bifhop, France. and Enulf Earl of Somerfet confpir'd againft him ; thir Complaints were, that he had tak'n with him Alfrid his youngelt Son to be there inaugurated King, and brought home with him an' out-landifh" Wife-, for which they endeavourM to deprive him of his Kingdom. The difturbance was expected to bring forth nothing fefs then War but the King abhorring civil Difcord, after many Conferences tending to Peace, condefcended to divide the Kingdom with his Son , Divilion was made, but the matter fo carried, that the Eafter n and worft part was malignly afforded to the Father The Weftern and belt giv'n to the Son, at which many of the Nobles had great Indignation, offring to the King thir utmoft AfTiftance for the recovery of all ; whom he In the peacefully difliiading, fat down contented with his Portion affign'd. Eafl- Angles, Edmund YmcA from the antient ftock of thofe Kings, a Youtli of 14 Years only, but of great hopes, was with confent of all but his own cvownM at Burie. About this time, as Buchanan relates, the Pills, who not long before had by the Scots bin driv'n out of thir Country, part of them coming to O^bcrt and Ella, then Kings of Northumberland, obtain'd Aid athe Scotifh King, to recover thir antient PoffcfTion. Osbtrt, gain'ft Donaldus who in Perfon undertook the Expedition, marching into Scotland, was at firit put to a Retreat ; but returning foon after on the Scots, over-feenre of thir fuppos'd Victory, put them to flight with great [laughter, took Pris'ner thir King, and purfu'd his Victory beyond Sterlin-bridg. The Scots unable to reiift longer, and by Emballadors entreating Peace, had it granted them on thefe conditions the Scots were to quit all they had poflefs'd within the Wall of Severus : the limits of Scotland were beneath Stcrlin-bridg to be the River Forth, and on the other fide, Dttnbritton Frith ; from that time fo call'd of the Britijh then feated in Cumberland, who had join'd with Osbtrt in this Action
an(j
.
m ade Excursions as far as Canterbury
Book
A&ion,
5.
The Hiftbry of England.

and fo
far
fabulous to the difparagement of thir own Country ? ) how much wanting have bin our Hiftorians to thir Country's Honour, in letting pafs unmention'd an Exploit fo memorable, by them remembred and attelted, who are wont oftcr to extenuate then to amplifie aught don in Scotland by the Englifh i Donaldus on thefe conditions releas'd, foon after dies ; according to Buchanan, in 858. Ethehvolf Chief King in England, had the year before ended his
Life,
-
true, as the Scotch
extended on that fide the Britifi Limits. If this be Writers themfelves witnefs (and who would think them
and was buried as his Father at'lVinchcJhr. He was from his Youth Mats Wed much addiftcd to Devotion , fo that in his Father's time he was ordain'd tor want of other legitimate IlLue, Bifhop of Wincbefter ; and unwillingly,
fuccecded him in the Throne ; managing therfore his greateft Affairs by the Activity of two Bifliops, Alftan of Sherburne, and Swithine of Wincbefter. But Alfian is noted of Covetoufnefs and Opprellion, by William of Malms- Malmf. no doubt for doing fom notable damage to that Suithunei bury ; the more vehemently
that Ethelrvolf at Rome, paid a Tri- Sigon. de Monaftery. The fame Author writes, However he were facil to his Son, reS n lcal ' his to continu'd bute to the Pope, days. and feditious Nobles, in yeilding up part of his Kingdom, yet his Queen he The Weft- Afier treated not the lefs honourably, for whomfoever it difpleas'd. Saxons had decreed ever fince the time of Eadbwga, the infamous Wife of Birtkric, that no Queen Ihould fit in State with the King, or be dignifi'd with But Ethelrvolf permitted not that Judith his Queen fhould the Title of Queen. At his Death, he divided the lofe any point of Regal State by that Law. Kingdom between his two Sons, Ethelbald, and Etbelbert } to the younger elder all the reft ; to Peter and Paul cerKent, EJfex, Surrey, Suffex, to the tain Revenues yearly, for what ufes let others relate, who write alfo his
-
Pedigree, from Son to Father, up to
Adam.
ETHELBALD,
and
ETHELBERT.
,
unnatural and difloyal to his Father, fell juftly into another, AlM t,m ETlxlbald, though contrary Sin, of too much love to his Father's Wife and whom at / firft he oppos'd coming into the Land, her now unlawfully marrying, he takes 860. into his Bed ; but not long enjoying, dy'd at three years end, without doan; Sax, to be two remember'd Years more with ; having worthy reign'd ing aught his Father, impioufly ufurping, and three after him, as unworthily inheriting. And his hap was all that while to be unmolefted by the Danes ; not of Divine Favour doubtlefs, but to his greater Condemnation, living the more fecurely his inceftuous Life. Huntingdon on the other fide much praifes Ethelbald, and writes him buried at Sherburn, with great forrow of the People, who mifs'd him long after. Mat. Weft, faith, that he repented of his Inceft with Judith, and difmifs'd her: but After an Eye-witnefs of thofe times, mentions no fuch
thing.
ETHELBERT
bert his
alone.
by Death remov'd, the whole Kingdom came rightfully to EtbelEThelbald next Brother. Who though a Prince of great Vertue and no blame, had as Ihort a Reign allotted him as his faulty Brother, nor that ib But they having landed in peaceful ; once or twice invaded by the Danes. the Weft with a great Army, and fack't Wincbefter, were met by Ofnc Earl of Southampton, and Ethelrvolf of Bark/hire, beat'n to thir Ships, and forc't to leave thir Booty. Five Years after, about the time of his Death, they fct foot again in Tanet; the Kentifhmen wearied out with fo frequent Alarms, came to agreement with them for a certain Sum of Money ; but ere the Peace could be iatifi'd, and the Money gather'd, the Danes impatient of delay byafudden Eruption in the night, foon wafted all the Eaft of Kent. Mean while or fomthing before, Etbelbert deceafirig was buried as his Brother at
Sherburn.
85
Sax.
5.
an
ETHEL RED:
8o
Book
ETHELRED.
856.
sin. an.
XTlbdred
Himtingd.
two Brothers,
the third, Son of Ethelwolf, at his firft coming to the Crown was entertain' d with a freih Invation of Danes, led by Hir.guar and Hiibba, who now had got footing among the Eajl-AngUs \ there they
$6~.
Sax. an.
of Peace with the Inhabitant's furniflfd themwinter'd, and coming to terms felvesof Horfes, forming by that means many Troops with Riders of thir own Thefe Pagans, After faith, came from the River Danubius. Fitted thus for a long Expedition, they ventur'd the next Year to make thir way over Land and over Humber, as far as Tork, them they found to thir hands im:
Aifer.
868.
After.
869.
Sim. Dun.
broild in civil DiHentions-, thir King Osbtrt they had thrown out, and Ella Leader of another Faction chofen in his room who both, though late, admonilh'd by thir common danger, towards the years end with united Powers made head againft the Danes and prevail'd \ but perfuing them over-eagerly into York, then but flenderly wall'd, the Northumbrians were every where alfo both flain, thir City flaughter d, both within and without ; thir Kings made thir could the reft as Peace, over-run and they burnt, ti\x\\Malmsbury, and Egbert of Englifh Race appointed King vanquiflVd as far as the River Tine, Bromton no antient Author (for he wrote lince Mat. Weft.') nor over them. of much credit, writes a particular caufe of the Dams coming to Tork : that Brucrn a Nobleman, whofe Wife King Osbert had ravifli'd, calfd in Hinguar and h'ubba to revenge him. The Example is remarkable if the Truth were as evident. Thence victorious, the Danes next year enter'd into Mercia towards Nottingham, whei e they fpent the Winter. Burhed then King of that Country, unable to refift, implores the Aid of Ethelred and young Alfred his Brother ^ they afTembling thir Forces and joining with the Mercians about Nottingham, offer Battel the Danes not daring to come forth, kept themfelves within that Town and Caftle, fo that no great Fight was hazarded there ; at length the Mercians weary of long Sufpence, enter'd into ConditiAfter which the Danes returning back to ons of Peace with thir Enemies. Tork, made thir Abode there the fpace of one Year, committing, fom fay,
,
870.
ingulf.
deftroyFury into Kefteven, ing that Country, about September another part of Lineolnfhire, where Algar the Earl of Hovoland, now Holland, with his Forces, and two hunderd ftout Souldiers belonging to the Abbey or Croiland, three hunderd from about Bofton, Morcard Lord of Brunne, with his numerous Family, well train'd and arm'd Ofgot Governour of Lincoln with 500 of that City, all joining together, gave Battel to the Danes, flew of them a great multitude, with three of thir Kings, and perfu'd the reft to thir
many
Cruelties.
Thence imbarking to
Lindfey,
and
all
the
Summer
they came with
like
Tents ; but the Night following Gothrun, Bafeg, Osketil, Halfden, and Hamond, five Kings, and as many Earls, Frcna, Hinguar., Hubba, Sidroc the elder and younger, coming in from feveral parts with great Forces and Spoils, great Neverthelefs Algar with fuch as part of the Englifh began to flink home. forfook him not, all next day in order of Battel facing the Danes, and fuftainingunmov'd the brunt of thir Affaults, could not with-hold his Men at laft from perfuing their counterfited Fight ; wherby op'nd and diforder'd, they fell into the Snare of thir Enemies, rufhing back upon them. Algar and thofe to a Hill fide, and all with fore-nam'd Captains refoluteMen, retreating him,
Haying of fuch as follow'd them, manifold thir own number, dy'd at length upon heaps of dead which they had made round about them. The Danes thence palling on into the Country of Eajl- Angles, rifl'd and burnt the Monaftery of Elie, overthrew Earl Wulketul with his whole Army, and lodg'd out the Winter at Thetford ; where King Edmund aflailing them, was with his whole Army put to flight, himfelf tak'n, bound to a ftake, andlhotto Death with Arrows, his whole Country fubdu'd. The next year with great Supplies, faith Huntingdon, bending thir march toward the IVeft-Saxons, the
g 7l#
Sax. an.
Afler.
only People now left in whom might feem yet to remain Strength or Courage likely to oppofe them, they came to Reading, fortify'd there between the two Rivers of Thames and Kenet, and about three days after fent out Wings of Horfe under two Earls to forage the Country ; but Ethelwulf Earl of Barlthir Earls, .(hire, at Engkfeild a Village nigh, encountered them, flew one of
and
Book
5.
Tf?e Hiftory
his and obtain'd a great Victory. Brother Alfred with the main Battail ; and the Danes iffuing forth, a bloody fide great Slaughter, in which Earl Etbclwulflotl his Fight began, on either Danes the but Life ; lofingno ground, kept thir place of ftanding to the end. Neither did the Englifh for this make lefs haft to another Conflict at Efcefdune or Afhdovon, four days after, where both Armies with thir whole Force on eiThe Danes were imbattaiPd in two great Bodies, the one led ther fide met. and Half den, thir two Kings, the other by fuch Earls as were apby Bafcai
of England. Four days after came the King himfelf and
81
the Englifh divided thir Powers, Etbelred the King pointed-, in like manner and itood againft thir Kings 5 though on the lower ground, and coming later his from the into Battail Orifons, gave a fierce Onfet, wherin Bafcu (the
Danifh Hiftory names him Ivarm the Son of Regnerm') was (lain. Alfred was the and Battail ere his the Brother came into Earls, beginning plac'd againft the Field, with fuch Resolution chargM them, that in the fhock moft of them werellain; they are nam'd Stdroc elder and younger, Osbcrn, Frean, Harold; at length in both Divilions, the Danes turn thir backs ; many thoufands of them cut off, the reft perfu'd till night. So much the more it may be wonder'd to hear next in the Annals, that the Danes 14 days after fuch an Overthrow fighting again with Etbelred and his Brother Alfred at Bafing, under Conduct, faith the Danifh Hiftory, of Agnerus and Hubbo, Brother? of the fince the new Supply of flain Ivants, fhould obtain the Victory ;
especially
Danes mentioffd by After, arriv'd after this Action. But after two Months Poncan. Hid, the King and his Brother fought with them again at Mcrtun, in two Squa- Dan.l. 4. drons as before, in which Fight hard it is to underftynd who had the better ; fo darkly do the Saxon Annals deliver thir meaning with more then wonted Yet thefe I take (for After is heerfilent) to be the Chief Fountain Infancy. of our Story, the Ground and Bans upon which the Monks later in time gl >fs and comment at thir plcafure. Neverthelefs it appears, that on the Saxon
part, not
Heamund
the Bilhop only, but
many
valiant
Men
loft thir Lives.
This Fight was follow'd by a heavy Summer Plague ; wherof, as is thought, Camden. King Etbeh-ed dy'd in the fifth of his Reign, and was buried at IVinburne, where his Epitaph inferibes that he had his Deaths Wound by the Danes, ac-
Of all thefe terrible Landings and Decording to the Dani/b Hiftory 872. by the Danes, from the days of Etbelwolf till thir two laft Battels with Etbelred, or of thir Leaders, whether Kings, Dukes, or Earls, the Dafo little Wit or Confcience it feems mfJj Hiftory of belt credit faith nothing they had to leave any Memory of thir brutifh rather then manly Actions ; unlefs we fhall fuppofe them to have com, as above was cited put of After ^ from Danubius, rather then from Denmark, more probably fome barbarous Nation of Pruftia, or Livonia, not long before feated more Northward on the Baltic Sea.
vaftations
,
ALFRED.
ALfred Obfequies,
the fourth Son of Etbelwolf, had fcarfe perform'd his Brothers and the Solemnity of his own Crowning, when at the Months end in haft with a fmall Power he encounter'd the whole Army of Danes at Wilton, and moft part of the day foil'd them ; but unwarily followwho returning ing the Chafe, gave others of them the advantage to rally upon him now weary, remain'd Mafters of the Field. This year, as is affirm'd in the Annals, nine Battels had bin fought againft the Danes on the South-fide of Thames, belides innumerable Excurfions made by Alfred and other Leaders ; one King, nine Earls were fall'n in fight, fo that weary on both (ides at the years end, League or Truce was concluded. Yet next year the 872. Danes took thir March to London, now expos'd to thir Prey, there they win- Sax. an* The year ter'd, and thether came the Mercians to renue Peace with them. following they rov'd back to the parts beyond Humber, but winter'd at Torkfey in Lincolnfhire, where the Mercians now the third time made Peace with them. Notwithftanding which, removing thir Camp to Rependune in Mercia, now 873. Repton upon Trent in Darbyfhire, and there wintring, they conftrain'd BurbedS- a ^ Ca d the King to fly into foren parts, making feifure of his Kingdom, he running "l 874 the direct way to Rome; with better reafon then his there Anceftors, dy'd
,
and
5 "'""'

and was buried
875Sax. an.
Book
5.
876.
Sax. an.
Florenc
Florent.
877Sax. an.
After.
His Kingdom the Danes farm'd out to Kelrrulf, one of his Houfhold Servants or Officers, with condiFrom Rependune they diftion to be refign'd them when they commanded. thir his of Hafden Army King leading part lodg'd, Northward, winter'd by the River Tine, and fubje&ing all thofe quarters, wafted alfo the Pitts and but Guthrun, Oskitell, and Anvoynd, other three of thir Kings, Briti/h beyond moving from Rependune, came with a great Army to Grantbrig, and remained But Alfred that Summer purpoling to try his Fortune there a whole year. with a Fleet at Sea (for he had found that the want of Shipping and neglect of Navigation had expos'd the Land to thefe Piracies) met with feven Danifh Rovers, took one, the reft efcaping ; an acceptable Succefs from fo fmall a beginning for the Englilh at that time were but little experiene'd in Sea-Affairs. The next years firft motion of the Danes was towards Warham-CaMe, where Alfred meeting them, either by Policy, or thir doubt of his Power j Ethelrverd faith, by Money brought them to fuch terms of Peace, as that they fwore to him upon a hallow'd Bracelet, others fay upon certain Reliques (a folemn Oath it feems which they never voutfaf'd before to any other Nation) forthwith to depart the Land: but fallifying that Oath, by night with all the Horfe they had {Affer faith, flaying all the Horfemen he had) ftole to Exeter, and there winter'd. In Northumberland Hafden thir King began to fettle, to divide the Land, to till, and to inhabit. Mean while they in the Weft who were march'd to Exeter, enter'd the City, courling now and then to Warham ; but thir Fleet the next year failing or rowing about the Weft, met with fuch a Tempeft necr to Swanfrvich or Gnavewic, as wrack'd 1 20 of thir Ships, and left the reft eafy to be mafter'd by thofe Gallies which Alfred had fet there to guard the Seas, and ftreitn Exeter of Provifion. He the while beleagering them in the City, now humbl'd with the lofs of thir Navy, (two Navies, faith Affer, the one at Gnavewic, the other at Srvanrvine) diftrefs'd them fo, as that they gave him as many Hoftages as he requir'd, and as many Oaths, to keep thir covnanted Peace, and kept it. For the Summer coming on, they departed into Mercia, wherof part they divided amongft themfelves, part
in a
: :
Church by the Englifh School.
878.
Sax. an.*
The Twelftide following, all Oaths Kclwulf thir fubftituted King. to came in Wiltfhire, difpeopling the Countries forgott n, they Chippenham others round, difpolTelfing fom, driving beyond the Sea ; Alfred himfelf with a fmall Company was fore'dto keep within Woods and Fenny Places, and for
left to
fom time
Sim. Dun.
chejler.
made afterwards
alone, as Florent faith, fojourn'd with Dunxvulf a Swine-herd, for his Devotion and Aptnefs to Learning Bilhop of WinHafden and the Brother of Hinguar coming with 23 Ships from Northall
'
Affer.
Camden.
Wales, where they had made great fpoih, landed in Devon/hire, nigh to a ftrong Caftle nam'd Kinwith ; where by the Garifon ilTuing forth unexpectedly, Mean while the King about they were flain with 12 hunderd of thir Men. his not built a at a place call'd Athelney Fortrefs Affairs, Eafler, defpairingof in Somerfetfhire, therin valiantly defending himfelf and his Followers, frequently fallying forth. The qth Week after he rode out to a place call'd Ecbryt-fione in the Eaft part of Selwood : thether reforted to him with much Gratulation the Somerfet and Wiltfhire Men, with many out of Ham/hire, fom of whom a little before had fled thir Country ; with thefe marching to Ethandune, now Edindon in Wiltfhire, he gave Battel to the whole Danifh Power, and put them to flight. Then befeiging thir Caftle, within fourteen days took it. Malmsbury writes, that in this time of his Recefs, to go a Spy into the Danifh Camp, he took upon him with one Servant the Habit of a Fidler ; by this means gaining accefs to the King's Table, and fomtimes to his Bed-Chamber, got krfowledg of thir Secrets, thir carelefs encamping, and therby this The Danes by this Misfortune opportunity of aflailing them on a fudden. him more thir Oaths to depart out of his and renu'd brok'n, gave Hoftages,
Camd.
S79.
Sax, an.
Kingdom. Thir King Gytro or Gothrun offer'd willingly to receave Baptifm, and accordingly came with 30 of his Friends to a place call'd Aldra or Aulre, neer to Athelney, and were baptiz'd at Wedmore; where Alfred recea\'d him. out of the Font, and nam'd him Athelftan. After which they abode with him 12 days, and were difmifs'd with rich Prefents. Wherupon the Danes remov'd next year to Cirencefler, thence peaceably to the Eafl-Angles ; <*'bich Alfred, as fom write, had beftow'd on. Gothrun to hold of him-, the Sounds wherof
Book
5.
The Hi/lory
of
England.
Others of them went vvherof may be read among the Laws of Alfred. to Fulham on the Tliames, and joining there with a great Fleet nevvl^ com into the River, thence pafs'd over into France and Flanders, both which they enter'd fo far conquering or wafting, as witneis d lufficiand Flemi/h were no more able then the Englifh, ently, that the French to or keep off that Danijh Inundation from thir Land. Prowefs, by Policy of and rid thus them, Alfred intending for the future, to prevent thir landing ; 882. three years after (quiet the mean while) with more Ships and better providSk an; met with four of wherof to andatfirft two he Sea, theirs, ed, puts took, two with men then the wherin were two or over-board, others, throwing thir Princes, and took them alfo, but not without fom lofs of his own. After three years another Fleet of them appcar'd on thefe Seas, fo huge that one part 885. SaS an; thought themfelves fufficient to enter upon E aft -France, the other came to Rochewithin ftoutly defending themfelves till fler, and beleaguer'd it,- they Alfred with great Forces, coming down upon the Danes, drove'them to thir Ships, leaving for haft all thir Horfes behind them. .The fame year Alfred fent a Fleet toward the Eaft- Angles, then inhabited by the Danes, which at the mouth Sim. Dun; of Stow, meeting with 16 Danifh Ships, after fom fight took them all, and Hew all the Souldiers aboard but in thir way home lying carelefs, were over-
tak'n by another part of that Fleet, and came off with lofs wherupon perhaps thofe Danes who were fettl'd among the Eaji- Angles, erefted with new hopes, violated the Peace which they had fworn to Alfred, who fpent the next
:
SStf. year in repairing London, (befeiging, faith Huntingdon) much ruin'd and tinSlK an the all but thofe who Danes had the bin led Londoners, ; peopl'd by away Cap1 tive, foon return d to thir Dwellings, and Etbred Duke of Mercia-, was by the Sim. Dim: 893. King appointed thir Governour. But after 3 years refpit of Peace, another Danifh Fleet of 250 Sail, from the Eaft part of France arriv'd at the mouth of
-
a River in Eaft Kent, call'd Limen, nigh to the great Wood Andred, famous for lengthand bredth ; into that Wood they drew up thir Ships four mile from
After whom Haeften with another the Rivers mouth, and built a Fortrefs. Danifh Fleet of 80 Ships, entring the mouth of Thames, built a Fort at Middlcton, the former Army remaining at a place call'd Apeltre. Alfred perceaving of thofe Danes who dwelt in Northumberland, a new Oath of Fidethis, took and of thofe in Effex Hoftages, left they mould join, as they were lity,
wont, with thir Countrymen newly arriv'd. And by the next year having got together his Forces, between either Army of the Danes encamp'd fo as
to be ready for either of them, who firft fhould happ'n to ftir forth \ Troops of Horfe alfo he fent continually abroad, aflifted by fuch as could be fpar'd from ftrong places, wherever the Countries wanted them, to encounter foThe King alfo divided fomtimes his whole raging parties of the Enemy. with out one la part by turns, the other keeping intrencht. Army, marching conclulion rowling up and down, both fides met at Farnbdm iri Surrey ; where the Danes by Alfreds Horfe Troops were put to flight, and eroding the Thames to a certain Hand neer Coin in Ejj'ex, or as Camden thinks, by Colebrook, were befeig'd there by Alfred till Provilion fail'd the befeigers, another" part Haul behind with thir King wounded. Mean while Alfred preparing to reinforce the feige in Colney, the Danes of Northumberland breaking Faith, came by Sea to the Eaft- Angles, and with a hundred Ships coafting Southward, landed in Devon/hire, and befeig'd Exeter , thether Alfred halted with his Powers, except a Squadron of Welch that came to London : with whom the Citizens marching fortf to Beamflet, where Haeften the Dane had built a ftrong Fort, and left a Garifon, while he himfelf with the main of his Army was enter'd far into the Country, luckily furprife the Fort, mafter the Garifon, make prey of all they find there i thir Ships alfo they burnt or brought away with good Booty, and many Prifners, among whom the Wife and two Sons of Hcaften were fent to the King, who forthwith fet them at liberty. Wherupon Heajleri gaveOathof Amity and Hoftages to the King , he in requital, whcrhei freely or by agreement, a fum of Money. Ncverthelefs without regard 01 Faith was while bufied about Alfred giv'n, Exeter, joining with the other Danifh built another he Caftlc in Army, Ejj'ex at Shvberie, thence marching Weftward by the Thames, aided with the Northumbrian and Eafi-Anglifh Danes, they came at If dgth to Severn^ pillaging all in thir way. But, Ethnd, Lu and
1
Ss>4-;" Sax, an;
Ethel
tbj.
84
Camden.
The Hi [lory of England.
Book
5.
Ethelnoth, the Kings Captains, with united Forces pitch'd nigh to them at Buttingtun, on the Severn Bank in Montgomery-Jhire, the River running between, and there many Weeks attended ; the King mean while blocking up the Danes ho befeig'd Exeter, having eat'n part ot thir Horfes, the -reft urg'd with Hunger broke forth to thir fellows, who lay encampt on the Eaft-fide of the River, and were all there difcomfited with fom lofs of valiant men on the Kings party the reft fled back to Ejfex and thir Fortrefs there. Then Lafy one of thir Leaders, gather'd before Winter a great Army of Northumbrian
,
Sax /'
Sim.Dun.
Florent.
Country round to cut off from them all Provilion, and departed. Soon after which, ne year, the Danes no longer able to hold Wirbeal, deftitute of Vittles, entei'd North-Wales; thence lad'n with Spoils, part returned into Northumvid, others to the Eaft-Angles as far as Ejfex, where they feiz'd on a fmall Hand call'd Merefig. And heer again the Annals record them to befeige ExeOthers relate to this purpofe, ter, but without coherence of fenfe or ftory. that returning' by Sea from the Seige of Exeter, and in thir way landing on the Coaft of Sujfix, they of Chicefter rallied out and i!ew of them many hunThe fame year they who poffefs'd derds, taking alfo fome of thir Ships.
and Eaft Anglifh Danes, who leaving thir Money, Ships, and Wives with the Ea(l- Angles, and marching day and night, fat down before a City in the Weft call'd Wirheal neer to Chefter, and took it ere they could be overtak'n. The after two daies the wafted Englifh Seige, hopelefs todiflodg them,
896".
\:...
an.
Merifig, intending to winter therabont, drew up thir Ships, fom into the Thames, others into the River Lee, and on the Bank therof built a Caftle twenty miles from London ; to aflault which the Londoners aided with other I ovcesmnrch'd cut the Summer following, but w?re foon put to flight,
lofing
*
$97Sa:-:.
an.
by But the King ftealth, robbing on the South-fhoar in certain long Gallies. caufing to be built others twice as long as ufually were built, and fome of 60 or 70 0:rs higher, fwifter and fteddier then fuch as were in ufe before either with Danes or Frifons^ his own Invention, fom of thefe he fent out againft fix Danifh Pirats, who had don much harm in the He of Wight, and parts adThe bickering was doubtful and intricate, part on the Water, joining. part on the Sands ; not without lofs of fom eminent men on the Englifh fide. The Pirats at length were either flain or taken, two of them ftranded ; the men brought to Winchefter^ where the King then was, were executed by his command ; one of them efcap'd to the Eaft- Angles, her men much wounded: the fame year not fewer then twenty of thir Ships perifh'd on the South Coaft with all thir men. And Rollo the Dane or Norman landing heer, as Matt. Weft, writes, though not in wh3t part of the Hand, after an unfuccefsful fight againft thofe Forces which firft oppos'd him, faifd into France and conquered the Country, fince that time called Normandy. This is the fum of whatpafs'd
four of the Kings Captains. Huntingdon writes quite the contrary, that thefe but little Credit'is to four were Danifb Captains, arid the overthrow theirs be plac'd in Huntingdon fingle. For the King therupon with his Forces, lay encamp't neerer the City, that the Danes might not infelt them in time of Harveft ; in the mean time, futtlely deviling to turn ee-ftream feveral waies, wherby the Danifh Bottoms were left on dry Ground: which they loon perceaving, march d over Land to Quatbrig on the Severn, built a Fortrefs, and winter'd there while thir Ships left in Lee, were either brok'n or brought but thrr Wives and Children they had left in fafety the Londoners awaj by \ with the Eaft-Anjcs. The next year was Peftilent, and befides the common fort took away many great Earls, Kelmond in Kent, Brithulf in Ejfex, Wulfred in Hamfhire, w h many others , and to this evil the Danes ot Northumberland and Eaft-Angles ceas'd not to endamage the Wcfi-Saxons, efpecially
:
,
'
down fo perthe Saxon with as with much ado plexly by Annalift, ill-gifted utterance, can beunderftood fomtimes what is fpok'n, whether meant of the Danes, or of the Saxons. After which troublefom time, Alfred enjoying three years of Peace, by him fpent, as his manner was, not idely or voluptuoufiy, but in all
in three years againft the Danes, returning out of France, fet
90c.
After
.
vertuous emploimentsboth of Mind and Body, becoming a Prince of his Renown, ended his daies in the year 900, the 51^ of his Age, the 30th of his Reign, and was buried regally at Winchcfter ; he was born at a place call'd Wanading in B.irlfl:ire, his Mother Oskoga the Daughter of Oflae the Kings
Cup-
Book
5a Goth
The
"England.
jj
He was of Perfon by Nation, and of noble Defccnt. Cup-bearer, comlier then all his Brethren, of pleafmg Tongue and graceful Behaviour, the fondnefs of his Parents towards ready Wit and Memory , yet through till the twelfth to read bin not had year of his Age } but the taught him, which was' in him, foon appear'dby his conning of Saxof ddire Learning great on Poem 'right, which with great attention he heard by others rebolides excellent at Hunting, and the new Art then of HawkHe was peated. collected into a Book certain ing, but more exemplary in Devotion, having ever with him in his Bofom to ufe on all which he carried and Prayers Pfafras, and oft complain'd that in ed all liberal after He thirft ,occ3(ions. Knowledg, his Youth he had no Teachers, in his middle Age lb little vacancy from Wars and the cares of his Kingdom \ yet leafure he found fomtimes, not only to learn much himfelf, but to communicate thcrof what he could to his People, by tranflating Books out of Latin into Englifh, Orojlus, Boetbius, BecWs Hiftory and others ; permitted none unlern'd to bear Office, either in Court or Common-wealth- At twenty years of Age not yet reigning, he took to Wife EgdfThe extremities which befel a Mercian Earl. pitbfl the^Daughter of gthelred told Neotbm Abbot him in the fixt of his Reign, him, were juftly com upon the his in him for neglecting Complaints of fuch as injur'd and younger days Perfon in the Kingdom, for Redrefs , as then fecond to rermr'd im, opprefs'd which neglect were it fuch indeed, were yet excufable in a Youth, through to be dctain'd long with fad and forrowful jollity of mind unwilling perhaps Narrations } but from the time of his undertaking Regal charge, no man more
-.
,
more inquiiitive in examining, more exact in doing and providing good Laws, which are yet extant} more fevere in puniming unjuft Judges or qbftinate Offenders. Theeves efpecially and Robbers, to the terror of whom in crofs waies were hung upon a high Poll certain Chains of Cold, as it were daring any one to take them thence ; fo that to triumph: no man then Juifice feem'din hisdaiesnot to fiourifh only, but he more frugal of two pretious things in mans life, his'Time and his Revenue-} His time, the day, and night, he dino man wifer in the dilpofal of both. itributed by the burning of certain Tapours into three equal Portions } the one was for Devotion, t lie other for public or private Affairs, the third for bodily refrefhment ; how each hour paft, he was put in mind by one who had that Office. His whole annual Revenue, which his fir ft care was fliould be the firft he implofd to fejultly his own, he divided into two equal parts} the firft to pay his into cular ufes, and fubdivided tliofe three, Souldiers, Houlhold-Sei wants and Guard, of which divided into three Bands, one attended monthly by turn } the fecond was to pay his Architects and Workmen, whom he had got together of feveral Nations } for he was alfo an elegant Builder, above the Cuftom and conceit of Englishmen in thofedays } the third he had in read inefs to releive or honour Straffgers according to thir worth, who came from all parts to fee him, and to live under him. The other equal part of his yearly Wealth he dedicated to religious ufes, thofe of four forts } the firft to releive the Poor, the fecond to the building and maintenance fpi two Monafterics, the third of a School, where he had perfyvaded the Sons of many Noblemen to itudy facred Knowledg and liberal Arts, fism fay at Oxford the fourth was for the relief of Foren Churches, as far as India to Malmf; the flirine of St. rtomas, fending thether Sigelm Bifhopof Sberbum, who both return'd fafe, and brought with him many rich Gems and Spices } gifts alfo and a Letter he receav'd from the Patriarch of Jcrufalem ; fent many to Rome, and for them receav'd veliques. Thus far, and much more might be faid of his noble mind which rendered him the miror of Princes } his Body wasdifeas'd'in his Youth with a great forenefs in the Seige, and that ceafing of it felf, with another inward pain of unknown caufe, which held him by frequent fits to his dying day yet not diiinabl'd to fuflain thofe many glorious Labours of his Life both in Peace and War.
patient in hearing canfes,
Juftice,
:, ,
EDWARD
86
TheHiflory of England.
Book
EDWARD
Mal.nf.
the Elder.
extent of EDward
Huntingd.
901.
Sax. an.
902. 905.
Sax. an.
Reign had much difturbance by Etbdrvald an ambitious young Man, Son of the King's Uncle, or Coufin German, or Brother, for his Genealogy is varioufly deliver^. He vainly avouching to have equal right with Edward of Succellion to the Crown, poifefs'd himfelf of Winburn in Dorfet, and another Town diverlly nam'd, giving out that there he would live or die ; but encompafs'd with the King's Forces at Badbury a place nigh, his Heart failing him, he ftole out by night, and fled to the Dani/h Army beyond Humbcr. The King fent after him, but not overtaking, found his Wife in the Town, whom he had married out of a Nunnery, and commanded her to be fent back thither. About this time the Kenti/h Men, againft a multitude of Dani/h Pirats, fought Etbdrvald aided by profperoufly at a place call'd Holme, as Hoveden records. Northumbrians with Shipping, three Years after, failing to the Eaft- Angles, perfwaded the Danes there to fall into the Kind's Territory, who marching with him as far as Crecklad, and palling the Thames there, waited as far beyond as they durft venture, and lad'n with Spoils return'd home. The King with his Powers making fpeed after them, between the Dike and Oufe, fuppos'd to be Suffolk and Cambridg/lvre, as far as the Fens Northward, laid waft
before him. Thence intending to return, he commanded that all his Arfhould follow him clofe without delay , but the Kenti/h Men, though oft'n my
all
the Son of Alfred fucceeded, in Learning not equal, in Power Dominion furpafling his Father. The beginning of his
and
upon, lagging behind, the Dam/l) Army prevented them, and join'd Battel with the King where Duke Sigulf and Earl S'igelm, with many other of the Nobles were flain , on the Danes part, Eoric thir King, and Ethelwald the Author of this War, with others of high note, and of them greater numcall'd
:
ber, but with great ruin on both fides ; yet the Lanes kept in thir Power the burying of thir flain. Whatever follow'd upon this Conflict, which we read
907.
Sax.
an.
910.
Sax. an.
911.
Say. an.
Ethel were! .
91 2.
Sax. an.
913.
Sax. an.
917.
Sax.
an.
after with the Danes, both of Eaft-Angles and concluded Peace, which continu'd three Years, by whomNorthumberland, foever brok'n for at the end therof King Edward raifing great Forces out 'of Weft. Sex and Mercia, fent them againft the Danes beyond Humber ; where Haying five weeks, they made great fpoil and (laughter. The King offer'd them terms of Peace, but they rejecting all, enter'd with the next year into Mercia, rendring no lefs Hoftility then they had fufFer'd ; but at Tetnal in Stafford/hire, faith Florent, were by the Englifh in a fet Battel overthrown. King Edward then in Kent, had got together of Ships about a hundred Sail, The Danes now fuppoling others gon Southward came back and met him. that his main Forces were upon the Sea, took liberty to rove and plunder up and down, as hope of prey led them, beyond Severn. The King guefiing what might imbold'n them, fent before him the lighteft of his Army to entertain them ; then following with the reft, fet upon them in thir return over Santbrig in Glofler/hire, and flew many thousands, among whom Ecwils, Ha/den, and Hmguar thir Kings, and many other harm Names in Huntingdon ; the place alio of this fight is varioufly writt'n by Ethelwerd and Florent, call'd The year following Ethred Duke of Mercia, to whom Alfred Wodensftild, had giv'n London, with his Daughter in Marriage ; now dying, King Edward refum'd that City, and Oxford, with the Countries adjoining, into his own hands, and the year after, built, or much repair'd by his Souldiers, the Town of Hertford on either fide Lee ; and leaving a fafficient number at the work, march'd about middle Summer, with the other part of his Forces into EJJlx, and encamp'd at Maldon, while his Souldiers built Witham ; where a good part of the Country, fubject formerly to the Danes, yeilded themfelves to his Protection. Four years after ( Florent allows but one year ) the Danes from Lciftcr and Northampton, falling into Oxford/hire, committed much Rapine, and in fom Towns therof great {laughter^ while another party wafting Hertford/hire, met with other Fortune ; for the Country-People inur'd now to fucii kind of Incurlions, joining ftoutly together, fell upon the Spoilers, and recover'd thir own Goods, with fom Booty from thir Enemies. About the fame time Elfled the King's Sifter fent her Army of Mercians into
not, the
King two years

:
Wales,
Book
5.
The
Hiftorji
of England.
87
Wales who routed the Welch, took the Caftle of Brknam-mere by Brecknock, Hunt'mgd. CamdeW. and brought away the King's Wife of that Country with other Pris'nci s. a (harp Not long after fhe took Derby from the Danes, and the Cattle by But the year enfuing brought a new Fleet of Danes to Lidrvic in Allault. g Devon/hire, under two Leaders, Otter and Roald; who failing thence Wdfc- Sax au> ward about the Land's end, came up to the mouth of Severn ; there landing wafted the Welch Coaft, and lrchenfeild part of Hereford/hire ; where they took Kuneleac a Britifh Bifhop, for whofe Ranfom King Edward gave forty Pound but the Men of Hereford and Glofterjhire aflembling, put them to riight ; to a Qaying Roald and the Brother of Otter, with many more, perfu'd them to give Hoftages of prefent departhem befet there and compell'd Wood, ture. The King with his Army fat not far off, fecuring from the South of
'
Severn to Avon ; fo that op'nly they durft nOt, by night they twice ventured to land ; but found fuch welcom, that few of them came back ; the reftanchor'd by a fmall Hand where many of them famifh d ; then failing to a place
call'd
Deomed, they crofs'd into Ireland. The King with his Army went to a month, and built two Caftles or Forts on eith e r Buckingham, ftaid there Bank of Oufe ere his departing ; and Turkitel a Daniflj Leader, with thofe of him fubje&ion. Wheru; on the next year 9W. Bedford and Northampton, yeilded he came wich his Army to the Town of Bedford, took pofjcflion therof, Sax. an ftaid there a month, and gave order to build another part ot the Town, on the South-lide of Oufe. Thence the year following went again to Maldon, 9 " Turkitel the Dane having fmall the Town. hope to " repair'd and fortifi'd Sax thrive heer, where things with fuch prudence were manag'd againft his Inwith as many Voluntaries as would follow him, tereft, got leave of the King, the next year King Edward re-edifi'd Tovechefttr, to pais into France. Early Q2 , now Torchefler; and another City in the Annals call'd Wigingmere, Mean sax. an. while the Danes of Leifter and Northampton/hire, not liking perhaps to be laid fiege to Torchefler ; f_ but they within neighboured with ftrong Towns, whole one till the Aflault day Supplies came 3 quitted the Siege repelling by night; and perfu'd clofe by the belieg'd, between Birnwud and Ailsbury were furpriz'd, many of them made Pris'ners, and much of thir Baggage Other of the Danes at Huntingdon, aided from the Eaft- Angles, findloft. that Caftle not commodious, left it, and built another at Temsford, ing that place more opportune from whence to make thir Excurfions ; judging and foon after went forth with delign to zRa.\\ Bedford : but the Garifon ifluAfter this a greater Army ing out, flew a great part of them, the reft fled. of them gather'd out of Mercia and the Eaft- Angles, came and belieg'd the City call'd Wigingmere a whole day but finding it defended ftoutly by them within, thence alfo departed, driving away much of thir Cartel wherupon the Englilh from Towns and Cities round about joining Forces, laid Siege to ths Town and Caftle of Temsford, and by aflault took both ; Hew thir King with Toglea a Duke, and Mannan his Son an Earl, with all the reft there found ; who chofe to die rather then yeild. Encourag'd by this, the Men of Kent, Surrey, and part of .Ejfex, enterprife the Siege of Colcbcfter, nor gave over till they won it, facking the Town and putting to Sword all the Danes therin, except fom who efcap'd over the Wall. To the fuccour of thefe, a great number of Danes inhabiting Ports and other Towns in the EaftAngles, united thir Force} but coming too late, as in revenge belcagured Maldon ; but that Town alio timely reliev'd,they departed, not only fruftrate of thir Delign, but fo hotly perfu'd, that many thoufands of them loft thir Lives in the flight. Forthwith King Edward with his Weft-Saxons went to there to guard the Pafiage, while others were building a Pafsham upon Oufe, Stone Wall about Torchefler; to him there Earl Thurfert, and other Lord Danes, with thir Army therabout as far as Weolud, came and fubmitted. Wherat the King's Souldiers joyfully cry'd out to be difmifs't home therfore with another part of them he enter'd Huntingdon, and repair'd it, where Breaches had bin made ; all the People therabout returning to Obedience. The like was don at Colnchejler by the next remove of his Army ; after which both Eaft and Weft-Angles, and the Danifh Forces among them, yeilded to the King, fwearing Allegiance to him both by Sea and Land the Army alfo of Danes at Grantbrig, furrendring themfelves, took the fame Oath. The Sum-,
mer
g8
9 2.
->
The Hijloryof England.
Book
5.
Sax. an.'
mer following he came with his Army to Stamford, built a Caftle there on the South-fide of the River, where all the People of thofe quarters acknowhis Abode there, Elfled his Sifter, a martial him
ledge
Supreme.
During
Woman, who
after her Husband's
Death would no more marry, but gave her
fomfelf to public Affairs, repairing and fortifying many Towns, warring the cheif Seat of Mercia, wherof by Gift ot Alfred at Tamwortb times, dy'd wherby that whole Nation became obeher Father, fhe was Lady or Queen dient to King Edward, as did alfo North-Wales, with Howcl, Cledaucus, and Thence palling to Nottingham, he enter'd and repair'd thir
,
Jtotbwe'.l,
the
Town,
in
923.
Sax.
an.
all
and receav'd Fealty from plac'd there part Englifh, part Danes, The next Mercia of either Nation. Autumn, coming with his Army
Kings.
924.
Sax. an.'
into Chefhire, he built and fortify'd Tlxlvptl ; and while he ftaid there, call'd another Army out of Mercia, which he fent to repair and fortify Manchefter. About Midfummer following he march'd again to Nottingham, built a Town over againft it on the South-lide of that River, and- with a Bridg join'd them both ; thence journied to a place call'd Bedecanwillan in Pittland ; there alfo hobuilt and fene'd a City on the Borders, where the King of Scots did him did the like with the w hole Scotijh Nation } nour as to his
Sovran, together
the Son of Eadulf, Danifh Princes, with all the Northumbrians, Reginald and The King alfo of a People therabout call'd Streatboth Englifh and Danes.
gledwalli,
Buch. 16,
Strat-Cluid in Denbigb/]nre y (the North-Welch, as Camden thinks, of of did him the homage, and not undeBriti/hCumberland) perhaps rather this that \\imk\i Vox Buchanan confefles, ferv'd! King Edward with a fmall overthrew in a great Battel the his to of Men number Enemies, compar'd whole united Power both of Scots and Danes, flew moll of the Scotifh Nobi-
Buch.
1.
6.
925.
Sax.
an.'
Huntingd. Mat. weft.
and fore'd Malcolm, whom Conftantine the Scotch King had made Geneof his Crown, to fave himfelf by flight fore wounded. ral, and defign'd Heir Of 'the Englifh he makes Athelftan the Son of Edward chief Leader and fo far feems to confound Times and Adtions, as to make this Battel the fame with that fought by Athelftan about 24 years after at Bruneford, againft Anlaf and Conftantine, wherof hereafter. But here Buchanan takes occafion to inthem with Ignorance, who afveigh againft the Englifh Writers, upbraiding of have bin to Britain, Conftantine the Scotifh firm Athelftan fupreme King held of him and denies that in the Annals of Mahave to others with King fhall not ftand much ri anus Scot us, any mention is to be found therof ; which I to contradift, for in Marianus, whether by Surname or by Nation Scouts, will be found as little mention of any other Scotifh Affairs, till the time of King Dunchad flain by Machetad, or Mackbeth, in the year 1 040. which gives caufe of fufpition, that the Affairs of Scotland before that time were fo obfeureas to be unknown to thir own Countryman, who liv'd and wrote his Chronicle But King Edward thus nobly doing, and thushonour'd, the not long after. a Builder and Reftorer ev'n in War, not a year following dy'd at Farendon ; had He his of Land. by feveral Wives many Children ; his eldeft Deftroyer in he Dall ghter Edgith Marriage to Charles King of France, Grandchild gave of Charles the Bald above-mention'd j of the reft in place convenient. His
lity,
,
Laws are yet
Alfred his Father. the Heir of his Crown.

Sim.Dun,
He was buried at Winchefter, in the Monaftery by a few days after him dy'd Ethclwerd his eldeft Son, He had the whole Hand in fubjedtion, yet fo as petty after Ecbert whom the Danes Kings reign'd under him. In Northumberland, thir Yoke, at the end of under had fet up, and the Northumbrians yet unruly was fet one fix years had expell'd, up King, and bore the name three Ricfig and Cuthred the another latter, if we beleeve Legends, , Ecbert, years } then and enjoyn'd command of St. Cudbert, in a Vifion of a Servant madeKing by his for well fame to the of many Lands Vifion Royalty pay Saint, by another the Storie. to But now and his Church to and Monaftery.
to be feen.
And
Privileges
JTHEL-
Book
5.
TbeHijloryof England.
8p
AT HE L ST AN.
next
in
Age
to Etbelward his Brother,
who
deceas'd untimely
few days before, though born of a Concubin, yet for the great apATbelflan, in him, and his Brethren being yet under Age, was pearance of many Vertues exalted to the Throne at K'tngflon upon Thames, and by his Father's lalt Will, 925. faith Malmsbury, yet not without fom oppofition of one Alfred and his Accomplices who not liking he mould reign, had confpir'd to feife on him afBut theConfpirators difcoter his Father's Death, and to put out his Eyes. was fent to Rome, to affert his Innocence Malmf. ver'd, and Alfred denying the Plot, where taking his Oath on the Altar, he fell down immedibefore the Pope out by his Servants, three days after dy'd. Mean while atly, and carry'd tn<z Humber Danes, though much aw'd, were not idle. lnguald, one beyond of thir Kings, took poffeflion of Tork ; Sitric, who fom years before had (lain Sim. Dun, Niel his Brother, by force took Davenport in Cbefhire ; and however he defended thefe doings, grew fo confiderable, that Athelflan with great Solemni- Malmf. but he enjoy'd her not long, dying ere Mar. Weft, ty gave him his Sifter Edgitb to Wife the years end, nor his Sons Anlaf and Gutbfert the Kingdom, driv n out the 927. next year by Athelflan ; not unjuftly faith Huntingdon, as being firft Raifers of Sax. an. Simeon calls him Gudfrid a Britifh King, whom Athelflan this year the War. drove out of his Kingdom ; and perhaps they were both one, the name and time not much differing, the place only miltak'n. Malmsbury differs in the name alfo, calling him Aldulf a certain Rebel. Them alfo I wifli as much
-, ,
write that Atbelftan, jealous of his younger Brother Edwin's towardly Vertues, leaft added to the right of Birth, they might fom time or other call in queftion his illegitimate Precedence, caus'd him to be drown'd in 933. the Sea ; expos'd, fom fay, with one Servant in a rott'n Bark, without Sail Sim. Dun, or Oar-, where the Youth far off Land, and in rough Weather defpairing, threw himfelf over-board ; the Servant more patient, got to Land and reported the Succefs. But this Malmsbury confers to be fung in old Songs, not read in warrantable Authors and Huntingdon fpeaks as of a fad Accident to Athelflan, that he loft his Brother Edwin by Sea ; far the more credible, in that Athelflan, as is writt'n by all, tenderly lov'd and bred up the reft of his And the year follow- 934. Brethren, of whom he had no lefs caufe to be jealous. better then from fo a he foul Fact, palling into Scotland with Sax. an. ing profper'd great Puiffance, both by Sea and Land, and charing his Enemies before him, sim D n
miftak'n,
:
who
''
by Land
caufe of
Sitric,
Son of thether fled, though not deny'd at length by Conflantine, who with Eugcnim King of Cumberland, at a place call'd Dacor or Dacre in that Shire, furrender'd himfelf and each his Kingdom to Athelflan, who brought back with him for Hoftage the Son of Conflantine. But Gudfert efcaping in the FIorenM
as far as Dunfeoder and Wertermore, by Sea as far as Catbnefs. this Expedition, faith Malmsbury, was to demand Gudfert the
The
mean while out of
Scotland, and Conflantine exafperated by this Invafion, perfwaded Anlaf the other Son of Sitric then fled into Ireland, others write Anlaf Florenr< D King of Ireland and the lies, his Son in law, with 615 Ships, and the KingofS' Cumberland with other Forces, to his Aid. This within four years effected, 93^. lx '* they enter'd England by Humber, and fought with Athelflan at a place call'd ^. it term others others Wendune, Bruneford, which Ingulf places Brunanburg, beyond Humber, Camden in Glendale of Northumberland on ia& Scotch Borders ; thebloodie Fi?,ht, fay Authors, that ever this Hand faw todefcribe which the Saxon Annalift wont to be fober and fuccinft, whether the fame or another Writer, now labouring under the weight of his Argument, and overcharge, runs on a fudden into fuch extravagant Fanfies and Metaphors, as bare him quite belide the Scope of being underftood. Huntingdon, though himfelf peccant enough in this kind, tranferibes him word for word as a Paftimeto'his Readers. (hall only fum up what of him I can attain, in ufual Language. The Battel was fought eagerly from Morning till Night ; fom fell of King Edward's old Army, try'd in many a Battel before ; but on the
111 '
'-"i-
other fide great multitudes, the reft fled to thir Ships. Five Kings, and feven of Anlaf s chief Captains, were flain on the place, with froda a Norman Leader-, Conftantme efcap'd home, but loft his Son in the Fight, if I underftand
9c
Hand my Author
;
Book
5.
941.
Sax. an.
ij
Anlaf by Sea to Dublin, with a fmall Remainder of his great Hoaft. Malmsbury relates this War, adding many Circumftances after this manner: That Anlaf joining with Conftantine and the whole Power of Scotland, beiides thofe which he brought with him out of Ireland, came on far Southwards, till Athelfian who had retir'd on fet purpofe to be the furer of his Enemies, enclos'd from all Succour and Retreat, met him at Bruneford. Anlaf perceaying the Valour and Refolution of Athelfian, and miftrufting his own forces, though numerous, refolv'd fiift to fpy in what pofture his Enemies hy and imitating perhaps what he heard attempted by King Alfred the Age before, in the habit of a Mulician, got accefs by his Lute and Voice to the King's Tent, there playing both the Minflrel and the then towards Spy Evening difmifs'd, he was obferv'd by one who had bin his Souldier, and well knew him, viewing earneftly the Kings Tent, and what Approaches lay about it, then in the Twilight to depart. The Souldier forthwith acquaints the King, and by him blam'd for letting go his Enemy, anfwer'd, that he had givn firft his military Oath to Anlaf, whom if he had betray'd, the King might fufpeft him of like treafonous Mind towards himfelf; which to disprove, he advis'd him to remove his Tent a good diftance ofF; and fo don, it happ'nd a Bifhop with his Retinue that_ coming that Night to the Army, his Tent in the fame from whence the King had remov'd. pich'd place Anlaf coming by night as he had delign'd, to aliault the Camp, and efpecially the King's Tent, finding there the Bifhop in ftead, flew him with all his Followers. Athelfian took the Alarm, and as it feems, was not found fo unprovided, but that the day now appearing, he put his Men in order, and maintainM the Fight till Evening ; wherin Conjlantine himfelf was flain with five other Kings, and twelve Earls, the Annals were content withfev'n, in the reft not diW Abbot of Croyland, from the Autority ot Turketul a principal greeing. Ingulf Leader in this Battel, relates it more at large to this effedt: That Athelfian above a Mile diltant from the place where Execution was don upon the Bifhop and his Supplies, alarm'd at the noife, came down by break of day upon Anlaf and his Army, overwatch'd and wearied now with the Slaughter they had made, and fomthing out of order, yet in two main Battels. The King therfore in like manner dividing, led the one part confifting moft of Weft Saxons, againfl Anlaf with his Danes and Irifli, committing the other to his Chancellor Turketul, with the Mercians and Londoners, againfl Conftantine and his The fhowr of Arrows and Darts over-pafs'd, both Battels attack'd Septs. each other with a cloFe and terrible Ingagement, for a long fpace neither fide Till the Chancellor Turketul, a Man of giving ground. great Stature and Strength, taking with him a few Londoners of felecl Valour, and Singin who led the V/orftufhire Men, a Captain of undaunted Courage, broke into the thickelt, making his way firft through the Pitts and Orkeners, then through the Cumlrians and Scots, and came at length where Conftantine himfelf fought, unhors'd him, and us'd all means to take him alive ; but the Scots valiantly defending thir King, and laying load upon Turketul, which the Goodnefs of his Armour well endurd, he had yet bin beatn down, had not Singin his faithful Second at the fame time flain Conftantine; which once known, Anlaf and the whole Army betook them to flight, wherof a huge multitude fell by the Sword. This Turketul not long after leaving worldly AfFairs, became Abbot of Croyland, which at his own coft he had repair'd from Danifh Ruins, and left there this Memorial of his former Actions. Athelfian with his Brother Edmund victorious, thence into with much more eafe vanWales, turning But Malmsbury writes, that qnifh'd Lttdwal the King, and pofFeft his Land. commifcrating human chance, as he difplac'd, Fo he reftor'd both him and Conftantine to thir Regal State; for the Surrender of King Conftantine hath bin above fpok'n of. However the Welch did him homage at the City of Hereford, and cov nanted yearly payment of Gold 20 pound, of Silver 300, of Oxen 25 thoufand. befides hunting Dogs and Hawks. He alFo took Exeter from the Comifh Britans, who till that time had equal Right therewith the Englifh, and bounded them with the River Tamar, as the other Britifh with Wty. Thus dreaded of his Enemies, and renown'd far and neer, three years after he dy'd at Glofier, and was buried with many Trophies at Malmsbury, wherc he had caus d t0 be laid hiS two Colin Germans, Etoin and Ethelftan,
:
'
both
Book
The Hijlory
of
England.
<>l
both Wifdom the Crown, haviour ; lb that Alfred his Grandfather in blellinghim was wont to pray he and put him yet a Child into Souldiers Hamight live to have the Kingdom, He had his breeding in the ourt of Elflcdhk Aunt, of whofe vertues bit. more then female we have related, fufficicnt to evince that his Mother, though faid to be no wedded Wife, was yet fuch of parentage and worth, as the Royal Line difdain d not, though the Song went in Malmsbunes day (for it feems want of of Ballats for that his the not Mother was he refus'd better) autority a Farmers Daughter, but of excellent Feature-, who dreamt one night fhe brought forth a Moon that mould enlight'n the whole Land which the Kings Nurfe hearing of, took her home and bred up Courtly ; that the King coming one day to vilit his Nurfe, faw there this Damfel, lik'd her, and by earneit Suit prevailing, had by her this famous Athelftan, a bounteous,- juft and alFable King, as Malmsbury fets him forth ; nor lefs honour'd abroad by Foren Kings, who fought his riendlhip by great gifts or Affinity ; that Harold King of Noricum lent him a Ship whole Prow was of Gold, Sails Purple, and other Golden things, the more to be wonder'd at, fent from Noricum, whether meant Norway or Bavaria, the one place fo far from fiich fuperfluity of Wealth, the other from all Sea: the Embailadors were HtlgrimandOffrul, who found the King at York. His Sifters he gave in marriage to greateft PrinOtho Son of Henry the Emperour, Egditb to a certain Duke about ces, Elgif to the Alfcs, Edgiv to Ludrvic King of Aquhain, fprung of Charles the Great,Ethilda to Hugo King of France, who fent Akiulf Son of Baldwin Earl of From all thefe great Suitors, efpecially from the EmFlanders to obtain her. of and King France, came rich Prefents, Horfes of excellent breed, peror gorgeous Trappings and Armour, Reliques, Jewels, Odors, Veilels of Onyx, and other precious things, which I leave poetically defcrib'd in Malmsbury, tak'n, as he confefles, out of an old Verlifier, fom of whofe Verfes he recites. The only blemifh left upon him, was the expoling of his Brother Edwin, who difavow'd by Oath the Treafon wherof he was accus'd, and implor'd an eBut thefe were Songs, as before hath bin faid, which add alfo, qual hearing. his that Athelftan, anger over, foon repented of the Fad, and put to Death who had induct him to fufped and expofe his Brother, put his Cup-bearer,
<
He was 30 years old at his coming to (lain in the Battel againft Anlaf. from his Childhood, comly of Perlbnand bemature in
in
falling from the Cup-bearers own mouth, who flipping one bore the Kings Cup, and recovring himfelf on the other Leg, faid day Which words aloud fatally, as to him it prov'd, one Brother helps the other. the King laying to heart, and pondering how ill he had done to make away his Brother, aveng'd himfelf firft on the advifer of that Fad, took on him feven years Penance, and as Mat. Weft, faith, built two Monafteries for the His Laws are extant among the Laws of other Saxon Soul of his Brother.
mind by a word
as he
Kings to
this day.
E D
M V N D.
1 8 years old fucceeded his Brother Athelftan, in Courage 94.2, For in the fecond of his Reign he freed Mcrcia of the Sax. am not infenour. Danes that remain'd there,*and took from them the Cities of Lincoln, Nottingham, Stamford, Darby, and Leifter, where they were plac'd by King Edward^ but it feems gave not good proof of thir Fidelity. Simeon writes that Anlaf
not above J Dmund
from York, and having wafted Southward as far as Northampton, was met by Edmund at Leifter ; t>ut that ere the Battails join'd, Peace was made between them by Odo and Wulftan the two Archbifhops, with Converfion of Anlaf; for the fame year Edmund receav'd at the Font-ftone this or another Anlaf, as faith Huntingdon, not him fpoken of before', who dy'd this year (fo uncertain they are in the ftory of thefe times alfo) and held Reginald another King of the Northumbers, while theBilhop conlirm'd him thir Limits were divided North and South by IVatltngjheet. But fpiritual Kindred little avaiPd to keep Peace between them, whoever gave the caufe ; for we read him two years after driving Anlaf (whom the Annals now firft call the Son p4 <_ of Shric) and Suihfrid Son of Reginald out of Northumberland, taking the whole sax. an
fetting forth
:
Country into
lubjection.
Edmund
the next year haras'd Cumberland, then i gave
o*
94SSax. an.
it

to Malcolm
,
Book
5.
946.
Sax. an.
gave King of Scots, therby bound toaffift him in his Wars, both and Sea Land Mat. Weft, adds that in this action Edmund had the by aid of Leolin Prince of North-Wales, againft Dummail the Cumbrian King, him But the afdepriving of his Kingdom, and his two Sons of thir Sight.
ter he himfelf by Arrange accident came to an untimely Death, Feafting with his Nobles on St. Aufttris Day at Puclekerke in Glofterflnre, to celebrat the memo-
year
Camden.
He fpi'd Leof a noted Theef, whom he ry of his firit converting the Saxons. had baniAYd, fitting among his Guefts whereat tranfported with too much vehemence of fpirit, though in a juft caufe, riling from the Tabic he ran upon the 1 heef, and catching his Hair, pull'd him to the Ground. The Theef who doubted from fuch handling no lefs then his Death intended, thought to die not unreveng'd ; and with a fhort Dagger ftrook the King, whe ihll laid at him, and little expefted fuch Aflaflination, morta'ly into the Breft. The matter was don in a moment, ere men fet at Table could turn them, or imaginat firft what the ftir meant, till perceaving the King deadly wounded, they flew upon the Murderer and hew'd him to peeces ; who like a wild Beaft atabay, feeing himfelf furrounded, defperatly laid about him, wounding fbm in his fall. The King was buried at Glafton, wherof Dunftan was then Abbot
,
his
Laws yet remain
to be feen
among
the
Laws of other Saxon Kings.
D R E
D.
EDred
the third Brother of Athelftan, the Sons of Edmund being yet but Children, next reign'd, not degenerating from his worthy Predeceffbrs, and crown d at Kingston. Northumberland he throughly fubdu'd, the Scots without refufal fwore him Allegiance ; yet the Northumbrians, ever of doubtful Faith, foon after chofe to them felves one Eric a Dane. Huntingdon /till
950.
Sim. Dun.
Hoved.
9*3Sim. Dun.
9S5Sim. Dun.
haunts us with this Anlaf (of whom we gladly would have bin rid) and will have him before Eric recal'd once more and reign four years, then again put to his fhifts. But Edred entring into Northumberland, and with fpoils returnEdred turning about, both fhook off* ing, Eric the King fell upon his Rear. the Enemy, and prepar'd to make a fecond inroad which the Northumbrians of Son Anlaf, and with many Predreading rejeded Eric, flew Amancus the fents appealing Edred, fubmitted again to his Government ; nor from that time had Kings, but were govern'd by Earls, of whom Ofulf was the firft. About thfstime Wuljtan Archbifhopof Tork, accus'd to have flam certain men of Thetford in revenge of thir Abbot whom the Townfmen had flain, was committed by the King to clofe Cuftody but foon after enlarg'd, was reftor'd to his place. that his Crime was to have conniv'd at the reMalmsbury writes, volt of his Countrymen but King Edred two years after fickning in the flowr of his Youth, dy'd much lamented, and was buried at Winchefter.
:
, :
E
Ethelwerd.
DW
I.
after his Uncle Edrcd's Death T^Dvai the Son of Edmund now com to Age, took on him the Government, and was crown'd at Kingston. His lovely Perfon firnamd him the Fair, his actions are diverfly reported, by Huntingdon not thought illaudable. But Malmsbury and fuch as follow him write far
.d
Matt. weft,
otherwife, that he married, or kept as Concubine, his neer Kinfwoman, fom fay both her and her Daughter ; fo inordinatly giv'n to his pleafure, that on the very day of his Coronation, he abruptly withdrew himfelf from the Company of his Peers, whether in Banquet or Confultation, to fit wantoning in the Chamber with this Algiva, fo was her name, who had fuch Power over him. Wherat his Barons offended, fent Bifhop Dunftan, the boldefl among them, to requeft his return he going to the Chamber, not only interrupted his dalliance, and rebuk'd the Lady, but taking him by the hand, between force
:
9 ^<S.
and perfuafion brought him back to his Nobles. The King highly difpleas'd, and inftigated perhaps by her who was fo prevalent with him, not long after fent Dunftan into Banifhment, caus'd his Monaftery to be and became rifl'd, an Enemy to all Monks and FTyers. Wherupon Odo Archbi/hop of Canterbury pronoune'd a feparation or Divorce of the King from Algiva. But that which moft incited William of Malmsbury againft him, he gave that Monaftery to be dwelt
Book
dwelt
Clerks
;
5.
lie
Hifwy
of
England.
^j
in
by fecular Pricfts, or, to ufe his own phrafe, made it a ftabte of at length thefe Affronts don to the Church were fo relented by the
the Mercians and Northumbrians revolted from him, and fet up People, that Hovcdi his Brother, leaving to Edm the Weft-Saxons only, bounded by the Edgar he foon after his with is Crief wherof, as thought, ended 957. River Thames \ daics, Mxon am and was buried at Wmcbtfter. Mean while Elfsin Bilhop of that place after the 95 Death of Odo, afcending bv Simony to the Chair of Canterbury, and going to ft Rome the fame year for his Pall, was froz'n to Death in the Afy.
,
EDGAR.
EDgar
959' Death, now King of all England at 16 years of Age, This King Malmi; call'd home Dwiftan out of Flanders, where he liv'd in Exile. had no War all his Reign ; yet always well prepar'd for War, govenfd. the Kingdom in great Peace, Honour, and Profperity, gaining thence the Sirnamc of Peaceable, much extoll'd for Juftice, Clemency, and all Kingly Vermes, the more ye may be fure, by Monks, for his building lb many Monaftcries ; Mat. vcih as lorn write, every year one: for he much favour'd the Monks a gainft fecular Priefts, who in the time of Edvci had got pofleflion in molt of thir Covents. His care and wifdom was great in guarding the Coalt round with ftout Ships to the number of 3600, Mat. Weft, reckms them 4800, divided into four the four quarters of the Land, meeting Squadrons, to fail to and fro about each other; thefirftof 1 200 fail from Ealt to Weft, the fecond of as many from Weft to Ealt, the third and fourth between North and South; himfelf Thus he kept out wifely the .force of in the Summer time with his Fleet. but by thir too frequent refort hither Foren and War; Strangers, prevented in time of Peace, and his too much favouring them, hc let in thir Vices unaware. Thence the People, faith Malmsbury, learnt of the outlandifh Saxof the Danes Drunk'nefs ; ons rudenefs, of the Flemijh daintinefs and foftnefs heer as in any of thofe homebred though I doubt thefe Vices are as naturally time he Winter and in the Yet Countries. ufually rode the Circuit as Spring
by
his Brothers
This year dy'd Snarling a Monk of Sax9/a ^' City of Bath, intheFeaft of Pentecoft. of and another foon after him in the 15^ ingult. in the his 142^ year Croyland, Age, in that fenny and watrifh the more remarkable. King Edgar tne next 974. Air, all to his there the Kings that held Six. an,went to and Court year fummoning Chefter, of him, took Homage of them thir names are Kened King of Scots t Afalcolm of Cumberland, Maccufe of the lies, five of Wales, Dufwal, Huwal, Gnfith, Jacob, Judethil ; thefe he had in fuch aw, that going One day into a Galiy, he caus'd them to take each man his Oar, and row him down the River Dee, while he himfelf fat at the Stern ; which might be don in merriment, and eafily obei'd ; if with a ferious brow, difcover'd rather vain glory, and infulting And that he did it feriouily triumphhaughtinefs, then moderation of Mind. then words his utter'd, that his Succeffors might then glory ing, appears by And perhaps to be Kings of when they had fuch honour don them. England, the Divine Power was difpleas'd with him for taking too much honour to him975felf; finceweread that the year following he was tak'n out of this Life by Sicknefs in the highth of his glory and the prime of his Age, buried at Glafton Abby. The fame year, as Matt. Weft, relates, he gave to Kencd the Scotifh King, many rich Prefents, and the whole Country of Laudian, or Lothien, to hold of him on condition that he and his SuccefTbrs fhould repair to the
'
all his Provinces, to fee Juftice well adminiftei 'd, and the Poor not opprefs'd. Theeves and Robbers he rooted almofl out of the Land, and wild Beafts of prey altogether ; enjoining Ludxtal King of Wales to pay the yearly Tribute of 300 Wolves, which he did for two years together, till the third year no more were to be found, nor ever after ; but his Laws may be read yet extant. Whatever was the caufe, he was not crown'd till the icth of his Age, but then with great fplendor and magnificence at the
a Judg Itinerant through
Englifh Court at high Feftivals when the King fat crown'd ; gave him alfo many lodging Places by the way, which till the days of Henry the fecond, were ftill He was of Stature not tall, of Body flender, held by the Kings of Scotland. were that in well fo yet made, ftrength he chofe to contend with fuch as him fhould that then and diflik'd more they fpaie thought flrongelt, nothing
for
aa
'
ThcHiflnry of England.
for refpedf or fear to hurt him. gar, fitting one day at Table,
:
Book
5.
Kened King of
Scots
then in the Court of Ed-
was heard to fay jeftingly among his Servants, he wonder'd how fo many Provinces could be held in fubjedtion by fuch a little dapper man his words were brought to the Kings Ear ; he fends for Kened as about fom private bufinefs, and in talk drawing him forth to a fecret place, takes from under his Garment two Swords which he had brought with him, gave one of them to Kened , and now faith he, it {hall be try'd which ought to be the fubject ; for it is fhameful for a King to boaft at Table, and fhrink in Fight. Kened much abafh'd fell prefently at his Feet, and befought him to what he had fimply fpok'n, no way incended to his dishonour or difpapardon Camden in his defcription of wherwith the King was fatisfi'd. i ragement Ireland, cites a Charter of King Edgar, wherin it appears he had in fubjection all the Kingdoms of the lies as far as Norway, and had fubdu'd the gregtefi part of Ireland with the City of Dublin : but of this other Writers make no mention. In his youth having heard of tlfrida, Daughter to Ordgar Duke of Devon/hire, much commended for her Beauty, he lent Earl Athelwold, whofe Loyalty he trufted moft, to fee her ; intending, it fhe were found fuch as anfwer'd report, to demand her in marriage. He at the firft view tak'n with her prefence, difloyally, as it oft happens in fuch Emploiments, began to fue forhimfelf} and with confent of her Parents obtain'd her. Returning therfore with fcarfe an ordinary commendation of her Feature, he eafdy took off the Kings mind, foon diverted another way. But the matter coming to light how Athelwold had foreftal'd the King, and El/rida's Beauty more and more fpok'n of, the King now heated not only with arelapfeof Love, but with a
deep
fenfe of the abufe, yet diilembling his difturbance, pleafantly told the The Earl EarJ, what day he meant to com and vilit him and his fair Wife.
afliir'd his
feemin'gly
wekom,
but in the mean while acquainting
his
ife,
ear-
neftly advisM her to deform her felf what fhe might, either in drefs or otherwife, left the King whofe amorous inclination was not unknown, fhould chance to be artradf ed. She who by this time was not ignorant, how Athelwold had ftep'd between her and the King, againft his coming arraies her felf richly, render her the more amiable ; and tiling whatever art fhe could devife might it took effect. For the Kinginflam'd with her Love the more for that he had bin fo long defrauded and rob'd of her, refolv'd not only to recover his intercepted right, but to punifh the interloper of his deftind Spoufe ; and appointing with him as was ufual, a day of Hunting, drawn afide in a Foreft, now call'd Harewood, fmote him through with a Dart. Som cenfure this aft as Cruel and tyrannical, but confider'd well, it may be judg'd more favourably, and that no man of fenlible Spirit but in his place, without extraordinary perfection, would have don the like: for next to Life what worfe Treafon could have bin committed againft him ? It chanc'd that the Earls bafe Son coming by
upon the Fact, the King fternly ask'd him how he lik'd this Game , he fubmifly anfwering, that whatfoever pleas'd the King, muft not difpleafe him the King return'd to his wonted temper, took an affedtion to the Youth, and ever
-,
after highly favour'd him, making amends in the Son for what he had don to the Father. Elfrida forthwith he took to Wife, who to expiate her former Huf-
bands Death, tho therm fhe had no hand, cover'd the place of his Bloodfhed with a Monaftery of Nuns to fing over him. Another fault is laid to his charge, no way excufable, that he took a Virgin IVilfrida by force out of the Nunnery, where fhe was plac'd by her Friends to avoid his perfuit, and kept her as his Concubin ; but liv'd not obftinatly in the Offence ; for fharply reprov'd by Dunftan, he fubmitted to feven years Penance, and for that time to want his Coronation but why he had it not before is left unwritt'n. Ano; her
:
Novel then a Hiftorie ; but as I find it he was While Malrmbwy, yet unmarried, in his youth he abitain'd not from Women, and coming on a day to Andover, caus'd a Dukes Daughter there dwelling, reported rare of Beauty, to be brought to him. The Mother not daring flatly to deny, yet abhorring that her Daughter fhould be fo deflour'd, at fit time of Night fent in her Attire, one of her waiting Maids a Maid it feems not unhanfom nor unwitty \ who fiippli'd the place of her young Lady. Night pafs't, the Maid going to rife, but*D:>.yin
fo
I
Storie there goes of Edgar, fitter for a

relate
it.
light fcarce yet appearing,
was by the King askt why
fhe
made
fuch haft
fhe
anfwer'd,
Book
5.
The Hljlory of England.
a5
work which her Lady had fet her; at which the King wondring, and with much ado ftaying her to unfold the Riddle, for he took her to be the Dukes Daughter, (he falling at his Feet befought him, that iince at the command of her Lady fhe came to his Bed, and was enjoy 'd by him, he would be pleas'd in recompence to fet her free from the hard fervice of her The King a while ftanding in a ftudy whether he had belt be angry Miftrefs. or not, at length turning all. to a Jelt, took the Maid away with him, advane'd her above her Lady, lov d her, and accompanied with her only, till he married Elfrida. Thefe only are his faults upon record, rather to be wonder'd how they were fo few, and fo foon left, he coming at 16 to the Licence of a Scepter ; and that his Vertues were fo many and fo mature, he dying before the Age wherin wifdom can in others attain to any ripenefs! however with him dy'd all the Saxon glory. From henceforth nothing is to be heard of but thir decline and ruin under a double Conqueft, and the Caufes foregoing j which not to blur or taint thepraifes of thir former actions and liberty well defended, fhall ftand feverally related, and will be more then long enough for another Book.
anfwer'd, to do the
the End of
the
Fifth Book.
THE
96
Book
6.
HISTORY BRITAIN.
O F
The
E
Sixth
THE
Book.
D WA R D
the Younger.
Plorent.
Dtoard the eldeft Son of Edgar by Egelflcda his firft Wife, the Daughter of Duke Ordmer, was according to right and his Father's Will, plac'd in the Throne ; Elfrida his fecond Wife, and her Fa&ion only repining, who labour'd to have had her Son Etbelred a Child of feven years, prefcr'd before him ; that fhe under that pretence might have rul'd all. Mean while Comets were feen in Heav'n, portending not Famin only, which follow'd the next year, but the troubl'd State of the whole Realm not long after to enfue. The Troubles begun in EJrvPs days, between Monks and Secular Priefls, now reviv'd and drew on either fide many of the Nobles into Parties. For Elfere Duke of the Mercians, with many other Peers, corrupted as is faid with Gifts, drove the Monks out of thofe Monafleries where Edgar had plac'd them, and in thir ftead put Secular Priefts with thir Wives. But Etbelwin Duke of Eaft- Angles, with his Brother Elfrvoldy and Earl Britnotb oppos'd them, and gathering an Army defended the Abbies of Eaft- Angles from fuch Intruders. To appeafe thefe Tumults, a Synod was call'd at Winctyefter, and nothing there concluded, a general Councel both of Nobles and Prelats was held at Cain in Wiltshire, where while the difpute was hot, but chiefly againft Dunftan, the room wherin they fat fell upon thir heads, killing fom, maiming others, Dunftan only efcaping upon a Beam that This Accident fell not, and the King abfent by reafon of his tender Age. to hold the and both with Controverfie, Dunftan and brought parts quieted Mean while the King addi&ed to a Religious Life, and of a the Monks. mild Spirit, fimply permitted all things to the ambitious Will of his Stepmother and her Son Etbelred : to whom fhe, difpleas'd that the name only of King was wanting, practised thenceforth to remove King Edward out of the way ) which in this manner fhe brought about. Edward on a day wearied with hunting, thirfty and alone, while his Attendance follow'd the Dogs,
hearing that Etbelred and his Mother lodg'd at Corvefgate ( Corfe Caftle, faith Camden, in the He of Purbeck) innocently went thether. She with all fhew of kindnefs welcoming him, commanded Drink to be brought forth, for it feems he lighted not from his Horfe ; and while he was drinking, caus'd one of her Servants, privately before inftrufted, to ftab him with a Poinard.
little expefted 'fuch Unkindnefs there, turning fpeedily the Reins, fled bleeding ; till through lofs of Blood falling from li is Horfe, and expiring, yet held with one foot in the Stirrop, he was dragg'd along the way, traced by his Blood, and buried without honour at Werham, having reigiVd about three Years but the place of his Burial not long after grew
:
The poor Youth who
978.
Milmf.
famous for Miracles. After which by Duke Elfer (who, as Malmsbwy laith, had a hand in his Death) he was royally interr'd at Skcpton or Sbajtsbury,
The
Book
6.
Tl>e
Hiftw) of England.
97
The Murdrefs
Elfrida at length repenting, fpent the refldue of her days in
Sorrow and great Penance.
ETHELR ED.
fecond Son of
Brother Edward wickedly remov'd, was now next in ETIielred
right to fucceed, and fair of Vifage, comly of at crown'd fom, by reported accordingly Kmgflon that with many Aug- Florenc. Perfon, elegant of Behaviour ; but the Event will fhew born and prolong'd a Sim. Dun. his out-fide fham'd ; gifh and ignoble Vices he quickly of ruin his the fatal mifcliief of the People, and Country ; wherof he gave Font and Water while the the early ligns from his firft Infancy, bewraying much VVherat Dunftan troubl'd, for he flood by Bilhop was baptizing him. into thefe broke them to him next words, By God and God's and faw it.
his
dg& by
Elfrida ( for
Edmund dy'd
a Child ) his
979alml "
Another thing him in will prove a Sluggard. of his bad that Brother no which nature, hearing ; argu'd Edward''* cruel Death, he made loud lamentation ; but his furious Mother offended therwith, and having no Rod at hand, beat him fo with great Wax
Mother
this
Boy
is
writt'n of
Childhood
ever after. Dunftan though unCandles, that he hated the fight of them his head ; but at the fame time foretold op'nly, Crown the let upon willing as is reported, the great Evils that were to com upon him and the Land, in And about the fame time, one of his Brother's innocent Blood.
was feen over all Engmidnight, a Cloud fomtimes bloody, fomtimes firy, which had long furceaft, 982. within three Years the Danifh Tempeft, land; and Malmf the more the this To Hand. revolv'd again upon ample relating wherof, Danifh Hiftory, at leaft thir teteft and diligenteft Hiftorian, as neither from the firft. landing of Danes, in the Reign of Weft-Saxon Britbrk, fo now again from firft to lalf, contributes nothing; bufied more then anough to make out the bare Names and Succefiions of thir uncertain Kings, and thir fmall Actions unlefs out of him I fhould tranfcribe what he takes, and I better may, at home from our own Annals ; the furer, and the fadder witnefies of thir doings here, For not glorious, as they vainly boaft, but moft inhumanly barbarous. a to now flothful thir had the Danes well underftanding, that England Eadmer. King wifh, firft landing at Southampton from fcven great Ships, took the Town, Florent. nor was fpoifd the Country, and carried away with them great Pillage; alfo of harried Hoved. Pirats Cornwall on the fhore and uninfefted Norway Devon/hire the Coaft of Wcft-chcfter : and to add a worfe Calamity, the City of London Sim. Dun, was burnt, cafually or not, is not writt'n. It chanc'd four years after, that Hoved. 9^^. Ethelred befeig'd Rocbefter, fom way or other offended by the Bifhop therof. a he not him that warn fent to the not provoke Caufe, Dunftan approving ^ j^^ n St. Andrew the Patron of that City, nor waft his Lands 5 an old craft of the Clergy to fecure thir Church Lands, by entailing them on fom Saint the King not harkvning, Dunftan on this condition that the Seige might berais'd, fent" him a hundred Pound, the Mony was accepted and the Seige diflblv'd. Dunftan reprehending his Avarice, fent him again this word, becaufe thou haft refpefted Mony more then Religion, the Evils which I foretold (hall the
:
*,
,
Avengment
Sim. Dun.
but not in my days, for fo God hath fpok'n. The fooner com upon thee _g_ next year was calamitous, bringing Arrange Fluxes upon Men, and Murren upon Malmf. Cattel. 9 gS. Dunftan the year following dy'd, a ftrenuous Bifhop, zealous without dread of Perfon, and for ought appears, the beft of many Ages, if he Malmf, He was Chaplain at firft to bufied not himfelf too much in Secular Affairs.
,
King Athelftan, and Edmund who fucceeded, much imploy'd in Court Affairs, till envi'd by fom who laid many things to his charge, he was by Edmund forbidd'n the Court, but by the earneft Mediation, faith Ingulf, of TvAetul the Chancellor, receav'd at length to favour, and made Abbot of Glafton ; laftNot long ly by Edgar and the general Vote, Arch-bifhop of Canterbury. after his Death, the Danes arriving in Devon/hire were met by Godi Lieutenant of that Country, and Strenwold a valiant Leader, who put back the 99'Danes, but with lofs of thir own Lives. The third year following, under DlM1 the Conducl of Juftin and Gutbmund the Son of Sttytan, they landed and s,m< fpoil'd Ipfwicb, fought with Britnotb Duke of the Eaft- Angles about Afaldon, where they flew him; the flaughter elfe had bin eqinl on both fides. Th and O
".
98
and the
like
The Bijlory of England.

Depredations on every
Connfel of
Siriv
Book
6.
993Sim. Dun.
fide the Englifh not able to refill by then Ai ch-bifhop of Canterbury, and two Dukes, Ethelward and Alfric, it was thought beft for the prefent to buy that with Silver which and ten thoufand Pound was paid to the they could not gain with thir Iron Danes for Peace. Which for a while contented ; but taught them the ready way how eafieft to com by more. The next year but one they took by Storm
,
and
rin'd
Bebbanburg an antient City nigh
mouth of Humber, they wafted both
Durham failing thence into the fides therof, York/hire and Lindfey, burn:
Florei
Hunciiigd.
ing and deftroying all before them. Againft thefe went out three Nobleand Godwin but men, Frana, Frithegift, ; being all Danes by the Father's fide, and forfook thir own Forces betray'd to the Enemy. willingly began flight, No lefs Treachery was at Sea j for Alfric the Son of Elfer Duke of Merciay whom the King for fom Offence had banifh'd, but now recal'd, fent from London with a Fleet to furprife the Danes, in fom place of difad vantage, gave them over night intelligence therof, then fled to them himfelf which his Fleet, faith Florent, perceaving, perfu'd, took the Ship, but mifVd of his Perfon-, the Londoners by chance grapling with the Eafl- Angles made them fewer,
,
994Sim. Dun.
Others fay, that by this notice of not only efcap'd, but with a greater Fleet fet upon the Englifh, took many of thir Ships, and in triumph brought them up the Thames, intending to befiege London : for Anlaf King of Norway, and Swane of Denmark, at the head of thefe, came with 94 Gallies. The King for this Treafon of Alfric, put out his Sons Eyes but the Londoners both by Land and
faith
my
Author, by many thoufands.
Alfric, the
Dams
Water,
Malmf.
Malmf.
Huntingd.
997Sim. Dun.
998.
Sim. Dun.
were fore'd in one day with great lofs to give over. But what they could not on the City, they wreck'd themfelves on the Countries round about, wafting with Sword and Fire all Effex, Kent, and Stiffex. Thence hoi ling thir Foot, diffus'd far wider thir outragious Incurfions, without mercy either to Sex or Age. The fiothful King, inftead of Warlike Opposition in the field, fends Embafiadors to treat about another Payment ; the Sum promis'd was now fixteen thoufand Pound ; till which paid, the Danes wintered at Southampton ; Ethelred inviting Anlaf to com and vifit him at Andover: where he was royally entertain'd, fom fay baptiz'd, or confirm'd, adopted Son by the King, and difmifs't with great Prefents, promifing by Oath to depart and moieft the Kingdom no more; which he perform'd, but the Calamity ended not fo, for after fom intermifiion of thir Rage for three years, the other Navy of Danes failing about to the Weft, enter'd Severn, and wafted one while South Wales, then Cornwall and Devon/hire, till at length they winter'd about Taviftoc. For it were an endlefs work to relate how they wallow'd up and down to every particular place, and to repeat as oft what Devaluations they wrought, what Defolations left behind them, eafie to be imagin'd. In fum, the next year they afni&ed Dorfetfhire^ Ham/hire, and the lie of Wight; by the Englifh
fo valiantly refifted thir Befiegers, that they
S>
99
Sim. Dun.
I00O.
Sim. Dun.
many Resolutions were tak'n, many Armies rais'd, but either betray'd by the falfhood, or difcourag'd by the weaknefs of thir Leaders, they were For Souldiers moft commonly are put to rout, or disbanded themfelves. as thir Commanders, without much odds of Valor in one Nation or other, The following only as they are more or lefs wifely difciplin'd and conducted. year brought them back upon Kent, where they enter'd Medway, and befieg'd Rochefier ; but the Kentijh Men aftembling, gave them a fharp Encounter, yet that fuffie'd not to hinder them from doing as they bad don in other places. Ag3inft thefe Depopulations, the King levied an Army ; but the unskilful Leaders not knowing what to do with it when they had it, did but drive out time, burd'ning and impoverifhing the People, confuming the public Treafure, and more emboldning the Enemy, then if they had fat quiet at home. What caufe mov'd the Danes next year to pafs into Normandy, is not recorded ; but that they return'd thence more outragious then before. Mean while the King, to make fom diverfion, undertakes an Expedition both by Land and Sea into Cumberland, where the Danes were moft planted j there and in the He of Man, or,as Camden faith, Anglefey, imitating his Enemies in fpoiling and unpeopling. the River Ex, laid fiege to Exeter
The Danes from Normandy,

,
arriving in
1001.
Sim. Dun.
but the Citizens, as thofe
of London^
valoroufly defending themfelves, they wreck'd thir Anger, as before, on the Villages
Book
6.
Villages round about. fhew'd thir readinefs, but bling themfelves at Penbo,
Devon/hire aflemwanted a Head ; and befides, being then but few in number, were eafily put to flight ; the Enemy plundring all at will, with loaded Spoils pafs'd into the He of Wight ; from
7leHiJl oryof England. The Country People of Somerfet and
all Dorfctfhire, and Hamjhire, felt again thir The Saxon Annals Fury. to the before thir Exeter that Men had a bickering Ham/hire coming , write, with them, wherin Etbclrvardthe King's General was flain, adding other things icoi, hardly to be undcrflood, and in one ancient Copy ; fo end. Ethclred, whom Sim. Dun. no Adverfity could awake from his foft and fluggifh Life, itill coming by the worfe at fighting, by the advice of his Peers not unlike himfelf, fends one of his gay Courtiers, though looking loftily, to floop bafely and a
whence
propofe
third Tribute to the Danes : they willingly hark'n, but the lum is enhaunc't now to 24 thoufand Pound, and paid; the Danes therupon abftaining from But the King to ftrengthen his Houfe by fome potent Holtility.
marries
Emma, whom the Saxons call Elgiva, Daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy. With him Ethelred formerly had War or no good Correfpon- MalmC dence, as appears by a Letter of Pope John the 1 5$, who made Peace between them about eleven years before ; puft up now with his fuppos'd accefs CaIvif
'
Affinity,
of ftrength by this Affinity, he caus'd the Danes all over England, though FIor^, t now living peaceably, in one day perfidioufly to be maffacred, both Men, iiuntingd. Women, and Children ; fending privat Letters to every Town and City, wherby they might be ready all at the fame hour ; which till the appointed time ( being the 9th of July ) was conceal'd with great lilence, and perform'd oivifius; with much Unanimity ; <o generally hated were the Danes. Mat. Weft. Danes was ten years after that Huna writes, that this Execution upon the one of Etbelred's Chief Captains, complaining of the Danijh Infolencies in time of Peace, thir Pride, thir rav'ifning of Matrons and Virgins, incited the King to this MafTacer, which in the madnefs of Rage made no difference of innocent or nocent. Among t'i'efe, Gunbildit the Sifter of Svoane was not fpar'd, though much deferring not Pity only, but all Protection: flie with her Husband Earl Palingus, coming to live in England, and receaving Chriftianity, had her Husband and young Son flain before her face, her fell" then beheaded, foretelling ar.d denouncing that her Blood would coft England dear. Som fay this was don by the Traitor Edric, to vvhofe cuftody flie Mac. Weftwas committed , but the MafTacer was fom years before Edric's advancement ; and if it were don by him afterwards, it feems to contradict the For privat Conefpondence which he was thought to hold with the Danes. Svoane breathing Revenge, hafted the next year into England, and by the IO -, treafon or negligence ot Count Hugh, whom Emma had recommended tdsinuDuni the Government of Devon/hire, fack d the City of Exeter, her Wall from Eaffc to Weft-gate brok'n down after this wafting WiltfJme, the People of that County, and of Ham/hire, came together in great numbers with refolution ftoutly to oppofe him ; but Alfric thir General, whofe Son's Eyes the King had lately put out, madly thinking to revenge himfelf on the King, by ruining his own Country, when he fhould have order'd his Battel, the Enemy being at hand, fain 'd himfelf tak'n with a vomiting ; wherby his Army in great difcontent, deftitute of a Commander, turn'd from the Enemy whoftreight took Wilton and Salsbury, carrying the Pillage therof to the Ships. Thence the next year landing on the Coaft of Norfolk, he wafted the Country, and fet 1004Norwich on fire Vlfketel Duke of the Eaft- Angles, a Man of great Valour, Sim. Dun. not having fpace to gather his Forces, after Confultation had, thought it beft to make Peace with the Dane, which he breaking within three weeks, ifTu'd filently out of his Ships, came to Tbetford, ftaid there a night, and in the morning left it flaming. Vlfketel hearing this, commanded fom to go and break, or burn his Ships ; but they not daring or neglecting, he in the mean while with what fecrelie and fpeed was poffible, drawing together his Forces, went out againft the Enemy, and gave them a fierce Onfet retreating to thir Ships ; but much inferiour in number, many of the chief Eaft- Angles there loft thir Lives. Nor did the Danes com off without great (laughter of thir own; conteffing that they never met in England with fo rough a Charge. IOO *. The next year, whom War could not, a great Famin drove Swatte out of sim. Dun! the Land. But the Summer following, another great Fleet of Danes enter'd icc>;
,
.1
tb?- Stei nur>.
100
Book
6.
Vlorenr.
1007.
Sim. Dun.
tooS.
Sim. Dun.
1009.
Sim. Dun.*
The caufe of his advancement, Plorent of WorEdgitha the Kings Daughter. his gieat Wealth, gott'nbj fine Policies ker, and Mat. Weft, attribute to a man. accefloi y to the 1 oin of England, as he and a plaulible Tongue prov'd the next year fomwhat Ethelred declare. will foon his actions rowfing himis fo much Land as one idow can Hide Hides that ordain'd (a every 310 felf, out a Ship or Gallie, and every nine Hides find a fufficiently till) mould fet new Ships in every Port were built, vittl'c, fraught Corilet and Head-peice with flout Mariners and Souldiers, and appointed to meet all at Sandwich.. man might now think that all would go well ; when fuddenly a new mifwhich brought all this chief fprung up, diflention among the great ones Bithric the Brother as little fuccefs as at other times before. to diligence of Edric, fallly accus'd Wuinoth a great Officer fet over the South-Saxons, who with 2<s Ships got to Sea, and practised fearing the potencieof his Enemies, Againft whom, reported to be in a place where he Piracy on the Coaft. fur priz'd, Bithric fets forth with So Ships-, all which driven might be ealily a back by Tempefl and wracktupon the fnoar, were burnt foon after by Wuinoth. Difheartn'd with this misfortune, the King returns to London, the reft of his Navy after him ; and all this great preparation to nothing. WheruponTurhll, a Danijh Earl, came with a Navy to the lie of Tanet, and in AuThence coaiting gufi a far greater, led by Heming and llaf join'd with him. to Sandwich, and landed, they went onward and began to aflault Canterbury ; but the Citizens and Eaft Kentifhmen, coming to compoiition with them for three thoufand Pound, they departed thence to the Ile of Wight, robbing and
:
:
the Port of Sandwich, thence pour'd out over all Kent and Suffex, made The King levying an Army out of Mercia, and Prey of what they found. him for once the Manhood to go out a 1 face the Weft-Saxons, took on faier to live by Rapine, then to iiazard it held them ; but they who from moa Battel, fliifting lightly place to place, fruftrated the flow tions of a heavy Camp, following thir wonted courfe of Robbery, then Thus all Autumn they wearied out the King's running to thir Ships. to winter, they carried all thir Pillage to the ile home which gon Army, of Wight, and there {laid till Chriftmafs , at which time the King being in but ill imploi'd (for by the procurement of Edric, he caus'd, Shropjhire, and as is thought, Alfhelma. noble Duke, tieacheroufly to be flain, and the Eyes of his two Sons to be put out) they came forth again, over-running Hamfiire, and Bark/hire, as far as Reading aiid WaUingford : thence to Afbdune, and other places therabout, neither Known nor oi told able pronuntiation ; and refound many of the people in Arms by the River turning by another way, thir way through, the] ,otfafewith vaft booty to thir genet; but making his Courtiers wearied out with tair lalt Summers jaunt and The King Ships. no to Danes after the nimble purpofe, which by proof they found too toilfom to Beds and Couches, had recourfe to thir lalt us'd more foft thir for Bones, and only remedy, thir Coters and fend now die fourth time to buy a difhonorable Peace, every time it ill dearer, nottobenad now under 36 thoufand Pound (for the Danes knew how to milk fuch eafy kine) in name of Tribute and Expences which out of the People over all England, alieady half beggerd, was extoited and paid. About the fame time Ethelred advane'd Edric, fumam'd Streon, from obfeure Condition ro be Duke of Memo, and marry
,
burning by the way. Againflthefe the King levies an Army through all the Land, and in feveral Quarters places them nigh the Sea, but fo unskilfully or unfuccefsfully, that the Danes were not therby hinder'd from exercifing thir wonted Robberies. It happ'nd that the Danes one day were gon up into the Country far from thir Ships ; the King having notice therof, thought to inhis men were refolute to overcom or die, time tercept them in thir return and place advantagious ; but where Courage and Fortune was not wanting, Edric with futtle Arguments that had a there wanted Loyalty among them. fhew of deep Policy, difputed and perfwaded the fimplicity of his fellow Counfellors, that it would be bell confulted at that time to let the Danes pafs without ambufh or interception. The Danes where they expected danger, finding none, pafs'don with great joy and booty to thir Ships. After this, failing about Kent, they lay that Winter in the Thames, forcing Kent and EjJ'cx to Contribution, oft-times attempting the City of London, butrepuls't as oft to
,
thir
Book
6.
lofs.
thir great to to. Spring begun, leaving thir Ships, theypafs'd through Cbil* into tern Oxford/hire, burnt the City, and thence returning with divid- Sim. Ditto
Wood
ed Forces waited on both fides the Thames ; but hearing that an Army from 1,Jc>ren -' London was marcht out againft them, they on the North-fide palling the River at Stanes, join'd with them on the South into one Body, and enrich't with to thir Ships ; which all the Lent-time great Spoils, came back through Surrey to the Eaft- Angles they arriv'd at After failing Softer repair'd. they Ipftvicb, and came to a place call'd Ringmere, where they heard that Vlfketell with his Forces by, who with a lharp encounter foon entertain'd them ; but his men at length giving back, through the futtlety of a Danifl) Servant among them who began the flight, loft the field ; though the men of Cambndgfhire ftood to In this Battel Ethel/Ian the Kings Son in Law, with many other it valiantly. Danes without more were flain; wherby the Noblemen, refinance, three Months together had the fpoiling of thofe Countries and all the Fens, burnt thence to a Hilly place not far oft, call'd ThetfordandGrantbrig, ox Cambridge Camden Hills, and the Villages therGogmagog by by Huntingdon Bale/ham, about they tum'd thir Fury, flaying all they met lave one Man, who getting have defended himfelf againft the whole Danijh up into a Steeple, is faid to fo leaving him, thir Foot by Sea, thir Horfe by Land Army. They therfore laden to thir Ships left in the Thames. But back through Ejfex, return'd not between, when Tallying again out of thir Ships as out of many daies pafs'd Savage Dens, they plunder'd over again all Oxford/hire, and added to thir prey then like wild Beafts glutted, return- Himtingcfc Buckingham, Bedford, and Hertfordjhire ; excurfion third A to thir Caves. they made into Northamtonfhire, burnt ing round the ; then as to frefh Pafture betook them Country Nortbamtonjan&cking to the Weft-Saxons, and in like fort harrafing all Wiltfliire, returnM,as 1 laid beSea-Monfters to thir Water-ftables,accomplifhing fore,like wild Beafts or rather whole years good Deeds an unjuft and inof thir the Circuit by Chriftmafs human Nation, who receaving or not receaving Tribute where none was owof Mankind, and rapine of thir Livelyhood, ing them, made fiich deftruftion here Yet read. as is a mifery to they ceas'd not for the next year repeating I0I t the fides on both the fame Cruelties Thames, one way as far as Huntingdon, Sim. Dun' the other as far as Wilt/hire and Southampton, follicited again by the King for Peace, and receaving thir demands both of Tribute and Contribution, they and in the beginning of September laid Siege to Canterbury. flighted thir Faith On the twentieth Day, by the Treachery of Almere the Archdeacon, they took part of it and burnt it, committing all forts of Maflacre as a fport j fom they threw over the Wall, others into the Fire, hung fom by the privy Members, Infants pull'd from thir Mothers Breafts, were either toft on Spears, Matrons and Virgins by the Hair drag'd and raor Carts drawn over them vilh't. Alfage the grave Archbiftiop above others hated of the Banes, as in Eadmer. all Counfels and Actions to his might thir known oppofer, taken, wounded, MalmC the Multitude are tith'd, and every tenth only Eadmer. imprifon'd in a noifom Ship ; before next the Eafler, while Ethelred and his Peers were 1012. year fpard. Early afiembl'd at London, to raife now the fifth Tribute amounting to 48 thoufand Sim. Dun; Pound, the Danes at Canterbury propofe to the Archbilhop, who had bin now fev'n Months thir Prifoner, Life and Liberty, if he pay them three thoufand Eadmer. Pound ; which he refufing as not able of himfelf, and not willing to extort it from his Tenants, is permitted till the next Sunday to confider then hal'd before thir Counfel, of whom Turkill was Chief, and (till refufing, they rife moft of them being drunk, and beat him with the blunt fide of thir Axes, then thruft forth deliver him to be pelted with Stones ; till one Thrum a converted Dane, pitying him half dead, to put him out of Pain, with a pious His Body was impiety, at one ftroak of his Ax on the head difpatch'd him. carried to London, and there buried, thence afterward removM to Canterbury. By this time the Tribute paid, and Peace fo oft'n violated fworn again by the Danes, they difpers'd thir Fleet ; forty five of them, and Turkill thir Chief ftaid at London with the King, fwore him Allegeance to defend his Land aBut gainftall Strangers, on condition only to be fed and clot h'd by him. this voluncary friendlhipof Turkill was thought to be deceitful, that flaying under this pretence he gave intelligence to Svoane, when moft it would be fca1013^ In July therfore of the next year, King Srvane arriving at ibnable to com.
,
,
Sandwich,
Sim. Dun.
1
Sandwich,
The Bifiory of England.

made no
landed and the Northumbrians, F'vsburg, and laftly
Book
6.
flay there, but failing firft tof/iowfcer, thence into Trent, encamp'd at Gainsburrow : whither without delay repair'd to him
withered thir Earl

all
on the North of atling-ftreet (which is a high way Oath and From whom Weft to from Eaft Hoftages to obey him. Sea) gave for his with and Provifion Horfes himbelides he commanded Army, taking Men and choiceft to his of thir Son Canute and committing Bands Companies the care of his Fleet and Hoftages, he marches towards the South Mercians, commanding his Souldiers to exercife all Acts of Hoftility ; with the Terror wherof fully executed, he took in few days the City of Oxford, then Winchefier ;
,
thofeof Lindfey
alfo,
thenthofeof
thence tending to London, in his hafty paflage over the Thames, without feeking Bridg or Ford, loft many of his Men. Nor was his Expedition againft London force or wile to take the City, wherin the profperous ; for allaying all means by his with then was, and Turkitl Danes, he was ftoutly beat'n off as at
King
other times.
ter ufual
Malmf.
014.
Sim. Dun. Mat. weft,
Thence back to WaUingford and Bath, directing his Courfe, afhavoc made, he fat a while and refrelh'd his Army. There Ethelm an Earl of Devon/hire, and other great Officers in the Weft, yeilded him SubThefe things flowing to his Wilh, he betook him to his Navy, from jection. that time ftil'd and accounted King of England, if a Tyrant, faith Simeon^ may be call'd a King. The Londoners alfo fent him Hoftages, and made thir to narrow Compafs, Peace, for they fear'd his Fury. Ethclred thus reduc'd fent Emma his Queen, with his two Sons had by her, and all his Treafure, to Richard the id her Brother, Duke of Normandy ; himfelf with his Danifh Fleet abode fom while at Greenwich, then failing to the lie of Wight, pafs'd after Chrijlmas into Normandy ; where he was honourably receav'd at Roan by the Duke, though known to have born himfelf churlifhly and proudly towards Emma his Sifter, befides his diffolute Company with other Women. Mean while Swane ceas'd not to exaft almoft infupportable Tribute of the People, the like did Turhll at Greenwich. The fpoiling them when he lifted ; befides, next Year beginning, Swane fickens and dies-, fom fay terrify 'd and fmitt'n by an appearing Shape of St. Edmund arm'd, whofe Church at Bury he had
threat'nd to demolifh
of
; but the Authority herof relies only upon the Legend After his Death the Danifh Army and Fleet made his Son Canute thir King ; but the Nobility and States of England fent MefTengers to none before thir Native Sovran, if he Ethelred, declaring that they prefer'd then he had done, and with more Clebetter would promife to govern them over his Son Edward with Embaflafends mency. Wherat the King rejoicing, thir Love, promifing largly to be and win and dors to court both high low, all in confent to mild and thir devoted Lord, things to thir Will, follow thir donor had been and whatever fpok'n by any Man againft him, freeCounfel, him to be thir King. To this the reftore to if would loyally ly pardon, they was both promis'd and confirra'd on and Amity People cheerfully anfwer'd, both fides. An Embafly of Lords is fent to bring back the King honourably ; he returns in Lent, and is joyfully receav'd of the People, marches with a ftrong Army againft Canute ; who having got Horfes and join'd with the Men of Lindfey, was preparing to make fpoil in the Countries adjoining ; but by Ethelred unexpectedly coming upon him, was foon driv'n to his Ships, and his Confederats of Lindfey left to the Anger of thir Country-men, executed without Mercy both by Fire and Sword. Canute in all haft failing back to Sandwich, took the Hoftages giv'n to his Father from all parts of England, and with flit Nofes, Ears cropt, and Hands chop'd off, fetting them alhore, departed into Denmark. Yet the People were not disburd'nd, for the King rais'd out of them 30 thoufand Pound to pay his Fleet of Danes at Greenwich.
St.
Edmund.
To
1015.
Sim. Dun.
Towns
thefe Evils the Sea in Oclober pafs'd his Bounds, overwhelming many in England, and of thir Inhabitants many thoufand?. The Yearfol-
lowing an Aflembly being at Oxford, Edric of Streon having invited two Noblemen, Sigeferth and Morcar,the Sons of Earngrun of Seav'nburgô his Lodging,fecretly murder'd them the King,for what caufe is unknown, feis'd thir Eftates, and caus'd Algith the Wife of Sigeferth to be kept at Maidulf'sburg, now Malmfbury ; whom Edmund the Prince there married againft his Father's Mind, then went and poffefs'd thir Lands, making the People there fubjeft to him. Mat. Weft, faith, that thefe two were of the Danes who had feated themfelves in Nor:
Book
i't\ Northumberland, (lain by Edric under colour of Treafon laid to tliir charge. Malmf. They who attended them without, tumulting at the Death of thir Mailers, into a and driv'n were burnt were beat'n back Church, defending themfelves Mean while Canute returning from Denmark with a there in the Steeple.
,
6.
great Navy, 200 Ships richly gilded and adorn'd, well fraught with Arms Leges Edw;, and all Provision ; and, which Encomium Emm<e mentions not, two other Co "*- Tir de orman du Kings, Laebmanoi Sweden, Olav of Norway, arriv'd at Sandwich ; and, asthe fame Author then living writes, fent out Spies to difcovcr what Reliflance on Land was to be expected who return'd with certain Report, that a great Army of Englifh was in readinefs to oppofe them. Turkill, who upon the arrival of thefe Danifh Powers kept Faith no longer with the Englifh, but to reingratiate hi mfelf after his joining now with Canute, as it were Revolt, Encom. Eml him (being yet young) not to land, counceld whether real or complotted, but leave to him the Management of this firit Battel ; the King afTented, and he with the Forces which he had brought, and part of thofe which arriv'd with Canute, landing to thir Willi, encounter'd the Englifh, though double in at a place call'd Scoraftan, and was at firfl beaten back with much
,
'
his Men with Rage only and Defpair, obtain'd him great Reward and Pofleflions from Canute. Writer makes mention. From Sandwich therfore and there landing, over all Dorfet, SomerRiver to the about Frome, failing he fpread wailful Hoitility. The King lay then lick at Co- Camdem fct and Wiltjhire, /ham in this County ; though it may feem Arrange how he could lie lick there Howbeit Edmund in one part, and Edric of in the midft of his Enemies. St reon in another, rais'd Forces by themfelves ; but fo foon as both Armies were united, the Traytor Edric being found to practice againfl the Life of Edmund, he remov'd with his Army from him ; wherof the Enemy took great Advantage. Edric eafdy enticing the 40 Ships of Danes to fide with him, revolted to Canute ; the Weft- Saxons alfo gave Pledges, and furnifh'd him with Horfes. io\6, By which means the Year enfuing, he with Edric the Traitor palling the Thames at Creclad, about Twelftide, enter'd into Mercia, and efpecially Sim, Dun,' Warwic/hire, depopulating all Places in thir way. Againlt thefe Prince Ed-
Lofs.
number, But
at length
animating
a clear Victory, which won But of this Act ion no other
mund, for
his
Hardinefs
call'd
Ironfide,
gather'dan
Army
but the Mercians
refus'd to fight unlefs Ethelrcd with the Londoners came to aid them ; and fo After the Feftival Edmv.nd gathering another Arevery man return'd home.
my, befought his Father to com with the Londoners, and what Force befides he was able they came with great Strength gott'n together, but being com, and in a hopeful way of good Succefs, it was told the King, that unlefs he took the better heed, fbm of his own Forces would fail off" and betray him. The King daunted with this perhaps cunning Whifper of the Enemy, difbanding his Army, returns to London. Edmund betook him into Northumberbut he with Earl Vtbred on the one land, as fom thought to raife frelh Forces fide, and Canute with Edric on the other, did little elfe but waft the Provinces } Canute to conquer them, Edmund to punifh them who ftood neuter: for which caufe Stafford, Shropfhire, and Lefter/lnre, felt heavily his hand while Canute, who was ruining the more Southern Shires, at length marchM into Northumberland; which Edmund hearing, difmifs'd his Forces and came to London. Vthred the Earl hafted back to Northumberland, and finding no other Remedy, fubmitted himfelf with all the Northumbrians, giving Hoftages to Canute. Neverthelefs by his Command or Connivence, and the hand of oncTurebrand a Danifh Lord, Vthred was flain, and Iric another Dane made Earl in his Itead. This Vthred Son of Walteof, as Simeon writes, in his Treatife of the Siege of Durham, in his Youth obtain d a great Viftory againft Malcolm Son of Kened King of Scots, who with the whole Power of his Kingdom was fall'n into Northu.nberland, and laid feige to Durham. Walteof the
;
,
t,
old Earl unable to refill, had fecur'd himfelf in Bebbanburg, a flrong Town ; but Vthred gathering an Army rais'd the Siege, flew molt of the Scots, thir King narrowly eicaping, and with the Heads of thir flain fix'd upon Poles befet round the Walls of Durham. The Year of this Exploit Simeon cleers not, for in 969, and in the Reign of Ethelred, as he affirms, it could not be. Canute by another way returning Southward, joyful of his Succefs, before Eajler came back with all the Army to his Fleet. About the end of -April enfuing /
Ethel
104

Ethelred after a long, troubleforn and ill-govern'd Reign, London, and was buried in the Church of St. Paul.
Book
ended
6.
his days at
EDMVND
Florent.
IRONSIDE.
Aelred
Life of
Corf.
in the
Edw.
Fter the Deceafe of Ethelred, they of the Nobility who were then at London, together with the Citizens, chofe Edmund his Son (not by Emma., but a former Wife the Daughter of Earl Tbored) in his Father's room ; but the Archbifnops, Abbots, and many of the Nobles aflembling together, elected Canute and coming to Southampton v, here he then remakfd, renounc'd be-
:,
fore
Florent.
Sim. Dun.
Malmf.
Camd.
and fwore him Fidelity he alfo fwore to and But fecular, to be thir faithful Lord. them, Edmund with all fpeed going to the Weft-Saxons, was joyfully receav'd of them as thir- King, and of many other Provinces by thir Example. Mean while Canute about mid May came with his whole Fleet up the River to London ; then caufing a great Dike to be made on Surrey-tids, turned the Stream, and drew his Ships thether Welt of the Bridg , then begirting the City with a broad and deep Trench, aflailM it on every fide ; but repulft as before by the valorous Defendants, and in defpair of Succefs at that time, leaving part of his Army for the Defence of his Ships, with the reft fped him to the WeftSaxons, ere Edmund could have time to aflemble all his Powers: who yet with fuchaswereat hand invoking Divine Aid, enccunter'd the Danes at Pen by After Midfummer, encreaifc CiUingham in Dorfetfkire, and put him to flight. with new Forces, he met with him again at a Place calfd Sheraftan, now Sharftan; but Edric, Almar, and Algar, with the Hamftnre and Wilt/hire Men, then iiding with the Danes, heonly maintain'd the Fight, obftinately fought on both fides, till Night and Wearinefs parted'them. Day-light returning renu'd the Conflict, wherin the Danes appearing inferiour, Ednc to difhart'n the Englifn cuts off the Head of one Ofmer, inCountnance and Hair fomwhat refembling the King, and holding it up, cries aloud to the Englifh, that Edmund being flain, and this his Head, it was time for them to fly ; which Fallacy Edmund perceaving, and op'nly fhewing himfelf to his Souldiers, by a Spear thrown at Edric, that milling him yet flew one next him, and through him another behind, they recover'd heart, and lay fore upon the Danes till Night parted them as before for ere the third Morn, Canute fenfible of his Lofs, march'd away by ftealth to his Ships at London, renuing there his Leagre. Som would have this Battel at Sheraftan the fame with that at Scorafian before mention'd, but the circumftance of time permits not that, having bin before the landing of Canute, this a good while after, as by the procefs of things appears. From Sheraftan or Sharftan Edmund return'd to the Weft-Saxons, whofe Valour Edric fearing, left it might prevail againft the Danes, fought Pardon of his Revolt, and obtaining it, fwore Loyalty to the King, who now the third time coming with an Army from the Weft-Saxons to London, rais'd the Then after two days Siege, chafing Canute and his Danes to thir Ships. at the Thames fo on thir and backs, kept them fo Branford, coming pafiing the to his and obtain'd returns then Weft Saxons, and turn'd, Victory again Canute to his Seige, butftill in vain j riling therfore thence, he enterd with his Ships a River then call'd Arenne ; and from the Banks therof wafted I in ; thence thir Horfe by Land, thir Foot by Ship came to Mcdway. Edmund in the mean while with multiply'd Forces out of many Shires crofting again at Branford, came into Kent, feeking Canute ; encounter'd him at Otford, and fo defeated, that of his Horfe, they who efcap'd fled to the lie of Sheppey ; and a full Victory he had gain'd, had not rfn'c ftill the Traytor by fome Wile or other dctain'd his perfuit: and Edmund who never wanted Courage, heer wanted Prudence to be fo milled, ever after forfak'n of his wonted Fortune. Canute eroding with his Army into Ejfex, thence wafted Mervia wopfe then them Edmund with a colbefore, and with heavy Prey return'd to his Ships lected Army perfuing, overtook at a place calfd Afjandunc or AJfeshiU, now Afhdown in EJfex ; the Battel on either fide was fought with great Vehemence ; but perfidious Edric perceaving the Victory to incline towaffls Edmund,, with that part of the Army which was under him, fled, as he had promis'd Canute, and left the King over-match'd with Numbers By which Deferrion the Eog-
him
the Race of Ethelred, in Matters both religious

all
<
lifn
the Bijhty of England. lifh were overthrown, Duke Alfric, Duke Godwin, and Duke of Etft-Angles, with a great part of the Nobility
Book
6.
8J
Vlfkeiel the valiant flain, fo as the Eng-
Yet after a while Edof a long time had not receav d a greater blow. call'd Ironfide, preparing to try again his Fortune in ano-. notabfurdly mund, ther field, was hinder'd by Ednc and others of his Faction, adviiing him to make Peace and divide the Kingdom With Canute. To which Edmund over-Omd:
lilh
Treaty appointed, and Pledges mutually giv'n, both Kings met toat a place call'd Deorhirft in Glofterfhire ; Edmund on the Welt-lide of gether on the Eaft with thir Armies, then both in Perfon wafted into Canute Severn, an Hand, at that time call'd Olanege, now Alney in the midft of the River }Cam& {wearing Amity and Brotherhood, they parted the Kingdom between them.
rul'd,
only Canute, offering him fingle Combat, to prevent in thir own caufe the effulion thut Canute, though of Courage anough, yet of more Blood "then thir own not unwifely doubting to adventure his Body of fmall Timber, againft a Man of Iron fides, refus'd the Combat, offering to divide the Kingdom. This Offer plealing both Armies, Edmund was not difficult to confent , and the deciiion was, that he as his Hereditary Kingdom fhould rule the Wtft-Saxons t and all the South, Canute the Mercians, and the North. Huntingdon follow'a by Mat. Weft, relates, that the Peers on every fide wearied out with continual Warfare, and not refraining to affirm op'nly, that they two who expected to reign fingly, had moft reafon to fight fingly, the Kings were content ; the Hand was thir Lilts, the Combat Knightly ; till Knute finding himfelf too weak, began to parle, which ended as is faid before. After which the Londoners bought thir Peace of the Danes, and permitted them to winter in the City. But King Edmund about the Feaft of St. Andrew, unexpectedly deceas'd at London, and was buried neer to Edgar his Grandfather at Glafton. The caufe of his fo fudden death is uncertain common Fame, faith Malmsbury, lays the Gilt therof upon Edric, who to pleafe Canute, allur'd with promife of Reward two of the King's Privy Chamber, though at firft abhorring the Fact, to affaffinate him at the Stool, by thrufting a fharp Iron into his hinder parts. Huntingdon, and Mat. Weft, relate it don at Oxford the Son and of by fomthing vary in the manner, not worth recital. Edric, Edmund dead, Canute meaning to reign fole King of England, calls to him all the Dukes, Barons, and Bifhops of the Land, cunningly demanding of them who were Witneffes what agreement was made between him and Edmund dividing the Kingdom, whether the Sons and Brothers of Edmund were to govern the Weft-Saxons after him, Canute living ? They who understood his
, -,
interchanging Arms and the Habit they wore, afTeflingalfo what Pay fhould be allotted to the Navy, they departed each his way. Concerning this interview and the caufe therof, others write otherwife ; Malmsbury, that Edmund grieving at the lofs of fo much Blood fpilt for the Ambition of two Men ftriving who fhould reign, of his own accord fent to
Then
meaning, and fear'd to undergo his Anger, timoroufly anfwerM, that Edthey knew had left no part therof to his Sons or Brethren, living or dying ; but that he intended Canute fhould be thir Guardian, till they came td age of reigning. Simeon affirms, that for fear or hope of Reward they attefted what was not true notwithstanding which he put many of them to death not long after.
mund
CANVTE,
CAnute ceav'd
or
K.NVT E.
-
1017.' having thus founded the Nobility, and by them underftood, rethir Oath of Fealty, they the pledg of his bare hand, and Oath Sim Dunfrom the Danifh Nobles ; wherupon the Houfe of Edmund was renounc't, Sax* and Canute crown'd. Then they enacted, that Edwi Brother of Edmund, a Prince of great hope, fhould be banifh'd the Realm. But Canute not thinking himfelf fecure while Edwi liv'd, confulted witn Edric how to make him away j who told him of one Ethelward a decay'd Nobleman, likelieft to do the work. Ethelward fent for, and tempted by the King in privat with largefl Rewards, but abhorring in his mind the deed, promis'd to do it when he faw his opporBut Edwi afterwards receavd into favour as a tunity ; and fo ftill defer'd it. him or was fom other of his falfe Friends, Canute contriving it, the fnare, by
'
fame
ic6
Book 6. Hijlory of England. fame year (lain. Edric alfo counfelPd him to difpatch Edward and Edmund, the Sons of Ironftde ; but the King doubting that the Fad would feem too toul don in England-, lent them to the King of Sweden, with like intent ; but hedifdaining the Office, fent them for better fafety to Solomon King of Hunat length dy d, but Edward married Agatha Daughter gary ; where Edmund German to Henry the Emperour. A Digreffion in the Laws of Edward Conthe Title of Lex Noricorum faith, that this Edward for fear of feflbr under
:
7k
Canute, fled of his own accord to Malefclot King of the Rugians, who receav'd him honorably, and of that Country gave him a Wife. Canute fettl'd in his Throne, divided the Government of his Kingdom into four parts ; the to Earl Turkill, the Mercians to Edric, Weft-Saxons to himfelf, the Eaft-Angles the Northumbrians to hie ; then made Peace with all Princes round about him, and his former Wife being dead, in July married Emma the Widow of King The ChrifimoA following was an ill Feaft to Edric, of whole TreaEthelred.
as ferv'd his turn, and fearhim to be (lain at London in the ing himfelf to be the next betray'd, caus'd to and there lie unburied ; the Head of the Palace, thrown over City Wall, be the fet on to he commanded Edric fixt on a Pole, higheffc Tower of Lonthe for murder of King Edhe had double fenfe as in a promis'd him, don, mund to exalt him above all the Peers of England. Huntingdon, Malmsbury, and Mat. Weft, write, that fufpetting the King's intention to degrade him from his Mercian Dukedom, and upbraiding him with his Merits, the King enrag'd, caus'd him to be ftrangl'd in the room, and out at a Window thrown into the Thames. Another writes, that Eric at the King's command ftruck Other great Men, though without fault, as Duke Norman the off his Head. Son of Leofwin, Ethelward Son of Duke Agelmar, he put to death at the fame time, jealous of thir Power or Familiarity w\t\i Edric: and notwithstanding fon, the as
King having now made ufe
much
Encorn. Era,
Ingulf.
iot8.
Sim. Dun.
Huncingd. Mat. Weft.
to maintain which, the next year he fquees'd out Peace, kept ftill his Army his Subjects, not his Enemies, 72, fom fay, 82 now the of Englifh, though thoufand Pound, belides 1 5 thoufand out of London*. Mean while great War arofe at Can, between Vthred Son of Waldef, Earl of Northumberland, and Malcolm Son of Kened King of Scots, with whom held Eugenim King of Lothian. But here Simeon the relater feems to have committed fom mi/rake, hrving flain Vthred by Canute two years before, and fet hie in his place :
,
1019.
Sim. Dun.
hie therfore it mult needs be, not Vthred, who manag'd this War againft the Scots. About which time in aConvention of Danes at Oxford, it was agreed on both Parties to keep the Laws of Edgar; Mat. Weft, faith of Edr ird the elder. The next year Canute faifd into Denmark, and there abode all Winter; Huntingdon and Afat. Weft, fay, he went thether to reprefs
I020.
Sim.
Dan.
1021.
Sim. Dun.
Malmf.
1028.
S m. Dun.
the Swedes!, and that the night before a Battel was fought with them, Godwin Healing out of the Camp with his Englifh, alfaultcd the Swedes, and had got the Victory ere Canute in the morning knew of any Fight. For which "bold F nterprife, though againft Difciplin, he had the. Englifh in more efteem ever after. In the Spring at his ,return into England, he held in the time of a Eafter great AfTemhly at Chichefler, and the fame year was with Turkill the Dane at the Dedication of a Church by them built at AjJ'endune, in. the place But fufpecting his Greatof that great Victory which won him the Crown. nefs, the year following banifh'd him the Realm, and found occafion to do the Nor yet content like by hie the Northumbrian Earl upon the fame jealoufie. with his Conqueft of Englapd7 though now above ten years enjoy'd, he pafs'd with 50 Ships into Norway, difpoffefs'd Olave thir King, and fubdu'd the Land,
1029..
Sim. Dim.
1030.
Sim. Dun.
1
03 1.
Sim. Dun.
with great fums of Money fent the year beforeto gain him a Party, then coming with an Army to compel the reft. Thence "rotrfun&ig King of England, Denmark, and Norway, yet not fecure in his mind, tinder colour of 3n EmbafTy he fent into Baniihment Hacun.a powerful Dane, who had married the Daughter of his Sifter Gunild'vs, having conceav'd fom fufpicion of his Pra&ices againft him but fu.ch courfe was tak'n, that he never came back ; Caeither perifhing at Sea, or flain by contrivance the next year in Orkney. nute therfore having thus eftablifh'd himfelf by bloodfhed and oppreffion, to wafh away, as he thought, the Guilt therof, failing again into Denmark, went thence to Rome, and offer'd there to St. Peter great Gifts of Gold and of Romfcot, Silver, and other prctious things-, befides the ufual Tribute
firlt
:
giving
Book
6.
both thither and back again, freeing many Huntingd. giving great Alms by the way, and with Toll great Expence, where Strangers were wont places of Cuftom to pay, having vow'd great amendment of Life at the Sepulchre of Peter and Paul, and to his whole People in a large Letter writt'n from Rome yet At his return therfore he built and dedicated a Church to St. Edextant. 1032. mund at Bury, whom his Anceftors had llain, threw out the Secular Priefts Sim. Dun. who had intruded there, and placM Monks in thir /lead ; then going into Scotland, fubdu'd and receav'd Homage of Malcolm, and two other Kings
103?. fuppos'd Son by Algiva of Northamton, Duke Alfbelnt's Daughter ( for others Sim. Dun." fay the Son of a Prieft whom Algiva barren had got ready at the time of her of Florenc, feign'd Labour ) King of Norway, and Hardecnute his Son by Emma
there, Melbeatb,
and Jermarc.
Three years
after having
made
Huntingd.
Stearic his
King Denmark, and defign'd Harold his Son by Algiva of Nortbamton King of buried at Wtncbefler in the old England, dy'd at Shaftsbury, and was Monaftery. Florenc. This King, as appears, ended better than he began ; for though he feems to have had no hand in the Death of Ironfide, but detefted the Faft, and bringing the Murderers, who came to him in hope of great Reward, forth among his Courtiers, as it were to receave thanks, after they had op'nly related the manner of thir killing him, deliver'd them to deferved Punifhment, yet he fpar'd Edric whom he knew to be the prime Author of that deteftable Faft ; till willing to be rid of him, grown importune upon the confidence of his Merits, and upbraided by him that he had firft relinquifh'd, then extinguihYd Edmund for his fake ; angry to be fo upbraided, therfore faid he with a chang'd Countenance, Traitor to God and to me, thou (halt die ; thine own mouth accufes thee to have flain thy Matter my Confederate Brother, and the Lord's Anointed. Wherupon although prefent and privat Execution Malmf. was in rage don upon Edric, yet he himfelf in cool Blood fcrupl'd not to make away the Brother and Children of Edmund, who had better right to be the Lord's Anointed here then himfelf. When he had obtain'd in England what he defir'd, no wonder if he fought the love of his conquer'd Subjects for the love of his own Quiet, the maintainers of his Wealth and State for his own profit. For the like reafon he is thought to have married Emma, and that Richard Duke of Normandy her Brother might the lefs care what became of Elfred and Edward, her Sons by King Etbelred. He commanded to be obferv'd the antient Saxon Laws, call'd afterwards the Laws of Edward the Confeflbr, not that he made them, but ftridtly obferv'd them. His Letter from Rome profefies, if he had don aught amifs in his youth, through negligence or want of due temper, full refolution with the help of God to make amends, by governing juftly and pioufly for the future charges and adjures all his Officers and Vicounts, that neither for fear of him, or favour of any Perfon, or to enrich the King, they fuffer Injuftice to be don in the Land ; commands his Treafurers to pay all his Debts ere his return home, which was by Denmark, to compofe Matters there and what his Letter pro,
he perform'd all his Life after. But it is a fond conceit in many great ones, and pernicious in the end, to ceafe from no Violence till they have attain'd the utmofl of thir Ambitions and Defires ; then to think Godappeas'd by thir feeking to bribe him with a fhare however large of thir ill-gott'n Spoils, and then laftly to grow zealous of doing right, when they have no longer need to do wrong. Howbeit Canute was famous through Europe, and much honour'd of Conrade the Emperour, then at Rome, with rich Gifts and many Grants of what he there demanded for the freeing of PafTages from Toll and Cuftom. I muft not omit one remarkable Action don by him, as Huntingdon
fefs'd,
reports it, with great fcene of Circumftance, and emphatical Exprelfion, to fhew the fmall Power of Kings in refpeft of God ; which, unlefs to Court-
He caus'd his Royal Seat Paraiites, needed no fuch laborious Demonftration. to be fet on the fhoar, while the Tide was in ; and with all the flate coming that Royalty could put into his Countenance, faid thus to the Sea Thou Sea nor hath any oneunpunifh't belongft to me, and the Land wheron I fit is mine relifted my Commands: I charge thee come no furder upon my Land, neither prefume to wet the Feet of thy Sovran Lord. But the Sea, as before, came rowling on, and without Reverence both wet and dafh'd him. Wherat the King quickly riling, wifh'd all about him to behold and confider the weak and P 2 frivo:
,
108
frivolous
Tk Hiftory of
England.
Book
6.
Power of a King, and that none indeed deferv'd the Name of a King, but he whofe eternal Laws both Heav'n, Earth, and Sea obey. Truth fo evident of it felt, aslfaid before, that unlefs to fharae his Court-Flatterers who would not elfe be convinc't, Canute needed not to have gon wet-fhod home The beft is, from that time forth he never would wear a Crown, eftcem-
ing Earthly Royalty contemptible and vain.
HAROLD.
Florent.
Brompcori.
for his fwiftnefs furnam'd Harefoot, the Son of Canute by Algiva of Nortbamton (though fom fpeak doubtfully as if file bore him not, but Huntingd. had him of a Shoo-makers Wife, as Swam before of a Prieft ; others of a Mac. Weft. Maid-Servant, to conceal her barrennefs) in a great Aflembly at Oxford, was Mat. Weft by Duke Leofric and the Mercians, with the Londoners, according to his Fathers Encom. Em. Teftament, elected King ; but without the Regal Habiliments, which tAllnot the Archbilhop having in his Cuftody, refus'd to deliver up, but to the jons of Emma, for which Harold ever after hated the Clergy ; and (as the Clergy are wont thence to infer) all Religion. Godwin Earl of Kent, and the Weft-Saxons with him flood for Hardecnute. Malmsbury faith, that the conteft was bethe that and tween Dane Danes, and Londoners grown now in a manEnglifh ner Danifh, were all for Hardecnute : but he being then in Denmark, Harold prevail'd, yet fo as that the Kingdom mould be divided between them ; the Weft and South part referv'd by Emma for Hardecnute, till his return. But Harold once advanc't into the Throne, banim'd Emma his Mother-in-law, feis'd on his Fathers Treafure at Winchefier, and there remain'd. Emma not !03C). it fafe to abide in Normandy while Duke William the Baftard was yet holding Sim. Dun, In the mean while Elfred and under Age, retir'd to Baldwin Earl of Flanders. Edward Sons of Etbelred, accompanied with a fmall number of Norman Souldiersina few Ships, coming to vifit thir Mother Emma not yet departed the Land, and perhaps to fee how the People were inclin'd to reftore them thir right, Elfred was fent for by the King then at London ; but in his way met at Guilford by Earl Godwin, who with all feeming friendlhip entertain'd him, was in the Night furpris'd and made Prifner, moft of his Company put to various forts of cruel Death, decimated twice over ; then brought to London, was by the King lent bound to Ely, had his Eyes put out by the way, and deliver'd
HArold
to the
Monks there, dy'd foon after in thir Cuftody. Malmsbury gives little credit to this ftory of Elfred, as not chronicl'd in his time, but rumour'd onWhich Emma however hearing, fent away her Son Edward, who by good ly.
hap accompanied not his Brother, with all fpeed into Normandy. But the Author of Encomium Emma, who feems plainly (though namelefs) to have been fom Monk, yet liv'd, and perhaps wrote within the fame Year when thefe things were don ; by his relation differing from all others, much aggravates the cruelty of Harold, that he not content to have practis'd in fecret (for openly he durft not) againft the life of Emma, fought many treacherous ways and refolv'd at length to forge a Letter in to get her Son within his Power the name of thir Mother, inviting them into England, the Copy of which Letter he produces written to this purpofe.
*,
to her Sons Edward and Elfred imparts motherly SaWhile we feverally bewail the Death of our Lord the King, mofl dear Sons, and while daily ye are deprived more and more of the Kingdom your Inheritance ; I admire what Counfel ye take, knowing that your intermitted delay is a daily flrengthning to the Reign of your Vfurper, who incefjantly goes about from
in
EMma
Town
to
name only Queen,
lutation.
threats.
City, gaining the Chief Nobles to his party, either by gifts, prayers, or But they had much rather one of you Jhould reign over them, then to be held under the power of him who ncm> over-rules them. I entreat therfore that one of you
com
how
to me fpeedily, and privatly ; to receive from the buftnefs which I intend {hall be accomplifht back what you determin. Farewcl, as dear both as
me wholfom
By
this
Counfel,
and to know
Meffenger prefent, fend
my own
Heart.
Thefe Letters were fent to the Princes then in Normandy, by exprefs Meffengers, with prefents alfo as from thir Mother ; which they joyfully receiving, return word by the feme MefTengers, that one of them will be with
her
Book
her
6.
The Hijlory
of
England.
Elfred therfore the younger place. thought belt) at the appointed time, with a few Ships and fmall numbers about him appearing on the Coaft, no fooner came afhore but fell into the fnare of Earl Godwin, fent on purpofe to berray him ; as above was Emma greatly forrovving for the Jofs of her Son, thus cruelly made related. fled immcdiatly with fom of the Nobles her faithfulleft Adherents inaway, to EJariden, had her dwelling aflign'd at Bruges by the Earl ; where having remain'd about two years, fhe was vilitcd out of Denmark by Hardecnute her 1039. Sim. Dun.. Son ; and he not long had remain'd with her there, when Harold in
fliortly ; (for fo it was
naming both the time and
England, having don nothing the while worth memory, fave the taxing of every Port at 8 Marks of Silver to 16 Ships, dy'd at London, fom fay at Oxford, and was buried at Wimhejhr. Aftqr which, molt of the Nobility, both Danes and fend Embafladors to Hardecnute frill at Bruges with his now Englifh agreeing, him to com- and receave as his right the Scepter, who Mother, entreating before Midfomer came with 60 Ships, and many Souldiers out of Denmark.
Hlincin gddn.
.
I0 4-
m"^^"'
HARDECNVTE.
receav'd with acclamation, and feated in the Throne, firffc mind^'the injuries don to him or his Mother Emma in the time Hardecnute of Haruld ; fent Alfric Arch-bifhop of Tork, Godwin and others, with Troud
call'd to
his Executioner to London,
Hsrold, and throw
it
into a Ditch
commanding them to dig up the Body of King

,
but by a fecond order, into the Thames.
and convei'd to a Church-yard in London it was enterr'd again with honour. the to This don he Danes, belonging levied a fore Tax, that eight Marks to every Rower, and twelve to every Officer in his Fleet mould be paid throughout England: by which time they who were fo forward to call him over, had anough of him ; for he, as they
a Fifherman,
Whence tak'nupby
After this he call'd to account Godwin Earl thought, had too much of theirs. of Kent, and Leving Bilhop of Worfler, about the Death of Elfred his half Brother, which Alfric the Archbifhop laid to thir charge ; the King deprr'd Leving of his Bilhoprick, and gave it to his accufer but the year following, Godwin made his Peace by a Malmf a round fum reltor'd it to Leving. pacifi'd with with a gilded Stem bravely a Gaily rigg'd, and 80 Soulfumptuous prefent, diers in her, everyone with Bracelets of Gold on each Arm, weighing 16 of his Sword gilded ; a Danifh Curtax Ounces, Helmet, Corflet, and Hilts his left on or lifted with Gold Silver, hung Shoulder, 3 Shield with bofs and in his his left a Launce ; belides this, he took his in nails gilded right hand, neither of his that own the Councel or Will, but by the before Oath King, command of Harold he had don what he did, to the putting out Elfreds Eyes. The like Oath took molt of the Nobility for themfelves, or in his behalf. The next year Hardecnute fending his Houfecarles, fo they call'd his Officers, 1041. to gather the Tribute imposM ; two of them rigorous in thir Office, were Sim. Dun. flain at Worjler by the People ; wherat the King enrag'd, fent Leofric Duke of Mercia, and Seward of Northumberland, with great Forces and Commiffion to Hay the Citizens, rifle and burn the City, and waft the whole Province. Afall the People fled: the Countrymen whether they frighted with fuch news, Hand in Severn, call'd Beverege, which they forfmall to a the Citizens could, tifi'd and defended ftoutly till Peace was granted them, and freely to return home. But thir City they found fack't and burnt ; wherwith the King was This was commendable in him, however cruel to others, that toappeas'd. ward his half Brethren, though Rivals of his Crown, he fhew'd himfelf always tenderly affeftion'd ; as now towards Edward, who without fear came to him out of Normandy, and with unfeigned kindnefs receav'd, remain'd fafely and honourably in his Court. But Hardecnute the year following, at a Feaft 1042. wherin Of god a great Danifh Lord gave his Daughter in marriage at Lamberth, Sim. Dunto Prudon another potent Dane, in the midft of his Mirth, found and healthful to fight, while he. was drinking fell down fpeechlefs, and fo dying, was He was it feems a great lover of good buried at Winchefle.r befide his Father. chere ; litting at Table four times a day, with great variety of Difhes and fuWheras, faith Huntingdon, in our time Princes in perfluity to all Comers. He gave his Sifter Gunildis, a Virgin thir Houfes made but one meal a day.
:
of
IO
The
-Hi/lory of
England,
Book
6.
of rare Beauty, in marriage to Henry the Alman Emperour , and to fend her forth pompoufly, all the Nobility contributed thir Jewels and richeft OrnaBut it may feem a wonder that our Hiftorians, if they deferve that ments. in a matter fo remarkable, and fo neer thir own time, fo much mould name, differ. Huntingdon relates, againlt the credit of all other records, that Hardecnute thus dead, the Englifh rejoycing at this unexpected riddance of the Danifh Yoke, fent over to Elfred the Elder Son of by King Etbelred, of we heard but now, that he dy'd Prifner at Ely, fent thether by Ha-
Emma
whom
that he came now out of Normandy, with a great number ; of men, to receave the Crown ; that Earl Godwin aiming to have his Daughter Queen of England by marrying her to Edward a fimple Youth, for he thought Elfred of a higher Spirit then to accept her, perfuaded the Nobles that Elfred had brought over too many Normans, had promis'd them Land heer., that it was not fafe to fuffer a warlike and futtle Nation to take root in the Land, that thefe were to be fo handl'd as none of them might dare for the future to flock hither, upon pretence of relation to the King: therupon by common confent of the Nobles, both Elfred and his Company were dealt with as was above related that they then fent for Edward out of Normandy, with Hoftages to be left there of thir faithful intentions to make him King, and thir delires not to bring over with him many Normans ; that Edward at thir call came then firlt out of Normandy ; wheras all others agree that he came voluntarily over to vilit Hardecnute, as is before faid, and was remaining then in Court at the time of his Death. For Hardecnute dead, faith Malmsbury, Edward doubting greatly his own fafety, determin'd to rely wholly on the advice and favour of Earl Godwin ; defiling therfore by Meflengers to have privat fpeech with him, the Earl a while deliberated at telf. affenting, Prince Edward came, and would have falfn at his feet ; but that not permitted, told him the danger wherin he thought himfelf at prefent, and in great perplexity befought his help to convey him fbm whether out of the Land. Godwin foon apprehending the fair occaiion that now as it were prompted him how to advance himfelf and his Family, cherfully exhorted him to remember himfelf the Son of Etbelred, the Grandchild of Edgar, right Heir to the Crown, at full Age not to think of flying but of reigning, which might eafily be about if he would follow his Counfel ; then fetting forth the Power brought and Authority which he had in England, promis'd it fhould be all his to fijt him on the Throne, if he on his part would promife and fwear to be forever his Friend, to preferve the honour of his Houfe, and to marry his Daughter. as his Edward, necefiity then was, confented eafily, and fwore to whatever Godwin requifd. An Alfembly of States therupon met at Gillingbam, where Edward pleaded his right ; and by the powerful influence of Godwin was accepted. Others, as Brampton, with no probability write, that Godwin at this time was fled into Denmark, for what he had don to Elfred, return'd and fubmitted himfelf to Edward then King, was by him charg'd openly with the Death of Elfred, and not without much ado, by the intercellion of Leofric and
rold fix year before
,
other Peers, receav'd at length into favour.
EDWARD
the Confeffor.
104.3."
Sim. Dun.
were the Englifh deliver'd fo unexpectedly from thir Danifh Mafters, and little thought how neer another Conqueft was hanging over tnem Edward, the Eajler following, crown'd at Winchefler, the fame year accompanied with Earl Godwin, Leofric, and Siward, came again thether on a
-
G LAD
fudden, and by thir Counfel

caufe alleg'd
that fhe
Malmf.
on the Treafure of his Mother Emma. The and in the time of his Banifhment is, indeed fhe is faid not much to have lov'd Eibelred her former Husband, and therafter the Children by him ; fhe was moreover noted to be very covetous, hard to the Poor, and profufe to Monafteries. About this time alfo King Edward, according to promife, took to Wife Edith or Egitb Earl Godwins
feis'd
was hard to him
-,
quifit in a with his Father,
Daughter, commended much for beauty, modefly, and, beyond what is reWoman, Learning. Ingulf then a youth lodging in the Court faw her oft, and coming from the School, was fomtimes met her and Edward the next year by pos'd, not in Grammar only, but in Logic. but
Book
6.
Sandwich againft Magmu King of Nor1045. had not Swam King of Denmark diverted him Sim. Dun. own Land, not out of good will to Edward, War 1046. by as may be fuppos'd, who at the fame time cxprefVd none to the Danes, ba- Sim. Dun. the Neecc of Canute with her two Sons, and Ofgod by lirname nifhing Gunildvs Swane over-powr'd by Magnw, fent the next year the Realm. of out 1047. Clapa, to entreat aid of King Edward; Godwin gave counfel to fend him 50 Ships Sim. Dun. fraught with Souldiers ; but Leofric and the general voice gainfaying, none were fent. The next year Harold Harvager King of Norway lending Emballa1 048. dors, made Peace with King Edward ; but an Earthquake at Worftcr and Darby, Sim. Dun.
but one, made ready a an Invaiion, way, who threat'od defend his to home at a
in many places, much lellen'd the enjoyment therof. the 1 he next year Henry Emperour difpleas'd with Baldwin Earl of Flanders, sim# D^' had ltrcitn'd him with a great Army by Land ; and fending to King Edward, dcuYd him with his Ships to hinder what he might, his efcape by Sea. The King therfore with a great Navy coming to Sandwich, there lraid till the Emperour came to an agreement with Eatl Baldwin. Mean while Swane Son of Earl Godwin, who not permitted to marry Edgiva the Abbefs of Chejhr by him deflour'd, had left the Land, came out of Denmark with 8 Ships, feigning a defire to return into the Kings favour ; and Beorn his Coufin German, who commanded part of the King's Navy, promis'd to intercede that his Earldom therfore and ifeon* with a few Ships, the reft might be rcftor'd him. Godwin to of the Fleet home, coming Pevenfey (but Godwin foon departing thence
The Hijlory ftrong Navy at
of
England.
1 1
Pcftilence
and Famin
in perfuit of
gon 29 Danifh Ships who had got much booty on the Coalt of EJfcx,
by Tempeft
in thir
return) Swane with his Ships corns to Beam at fail with him to Sandwich, and reconcile Pevenfey, guilefully him to the King, as he had promis'd. Beorn miftrufting no evil where he intended good, went with him in his Ship attended by three only of his Servants: but Swane fet upon barbarous Cruelty, not reconciliation with the King, took Beorn now in his power and bound him ; then coming to DertAfter which, the men of Hamouth, flew and buried him in a deep Ditch. took fix of his Ships, and brought them to the King at Sandwich; with ftings the other two he efcap'd into Flanders, ther remaining till Aldred Bilhop of About this Worfter by earned mediation wrought his Peace with the King. time King Edward fent to Pope Leo, defiring abfolution from a Vow which he MaImC had made in his younger years, to take a journey to Rome, if God vouchfaf'd
and
perifh'd
requefts him to
him to reign in England; the Pope difpene'd with his Vow, but not without the expence of his Journey giv'n to the Poor, and a Monaftery built or reedifi'd to St. Peter ; who in a Vifion to a Monk, as is faid, chofe Weftminfter, which King Edward thereupon rebuilding endow'd with large Privileges and Revenues. The fame year, faith Florent of Worftcr, certain Irilh Pirats with the mouth of Severn, and with the aid of Griffin Prince of enter'd 36 Ships did fom hurt in thofe parts : then palling the River Wye, burnt South-Wales, all the Inhabitants they found. and flew Dunedham, Againft whom Aldrei
Bilhop of Worfter, with a few out of Glofter and Hereford/hire, went out in haft but Griffin to whom the Welch and Irifh had privily fent Meflengers, came down upon the Englifh with his whole Power by night, and early in the
:
The afTaulting them, flew many, and put the reft to flight. next year but one, King Edward remitted the Danifh Tax which had continu'd 1 05 1 . 38 years heavy upon the Land fince Ethelred firft paid it to the Danes, and Sim. Dun. what remain'd therof in his Treafury he fent back to the Owners but through Ingulf. imprudence laid the foundation of a far worfe mifchief to the Englifh while ftudying gratitude to thofe Normans, who to him in Exile had bin helpful, he calPd them over to public Offices heer, whom better he might have repaid out of his privat Purfe ; by this mean; exafperating either Nation one againft the Robert a Monk other, and making way by degrees to the Nprman Conqueft. of that Country, who had bin ferviceable to him there in time of need, he made Bilhop, firft of London, then of Canterbury ; William his Chaplain Bilhop of Dorcbeftcr. Then began the Englifh to lay afide thir o\vn antient Cuftoms, and in many things to imitate French manners, the great Peers to fpeak French in thir Houfes, in French to write thir Bills and Letters, as a great a prefage of thir fubjedion fhortly peece of Gentility, afham'd of thir own to that People, whofe Fafhions and Language they afFefted fo flavifhly. But
Morning fuddenly
:
,
'
that
The Hijloty
of
England.
Book
6.
Malmf.
that which gave beginning to many Troubles enfuing, happ'nd this Year., and upon this occafion. Euflace Earl of Boloign, Father of the fafnous Godfrey who won Jerufalem from the Saracens, and Husband to Goda the King's Sifter, take Ship at having bin to vifit King Edward, and returning by Canterbury to in a Houfe his force of to one Harbingers lodg infolently feeking by Dover, fo the Mafter therof,"as by chance or heat of Anger to kill provok'd there, him. The Count with his whole Train going to the Houfe where his Servant
had bin kilFd, flew both the Slayer and eighteen more who defended him. But the Townfmen running to Arms, requited him with the Slaughter of twenty one more of his Servants, wounded moft of the reft ; he himfelf with one or two hardly efcaping, ran back with Clamour to the King ; whom feconded by other Norman Courtiers, he ftirr'd up to great Anger againft the Citizens of Canterbury. Earl Godwin in haft is lent for, the Caufe related, and much aggravated by the King againft that City, the Earl commanded to raife Forces, and ufe the Citizens therof as Enemies. Godwin forry to fee Strangers more favour'd of the King then his native Peothat it were better to fummon firft the chief Men of the Town ple, anfwer'd, into the King's Court, to charge them with Sedition, where both Parties might be heard, that not found in fault they might be acquitted ; if otherwife, by Fine or lofs of Life might fatisfy the King whofe Peace they had brok'n, and the Count whom they had injur'd ; till this were don refuling to profecute with hoftile Punifliment them of his own County unheard, whom his The King difpleas'd with his Refufal, and not Office was rather to defend. how to him, compel appointed an Aflembly of all the Peers to be knowing held at Glofler, where the Matter might be fully try'd ; the Aflembly was full and frequent according to Summons: but Godwin miftrufting hisownCaufe, or the Violence of his Adverfaries, with his two Sons, Swam and Harold, and a great Power gather'd out of his own and his Sons Earldoms, which contein'd moft of the South-Eaft and Weft Parts of England, came no furder then Beverjlan,
giving out that thir Forces were to go againit the Welch,
who in-
?an. Dun.
tended an Irruption into Herefordfhire ; and Swam under that pretence lay with The Welch underftanding this Device, and part of his Army therabout. with all diligence clearing themfelves before the King, left Godwin detected of falfe Accufation in great hatred to all the Aflembly. Ltofric therfore and Siward, Dukes of great Power, the former in Mercia, the other in all Parts beyond Humber, both ever faithful to the King, fend privily with fpeed to raife Which Godwin not knowing, fent boldly to the Forces of thir Provinces. King Edward, demanding Count Eujlace and his Followers, together with thofe Boloignians, who, as Simeon writes, held a Caftle in the Jurifdiction of The King, as then having but little Force at hand, entertain'd Canterbury. him a while with Treaties and Delays, till his fummon'd Army drew nigh, then rejected his Demands. Godwin thus match'd, commanded his Sons not to The King's begin Fight againft the King; begun with, not to give ground. Forces were the Flower of thofe Counties whence they came, and eager to fall on But Leojric and the wifer fort detefting Civil War, brought the Matter to this accord, th3t Hoftages giv'n on either fide, the whole Caufe (hould be again debated at London. Thether the King and Lords coming with thir Army, fent to Godwin and his Sons, (who with thir Powers were com as far as Southwark) commanding thir appearance unarm'd with only 12 Attendants, and that the reft of thir Souldiers they fhould deliver over to the King. They to appear without Pledges before an adverfe Faction deny'd-, but to difmifs thir Souldiers refus'd not, nor in ought elfe to obey the King as far as might This Anfwer not ftand with Honour, and the juft regard of thir Safety. the an Edict ifl'u'd that was Godwin and his King, pleafing forth, prefently Sons within five daysdepait the Land. He whoperceav'd now his Numbers to diminifh, readily obey'd, and with his Wife and three Sons, Tojli, Swam, and Gyrtha, with as much Treafure as thir Ship could carry, embarking at
:
Tborney, taiY&'mto Flanders to Earl Baldwin, whofe Daughter 'Judith Tojli had married for Wulnod His fourth Son was then Hoftage to the King in Nor:
; his other two, Harold and Lenfwin, taking Ship at Briftow, inaVefTel that lay ready there belonging to Swam, pafs'd into Ireland. King Edward perfuing his Difpleafure, divorc'd his Wife Edith Earl Godwin's Daughter,
mandy
fending
Book
6.
Tk
Hiflary of
England.
1 1
->
fending her defpoil'd of all her Ornaments to Wareml with one waiting Maid, tobekeptincuftody by his Sifter the Abbefs there. His reafon of fo doing Malmf. was as harfh as his Act, that Ihe only, while her necreft Relations were in BaAfter this, nifhinent, might not, though innocent, enjoy eafe at home. William Duke of Normandy with a great number of Followers coming into England, was by King zdward honorably entertain'd and led about the Cities and Caftles, as it were to fhew him what ere long was to be his own, (though at that time, faith Ingulf, no mention therof pafs'd between them) then after fom time of his Abode here, prefented richly and dilrnifs'd, he return'd home. The next Year Queen Emma dy'd, and was buried at Winchcjlcr. 1052. The Chronicle attributed to John Bromton a Tork/hire Abbot, but rather of Sim. Dun. fom namelefs Author living under Edward the $d or later, reports that the Year before, by Robert the A rchbilhop fhe was accus'd both of confenthg to the Death of her Son Alfred, and or preparing Poy.ion for Edward alfo:, laftly of too much Familiarity with jilxcin biihop of Wincbefler : thit to approve
her Innocence, praying over-night to St. Switbun, fhe offer'd to pafs blindbetween certain Plovvfhares red hot, according to the Ordalian Law, which without harm fhe perform'dj that the King therupon receav'd her to Honour, and from her and the Biihop, Penance for his Credulity ; that the Archbilhop aiham'd of his Accufation, fled -out of England : which belides the Silence of antienter Authors (for the Biihop fled not till a Year after) brings the whole Story into fufpicion, in this more probable, if it can be prov'd, that in memory of this Deliverance from the nine burning Plowto the Abbey of S. Switbune nine Mannors, and fhares, Queen Emma gave Bifhop About this time Griffin Prince of South-Wales wafted Hereylhvin other nine. ford/hire ; to oppofewhom the People of that Country, with many Normans, garifon'd in the Caftle of Hereford, went out in Arms, but were put to the Soon after worfc, many flain', and much Booty driv'n away by the Welch. which Harold and Leofwin, Sons of Godwin, coming into Severn with many Ships, in the Confines of Somerfet and Dorfetfhire, fpoil'd many Villages, and refilled by thofe of Somerfet and Devonjhire, flew in a Fight more then 30 of thir principal Men, many of the common fort, and return'd with much Booty to thir Fleet. King Edward on the other fide made ready above 60 Malmf. Ships at Sandwich well ftor'd with Men and Provilion, under the Conduct of Odo and Radulf two of his Norman Kindred, enjoining them to find out GodTo quick'n them, he himfelf lay on Shipwin, whom he heard to be at Sea. board, oft-times watch'd and fail'd up and down in fearch of thofe Pirats. But Godwin, whether in a Mill, or by other Accident, parting by them, arriv'd in another part of Kent, and difperfing fecret Meffengers abroad, by fair Words a llur'd the chief Men of Kent, Suffex, Sumy, and Effex, to his Party ; which News coming to the King's Fleet at Sandwich, they halted to find him out; but milling of him again, came up without effect to London. Godwin advertis'd of this, forthwith fail'd to the lie of Wight , where at length his two Sons Harold and Leofwin finding him, with thir united Navy lay on the Coaft, forbearing other Hoftility then to furnifh themfelves with frelh Victual from Land as they needed. Thence as one Fleet they fet forward to Sandwich, uling all fair means by the way to encreafe thir Numbers both of Mariners and Soldiers. The King then at London, ftartl'd at thefe Tidings, gave fpeedy order to raife Forces in all parts which had not revolted from him ; but now too late, for Godwin within a few days after with his Ships or Gallies came up the River Thames to Soutlmark, and till the Tide return'd had Conference with the Londoners ; whom by fair Speeches, for he was held a good Speaker in thofe times, he brought to his bent. The Tide returning, and none upon the Bridg hindring, he row'd up in his Gallies along the South Bank ; where his Land-Army, now com to him, in array of Battel ftood on the'fhore: then turning toward the North fide of the River, where the King's Gallies lay in fom readinefs, and Land-forces alfo not far off", he made lhew as offring to fight ; but they underftood one another, and the Soldiers on either fide foon declar'd thir Refolution not to fight Englifh againft EnglHh. Thence coming t& Treaty, the King and the Earl reconciled, both Armies were diffblv'd, Godwin and his Sons reftor'd to thir former Dignities, except Swane^ who touch'd in Confcience for the (laughter of Beorn his Kinfman,
fold
Q_
was]
14
Book
6.
'
was gon barefoot to Jerufalem, and returning home, dy'd by Sicknefs or Saracens in Lycia; his Wife Edith, Godwins Daughter, King Edward took to him again, dignify'd as before. Then were the Normans' who had don many
unjuft things under the King's Authority, and giv V, him ill Counfel againft his People, banifh'd the Realm, fom of them not blamabie permitted to il iv. Robert Archbilhop of Canterbury, William oi London Vlf of Lincoln, all Norwent mans, hardly efcaping with thir Followers, got to Sea. The
1053.
Sim. Dim.
1054.
Sim. Dun.
Huntingd.
1055.
Sim. Dun.
Archbilhop with his Complaint to Rome; but returning, dy'd in Normandy at the fameMonafterie from whence he came. Osbern and Hugh furrenderd thir Caftles and by permiflion of Leofrtc pafs d through his Counties with thir Normans to Macbeth King of Scotland. The Year following Rhefe Brother to Griffin, Prince f South Wales, who by Inrodes had doa much damage to the nglifli, tak'n at Bukndun, was put to death by the King's Appointment, and his Head brought to him at Glofler. The fame Year at Winchefler, en the fecond holyday of Eafler, Earl Godwin fitting with the King at Table, funk down fuddenhis three Sons Harold, 1'ofli, and Gyrtha, forthwith ly in his Seat as dead carried him into the King's Chamber, hoping he might revive bu<- the Malahe atter the fifth had feis'd that The fo Normans who day expir'd. dy him, hated Godwin give out, faith Malmsbury, that mention happ'ning to be made of Elfred, and the King therat looking fowrly upon Godwin, he to vindicate himfelf, utter'dthefe words, Thou, O King, at every mention made of thy Brother Elfred, look'ft frowningly upon me but let God not fuffer me to fwallow thisMorfel, if I be guilty of ought don againft his Life or thy Advantage ; that after thefe Woids, choak d with the Morfel tak'n, he funk down and recover'd not. His firft Wife was the Sifter of Canute, a Woman of -much Infamy for the Trade fhe drove of buying up Englifh Youths and Maids to fell in Denmark, wherof fhe made great gain} but e re long was ftruck with Thunder, and dy'd. The Year enfuing, Siward Earl of Northumof and Foot, attended alfo by a ftrong with a number Horfe berland, great Fleet at the King's Appointment, made an Expedition into Scotland, vanquifhc the Tyrant Macbeth, flaying many thoufands of Scots with thofe Normans that went thether, and plac'd Malcolm Son of the Cumbrian King in his Head ; yet not without lofs of his own Son, and many other both Englifh and Danes. Told of his Son's Death, he ask'd whether he receav'd his Deaths Wound before or behind ? when it was anfwer'd before, I am glad, faith he ; and fhould not elfe have thought him, though my Son, worthy of Burial. In the mean while King Edward being without llfue to fucceed him, fent Aldred Bifhop of Wmchefler with great Prefents to the Emperor, entreating him to prevail with the King of Hungary, that Edward the remaining Son of his Brother Siward but one Year furviving Edir.vnd Ironfide might be fent into England. his great Viftory, dy'd at Tork ; reported by Huntingdon a Man of Giant like Stature ; and by his own Demeanour at point of Death manifefted, of a rough and meer fouldierly Mind. For much difdaining to die in bed by a Difeafe, not in the Field fighting with his Enemies, he caus'd himfelf compleatly arm'd, and weapon'd with Battel-ax and Shield to be fet in a Chair, whether to fight with Death, if he could be fo vain, or to meet him (when far other Weapons and Preparations were needful) in a martial Bravery but true Fortitude glories not in the feats of War, as they are fuch, but as they ferve to end War fooneft by a victorious Peace. His Earldom the King beftow'd on Tofli the Son of Earl Godwin : and foon after in a Convention held at London, banifh'd without vifible caufe, Huntingdon faith for Treafon, Algar the Son of Leofric, who paffing into Ireland, foon return'd with eighteen Ships to Griffin Prince of South Wales, requefting his Aid againft King Edward. He aflembling his Powers, enter'd with him into Hereford/hire; whom Radulf a timorous Captain, Son to the King's Sifter, not by Euflace, but a former Husband, met two Miles diftant from Hereford; and having hors'd the Englifh* who knew better to fight on foot, without ftroke he with his French and Normans and Algar^.folbeginning to fly, taught the Englifh by his example. Griffin the flew wounded enter'd Chafe, lowing many, more, Hereford, flew feven Canons defending the Minfter, burnt the Monafterie and-fleliques, then the City ; killing fom, leading captive others of the Citizens, return'd with
.
'
'
'
great Spoils
wherof King Edward having
notice, gather'd a great
Army at
Glofler
The tiijhrj of linglarid. of f/^roW now Earl of Kent, who ftrenuoufly ptirfu, Glofler under the Condudt But the Enemy enter'd (Jnfljw Wales, and encampM beyond Straddale. ing
Book
6.
<
him farther into the Country, leaving there the greater part of had charge to fight, if occaiion were offer'd, with the Mean while reft he return d, and fortifi'd Hereford with a Wall and Gates. of after and Algar dreading the Diligence many Mclfages to Harold, Griffin him. with Fleet with Pay a Peace his and fro, conclsded Algar difcharging to and was reftor'd his Earldom. But came to the at Wefl-Cbefler, King, fet of the the next Heof breach 1056. with year Faith, upon Lcofgar Bifiiop Griffin with Sim. Vicount of a call'd at Dun, then and his Clerks Agtlmtb place Glajlbrig, reford the Shire, and flew them ; but Leofric, Harold, and King Edward, by force, The next as is likelieft, though it be not fa id how, redue'd him to Peace. Year Edward Son of Edmund Ironfide, for whom his Uncle King Edward had 1057. fent to the Emperour, came out of Hungary, delign'd Succeflbr to the Crown ; Sim, Dun, but within a few days after his coming dy'd at London, leaving behind him Edhis Daughters. About the fame gar Atbeling his Sen, Margaret andCbrtflina old a of a Man no lefs Vertue then in time alfo dy'd Eavl Leofric good Age,
flying before his Army with fuch as
Power in his time, wedded to Godtva
religious, prudent, and faithful to his Country, happily His Son Algar found lefs favour of great Praife.
Woman
1058,
Sim. Pun,
harafs'd Northumberland. The taking advantage of his Abfence, roughly other matter of without Year pafling to an end moment, fave the frequent lnrodes and Robberies of Griffin, whom no Bonds of Faith could reftrain, King Edward fent againft him after Chriftmas Harold now Duke of Weft-Saxons, \o6z. with no great body of Horfe, from Glofter, where he then kept his Court ; Sim. Dun, whofe coming heard of, Griffin not daring to abide, nor in any part of his Land holding himfelf fecure, efcap'd hardly by Sea, ere Harold coming to Rudeland, burnt his Palace and Ships there, returning to Glofter the fame day. But by the middle of May fetting out with a Fleet from Briftow, hefail'd about ic<?3, the moft part of Wales, and met by his Brother Tofti with many Troops of Sim. Dun, Horfe, as the King had appointed, began to waft the Country ; but the
with King Edward, again banilh'd the Year after his Father's Death ; but he and a Fleet from Norway, maugve the King, foon again by the Aid of Griffin The next Year Malcolm King of Scots coming to virecover'd his Earldom. fit King Edward, was brought on his way by Tofti the Northumbrian Earl, to whom he fwore Brotherhood: yet the next "Year but one, while Tofti was gon to Rome with Aldred Archbifhopof Tork for his Pall, this fworn Brother
1059.
Sim. Dun,
1061.
Sim. Dun,
Welch giving Pledges, yeilded themfelves, promised to becom tributary, and who lurking fomwhere, was the next Year tak'n baniih Griffin thir Prince Prince of North Wales; his Head with the Head and flain and 1064, by Griffin Tackle of his Ship fent to Harold, by him to the King, who of his Gentlenefs Sim. p.ra, made Blechgent and Rithwallon or Rivallon his two Brothers Princes in his ftead ; Yet the nexE they to Harold in behalf of the King fwore Fealty and Tribute. Year Harold having built a fair Houfe at a place calfd Portafcith in Monmouth1055. that the King might lodg there in time of Sim. Dun, fliirc, and ftor'd it with Provilion, with a number camd. hunting, Caradoc the Son of Griffin flain the Year before, came of Men, flew all he found there, and took away the Provifion. Soon after which the Northumbrians in a Tumult at York befet the Palace of Tofti thir Earl, flew more then 200 of his Souldiers and Servants, pillage! his Treafure, and put him to fly for his Life. The caufe of this Infurre&ion they alleg'd to s be, for that the Queen Edith had commanded, in her Brother Tofti behalf, in be the to flain a of that Noble-man treacheroufly King's Country Goftatric Court-, and that Tofti himfelf the Year before with like Treachery had caus d to be flain in his Chamber Camel and Vlf, two other of thir Noble Men, befides his intolerable Exactions and Oppreffions. Then in a manner the whole Country coming up to complain of thir Grievances, met with Harold at Nortbamton, whom the King at Tofti' % Requeft had fent to pacify the Nortbum' brians ; but they laying op'n the Cruelty of his Government, and thir own Birth-right of Freedom not to endure the Tyranny of any Governour whatfoever, with abfolute Refufal to admit him again, and Harold hearing ReaHe himfelf fon, all the Accomplices of Tofti were expell'd the Earldom. baniuYd the Realm, went into Flanders ; Morcar the Son of Algar made Earl in his ftead. Huntingdon tells another Caufe of Toftt'% Banilhment, that one
,
Q.
2.
day
16
"The
Hiftory of
England.
Book
6.
day at Windfor, while Harold reach'd the Cup to King Edward, Tojli envying '& to fee his younger Brother in greater favour then himfelf, could not forbear to run furioufly upon him, catching hold of his Hair ; the fcuffle was foort parted by other Attendants rufhing between, and Tojli forbidd'n the Court. He with continu'd fury riding to Hereford, where Harold had many Servants, for the King, came to the Houfe and fet upon preparing an Entertainment them with his Followers } then lopping off Hands, Arms, Legsoffom, Heads of others, threw them into Butts of Wine, Meath, or Ale, which were laid and at his going away charg'd them to fend him in for the King's drinking this word, that of other frelh Meats he might bring with him to his Farm what he pleas'd, but of Sous he mould find plenty provided ready for him that that the Northumfor this barbarous Act the King pronounc'd him banifii'd brians taking advantage at the King's Difpleafure and Sentence againft him, But this no way rofe alfo to be reveng'd of his Cruelties don to themfelves. fo much then mould or the labour for Harold with the NorKing why agrees, thumbrians to re-admit him,if he were a banifh'd Man for his Crimes don before ? About this time it happ'nd that Harold putting to Sea one day for his pleafure, Malmf. in a Fifher Boat, from his Manner at Bofeham in Sujfex* caught with a Tempeft too far off Land, was carried into Normandy ; and by the Earl of Pontiew, on whofe Coaft he was driv'n, at his own requeft brought to Duke William \ who entertaining him with great Courtefie, fo far won him, as to promife the Duke by Oath of his own accord, not only the Caftle of Dover then in his tenure, but the Kingdom alio after King Edward?* Death to his utmoft endeavour, therupon betrothing the Duke's Daughter then too young for marOthers fay, that King Edward himriage, and departing richly prefented. felf after the Death of Edward his Nephew, fent Harold thether on purpofe to acquaint Duke William with his intention to bequeath him his Kingdom Ed. but Malmsbury accounts the former Story to be the truer. Leges Ingulf writes, that Conf. Tic. now and his Edward perceaving Edgar King grown old, Nephew both in BoLcx Noncor. the unfit to Pride and Infolence of and Alind dy govern, efpecially againft Godwin's Sons, who would never obey hi m ^ Duke William on. the other fide of high Merit, and his Kinfman by the Mother, had fent Robert Archbifhop of Canterbury, to acquaint the Duke with his purpofe, not long before Harold came thether. The former part may be true, that King Edward upon fuch Conliderations had fent one or other ; but Archbifhop Robert was fled the Land, and dead many years before. Eadmer and Simeon write, that Harold went of his own accord into Normandy, by the King's Permiffion or Connivance, to get free his Brother Wulnod and Nephew Hacun the Son of Swane^ whom the King had tak'n Hoftages of Godwin, and fent into Normandy ; that King Edward foretold Harold, his Journey thether would be to the detriment of all England and his own Reproach , that Duke William then acquainted Harold, how Edward ere his coming to the Crown had promis'd, if ever he Laft of thefe Matthew attain'd it, to leave Duke William Succefibr after him. Paris writes, that Harold to get free of Duke William, affirm'd his coming thether not to have been by accident or force of Tempeft, but on fet purpofe, fo varioufly in that privat manner to enter with him into fecret Confederacy are thefe things reported. \o66. After this King Edward grew fickly, yet as he Sim. Dun. was able kept his Cbriftmas at London, and was at the Dedication of St. Peter's Church in Wefiminfter, which he had rebuilt \ but on the Eve of Epiphany, or That Twelftide, deceas'd much lamented, and in the Church was entomb d. he was harmlefs and fimple, is conje&ur'd by his words in anger to a Peafant who had crofs'd his Game ( for with hunting and hawking he was much delighted ) by. God and God s Mother, faid he, I fhall do you as fhrewd a
: :
:,
turn
if
can
obferving that
Law-Maxim, the
beft of
that the King of England can do no Wrong. gave growth to Factions of thofe about him,
lifh
,
The
all his Succeffors, foftnefs of his Nature
Normans efpecially and Engthefe complaining that Robert the Archbifhop was a fower of DifTention between the King and his People, a Traducer of the Englifh} the other fide, that Godwin and his Sons bore themfelves arrogantly and proudly towards
the King, ufurping to themfelves equal fhare in the Government ; oft-times making fport with his fimplicity, that through thir Power in the Land, they made no fcruple to kill Men of whofe Inheritance they took a liking, and
fo
Huntingd.
Book
6.
fo to take poffefllon.
Sons did many things much the mind which not able and King's ; violently, againft boiftroufly to relift, he had, as fom fay, his Wife Edith Godwin's Daughter in fuch Averhave touch'd her \ whether for this caufe or miftak'n fation, as in bed never to not commendable His Laws ; to enquire further is not material. Chaftity, and and held good juft, long after defir'd by the Englifh of thir Norman He is faid to be at Table not excelllve, at Feftivals Kings, are yet extant. the with coftly Robes he wore, which his Queen with curinothing puft up He was full of Alms-deeds, and exous Art had woven for him in Gold. He is faid to be the firft Englifh Kings horted the Monks to like Charity. that cur'd the Difeafe calPd thence the King's Evil ; yet Malmsbury blames them who attribute that Cure to his Royalty, not to his Sanctity ; laid alfo to have cur'd certain blind Men with the Water wherin he hath waflfd his hands.
before his Death, lying fpeechlefs two days, the third day after a that if it were a true Vifion, not an Illudeep fleep, he was heard to pray, would God fion which he had feen, give him ftrength to utter it, other wife he had feen two devout Monks, whom he knew in how related he Then not. liv'd and dy'd well, who appearing told him have to they were Normandy, fent Mefiengers from God to foretel, that becaufe the great ones of England, Dukes, Lords, Bifhops, and Abbots, were not Minifters of God but of the the Land to thir Enemies ; and when he defir'd Devil, God had deliver'd that he might reveal this Vilion, to the end they might repent, it was anfwer'd, will God pardon them at this relation 0they neither will repent, neither thers trembling, Stigand the Simonious Archbifhop, whom Edward much to blame had fuffer'd many years to (it Primat in the Church, is faid to hare laugh'd, as at the feaverifh Dream of a doting old Man; but the Event
:
The Bijlory of England. The truth is, that Godwin and his
1 1
A little
prov'd
it
true.
HA R
LD
as
Son of Earl Godwin.
little before his Death ordain'd Sue- Hoved. Simeon of Durham, and others affirm j or by Florenc. the prevalence of his Faction, excluding Edgar the right Heir, Grandchild to Edmund lronfide, as Malmsbury and Huntingdon agree, no iboner was the Funeral of King Edward ended, but on the fame day was elected and crown'd King : and no fooner plac'd in the Throne, but began to frame himfelf by all manner of Compliances to gain Affection, endeavour'd to make good Laws, repeafd bad, became a great Patron to Church and Church-men, courteous and affable to all reputed good, a hater of evil Doers, charg'd all his Officers to punifh Thieves, Robbers, and all difturbers of the Peace, while he himfelf by Sea and Land labour'd in the defence of his Country fo good an actor is Ambition. In the mean while a blazing Star, feven mornings together, about the end of April, was feen to ftream terribly, not only over England, but other parts of the World ; foretelling heer, as was thought, the great Changes approaching plainlieft prognosticated by Elmer a Monk of Malmsbury, who could not forefee, when time was, the breaking of his own Legs for foaring too high. He in his youth ftrangely afpiring, had made and fitted Wings to his Hands and Feet ; with thefe on the top of a Tower, but the Wind being fpre.id out to gather Air, he flew more then a Furlong too high, came fluttering down, to the maiming of all his Limbs ; yet fo conceited of his Art, that he attributed the caufe of his fall to the want of a This Story, Tail, as Birds have, which he forgot to make to his hinder parts. though feeming otherwife too light in the midft of a fad Narration, yet for the ftrangenefs therof, I thought worthy anough the placing as I found it But to digrefs no farder, Tofii the King's Brother plac'd in my Author. from full of Envy at his younger Brother's advancement to coming Flanders, the Crown, Tefolv'd what he might to trouble his Reign ; forcing therfore them of Wight lie to Contribution, he faifd thence to Sandwich, committing Piracies on the Coaft between. Harold then reiiding at London, with a great number of Ships drawn together, and of Horfe Troops by Land, prepares in Perfon for Sandwich : wherof Tojli having notice, directs his courfe with 60 Ships towards Lindfey, taking with him all the Seamen he found willing MalmC or
Avoid,
whether by King Edward a
celfor to the
Crown,
Tte Hijhry of England.
Book
6.
Eadnxr.
Malmf.
Matt. Paris,
or unwilling: where he burnt many Villages, and flew many of the Inhabitants ; but Edwin the Mercian Duke, and Morcar his Brother, the Northumbrian Earl, witluhir Forces on either fide, foon drove him out of the Country. thence betook him to Malcolm the Scotifh King, and with him abode the whole Summer. About the fame time Duke William fending Embalfadors to admonifh Harold of his Promife and Oath, to afiilt him in his Plea to the King' that by the death of his Daughter betrotlfd to him on ciom, he made anfwer, or not dead, he could not take her that Condition, he was abfolv'd of his Oath now an outlandifh Woman, without confent of the Realm that it was prefumptuoufly don, and not to be perlifted in, if without confent or knowledg of the States, he had fworn away the right of the Kingdom ; that what he fwore was to gain his Liberty, being in a manner then his Priiner ; that it was unreasonable in the Duke to require or expect of him the forgoing of a King' dom, confer'd upon him with univerfal favour and acclamation of the Peoto this fiat denial he added contempt, fending the Melfengers back, faith ple Matthew Pariis, on maim'd Horfes. The Duke thus contemptuouily put off, addrefles himfelf to the Pope, fetting forth the Juftice of his caufe, which Harold, whether through haughtinefs of mind, or diftruft, or that the ways Duke William, befides the Promife to Rome were ltop'd, fought not to do. and Oath of Harold, alleg'd that King Edward by the advice of Stward, Codwin himfelf, and Stigand the Archbiihop, had giv'n him the right of Succeffion, and had fent him the Son and Nephew of Godwin, pledges of the Gift; the Pope fent to Duke William, after this demonftration of his right, a confecrated Banner. Wherupon he having with great care and choice got an Artall and ftout of Souldiers, under Captains of great skill and mature Age, my came in sfuguft to the Port of St. Valerie. Mean while Harold fr om London corns to Sandwich, there expecting his Navy ; which alfo coming, he fails to the lie of Wight ; and having heard of Duke Williams preparations and readinefs to invade him, kept good watch on the Coait, and Foot Forces every where in fit places to guard the fhoar. But ere the middle of September, Provilion failing when it was molt needed,both Fleet and Army return home. When onafudden, Harold Harvager King of Norway, with a Navy of more then 500 great Ships,
Who
:,
Camden.
them by two hundred,others augment them to a thoufand) appears mouth of Tim ; to whom Earl Tofli with his Ships came as was agreed between them ; whence both uniting, fet fail with all fpeed and entered the River Bumber. Thence turning intoO/c,as far as Rical, landed,and wonYork by aflault. At thefe tidings Harold with all his Power hafts thetherward ;but ere his coming, Edwin and Morcar at Fulford by York, on the North fide of Oujc, about the Feait of St. Matthew had giv'n them Battel ; fuccefsfully at firft, but over-born at length with numbers ; and fore'd to turn thir backs, more of them pcrifh'd in the River, then in the Fight. The Norwegians taking with them 5C0 Hoftages out of Tori, and leaving there 150 of thir own, retir'd to thir Ships. But the fifth day after, King Harold with a great and well appointed Army, coming to York, and at Stamford-Bridg, or Battcl-Bridgon Darwent, affailing the Norwegians, after much bloodfhed on both fides, cut off the greateft part of them with Harvager thir King, and Tofli his own Brother. But Olave the Kings
(othei at the
s lefs'n
Malmf.
Son, and Paul Earl of Orkney, left with many Souldiers to guard the Ships, furrendring themfelves with Hoftages and Oath given never to return as Enemies, he fulferM freely to depart with 20 Ships and thefmall remnant of thir Army. One man of the Norwegians is not to be forgott'n, who with incredible valour keeping the Bridg a long hour againft the whole Englifh Army,
with his finglereiiftancedelai'd thir Victory; and fcorn ing offer'd Life, til! in the end no man daring to graple with him,either dreaded as tco ftrong, or contemned as one defperate, he was at length fhot dead with an Arrow; and by
his fall open'd the paifage of perfuit to a compleat Victory. Wherwith Harold lifted up in mind, and forgetting now his former fhews of popularitie, de-
frauded his Souldiers thir due and well deferved fhare of the Spoils. While thefc things thus paft in Northumberland, Duke William lay {till at St. Valerie \ his Ships were ready, but the Wind ferv'd not for many days ; which put the
Souldiery into
fail
much difcouragement and murmur,

;
fign of thir fuccefs
at laft the
Wind came favourable,

till all
awaited the
reft at
Anchor,
taking this for an unlucky the Duke firft under coming forth, the whole Fleet of 900
Ships
Book
6.
Tl?e Hiflory of
England.
up
At his going out of the Boat Ships with a profperous gale avriv'd at Hajlings. by a flip falling on his hands, to correct the Omen, a Souldier Handing by faid Sim. Dun.' aloud, that thir Duke had taken pojlefllon of England. Landed, he reftrein'd
his
Army from waft and fpoil, faying, that they ought to fpare what was thir own. But thefe are things related ot Alexander and Ccefar, and I doubt thence borrow'd by the Monks to inlay thir Story. The Duke for i 5 days after land-
ing kept his men quiet within the Camp, having taken the Caftle of Hajlings, Harold fecure the while, and proud of his new Vior built a Fortrefs there. all his Enemies now under foot: but fitting jollily at dinner, ctory, thought news is brought him, that Duke William of Normandy with a great multitude of Horfe and Foot, Slingers and Archers, belides other choice Auxiliaries which he had hir'd in France, was arriv'd at Pevenfey. Harold who had exlate in the year as now it was, for it pected him all the Summer, but not fo was October, with his Forces much diminilh t after two fore conflicts, and the
departing of many others from him difcontented, in great haft marches to Thence not tarrying for fupplies which were on thir way towards London. him, hurries into Sujfex (for he was always in haft (ince the day of his Coronation) and ere the third part of his Army could be well put in order, finds the nuke about 9 mile from Hajlings, and now drawing nigh, fent fpies before him to furvey the ftrength and number of his Enemies them difcover'd fuch, the Duke cauiing to be led about, and after well fill'd with Meat and drink fent back. They not over-wife, brought word that the Dukes Army were molt of them Priefts , for they faw thir Faces all over ihav'n the Englifh then ufing to let grow on thir upper-lip large Muftachio's, as did antiently the The King laughing anfwer'd, that they were not Priefts, but valiant Britans. and hardy Souldiers. Therfore faid Girtha his Brother, a youth of noble courage and underftanding above his Age, Forbear thou thy felf to fight, who art obnoxious to Duke William by Oath, let us unfworn undergo the hazard of Battel, who may juftly fight in the defence of our Country ; thou referv'd to litter time, maift either reunite us flying, or revenge us dead. The King not hark'ning to this, left it might feem to argue fear in him or a bad caufe, with like refolution rejected the offers of Duke William fent to him by a Monk before the Battel, with this only anfwer haftily deliver'd, Let God judg between us. The offers were thefe, that Harold would either lay down the Scepter, or hold it of him, or try his Title with him by fingle Combat in fight of both Armies, or refer it to the Pope. Thefe rejected, both fides prepar'd to fight the next morning, the Englifh from finging and drinking all Night, the Normans from confeffion of thir Sins and communion of the Hoft. The Englifh were in a ftreit difadvantagious place, fo that many difcourag'd with thir ill ordering, fcarce having room where to ftand, flip'd away before the onfet, the reft in clofe order with thir Battel-Axes and Shields, made an impenetrable Squadron the King himfelf with his Brothers on foot flood by the Royal Standard, wherin the figure of a man fighting was inwov'n with Gold and pretious Stones. The Norman Foot, moft Bowmen, made the formoft Front, on either The Duke arming, and his Corflet fide Wings of Horfe fomwhat behind. him the on faid giv'n wrong fide, pleafantly, The ftrength of my Dukedom will be turned now into a Kingdom. Then the whole Army finging the Song of Rowland, the remembrance of whofe Exploits might hart'n them, imploring laftly Divine help, the Battel began ; and was fought forely on either lide but the main body of Englifh Foot by no means would be brok'n, till the Duke caufing his men to feign flight, drew them out with defire of purfuit into open diforder, then turn'd fuddenly upon them fo routed by themfelves, which wrought thir overthrow ; yet fo they dy'd not unmanfully, but turning oft upon thir Enemies, by the advantage of an upper ground, beat them down by heaps^ and fill'd up a great Ditch with thir Carcafles. Thus hung the Victory wavering on either fide, from the third hour of day to Evenings when Harold having maintain'd the Fight with unfpeakable Courage and perfonal Valour, fhot into the Head with an Arrow, fell at length, and left his Souldiers without heart longer to withftand the unwearied Enemy. With Harold fell alfo his two Brothers, Leofwin, and Girtha, with them greateft part of the Englifh His Body lying dead, a Knight or Souldier wounding on the Thigh, Nobility. Was by the Duke prefently turn'd out of Military Service. Of Normans and French
:
,
no
*
Sim. Dun.
alfo that day not a litFrench were (lain tle hazarded his Perfon, having had three choice Horfes kill'd under him. Vi&ory obtain'd, and his dead carefully buried, the Englifh alfo by p< miffion, he fent the Body of Harold to his Mother without Ranfora, though (he offer'd very much to redeem it, which having receav'd (lie buried at Waltham, in a Church built there by Harold. In the meanwhile, Edwin and Morcar, who had withdrawn themfelves from Harold, hearing of his Death, came to London ; fending Aldgitb the Queen thir Sifter with all fpeed to Weft-Cbefler. Aldred Archbifhop of Turk, and many of the Nobles, with the Londoners would have fet up Edgar the right Heir, and prepar'd themfelves to fight for him; but Morcar and Edwin not liking the choice, who each of them expected to have been chos'n before him, withdrew thir Forces and returned home. Duke William contrary to his former reiohuion, if Florent of Worfter, and they who follow him fay true, wafting, burning, and (laying all in his way, or rather, as faith Malmsbwy, not in hoftilebut in regal manner, came up to London, met at Barcbam by Edgar, with the Nobles, Bifhops, Citizens, and at length Edwin and Morcar, who all fubrnitted to him, gave Hoftages, and fwore Fidelity, he to them promis'd peace and defence; yet permitted his men the wMle to burn and make prey. Coming; to London with all his Army, he was on Cbnfmafs day folemnly crown'd in the great Church at Wcfminfler, by Aldred Archbifhop of York, having firft given his Oath at the Altar in prefence of all the People, to defend the Church, well govern the People, maintain Thus the Englilh while right Law, prohibit Rapine and unjuft Judgment. choice not about the of native thir they agreed King, were conftrein'd to take the Yoke of an outlandifh Conqueror. With what minds and by what courfe of Life they had fitted themfelves for this fervitude, William of Malmsbury Not a few years before the Normans came, the Clerfpares not to lay op'n. gy, though in Edward the Confefibrs daies, had loft all good Literature and Religion, fcarfe able to read and underftand thir Latin Service: he was a miracle toothers who knew his Grammar. The Monks went clad in fineStuffs, and made no difference what they eat ; which though in it felf no fault, yet to thir Confciences was irreligious. The great men given to gluttony and diflblute Life, made a prey of the common People, abuiing thir Daughters whom they had in fervice, then turning them off to the Stews ; the meaner fort tipling together night and day, fpent all they had in Drunk'nefs, attended with other Vices which effeminate mens minds. Whence it came to pafs, that carried on with fury and rafhnefs more then any true fortitude or skill of War, they gave to William thir Conqueror fo eafy a Conqueft. Not but that fom few of all forts were much better among them but fuch was the gene?.i
,
The Hijlory of England. no fmall number-, the Duke himfelf
Book
6.
And as the long fuffering of God permits rality. witb the good, jo b'vs feverity oft times exempts not times witb the bad.
If thefe
bad men
to enjoy
good men from
tbir
profperous daies {bare in evil
were the Caufes of fuch mifery and thraldom to thofe our Ancewith what better clofe can be concluded, then here in fit feafon to reftors, member this Age in the midft of her fecurity, to fear from like Vices without amendment the Revolution of like Calamities ?
AN
INDEX
O F
All the chief Perfbns and material
contain
d in
A.
the foregoing
H I S T O R Y.
PaflTages
Alemannus
reported one of the four Sorts of Hiftion, defcended from Japhet, and of whom the Alemanni or Ger-
in the
ADDA
again ft
it.
fucceeds his Father Ida Kingdom of Bernicia.
mans,
p. 5 .
page 52.
the
Adminius
h'vs
Son
of
Cunoto the
Alfage Archbifhop of Canterbury inhumanly rn'd by the Danes, p. 1 o 1 hWd outright by Thrum a Dane, in com.
beline baniflfd
Country, flies
Jlirs
miferation of his Mifery.

the, fourth
ibid.
Emperour Caligula, and
him up Alfred
p. 22.
Son of Ethelwolf, and
Aganippus a
Cordeilla the
Gaulifl}
King, marries Daughter of King Leir.

p. 10.
Succeffor of his Brother Ethelred, encounters the Danes at Wilton, p. 8 r . he gives Battel to the whole Danifh
Agricola Son of Severianus fpreads the p. 43. Pelagian Dottrin in Britain. Aidan a Scotch Bipiop fent for by Ofwald
to fettle Religion,
p. 62.
be hath
h'vs
Power at Edinton, and totally routing them brings them to terms, p. 82. he is faid to have beftow'd the Eaft-Angles upon Gytro a Daniih. King, who had been lately baptized, ibid, a long
Epifcopal Seat at Lindisfarne. ibid. he dies for grief of the Murder of Of-
win.
p. 63.
Alaric takes Honorius.
Rome
War afterwards maintain''d between him and the Danes, p. 83,84.. he dies in the 30th Year of his Reign,
tedious
from
the
Emperour
p.
and
is
buried at Winchefter, p. 84.

p. 85.
40.
his noble 'Charattcr.
Alban
Alfwold driving out Eardulf ufurps the Martyrdom Kingdom of Northumberland, p. 73. Albanact one of the three Sons of Brutus, Algar Earl of Howland, now Holland, hath Albania, now Scotland, for h'vs Morcar Lord of Brunne, and Ofgot
of
Varulam
with others fuffers under Dioclefian. p. 37.
fliare in the
Kingdom.
be the eldejl of
p. 8.
Albina fiid te
Diocleiians
50 Daughters, p. 4. from her the name ibid. Albion derived. Albion the ancient name of th'vs Hand,
p. 4. whence derived. Alclcd flaying Ethelwald
Governour of Lincoln, /laughter a great multitude of the Danes in Battel, with three of thir Kings, p. 80. overpowr^d with Numbers, and drawn into
a Snare, Algar
ing.
ibid.
dies valiantly, figlnibid.
Algar the Son of Leofric banifli'd by the Northumbrians, K. Edward, joins with Griffin Prince of Kingdom p.71. Aldfrid recalPd from Ireland, fucceeds of South- Wales, p. 114. unable to his Brother Ecfrid in the Northumbriwith/land Harold Earl of Kent, be an Kingdom, p. 67. he leaves Ofred fubmits to the King and is reflor'd,
ufurps
the
a Child
to
fucceed him.
ibid.
p.
115. binijVd again, be recovers his

force.
Aldulf
Nephew of Ethelwald fucceeds King of the Eait-Anglcs. p. 74. Alectus treacheroufly flays h'vs Friend Cathe
Earldom by
ibid.
raufius to get the Dominion, p. 36.
vs
overthrown
fl.iin.
by
Afclepiodotus,
and
ibid.
Alipius made Deputy of the Britifh Province in tl)e room of Marti nus. p. 3 7. Alia begins the Kingdom of Dcira in the South Part of Northumberland.
P- 5
2 , Si-
ft
Alric
A Table
to the
and Irifh, under Anlaf and ConftanAlric King of Kent after Ethelbert the tine King of Scotland, p. 89, 90. he the ends him with dying 2d, p. 70. dies at Glocefter, and is buried at Race of Hengift. P-7Âmbrolius Aurelianus dreaded by VorMalmsbury, p. 90. hvs Character, ib. in a Aflaracus a Trojan Saxons the defeats 48. Prince, joins with tigern, p. Brutus againft Pandrafus. memorable Battel, ibid, uncertain whep. 5. ther the Son of Conftantine the Vfur- Aulus Plautius fent againft this lland by tlpe and Son Emperour Claudius, p. 23. he per, or the fame with Merlin, overthrows Cara&acus and Togodumhe a Roman ibid, fucceeds of Conful,
Vortigern as
lie.
chief
Monarch
of the
ibid.
nus, ibid,
the
to
is
very much put to
it
by
Britans, ibid, fends to
Claudius
Anacletus
is
the Friend of King Pandrafus, taken in fight by Brutus, p. 6". he is forced by Brutus to betray his own Coun-
com over, and joins with him, ibid. leaves the Country quiet, and returns
trymen,
ibid.
Andragius, one
in the Catalogue of anp.

1
cient Britifh Kings.
3.
triumphant to Rome. p. 23, 24. Aurelius Conanus a Britifh King, one of the five that is faid to have reign' d toward the beginning of the Saxon Hcpt archie.
Androgeus,
one of Lud's Sons,
hath
p. 14.
p. 53.
London afftgndhim and Kent,
Auftin with
to
forfakcs h'vs claim to the Kingdom, and follows Qefar'.r Fortune. p. 22.
preach
5<5.
others fent over from the Gofpel to the
Rome
Saxons,
p. 55,
he
Anlaf the Dane with his Army of Irifh, and Conftantine King of Scotland,
utterly
thelbert who
receiv'd by hears him in a

is
King Egreat Af-
fembly, p. 56.
he
is
ordaind Arch-
difcomfited
by
ftan.
King Athelp. 89, 90.
he hath his Seat at Canterbury, p. 57. he fumbifhop of the Englifh, ibid,
Anna fucceeds
of the
Sigebert in the Kingdom Eaft-Angles, p. 63. he is/lain in War by Penda the Mercian, ibid.
; i
mons
together the Britifh Bi/Jwps, requiring them to conform with him in
Antigonus the Brother of King Pandrafus, taken in fight by Brutus. p. 6. Antoninus fent againft the Caledonians
by
h'vs
Points wherin they differed, ibid, upon thir Refufal he ftirs up Ethelfrid against them, to the Jlaughter of 1 200
Monks.
;
p. 58. B.
Father Severus, p. 35.
after]
whofe Death he takes Hoftages, parts to Rome.

being reftord by
h'vs
and deibid,
j
AvchlgaUo deposed for hvs Tyranny, p.i 2.

Brother, he becoms
p.
1
BArdus,
one of the fir sir Face of Kings, have reign d in this lland, fabled
to
1
a new
Man, and reigns worthily,

one in the
3.
Archimailus,
number of
an-',
j
p. 4. defended from Samothes. ibid. Beorn precedes Ethelred in the Kingdom
Armorica
cient Britifh ibid, of the Eaft-Angles. Kings. in France, peopled by Britans Bericus flying to that fled from the Saxons. Emperor Claudius to p. 46. land. Arthur, the Vittory at Badon-hill, by\
Rome
p. 74. perfwades the invade this Lp. 5

1
.
Bernulf ufurping the Kingdom of Mercia from Keolwulf, is overthrown by Ecbert at Ellandune, p. 74. flying to was, and whether the Author of fuch the Eaft-Angles is by them /lain. ibid. Ails as are related of him. famous a Bi/hopfent by Pope Honorius, Berinus p. 50, 51. converts the Weft-Saxons and thir Arviragus ingaging againfl Claudius, the to to a Battel keeps up Chriftianity. p. 62. Kings Victory, by his the Weft-Saxons Birthric Brother Guideof perfonating /lain King after
fom
afcritfd to him, which by others is attributed to Ambrofe, p. 50. who he
rius.
p. 24.
Athelftan the Son of King Edward the elder by d Concubine, folemnly crowned
at Kingfton upon Thames, p. 89. the Confpiracy of one Alfred and h'vs Accomplices againfl him difcover'd, ibid. he gives his Sifter Edgith to Sitric the
p. 71. he fecretly feeks the Life of Ecbert, p. 73. is poifon'd by a Cup which his Wife had prepar'd for
Kinwulf,
another.
ibid.
Bladud
Son of Rudhuddibras builds Caerbaduso*- Bath. p. 9.

the in the
Bleduno, one
number of
the ancip.
Dane,
but drives out
Anlaf and Guth-
ent Britifl) Kings.
13.
ib.
fred out of thir Kingdom, p. 89. the Blegabedus his Excellency in Mufic. Story of his dealing with his Brother Boadicia the Wife of Prafutagus,
queftion'd as improbable, ibid. he overthrows a vaft Army of Scotch
to-
Edwin
gether with her Daughters, abas' d by the Roman Souldiers, p. 2~. com-
mands
mands
in Chief in the
the
Hiflory of England. meets with Corineus, Britifh Army a-
gainfi by Suetonius,
Romans,
is
p. 28. vanquifhh ibid.
ibid, overcoms Goflarius Pi&us, ibid, arrives in this
thought to have poi-
fon'd her felf.
Bonofus a Eritan by
quifht by
childis. p. 9 Probus, hangs bhnfelf. p. 3 5. Burhed holding of Ethdvvolf the Mercian Kingdom after Brennus and Belinus the Sons of DunBertulf, rcducetb the North Welch to wallo Mulmutius contend about the 78. obedience,
,
defcent, indeavouring to tnake himfclf Emperour, but van-
Hand, ibid, builds Troja Nova. p.8. Brutus Jirnamed Greenfheild, fuccceds Ebranc, and gives Battel to Brun-
p.
1 p. 1 . after various conflicts are reconciled by thir Mother Cothey nuvenna, ibid, they turn thir united
Kingdom,
Forces
into
Foren
Parts,
but Beli-
he marries Ethelfwida the Daughter of King Ethelwolf, ibid, driven out of his Kingdom by the Danes, he flies to Rome, where dying he is buried in the
nus returns and reigns long hi Peace. p. 11,12.

Britain, the Hiflory of the Affairs thcroj till the altogether obfeure and uncertain
Englifh School, p. 81,82.

let
his
Kingdom
p. 82.
out by the
Danes
to
Kelwulf.
coming of Julius Csfar,

firft peopled,
p. 3. by
firfi
whom
fee Kedwalla.
-
p. 4.
nam'd
Sanio-
from Samothes, ibid, next Al- GAdwallon, Csefar, fee Julius Gcfar. ibid. Cajus Sidius Geta behaves himfclf valibion, and from whence, Britans ftoutly oppofe Oefar at his landantly againji the Britans. p. 23. in him this 17. Cajus Hand, p. they offer ing Volufenus/ewf into Britain by Cxterms of Peace, ibid, thir manner of far to make difcovery of the Country and are 18. defeated they by People. fighting, p. p. i<5. Csefar, and brought anew to terms of Caligula a Roman Emperour. p. 22.
tliea
Peace, ibid, a Jharp difputc between the Britans and the Romans near the
Camalodunum
of
or
Maldon
p. 22.
lb? chief feat
Kymbeline,
made a Roman
Stovvr in Kent, p. 19.
thir
Nature
cruel
and Cufloms,
Maffacrc
p. 21, 22.
thir
Camber
Colony. p. 24, 27. one of the Sons of Brutus hath al-
upon the
they are acquitted of the

diclion by the
lotted to him Cambria or Wales, p.8. Romans, p. 27. Roman jurif- Canute the Son of Swane, 'chofen King
Emperour Honorius, not
after his Fathers
Death by
the
Danifh
able to
defend them againji thir Enemies, p. 40. they again fupplic ate Honorius fur aid, who fpares them a Ro-
man
Army Fleet, p. 102. is driven back to his Ships by Ethelred, ibid. returns with a great Navy from Denmark, accompanied with Lachman King of Sweden, and Olav of Norway, p. 103. after fever al conflitts
with
and
Legion, p. 41. and again at thir renewed requejl a new fupply, p. 42. thir fubmijfive Letters to /Etius the
Roman
Clergy,
to the
Conful, p. 43. thir

p.
Luxury and
Wickednefs, and
44,
the Corruption of thir 52, 53. thir Embaffy
Edmund, he at length divides the Kingdom with him by agreement, p. 105. after Edmund's Death y reigns
fole
Saxons for thir aid againji the Scots and Pi&s, with the Saxons anfwer,
p. 45. miferably barafs't by the Saxons whom they calPd in, p. 46.
King, ibid, he endeavours the ex-
tirpation of the
fettles his
Saxon Line, ibid, he Kingdom, and makes peace"
routed by Kerdic, p.49. by Kenric and
with the Princes round about him, p. 106. he caufes Edric, whofe Treafon
he
his
Keaulin,
they
p.
52, 54. by Cuthulf, p.54.
had made
ufc of, to
be
flain,
and
totally
vanquifh Keaulin,
ibid.
they are put to flight by Kenwalk.p.64. Britto, nam'd among the four Sons of
Hiftion, fprung of Japhet, and
from
Body to be thrown over the City Wall, &c. ibid, he fubdues Norway, ibid, takes a Voyage to Rome, and offring there rich Gifts, vows amend-
him
the
Britans faid
to be
to be derived, p. 5.
ment of
Life, p.
06,
07. be dies at
Brutus, faid
defcended from
p. 5.
./Eneas
into
Shaftsbury, and
is
buried at
Win-
a Trojan Prince,
his Father, from the
retiring
Greece after having unfortunately
kilPJ
ibid. Cenfurc, chefter, p. 107. the one Ancient in the Capis Catalogue of
his
he delivers his p. 13. Countrymen Kings, Bondage of Pandrafus, p. $,6. Capoirus another of the fame number, ib. marries Innogen the eldefi Daughter of Caradtacus the youngefl Son of CunobePandrafus, p. 6. he lands upon a deline, fucceeds in the Kingdom, p. 22. fertllandcaWd Leogicia, ibid, where is overthrown by Aulus Plautius, p.23.
he confults the Oracle of
Diana,
p. 7.
heads the Silures agaitijl the Romans, R 2 p. 24,
A
p.
Table
to the
Battel, and takes Camalodumm, ib. be returns to Rome, leaving Plautius
24,25.
to
is
dua,
his Speech to is behind, ibid, he hath excejfive honours fent decreed him by the Senat. the Emperour, ibid, by the bravenefs of p. 24. himbis Carriage he obtains pardon for Cliguellius an ancient Britifh King. p. 1 3. ibid. Clodius Albinus fucceeds Pertinax in the his Company. felf and all Government oj Britain for the Rowith rich Piracy pojfejfes Caraufius
whom he fled for to Rome, ibid,
bctraf d by CartifmanRefuge, p.25.
grown
he fortifies himfelf of this Band, p. 36. the Wall of Severus, ibid, in the
mans,
flain in
p. 34. he
is
yanquifh't
and
ibid.
a Battel againft Septimius Se-
midft of the great preparations of

ftantius Chlorus againft him, flain by his friend Alechis.
Conhe
is
verus.
Coilus the Son of Maxvx&leaves.the King-
ibid.
dom
to
Lucius.
p. 33.
Carinus fent by his Father Cams the Coillus an ancient Britifh King. p. 1 3. to govern this He of Britain, Comail and two other Britifh Kings flain Emperour is overcom and flain by Dioclefian. by Keaulin and his .StoCuthwin.p. 54. to make P- 35,36. Comius of Arras fent by Caefar a party among the Britans. Cartifmandua Queen of the Brigantes, p. 16. delivers Caradtacus bound to the Ro Conftans, of a Monk made a Caefar, reduces all Spain to bis Father Conftanmans, p. 25. deferts her Husband Vetius'i her and both Obedience, p.39. difplacing Gefelf nutius, and gives is his rontius one to Vellocatus of opposed by him, and at laft
Kingdom
Squires.
p. 2.6.
flain.
ibid,
Carvilius a petty King in Britain ajfaults Conftantine the Son of Conftantius the Roman Camp with three others.rj.21 Chlorus, faluted Emperour after his Fathers Death, p. 37. his Mother Caflibelan one of the Sons of Heli, gains
.
the
Kingdom
by
common
confent, p.
4.
his generofity to his Brothers Sons, ib.
he heads the Britans againft Julius CasPar and the Romans, p. 20. he is
deferted by the Trinobantes, and why, ibid, he yields to Caefar, p. 21. is re-
faid to be Helena the Daughter of Coilus a Britifh Prince, ibid, his eldeft Son of the fame name, enjoys among other Provinces of the Empire this
ported
to
have had
War
with
Andro-
geus ; dies and is buried at York. ib. Cataradta an ancient City in Yorkfhire,
burnt by Arnred a Tyrant. p. 70. Catellus an ancient Britifh King. p. 1 3 Cerdic a Saxon Prince lands at Cerdic
.
fhore, and overthrows the Britans, p. 49. defeats thir King Natanleod in a
a common Souldier of faluted Emperour, p. 39. by the valour of Edebecus and Gerontius, be gains in France as far as Aries, ibid, by the Condutl of his Son Conftans, and of Gerontius, be reduces all Spain, ibid. Gerontius difin the Vandals aplac't by him calls ibid, befeig'd by Conftangainft him,
Hand alfo, the fame
ibid,
n~ame
tius
Comes,
be turns Prieft, is after-
wards carried into Italy, and put to memorable Battel, ibid, founds the Death. ibid, p. 40. Welt-Saxons, fee Kingdom of Conftantine the Son of Cador fharply inKerdic. Clierin an ancient Britifh King. p. 1 3. veighed againft by Gildas, p. 53. he is faid to have murder d tiro Chriftian Faith received in Britain by young ibid. Princes the Blood Royal. have been to of 33. faid p. Lucius, King Scotland Conftantine joining King of preach't by Faganus and Deruviarms, with the Danes and Irtfh under Anlaf, ibid, others fay long before by Simon
is overthrown by Athelftan. p. 89. Zelotes,or Jofeph of Arimathaea, ib. Conftantius to the Saxwhat Chlorus/Wjf against Carauoccafion preach't upon who is fius, p. 36. defeats Alectus, ons, p. 55>S*. the Battel, ibid, is acknowin the Son of Marcianus a flain Chryfanthus
Biflwp, made Deputy of Britain by Theodofius. p. 39. in a Britain, King afpetty Cingetorix
faults
the
ibid, divides the
the Britans at thir Deliverer, ledged by Empire with Galeri-
Roman Camp,
p. 2
is
Prifoner by Caefar.
ibid. us, p. 37. dies at York. taken Conftantius the Son of Conltantine overcorns Magnentius, who contefted with ibid.
Claudius
him for the fole Empire. p. 3 7. Emperour is perfwaded by to invade Cordeilla'i fincere Anfwer to her Father Bericus, though a Britan, is marthis Hand, p.23. be fends AulusPlaubegets his Difpleafure, p. 9. /he in a he to ibid, ried an with hither tius Gaul, King Army, Aganippus corns over himfelf and joins with Plaup. i o. /he receives her Father, rejectthe
th Britans in tius, ibid, defeats
a fet
\
ed by
his other
Daughters, with moft

dutiful
Hiftory of England.
dutiful AffeQion,
his
is
ibid, refiorcs
him to'.
I
Fleets of
plies,
Danes
Crown, and
reigns after him, ibid.
p. 83. a vaft
arrive with frefh fupArmy of than 0-
verthrown by King Athelftan, p. 89. a Maffacre committed upon them by by the in a all Corincus Englifh Trojan Commander, joins parts of the Land in the Forces with Brutus, p. 7. flays Imreign of King Ethelred. p. 99 . Danius with in reckon arrives Brutus d ibid, Brithe Ancient bertus, among
vanquifh'd, depos'd, her two Sifter's Sons.
ibid.
tifh Hand, ibid. Cornwal from him Kings. denominated falls to his lot, p. 8. he Deruvianus, /eeFaganus. overcoms the Giant Goemagog. ibid. Dinothus Abbot of Bangor
this
and imprifon'd
p. 12.
his
Speech to
p. 58.
Crida, the dom,
firft
of the Mercian Kingp. 54-
Bifhop Auftin.
Diodclhnfuppofed a King of Syria, and his 50 Eume-Saxon the Cuichelm fends Weft Daughters having (all but one) murder'd thir Edto a Sword-man ius affaffin King Husbands, to have been driven this in Hand. vs Dorchefter, upon win, p. 59. baptised p. 4. Dis the 62. but dies the fame Tear. p. first Pcopler of this Hand, asfom fabuloufly affirm, p. 4. the fame with Qwedagius the Son of Regan depofeth bit Samothes. Aunt Cordeilla, p. 10. {hares the ibid. his Cofin Marganus, vs Donaldus faid to have headed the Calewith Kingdom donians against Septimius Severus. invaded by him, meets him and overcoms him.
ibid.
P- 35-
Cuneglas a Britifh King a little before the Saxons were
reigns one offive
Cunobeline, fee Kymbeline. Cutha helps his Father Keaulin against

Ethelbert.
Donaldus King of Scotland brought to hard Conditions fetled. by Osbert and Ella Kings of Northumberland. P-53P.7S. Druids falfly alledg'd out of Csfar to
have forbidden the Britans to write thir memorable Deeds. p. 52. p. 3. Cuthred King of Weft-Saxons joins Druis the third from Samothes fabuloufly written the ancientest with Ethelbald the Mercian, and King of this Hand. over the a Welfh, p. 4. gains great Victory with E- Dunftan fent by the Nobles to a hath he Battel 69. fierce reprove p.
thelbald the Mercian, which he not ibid, a King of Kent lov.g furvives, p. 73 of the fime name.
.
Culhulf
and
the
ouifiieth
Brother of Keaulin vanthe Britans at Bedanford,

p. 54.
King Edwi for LUxury, p. 92. ba~ nifht by the King, and his Monaftery rifled, ibid. recalPdby King Edgar, when the p. 93. his miraculous
his
Efcape
rest of the
fall of
Company were kiWd
by the
p.
takes fever al Towns.
a Houfe.
96.
Cucnwin,
fee Keaulin.
V,
first
Dunw3llo Molmutius Son of Cloten King of Cornwal, reduces the whole Hand into a Monarchy, p. n. eftaibid. bifheth the Molmutin Laws.
appear in the
Weft, Durilus King of

Romans.
DAnes p. 71.
the King's Cathey flay ibid, thtrcrs of Cuftom, landing at 1 indisfarne in York/hire, they pil-
the Picts faid to be (lain by the joint Forces of the Britans- and
p. 42.
and captivate lage that Monaftery, flay both and others, p. 72. Fryars feveral
attempting to fpoil another Monaftery, they are cut off by the Englifh, ibid.
they make very great waft and havoc in Northumberland, p. 74. they waft
E.
after the
Death of
to
his
Father
EAdbald Ethelbert, falls back
Heathenifm,
p. 58. he runs diftr ailed, but afterwards returns to his right Mind and
Shepey
bert
they are
the
in
near the River
Kent, and engage with EcCarr, p. 77. overthrown and put to flight by
Faith, p. 59. by what means it haphe gives his Sifter Edelpen' d, ibid, burga in Marriage to Edwin, ibid.
he dies and leaves his Son Ercombert Ecbert, ibid, thir various Succefs in &c. maibid. p. 62. Rei^n o/Ethelwolf, tofucceed. his with two in bttween them Brothers reat Battels and the Eadbert ny g fliares in the Reign of Ethelred with the of Kent, after Vidtred, Englifh Kingdom his Death, p. 69. Eadbeit various fortune p. 80, 81. thir whole p. <J8.
Army
to
are being defeated, they brought terms by King Alfred, p. 82. in the farm Kings reign feveral vaft
King of Northumberland after Kelwulf wars againft the Pidcs^ ibid. joynswith Unuft King of the Pifts dHAinti
A
Hood.
Table
to the
ther battel he puts to flight a great Arof them, together with the Cornifti
in Cumberland, gainfl the Britans bis Crown for a Monks p. 70. forfakes
ibid.
my
men
and is buried at Winchefter. caWd Ethelbert, ibid. Eadbright, otherwife the Kingdom of Kent, and Ecferth the Son of Offa the Mercian withufurping in four Months ends his the Mercian p. "72 contending with Kenulph Rci^n.
taken Prifoner. p. 72. Ecfrid, Ofwi'* eldcft Son, fucceeds him' in the Kingdom of her Husband chance poyfons Eadburga by Northumberland, Bhthric with a Cup which floe had prep. 65. wins Lindfey from Wulfer the Mercian, ibid, he wars againfl Ethelfor another, p. 73. the choice
is
joyning with them, ibid, be dies,
paid
proposed to her by Charles whom fix fled, ibid, he ajftgns her a rich to dwell in as Abbefs,
to
the
Great
Brother of Wulfer, ibid, he fends Bertus with an Army to fiibdue

the
red
Mcnaflery
ibid, dttecledof Vnchaflity, foe is exin pelled, and dies beggery at Pavia.
Picls
Ireland, p. 67. marching againfl the is cut off with moft of his
Army,
p.
ibid, his death
reveng'd by Bertfrid a
Captain.
ibid.
Northumbrian
68
Eandred Son of Eardulf reigns 30 years Edan a King of the Scots in Britain put to flight by Ethelftid. King of Northumberland after Alfp. 57 wold the Vfurper, p. 73. becouis Tri- Edelard King of the Weft-Saxons after
Ina, molefled with the Rebellion of his P- 7 5 Son of Ethel fr id fucceeds in Kinfman Ofwald, p. 69. overcoming the Kingdom of Bernicia. ibid. thofe troubles, dies in peace. p. 62. Eardulf fuppofed to have been flain by Edgar the Brother and Succeffor of Edvvi in the Englifh Ethelred is made King of the NorMonarchy, calls home
butary to Ecber t.
the
Eanfrid
p. 72. in
his
thumbrians in York after Osbald, a Warraifed againfl him by

People he gets the Ficlory, p. 73.
his
is
driven out of
Kingdom
by
by
Alfwold.
ibid.
erecled.
Dunftan from Baniflment, p. 93. his and profperous Reign, and his favour towards the Monks, ibid, his ftricl obfervance of Juflice, and his care
peaceable
to fecure the
Eaft-Angle Kingdom
whom
ibid,
he
is
Nation with a flrong Fleet, homag'd and row^d down the
p. 49. Eaft-Saxon Kingdom by whom begun, p. 49. the People converted by Meilitus,
p. 57. they expel thir Bifhop and renounce thir Faith, p. 58. are reconverted by means of Edvvi. p. 54.
by eight Kings, ibid. lm expoflulation with Kened King of Scotland, p. 94. he i-s cheated by the treacherous
River
Dee
Duke Athelwold
of Elfiida,
Ebranc fucceeds
in the
his
Father Mempricius
Britain, p. 8. builds
whom, avenging himfelf upon the faid Duke, be marries, ibid, attempting on the Chaflity of a young Lady at Andover, he is pleafantly deceived by the Mother, p. 94, 9^. dying in the height of his Glory, he is buried at Glaftonslbby. p. 93 Edgar firnamed Atheling, his right and title to the Crown of England from his
.
Kingdom of
Caer-Ebranc now York,

Places.
and
other
ibid.
his
Ecbert fucceeds
the
Father Ercombert in
Kingdom
of Kent, p. 65. dying,
leaves a fufpition-of having flain his
Uncle's Sons Elbert and Egelbright,

ibid.
Grandfather Edmund IroniIde,p.i 15. excluded by Harold Son of Earl God-
Ecbert of the Weft-Saxon Linage, flies win, p. 117. from Birthric'j fufpition to Offa, and Edilhere the Brother and Succeffor of Anthence into France, p. 73. after Birthna in the Kingdom of the Eaft-Angles, ric'j deceafe is recaWd, and with in a Battel againfl Ofwi. p. 64. flain general applaufe made King, ibid, he Edilwalk the South-Saxon perfwaded to fubdues the Britans of Cornwal and Chriflianity by Wulfer. p. 66. beyond Severn, p. 74, overthrows Ber- Edmund crowned King of the Eaft-Angles nulf the Vfurper of Mercia at Elian<ttBurie, p. 78. his whole Army put to
dune
or
Wilton,
ibid,
the
Eaft-
flight by the
to
Angles, having flain Bernulf, yield

to his
Danes, he is taken, bound a flake, and [hot with arrows, p. 80.
Soveraignty, ibid, drives Baldhis
Edmund
red King of Kent out of
Kingdom,
the Brother and Succeffor of Athelftan in the Englifh Monarchy,frees
and
other Provinces to fubmit Jo his Scepter, ibid. Withlaf of Mercia becoms tributary
to
tel
caufeth both
Kent and
Mercia, and takes feveral Towns from

the
Danes,
Suthfrid
p. 91 . Ix drives Anlaf and out of Northumberland,
him, ibid, he gives the Danes batby the River Carr, p. 77. in ano-
and Dummail out of Cumberland, ib. the flrange manner of bis death, p. 92.
Edmund
Hiftory
of"
England.
Confefibr, the Son Ethelred by Emma, after Hardecnute'j death is crownd at
of
Edmund
ftrnamed Ironfide, the Son of Ethelrcd, fet up by divers of the Nobles againft
Edward fnnamed the
Kmg
Canute,
the
rat Battels againft
p. 104. in fevcDanes, he corns ibid.
Winchefter,
p.
his
10. he feizjeth on the
the moft part victorious, off for at confents to divide the
length
King-
dom with him,

to
p. 105.
his death thought
Mother Queen Emma, Treafiircs of ibid, he marries Edith Earl Godwin's Daughter, ibid, he makes preparation
againft
have been violent, and not without

ibid.
the third Brother
Magnus King
of
Norway,
but
Canute'* confent.
Edved
and
Succeffor of
Athelftan,
to
with
much ado
p. 92.
reduceth
the
next year makes peace with Harold Harvager, p. 1 1 1 . he advances the Normans in England, which proves of
ill
^Northumbrians, and
that
puts an end
dies
in
confequence, ibid, he
is
opposed by
Kingdom,
is buried at of his age, and ibid. Winchester. Edric the Son o/Edelwalk King 0/ South Saxons f.ain by KedwalL the WeftSaxon. P- <56. Edric fimamcd Streon aJvanc't by
flower
Caufe of Euftace of Boloign, banijhes the Earl, and divorces his Daughter whom he had married, p. 112. entertains
Earl
Godwin
in the
Duke Wil1
1
liam of
Normandy,
p.
3.
he fends
Odo
and Radulf with a Fleet againft Godwin, and his Sons exercifmg Piibid,
reconciliation
Ethelrcd, marries his Daughter murders Elgiva. p. ico. he fecretly
Kmg
tivo
racy,
at
length
Noblemen whom
he
had invited
to
made, and Daughter,

nities,
he
reft ores the
Earl, his Sons
all to thir
1 1
former Dig-
he prailifes aLodging, p. 102. Prince the Edmund, and life of gainft revolts to the Danes, p. 103. his cunhis
p.
1 1
3,
4.
he is faid to have
deftgn'd
Duke William of Norman-
dy
his
in the ning devices to hinder Edmund CaVictories his of againft profecution

to nute,' p. 104. w thought by fom have been the Contriver of King Ed-
dies
and
his
1 i6\ Succeffor to the Crown, p. is buried at Weftminfter,
ibid,
Edwi
Characler. p. 1 \6, 1 17. Son and Succejfor of Edmund is crown'd at Kingfton, p. 91. he bathe
niflieth
munds murder,
ment of
the
p. 105. the
Govern3
Mercians
ft
him, p. 1 06. he is nutus, and his head
confer d upon to death by Caput

tick
bis
Dunftan for with wantonnefs Algiva,

Bijhop
reproving
and proves
upon a Pole,
in
and
fet upon the higheft the Elder
Tower
Lonibid.
an enemy to all Monks, ibid, the Mercians and Northumbrians revolt from him, and fet up his Brother Edgar,
p. 93.
don,
with grief thcrof he

is
ends bis
ib.
Edward
wald
Son and Succeffor of King Alfred, hath War with Ethelhis
days, and
buried at
Winchefter,
Edwin
to
thrown out of the

the
Kingdom
of
Kinfman, who
afpiring to the
Deira
he
is
by Ethelfrid, p. 54, 59. flying
Crown,
ftirs up the Danes againft him, he 86. p. proves fiiccsfsful and potent, divers Princes and great Commanders
Redwal
Eaft-Angle for refuge,
the Danes fubmitting to him, p.86, 87, &c. the King and whole Nation 0} Scotland, with divers other Princes
of
'
defended againft Ethelfrid, p. 59. be exceeds in power and extent of Dominion all before him, ibid, marries
he
and
don,
People, do
him Homage
as thir
Edelburga the Sifter of Eadbald, ibid. Cuiis wounded by an Affajfin from chelm, ibid, the ftrange relation of his
Converfion
to
to Chriftianity,
at Soveraign, p. 88. he dies
and
is
Farenburied at Winchelrer.
ibid.
the
p. 60.
be
perfwades Eorpald
the
Son of
Redwald
61.
embrace
is
the Chriftian Faith, p.
Edward firnamed
Son
Tounger, Edgar'*
he
flain in a Battel
againft
Ked ibid.
by his firft Wife Egelfleda, is advanc't to the Throne, p. 96. the conteft in his Reign between the Monks and fecular Priefts, each abetted by thir Se-
walla.
Edwin Duke of the Merciansjtr Morcar.

Elanius reckoned in the rumber of ancient
Britifh Kings.
p.
1
1.
veral parties, ibid, great mifchief don

by the falling of a ral Council for
sy was held,
Eldadus. Houfe where a gene- Eldol. deciding the Controver- Eledaucus. ibid, inhumanly murdered Elfled the
of bis
p- 13-
ibid
ibid.
Sifter of
King Edward
the
by the treachery frida.
flep-motber Elibid.
Edward Son
of
Edmund
Ironfide,
Heir
115.
the Danes, Elder, takes Derby from victoriMercians btr of Army p. 87. ous againft r/;t- Welfli, ibid, after fe-
apparent to the Crown, dies at
London.
p.
ver al Martial Aits, /he dies at Tarnworth, p- 88.
Elfred
A Table to
Elfred
the
the
Emma,
and
Son of King Ethelred by Eftrildis belov'd by Locrine, p. 8. vs with her Daughter Sabra thrown into a betra/d by Earl Godwin,
cruelly
made away
by
Harold,
River.
ibid.
p. 108, 109.
Ethelbald King of Mercia,
Elfwald the Son of Ofwulf fucceeding Ethelred in Northumberland, is rebelled againjl by two of his Noblemen Osbald and Athelheard, p. 71. he
the Confpiracy of is.flain by his of Nobles,
commands all
Humber,
of
Ina Provinces on this fide p. 68. he takes the Town

after
tfae
Somerton,
of
p.
69.
fraudulently
in
affaults part
Northumberland
Siggan
his
one
ibid.
Eadbert'i abfence, ibid, his encounter at Beorford with Cuthred the Weftat
Saxon, p. 70. in another bloody Fight Secandune he is /lain, ibid. Ethelbald and Ethelbert/We the EngElidure'i noble Demeanor lifll-Saxon Kingdom between them afArchipofed Brother, p. 1 2, 1 3. after ter thir Father Ethelwolf; EthelGovernthe galloV death he refumes bald marries Judith his Fathers Wiimand but is driven out again ment,
in
a Battel between Elfmn/lain ther Ecfrid and Ethelred.
Bro-
p. 66. towards his de-
: after prifon'd by his two other Brethren he's a third time feated on death whofe
dow, p. 79. vs buried at Shirburn, ibid. Ethelbert fucceeds Emeric in the King-
the Throne, p. 13. Eliud reckon d in the number of ancient
dom of Kent, p. 52. he is defeated at Wibbandun by Keaulin and his Son

Cutha, ibid, inlarges his Dominions from Kent to Humber, p. 55. civilly receives Auftin and his Fellow-preachers
of the Gofpel, p. 56.
tized, builds
is
Ella the
Britilh Kings, p. 1 3. Saxon lands with his three Sons,

beats the Britans in two Battels, and his Son CilTa take Anin
and
p- 48. he
dredchefter
49. begins Saxons,
Kent
his
Kingdom
by force, p. 48, of the Southp.
ibid,
mov'd
by Auftin,
himfelf baphe
49-
Elwold Nephew of Ethelwald reigns King of the Eafl- Angles after Aldulf,
P-74-
S. Peter 'i Church in Canterand endows it, p. 57. he builds bury, and endows S.Pauft Church in London, and the Cathedral at Rochefter, ibid.
his
Death,
p. 58.
Emeric fucceeds Otho in

Kent,
the
Kingdom
of Ethelbert, Eadbert,
thir Father
and Alric fucceed

in the
p. 52.
Vi&red
Kingdom of
Emma
Kent, p. 68. fee Eadbright. Daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy married firft to King E- Ethelbert the Son of Ethelwolf after the death of his Brother Ethelbald enthelbert, p. 99. afterwards to Caher Son-in106. d bani/h' by joys the whole Kingdom to himfelf, p. 79* nute, p.
the
Law Harold,
and
p.
1
floe retires
is
entertain
by
to Flanders, Earl Baldwin,
during his Reign the

ibid, he
vs
Danes wajle Kent, buried with his Brother at

ibid.
'
08. her Treafures fcized on by her

dies,
Shirburn,
Son King Edward, p. 110. foe
and is buried at Winchefter, p. 113. a Tradition concerning her queflion'd,

ibid.
Ethelfi id fucceeds Ethelric in the Kingdom of p. 54. he

wafles the Britans,
Northumberland, p 57. overtlnows
Edan King
tel
Eorpwald
the
Son of
Redwald King
of
at
Weftchefter again/1
above
of Scots, ibid, in a Batthe Britilh
perfwadedto Chriflianiiy by Edwin, p. 6\. he is /lain in ibid. fight by Ricbert a Pagan, be to the Erchenwin/rf/'d by Huntingdon
Ereilor of the
the Eaft-zAngles
Forces he flays
1200 Monks,
p. 58. the
oppofite
.
Ethelmund and Weolftan
Kingdom
of the Eaftp. 49. in the
Leaders of each party in a Fight between f/;eWorfterfliire men and Wiltfhire men, /lain, Ethelred fucceeding
in
the p. 73.
bis
Saxons,
Ercombert
fucceeds
Eadbald
p. 62.
here,
Brother
Wulfer
Kingdom of Kent,
E/lablifher of Lent
The
firft
ibid.
Kingdom of Mercia, recovers Lindfey and other parts, p.65. invades
Eric, fee Iric.
the
to
Ermenred
to the
thought
have had more right
Kingdom of Kent, ibid, a fore Battel between him and Ecfrid the
Northumbrian, p. 66. after the vioKingdom than Ercombert, p. 61 lent Death of his Qtieen he exchanges Efcwin and Kentwin the Nephew ar.d Son his Crown for a Monks Cowl, p. 67. of Kinegil, faid to have fuccecded Kenwalk in the Government of the Weft- Ethelred the Son of Mollo, the Vfurper
Efcwin joins Battel Saxons,, p. 65. with Wulfer at Bedanhafer, and not
long after deceafeth.
ibid.
Aided
being forfaken by the

deposed,
is
Northum-
brians, and
crown'd in his
his
Jiead, p. 70. having caufed three cf
Hiftory of Efigl.md.
bit
Noblemen
is
to be treachcroufty flain,
be
driven into
Bamfhment,
ibid.
driven by a Confpiracy to confign half Kingdom to bvs Son Ethel'vs
he
b'vs
chever, p. 79 Ethelwolf Earl of Barkfhire obtains a roufly puts the Sons of Elfwald formerly King, Fitlory againft the Danes at Englefield, p. 80. in another Battel is 7 ,72. and aft rwards Ofred, who
.
Tears Banijhment reftor'd aafter ten prin p. 71. be cruelly and treacbeto
bald, ibid, dies and
vs
buried at
Whi-
death Oelt and Oelfwin,
p. tho
/haven a Monk, attempted again
h'Wfrlf,
flain p. 8l.
Eltiedrfot Daughter of Offkj ibid, is ibid. mifirably fl.iin by bus People, out driven the Eandred Son Ethelred of
upon the Kingdom, p. 72. he marries lEthildrith refufingfor nyears her Hufband hxtrid s Bed, at length veils ber felf a Nun, and is made Abbefs of Ely, p. 66, 67. in his \tb year, p. 77. it re-exalted Euftace Count of Boloign revenging the death of one of his Servants, vs but flain the to hit Seat, 4th year fa upon ibid by the Citizens of Canterbury, p.i 1 2, after, he complains to Ethelred the third Son of Eihelwolt, King Edward, who
of the Englifhwith frefb Invafions Saxons, infefted 80. he fights fever al of the Danes, p. Battels with the Danes, with vathe third
Monarch
takes
b'vs
rians,
part againfl the Canterbuand commands Earl Godwin

ibid.
againft them, but in vain,
great
rious fuccefs,
p. 81.
he dies in the
vs
<$th
year
of bvs
the
at
Reign, and
buried at
ibid.
Winburn,
Ethelred crown d
at
b'vs
converted almojl the whole Ifland, p. 3 3. Fauitus incefiuoufly born of Vortimer Baptifm prefages and his Daughter, lives a devout Life ibid, new Invafions of flotbful Reign,
ill
Son of Edgar by Elfrida Kmgfton, p. 97. Dunftan
FAganus preach" d the Gofpel
and Deruvianus faid to have here, and to have
of bis future
the
Danes, and great by them in bis Reign,
Spoils
committed
p.
97, 98, &c.
Glamorganlhire, Fergus King of Scots faid

the joint Forces
in
p.
47.
by
to be flain
the Danes, being reduced toftreights by be retires into Normandy, p. 102. is
of the Btitains
and
Romans,
the
his
recafd by
ceived
hit People,
ibid,
and joyfully re- Ferrex drives Canute the Dane fight

he dies at
p. 42. Son of Gorbogudo, flays in
Brother Porrex, tho ajjifted

.
back
to bvs Ships, ibid,
Lonthe
don,
Ethelric Ida'* Son expels Son of Alia out of the
p- 104.
with Forces out of France, p. 1 1 is in revenge flain himfelf in Bed by bis
Edwin
Kingdom
Mother Videna,
Flattery odious and contemptible
nerous Spirit,
p.
1
ibid.
of
Deira,
the
p. 54.
a ge07, 08.
to
1
Son of Ofwald King of Francus, namd among the four Sons of Ethelwald lftion, fprung of Japhet, and from Deira, taking part with the Mercians, him the Francs faid to be derivd, p. 5 withdraws bvs Forces, p. 64. Ethelwald the Brother of Edelhere/ac- Fulgenius reckond among the ancient
.
ceeds
him
in the
Kingdom
Angles, Ethelwald firnamed Mollo
of the Eaftibid.
Britifc Kings, p. 13. the

in chief of
the
Commander
Caledonians againft
p. 35.
fet up King of the Northumbrians in the room of

in Battel OfOfwulf, p. 70. he flays rebel 'd that win a Lord againfl him, ib. who vs ft Alcred affumes bvs upon by
place.
Septimius Severus, fo caWd by Geoffry of
Monmouth,
ibid.
the Britans againft
Ethel wolf thefecond Monarch of the Englifh-Saxons, of a mild nature, not

warlike^ or ambitious, p. 77. he with with his Son Ethelbald gives the Danes a total Dcf at at Ak-Lea, or Oac-Lea,
p. 78. be dedicates the tenth of his whole
GtWg&cns'beads Julius Agricola, Gennanus in a public

Verulam, puts
the
p. 3i
Difputation
at
to filence the
Pelagians, p. 43. he is by the Britans to head them againft the Pifts and Saxons, ibid, be gams the
chief of intreated
Kingdom toward
the maintenance of Vittory by a religious Stratagem, ibid. and t/;e His Death, Pfalms for p. 44. Majfes proffering of him and hit Captains again}} tbe Danes, Gerontius a Britan by bis Valour ad~ ib. takes a journey roRome with bis Son vances the fuccefs of Conftantine the the marries and Judith Altrid, Vfurper in France and Sjiain, p. 39. Daughter of Charles the Bald of France, ib. dtfplact by him, be calls in the Vandals S againft
A
!
Table
to the
him
Battel, wherin he is /lain, ibid. caufeth Eftrildis whom Locrine had
ibid, deftrted by his Soulagainft loim, he defends himfelf valiantly diers, with the /laughter of 300 of his Ene-
married,
her
to be
thrown into a River with
mies, p. 39. chia refufing to outlive him.,
he
kills his
Wife Nonnip. 40.
Geruntius the Son of Elidure not his immediate Succejfor, p-13King, kept from King Arthur in the Town of Glafton, Godwin Earl of Kent, and the Weftp. 50. Saxons (land for Hardecnute, p. 1 08. Guiderius faid to have been the Son of he betrays Prince Elfred to Harold, Cunobeline, and (lain in a Battel
09. being calPd to account by againft Claudius. Hardecnute, he appeafeth him with a Guitheline fucceeds his Father
p.
1
Daughter Sabra, ibid, governs 1 5 Tears in behalf of her Son Madan. ibid. Gueniver, the Wife of Melval a Britifh
08,
p. 24.
Gurgun-
very rich Prefent, p.

exhorts
09. he earnefily
Edward
to
to take
upon him
Crown of England,
his
p.
no.
tius Barbirus in the Kingdom, p. 1 2. Gunhildis the Sifter of Swane with her Husband Earl Palingus, and her marries
the
young
Daughter
raifes
Kmg
Edward,
ibid.
Son, cruelly murdered,
p. 9^,
he
Forces
the
in oppofition to the
Guorangonus a King
of
Kent
before it
was given to the Saxons, p. 45. is Guor timer the Son of Vortiger bends his Endeavours to drive out the Saxons, ting in a great Fleet, grow formidable, his p. 46. his fuccefs againft them in fep. 113. coming up to London with deral Battels, p. 47. dying, he com-' Ships, and preparing for Battel, a ReKing favored, p.i 1 2. banifh'd, ibid, he and his Sons uniconciliation
is
French whom
fuddenly
made
between
mands
his
Bones
to
be buried in
the
King, ibid, fitting with the at King Table, he fuddenly finks down dead in his Seat, p. 114.
the
him and
Port of Stonar,
ibid.
Gomer the
the firfi
Gurguntius Barbirus fucceeds Belinus in the Kingdom, overcoms the Dane, believ'd and gives incouragement to BartholiSon of Japhet eldeft nus a Spaniard to fettle a Plantation in that peopled thefe Weft and
Northern Climes, Ireland, p. 12. another ancient Brip. 4. Conor [\\ gains upon the Affeilion of her tifh King namd Gurguntius, p. 13. Father King Leir by her Dtffimula- Gurguftius fucceeds Rivallo in the Kingdom^ tion, p. 9. (he is married with Magp. 10. launus Duke of Albania, p. 10. her Gyrtha Son of Earl Godwin accompanies
Ingratitude to her Father after (he had gained from him what /he could, ibid.
his
h'vs
Father into Flanders, together with

Brothers Tofti
noble
1
Gorbogudo, Gorbodego, Kimnarcus in the Kingdom, Gorbonian fucceeds Morindus

Kingdom,
ty^
or
fucceeds ibid.
in
the
and Swane, p.i 2. Advice to his Brother Harold as he was ready to give Battel to Duke William of Normandy, p.119.
his
p.
2.
his Juftice
and Pieibid.
he
is (lain in the faid Battel with his Brothers Harold and Leofwin, ibid.
Gratianns Funarius
lentinian,
the
Father of
Va- Gythro
by
or
Gothrun a Danifh King

and
received out of the Font
Commander
of
in chief of the
baptized
Roman
Armies
in Britain,
p. 37.
Gregory Archdeacon
Rome, and
afterward Pope, procures the fending over of Abbot Auftin and others to
preach the Gofpel to the Saxons in this
King Alfred, p. 82. the Kingdom of the Eaft- Angles faid to be beftow^d on him to hold of the faid Alfred,
ibid.
H.
the
Hand, P- S5Griffin Prince of South-Wales joining with Algar, and committing great fpoil in Hereford, is purfued by Harold Earl of Kent, p. 114, 115. after a Peace concluded, he breaks his
Faith,
is
Son of Canute by
over
HArdecnute Emma, called

and
received
others
mation, p. to account about the death
from Bruges, King with general Accla109. he calls Godwin and

of
againft
toHoftility, p. 115. again reduced, ibid. Harold fent him, brings the Welfh to
and returns
Elfred, ibid, enragd at the Citizens of Worfter for killing his Tax-gatherers, he fends
fub-
an Army againft them,
mijfion, ibid, lurking about the Country, he is taken and (lain by Griffin Prince of North-Wales, ibid.
Guendolen
married
the
to
Daughter of Corineus is Locrine the Son of Bru-
and burns the City, ibid, he kindly receives and entertains his half Brother Edward, ibid, eating and drinking hard at a great Feaft, he falls down fpeechlefs ; and foon after expiring, is
buried at Winchefter,
ibid.
tus, p. 8. being divorced by him, gives
Harold
Hiftory of England.
Harold fimamed Harefoot, the Son of Canute, defied King by Duke Leofric and the Mercians, p. i oS. he bani/hes
Mother -in- Laro Emma, ibid, his and cruelty towards Elperfidioufnefs fred the Son of Ethelred, p. 1 08, 1 09. be dies, and is buried at Winchefter.
his
have fhar'd the Kingdom of the EaftAngles after one Ellwald. p. 74.
I.
p.
109.
Harold Son of Godwin, made Earl of nobantes, rife up in Arms againji the Romans. Kent, and fent againft Prince Griffin p. 27. he Ida reduces at the Saxon [i him of Wales, p. 5. begins the Kingdom of Bernicia in Northumberland. laft to utmoft extremity, ibid, being p. 5 and Idwallo learns by his Brother's ill of Normandy, caft upon t'oeCoaft fuccefs to rule well. brought to Duke William, he promifes p. 1 3 his endeavours to make him King of Immmuentim flain Caffibelan. by p.20. England, p.* 116. he takes the Crown Immin, Eaba, and Eadbert Noblemen Duke Wilof Mercia throw off Ofwi, and ft up btmftlf, p. 117. puts off liam demanding it with a flighting anWulfer. p. 64. is invaded by "Hvs BroIna 1 8. fucceeds Kedwalla in the Kingdom of fwer, p. ther Tofti, p. 117. by Harold HarWeft-Saxons, p. 67. he marches inwhom he to Kent to demand utof Norway, vager King fatisfatiion for the and overthrows is ibid, of terly flays, together Mollo, burning pacified by with Tofti, p. 1 1 8. is invaded by Duke Viclred with a fum of Money, and the William of Normandy, p. 1 18,1 19. delivering up of the Acceflbrk is overthrown at the Battel ibid, of Haftings, vanquifhes Gerent King of and flain together with his two Brothers Wales, p. 68. flays Hftnwult and Leofwin and Gyrtli3. p. 119. Albright, and vanquifhes the Eaft1
.
fucceeds hvs Vncle Gurguftius in the Kingdom. p. 1 o; Icenians, and by thir example the Tri-
Ago or Lago
..
Helvius Pertinax fucceeds Ulpius Marcellus in the Government of Britain.
Angles, ibid, ends
his
days at
Rome.
ibid.
p. 34. Inniaunus depos'd for his ill courfes. p. 1 3. Hengiffc and Horfa with an Army of Jofeph of Arimathasa faid to have firfl Saxons, Jutes and Angles, land in preacht the Chriftian Fajth in this Hand.
Jovinus fent Deputy into this Hand by the Emperour Valentinian. p. 38. Iric a Dane made Earl of Northumberland by Canute /w place of Uthred him, ibid, he takes on him Kingly Title^ p. 47. hvs fever al Battels againfl flam, p. 103, 106. he is faid by fom the ibid, hvs treacherous to have made War againfl Malcolm Britans, Grandees unBritifh of 300 flaughter King of Scots, p. 106. his greatnejs
der pretence death.
the lie of Thanet, p. 45,46. Hengift invites over more of bis Countrymen, p. 46. he gains advantages of Vortiger by marrying his Daughter to
p. 33-
of Treaty,
p. 48.
hvs
fufpecled by Canute, he
is
ibid.
Realm.
banifht the ibid.
Henninus Duke of Cornwal hath Regan Julius Agricola the Emperours Lieutethe Daughter of nant in Britain, almoft extirpates the King Leir given him in Marriage, p. 1 o. Ordovices, p. 29. pnifhes the ConHerebert a Saxon Earl flain with mofl quc(l of the lie of Mona, ibid, his hvs the at Danes a part of Army by Juftice and prudence in Government, caWd Merefwar. place p. 77. p. 30. he brings the Britans to CiviUHinguar and Hubba two Danifh Brety, Arts, and an Imitation of the Rothren, in
how they got footing by degrees

p. 80.
man
factions,
ibid,
he
receives
tri-
England.
Hiftion faid to be defcended of Japhet, and to have had four Sons who peopled
the great eft part of
Honorius
the
Europe, p. 4, 5. Empcrour fends aid twice to Britans againfl thir Northern Inthe
umphal Honours from Titus, ibid. he extends his Conquefts to Scotland, fubdues the Orcades and other Scotch Hands, ibid, he is hard put to it in feveral ConflicJs,
but
he
is
corns off victori-
ous,
p. 3
32.
commanded home
p. 32.
p. 41,42. by Domitian. Horfa the Brother of Hengift flain in the Julius Gefar hath Saxons V/ar againfl the Britans, Britans are
vaders,
Intelligence
to his
that
iht
p.
47.
hvs
Burial-place
gave
name
to
Horfted a Town in Kent. ibid. Humbeanna and Albert faid by fom to
Gauls, p. fenus to make difcovery of the nature

of
the
Enemies -the aiding 16. he fends Caius Volu-
People ,
and flrength
S 2
of
t\
A Table to
him Comius
the
of\ upon the South-Saxons, p. 58. dying, Country, ibid, after leaves the Arras to make a party among the BriKingdom to bis Brothers Sons. be meets the ibid. flout refinance tans, ibid, with from them at bis landing, p. 1 7. Kelwulf adopted by Ofric the Northumbrian to be his Succeffor in the Kinghe receives terms of Peace from them, ibid, he lofes a great part of his Fleet, dom, p. 68. he becom's a Monk in ibid, defeats the Britans, brings them Lindistarn. p. 69. anew to terms of Peace, and fets fail Kened King of the Scots dos high honour to for Belgia, p. 18. the year following p. 93. receives
King Edgar,
he lands his
again, p. 19. hath a very {harp difpute with the Britans near the Stowr in Kent, ibid, he
Army
he
great favours from him, ibid, is challenged by hhn upon fom words let fall,
but fo$n him. pacifies
p. 94.
receives terms of Peace from the Trinobantes, p. 20. he brings Caflibelan

to
Kenelm fuccecding a Child in the King, dom of Mercia after Kenulf, is murdered by order of his Sifter
Terms,
to
p. 2
he leaves the
the
Hand,
ib.
Quendrid.
offers
Venus
Patronefs of his
'
P-74-
Family a Corflet of Britilh Pearl, ibid. Kenred the Son of Wulfer fucceeds Ethelred in the Mercian Kingdom, Julius Frontinus the Emperours Lieutenant in Britain, tames the Silures a p. 67. having reign d a while, he goes
warlike People. p. 29. under AJulius Severus governs Britain drian the Emperour, p. 32. divides his Conquefls here by a Wall 80 miles long,
as his ufual
tiers,
to
Rome, and
p. 67, 68. the
flmn a Monk, Kenred fucceeds in Kingdom of Northumberland.

is
there
another
p.
70.
the
manner was
in other Fron-
Kenric
the
Son
of
Kerdic overthrows
p. 33.
Britans that oppofe him, p. 49. kills and puts to flight many of the Britans
Searesbirig now Salisbury, p. 52. afterwards at Beranvirig now Banbuat
K.
furrendcrs the Kingdom
o/Mef*
ry,
ibid.
cia to his Kinfman Penda. KEarl
Keaulin
p. 6\ fucceeds his Father Kenric in the
Kentwin a Weft-Saxon King

Welfh-Britans
chaces the
to the S'ea-jhore.
p.66.
of -the Weft-Saxons, p. 52. Kenulf bath the Kingdom of Mercia behe and his Son Cuthin flay three Briqueathed him by Ecferth, p. 72. he leaves behind him the praife of a vertutish Kings at Deorham, p. 54. gives
Kingdom
the Britans a very great rout at Fevs totally routed ibid, thanleage, by the Britans at Wodensbeorth, and cbaft out of h'vs Kingdom, dies in po
ous
Reign.
p. 74.
Kenwalk
the
fucceeds his Father Kinegils in

of the
Kingdom
Weft-Saxons,
p.
verty.
ibid.
63. his fucceffes varioufly deliver d, ibid, he is faid to have dif comfit ed the
KedwallaorKadwallon tfBritifh King joyning with Penda the Mercian, flays
Edwin
in Battel.
p. 61.
Britans at Pen in Somerfetfhire, p. 64. and giving Battel to Wulfer, to have taken him Prifoner, p. 65. dyings
leaves the Government to Sexburga his Kedwalla a Weft-Saxon Prince returned from Banifhtnent, flays in fight Eibid. Wife. delwalk the South-Saxon, and after Kenwulf entituled Clito /lain by Ina the that Edric his Succeffor, p. 66. going Weft-Saxon. p. 68. to the He of Wight, he devotes the Kenwulf the Weft-Saxons, fee King of
fourth part therof to holy Vfes, ibid. the Sons of Arwald King of that lie /lain by his order, ibid, he haraffes the
Kinwulf.
Keola
the- Son of Cuthulf fucceeds his Vncle Keaulin in the Weft- Saxon
Country of the South-Saxons, ibid. is repeWd by the Kentifh men, ibid. yet revenges the death of his Brother Mollo, ibid, going to Rome to be
baptized, he dies there about five weeks after his Baptifm. p 67
p. 54. Kingdom. Keolwulf the Brother of Kenulf the
Mercian, after two years reign driven Bernulf a Vfurpcr. p. 74. Keorle with the Forces of Devonlhire 0out by
verthrows the
Danes
at
Wigganbep. 77.
Kelred
68.
the Son
in the
of Ethelred fucceeds
orch.
Kenred
Mercian Kingdom,
p.
poffeft
with an evil Spirit, he dies

ibid.
in defpair.
Kelwulf
ons
reigns
King of
the
Weft- Saxmakes
Kerdic a Saxon Prince lands at Kerdicand overthrows the Britans, rtiore, p. 49. defeats thir King Natanleod in a memorable Battel, ibid, founds the
after
Keola,
p. 56. he
War
Kingdom of
the
Weft-Saxons,
ibid.
he
Hiflory of England.
be overthrows the Britans again twice at Kerdic's Ford, and at Kerdic's
London
Inhabitants
with a great multitude of bef a fudden Fire conby

p.
Leage,
ibid.
fumed,
73
Kimarus reckon d among
Lothair fucceeds his Brother Ecbert in the Kingdom of Kent, 12. t\(h Kings, p. p. 65, Kelwulf Lucius a King in fom and Cuichelm fuccecd part of Britain Kinegils
the ancient Bri-
in the
p. the
Kingdom of the Weft -Saxons, Truce with Penda 58. they make
Mercian,
p. 6\.
they are conver-
thought the Jirfl of any King in Europe who received the Chrifiian Faith, p. 33. is made the fecond by defcent
ted to the Chrifiian Faith, p. 62. Kibis Son Kenwalk negils dying leaves
to
from Maiius,
fucceed,
p.62,63.
Silillius in the
buried at Gloceller, Lud walls about
ibid, after a ' Reign long ibid.
Kinmarcus fucceeds
dom, Kinwulf,
is
Kingp-
10.
Trinovant, and calls it Caer Lud, or Luds Town, p. 1 3. Ludikcn the Mercian going to avenge
Bernulf,
is
or
Kenwulf (Sigebert
being
)
furpriz/d
to the
by
the
Eaftp.
thrown out, and /lain by a Swineherd
Angles, and put
Swd,
74.
over Deputy into this fainted King of the Weft-Saxons, p. Lupicinus fent Hand the valor behaves tnfeveral by Julian oufly himfelf 70. Empoour, but foon Battels againjl the Welfti, ibid, put to recaWd, p. 3 g.
the worjl at Beiington by Offa the Merand /lain in Battel cian, ibid, is routed had commanded he whom Kineard
Lupus Bi/hop of Troyes Affifiant to Germanus of Auxerre in the Reformation of the Bi itifh Church,
by
P-43-
into
Banifhment,
p. 7
1 ,
Kymbeline
or Cunobeline the Succcjfor Tenuantius faid to be brought up of
M.
in the Court of
chief Seat
Auguftus, p. 22.
or
his
Camalodunum
Malibid.
don,
Kingdom, p. 8. Maglaunus Duke of Albania marries Gonoril eldejl Daughter of King

Leir,
p. 10.
MAdan
fucceeds his Father
Locrin
in the
Earning and Arts when began

flouri/h
to
Magoclune ftrnamed the Lland Dragon,

one of the five that reign d towards the beginning of the Saxon Heptarchy,
among
the
Saxons,
p. 65.
Leil fucceeds Bruce Greenfhield, and builds Caerleil, p. 9. Leofric Duke of Mercia and Siward of
Magus
Northumberland fent
the
by
Hardecnute
P- 53Son and Succeffor of Samothes, whom fom fable to have been the
the
againfl p. 109. by thir Counfel

feiz.eth
on the
Worcefter, fir/l peopler of this I/land, p. 4. King Edward Malcolm Son of Kened King of Scots, Treafures of his Mother falling into Northumberland, with
People
of
his whole they raife Power, utterly overthrown by Earl GodKing againjl Uthred,p.i o^. fom fay by Eric,p. 1 06. win, p.i 1 2. Leofric'* Death, p.i 1 5. Malcolm Son of the Cumbrian King made Leofwin Son of Earl Godwin, after bus King of Scotland by Siward in the room of Macbeth, Father's Banifhment goes over with bus p. j 1 4. Brother Harold into Ireland, p. 1 1 2. Malcolm King of Scotland coming to be and Harold ajfift thir Father with a vifit King Edward, fwcars Brother-
Queen
Emma,
p.
110.
Forces for the
'
Fleet againfl
King Edward,
p. 113.
hood with Tofti the

p.
1 1
be
is
and ibid. againfl raffes Northumberland, William Duke of Normandy, p. 1 9. Mandubratius Son of Immanuentius/4Linceus deliver d in fabulous Story to be -jwVbyttaTrinobantes againfl Ca-v the Husband of one of the feign 'd 50 flibelan, p. 20. Daughters of Dioclefian King of Sy- Marganus the Son of Gonoril depofcth bis Aunt Cordeilla, ria, p. 4. the only Man fav d by his p. 10. fhares the with bis Wife, when all the refl of the <$o/lew Kingdom Co/in Cunedagius, thir Husbands ibid. invades him, but is met and overcom , Locrin the eldejl Son of Brutus hath the ibid. by him, middle part of this Hand called Leo- Marganus the Son of Archigallo a good
1
/lain with bit Brothers Gyrtha in the Battel
Harold
Northumbrian,
^.
afterwards in his abfence ha-
gria for bisfliare in the Kingdom, p. 8. Lollius Urbicus draws a Wall of Turfs
between the Frith of punbritton and
King,
Manus
p.
is
Arviragus have overcom the Pidts, and
the
Sun
of
faid
to
/lain thir p. 33r
Edinborough,
p. 33.
King Roderic,
S 3
Mania
A
Mavtia
to
Table
to the
in the
the
Wife
bifl;
of
King Guitheline faid

I
have
taWd Marp.
'
the
Kingdom of Kent, and from him Kentifh Kings called Oifcings
chen Leage,
2.,
Mauinus made Deputy

Province, fating to Sword,
1
:
of the Britilh ktll Paulus, falls

p. 37.
p. 48. he is otherwife call'd Efca, p. 5 2. Offa the Son of Siger quits his Kingdom
of the Eaft-Saxons to go turn Monk with Kenred,

Off?*
defeating
to
Rome
p.
and
the
68, 69.
Maximiamis Herculeus/orc'f to conclude a j ace n b Caraufios, and yield him

.
and /laying Beornred
Britain,
p. 36.
Vfurper, becoms King of Mercia after Ethelbald, p. 70. he fubdues a neighbouring People call'd Heftings, ibid. gets the Vitlory of Alric King of
Maximus a Spaniard ufurping part

Empire,
1
of the
is
overcom at length and /lain
heodofius, p. 38. Maximus a friend of Gerontius is by him fet up

;
Kent
to his
at
Ottanford,
he
ibid,
inviting
Ethelbrite King of the Eaft- Angles

Palace,
there
Spairi
againfi
Conitantine
others fent
the
treacherou/ly
Vfurper,
Meflitiis,
ibid.
Jufhis,
tv the
and
with
Auftin
Converfion of the Saxons,
caufithhimto be beheaded, and faz.eth bis Kingdom, p. 72. had at firft Enmity, afterwards League with Charles
the Great, ibid, he grants a perpetual Trivut to the Pope out of ever}
St. Paul's
his
p. 57. he converts the Faft-Saxons, ib. Church in London built for
Houfe
Cathedral by Ethelred, as that of
in
h'vs
Kingdom,
of
ibid,
he draws
ibid. Rochefter for Jufhis, his Council one Brutus of Mempricius per] wades him to haflen out of Greece,
Trench
wondrous
Mercia and
death,
length between the Britifh Confines, h'vs

ibid.
p. 6.
Mempiicius and Malim fucceed thir ther Madan in the Kingdom, p. 8. red, Mempricius treacheroufly flaying h'vs Osbert
Brother, gets fole Poffe/fion of the Kingdom, reigns tyrannically, and is at laft
Osbald a Nobleman exalted to the Throne Faof the Northumbrians after Ethelp. 72.
reigns in the laft of the
Northumberland
after
Ethelreds in the time
devour d by Wolves, ibid. Merianus an anient Britifh King, p. 1 3. Mollo, the Brother of Kedwalla, pwfu'd, befit, and burnt in a Houfe whether he had fied for /belter, p. 66. h'vs death
reveng'd by
his Brother,
of the Danifh Inv'afion, p. 77. Osbert and Ella helping the Pi&s againfi Donaldus King of Scotland, put the
Scots
to flight
at
Sterlin-bridg with
the
great /laughter,
and take
King
ibid.
Morcar the S6n of Algar made Ear! of Northumberland in the room o/Tofti, dwin Duh of the p. 115. he and
;
Pr ifoner, p. 78. Osfrid and Eanfrid the Sons of Edwin converted and baptised, p. 61. OCfrid /lain together with his Father in a Battel againfi Ked walla, ibid.
Mercians
they grv
viit
Tofti
to
to
flight,
p.
Oflac tfwdCnebban two Saxon Earls /lain
by Keaulin at Wibbandun, p. 52. Ofmurtd King of the South-Sa\-ons,p7o. King of Norway, worft, ibid, they nfufe to fet up Ed- Ofred a Child fuccceds Aldfrid in the Northumbrian Kingdom, p. 67. he gar, and at length are brought tofwear is to Duke William Nor(lain by his Kindred /or his vicious of Fidelity
ttt'il
Harold Havvager,
but are put to the
20. Life, mandy, p. p. 68. Mordred Arthur's. Nephew faid to have Ofred Son of Aided advanced to the him in a Battel his death's veii Kingdom of Northumberland after Wound, Flfwald, is foon driven out again, P- 53is taken and p. 7 Morindus, the Son of Flaniiis by Tanforcibly /haven a
1 1
.
gueftela,
a valiant
Man,
nitely cruel,
but infip. 1 2
.
Monk
at
York,
ibid,
MSlrriutius, fee
Dunwallo-
Ofric the Son of Elfric baptized by Paulimis fuccceds in the Kingdom of Berrsicia',
p. 62.
turns
Apoftate,
and
is
OCta
/lain by an Eruption of Kedwalla out of a befieg'd Town, ibid, another Ofand Ebiffa caWd over by Henric fuccceds Kenred the fecond, p. 68. thir Ofric Earl andEthel46, gill of Southampton they pofifs Vncle, p. wolf of Barkfhire beat the Danes back themj elves of {hat part of the lie which is now Northumberland, to thir ibid. Ships, p. 79.
,
O.
Oenus, one
Oeric
in
the Catalogue of ancient
Oftorius fent
in the
rice-prater into Britain

the the Prxtor, Britans, and im-
Britifh Kings,
or Oifc fuccceds his Father
p. 13.
room of Plautius
routs
Hengilt
p. 24.
proves
Hiftory
proves
tage,
his Vitlory to the
oi
ii.gfmd.
into the
ftveral
ibid, gives the Cities to Cogidunus a Britifh

bis Ally,
heft advanGovernment of
Church, p. 39. the Pelagian Dotlrin refuted by Germanus, p. 43. Pelagians are judged to Bamflmient by
.
Germanus, p. 44 Penda the Son of Wibba King of MeiCia hath the Kingdom furrender'd him by Kearle, p. <5i. he joins with Kcdp. 2^,26. walla agamjl Edwin, ibid, he Oftrid the Wife of Ethelred kill'd by /lays her own Nobles, Ofwald in p. 67. Battel, p. 62. in another Battel Sigcbert, Ofwald Brother of Eanfrid living exil'd in an p. 63.
King
defeats
ibid,
the Si-
lures under the leading of Caractacus, p. 25. has afterwards bad fuccefs,
in Scotland,
is
there baptized,
p. 62.
Anna King
he
is
with a fmall
Army
utterly overthrows
of the Ea ft- Angles, ibid. a Baud flam againfl Ofwi,
Kcdwalla, ibid, fettles Religion, and P- 6-fvery much enlarges his Dominions, ib. Penillel reckoned in the number, of ancienteft Britilh over com and flain in Battel by Fend a at Kings, p. 13. ibid. Peredurc and Vigenius Maferiield, now Ofwcilrc, expel thir Brother teds bis Brother Ofwald in the Ofwi Elidure, and /Bare the Kingdom
Kingdom,
bert
to
p.
61.
he perfivades Sige-
between them,
jbid.
receive the
Chnftian Faith
p. 64. he
my,
ibid,
difcomps PendaV vaft Arhe fubdues all Mercia, and
Perjury an Example of ance in Alfred who
Dhiae Venge-
King Athelltan,
confpird agamfi p. 89.
the Pictiih Nation, thegteattft part of
ibid, fliaken off by the Mercian Nobles, and Wulfer ftt up in bis ftead, ibid.
his death,
Petilius Cerealis utterly defeated by tie Britans, p. 27. be commands the Ro-
man Army
Petronius
in Britain,
p. 29.
p.
65.
Ofwin the Nephew of Êdwinfhares with Ofwi in the Kingdom of Northum-
jn chief in Britain after Suetonius Paulinus. p. 29.

the ancicnteft
Turpilianus
commands
berland, p. 63. coming to Arms with Pir one of him, he is over-matcPt, and flain by Kings,
Race of Britifh
p. ,3.
Command, Ofwulf hath the Crown

berland
rclinquif/Jt
his
to
bert, p. 70. vants,
flain by
and Scots barafs the South Coafls Northumof Britain, p. 38, &c. See Scots. of him by Ead- Picts and Saxons beaten by the Britans, his own Serthrough the piom Conducl of Germaibid.
Picls
<
ibid.
nus,
P-43the
Otha
fucceeds Efca in the
Kingdom
of
Porrex
Kent, p. 52. Otter and Roald two Danifh Leaders

thir whole landing in Devonlhire, Forces are fiatter'd, and Roald flain,
Son of Gorbogudo, tho afis fifled from France, flain by bis Brother Ferrex, p. 1 1 his Death re.
venged by
bis
another of that
Mother Videna, ibid. Name reckon d in the

itifh
P- 87.
Catalogue of Bi
Kings,
-p.
3.
Portfmouth denominated from the land* ing of Porta a Saxon Prince, with Us two Sons Bida and Megla, p. 49.
a Grecian King
keeps the
PAndrafus Trojans
p. 6. upon and Paulinus fern fpiritual Guardian with Edclburga, endeavours to convert Nor-
Servitude, p. 5. beaten by Brutus,
in
fit
Prafutagus King of the Icenians, leaving Casfar Coheir with his Daughters,
caufeth the Britans to revolt, p. 27. Prifcus Licinius Lieutenant in this lie under Adrian, p. 33.
thumberland to Chriflianity, p. 59. Probus fubdues the Vfurper Bonofus, who the manneY of his falls in the Battel, p. 35. prevents by winning King Edwin to embrace the Chrifiian RelihisWifdom new Rifings in Britain, ib.
gion, p. 60, 61. he converts the Province of Lindfey and Blecca the Go-
R.
fucceeding
Lincoln, Church in that City, p. 6\ Peada the Son of Penda and Prince of
.
viraour of
and
builds
Ethelred
in
the
Middle-Angles,
Followers, p.
confer' d on
is
baptized with
all bis
63. hath South-
Mcrcia
is
him by Ofwi, p. 64. the flain by Treachery of his Wife on ibid. Eafter-day,
Opinions
foon after bis Coronation, cut off with bis whole Army p. 77. by the Danes at Alvetheli, Rederchius reckoned among the ancient
1 Britifh King s, p. 3. ibid. another Britifh Redion, King, Redwald King of the Eaft-Angles wars
REadwulf Northumbria,
Pelagius a Britan brings new
againft
A 1 able
Edagahift Ethclfrid, in defence of Battel, in and him 59. p. win, /lays
to the
frefh Forces fent
them over, and
thir
Regin Son of Gorbonian, a good King.

p. 13.
Rivallo Succeeds
his
Father Cunedagius.
p. 10.
bounds enlarged, ibid, they making League with the Scots and Pitts, waft the land without beatreftftance, ibid, en by Guortimer in four Battels, and driven into Thanet, p. 47. they return mo/1 of them into thir own Country, p. 48. the reft notably defeated by Ambro-
KoWothe Dane
to
or
Norman having fought
inunSueceSsfuWy here, turns bis Forces
lius Aurelianus, and the Britans. ibid. France, and conquers the Country calPd 84. Scots, Pitts, and Attacots harafs the p. fince Normandy. South Coaft of Britain, p. 38. overRomans land in Britain under the Con-
ducl of Julius Csefar, p.17. thirfharp Conflict with the Britans near the
corn by
Maximus,
firft,
ibid.
Scots
it
poffeft
Ireland
and narn'd
Scotia, p.
Stoure
in
Kent,
p.
9. the cruel
Maf-
Sacre of the Britans upon them, p. 27. they leave the Hand to Succour thir declining
39. Scots and Pitts beaten by the Romans, fent to the fupply of the Britans,
p.
41,42.
little
p. 42. Sebbi having reign'd over the Eaft-Saxons 30 years, takes en him the habit of gainjl the Scots and Pitts, p. 39. they a Monk. new them build a to Wall, p. 42p. 65. htlp thir Sebert the Son of Sleda, take in and them inflrutl reigns over the War, ibid. Eaft-Saxons by permijjion of Ethellajl farewel.
affairs
in other parts,
39. thiy
com and
p. 38, aid the Britans a-
with
they make fpoil or no opposition.
and havoc
Romanus
nain'd
among
the four Sons of
bert.
p. 57.
Hiftion, Sprung of Japhet, and from Segonax, one of the four petty Kings in Britain that affaulted Csefar* Camp. him the Romans failed to be deriv d.
p. 5.
p. 21.
Rovven
the Roman Daughter of Hengift fent for Saius Saturninus commands over by her Father, p. 46. /he preSents p. 33. Navy in Britain. King V01 tigern with a bowl of Wins Selred the Son of Sigebert the Good, fucceeds Offa in the Eaft-Saxon Kingdom, is by her Fathers Command, ibid, /he the
upon the Kings
demand given him
in
and
corns to a violent end.

the
p.
69.
Marriage.
ibid.
Septimius Severus
arrives in ptrfon
Rudatcus Kmg of Cambria fubdued in fight, and /lain tyDunwallo Mulmutius.
Roman Emperor, with an Army in this
p.
1.
Rudhuddibras fucceeds his Father Leil, and founds Caerkeint or Canterbury.,

with feveral other places. p. 9. Runnofk' Son of Peiedure not immediate
Succeffor.
Hand, p. 34. h'vs ill fuccefs againft: the Caledonians, ibid, nevertheless gees on and brings them to terms of Peace,
ibid, builds
a Wall acrofs the Hand,
from Sea
to
Sea, ibid, they taking
Arms
p. 13.
again, he fends his Son Antoninus againfl them, p. 35. he dies at York,
'tis
thought of Grief.
ibid.
Severus fent over Deputy into this Hand by the ttnpernur Valentinian. p. 38. thrown into the River (thence Sexburga the Wife of Kenwalk driven out by the Nobles difdaining female caWd Sabrina) with her Mother ESAbra Government. 8. irrildis fcyGuendolen. P-^5p. Samoihesffcfl firft King that Hiftory or Sexted and Seward reeftablifl} HeathmFalle mentions
land.
to
have peopled
this l-
p. 4.
iSm in Eaft-Saxony, after the Death a of thir Father Sebert, p. 58.
Samulius recorded among the ancient Brifight againft the Britans they peri/Ii with thir whole Army. tifh Kings. p. 59. p. 13. namd Saron the fecond King among the Sigeard and Senfred fucceed thir Father mot lies. s Sebbi in the Eaft-Saxon Kingdom. p. 4. Succeffor of Sa South the Saxons harafs Coajl of Britain, p. 69. his Brother Eorpwald flay Nectaridius aw^/Bulcobandes, p. Sigebert fucceeds in the Kingdom of the Eaft-Angles, 38. Saxons and Pitts, /<e Pitts. Saxons invited into Britain by Vortip. 62. he founds a School or College,
gern, aid the Britans againft the Scots and Pl&s, p. 45. thir Original, ibid. Hen they arrive under the leading of
gill
thought to be
Cambridg, and
life,
betakes
p.
himfelf to
a Monaftical
63.
and Horfa,
ibid, they beat the
being forct into the field againft Penda, he is /lain with his Kinfman Egric. ib.
Scots and Pitts near Stamford, p.46.
Sigebert firnamed the Small, Succeeds
bis
Father
Hiftory of England.
Father Seward King of the Eaft-Saxthe ons, p.tf4> his fuccejj'or Sigebert imbrace to Ofwi id is perfwaded by
Chrifiianhy, ibid, Con/piracy of two Brethren,
ibid,
is
1
pelPd,
p. 1 02. h flifd King of Engibid. land, ibid, he fickens and dies.

the
Swane
murder d by
the
his
roufly
Son of Earl Godwin treachemurders his Kinfman Beorn, p.
Death denounce by the Bifhop for eatib. ing with an excommunkat Perfon, Cuthred the of fucKinfman Sigebert cceds him in the Weft-Saxon Kingdom,
p- 7-
111. his peace wrought with the King by Aldred Bifhop of Worcefter, ibid.
toucht in Conference for the /laughter of he and Beorn, goes barefoot to
Rome,
p.
returning
home
dies in Lycia.
113,
1
14.
and Swithred the laft King of the Eaft-SaxSiger the Son of Sigebert the Small, on Kingdom, driven out he Son of Seward fucceedinthe Sebbi t by Ecbert the the Eaft-Saxons Government of Weft-Saxon. after p.69, 74.
Swithelms
cus for
deccafe.
P-
6 5-
Silures a people of Britain chufe Caradtathir
T.
a petty King anciently
one of the four that af.
mans,
ti
the War afp. 24. they continu Caractacus was taken,againft Ofto-
Leader againfi
the
Roin Britain, TAxlmsgulns
25, 26. faulted Ca;far^ Camp. p. 2 1 have Tenuantius one of the Sons to Simon Zelotes, by font faid of Lud hath faith m this Hand. Cornwal allotted him, p. 14. made preacht theChrijlian
rius
and
others.
p.
Sifdius the
P-33King after the Death of Caflibelan. Son of Guitheline fucceeds p. 22. 2. another of Teudric a warlike his Mother Martia, p. King of Britain, faid to have that name reckoned in the number of the exchanged his Crown for a
1
ancient Britilh Kings.

Silillius fucceeds
Jago.
p. 1 3. p. 10.
Arms
Hermitage, p. 54. to have taken up again in aid of his Son Mouric.
Siward Earl of Northumberland fent ibid. with Leofric, Theobald the Brother of by Hardecnute, together Ethelfrid, King /lain at Degfaftan. againfi the people of Worcefter, p. P- 57' 1 09. he and Leofric raife Forces for Theodore a Monk of Tarfus ordain'd
Canterbury by Pope Vitajimeans the Liberal and the Greek and Latin Tongues Arts, in his /lead Malcolm Son of Saxons. ibid. flourifh amongthe placeth the Cumbrian King, p. 114. he dies at Theodollus fent over the by Emperor ibid. York in an armed pofiure. Valentinian, enters London* vicJori->
an,
p. 65. by his
King Edward againfi Earl Godwin, he makes an expedition into p. 112. Scotland, vanqui/hes Macbeth, and
Bifhop of
Sleda ereiTs Saxons.
the
Kingdom of
the Eaft-
ou/ly, p. 38. fends for Civilis
andDal-
p. 49.
creeled,
citius,
ibid,
puniflies
Valentiuus a
South-Saxon Kingdom by whom ibid. South-Saxons on what

converted
to the
occafion
Chrifiian Faith, p. 65,
Pannonian confptring againfi htm,\b\<\. he returns with applaufe to Valentinian. ibid.

Theodoiius
to
66.
Staterius King of Albany,
defeated
1 1
the
Son of the former prefer' d Empire, p. 38. over corns and

the
and
/lain in fight by
Dunwallo Mul
p.
flays
Maximus,
ufurping the Empire,

ibid.
other
mutius.
Picls.
Stilicho repreffes the invading Scots
and Thurfert and divers
Danifh Lords
Stuf and
Withgar
the
p. 39. fubmit to King Edward the Elder, p.87. Nephews of Ker- Titilus fucceeds his Father Uffa in the
dic bring him new Levies, p. 49. they inherit what he won in the He of Wight.
Kingdom of
the Eaft- Angles,
Togodumnus
is
p.51.
Suetonius Paulinus Lieutenant in Britain, attacs the
the fecond beline fucceeds in the
p. 49. Son of Cunop. 22.
Kingdom,
He of
Mona
or
An-
glefey.
p. 26.
overthrown by Aulus Plautius, p. ibid. 23. /lain in Battel. Tofti the Son of Godwin made Earl of
Suidhelm
dom
Swane
fucceeds Sigebert in the Kingof the Eaft-Saxons, p. 64. he is ibid. baptized by Kedda.
in revenge of his Sifters Death makes great devaftations in the Weft of England, p. 99. he carries all before him as far as London, but is there re-
Northumberland in the room of Siward, p. 114. he fwears Brotherhood with Malcolm King of Scotland, p. to Rome with Aldred 5. goes Bifhop the Northumbrians ibid, ofYork, rife
1 1
againft
r
I
him and
eilt
expel him, ibid, afto-
f g?
outrage and cruelty com-
muted
A
mined
by
Table to the
1 1
him
at
Hereford, p.
his Brother
6.
deceafeth.
p. 68.
King Videna flays her Son Ferrex in revenge againft making the Counof her other Son Porrex. out driven is he of p. 1 1. Harold, and Peredure, 1 1 8. Vigenius thir and Edwin Morcar, joinp. expelling try by Brother Elidure,//.Msre the bevcith Harold Harvager King of Kingdom ing,
War
Norway againft
together
his Brother, he isflain
with
Harvager
in the
Battel.
tween them. p. 1 3 Virius Lupus hath the North part of the

t
ibid.
Government
the
ajftgn'd
him
by
Severus
Trebellius
the
Maximus
fent into Britain in

p. 29.
room of Petronius Turpilianus.
Trinobantes fall off from Caflibelan, and fubmit to Qefar, and recommend Mandubratius to his protection, p. 20. Turkil a Danifh Earl ajfaults Canterbury,
but
is
Emperor. p. 3 +> Ulfketel Duke of the Eaft-Angles fet's upon the Danes with great Valor, p. 99. his Army defeated through the fubtlety of a Danifh Servant, p. 101. he
/lain with fever al other Dukes at the fatal Battel of Aflandune. p.
is
bought off, p. 100. he

to
Ulpius Marcellus fent
fvoears Allegiance
King Ethelred,
.
that under that pretence he might ft ay
105. Lieutenant into Britain by Commodus, ends the War by his Valor and Prudence. 3 3.
p.
is
and give
to Swane, p. 101 intelligence he leaves the Englifh again, and joins with Canute, p. 103. his greatnefs
Vortigern'* Charatfer, p. 45. he
ad-
vised by his Council to invite in the Sax-
fufpecled by Canute,
he
is
banifht the
Realm. \o6. Turkitel a Danifh Leader, fubmitting to King Edward, obtains leave of him to go and try his Fortune in France, p. 87.
V.
the
ons againft the Scots and Picls, ibid. he beftows upon Hengift and the Saxons the lie of Thanet, p. 46. then all
Kent, upon a. marriage with Rowen Hengift s Daughter, ibid, condemned in a Synod for Incefl with his Daughter, he retires to a Caftle in Radnorfhire,
built
Guortimer dead,
Emperor fends over
intot
fot that purpofe, p. 47. his Son he refumes the Gois
vernment, ibid,
drawn
into
a fhare
by Hengift, p. 48. retiring again is fuccejfively burnt in his Tower. Hand. ibid. p. 38. Ve&ius Bolanns fent into Britain in the Vortipor reigns in Demetia, or SouthWales, room of Trebellius Maximus. p.29. p. 5 3. Vellocatus, fee Venutius and Cartif- Urianus reckoned in the number of ancithis
\7'AIentinian fever al Deputies
mandua.
ent Britifh Kings.

to
p. 13. be the
Venutius a King of the Brigantes defer t* Utherpendragon thought with Natanleod. ed by his Wife Cartifmandua, who
marries
his Squire Vellocatus, p. 26. he rights himfelf againft her by Arms, ibid, makes War fuccefsfully againft
fame
p. 49,
Uthred fubmits himfelf thumbrians to Swane,

his
with the
p. 102.
Norto
thofe taking part with his
Wife.
ibid.
Verannius fucceeds A. Didius in the Britifh Wars. p. 26. Vertue ever highly rewarded by the ancient
nute, p. 103. colm King of Scots, p. 1 03, 1 06. he is flain by Turebrand a Danifh Lord
at
Victory over
CaMal-
Canute *
either
command
or conni* p. 103.
vence.
Romans.
the
p. 24.
Vefpafian valiantly fighting under Plautius againft
W.
Britans,
is
refcued
from danger
for his
by his Son Titus, p. 24. eminent fervices here, he receives
triumphal Ornaments at
Rome.
ibid.
W
thir
Eft-Saxon Kingdom by whom erecled, p.49. Weft-Saxons, and
Kings converted
to
the Chriftian
Uffa
Kingdom of the EaftAngles, p. 49. from him his fuccefibid. fors calPd flings.
erecls
the
Faith by Berinus.
p. 62.
the
Wibba
fucceeds Crida in Kingdom.
Mercian
p. 54.
Vi&orinus a Moor
appeafeth a
Commoti-
Wilbrod a
on in Britain, by flaying a Governor of

his own recommending. p. 35. Viftorinus of Tolofa made Prefecl of this
Priefl goes over with 1 2 others to preach the Gofpel in Germany, p.
Hand. p. 39. Vidtred the Son of Ecbert obtaining the
'
67. he is countenance' by Pepin Chief Regent of the Franks, and made firft ibid. Bifhop of that Nation.
Wilfred Bifhop of
the
Northumbrians
Kingdom of Kent, peace, p. 66. after
fettles all
things in
34 years Reign
he
his Bifhoprick, deprived by Ecfrid of wanders as far as Rome, p. 66. re*
turning
Hiftory of England.
the Cofpel in the lie of turning [hints other places affignd him, and Wight, ibid, hath the fourth part of that Hand
I
Wulfer
i
corns tributary to him. the Son of Penda

in the
p. 74 fet up by the
Mercian Nobles
ther
him by Ked walla ; he beftows it given on Bertwin a Priefl, his Sifters Son.
ibid.
Ofwi,
p.
room of his Bro64. faid to have been
William Duke of Normandy honorably entertain d by King Edward, and ricljll i- be betroths his ly difmiftjpter to Harold, and receives his
to
taken Prifoner by Kenwalk the WeftSaxon, p. 6^. he takes and wajis the lie of Wight, but caufeth the Inhabitants to be
baptised, ibid, gives the
to
DaughOath to
Hand
to
Ethelwald King of South-
Saxons, ibid, fends Jarummannus
Crown of England, afjijl him 116. fending after King Edwards p. Death to demand performance of his
the
recover the Eaft-Saxons, fallen off the fecond time from Cbriftianity, ibid. Ecfrid Lindfey taken from him
by
of
promife,
put off with a flight anfwer, he lands with an Army at Ha1 1 8. p. Ba1 ftings, p. t 1 8, 1 9. overthrows
is
Northumberland, ibid, his Death accompany' d with the fiain of Simonie.

ibid,
is flain rold, who with bis two Brothers in Battel^ p. 119. he is Crown' d at
Wulf heard King Ethelwolfs

j
chief
tain, drives back the
Danes
',
at
CapSouth-
amton with great flaugbter, p. 77. Weftminfter by Aldred Archbifhop of 1 he dies the fame year as it is 20. York. p. thought Earl a at a Saxon ibid. of Age. place flain Wipped Wulketul Earl of Ely put to flight with call d Wipped s fleot, which thence
took denomination.
p. 47.
his whole
Army
by the Danes,
p. 80.
Withgar, fee Stuf. Withgarburgh in the

catt'd
He of
Wight
fo of
.
Y.
burial-place from p. 5 1 Withgar. Withlaf the fucceffor of Ludiken, being vanquifbt by Ecbert, all Mercia be-
being the
YMner flain in Battel

mutius.
King of Loegria, with others by Dunwallo Mulp. 11.
FIVE
TRACTS
Relating to
t)tttt!h<&ofcrtime*tt,
Publifhed in the Year 1641.
VIZ.
I.
Animadverfions upon the Remonftrants Defence

againft
SmeUymnum.
for
II.
An
Apology
SmeBymnum.
urg'd
III.
The Reafbn of Church-Government

In
againft Prelaty.
two Books.
whether
it
IV.
Of Prelatical Epifcopacy, and
may
be deduc'd from the Apoftolical Times, &*c.
V. Of Reformation
in
touching Church- Difcipline
England, and the Caufes that hitherto have hindred it. In two Books, written to a Friend.
Amsterdam, MDCXCIV.
ANIMADVERIONS,
The
Lthough
it
&c.
freface.
be a certain
to be
Truth that they who undertake a Religious Caufc

;
need not care
Men-pleafers
yet becaufe the fatisfaclion of tendt r
and
mild Consciences- ii far different from that which iscaWd Men-pleafing, JL -2k. to fatisfy fuch, I fliall adrejfe my felf in few words to give notice before hand of fomething in this Book, which to fotne Men perhaps may feeme offenfive, that when I have rendered a lawfull reafon of what is done, I may trujl to have fav'd
all know that in private or the labour of defending or cxeufmg hereafter. pcrfonaU the caufe of Chrifi, his Rule and in for publtque Sujferings Example Injuries, yea teaches us to be fo far from a readimfs to fpeak evil, as not to anfwer the rcviler in his
We
Tet in the deteUing, and provok't Language, though never fo convincing of and his Countries Peace, efpeciaUy that is conceited to any notorious Enemie to Truth have a voluble and fmart ftuence of Tongue, and in the vain confidence of that, and out of a more tenacious cling to worldly refpccJs, /lands up for all the refl to jujlifie a and convicled Pfeudepifeofy of Prelates, with all their Ceremonies,, long Vfurpation and Tyrannies which God and Man are now ready to explode and hifje out Liturgies, I Land the ; fuppofe, and move then fuppofe, it will be nothing dif of agreeing from to handle fucb a one in a Afeekenefs, Chriflian rougher Accent, and to fend home his his owne Nor to do thus are we unautoHoly-water. Haughtineffe well befpurtcd with ritied either from the trior all Precept of Salomon, to anfwer him thereafter that in his F<Jly ; nor from the example of Chrift, and all his Followers in all prides him in the refuting of thofe that refiflcd found Doctrine, and who by fubtile DiffimuAgesj lations corrupted the minds of Men, have wrought up their zealous Souls into fuch vehemencies, as nothing could bg more killingly fpoken: for who can be a greater enemy to Mankind, who a more dangerous deceiver, then he who defending a traditional Corruption ufes no common Arts, but with a wily Stratagem of yeelding to the time a
:
much
his Caufe, greater part of in,
fcaning
to
forgo
all
that
Man's Invention hath done
there-
and driven from much of his hold in Scripture ; yet leaving it hanging by a twined Threed, not from Divine Command^ but from Apojlolical Prudence or ylfjent ; as if he had the furety of fomc routing Trench, creeps up by this meanes to his relinqui/h't Divine Authority again, and ft til hovering bctwecne the Confines of that fortreffe of which he dares not bee openly, and that which he will not be fincerely, traines on the eafie Chriflian infenfibly within the clofe ambufJnnent of worft Errors, and with a flye flmffle of counterfeit Principles, chopping and changing till hec have glean d all the good ones out of their Minds, leaves them at lafl, after a flight refemblance of fweeping and gamifh'mg, under the fevenfold poffeffwn of a defperate Stupidity. And therefore they that love the Soules of Men, which is the deareft love, and ftirs up the nobhfl \ealoujie, when they meet with fuch Collufion, cannot be blam'd though they bee tranfported with the z.eale of Truth to a well heated fervencie ; cfpecially, feeing they which thus dffend againfl the Souls of their Brethren, do it with delight to their great (J aim, and advancement in this World \ but they that feek to difcover and oppofe their e'afe,
falfe trade of Deceiving, do it not without a fad and unwilling Anger, not without many Hazards ; but without all private and perfonat fpleene, and without any thought of earthly Reward, when as this very courfe they take ftopps their hopes of afcending
above a lowly and unenviable pitch in this Life. And although in the ferious uncafir.g of a grand Impoflure (for to deale plainly with you Readers, Prelatry is no better) there be mixt here and there fuch a grim laughter, as may appear at the fame time in an
auflcre Vifage, it cannot be taxt of Levity or jnfolence : for even this veine oj laughAuthors) hath oft-times a flrong and finewy ing (as I could produce out of
force in teaching
grave and confuting ; nor can there be a more proper ob)eCl of Indignation and Scome together, then a falfe Prophet taken in the greatefl, dearcft and mojl dangerous cheat, the cheat of Souls : in the difclofmg whereof, if it_ be harmfull to be angry, and witball to cafl a lowring Smile, when the properefi Oljecl calls for both, it will belong ere any be able to fay, enough why thofe two mofl rational faculties of humane inicllett,
Ang'ei
Anger and Laughter, were

in
firft
feated in the breft of
Man.
favour
of the fofter fpiritcd Chriftian, for other exceptioners there
7hus much (Readers) was no thought
Only if it be asVt, why this clofe' and fuccintt manner of coping with the this was the reafon chiefly, that the ingenuous Reader, Adverfary was rather chofen,
taken.
without farther
amufmg
himfelf in the Labyrinth of controverfall
Antiquity,
may
way to fee the Truth -vindicated, and Sophiftry taken jhort at the firjl falfe bound. Next, that the Remonftrant himfelf, as oft as hee pleafes to be frolick, and brave it with others, may find no gain of Money, and may learn not But now he begins. to infult in fo bad a Caufe.
come
to the fpeedieft
Sect,
Pag.
i.
encountred with a plurall Adverfary. Rcmonftrant. My fingle Remonftrance not Remonftrance Did bring along with it a hot fent Anfwere. your fingle of your more then lingular Affection to fpirituall Pluralities, your finglenefle would be lefie fufpefted with all good Chriftians then it is. Remonft. Their Names, Perfons, Qualities, Numbers, I care not to know,
is
Anfw. Their Names are knowne to the all-knowing Power above; and in the meane while doutlefle they wreck not whether you or your Nomenclator know them or not. Remonft. But could they fay my name is Legion, for we are many. Anfw. Wherefore fiiould you begin with the Devils Name, defcanting upon the number of your Opponents ? wherefore that conceit of Legion with a bywipe ? Was it becaufe you would have Men take notice how you efteeme them,
whom
'
through all your Booke fo bountifully you call your Brethren ? we had not thought that Legion could have furnilht the Remonftrant with fo many Brethren.
Remonft.
My
caufe, yea
a St.
Anfw. Ere your Valour, what or Humane.

Remonft.
a foot furder
Gods, would bid me meet them undifmai'd, &c. we muft bee content to hear a preambling boaft of.
Dunftane you are to encounter Legions, either Infernall
or the God of this World be hee ? Anfw. Shew us any one point of your Remonftrance that do's not more concern Superiority, Pride, Eafe, and the Belly, then the Truth and Glory of God, or the. Salvation of Soules. Remonft. My caufe, yea Gods, would bid me meet them undifmai'd, and to fay with holy David, though an Hoaft, &c. Anfw. Doe not think to perfwade us of your undaunted Courage, by mifapplying to your felf the words of holy David ; we know you feare, and are in an Agonie at this prefent, left you Jhould lofe that fuperfluity of Riches
My caufe, .yea Gods. What Gods ? unlefle your* Belly,
Pag.
2.
and Honour which your party ufurp. And whofoever covets, and fo earneftly labours to keep fuch an incumbring furcharge of earthly things, cannot but have an Earth-quake ft ill in his Bones. You are not arm'd Remonftrant, nor any of your Band ; you are not dieted, nor your Loynes girt for fpiritual Valour, and Chriftian Warfare, the luggage is too great that followes your Camp-, your hearts are there, you march heavily How fhall we think you have not carnall Fear, while we fee you fo fubjeft to carnal Defires ? Remonft. I do gladly fly to the Barre. beleeve you as Anfw. To the Barre with him then. Gladly you fay. the for and aflembling of this Pargladly asyour whole Fa&ion wifii't, long'd as the as liament, gladly your Beneficiaries Prieftscume up. to anfwer the comand all of the Shires. outcries plaints Remonft. The Areopagi ? who were thofe ? truly my Mafters, I had thought this had been the name of the Place, not of the Men. Anfw. A foar-Eagle would not ftoope at a Flye ; but fure fome Pedagogue flood at your Elbow, and made it itch with this parlous Criticifme ; they urg'd you with a Decree of the fage andfevere Judges of Athens, and yoncjte them to appear for certaine Paragogicall Contempts, before a capricious Padantie of hot-liver'd Grammarians. Miftake not the matter courteous Remonftrant, they were not making Latines ; if in dealing with an outlandifh Name, they thought it belt not tofcrew the Englifh Mouth to a harfh forreigne Termina:
We
tion,
Hi
tion, fothey kept the radicall word, they did no more than the eleganteft Authors among the Greeks, Romans, and at this day the Italians in fcorne of Remember how they mangle our Britifh Names fuch a fervility ufe to doe.
abroad
theirs
?
what
trefpaffe
were
it,
if
we
in requita'.l
mould
as
much
neglect
and our learned Chaucer did not doe fo, writing Scmyramus for ftic^to SumramU, Ampbiorax for Ampbiaraus, K. Sejes for K. Ccyx "the husband of Alcyone, with many other names ftrangely metamorphis'd from true Orthography if he had made any account of that in thefe kind of words. Remon. Left the World fhould think the Prcfle had of late forgot to fpeak.At the beginany Language other then libellous, this honcft Paper hath broken through the ningofhisAr.
'
'
tlirong.
monflrance.
Anf. Mince the matter while you will, it fhcw'd but green praftife i;: the Lawes of difcreet Rhcthorique to blurt upon the cares' of a judicious Parliament with fuch a prefumptuous and over-weening Proem : but you doe well to be the Sewer of your owne mefle. Remon. That which you mifcall the Preface, was a too juft complaint of
theftiamfull
number
is
How long Troop have bin in fuch with Libells? ask your Lyfemaibus Nicanor what defaming Invectives have lately flown abroad againft the Subjects of Scotland, and our poore expulfcd Brethren oi Nr,v- England, the Prelates rather applauding then fhewing anydillikc: and this hath bin ever fo, in fo much, that Sir Francis Bacon in one of his Difcourfes complaines of the Biihops uneven hand over thefe Pamflets, confining thofe againft Biihops to darknefle, but licenfing thofe againft Puritans to be utter'd openly % though with the greater mifchiefe of leading into contempt the exercife of Religion in the perfons of fundry Preachers, and diigracing the higher matter in the meaner perfon. Remon. A point no lelle eflential to that propofed Rcmonflrance. Anf. Wee know where the lhoo wrings you, you fret, and are gall'd at the quick, and O what a Death it is to the Prelates to be thus un-vifarded, thus uncas'd, to have the Periwigs pluck't ofF that cover your BaldnefTe, your infidc Nakedneile thrown open to publick view The Romans had a time once 'twere hard if every year, when their Slaves might freely fpeake their minds the free-borne People of England, with whom the voyce of Truth for thefe many yeares, even againft the Proverb, hath not bin heard but in corners, after all your Monkifh Prohibitions, and expurgatorious Indexes, your Gags and Snaffles, your proud Imprimaturs not to be obtain'd without the fhallow furview, but not fhallow hand of fome mercenary, narrow foul'd, and illitterate Chaplain ; -when liberty of fpeaking, then which nothing is more fweet to Man, was girded, and ftraight-lac't almoft to a broken-winded Tizzick, if now at a good time, our time of Parliament, the very Jubily, and Refurrection of the State, if now the conceal'd, the aggreev'd, and long perfecuted Truth, could not be fuffer'd fpeak ; and though Ihe burft out with fome efficacy of words, could not be excus'd after fuch an injurious ftrangle of filence, nor avoyde the cenfure of Libelling, 'twere hard, 'twere fomething pinching in a Kingdome of free Spirits. Some Princes, and great Statifts, have thought it a prime piece of neceffary Policy to thruft themfelves under difguife into a popular throng, to ftand the night long under eaves of houfes, and low windows, that they might hear every where the free utterances of privat Brefts, and amongft them find out the precious gemme of Truth, as whereby they might be the amongft the numberleffe pibbles of the fhoar abler to difcover, and avoyde that deceitful and clofe coutcht evil of Flattery that ever attends them, and misleads them, and might skilfully know how to apply the feveral RedrefTes to each Malady of State, without trufting the difloyal Information of Parafites and Sycophants 'whereas now this permiffion of free writing, were there no good elfe in it,, yet at fome times thus licenc't, is fuch an unripping, fuch an Anatomie of the (hieft and tendereft particularmakes not only the whole Nation in many points thewifer, but as Truths, alfo prefents and carries home to Princes, and Men moft remote from vulgar Concourfe, fuch a full infight of every lurking Evil, or reftraiaed Good among the Commons, as that they fhall not need hereafter in old Cloaks, and falfe Beards, to ftand to the courtefy of a night- walking Cudgeller for eaves
Anf.
diftait
!
, ,
of Libells. it that you and the Prclaticall
dropping,
142 )
dropping, nor to accept quietly as a Perfume, the over-head emptying of fome fait Lotion. Who could be angry therefore but thofe that are guilty, with thefe frce-fpokcn and plain-harted Men that are the Eyes of their Cpuntry, and the Profpeftive-glafTes of their Prince? But thefe are the Nettlers, thefe are the blabbing Bookes *at tell, though not ha"lfe your fellows feats. You love toothlellc Satyrs j let me inform you, a toothleffe Satyr is as improper as a toothed lleekftone, and as bullifh. Rcmon. I befeech you Brethren fpend your Logick upon your own workes.
Pag. 4-
Anf. The peremptory Analylis that you caU it, I beleeve will be fo hardy as once more to unpinne your fpruce faftidious Oratory, to rumple her laces her frizzles, and her bobins, tho (he wince, and fling never fopeevifhly. Remon. Thofe verbal Exceptions are but light froth, and will fink alone. Anf. O rarefuttlety, beyond all that Cardan ever dream't of! when I befeech you, will light things fink? when will light froth fink alone? Herein your phrafe, the fame day that heavy plummets will fwimme alone. Truft
this
Man, Readers, if you pleafe, whofe Divinity would reconcile England with Rome y and his Philofophy make friends nature with the Cbaos^ fine pondere
babcntia pondus.
Rcmon. That fcum may be worth taking off which followes. Anf. Spare your Ladle, Sir, it will be as bad as the Bifhops foot in the broth } the icum will be found upon your own Remonflrance. Rcmon. I fhall defire all indifferent eyes to judg whether thefe Men do not endeavour to caflunjuft envy upon me.
Anf. Agreed. Rcmon. I had faid that the civil Polity as in general Notion, hath fometimes varied, and that the Civil came from Arbitrary I mpofers j thefe gracious Interpreters would needs draw my words to the prefent and
particular
Government of our Monarchy.

Anf.
pofers
And
-,
defervedly have they don fo

is
take up. your Logick elfe and fee
Civil Politie, fay you, hath fometimes varied, and
came from Arbitrary
Irh-
what Propofition
this
Bilbop
Downam
in his Dialetticks will tell
you it is a general Axiome, though the univerfal Particle be not expres't, and you your felfe in your Defence foexplaine in thefe words as in general notion. Hence is juftly inferr'd, he that faies civil Polity is arbitrary, faies that the civil Polity of England is Arbitrary. The Inference is undeniable, a theft ad bypotbeftn y or from the general to the particular, an evincing Argument in
Pag.
5.
Logick.
Rcmon. Brethren, whiles yee defire to feeme Godly, learne to be

litious.
lefTe
ma-
Anf. Remonflrant, till you have better learnt your Principles of Logick, take not upon you to be a Doctor to others.
Remon.
Anf.
fliould
I
God blefle all good Men from fuch Charity. never found that Logical Maxims were uncharitable before, yet a Jury of Logicians pafle upon you, you would never be fav'd by the
And
our facred Monarchy from fuch Friends.
Book. Remon.
Anf. Adde, as the Prelates. Remon. If Epifcopacy have yoked Monarchy, it is the Infolence of the Perfons, not the fault of the Calling. Anfw. It was the fault of the Perfons, and of no Calling ; we doe not count
Prelatry a Calling.
Pag. 6.
The Telbimony of a Pope j(whom thefe Men honor highly J. Anf. That flanderous Infertion was doubtlesa pang of your incredible Charity, the want whereof you lay fo often to their charge-, a kind token of your favour lapt up in a parenthefis, a piece of the Clergy benevolence layd by to maintain the Epifcopal broile, whether the igoo Horfe or no, time will difcover for certainly had thofe Cavaliers come on to play their parts, fucha ticket as this of highly honouring the Pope, from the hand of a Prelate, might have bin of fpecial ufe and fafety to them that had car'd for fuch a ranfom. Remon. And what faies Antichrifb ? Anf. Ask your Brethren the Prelates that hold Intelligence with him, ask not us. But is the Pope Antichrift now ? good newes !. take heed you be not
Remon.
:
'
fhent
(
'tis
Ihent for this, for verily thought, that had this Bill bin put in againft him in your Iaft Convocation, he would have bin clear'd by moll voices. Remon. Any thing ferves againft Epifcopacy.
the frowardneffe Anft. See ceflion and divine Right of
of this Man, he would perfwade us that the SucBifhopdom hath bin unqueltionable through all
Ages} yet when they bring againft him Kings, they were irreligious \ Popes, they are Antichrift. By what JE\ a of Computation, through what Faery Land,
would the Man deduce
The
that
Pope
all
may aswellboaft
this perpetual bead-roul of uncontradicted Epifcopacy ? his ungainfaid Authority to them that will believe
7
were either irreligious or heretical. the If Bifhops, faith the Pope, be declared to be of divine Right, Remonft. be would exempted from regal Power ; and if there might be this danthey
his Contradicters
is this envioufly upraided to thofe of ours ? who &c. profelle, were but like the mangFd pieces of Anftv. Becaufe your diflever'd Principles a galh't Serpent, that now begun to clofe, and grow together Popifh againe. Whatfoever you now gladly profelle out of fear, we know what your drifts
f*i-
ger
in thofe
Kingdoms, why
do gladly
were when you thought your felves
fecure.
the name of Epifcopacy with a FactiRemonft. It is a foulflander to charge few. to lbme on, for the Fad imputed hath brought a harmlefie name into Anftv. The more foul your Faction that be the Fact and imputed to all of yee that ought to have may juftly obloquie, withftood it, and did not. are yee the Presbyters of the Church of England, Remonft. Fie Brethren
!
and dare chalenge Epifcopacy of Faction ? Anfw. Yes, as oft as Epifcopacy dares be
Remonft.
factious.
Had you fpoken

?
fuch a
word
in the
time of holy Cyprian, wh3t had
become of you
Anfw. They had neither bin hal'd into your Gehenna at Lambeth, nor ftrappado'd with an Oath ex officio by your Bow-men of the Arches and as for Cywas farre unlike, he indeed fucceeded into an Epifcoprians time, the caufe to then that prelatize ; but his perfonal Excellence like an Antibegan pacy dote overcame the malignity of that breeding Corruption which was then a Difeafe that lay hid for a while under {hew of a full and healthy Conftitution, as thofe hydropick humors not difcernable at firft from a fair and juicy flelhinefle of body, or that unwonted ruddy colour which feems graceful to a cheek otherwife pale ; and yet arifes from evil caufes, either of fome inward obftruction or inflammation, and might deceav the firft Philicians till they had learnt the fequell, which Cyprians dayes did not bring forth \ and the Prelatifm of Epifcopacy which began then to burgeon and fpread, .had as yet, efpecially in famous Men, a fair, though a falfe imitation of flourilhing. Remonft. Neither is the wrong leiTe to make application of that which was moft juftly charged upon the practifes and combinations of libelling Separatifts,
:
Pug.
8,
whom
defervedly cenfur'd, &c. To conclude this Section, our Rcrnonftrant we fee is refolv'd to make good that which was formerly faid of his Book, that it was neither bumbley When nor a Remonftrance, and this his Defence is of the fame complexion. he is comtrain'd to mention the notorious violence of his Clergy attempted on the Church of Scotland, he flightlie termes it a Fact imputed to fome few } but when he fpeakes of that which the Parliament voutfafes to name the City Petition, which I, faith he, (as if the State had made him publick Cenfor) deAnd how ? as before for a tumultuarie and underhand way fervedly cenfur'd. of procured Subfcriptions, fo now in his Defence more bitterly, as the practizes and combinations of libelling Separatifts, and the mifzealous Advocates thereof juftly to be branded for Incendiaries. Whether this be for the honour of our cheif Citty to be noted with fuch an Infamie for a Petition, which not without fome of the Magiftrates, and great numbers of fober and confiderable Men, was orderly, and meekly prefented, although our great Clarks think that thefe Men, becaufe they have a Trade, (as Chrift himfelfe, and St. Paul had) cannot therefore attaine to fome good meafure of knowledge, and to a reafon of their Actions, as well as they tli3t fpend their youth in loitering, bezzling, and harlotting, their Studies in unprofitable Queftions and barbarous
I
Anfw.
rousSophiftry, their
( 144 ) middle Age in Ambition and IdlenelTe, their old Age in Avarice, Dotage, and Difeafes and whether this refleft not with a Contuit mely upon the Parliament felf, which thought this Petition worthy, not onof but voting to a Commitment, after it had bin advocated, ly 01 receaving, honourable fome and learned Gentlemen of the Houfe, to and mov'dfor by be cal'd a Combination of libelling Separatifts, and the Advocates thereof to be branded for Incendiaries ; whether this appeach not the Judgement anil
:
Approbation
of the Parliament,
leave to equall Arbiters.
Sect.
2.
of your Gall, Remonft. After the overflowing
you defcend to Liturgy and
Epifcopacy.
u*>. 9.
Anfw. The overflow being paft, you cannot now in your owne Judgement impute any bitternefle to their following Difcourfes. whom you name, I dare fay for honors fake. Remonft. Dr. Hall, a are Y' merry Man, Sir, and dare fay much. Anfw. And why fhould I not fpeake of Martyrs, as the Authors and Remonft.
Ufers of this holy Liturgie ? have faid for Anfw. As the Authors? the Tranflators you might perhaps Edward the Sixt, as Hayward hath written in his Story, will tell you upon the word of a King, that the Order of the Service, and the ufe thereof in the then tlve old Service was, and the fame words in Englifh Tongue, is no other
:
in Latine, except a few things omitted, fofond, that it Englilh which were have heard them in Englilh ; thefe are his words : whereto had been a fhame who the Author was, but certain that part of the uncertaine left by we are work was efteem'd fo abfurd by the Tranflators thereof, as was to be afliam'd but the Martyrs were the Refiners of it, for that only is of in Englilh.
left
Admit they were, they could not refine a Scorpion into a had drawn it, and rinc't it with never fo cleanly Cookery, Fifh, though they which made them fall at variance among themfelves about the ufe either of it,
you to fay.
or the Ceremonies belonging to
Remonft. Slight you our good Caufe.
it.
them
as
you pleafe,
we blefle God for fuch
Patrons of
not Anfw. O Benedicite! Qui color ater erat, nunc est contrarms atro. Are the Foxian in termes of one which thefe they your Bifhops print fcornfully Confeflbrs ? Are not thefe they whofe Acts and Monuments are not only fo contemptible, but fohatefull to the Prelates, that their Story was almoftcome to be a prohibited Book, which for thefe two or three Editions hath crept into the World by Health, and at times of advantage, not without the open Reas many heneft Men that had to do in fetgret and Vexation of the Bifhops, ting forth the Book will juftifie And now at a dead lift for your Liturgies you out upon fuch Hypocrilie. blefle God for them
:
fj. io.
Remonft.
As
if
wee were bound
to
make good every word
that
falls
from
mouth of every Bifhop. faces : yonr Anfw. Your Faction then belike is a fabtile Janm, and has two in the or Scandalls forward Innovations to fet face bolder Church, your any cautious arid wary face to difavow them if they fucceed not, that fo the fault may not light upon the Function, left it fhould fpoil the whole Plot bjîving it an irrecoverable wound. Wherefore els did you not long agoe, as a good ? wherefore have Bifhop fhould have done, difclaim and proteft againft them till the generall Complaints of ft ill, and and fate hood-winkt, comply'd ycju the Land have fqueez'd you to a wretched, cold and hollow-hearted Confeffion of fome ptelaticall Riots both in this and other places of your Booke ? Nay what if you ftill defend them as followes ? hath bin fo wifely and chariRemonft. If a Bifhop have faid that our Liturgie fram'd as that the Devotion of it yeeldeth no caufe of offence to a very
the
tably
Popes ears.
new apd never-heard of Supererogative heighth of Wifdome and Anfw. of Charity in our Liturgie ! is the Wifdome of God or the charitable framing to it turne Gods Word otherwife inoffenfive to the Popes eare, then as hee may the working of his mifterious Iniquitie ? A little pulley would have ftretch't that the Devoyour wife and charitable frame it may be three inches further, Devils to the eare, and tion of it might have yeelded no caufe of offence very
&
that
(
that had beetle the
H5
fpeake to the God or Peace ? Anf. Fie, no Sir, but forecaft our Prayers fo thatSathan and his Inftruments may take as little exception againft them as may be, left they mould chide
when we
fame wifdoine and charity furmounting to the highefl deFor Anticbrift wee know is but the Devil's Vicar, and therefore pleafe gree. him with your Liturgie, and you pleafe his Maifter. Remon, Would you thinkc it rcquilite that we Ihould chide and quarrell
Englifh-men our Liturgie hath run up and downe the world like an Englifh galloppincr Nun none yet that bids money for her. proffering her felf, but wee hcare of Remon. As tor that (harp Ccnfure of learned Mr. Calvin, it might well have beene forborne by him in aliena Republica.
Anf. Thus this untheologicali Remonftrant would divide the individuall CaChurch into feverall Republicks know therefore that every worthy Paft or of the Church of Cbrift hath univerfall right to admonifh over all the world within the Church nor can that care be alien'd from him by any diftance or diftimftion of Nation, fo long as in Chrift all Nations and Languages are as one houfhold. Remon. Neither would you thinke it could become any of our greateft Divines to meddle with his charge. Anf. It hath ill become 'em indeed to meddle fo malicioufly, as many of them have done, though that patient and Chriftian City hath borne hitherto
tholick
:
,
little advantage to our.Caufe and Piety, that our Liturgy is feveral to Languages for ufe and example. fpeak taught Anf. The Language of Jfidod is one of them, and that makes fo many have fuch a fmattering of their Pbiliftian Mother. And ini.eed
and quarrell with Remon. It is no
us.
Pagi ii;
their profane fcoffes with filence. Remon. Our Liturgie paft the Judgment of no leffe reverent heads then his owne. Anf. It brib'd their Judgment with worldly ingageraents, and fo paft it. Remon. As for that unparallel'd difcourfe concerning the antiquity of Liturbut fhall juftifie mine owne aflertion. gies j I cannot help your wonder, a but miferable fhifting off thofe teftimonies of Your is Juftification Anf. the ancienteft Fathers alledg'd againftyou, and the authority of fome Synodal Canons, which are no warrant to us. Wee profeife to decide our Controverfies only by the Scriptures, but yet to reprefle your vain glory, there will be voluntarily beftow'd upon you a fufficient convi&ion of your novelties out of
all
fucceeding antiquity. Remon. I cannot fee how you will avoide your owne contradiction, fori demand, is this order of praying and adminiftration fet, or no ? if it be not fet, how is it an order ? and if it be a fet order both for matter and form. Anf. Remove that Form, left you tumble over it, while you make fuch haft to clap a contradiction upon others. Remon. If the formes were merely Arbitrary, to what ufe was the prefcription of an order?
P*g- iii
Anfw. Nothing will cure this Man's Underftanding but fome familiar and kitching Phyfick, which, with pardon, muft for plainnefs fake be adminiiter'd to him. The order of Breakfaft, Dinner, and SupCall hither your Cook. Is a Man therefore bound in the per, anfwer me, is it fet or no ? Set. morning to potcht Eggs and Vinegar, or at noon to Brawn or Beef, or at night to frefh Sammon, and French Kickfhoes ? may he not make his meales in order, though he be not bound to this or that viand ? doubtlefs the neat finger'd Artift will anfwer yes, and help us out of this great Controverfy without more trouble. Can we not underftand an order in Church Aflemblies of praying, reading, expounding, and adminiftring, unlefs our Praiers be ftill the fame Crambe of words ?
Remonft.
What a
poore exception
?
is this,
that Liturgies
were compos'd by
fome particular Men

Anfw.
It is
a greater preemption in any particular Men to arrogate to Minilter themfelves that which God univerfally gives to all his Minifters. that cannot be trufted to pray in his own words without being chew'd to, and fefcu'd to a formal injunction of his Rotelefion, fliould as little be trufted to
preach.
14* )
preach, befides the vain babble of praying over the fame things immediately again for there is a large difference in the repetition of fome pathetical Ejaculation rays'd out of the fuddain earneftnefs and vigour of the inflam'd Soul, (fuch as was that of Cbrift in the Garden) from the continual reherfal of our dayly orifons which if a Man fhall kneel down in a morning and lay over, and
,
-,
prefently in another part of the Room kneel down again, and in other words ask but ftill for the fame things as it were out of one Inventory,! cannot ice how he will efcape that heathenifh Battologie of multiplying words, which Cbrift himfelf that has the putting up of our Praiers,told us would not b.acceptable in Heaven. Well may Men of eminent Guifts fet forth as many forms, and to as they pleafe ; but to impofe them Praier help?/ upon Minifters lawfully call'J, and fufficiently tri'd, as all ought to be ere they be admitted, is a fu percilious Tyranny, impropriating the Spirit of God to themfelves.
Fdg.
13.
Do we abridge this liberty by ordaining a publick form ? Anf. Your Bifhops have fet as fair to do it as they durft for that old Pharifaical fear that ftill dogs thejn, the fear of the People \ though you will
Rumen.
are none of thofe, ftill you would feem not to have joyn'd with the worft, and yet keep alooff off from that which is beft. I would you would either mingle, or part: moft true it is what Savanarola complaines, that while hee
fay you
endeavour'd to reforme the Church, his greateft Enemies were
ftill
thefe
lukewarm
ones.
F-tg.
14.
Fag. 16.
Remon. And if the Lord's Praier be an ordinary, and ftinted form, why not others ? Anf. Becaufe there be no other Lords that can ftint with like Authority. fatnon. If JuJJin Martyr faid that the Inftru&er of the People prai'd (as they falfly turn it ) according to his ability. Anf. cm SvyxiJM auT will be fo render'd to the World's end by thofe that are not to learn Greek of the Rcmonftrant, and fo Langus renders it to his face, and this ancient Father mentions no Antiphonies, or if he could fee Refponfories of the People heer, but the only plain acclamation of Amen. Remon. The inftrnfter of the People pr;:Pd according to his ability 'tis true, fo do ours, and yet we have a Liturgy, and fo had they. The Ancients us'd Pikes and Targets, and thereAnf. A quick come off. Tore Guns and Great Ordnance, becaufe wee ufe both. Remon. Neither is this liberty of powring out our felves in our Praiers ever the more impeach't by a publicke form. Anf. Yes the time is taken up with a tedious number of Liturgicall Tautologies, and Impertinencies. Remon. The words of the Councell are full and affirmative. Anf. Set the grave Councels up upon their fhelves again, and firing them
-,
left their various and jangling opinions put their leavs into a flutter. not intend this hot feafon to bid you the Bafe through the wide and dufty champaine of the Councels, but fhall take counfel of that which counfel'd them, Reafon and although 1 know there is an obfolet reprehenfion now at your Tongue's end, yet I fhall be bold to fay that Reafon is the gift of God in one Man as well as in a thoufand \ by that which wee have tafted already of their Cefterns, wee may find that Reafon was the only thing, and not any divine Command that mov'd them to enjyne fet forms of Liturgy. Firfl left anything in general might be miffaid in their publick Prayers through igand next, left the Arians, norance, or want of care, contrary to the Faith and Pelagians in particular fhould infect the People by their hymns, and formes of Praier. By the leave of thefe ancient Fathers, this was no folid prevention of fpredding Fferefy, to debarre the Minifters of God the ufe of their nobleft talent, Praier in the Congregation, unlefle they had forbid the ufe of Sermons, and Le&ures too, but fuch as were ready made to their hands as our Homelies ; or elfe he that was here'tically difpos'd, had as fair an opportunity of infedting in his difcours, as in his Praier or hymn. As infufficiently, and to fay truth, as imprudently did they provide by their contrived Liturgies, left any thing fhould be erroneoufly praid through ignorance, or want of care For if they were carelefle, and ignorant in their Praiers, in the Minifters. would be more careleffein their certainly they preaching, and yet more careJelle in watching over their Flock ; and what could reach to bound
hard,
I fhall
prefcription
them
( i47 )
Reafon, now illuftrated by the word of God, be able to produce a better prevention then thefe Councells have left us or want of care in the Miniftry, that fuch wifdome againffc herefie, ignorance and diligence be us'd in the education of thofe that would be Minifters, and fuch ftrift and ferious examination to beundergon ere their admiffion, as Saint Paul to Timothy fets down at large, and then they need not carry fuch an unworthy fufpicion over the Preachers of God's word, as to tutor their unfoununefTe with the Abcie of a Liturgy, or to diet their ignorance, and want of And this care, with the limited draught of a Mattin, and even fong drench. may fuffice after all your laborfome fcrutinie of the Councels. Rtmon. Our Saviour was plea s'd to make ufe in the celebration of his laffc and heavenly Banket both of the fafhions, and words which were ufual in the
them
in
both thefe
What
if
fnall
pag. 17,
Jewifh Feafts. Anf; What he pleas'd to

force.
make
ufe of, does not Juflify
what you
pleafe to
Remon.
The
fet
Anf. to buy of him pure Gold tri'd in the fire. Remon. In the Samaritan Chronicle.
Wee
will not
forms of Praier at the Mincha. buy your Rabbinical fumes, wee have one that
calls us
Anf. As little do wee efteem your Samaritan trumpery, of which People C'brijl himfelfe teftifies, Tee worfhip you know not what.
Remon. They had their feverall Songs. Anf. And fo have wee onr feverall Pfalmes for feverall occafions, without gramercy to your Liturgy. Remon. Thofe forms which wee have under ths names of Saint James, &c. though they have fome interfertions which are plainly fpurious, yet the fubftance of them cannot be taxt for other than holy and ancient. Anf. Setting afide the odde coinage of your phrafe, which no mintmaifter of Language would allow for fterling, that a thing mould be taxt for no other then holy, and ancient, let it be fuppos'd the fubftance of them may favour of fomething holy or ancient, this is but the matter the forme, and the end of the thing may yet render it either fuperftitious, fruitleffe, or impious, and fo worthy to be reje&ed. The Garments of a Strumpet are often the fame materially, that cloath a chair. Matron, and yet ignominious for her to weare } the fubftance of the Tempters words to our Saviour were holy, but his drift no.
pap
18.
Pai-
9*
thing
lefle.
Remon. In what fenfe we hold the Roman a true Church, is fo dear'd that this iron is too hot for their fingers. Anf. Have a care it be not the iron to fear your own Confcience. Remon. Ye need not doubt but that the alteration of the Lhurgie will be confidered by wifer heads then your owne. doubt it not, becaufe we know your head lookes to be one. Anf. Remon. Our Lhurgie fymbolizeth not with Popiifli Mafle, neither as Mafle nor as Popifh. Anf. A pretty flip-skin conveyance to lift MafTe into no Maffe, and Popifh into not Popifh yet faving this paffing fine fophifticall boulting hutch, fo long as fiie fymbolizes in forme, and pranks her felfe in the weeds of Popifh Mafle, it may be juftly fear'd fhee provokes the jealoufie of God, no otherwife then a Wife affecting whorilh attire kindles a difturbance in the eye of her dis-
Pag.
2$
We
cerning Husband. Remon. If I find

ill
Gold
in the Channel, fhall
throw
it
away becaufe
it
was
P"g. 24;"
hid
Anf.
,
You have forgot that Gold hath been anathematiz'd for the idolatrous and to eat the good creatures of God once offer'd to Idols, is in Saint PauPs account to have fellowfhip with Devils, and to partake of the Devil's Table. And thus you throttle your felf with your own Similies. Remon. If the Devils confeft the Son of God, fhall' I difclaim that truth ? Anf. You fitted not fo clean before, but you fhuffle as foulely now j as if there were the like neceffity of the Lhurgie : wee confefling Chrift, and ufing do not difclaime that truth j becaufe we never beleev'd it for his teftimonie, but wee may well reject a Lhurgie which had no being that wee can know of, but from the corrupteft times: if therefore the Devil fhould be given never V ?.
ufe
( i4 ) never fo much to Prayer, I fhould not therefore ccafe from that Duty, becaufe 1 learn't it not from him , but if he would commend to rr e a new Pater nofter though never fo feeming holy, hee fhould excufe me the forme which was his' but the matter, which was none of his, he could not give me, nor I be faid 'Tis not the goodnefle of matter therefore which is not to take it from him. nor canbeow'd to the Liturgie, that will bear it out, if the form, which is the Eflence of it, be fantaftick and fuperftitious, the End and the
finifter,
Impofition violent.
Remonfi. Had it beene to our Churches.
compofed into
this
frame on purpofe to bring Papifts
? alas what was that? unlefs Anfvo. To bring them to our Churches they had beene firft fitted by Repentance, and right Inflruction. You'l fay the Word was there preach't which is the means of Converfion you fhould have given fo much honour then to the Word preach't, as to have left it to God's working without the interloping of a Liturgy baited for them to bite at. Remon. The Project had been charitable and gracious. Anfiv. ltwasPharifaicall, and vain-glorious, a greedy defire to win Profelites by conforming to them unlawfully ; like the defire of Tamar, who to raife up Seed to her Husband, fate in the common Road dreft like a Curtezan and he that came to her committed Inceft with her. This was that which made the old Chriftians Paganize, while by their fcandalous and bafe conforming to Heathenifme they did no more, when they had done thir utmoft, but bring fome Pagans to Chriflianize , for true Chriftians they neither were themfelves, nor could make other fuch in this fafhion.
,
T*g. 25.
it is
Remonfi-. If there be found ought in Liturgie that under careful! hands to remove it.
may indanger
a Scandal!
have fhowne themfelves fooner bent to remove the and expel] the Men from Scandals, then the Scandals from the Men, and to lofe a Soule rather than a Sillable or a Surplice.
Anfiv. Such careful hands as
Remonji. It
Anfiv.
land.
is
Be
it
idoliz'd they fay in England^ they Idoliz'd therefore where it will, it
mean
is
at Amjlerdam. only Idolatriz'd in
Eng-
Remonfi. Multitudes of People they fay diftaft it , more fhame for thofe that have fo miftaught them. Anfvo. More fhame for thofe that regard not the troubling of God's Church with things by themfelves confeft to be indifferent, fince true Charity is af-
and burns at the offence of every little one. As for the Chriftian multitude which you affirme to be fo miftaught, it is evident enough, though you would declaime never fo long to the contrarie, that God hath now taught them to deteft your Liturgie and Prelaeie ; God who hath promis'd to teach all his Children, and to deliver them out of your hands that hunt and worry
flicted,
their Soules
in
hence
is it
that a
Man
fhall
commonly
find
more favoury know,
one Lay-man, than in a dozen of Cathedrall Prelates as we read in ledge our Saviour's time that the common people had a reverent efteem of him, and held him a great Prophet, whilft the gowned Rabbics, the incomparable, and invincible Doctors were of opinion that hee was a Friend of Beelzebub.
Fig. 26.
Remonfi. If the multitude diftaft
wholfome Doctrine,
fhall
we
to
humor
them abandon
it ?
!
Anfw. Yet again as if there were the like neceffity of faving Doctrine, and arbitrary if not unlawfull, or inconvenient Liturgie : who would have thought a Man could have thwackt together fo many incongruous Similitudes, had it not been to defend the motley incoherence of a patch'd MifTal ? Remonfi. Why did not other Churches conform to us? 1 may boldly fay ours was, and is the more noble Church. Anfw. O Laodicean, how vainly and how carnally doft thou boaft of noblemore Lordly you have made our Church indeed, but neile, and precedency
!
not more noble.

r.%. 27.
The fecond quare is fo weak, that I wonder it could fall from the of Pens Wifemen. Anfiv. Y'are but a bad Fencer, for you never make a proffer againft another Man's weaknefle , but you leave your ownc fide alwayesopen: mark what
Remonfi.
follows.
Remonft.
H9
Remonft. Brethren, can yee thinke that our Reformers had any other Intentions then all other the bunders of Liturgies, the left part of whofe care was the help of the Minifters wcaknefle ? Anfw. Do you not perceive the noife you have brought your fclfe into whilft you were fo briere to taunt other Men with weaknefle ? is it cleane out of your mind what you cited from among the Councels that the principal fcope of thole L/tw^rt-Founders was to prevent either the malice or the weakneile of the Minifters, their malice of infuling Hcrelic in their formes of Prayer , their weaknefs, left fometliing might be compofed by them through ignorance or want of care contrary to the Faith? Is it not now rather to be vvondred that fuch a vvcakndle could fall from the Pen of fuch a wife Remon1
-,
Pag,
,.-..
ftrant
Man
Remonft. Their maine drift wa; the help of the Peoples Devotion, that they knowing before the matter that (hoald be fued for. follicitous care, as if the People could be ignorant of the matter Anfw. to be pray'd for ; feeing the heads of publick Prayer are either ever conftant,
or very frequently the lame. Remonft. And the words wherewith it mould be cloth'd, might be the more prepar'd, and be fo much the more intent, and lefle diftra&cd. Anfw. As for the words, it is more to be fear'd led: the fame continually fhould make them careleile or fleepie, then rhat varietie on the fame knowne
Subjed fhould diltract ; variety (as both Mulick and Rhetorick teacheth us) erecls and roufes an Auditory, like the Maillerfull running over many Cords and Divilions-, whereas if Men fhould ever be thumming the Drone of one plaine Song, it would be a dull Opiat to the molt wakeful attention. Remonft. Tell me, is this Liturgie good or evil ? Anfw. It is evill repaire the Acheloian home of your Dilemma how you can, againft the next pufh. Remonjl. If it be evill, it is unlawfull to be usM. not your Salve about you. Anfw. grant you, and we finde you have
:
pag.
j C.
We
Remonfl.
Were
the Impolition amifle,
Anfw.
Not
a little, becaufe they bear
what is that to the People ? an equall part with the Prieft in maPag. jt.
ny places, and have their Cues and Verfets as well as he. Remonft. The ears and hearts of our people looke for a fettl'd Liturgie. Anfw. You deceive your felfe in their ears and hearts, they looke for no fuch matter. to Remonft. The likeanfwer fervesfor Homelies, furely were they enjoyn'd &c. all, Anfw. Letitferve for them that will bee ignorant, we know that Haywa*d their owne Creature writes that for defeft of Preachers, Homilies were appointed to bee read in Churches, while Edtv. 6. reigned. with a more Remonft. Away then with the Booke whilft it may be fupply'd
profitable nonfence.
Pag , r%
Anfw.
Away
with
it
rather, becaufe
is
it
will
more unprofitable nonfence, then
in
fome paflages of
3.
bee hardly fupply'd with a it to be feene.

Pig. 32.
Sect.
Remonft. Thus their Cavills concerning Liturgie are vanifh't. Anfw. You wanted but Hey-paffi to have made your tranfition
call
like a myfti-
Man of Sturbridgc. But for all your Height of hand, our juft exceptions in the face. againft Liturgie are not vanifht, they ftare you ft ill to bee fpit Remonft. Certainly had I done fo, I had beene no lefle worthy
upon for
falfhood.
my
faucy uncharitablenefle, then they are
now
for their uncharitable
we turne Anfw. Wefeeyouarein choler, therefore till you coole a while himfelte inveft would this See how Reader. Remonftrant ingenuous fufficihave he that the all of the with Rheume might conditionally Towne, falfuncharitable him of ent to befpaul his Brethren. areaccus'd by They hood, whereas their only Crime hath beene, that they have too creduloufly but now. weethought him, if not an over-logicall, yet a well-meaning Man , or elfe of find iiim either grofsly deficient in his Principles purpofely. Logkki hent to delude the Parliament with equivocal Sophiftry, fcattering among his. Periods ambiquous words, whofe interpretation he* will afterwards difpence accordus to the
M)
.iccordin? to his pleafure, laying before us univerfall Propofitions, and then thinks when he will to pinion them with a limitation: for fay Remonftrant. Government is cry'd down abroad by either weak or Rcmonft. Epifcopall
factious Perfons.
whether you will have this Propofition prov'd to you to Anfw. Choofe you for one of the two it mull be. or be ridiculous, fophifticall, Step againe to let him and catechife gently you in the grounds Bifhop Downam your Patron, this that Government is cry'd he willlhew Axiom, Epifcopall you of Logick, or faftiaus weak either is as much as to abroad down Perfons, by fay, they He that cry down Epifcopacy abroad, are either weak or faftious Perfons. will tell you that this Axiom containes a Diftribution, and that all fuch Axioms are general; and laftly, that the Diftribution in which any partis wantIf therefore diftributing is faulty, and fallacious. by the ing, or abundant, the weakens Perfons that decry Epifcopacy, you made and adjun&sof Faction, for the nonce, you cannot but be guilty of fraud your diftribution imperfect honourable If you had rathe intended toward Court, to whom you wrote. in and luffer want of Art, you cannot conther vindicate your honefty, your that to attributed uncharitable of them demn falfhood, you more skill then beene able to have made a had diftribution, as it ought you had, thinking you to be, generall, and full \ and fo any Man would take it, the rather as being accompanied with that large word ( Abroad ) and fo take againe either your
Tit'.
34.
manifeft leling, or manifeft ignorance. thefe brotherly Slanderers. 'Rcmonft. Now come
Anfw. Goeondiilembling3fotfb, as ftill your ufe is, call Brother and finite ; call Brother and finite, till it bee faid of you, as the like was of Herod, a Man
had better be your
Remonft.
Hog then your Brother. Which never came within the verge of my
thoughts.
Pag.
?5i
Pag. 36.
or two more as good, the Precinft, or the DioAnfw. Take a Metaphor cefle of your thoughts. Remonft. Brethren, if you have any remainders of Modefty or Truth, cry God mercy. Anfw. Remonftrant, if you have no ground-worke of Logick, or plain-dealboth as faft as you can. ing in you, learne is their witty defcant of my confoundednes. Remonft. Of the fame ftraine was a fatall word, that God put into of more no it, it Anfw. Speak your mouth when you began to fpeak for Epifcopacy, as boding confudon to it. and fhall ever be thus felf-confounded, as Remonft. I am ftill, confidently to is no peaceable, and right affetted Son of the Church of hee that fay England* that doth not wifh well to Liturgie^ and Epifcopacie. Anfw. If this be not that faucie uncharitablenefle, with which in the foreinverted your felfe with thought to have fluffed it going Page you voluntarily who now themfelves are deliberating whether Parliament the let judge off", be to be well wifh't to, or not. and Epifcopacy Liturgie, cannot but rank amongft my notorious Remonft. This they fay they not have that word ftick in your Teeth, or in I would fpeak out Mafters, your Throat. Anfw. Take your Spectacles, Sir, it fticks in the Paper, and was a pe&orall Roule wee prepar'd for you to fwallow down to your Heart. muft have leave to play with their own fterne. Remonft. Wanton Wits of Meditation A yours doubtlefle obferv'd at Lambeth from one of Anfw.
_
Ranonft.P.18,
the Archiepifcopall Kit ens. Remonft. As for that forme of Epifcopall Government, furely could thofe looke with my Eyes, they would fee caufe to be alhamed of this their injurious mifconceit. muft call the Barber for this wife Sentence ? one Mr. Ley the Anfw. a Treatife of the Sabbath, and in his Preface writ other day puts the wifedome one of bold our his Man for AfTe labour ; but wc Balaam's of upon Bifhops, to our liken to and him the more have Afles Maifter, fhall refpeft Remonftrant, he was not fo as his Is not this Beafh the fays Story quick-fighted though Balaam the Son of Bear, the Man whofe Eyes are open, that faid to the Parliament furely could thofe looke with my Eyes ; boaft not of your Eyes, 'tis
We
fear'd
you have Balaam's Difeafe, a pearle
in
your Eye,
Mammon's
Prceftridion.
Remon,
*5 )
Pag. 37!
could tell you of China, Japan, Peru, Brafil, New EngRation. a thoufand others that never had any Di/hops to this day. and land, Virginia, Anfw. O do not foile your Caufe thus, and trouble Ortelius \ we can help have bin ever iince Cond amine''s time at lea ft, in you, and tell you where they alter in the fpaciousand rich Countries of CraMundus idem, aplacecall'd in the Dukedome of Orgilia, and and Turonia, Variana, and pulia, Pamphagonia, It was an overlight that none of your prime their Metropolis of Vcahgontum. Antiquaries could think of thefe venerable Monuments to deduce Epifcopavy by ; knowing that Merewins Britanmcm had them forth-comming.
Alas we
&
Sect.
4.
Remon. Hitherto they have fioui ifh't, now I hope they will ffrike. Anfw. His former tranfition was in the Faire about the Jugglers, now he . at the Pageants among the VV hifflers. Remon. As if Arguments were Almanacks.
is
p ag.
43.
Anfw. You
will find
fome fuch
as will prognofticate
that after your long Sumnur Solflice, to the ancient and equal Houfe of Libra.
your Date, and tell you the Equator calls for you, to reduce you
Remon.
Pole.
Truely, Brethren, you have not well taken the heighth of the
Anfw. No inarvcll, there be many more that doe not take well the heighth of your Pole but will take better the declination of your Altitude. Remon. Hee that faid I am the Way, faid that the old Way was the good
,
p a .
44.
Way.
Anfw. He bids ask of the old Paths, or for the old Ways, where or which the good Way ; which implies, that all old Wayes are not good, but that the good Way is to be fearcht with diligence among the old Wayes, which is a And if others thing that wee doe in the oldeft Records we have, the Gofpell. may chance to fpend more time with you in canvafling later Antiquity, I fuppofe it is not for that they ground themfelves thereon j but that they endeavour by fhewing the corruptions, incertaintics, and difagreements of thofe Volumes, and the eaGnefs of erring, or overflipping in fuch a boundlefle and vaft fearch, if they may not convince thofe that are fo ftrongly perfwaded thereof-, yet to free ingenuous Minds from that over-awfull Eftecme of thofe
is
more ancient then
trufty Fathers, whom Cuftome and fond Opinion, weake and the neglect of founder and fuperior Knowledge hath exalted Principles, fo high as to have gain'd them a blind Reverence ; whofe Books in bignefTe, and number fo endlefl'e, and immefurable, I cannot think that either God or
Nature, either divine or humane Wifdome, did ever meane fhould bee a rule or reliance to us in the decilion of any weighty and pofitive Dodtrine: For certainly every Rule and Initrument of necellary Knowledge that God hath given us, ought to bee fo in proportion, as may bee weilded and manag'd by the Life of Man, without penning him up from the duties of humane Society ; and fuch a rule and initrument of Knowledge perfectly is the Holy Bible. But hee that fhall bind himfelfe to make Antiquity his Rule, if hee read but part, befides the difficulty of choyce, his Rule is deficient, and utterly unfatisfying j for there may bee other Writers of another mind which he hath notfeene-, and if hee undertake all, the length of Mans Life cannot extend to give him a done in Antiquity. Why doe wee full and requifite knowledge of what was and therefore ftand worfhipping admiring this unaftive and liveleflb Coloffiis, that like a carved Gyant terribly menacing to children and weaklings, lifts up his Club, but ftrikes not, and is fubject to the muting of every Sparrow ? If you let him reft upon his Rafis, hee may perhaps delight the Eyes of fome with his huge and mountainous Bulk, and the quaint Workmanfhip of his maffie Limbs but if yee go about to take him in pieces, yce marre him ; and if you thinke, like Pigmees, to turne and wind him whole as hee is, befides your vain Toile and Sweat, he may chance to fall upon your own Heads. Go therefore, and ufe all your Air, apply your Sledges, your Levers, and your Iron crows, to heave and hale your mighty Polyphcm of Antiquity to the ddufion of Novices, and unexperienc't Chriflians. We fhall adhere clofe to the Scriptures of God, which hee hath left us as the jult and adequate meai'ure of Truth, fitted and proportion'd to the diligent Itudy, memory, and ufe of every faithfull Man, whofe every part confenting and making up the harmonious
:
Tim.
5.
16,
J 7-
) harmonious Symmetry of compleat Inftrudtion, is able to fct out to us a perfed Man of God, or Bifhop throughly furnifh't to all the good Works of his without ftepping a foot further, wee fliall not Charge and with this Weapon, down throw your Nebuchadnezzar's Image, and crumble doubt to batter and the of it like the chaffe Summer-threfhing Floores, as well as the Gold of thofe that you boaft of, as your Conftantinian Silver, together Apoftolick SuccefTors the with the Iron, BrafTe, and the Clay of thofe muddy and ftrawy Ages that
(
:
H2
follow.
Pag. 45.
forehead of them all deny that Epifcopacie hath Remonfl. Let the boldeft continued thus long in our Hand, or that any till this Age contradicted it. Anfw. That bold Forehead you have cleanly put upon your felf, 'tis you who deny that any till this Age contradicted it ; no forehead of ours dares do fo much you have row'd your felfe fairly between the Scylla and CharibdtSj either of impudence or nonfence, and now betake you to whether you pleafe. Remon. As for that fupply of accelYory Strength which I not begg. does nothing elfe but begg it, and your felAnfw. Your whole Remonjlrance whine to the Parliament for their Flefh-pots of Eas as do low- Prelates good of your dear Prelacie, like that at the Funerall fad Orations gypt, making doubtie Centurion Afranim in Lucian ; who to imitate the noble Pericles inhh after the Battel to bewaile the llaine SevenEpitaphian Speech, fteppiqg up falls into a pittiful Condolement, to think of thofe coftly Suppers, and anus, no more , and by then he had drinking Banquets which he muft now tafte of little to lament the dear-loved Memory, and calamitous lack'dbut done, lofTe 'of his Capon and whitebroth. Remon. But raife and evince from the light of Nature, and the rules of juffc for the continuance of thofe things which long life, and many Lawes
:
.
Policie,
have firmely eftablifh't as neceffary and beneficial. of Grace, a better guide then Nature. Anfw. Open your Eyes to the light of Condition mean the Look upon Chrift and his Apoftles, without that accefto raife from the light of Nature and Pofuch take paines fory ftrength you licie : take Divine Counfell, Labour not for rfc<? things that periflo ; you would be doe not thinke much the fait of the Earth, if that favour be not found in you that the time is now come to throw you out, and tread you under foot Hark how S. Paul, writing to Timothy, informs a true Bifhop ; Bifhops (faith he) and having food and raiment, let us bee muft not be greedy of filthy lucre
:
:
,
but they (faith he, meaning more efpecially in that place and into many foolifh be rich, fall into temptation, and a fnare, Bifhops) that will : for the love and in which drowne and hurtful Lufts, dcjlruclion, perdition all evil, which while fome coveted after, they have erred from is the root
therewith content
Men
of
Money
of
the Eaith.
How can wee
this our Controverfie
therefore expect found Dodtrine, and the folution of from any covetous and honour-hunting Bifhop that fhall
thus exhorts every Bifhop , plead fo ftiffly for thefe things ? while St. Paul But thou Oman of God flee theft things. As for the juft Policie, that long life and Cuftome, and thofe many Lawes which you fay have conferr'd thefe Benefits upon you ; it hath been nothing elfe but the fuperftitious Devotion of Princes and great Men that knew no better, or the bafe importunity of begthis Life, ging Friers, haunting and haraffing the deathbeds of Men departing the for Heaven to merit in a blind and wretched Condition of hope building of Churches, Cloyflers, and Covents. The moft of your vaunted Pofiefiions, and thofe proud Endowments that yee as ilnfully waft, what are they but the black revennues of Purgatorie, the price of abufed and murder'd Souls, the damned Simony of Trentals, and Indulgences to mortall Sin ? how can ye choofe but inherit the Curie that goes along with fuch a Patrimony ? Alas if there be any releafement, any mitigation, or more tolerable being for the Soules of our mifguided Anceftors ; could wee imagine there might be any recovery to fome degree of eafe.left for as many of them as are loft, there cannot bee a better way then to take the misbeftowed Wealth which they were cheated true SuccefTors of thofe that popt of, from thefe our Prelates, who are the conceit with this of meriting by their Goods, them into the other World, to their beneficent Gilts upon and beftow finall which was their undoing ; Places and meanes of Chriftian Education, and the faithfull labourers in Gods come Harveft, that may incefTantly warn the pofterity of Dives, leftrthcy
!
where
where
their miferable Fore- father
*55 ) was fent by the coufenage and mifleading
of avaritious and worldly Prelates. Remon. It will ftand long enough againft the battry of their paper-pellets. Anfw. That muft be try'd with a fquare Cap in the Counfell, and if pellets will not doe, your owne Canons lhall be turn'd againft you. Remon. They cannot name any Man in this Nation that ever contradicted
Fpifcopacie,
till
this prefent
Age.
over-worne and bedrid Argument is this, the laft refuge Anfw. ever of old falfhood, and therefore a good fignc I truft that your Caftle cannot hold out long. This was the plea of Judaifme, and Idolatry againft Chrifi and his Apo/lles, of Papacie againft Reformation ; and perhaps to the of better frailty of Flefh and Blood in a Man deftitute enlight'ning, may for ha's what for fome while bee pardonable flelhly apprehenfion other to fubfift by then Succeflion, Cuftome, and Vilibility \ which onely hold, if in his weakneffeand blindnefle he be loath to lofe, who can blame? but in a Protcjlant Nation that mould have throwne off thefe tatcer'd Rudiments long agoe, after the many drivings of Gods Spirit, and our fourfcore Years vexation of him in this our Wildernefie fince Reformation began, to urge thefe rotten with the prefent Age , which is to us an age of ages Principles, and twit us wherein God is manifeftly come downe among us, to doe fome remaikable good to our Church or State, is as if a Man fhould ta.ve the renovating and re-ingendring Spirit of God with Innovation, and that new Creature for an upftart noveltie , yea the new Jerufalem, which without your admired linke of Succeflion defcends from Heaven, could not fcape fome fuch like cenfure. It will not it a misbecome a Chriftian further to bee either anfwer, you require more magnanimous^ or more devout then Scipio was ; who in ftead of other anfwer to the frivolous accufations of Petilitis the Tribune, This day Romans (faith he) I fought with Hanibal profperoufly j let us all goe and thank the Gods that gave us fo great a Vittory : in like manner will we now fay, not caring otherwife to anfwer this un-Proteftant-like Objection \ in this Age, Brittains God hath reform'd his Church after many hundred yeers of Popifh corruption , in this Age hee hath freed us from the intolerable yoke of Prelats, and Papall Difcipline ; in this Age he hath renewed our Proteftation againft all thofe yet remaining dregs of Superftition. Let us all goe, every trueprotefted Brittain throughout the three Kingdoms, and render thanks to God the Father of Light and fountaine of heavenly Grace, and to his fon Christ our Lord ; leaving this Remonftrant and his Adherents to their owne defignes, and let us recount even here without delay, the patience and long fuffering that God hath us'd towards our blindneffe and hardnes time after time. For he being equally neere to his whole Creation of Mankind, and of free power to turne his benefick and fatherly regard to what Region or Kingdome he pleafes, hath yet? ever had this Hand under the fpecial indulgent eye of his Providence and pittying us the firft of all other Nations, after he had decreed to purify and
: :
What an
renew his Church that lay wallowing in Idolatrous Pollutions, fent firft to us a healing Meflenger to touch foftly our fores, and carry a gentle hand ovr our Wounds: he knockt once and twice and came again, opening our droulic Eye-lids leafurely by that glimmering light which Wicklef, and his follower ; and ftill taking off by degrees the inveterat fcales from our nigh difpers't
1
,
perifht fight, purg'd alfo our deaf Ears, and prepar'd cond warning Trumpet in our Grandfires dayes.
them
to attend his fe-
they have been able to have receiv'd the fudden affaultof his reforming Spirit, warring againft humane Principles, and carnal fenfe, the pride of Flefh that ftill cry'd up Antiquity, Cuftome, Canons, Counfels and Laws, and cry'd down the Truth for Noveltie, Schifme, Profanenefs and Sacrikdge when as we that have liv'd fo long in abundant Light, befides the funny reflection of all the neighbouring Churches, have yet our Hearts rivetted with thofe old Opinions, and fo obftrufted and benumm'd with the fame flelhly reafonings, which in our Forefathers foone melted and gave way, againft the morning beam of
:
How elfe could
If God had left undone this whole worke fo contrary to Flefh and Blood, till thefe times how fhould wee have yeelded to his heavenly Call, had wee been taken, as they were, in the ftarknes of our Ignorance that yet after all thefe fpiritual Preparatives and Purgations, have our earth-
Reformation.
\i
(M4)
fo clamrn d, and furr'd with the old Levin. if we ly Apprehenfions freeze at noone after their earely Thaw, let us feare left the Sunne lor ever hide himfelfe, and turne his orient fteps from our ingratefull Horizon, to be eternally benighted. Which dreadful Judgement, juftly condemn'd
thou the ever-begotten Light and perfedt Image of the Father, intercede, we trull thou haft-, for thou haft may never come upon us, as open'd our diffius an and after fad our long Opand cult given unexpe&ed breathing times, haft done Jultice upon thofe that tyranniz'd over us, while thou preflions ibme Men waver'd and admifd a vain fhadow of Wifdome in a Tongue nothou haft taught us to admire onely that thing flow to utter Guile, though which is good, and to count that onely praife-worthy which is grounded upon
,
haft difcover'd the plots, and fruftrated the hopes thy divine Precepts. Thou the of all the wicked in Land, and put to fhame the Perfecutors of thy Church ^ thou haft made our falfe Prophets to be found a lie in the fight of all the People, and chac'd them with fudden Confufion and Amazement before the redoubled brightneife of thy defcending Cloud, that now covers thy TaWho is there that cannot trace thee now in thy beamy Walke bernacle. the midft of thy Sanctuary, amidft thofe golden Candlefihks, which through have long fuffer'd a dimnefle amongft us through the violence of thofe that had feiz'd them, and were more taken with the .mention of their Gold then of their ftarry Light teaching the Dodtrine of Balaam, to caft a ftumblingblock before thy fervants, commanding them to eat things facrifiz'd to Idols, and forcing them to Fornication. Come therefore, O thou that haft the feven Starres in thy right hand, appoint thy chofen Priejls according to their Orders and Courfes of old, to minifter before thee, and duely to drefTe and powre out the confecrated Oyle into thy holy and ever-burning Lamps. Thou haft fentoutthe fpiritof prayer upon thy Servants over all the Land to this their vowes as the found of many waters about effe<ft, and ftirr'd up thy Throne. Every one can fay, that now certainly thou haft vifited this Land, and haft not forgotten the utmoft corners of the Earth, in a time when Men had thought that thou waft gone up from us to the fartheft end of the Heavens, and hadft left to doe marvelloufly among the fons of thefe laft Ages. perfect and accomplifh thy glorious Afts \ for Men may leave their Works unfinifht, but thou art a God, thy Nature is Perfe&ion : fhouldft thou bring us thus far onward from Egypt to deftroy us in this WildernefTe, though wee deferve } yet thy great Name would fufFer in the rejoycing of thine Enemies, and the deluded hope of all thy Servants. When thou haft fettl'd Peace in the Church, and righteous Judgement in the Kingdome, then fball all thy Saints addrefle their voyces of Joy, and triumph to thee, Handing on the fhoare of that red Sea into which our Enemies had almoft driven us. And he that now for hafte fnatches up a plain ungarnifh't Prefent as a Thanke-ofFering to thee, which sould not bee deferred in regard of thy fo many late deli-' verances wrought for us one upon another, may then perhaps take up a Harp, and fing thee an elaborate Song to Generations. In that day it fhall no more bee faid as in fcorne, this or that was never held fo till this prefent Age, when Men have better learnt that the times and feafons pafie along under thy feet, to goe and come at thy bidding and as thou didft dignifie our Fathers dayes with many Revelations above all the fore-going Ages, fince thou tookft the Flefh fo thou canft vouchfafe to us (though unworthy) as large a portion of thy Spirit as thou pleafeft , for who fhall prejudice thy all-governing Will ? feeing the power of thy Grace is not paft away with the primitive times, as fond and faithlefTe Men imagine, but thy Kingdome is now at hand, and thou Come forth out of thy Royall Chambers, O Prince of ftanding at the doore. all the Kings of the Earth, put on the vifible Roabes of thy imperiall Majefty, take up that unlimited Scepter which thy Almighty Father hath bequeathe thee ; for now the voyce of thy Bride calls thee, and all Greatures figh to bee renew'd.
,
Sect.
5.
Remon. Neglecf not the Gift which was given thee by laying on the hands of Presbytery.
Propbecie,
and by
it
Anfw.
The
the. Presbytery^
Englifh Tranflation exprefies the Article (the\ and renders which you doe injury to omitt,
Remon.
( '55 )
Remonflrance.
Which
wonder yee can
fo
prefle,
when Calvin him/elf
takes
it
of the
Fae-
so.
of the Men. Office, and not

Anfwer.
think then you are fairly quit of this proofe, becaufe Calvin interprets it for you, as if we could be put off with Calvins name, unlefle we be convinc't with Calvins reafbn j the word ss^ph-riôv is a
collective
You
Nowne
fignifying a
certain
number of Men
liv'd.
in
one order, as
that
word Privy Councell with us, and Calvins mind doubtlefTe, with whom he
the
fo Bez.a interprets,
knew
If any
amongft us fhould
fay the Privy Councell ordain'd it, and thereby conftraine us to underftand one Mans Authoritie, fhould we not laugh at him ? And there-
fore
the Text, and done your utmofl to cramme a Presbyterie into the skin of one Perfon, But if your meaning bee with 'twill bee but a piece of frugall nonfenfe. a violent Hyperbaton to tranfpofe the Text, as if the words lay thus in
when you have
us'd
all
your cramping Irons to
order,
neglect not the gift of Presbyterie

file
this
were
a conflru&ion like
a Harquebuz.e fhot over a to bid them ftoop, or to
of words twelve deep, without authority make the word Gift like the River Mole in
under Surrey to runne

governe
-the
the bottome of a long line,
and
fo ftart-
up to
ri-
word
Presbyterie,
as in immediate Syntax'vs,
a device
diculous enough to make of England that funk at
good
that old wives tale of a certaine
Queene
Charing-croffe,
and rofe
up
at
Queene-hitbe.
No
pofure,
marvell though the Prelates bee a troublefome Generation, and which way foever they turne them, put all things into a foule difcomwhen to maintaine their domineering they feeke thus to rout
and dif-aray the wife and well-couch't order of Saint Pauls owne words, certain textuall Riot to chop off the hands of the word ufing either a or els a like kind of Simony to clap the word Gift betweene
Presbyterie,
them.
mufl be read Befides, if the verfe
um
call
i/jUhei
tv
ev
<m jîoûrros tS
according to this tranfpofition, it would be improper to 7rge<r(buTEgis,
an out' Ordination j^gWfMf, when as it is rather onely x^'* "/^*, as make it a will Sacrament ward Teftimony of Approbation, unlefs they the Prelates would have Saint Pauls words But doe
the Papijls
:
furely
rampe one over another,

Bi/hopricks.
as
and they ufe to dime into their Livings
Remonflrance.
then from Neither need wee give any other fatisfa&ion to the point, God which it in thee Saint Paul himfelfe, 2 Timotb. 1. 6. Stirre up the gift of
by the impofition of
my
hands
mine, and not others.

Anfwer.
the former, Y' are too quick \ this laft place is to bee underftood by in the Art of teaching, as the Law of Method, which beares chiefe fway end that cleareft and plaineft Expreffions bee fet formoft, to the
requires,
they
may
and wherefore enlighten any following Obfcurity, X 2
wee
fhould
not
( i5 ) not attribute a right method to the teachablenefle of Scripture, can be no reafon given : to which Method, if wee fhall now
there
goe con-
trarie, befides the breaking of a Logicall Rule, which the Remonftrant hitherto wee fee hath made little account of, we fhall alfo put a manifeft Violence
and Impropriety upon a knowne word againft

in binding a collective to a lingular Perfon.
his
comif
mon fignification,
fhall, as Logicke
But
we
(or indeed Reafon) inftruds
us,
expound the
latter place
by the former cited, and underftand, (by the Impofition of my hands) that is, of mine cheifly as an Apofile, with the joynt Authority and
Affiftance of the Preshyterie,
there
is
nothing more ordinary or kindly
in Speech then fuch a Phrafe as exprefTes onely the Chiefe in
any ActiSo that the on, Impofition of Saint Pauls in this without more hands, expreffion place, cannot exclude the joynt Aft of the Presbyterie affirm'd by the former Text.
and underftands the
reft.
Remonfirance.
Pag. 76.
In the meane while fee Brethren

night, and caught nothing.
how you have with Simon
fifht all
Anfxver.
Ifwefifhing with Simon the Apoflle can catch nothing, fee what you can catch with Simon Magus for all his hooks and fifhing Implements he
,
bequeath'd
among
you.
Sect.
13.
Remonfirance.
our Bijhops challenge any other Power then was delegated to, and required of Timothy and Tito, wee fhall
Wee
doe againe
profefTe,
that
if
yeeld them ufurpers.

Anfwer.
ordinary Bijhop with Timothy, who was art extraordinary Man, foretold and promis'd to the Church by many Prophecies, and his name joyn'd as collaterall with Saint Paul, in moft of
Ye cannot compare an
his Apoftolick Epiftles,
Churches,
as thofe in Philippi.
even where hee writes to the Bi/hops of other Nor can you prove out of the Scrip-
ture that Timothy was Bijhop of any particular place ; for that wherein it is faid in the third Verfe of the firft : As I hefougk thee to abide Epiftle
flitt
be fuch a gloffe to prove the conftitution of a Bijhop by, as would not onely be not fo good as a Bttrdeaux glofTe ; but fcarfe be receiv'd to varnifh a Vifard of Modona. All that can bee gather'd
at Epbefus, will
out of holy Writ concerning Timothy is, that he was either an Apoftle, or an Apofiles extraordinary Vice-gerent, not confin'd to the charge of any place. The like may bee faid of Titus, (as thofe words import in the
5.
verfe) that he
was for that caufe left
in Creet , that he
might fupply or
proceed to
fet in
order that which Saint Paul in

his particular
Apoftolick
had begun, for which hee had

found, (at I had appointed
thee. J
Commiflion, as So that what hee did in Crect, cannot fo
manner thofe words
much
M7
much be thought
8.
the exercife of an ordinary Function, as the direftion
of an infpired mouth.
23.
No
lefTe alfo
may be
gather'd from the 2 Cor
Remonfirance.
You defcend to the Angels of the feven Aftan Churches, your

is,
fhift
that the Angell
is
heere taken collectively, not individually.

Anfwer.
That the
Firft,
all
Word is collective
it
appeares plainly, Revel.

felfe
2.
Becaufe the Text
expounds
it
fo
for having fpoken
the while as to the Angell, the feventh Verfe concludes that this was fpoken to the Churches. Now if the Spirit conclude
collectively
and
all the way, for we fee not where he particularizes ; kept the fame Tenor then certainly hee mult begin colkaively, elfe the Conftrudtion can bee neither Grammatticatl nor LogicaU.
Angell be individual!, then are the faults attribut they are fuch as for which God buted to him individuall threatens to remove the Candleftick out of his place, which is as much as to take away from that Church the Light of his Truth and wee
Secondly, If the
word
cannot
faults
thinke he would doe fo for one Bifhops fault.
Therefore thofe
mufl be nnderltood collective, and by confequence the fubjedt of them

collective.
Thirdly, An Individuall cannot branch it felfe into Subindividuals but this word Angel doth in the tenth Verfe. Feare none of
things which thou /halt fuffer
;
thofe
behold
the Devill fhall cafl
pifon.
And
the like from
other places
of this
is
fome of you and the
into
following
Chapter may be obferved.

colleftive.
Therefore
it
no
individuall
word, but a
Fourthly, In the 24. Verfe this word Angel is made capable of a Pronoune plurall, which could not bee, unlefle it were a Collective. As
for the fuppofed Manufcript of Tecla,
and two or three other Copies
that have expung'd the Copulative, wee cannot preferre them before the more receiv'd reading, and wee hope you will not againfl: the TranQation of your Mother the Church of England, that paft the revife of
your
chiefeft Prelates
Befides this, you will lay an unjuft cenfure
upon
the much-praifed Bi/hop of Thyatira, and reckon had the Doctiine of Jefabel, when the Text
him among
thofe that
fayes,
he onely fuffer'd her.
your
Whereas, if you will but let fo much call'd-for Charity

if
in a charitable conjunction, as
wee know
will not deny, then

in the
you plainly acquit the
Si/hop,
you comprehend him
name of Angel, otherwife you
leave his cafe very doubtful!.
Remon-
i5>
Remonjirance.
p*&. io5-
e Tboufuffereft thy Wife J
abel
was
fhe
Wife to the whole Company,
or to one Bijhof alone
Anfwer.
Not
to the whole
have bin the Levites

ther of England
it, that
Company doubtles, Wife iaGibeab: but
for that had bin worfe then to
heere
among
all
thofe that con-
itantly read it otherwife,

is
whom
you trample upon,
downe
:
Woman
Jefabel
interpret that word a borrow'd Name.
throng, but fuppofe it were Wife, a Man might as well her name Jefabil no Man doubts to be figuratively, as
againe in the
who
your good Mowith the reft reads
Remonjirance.
Tig,
ut.
Yet what makes
this for a
Diocefan Bi/hop ? much every way.

Anfwer.
No
more then
a Jury.
a fpeciall
If
man of
Endorfement could make to puffe up the Forewee deny you more precedence, then as the Senior of
any Society, or deny you this priority to bee longer then annualL Prove That you thinke to doe from you the contrary from hence, if you can.
the
'Tis not title of eminence, Angel : alas your wings are too fhort. Ordination nor Jurifdiction that is Angelicall, but the heavenly MefTage of the Gofpell, which is the Office of all Minifters alike \ in which fenfe
Wat. ii.
an Angel, which in Greeke fignifies a Meflenger, as oft as it is meant by a Man, and might be fo render'd heere without treafon to the Hierarchy ; but that the whole Booke foares to a proJohn the Baptift
is
call'd
Seeing then the reafon of this phetick pitch in Types, and Allegories. borrowed Name is meerly to fignifie the preaching of the Gofpel, and that this preaching equally appertaines to the whole Minijlery , hence
may
argument, that if the reafon of this borrowed name Angel be equally collective, and communicative to the whole preaching Miniftry of the place, then muft the name be collectively and commubee drawn a
fifth
of preaching ; but the reafon, that is to fay, the office : over the is and communicative collective Flock and watching equally Therefore the borrow'd name it felf is to be underflood as equally colnicatively taken
lective
and communicative to the whole preaching Miniftery
of the
perfon,
place.
And
if
you
will
contend
frill
for a Superiority in one
you muft ground it better then from this metaphor, which you may now deplore as the Axe-head that fell into the water, and fay, Alas Mafter,
for
as
it
was borrow'd,
unlefs
you have
as
good
a faculty to
make Iron fwim^
you had to make
light froth fink.
Rem on-
( ) be not Ordination and Jutifdiction? Atifw. Indeed in the Conftitution, and founding of a Church, that fome Men infpir'd from God fhould have an extraordinary calling to appoint, to order and difpofe, mult needs be. So Mofts, though himfelfe no Prieit, fanftifyd, and ordain'd Aaron and his Sons \ but when all needful things be fet and regulated by the Writings of the Apofties, whether it be not a meer folly to keep up a fuperiour degree in the Church onely for Ordination and JurifThe Apofties were the Builddiction, it will be no hurt to debate a while. ers, and, as it were, the Architects of the Chriftian Church ; Wherein conlifted their Excellence above ordinary Minifters ? a Prelate would fay in
Remonft.
M9
What
is,
if this
Pag. 114:
'
commanding, in controuling, in appointing, in calling to them, and fending from about them to all Countryes their Bilhops and Archbifhops as their Dewith a kind of Legantine Power. No, no, vaine Prelates, this was mtas the Scaffolding of a new Edifice which for the time muft board, and 1)uties,
overlooke the higheft Battlements ; but if the Structure once finifh't, any Paffenger mould fall in love with them, and pray that they might ftill ftand, as being a lingular Grace, and ftrengthning to the Houfe, who would otherwife thinke, but that the Man were prefently to be laid hold on, and fent to his Friends and Kindred ? The Eminence of the Apofties confifted in their powerful preaching, their unwearied labouring in the Word, their unquenchable Charity, which above all earthly refpects like a working flame, had fpun up to fuch a height of pure defire, as might be thought next to that Love which dwells in God to fave Souls which, while they did, they were contented to be the Off-fcouring of the World, and to expofe themfelves wil-,
lingly to
thereby their hope through patience to a Ordination, what is it, but the laying on of hands, Joy unfpeakable. an outward figne or fymbol of Admiffion ? It creates nothing, it conit is the inward Calling of God that makes a Minifter, and ferrs nothing his own painful ftudy and diligence that manures and improves his minifto^ riall Gifts. In the Primitive times, many before ever they had receiv'd Ordination from the Apofties, had done the Church noble ferviee, as Apollos and others. It is but an orderly forme of receiving a Man already fitted, and committing to him a particular charge ; the imployment of preaching is as and farr more excellent, the care alfo and judgment to be us'd in the holy winning of Soules, which is thought to be fufficient in every worthy Minifter, is an Ability above that which is requir'd in Ordination: For many maybe able to judge who is fit to be made a Minifter, that would not be found fit to be made Minifters themfelves ; as it will not be deny'd that he may be the competent Judge of a neat Picture, or elegant Poem, that cannot limne the like. Why therefore wee fhould conftitute a fuperiour Order in the Church to performe an Office which is not onely every Minifter's Function, butinferiour alfo to that which he has a confeft right to , and why this Superiority fhould remaine thus ufurp'd, fome wife Epmcnides tell us. Now for Jurisdiction this deare Saint of the Prelates, it will be beft to confider, fieft, what it is: That SoveraigneLord, who in the difcharge of his holy Anointment from God the Father, which made him fupreame Bifhop of our Soules, was fo humble as to fay, Who made me a Judge, or a Divider over yee ? hath taught us that a Church-mans Jurifdidtion is no more but to watch over his Flock in feafon, and out of feafon, to deal by fweet and efficacious Inftruftions, gentle Admonitions, and fometimes rounder Reproofs , againft negligence or obftinacy, will be requir'd a roufing Vollie of paftorly Threatnings ^ againft a perfifting ftubbornes, or the fear of a reprobate fenfe, a timely feparation from the Flock by that interdictive Sentence, left his Converfation unprohibited, or unbranded, might breath a peftilential murrein. into the other Sheepe. In fumme, his jurifdidtion is to fee to the thriving and profpering of that which he hath planted what other work the Prelates have found for Chancellours and Suffragans, Delegates and Officials, with all the hell-peftering rabble of Sumnersand Apparitors, is but an invafionupon thetemporall Magiftrate, and affected by them as men that are not afham'd of the Enfigne and Banner of Antichrift. But true Evangelical Jurifdiction or Difcipline, is no more, as was faid, then for a Minifter to fee to the And which is the thriving and profpering of that which he hath planted.
all
Afflictions, perfecting
As for
worthieft
160 )
worthieft worke of thefe two, to plant, as every Minifters Office is equally with the Bifhops, or to tend that which is planted, which the blind and uncall Jui ifdi&ion, and would appropriate to themfelves as a difcerning Prelates bufinefle of higher dignity ? Have patience therefore a little, and heare a Law certain man of large Pofleffions, had a faire Garden, and kept therecafe
:
in an honeft
all
and laborious Servant, whole skill and profeffion was to fet or fow wholfome Herbs, and delightfulU lowers, according to every feafon, and w hat-ever elfe was to be done in a well-husbanded Nurfery of Plants and Fruits ; now, when the time was come that he fhould cut his Hedges, prune his Trees, looke to his tender Slips, and pluck up the Weeds that hinder'd their growth, he gets him up by break of day, and makes account to doe what was needfull in his Garden \ and who would thinke that any other fhould know better than he how the days work was to be fpent ? Yet for all this there comes another ftrange Gardner that never knew the Soyle, never handl'd a Dibble or Spade to fet the leaft Pot-herb that grew there, much leffe had endur'd an hours fweat or chilneffe, and yet challenges a*s his right the binding or unbinding of every Flower, the clipping of every Bufh, the weeding and worming of every Bed, both in that and all other Gardens thereabout the honeft Gardtncr, that ever fince the day-peepe, till now the Sunne was grown fomewhatranke, had wrought painfully about his Bankes and Seed-plots, at his commanding Voice turnes fuddenly about with fome wonder ; and although he could have well beteem'd to have thankt him of the eafe hee profer'd, yet loving his own handiworke, modeftly refus'd him, telling him withall, that for his part, if he had thought much of his owne paines, he could for once have committed the Worke to one of his fellow-labourers, for as much as it is well knowne to be a matter of leffe skill and lefTe labour to keepe a Garden handfome, then it is to plant it, or contrive it, and that he had already perforirfd himfelfe. No, faid the ftranger, this is neither for you nor your fellows to meddle with, but for me onely that am for this purpofe in dignity farre above you ; and the provifion which the Lord of the Soyle al'owes me in this Office is, and that with good reafon, ten-fold your wages the Gardener fmil'd and fhooke his head ; but what was determin'd I
: :
pug. 127.
cannot tell you till the end of this Parliament. Remon. If in time you fhall fee wooden Chalices, and wooden Priefts, thanke your felves. Anf. It had beene happy for this land, if your Priefts had beene but only woeden \ all England knowes they have been to this Hand not wood, but wormewood, that have infe&ed the third part of our waters, like that Apoflate Starre in the Revelation, that many Soules have di'd of their bitternelfe ; and if you meane by wooden, illiterate, or contemptible, there was no want of that fort among you, and their number increaling daily, as their lazineffe, their Tavern-hunting, their neglect of all found literature, and their liking of doltifh and monafticall Schoolemen daily increaft. What mould I tell you how the Univerfities, that Men lookc fhould be fountaines of Learning and Knowledg, have beene poyfon'd and choak'd under your Governance? and if to be wooden be to be bafe, where could there be found among all the reformed Churches, nay, in the Church of Rome it felf, a bafer brood of flattering and time-ferving Priefts, according as God proAs for your nounces by Ifaiah, the Prophet that teacheth lies he is the taile. to fchollers and that for Deanaries incourage them young petition Bifbopricks in their ftudies, and that many Gentlemen elfe will not put their Sons to learning, away with fuch young mercenary Stripplings and their Simoniacal Fathers, God has no neede of fuch, they have no part or lot in his Vineyard, they may as well fue for Nunneries, that they may have fome convenient ftowage for their wither'd daughters, becaufe they cannot give them portions anfwerable to the pride and vanity they have bred them in ; this is the root of all our mifchief, that which they alleage for the incouragement of their ftudies, fhould be cut away forthwith as the very bait of pride and ambition, the very garbage that drawes together all the fowles of prey and ravin in the land to come and gorge upon the Church. How can it be but ever unhappy to the Church of of God by England, while fhee fhall think to intice Men to the pure fervice the fame meanes that were us-'d to tempt our Saviour to the fervice of the
Devill,
( ii ) before honour him and preferment. Tit profeflbrs indeed Devill, by laying are they like to be, to teach others that Godlinefle with content is great gaine. whenas their godlinefle of teaching had not been but for worldly gaine. The heathen Philosophers thought that vertue was for its owne fake ineftimable, and the greateft gaine of a teacher to make a foule vertuous ; fo Xmophon writes of Socrates, who never bargain'd with any for teaching them ; he fear'd not left thofe who had receiv'd fo high a benefit from him, would not of their
owne
ly,
free-will returne
him
all
poflible thankes.
Was
mot all vertue
fo love-
and fo alluring, and heathen men fo enamour'd of her, as to teach and ftudy her with greateft neglect and contempt of worldly profit and advancement ? and is Chriftian Piety fo homely and fo unpleafant, and Chriftian men fo cloy'd with her, as that none will ftudy and teach her, but for lucre and preferment O ftale-grovvne Piety O Gofpcll rated as cheap as thy Mafter, at thirty pence, and not worth the ftudy, unlefie thou canft buy thofe that will fell thee O race of Capernaitans, fenflefle of divine doctrine, and capable onely of loaves and belly-cheer! But they will grant, perhaps, piety may thrive, but learning will decay: I would faine ask thefe men at whofe hands they feeke inferior things, as wealth, honour, their dainty fare, their lofty houfes ? No doubt but they will foone anfwer, that all thefe things they feek at God's hands. Doe they thinke then that all thefe meaner and iuperfluous things come from God, and the divine gift of Learning from the den of Plutusy or the cave of Mammon? Certainly never any cleare fpirit nurft up from brighter influences, with a foule inlarg'd to the dimenfions of fpacious art and high knowledg, ever enter'd there but with fcorn, and thought it ever foule difdain to make pelf or ambition the reward of his ftudies, it being the greateft honor, the greateft fruit and proficiency of learned ftudies to deNot liberal fcience, but illiberal muft that needs be that fpife thefe things.
! !
And what would it avail us to contemplation merely for money. ? For fuch can have neither never fo learned Clergy though true wifdom nor grace, and then in vain do Men truft in learning, where thefe be wanting. If in lefle noble and almoft mechanick Arts, according to the definitions of thofe Authors, he is not efteem'd todeferve the name of a compleat Architect, an excellent Painter, or the like, that bears not a generous mind above the peafantly regard of wages and hire \ much more muft we thinke him a moft imperfect, and incompleate Divine, who is fo farre from being a contemner of filthy lucre, that his whole Divinity is moulded and bred up in the beggarly, and brutifh hopes of a fat Prebendary, Deanery, or Bifhoprick j which poore and low pitch'tdefires, if they do but mixe with thofe other heavenly intentions that draw a man to this ftudy, it is juftly expected that they fhould bring forth a bafe born ifl'ue of Divinity, like that of thofe imperfedt, and putrid creatures that receive a crawling life from two moft unlike procreants, the Sun and Mudd. And in matters of Religion, there is not any thing more intollerable then a learned Foole, or a learned Hypocrite \ the one is ever coopt up at his empty fpeculations, a fot, an ideot for any ufe that mankind can make of him, or elfe fowing the World with nice and idle queftions, and with much toyle and difficulty wading to his auditors up to the eyebrows in deep (hallows that wet not the inftep a plaine unlearned man that lives well by that light which he has, is better and wifer, and edifies others more towards a godly and happy life than he. The other is ftill
mounts
have
in
a hireling
ufing his fophifticated arts, and bending all his ftudies how to make his infatiate avarice and ambition feem pious and orthodoxall, by painting his lewd and deceitfull Principles with a fmooth and glofly varnifh in a dodtrinall way, to bring about his wickedeft Inftead of the great harme therefore purpofes. that thefe men feare upon the diflblving of Prelates, what an eafe, and hapit be to us, when tempting rewards are taken away, that the and moft cunningeft dangerous mercenaries will ceafe of themfelves to frequent the fold, whom otherwife fcarce all the prayers of the faithful could have kept back from devouring the flock? But a true Paftor of Chrift's fending hath this efpeciall mark, that for greateft labours, and greateft merits in the Church, he requires either nothing, if he could fo fubfift, or a very common and reafonable fupply of humane neceflaries : We cannot therefore do better then to leave this care of ours to God, he can eafily fend labourers
pinefle will
into
( i.a ) that (hall not cry, Give, give, but be contented with a moderate and befeeming allowance ; nor will he fuffer true learning to be wantand our obedience to him abounds for if he give us to ing, where true grace
into his Harveft,
know him aright, and to pradtife this our knowledg in right eftablifht difciwill hee replenifh us with all abilities in pline, how much more tongues and to his glory, and our good ? He can ftirre conduce that may arts, up rich
Fathers to beftow exquilite education upon their Children, and fo dedicate them to the fervice of the Gofpell ; he can make the fons of Nobles his Minifters, and Princes to be his Na2arit.es-, for certainly there is no imployment more honourable, more worthy to take up a great fpirit, more requiring a generous and free nurture, then to be the meflenger and Herald of heavenly Truth from God to man, and by the faithful worke of holy dodtrine, to procreate a number of faithful men, making a kind of creation like to God's, by
infuling his Spirit and likenefle into them, to their falvation, as God did into him; ariiing to what climat foever he turne him, like that Sun of righteouf-
on the
him, with healing in his wings, and new light to break in upand gloomy hearts of his hearers, railing out of darkfome barrennefle a delicious and fragrant fpring of faving knowledge, and good workes. Can a man thus imployd, find himfelfe difcontented, or diflionoufd for want of admittance to have a pragmaticall voyce at Seffions, and Jayle deliveries ? or becaufe hee may not as a Judge fit out the wrangling noife of litigious Courts to fhreeve the purfes of unconfefling and unmortify'd finners, and not their foules, or be difcourag'd though men call him not Lord, when as the due performance of his office would gaine him even from Lords and Princes, the voluntary title of Father ? Would he tugge for a Barony to fit and vote in Parliament, knowing that no man can take from him the gift of wifdome and found dodtrine, which leaves him free, though not to be a member, yet a teacher, and perfwader of the Parliament ? And in all wife apprehenfions the perfwafive power in Man to win others to goodneffe by inftrudtion is greater, and more divine, then the compulfive power to reftraine men from being evil by terrour of the Law , and therefore Chrift left 'Mofes to be the Law-giver, but himfelfe came downe amongft us to bee a teacher, with which office his heavenly Wifdome was fo well pleas'd, as that he was angry with thofe that would have put a piece of temporall Judicature into his hands, difdaiming that he had any commiffion from above for fuch
nefTe that fent
chill
matters.
Such a high Calling therefore as this, fends not for thofe drofly fpirits that need the lure, and whiftle of earthly preferment, like thofe animals that fetch and carry for a morfell ; no. She can find fuch as therefore ftudy her
And let not thofe precepts, becaufe fhe teaches to defpife preferment. wretched Fathers thinkethey fhall impoverifh the Church of willing and able fupply, though they keep back their fordid fperm begotten in the luftinefle of their avarice, and turne them to their malting-kils rather let them take heed what leilbns they inftill into that lump of flefh which they are the caufe of, left, thinking to offer him as a prefent to God, they difh him out for the Let the novice learn firft to renounce the world, and fo give himfelfe Devill. to God, and not therefore give himfelfe to God that hee may clofe the better with the World, like that falfe Shepheard Palinode in the of
,
the Poet lively perfonates our Prelates, whofe whole life is a recantation of their paftorall vow, and whofe profeffion to forfake the World, as they ufe the matter, boggs them deeper into the world: Thofe our admired Spencer inveighs againft, not without fome prefage of thefe
May, under whom
Eclogue
reforming times.
The time was

( For
oft
When
Ne of
and may again returne happen that hath been beforn) Shepheards had none inheritance,
once,
may
land, nor fee in fuffer ance,
But what might arife of the bare Jheep ( Were it more or lejje ) which they did keep. Welly wis was it with Shepheards, tho Nought having, nought feared they to forgo :
For
( i<5j )
For Pan bimfelfe voa$ their inheritance , And little them fervid for their maintenance The Shepheards God fo well them guided,
'That of naught they were unprovided. Butter enough, honey, milk, and whey,
:
them to array. But trail of Time, and long profpcrity ( That nurfe of vice, th'vs of infolency )
Lulled the Shepheards in fuch fecurity, That not content with loyall obcyfance,
to gape for greedy governance, match themfelves with mighty Potentates, Lovers of Lord/hips, and troublers of States.
And their flock fleeces
Some gan
And
And
Tho gan Shepheards Swaines to looke aloft, leave to live hard, and learns to lig /oft.
Tfjo under colour of Shepheards fume while There crept in wolves full of fraud and guile, That often devoured their owne Sheep,
And often
Tim was
Tliat
now
the Shepbeard that did them keep. the firjl fource of Shepheards forrow, mil be with bale, nor borrow. quit
all this we may conje&ure, how little wee neede fear that the unguildIn the meane of our Prelates will prove the woodening of our Priefts. ing or fuch no in fuch evil eyes, as let his head either Man while, carry narrow, not to looke upon the Churches of Belgia and Helvetia, and that envied City Geneva : Where in the Chriftian World doth Learning more flourilh than in thefe places ? Not among your beloved Jefuits, nor their favourers, though you take all the Prelates into the number, and inftance in what kinde of
By
And how in England all noble fciences attending upon learning you pleafe. the traine of Chriftian doctrine may flourilh more than ever ; and how the able profeflbrs of every Art may with ample ftipends be honeftly provided 5 and finally, how there may be better care had that their hearers may benefit by
all this without the Prelates, the courfes are fo many and fo eafie, mail pafle them over. Rcmon. It is God that makes the Bifhop, the King that gives the Bifhoprick What can you fay to this ? Anfw. What you mail not long ftay for we fay it is God that makes a Bifhop, and the Devil that makes him take a prelaticall Bifhoprick ; as for the King's gift, regall bounty may be excufable in giving, where the Bifhops
them, and
that
I
Seil -
>
x4
Pa&
covetoufnefle
is
damnable
in taking.
Pag. 137.
Remon. Many eminent Divines of the Churches abroad have earneltly wifh'd themfelves in our condition. Anfw. I cannot blame them, they were not onely eminent, but fupereminent Divines, and for ftomach much like to Pompey the great, that could indure no
equall.
Remon.
The Babylonian
note founds well in
your Ears,
dovvne with
it,
P*g. 139.
downe with it even to .the ground. Anfw. You miftake the matter, it was the Edomitifh note, but change it, and if you bean Angel, cry with the Angel, Itisfalne, it is falne. Remon. But the God of Heav'n will, we hope, vindicate his owne Ordinance fo long perpetuated to the Church. Anfw. Goe rather to vour God of this World, and fee if he can vindicate your Lordfhips, your temporall and fpirituall Tyrannies, and all your pelfe ; for the God of Heaven is already come downe to vindicate his own Ordinance
from your fo long perpetuated Ufurpation. Remon. If yet you can blufh. Anfw. This is a more Edomitifh conceit jhan the former, and muft be filenc'd with a counter-quip of the fame Countrey. So often and fo unfavourily has it been repeated, that the Reader may well cry, Downe with it, downe with it for fhame. A Man would thinke you had eaten over liberally of Efaus red Portage, and from thence dreame continually of blufhing ; or perhaps,
Setl.
P-'i-
15.
'4'-
to
(
to heighthen your
1*4)
wont
to
fit
SeS. 16.
Fag. 148.
your Do&ors fcarlet, which through your eyes infecting your pregnant imaginative with a red Sufof blufhing That you thus perfecute infufion begets a'continual thought all your Book, with this one over-tir'd rubricall conceit over Men genuous but if you have no mercy upon them, yet fpare your felfe, ftill of blufhing , owne opiniafter Wit, and make the left you bcjade the good Galloway, your with blufh fpur-galling. very Conceit it felfe Rancn. The fcandalls of our inferiour Minifters I defir'd to have had lefle
fancy in writing, are
in
:
publique.
what your fuperiour Archbifhop or Bifhops ? O forbid to have O dauber! and therefore remove not Impieties ! fay you. it from Ifrael. Conftantine might have done more juftly to have punifh'd thofe not conceale, than to leave them unpunifh'd, Clergicall faults which he could better had it beene for him that the Heathat they might remaine conceafd of his wilfull connivence and his then had heard the fame of Juftice, than had been lefle blafphem'd Truth his and of God fo the name partiality ; and which the and daily by this impuClergie amended, among his enemies, it in the ftreetes of to O worf\ and worfe But, publifli Afcanitie grew from the Turke lately, lon ! Sure fome Colonie of Puritans have taken Afcalon The Papifts we know condole that the Remonftrant is fo afraid of Afcalon.
Anfiv. And told in Gath
:
nor your neighbors of Morocco trouble you. yee, and neither Conjlantinotsle What other Afcalon can you allude to ? Remonftrance. hat a death it is to thinke of the fport and advantage thefe watchRemon. ?" 37fa \ enemies., thefe oppoiite Spectators will be fiire to make of our finne and
fhame
Rcmonftrance.
is but to fling and ftrugle under the inevitable net of to inviron now begins you round. World yeelds fo one Remon. No Clergie in the whole Chriftian
Anfiv.
This
God, that
many emi-
P*l-
83
nent Schollers, learned Preachers, grave, holy and accomplifh'd Divines, as this Church of England doth at this day.
Anfiv.
Ha,
ha, ha.
Rcmon.
Anfiv.
And
long, and ever
may
it
thus flourifh.
as it
O
?
peftilent imprecation!
flourifh
does at this day in the
Prelates
Pet.
5.
Remon. But oh forbid to have it told in Gath ! him rather, facred Parliament, to violate the fenfe of ScripAnfiv. Forbid ture and turne that which is fpoken of the afflictions of the Church under her Paoan enemies, to a pargetted concealment of thofe prelatical crying for from thefe is profanenefle gone forth into all the Land ; they have iins hid their eyes from the Sabbaths of the Lord \ they have fed themfelves, and not their Flocks with force and cruelty have they ruled over Gods People : to that which Saint Peter writes) not of a They have fed his Sheep (contrary as examples to the Flock, but as being not lucre ready mind, but for filthy this Dauber would daub ftill with his and yet Lords over Gods
:
-,
:,
heritage:
Etek
!?
what God fayes by the Prophet Ez.ekiel, untempered Morter. But hearken with this Wall daub untempered Morter, that it fhall fall j Say unto them that and be an yee O great hailftones fhall fall, there fhall overflowing fhower, will I and rend wind fhall fay unto you,, the Wall is no more, and a ftormy it,
neither they that daub'd it. of our Charity Co the Remon. Whether of us fhall give a better account God of Peace, I appeale. to your fellow-offendors, but nothing to the Anfw. Your Charity is much : numberlefs Soules that have beene loft by thir falfe feeding ufe not therefore fo fillily the name of Charity, as molt commonly you doe, and the peaceend. full attribute of God to a prepofterous bred ill like the next In Sons, you fpitinthe face of your Section, Remon.
r*fri49.
SeS
17
Mother the Church of England. What fhould wee doe or

Anfw.
fay to this Remonftrant ? that
by
his idle
and
but that fhallow reafonings, feemesto have been converfant in no Divinity, beleeve and which is colourable to uphold Bifhopricks. Wee acknowledge, ufe a to be man trope difpos'd the Catholick reformed Church and if any of us all, as Saint Paul once did in calling her the common Mother or
,
figure,
let
(
let
*$5)
him doe as his own rethorick (hall perfwade him. If therefore we mufl needs have a Mother, and if the Catholick Church onely be, and mult be fhe, let all Genealogie tell us, if it can, what we mufl: call the Church of England", unlefle wee (hall make every Englifh Proteftant a kind of poeticall Bacchus, to have two Mothers: but marke, Readers, the crafty Hope of thefe Prelates, they endeavour to imprefle deeply into weak and fuperftitious fancies, the'awful notion of a Mother, that hereby they might cheat them into a blind and imObedience to whatfoever they (hall And if we decree, or think fit. to aske a reafon of ought from our deare Mother, (he's invifible, under the lock and key of the Prelates her fpiritual adulterers ; they onely are the internuntio's, or the go-betweens, of this trim devis'd
plicite
come
mummery whatfoever they fay, fhe fayes mufl: be a deadly fin of difobedience not to beleeve. So that wee who by Gods fpecial grace, have ftiafc'n off the fervitude of a great male Tyrant, our pretended Father the Pope, fhould now, if wee be not betimes aware of thefe wily Teachers, fink under the of a female noti:
flavery
on, the cloudy conception of a demy-Hand Mother } and while we think to be obedient Sonnes, (hould make our felves rather the Baftards,or the Centaurs
of thir fpiritual Fornications. Rcmon. Take heed of rhe Ravens of the Vally. Anftv. The Ravens wee are to take heede on are your felves, that would peck out the Eyes of all knowing Chriftians. Rcmon. Sit you merry Brethren. we fllall when the furies of Prelaticall confeiences Anl'rv. So will not give them leave o doe fo.
i
riot jeopard their Fares rather, &c. Se5. i8. punifhment that awaites the merits of your bold accomplices for P"g' i6the lopping, and ftigmatizing of fo many free borne Chriftians. Rcmon. Whether the profefled flovenlinelle in Gods fervice, &c. Pa l6u have heard of Aaron and his linnen Amice, but thofe Anj\v. dayes are paft; and for your Prieft under the Gofpell, that thinks himfelfe the purer or the cleanlier in his Office for his new wafht Surpleffe, we efteem him for fanSitie little better than Apolhnhis Thyanaus in his white Frocke, or the Prieft of Ifis in his lawne Sleves,and they may all for HolinefTe lie together in the fuds. Remon. Whether it were not moft lawfull and juft to punifh your prefumption and difobedience. Anftv. The punifhing of that which you call our prefumption and difobethe mercifull God dience, lies not now within the execution of your fangs above, and our juft Parliament will deliver us from your Epbeftan Beafts, your cruell Nimrods, with whom we (hall be ever fearelefle to encounter. Remon. God give you wifdome to fee the Truth, and grace to follow it. for of fuch Anfrv. I wifh the like to all thofe that refill not the Holy Ghoft God commands Jeremie, faying, Pray not thou for them, neither lift up cry or prayer for them, neither make interceiTion to me, for I will not hear thee y and of fuch Saint John faith, He that bids them God fpeed, is partaker of their evill Deeds.
Queries.
Whether they would
Anftp. A
We
'
To
Rcmon.
the
Poftfcnpt.
the Breviate
goodly Pafquin borrow'd for a great part out of Siom plea, or of a Rhapfody of Hiftories.
confiding
wittily you tell us what your wonted courfe is upon the like ocAnftv. cafion the Collection was taken, be it knowne to you, from as
:
How
anthentique
in this kinde, as any in a Bilhops Library \ and the collector of it fayes moreover, that if the like occafion come againe, hee (hall lefle need the help
Authors
of Breviates, or hiftoricall Rhapfodies, than your Reverence to eek out your fermonings (hall need repaire to Poftills, or Polianthea's. Remon. They were Bifhops you fay, true, but they were Popifh Bifhops. pag Anfw. Since you would bind us to your jurifdiftion by their Canon-law, fince you would inforce upon us the old rifF-raffe of Sarum, and other monafticall reliques fince you live upon their unjuft purchafes, alleage their authotheir boaftof rities, fucceflion, walke in their fteps, their pride, their titles, their covetoufneffe, their perfecuting of Gods people fince you difclaime
, ,
their
166 )
all
their a&ions, and build their Sepulchres, it is moll juft, that fhould be imputed to yee, and their Iniquities vifited upon yee.
rag, i65.
their faults
Remon. Could yee fee no Colleges, no Hofpitals built ? Anfw. At that primero of Piety, the Pope and Cardinals are the better Garaeflers, and will cogge a Die into Heav'n before you. Remon. No Churches re-edified ? AnfvD. Yes, more Churches then Soules. Remon. No learned Volumes writ ? Anfw. So did the mifcreant Bifhop of Spalatto write learned Volumes againft the Pope, and run to Rome when he had done ; yee write them in your Clofets, and unwrite them in your Courts \ hot Volumifts and cold Bifhops ; a fwaflu buckler againfl the Pope, and a dormoufe againft the Devil, while the whole Diocefie be fown with tares, and none to refill the enemy, but fuch as let hint in at the Polterne \ a rare fuperintendent at Rome, and a cipher at home.
Hypocrites, theGofpell faithfully preach'd to the poore, the defolate Parifhes and duely fed ; Loyterers throwne out, Wolves driven from the fold had beene a better confutation of the Pope and Mafle, than whole Hecatontomes of Controverfies \ and all this careering with Speare in rell, and thundring upon the Iteele Cap of Baronitu or Bellarmine. Remon. Nofeduced Perfons reclaim'd ? Anfw. More reclaimed Perfons feduc'd. Remon. No hofpiality kept ?
vifited
Anfw. Bacchanalia's good ftore in every Bifhops Family, and good gleeking. Remon. No great offenders punifh'd ? Anfw. The trophies of your high CommiHion are renown'd. Remon. No good Offices done for the. publique ? Anfw. Yes, the good Office of reducing Monarchic to Tyrannie, of breaking pacifications, and calumniating the People to the King. Remon. No care of the peace of the ;Church ? Anfw. No, nor of the Land ; witneffe the two Armies in the North that now lies plunder'd, and over-run by a Liturgie. Remon. No diligence in preaching ?
Anfw. Scarce any preaching at Remon. No holinefle in living ?
all.
Anfw. No. Remon. Truely,Brethren, 1 can fay no more,but that the fault is in your Eyes. Anfw. If you can fay no more than this, you were a proper Remonftrant to Hand up for the whole Tribe. Remon. Wipe them, and looke better. Anfw. Wipe your fat Corpulencies out of our light. Remon. Yea, I befeech God to open them rather that they may fee good.
Anfw.
Remon.
fit
If
you mean good Prelates,
let
be your prayer,aske not impoffibilities.

it, it
for that proverb, the Bifhops foot hath been in for a Scurra in Trivio, or fome Ribald upon an Ale-bench.
As
were more
Pag. 167.
Anfw. The fitter for them then of whom it was meant. Remon. I doubt not but they will fay, the Bilhops foot hath been in your Booke, for I am fure it is quite fpoil'd by this juft confutation j for your proverb, SapitOllam. Anfw. Spoyld quoth ye ? indeed it is fo fpoild, as a good Song is fpoyld by a lewd linger, or as the faying is, God fends meat, but the Cooks worke their wills in that fenfe we grant your Bifhops foot may ha*ve fpoyld it, and made
:
not Sapere aulam \ which is the fame in old Latin, and perhaps in plaine Englifh. For certaine your confutation hath atchiev'd nothing againft of your skillet foot, and a more it, and left nothing upon it, but a foule tafte
it Sapere ollam, if
and diflinguifhable odour of your Socks, then of your Night-cap. And how the Bifhop fhould confute a Booke with his Foot, unlefle his Braines were dropt into his great Toe, I cannot meet with any man that can refolve me, onely they tell me that certainly fuch a Confutation muft needs be goutie. So much for the Bifhops foot. Remonft. You tell us of Bonners Broth \ it is the fafhion in fome Countries to fend in their Keal in the lafl Service, and this it feems is the manner aperfect
monglt our Sme&ymnuans.

Anfw.
*57>
high Altar you mean ; but foft Sir, the was but begun, the Broth was your own, you have been inviting the Land to it this fourefcore years and fo long we have been your flaves to ferve we know you have the Beefe to it, ready it up for you, much againft our wills in your Kitchins, we are fure it was almoft fod before this Parliament begun what direction you have given fince to your Cooks to fet it by in the Pantry till fome fitter time, we know not, and therefore your deare Jeft is loft j this Broth was but your firft Service Alas, Sir, why doe you delude ? Why doe not thofe Guefts Flanks and Briskets march up in your goodly ? if need the be, ftately Chargers doutlefle, your Pope that owes you for mollifying the matter fo well with him, and making him a true Church, will furnifh you with all the fat Oxen of Italy. Retnonfl. Learned and worthy Doctor Moulin (hall tell them. Anfw. Moulin fayes in his Bookeof the calling of Paftors, that becaufe Biihops were the Reformers of the Englifh Church, therefore they were left remaining This Argument is but of fmall force to keepe you in your CatheFor firft it may be deny 'd that Bilhops were our firft Reformers, for drals. Wickliffc was before them, and his egregious Labours are not to be neglected ; befides, our Bilhops were in this worke but the Difciples of Priefts, and began the Reformation before they were Bilhops. But what though Luther and other Monks were the Reformers of other places ? does it follow therefore that Monks ought to continue? no, though Luther had taught fo. And laftly, Moulins Argument directly makes againft you , for if there be nothing in it but this, Bilhops were left remaining becaufe they were the Reformers of the Church, by as good a Confequence therefore they are now to be remov d, becaufe they have been the moft certaine deformers and ruiners of the Church. Thus you fee how little it avails you to take Sanctuary among thofe Churches which in the generall fcope of your actions formerly you have difregarded, and defpisM, however your faire words would now fmooth it over other-
Anfw. Your
latter Service at the
Feaft
:,
wife.
Retnonfl. Our Bilhops, fome whereof being fcrib'd the Gofpel with their Blood.
crown'd with Martyrdome, fubbut if you Apollinarius of Hiera-,
Pag. \62l
Anfw. You boaft much of Martyrs to uphold your Epifcopacy
would
polvs,
call
to
mind what Eufebius
in his 5.
1.
recites
from
you (hould then heare it efteem'd no other then an old hereticall Argument, to prove a Polition true, becaufe fome that held it were Martyrs This was that which gave boldnefTe to the Marcionifls^ and Cataphryges to avouch their impious Herefies for pious Doctrine, becaufe they could reckon many Martyrs of their Sect \ and when they were confuted in other Points, this was
:
ever their laft and ftouteft Plea. Remonfl. In the mean time I befeech the
God
Anfw.
We fhall befeech the fame God
of Heaven to humble you.
to give you a
more
profitable
and
pertinent Humiliation then yet you know, and a lefle miftaken charitablenefie, with that peace which you have hitherto fo perverfely mifaffected.
An
i6 9 )
An
APOLOGT for
Smectymnuus.
Readers, to that fame great difficulty of well-doing what we certainly know, were not added in molt men as great a carelelfenes of knowing what they and others ought to do, we had bin long ere this, no doubt but IF, all of us, much farther on our way to fome degree of Peace and Happinefle in But fince our finfull neglect of pradtifing that which we know this Kingdome. to be undoubtedly true and good, hath brought forth among us, through Gods jufl Anger, fo great a difficulty now to know that which otherwife might be foone learnt, and hath divided us by a Controverfie of great importance indeed, but of no hard folution, which is the more our punilhment, I refolv'd be thought) to Hand on that fide where (of what fmall moment foever 1 might of I (aw both the Scripture leading, and the reafon of Juflice plain Autority this with and Equity perfwading opinion which efteemes it more unlike a of the Church, then the Law of Sothe caufe in neuter a cold to be Chriftian
?
made it punifhable after a Sedition in the State. And becaufe I obferve that Fcare and dull Difpolition, Lukewarmenelle and Sloth, are not feldomer wont to cloak themfelves under the affected name of Moderation, then true and Zeale is cuftomably difparag'd with the terme of Indifcretion, Bitlon
lively
and Choler, I could not to my thinking honor a good Caufe more from the heart, then by defending it earneftly, as oft as I could judge it to behoove me, notwithstanding any falfe name that could be invented to wrong Wherein although 1 have not doubted to or undervalue an honeft meaning. fuch of them as were thought the chiefe and mofb then once more forth (ingle nominated Oppofers on the other fide, whom no Man elfe undertooke If I have done well either to be confident of the Truth, whofe force is belt feene or to be jealous and tender of the hurt that might againft the ableft Reliftance, be done among the weaker by the intrapping Autority of great Names titl'd to falfe Opinions ; or that it be lawful to attribute fomewhat to Gifts of Gods imparting, which I boaft not, but thankfully acknowledge, and feare alfo left at my certaine account they be reckon'd to me many rather then few ; or if to defraud of due elteeme the wearifome labours laftly it be but Juftice not and ftudious watchings, wherein I have fpent and tir'd out almoft a whole knowing, that if Youth, I fhall not diftruft to be acquitted of prefumption heretofore all ages have receav'd with favour and good acceptance the earlieft it were but hard meafure now, if induftry of him that hath beene hopefull, the freedome of any timely fpirit Ihould be oppreft meerely by the big and blunted fame of his elder adverfary and that his fufficiency mult be now fenbut by calculating the years he tenct, not by pondering the reafon he ihewes,
ternelle,
: :
,
not, nor hath beene formerly, to looke the on my Adverfary abroad, through deceaving glafie of other Mens great where I but at of home, may finde him in the proper light of his him, opinion owne worth, fo now againit the rancor of an evill tongue, from which I never thought fo abfurdly, as that I of all Men Ihould be exempt, I muft be forc't to proceed from the unfained and diligent inquiry of mine owne Confcienceathome (for better way I know not, Readers) to give a more true acbrings.
However,
as
my purpofe
is
count of my felfe abroad then this modelt Confuter, as he calls himfelfe, hath be fenfible of two things which given of me. Albeit that in doing this I (hall that not unlikely I fhall be thought the one to me will be nothing pleafant ; is, the other, too much a Party in mine own Caufe, and therein to fee leaft that I (hall be put unwillingly to molelt the publick view with the vindication of a private name , as if it were worth the while that the People Ihould care whether fuch a one were thus, or thus. Yetthofel intreat who have found the leafure to read that Name, however of fmall repute, unworthily defam'd, would be fo good and fo patient as to heare the fame Perfon not unneedfully I will not deny but that the belt Apology againft falfe Accufers is defended. And that fdence and fufferance, and honeft deeds fet againft difhoneft words. 1 could at this time moft eafily and fecurely, with the leaft loffe of Reputati:
on, ufe no other defence,
need not defpaire to win beliefe
whether
con-
( i7 ) contriving and ridiculous aiming of thefehis flanderons bolts, fhot fo wide of any fufpicion to be faftn'd on me, that I have oft with inward contentment perceav'd my friends congratulating the rjfelves hi my innocence, and my Enemies alham'd of their partners folly Or whether wherein molt men, now fcarce permitted the li1 look at thefe prefent times confider both the
foolifli
:
owne concernments, have remov'd the feat of their berty to think over their to the expectation of publick events. outward Or whether more thoughts the examples of Men, either noble or religious, who have fat downe lately with a meeke filence and fufrerance under many libellous Endorfements, may
be a rule to others,
my felf to put up any reproaches in of And fuch an honourable Society fellow-fufferers, ufing no other Defence. make an end where it be to firlt content would that Slander were it fixes, and not feek to caft out the like infamy upon each thing that hath but any relation
I
might well appeafe
to the Perfon traduc'd, I mould have pleaded againft this Confuter by no other Advocates then thofe which I firlt commended, Silence and Sufferance, and But when I difcern'd his intent was fpeaking deeds againft faltering words. not fo much to finite at me, as through me to render odious the Truth which I had written, and to ftaine with ignominy that Evangelick Docfrine which opto be now not as mine pofes the tradition of Prelaty, I conceav'd my felfe into whereof I was perTruth that own Perfon, but as a Member incorporate to a be declared had whereof I Whereupon I openly partaker. fwaded, and the I to Caufe had in to not if it religious my felfe, yet my duty, thought or blemifh in fo leaft name the to leave on not good fpot my garment hand, it off. thofe that which Left to me as God fhould might wipe fay give long if it fo befall me, for my Religion, through difgraces which I ought to fuffer, my default Religion be made liable to fuffer for me. And, whether it might not fomething reflect upon thofe reverent Men whofe friend I may be thought in writing the Animadverfions, was not my laft care to confider \ if I fhould
reft
under thefe reproaches, having the fame common Adverfary with them, it might be counted fmall credit for their caufe to have found fuch an affiftant What other thing in his Book there is of difas this babler hath devis'd me. in or anfwering thereto I doubt not to be juftifi'd ; except pute queftion, there be who will condemne me to have wafted time in throwing downe that which could not keep it felfe up. As for others, who notwithftanding what I can allege have yet decreed to mif-interpret the intents of my Reply, I fupthe reafons pofe they would have found as many caufes to have mifconceavM
of
my
filence.
TO
which I writ beginne therefore an Apology for thofe Animadverfions the Preface, fince defence of in Smedymnuus \ againft the Remonftrant is not before which was purpofely fet thought apologeticall anough, it them, will be belt to acquaint ye, Readers, before other things, what the meaning was to write them in that manner which I did. Fori do not look to be askt wherefore I writ the Book, it being no difficulty to anfwer that I did it to thofe But whereends which the belt Men propofe to themfelves when they write fore in that manner neglecf ing the maine bulk of all that fpecious Antiquity, which might ftunne Children, but not Men, I chofe rather to obferve fome
:
kindeof military advantages to await him at his forragings, at his watrings, and when ever he felt himfelfe fecure,to folace his veine in derifion of his more ferious opponents. And here let me have pardon, Readers, if the remembrance of that which he hath licenc't himfelfe to utter contemptuoufly of thofe reverend Men provoke me to doe that over againe which fome expedt fhould excufe as too freely done \ fince I have two provocations, his latelt infulting I had no fear but that the Auin his fhort anfwer, and their finall patience. thors of Smettymnuus, to all the fhew of folidity which the Remonftrant could a bring, were prepar'd both with skill and purpofe toreturne fuffizing anfwer, and were able anough to lay the duft and pudder in antiquity, which he and Ms, out of ftrataeem, are wont to raife , but when I faw his weake Arguments headed with lharpe taunts, and that his deligne was, if he could not refute them, yet at leaft with quips and flapping Adagies to vapour them out, which they bent only upon the bufineffe were minded to let paffe, by how much I faw them taking little thought for their own Injuries, I mult con telle
1
(
I
ryi )
took
it
as
my
part the
lefle
to endure that
my
rcfpected Friends, through
unnecell'ary patience, fliould thus lye at the Mercy of a coyfiurting itile ; to be girded with frumps and curtail gibes, by one who makes fentences it by the Statute, as if all above three inches long were confifcat.
their
own
Tome
feem'd an indignity, that whom his whole wifdome could not move from their And if I were place, them his impetuous Folly fliould prcfume to ride over. more warme then was meet in any paflage of that Booke, which yet I do not yeild, I might ufe therein the patronage of no worfe an Author then Gregory Nyffen, who mentioning his Iharpnefle againft Eunomius in the defence of his brother BajH, holds himfelfc irreprovable in that it was not for btmfelfe, but in
; and in fucb cafes, faith he, perhaps it is worthier pardon angry then to be cooler. A r.d whereas this Confuter taxes the whole Difcourfe of Levity, I fhall Ihew yc, Readers, wherefoever it (hall be objected in particular, that I have anfwer'd with as little lightnefle as the Remonftrant hath given example. I have not beene fo light as the palme of a which
the caufe of his Brother
to be
Biftiop,
the lighteft thing in the world when he brings out his Book of Ordination : For then, contrary to that which is wont in releafing out of prifon, anyone that will pay his fees is layd hands on. Another reafon, it would not be amille though the Remonftant were told, wherefore he was in that unufuall
is
manner beleaguer 'd
and
all
this
was
it,
to pluck out of the heads of his
Ad-
mirers the conceit that
who
Can witted, illiterat, ihallow. to fpeak good Englilh, pick and order a fet of words judicioufly ? Muft we learne from Canons and quaint Sermonings, interlin'd with barbarous Latin, to illumin a period, to wreath an Enthymema with maiftrous dexterity ? I rather encline, as I have heard it obferv'd, that a Jefuits Italian when he writes, i<? ever naught, though he be borne and bred a Florentine, fo to thinke that from like caufes we may go neere to obferve the fame in the ftile of a Prelat. For doubtlcllc that indeed according to Art is rnoft eloquent, which returnes and approaches neereft to Nature from whence it came-, and they exprefTe
Nature
belt,
are not Prelaticall, are grofle-headed, thicknothing then but Epifcopacy teach Men to
fafe leading, which fhould be truly eloquent I fee not. Neverthelefle as oft as is to be dealt with Men who pride themfelves in their fuppofed Art, to leave them unexcufablewherin they will not be better'd ; there be of thofe that efteeme Prelaty a figment, who yet can pipe if they can dance, nor will be unfurniflit to fhew that what the Prelats admire and have not, others have and admire not. The knowledge whereof, and not of that only, but of What the Scripture teacheth us how we ought to withftand the perverters of the Gofpell, were thofe other motives which gave the Animadverfions no leave to remit a Jf continuall vehemence throughout the Book. For as in teaching doubtlefle the of meeknefle is molt fo the meeke only fit perfons to be are fpirit powerfull, : as for the the falfe and Doctors of Mens devices, taught proud, obftinate, be taught they will not, but difcover'd and laid open they muft be. For how can they admit of teaching, who have the Condemnation of God already upon them for refufing divine Inftru&ion? that is, to be fiWd with their own devices, as in the Proverbs we may reade therefore we may fafcly imitate the method that God ufes , with the froward to befroward, and to throw fcorne upn the
who
in their lives leaft
wander from her
maybecall'd regenerate Reafon. who is not withall a good Man,
So that
how he
whom
if
any thing, nothing
elfe will heale.
And
if the
fcorner, righteous fhall laugh at
they may alfo laugh at their pertinacious and incurable obftinacy, and at the fame time be mov'd withdeteftation of their feducing malice, who imploy all their wits to defend a Prelaty ufurpt, and to deprave that juft Government which Pride and Ambition,partly by fine fetches
the deflruiiion of the ungodly,
and pretences, partly by force, hath fhoulder'd out of the Church. And againft fuch kind of deceavers openly and earneftly to proteft, left any one ihould be inquifitive wherefore this or that Man is forwarder then others, let him know that this Office goes not by Age or Youth, but to whomfoever God
Ye have heard give apparently the Will, the Spirit, and the Utterance. thereafons for which I thought not my felfc exempted from aflbciating with good Men in-their labours toward the Churches wellfare to which if any one If in requital of this, and brought oppofition, 1 brought my belt refiftance. for that I have not been negligent toward the reputation of my friends, I have
fliall
:
gain'd
( 172 )
or as I may fay, bedeckt with the reproaches and regain'd a name beftuck, viles of this modeft Confuter, it mail be to me neither ftrange nor unwelcome, as that which could not come in a better time.
what induc'd me to write thofe AnimadverfiHaving render'd an account onsinthat manner as I writ them, I come now to fee what the Confutation hath to fay againft them ; but fo as the Confuter fhall hear firft what I have to Andbecaufe he pretends to be a great againit his Confutation.
fay at other
Conjector
will not faile to give ye, Readers, a prefent tafte of him from his own title, hung out like a toling figne-poft to call but a mode& Confutation, with a Paflengers, not fimply a Confutation, Laudatory Whereas a modeft title fhould of it felfe obtruded in the very firft word.
Men by
their Writings,
only informe the buyer what the Book containes withoutjfurder inlinuation; this oificious Epithet fo haftily affuming the modefty which others are to judge of by reading, not the Author to anticipate to himfelfe by fore/tailing, is a ftrong preemption that his modefty fet there to fale in the frontifpice, is not furer figne of his loftfhame he could not have much addicted to blufh. thus unfeafonably to prepoffeffe Men of his modefty. And given, then feeking neither he hath kept his word in the fequel, nor omitted any kinde of feeing boldneffe in flandering, 'tis manifeft his purpofe was only to rub the forehead of his title with this word modeft, that he might not want colour to be the more impudent throughout his whole Confutation. Next what can equally favour of Injultice and plaine Arrogance, as to prejudice and forecondemne his Adverfary in the title for flanderous and fcunilous, and as the Remonitrants falhionis, for frivolous, tedious, andfalfc, not Haying till the Reader can hear him prov'd fo in the following Difcourfe ; which is onecaufe of a fufpicion that in fetting forth this Pamplet the Remonftrant was not unconfulted with.: thus his firft addrefie was an bumble Rcmonjlance by a dutifull Son of the Church almoftasif he had faid her white-boy. His next was a Defence (a wonder
the frivolous and falfe Exceptions of fcapt fomc prailing adjunct) againft of his chaire in the Title-page upon hispoore caft AdSmetlymnuus, fitting verfariesboth as a Judge and Party, and that before the Jury of Readers can
it
how
be impannell'd. His laft was afhort Anfxvcr to a tedious Vindication ; fo little can he fuffer a Man to meafure either with his eye or judgement, what is fhort or what tedious, without his preoccupying direction : and from hence is begotten this mod- ft Confutation againft a flanderous and fcunilous Libell. I conceave, Readers, much may be gueft at the Man and his Book, what depth there is, by the framing of his Title:, which being in this Remonftrant fo rafh and unadvifed as ye fee, I conceit him to be neere a kin to him who fet forth a Paffion Sermon with a formall Dedicatory in great Letters to our Saviour. Although I know that all we do ought to begin and end to his Praife and Glory, yet to inferibe him in a void place with flourifhes, as a Man in complement ufes \o trick up the name of fome Efquire, Gentleman, or Lord Paramont at Common Law, to be his Book-patron, with the appendant form of a ceremonious prefentment, will ever appeare among the judicious to be but an infuls and frigid affectation. As no lelfe was that before his Bookagainft the Brownto a Profopopxa, a certain rhetoriz'd Woman whom he jfts, to write a Letter calls Mother, and complains of fome that laid Whoredome to her charge j and certainly had he folded his Epiftle with a Superfcription to be deliver'd to that female figure by any Poft or Carrier who were not a Ubiquitary, it had finde the Primitive Doctors as oft as beene a moft miraculous greeting. to writ Churches, fpeakingtothem as to a number of faithful! Brethren they and Sons, and not to make a cloudy Tranfmigration of Sexes in fuch a familiar way of writing as an Epiftle ought to be, leaving the track of common adrefie, to run up, and tread the Aire in metaphoricall Compellations, and many But I ftep again to this Emblazoner of his fond utterances better let alone. it be the fame Man or no I leave it (whether Title-page, inthemidir) and here I finde him pronouncing, without reprieve, thofe Animadverfions to be a To which I, Readers, that they are neither flanderous and fcunilous Libell. flanderous, nor fcunilous, will anfwer in what place of his Book he fhall be Nor can it be a Libell found with reafon, and not inke only in his mouth. more than hisowne, which is both nameleileand full of flanders; and if in this that it freely fpeaks of things amiffe in Religion, but eftabli/ht by act of State,
We
(
fee not
17?)
I Wicklcffe and Luther, with all the firft Martyrs and Reformers, could avoid the imputation of libelling. I never thought the humane frailty of erring in cafes of Religion Infamy to aState, no more then to a Councell ; it had therefore beene neither civill nor chriftianly, to derogate the Honour of the State for that caufc, efpecially when I faw the Parlamentit felfe pioully and magnanimouily bent to fupply and rcforme the defects and overlights of their Fore- fathers, which to the godly and repentant ages of the Jewes were often matter of humble confeiiing and not of confident ailerting bewailing, and maintaining. Of the State therefore I found good reafon to fpeak all honourable things, and to joyne in petition with good Men that petition'd but again ft the Prelats who were the only feducers and mif-leadcrs of the State to conicitute the Government of the Church not rightly, methought I had not vehemence anough. And thus, Readers, by the example which hee hath fet mee I have given yee two or three notes of him out of his Title-page by which his firfHings feare not to gueffe boldly at his whole lumpe, for that guefle will not fade ye; and altho I tell him keen truth, yet he may beare with me, fince I am like to chafe him into fome good knowledge, and others, I ti uft, fhall not mif-fpend their leafure. For this my aim'e is, if I am forc't to be unplcafing to him whofe fault it is, I fhall not forget at the fame time to be ufefull in fome thing to the ftander-by. As therefore he began in the Title, fo in the next lcafc he make's it his firft bufincfic to tamper with his Reader by fycophanting and mifnaming the workq of his Adverfary. Fie calls it a Mime thrujl forth upon the to make up the ft age foeaehes of thofe foUmn Scenes betwcaie the Prefab and the Smefiynmuans. Wherein while he is fo over-greedy to fix a nam-: of ill found upon another, note how itupid he is to expofe himfelfe or his own friends to the fame ignominy > likening thofe grave Conti overlies to a piece of Stagery, or Scene-worke, where his owne Remonltrant, whether in Buskin or Sock, mult of all right be counted the chide Player, be it boalting Tbrafo, or Davus that troubles all things, or one who can lhift into any fhape, I meddle not ; let him explicate who hath refembPd the whole Argument to a Comedy, for Tragically he fays, were too ominous. .Nor yet doth he tell us what a Mime is, whereof we have no pattern from ancient writers except fome fragments, which containe many acute and wife fentences. And this we know in Laertius, that the Mimes of Sophron were of fuch reckning with Plato, as to take them nightly to read a defcribes Mime to be a Poem on, and after make them his pillow. Scaligcr But this being neither Poem, nor imitating any action to ftirre up laughter. yet ridiculous, howisit but abufively taxttobeaMime? For if every Book which may by chance excite to laugh here and there, muffc be term'd thus, then may the Dialogues of Plato, who for thofe his writings hath obtain'd the furname of Divine, be efteem'd as they are by that Detractor in Athenaus, no better then Mimes. Becaufe there is fcarcc one of them, efpecially wherein fome notable Sophifler lies fweating and turmoyling under the inevitable and mercileffe Dilemma's of Socrates, but that hee who reads, were it Saturne And whereas he tels himfelfe, would be often rob'd of more then a fmile.
:
:,
how
us that fcurrilous Mime was a perforated grim lowring Foolc, his foolifh language unwittingly writes Foole upon his owne friend, for he who W3S there perfo; the Author is ever diftinguifh'd from the But in an ill houre hath his unfortunate rafhneffe fturnbl'd upon the mention of miming, that hee might at length ceafe, which he hath not yet fince he ftept in, to gall and hurt him whom hee would aide. Could he not beware, could he not bethink him, was hefouncircumfpect, as not to forefee, that no fooner would that word Mime be fet eye on in the Paper, but it would bring to minde that wretched Pilgrimage over Minfhews Dictionary call'd Mundus alter idem, the idleft and the pajtrieft Mime that ever mounted upon banke ? Let him ask the Author of thofe toothleffe Satyrs who was the maker, or rather the anticreator of that unlverfall foolery, who he was, who like^that other principle of the Man'xhes the Arch evill one, when he had look'tupon all that he had made and mapt out, could fay no other but That grave and contrary to the Divine Mouth, that it was all very foolifh. noble invention which the greateffc and fublimeft Wits in fundry ages, Plato in Critias, and our two famous country-men, the one in his Vtopia, theother.in
nated,
was only the Rcmonftrant
perfon he introduces.
&
( 174) not ins ncxo Atlantis chofe, may fay as a Feild, but as a mighty Continent, of their Spirits, by teaching this our world the to wherein largeneffe difplay this petty Prevaricabetter and exadter things then were yet known or us'd tor of America, the Zanie of Columbus ( for fo lie muft be till his worlds end ) having rambl'd over the huge topography of his own vain thoughts, no marvell if he brought us home nothing but a meer tankard drollery, a venereous parCertainly he that could indure with a fober pen to lit jetory for a ftewes. and devife Laws for Drunkards to caroufe by, I doubt me whether" the very fober-nelTe of fuch a ons, like an unlicour'd Silenus, were not ftark drunk. Let him go now and brand another man iriurioufly with the name of Mime being himfelfe the loofeft and moll extravagant Mime that hath been heard of' whom no lefle then almoft halfe the woiks co ,ld ierve for ftage roome t.o play the-Mmein. And let him advife a^ in * ith Sir Francis whom he
I
:
cites to confute others,

call
what
it is
Bacon, to turn the Jinnes of Chrijlendome into a mimi-
where neither reproofe nor better teaching is adjoynd. Nor is my meaning, Readers, tolhift off a blame from my felre, by charging the like upon my accufer, but lhall only defire that Sentence may be relpited, till I can come to fome inftance whereto I may give anfwer. Thus having fpent his firit Onfet, not in confuting, but in a reafonlefle defaming of the Book, the method of his Malice hurries him to attempt the like againfc the Author , notbyProofes and Teftimonies, but having no ctrtaine
me, as he profeffes, furder then what he gathers from the Animadverfiblunders at me for the reft, and flings out ftray Crimes at a venture, which ons, he could never, though he be a Serpent, fuck from any thing that I have written, but from his own ftufft magazin, and hoard of flanderous Inventions, over and above that which he converted to venome in the drawing. To me Readers, it happens as a fingular contentment \ and let it be to good Men no he has no furder notice of flight fatisfadtion, that the Slanderer here confehes. mee then his orvne conjcclure. Although it had been huneft to have inquir'd, before he utter'd fuch infamous words, and I am credibly inform'd he did inquire ; but finding fmall comfort from the intelligence which he receav'd, whereon to ground the Falfi.ties which he had provided, thought it his likelieft courfe under a pretended ignorance to let drive at randome, left he fhould lofe his odde Ends, which from fome penurious Book of Characters he had been culling out and would faine apply. Not caring to burden me with thofe Vices, whereof, among whom my Conversation hath been, I have been ever leaft fufpected ; perhaps not without fome futtlety to calt me into envie, by In which Argubringing on me a neceflity to enter into mine own praifes. ment I know every wife Man is more unwillingly drawn tofpcak,then the molt repining eare can be averfe to heare. Neverthelefie fince dare not wifh to pafie this Life unperfecuted of flanderous tongues, for God hath told us. that to be generally prais'd is wofull, I lhall relye on his Promife to free the Innocent from caufelefie Afperfions: whereof nothing fooner can afliire me, then if I fhall feele him now affifting me in the juft vindication of my felfe, which yet I could deferre, it being more meet that to thofe other matters of publick debatement in this Book, I fhould give attendance firft, but that I feare it would but harme the Truth for me to reafon in her behalf, fo long as
notice of
1
mockery, to rip up the faddeft vices with a laughing countenance, efpecially
'
honeft eftimation to lye unpurg'd from thefe infolent fufpicions. And if I fhall be large, or unwonted in juftifying my felfe to thofe who-know me not, for elfe it would be needlefle, let them confider that a fhort Slander will oft-times reach farder then a long Apology; and that he who will do juftly to all Men, muft begin from knowing how, if it fo happen, to be not unjuft to himfelf. if this Libeller (for now he I muft be thought, fhews himfelf to be fo) can finde beliefe, after an inordinat and riotous Youth fpent at the Vniverfity, to have bin at length -vomited out thence. For which commodious Lye, that he may be encourag'd in the trade another time, I thank him, for it hath given me an apt occafion to acknowledge publickly with all grafefull minde, that more then ordinary favour a"nd refpect which I found above any of my Equals at the hands of thofe curteous and learned Men, the Fellowes of that Colledge wherein I fpent fome Years who at my parting, after I had taken two Degrees, as the manner is, fignift'd maI
mould
fuft'er
my
ny
175 )
as
ny wayes, how much better it would content them that I would Hay j many Letters full of kindnefle and loving refpect, both before that
and long
by
time,
after, I was ail'ur'd of their lingular good affection towards me. being likewife propenfe to all fuch as were for their ftudious and civil Life worthy of efteeme, 1 could not wrong their Judgments, and upright Intentions, fo much as to think I had that regard from them for other caufe then that I might be ftill encourag'd to proceed in the honeft and laudable And to thofe courfes, of which they apprehended I had given good proofe. ingenuous and friendly Men who Were ever the countenancers of vertuous and hopefull Wits, I wi(h the belt and happieffc things that Friends in abfence As for the common approbation or diflike of that place, wi(h one to another. as now it is, that I mould efteeme or difefteeme my felfe or any other the more for that, too fimple and too credulous is the Confuter, if he thinke to
Which
Of fmall practize was that Phyfiobtaine with me, or any right Difcerner. who could not judge by what both fhe or her Sifter hath of long time vomited, that the worfer ftuffe fhe ftrongly keeps in her ftomack, but the She vomits now out of fickbetter fhe is ever kecking at, and isquealie. nefle ; but ere it be well with her, fhe muft vomit by ftrong Phylick. In the meane while that Suburb finke, as this rude Scavinger calls it, and more then a worfe plague in his middle Enfcurriloully taunts it with the plague^ having I dwell, fhall be in my account a more honourable wherein Suburb that traile,
cian
as in the time of her better health, and never greatly admir'd, fo now much lelfe. But he follows me to the City, ftill ufurping and forging beyond his Book notice, which only he affirms to have had , and where my morning haunts are he 'Tis wonder, that being fo rare an Alchymift of llander, he could not. wiffes not extract: that, as well as the Univerfity vomit, and the Suburb finke which his Art could diftill fo cunningly , but becaufe his Limbeck failes him, to give him and envic the more vexation, Tie tell him. Thofe morning haunts are where they fhould be at home, not fleeping, or concocting the furfcts of an irregular f eaft, but up and ftirring, in Winter often ere the found of any Bell awake men to labour, or to devotion j in Summer as oft with the Bird that firftroufes, or not much tardier, to reade good Authors, or caufe them to be read, till the Attention be weary, or Memory have its full fraught Then with ufefull and generous labours preferving the Bodies health and harand not lumpifh obedience to the dinelTe , to render lightfome, cleare, our Countries liberty, when it iliall reof and to the caufe minde, Religion, to bodies ftand and cover their ftations, rather in found firme hearts quire then to fee the ruine of our Proteftation, and the inforcement of a flavifh in Thefe are the morning Practifes, proceed now to the afternoon Life. Your of and the Borddloes. unfaithful he intelligence, Spie fayes, Playhoufes, Canaan: he gives in his evidence, that there he hath tract me. Take him at his word, Readers, but let him bring good Sureties ere yedifmiffe him, that while he pretended to dogge others, he did not turnc in for his own pleafure ; for fo much in effect he concludes againft himfelfe, not contented to be caught in every other Gin, but he muft be fuch a novice, as to be ftill hamper'd in his own Hempe. In the Animadverfions, faith he, I finde the mention of old Clokes, falfe Beards, Night-walkers, and fait Lotion , therefore the Animadverter haunts Playhoufes and Bordclloes ; for if he did not, how could hee fpeake of fuch Gear ? Now that he may know what it is to be a Childe, and yet to meddle with edg'd tooles, I turn his Antiftrephon upon his own head the Confuter knowes that thefe things are the furniture of Playhoufes
place then his Univerlity.
Which
I
mine owne younger judgement,
and Bordelloes, therefore by the fame reafon the Confuter

trac't
himfelfe hath been
fuch a dilfolute Speech, telling of fome Powho wont to eavefdrop in difguifes, to fay they were often liable to a night-walking Cudgeller, or the emptying of a Urinall What if I had writ as your Friend the Author of the aforefaid Mime, Mundus alter idem, to have bin ravilht like fome young Cephahu or Hylm, by atroope of camping Hufwives in Viragima, and that he was there forc't to fweare himfelfe to an uxorious Varlet ; then after a long fcrvitude to have come into Aphrodifta that pleafant Countrey, that gave fuch a fweet fmell to his Noftrils among the fhamelcfle Courtezans of Defvcrgcnia ? Surely he would have then concluded me as confrant at the Bordello, as the Gally-flave at
in thofe places. liticians were
it
:
Was
&
hfe
(
his Oare.
i7<5)
of a Tire, a Peri-
But
ftnce there is fuch neceffity to the hear-fay
that Playes muft have bin feene, what difficulty was there wig, ota Vizard, in that ? when in the Colleges fo many of the young Divines, and thofe in next aptitude to Divinity, have bin feene fo often upon the Stage, writhing
all the antick and difhoneft geftures of and Bawds ; proftituting the fhame of that Miniftery, Trinculo's, Buffons, which either they had, or were nigh having, to the eyes of Courtiers and and Madamoifellaes. There while they Court-Ladies, with their Groomes other and young among overacted, Scholars, I was a Spectator \ they acted, I and them fools ; they made fport, themfelves thought Men, gallant thought and I laught they mifpronounc't, and I miflik't ; and to make up the atticifme^ now whether fo many good Text men were they were out, and 1 hilt. Judge beards and vizards, without more Exme of falfe not fufficient to inftruct take the face to object to me the feeing this can Confuter how pofitors: and reverent Prelats his that which of allow, and incite their young difciples to aft ? For if it be unlawfull to fit and behold a mercenary Comedian perfoa hireling to doe, how much more nating that which is leaft unfeemly for blamefull is it to indure the fight of as vile things acted by Perfons either and how much more foule enter'd, or prefently to enter into the Miniftery and ignominious for them to be the Actors?
and unboning
their Clergie-limmes to
-.,
-,
by this upraiding to me the Bordello's, as by other in his Book, he would feem privily to point me out to fufpicious glancings his Readers, asonewhofe cuftome of Life were not honeft, but licentious } I mail intreat to be born with, though 1 digrelfe j and in a way not often trod, of my thoughts in this matter, through the acquaint yee with the fumme courfe of my Yeares and Studies. Although I am not ignorant how hazardous it will be to do this under the nofe of the Envious, as it were in skirmifh to change the compact Order, and inftead of outward Actions, to And I muft tell yee Readers, that by this bring inmoft thoughts into front. fort of Men I have bin already bitten at \ yet fhall they not for me know how have fo much learning as to reade what flightly they are efteem'd, unleffe they which in Greek Air&po^Kix is, together with envie, is the common difeafe that are not for their reading. With me it fares who cenfure Books of thofe hath bin outward and whofe him with as injur'd garment ill-bedighted ; now, for having no other fhift, what helpe but to turne the infide outwards, efpebe of the fame, or, as it is fometimes, much better ? So if cially if the lining demeanour be not evident anough to defend me, I muft and outward name my of my inmoft thoughts can: Wherein of two if the difcovery maketryall, both and both lincere, the one perhaps I fhall not mifle \ alhoneft, purpofes though Ifaileto gainebeliefe with others, of being fuch as my perpetuall thoughts fhall heere difclofe me, I may yet not faile of fuccefTe in perfwading fome to be fuch really themfelves, as they cannot believe me to be mere 1 had then what I fain. my time, Readers, as others have, who have good beftow'd upon them, to be fent to thofe Places, where the opinion learning be attain' d ; and as the manner is, was not unftudied in it fooneft was, might thofe Authors which are moft commended \ whereof fome were grave Orators and Hiftorians, whofe matter methought I lov'd indeed, but as my Age then was, fo I underftood them; others were the fmooth Elegiack Poets, whereof the Schooles are not fcarce, whom both for the pleafing found of their numerous Writing, which in imitation I found moft eafie, and moft aBut becaufe
as well
greeable to natures part in me, and for their matter, which what it is, there be few who know not, I was fo allur'd to read, that no recreation came to me better welcome For that it was then thofe Years with me which are excus'd, though they be leaft fevere, I may be fav'd the labour to remember ye. Whence having obferv'd them to account it the chiefe glory of their wit, in that they were ableft to judge, to praife, and by that could efteeme them:
felves worthieft to love thofe high perfections,
which under one or other name they took to celebrate , I thought with my felfe by every inftinct and prefage of Nature, which is not wont to be falfe, that what imboldn'd them to this task, might with fuch diligence as they us'd imbolden me , and that what judgment, wit, or elegance was my fhare, would herein beft appeare, and beft value it felfe, by how much more wifely, and with more love of Vertue
(
I
i77)
fhould choofc (let rude eares be abfent) the object of not unlike praifes : For albeit thefc thoughts to fome will feeme vertuous and commendable, to others pardonable, to a third fort perhaps idle ; yet the mentioning of
only
them now
will
end
in ferious.
Nor blame
:
it,
Readers, in thofe Years to pro-
a the nobleft Difpolitions above other things pofe to themfelves fuch reward,as whereof not to be fenliblc, when in this Life have fometimes preferr'd both a grollc and (hallow Judgeone faire in Perfon and argues meet, good
For by- the firme fetling ment, and withall an ungentle, and fwainifh brelt. of thefe perfwalions, I became, to my belt memory, fo much a proficient, that if I found thole Authors any where fpeaking unworthy things of thembefore they had extoll'd ; this effelves, orunchalteof thofe Names which fect it wrought with me, from that time forward their Art ftill applauded, but the Men I deplorM ; and above them all, preferr'd the two famous renowners of Beatrice and Laura, who never write but honour of them to whom they devote their Verfe, difplayingfublime and pure thoughts, without tranfgreftion. And long it was not after, when I was coniirm'd in this opinion, that he who would not be fruftrate of his hope to write well hereI
after in laudable things, ought himfelfetobeea true Poem ; that is, a compolition and patterneof the belt and honourableft things ; not piefuming to
or famous Cities, unlelle he have inhimfelfe ling high praifes of heroick Men, the experience and the practice of all that which is praifewortliy. Thefe of an niceneile with a certaine honeft Nature, haughrireafonings, together or what 1 might be, (which lee nefl'e, and felf-eiteem either of what I was,
call pride) and laftly that Modefty, whereof though not in the Titlepage, yet here I may be excus'd to make fome befeeming profeflion ; all thefe uniting the fupply of their naturall aid together, kept me (till above thofe low defcents of Minde, beneath which he mult deject and plunge himfelf, that can agree to falable and unlawfull proftitutions. Next, (for heare me out now Readers) that 1 may tell ye whither my younger hct wander'd ; I betook me among thofe lofty Fables and Romances, which recount in folemne Canto's, the deeds of Knighthood founded by our victorious Kings, and from hence had in renowne over all Chriftendome There I read it in the Oath of every Knight, that he fhould defend to theexpence of his belt Blood, or of his Life, if it fo befell him, the honour and chaftity of Virgin or Matron : From whence even then I learnt what a noble vertue Chaftity fure mull be, to the defence of which fo many Worthies by fuch a deare adventure of themfelves had fworne ; and if I found in the ftory afterward, any of them by word or deed, breaking that Oath, I judg'd it the fame fault of the Poet, as that which is attributed to Homer, to have written undecent things of the Gods : Only this my mind gave me, that every free and gentle fpirit, without that Oath, ought to be borne a Knight, nor needed to expect the gilt Spurre, or the laying of a Sword upon his fhoulder to ftir him up both by his counfell and his arme, to fecure and protect the weaknefle of any attempted Chaftity. thofe So that even Books, which to many others have bin the fuell of wantonncfle and loofe living, I cannot thinke how, unleffe by divine indulgence, prov'dto me fo many incitements, as you have heard, to the love and fteadfaft obfervation of that Vertue which abhorres the fogjpty of Bor-.
envie
fraternity of Poets, riper yeares, and the round of ftudy and reading, led me to the fhady fpaces of Philofophy but chiefly to the divine Volumes of Plato, and his equall Xenofron : where if I mould tell ye what I learnt of Chaftity and Love, I meane that which is truly fo, whofe charming cup is only Vertue, which fhe bears in her hand to thofe who are worthy } the reft are cheated with a thick intoxicating potion, which a certain SorcerelTe, the abufer of Loves name carries about, and how the firft and chiefeft office of Love begins and ends in the Soule, producing thofe happy twins of her divine generation, Knowledg and Vertue ; with fuch abftradted fublimities as thefe, it might be worth your liftning, Readers, as I may one day hope to have ye in a ftill time, when there fhall be no chiding ; not in thefe noifes, the Adverfary, as ye know, barking at the doore, or fearching for me at the Burdello's, where it may be he has loft himfelfe, and raps up without pitty the fage and Rheumatick old Prelatejfe with all her young Corinthian Laity, to inquire for fuch a one. Laft of all, not Aa
hello's.
Thus from the Laureat
ceafelefle
,
i7 >
not in time, but as perfection is laft, that care was ever had of me, with my earlieft capacity, not to be negligently train'd in the precepts of Chriftian have hitherto related, hath bin to ihew, that Religion : This that 1 though but (lightly taught me > yet a certain referv'dnefle of naChriftianity had bin tural! difpofition, and morall discipline learnt out of the nobleft Philofophy, was enough to keep me in difdain of farre lellc incontinences then this of the But having had the doftrine of Holy Scripture, unfolding thofe Bordello. and chafte high Myfteries, with tiinelieit care infus'd, that the body vs for the the Lord for the body ; thus alfo I argu'd to my felfe, that if unchaftiand Lord, whom Saint Paul termes the glory of Man, be tuch a fcandall ty in a Woman, and dilhonour, then certainly in a Man who is both the image and glory of God, it muft, though commonly, not fo thought, be much more dehorning and diftionourable y in that he fins both againft his owne body, which is the perfeter Sex, and his own glory which is in the Woman ; and that which is woriL, of God which is in himfelfe. Nor did I flumber againft the image and glory fuch that over high rewards of ever accompanying the Lamb, place, expreffing to others celeftiall thofe with Songs inapprehenfible, but not to thofe who were not defil'd with Women, which doubtlefle meanes Fornication : For Manage muft not be call'd a defilement. Thus large I have purpofely bin, that if I have bin juftly taxt with this Crime, it may come upon me after alt this my confeflion, with a tenne-fold fhame : But if 1 have hitherto deferv'd no fuch opprobrious word, or fufpicion, I may hereby ingage my felfe now I go on to ihew openly to the faithfull obfervation of what I have profeft. you the unbridl'd impudence of this loofe rayler, who hairing once begun his he fiyes out beyond all tefitfa and (hame^ who race, regards not how farre the notice of from the fingle Animadverfions, as he protefts, will undertake to tell ye the very cloaths I weare, though he be much miftaken in my '-Vardrobe : And like a fon of Belial, without the hire of Jtfibci, charges me of as he imagines me to dnnh Sac,* and blaftheming God and the King, as ordnarily was a fhred in his common place>-iiook, and this becaufe fweare, meerely feem'd to come off" roundly, as if he were fome Empirick of falfe AccufaWhom tions to try his poifons upon me, whether they would work or no. what fliould I endeavour to refute more, when as that Book which is his only Teftimony returnes the lye upon him , not giving him the leaft hint of the Author to be either a Swearer, or a Sack-drinker. And for the Readers, if they can believe me, principally for thofe reafons which 1 have alleg'd, to be of Life and Purpofe neither difhoneft, nor unchafte, they will be eauly but if I have bin induc't to thinke me fober both of wine, and of word be but all can furder in that I fucceffelefle perfwading them, already fay, will vaine } and it will be better thrift to fave two tedious labours, mine of excufing, and theirs of needlefle hearing. Proceeding furder, I am met with a whole ging of words and phrafes not mine, for he hath maim'd them, and like a flye depraver mangl'd them in this his wicked Limbo, worfe then the ghoft of Deiphobas appear'd to his Here I fcarce know them, and he that would, let him refriend vnaa&. paire to the place in that Booke where I fet them For certainly this tormenter of %jmcolons is as good at difmembring and flitting fcntences, as his grave Fathers the Prelates have bin at ftigmatizing and flitting Nofes. By filch handy-craft as this what might he not traduce? Only that odour which being his own muft needs offend his fenfe of fmelling, fince he will needes beitow his foot among us, and not allow us to think he weares a Sock, I fhatt endeavour it may be offencelefie to other mens eares. The Remonftrant having to do with grave and reverend Men his adverfaries, thought it became him to tell them in fcorne, that the Bi/hops foot had beene in their Book and con~ futed it \ which when I faw him arrogate, to have done that with his heels that furpaft the beft confideration of his head, to fpurn a confutation among rar fpefted Men, I queftion'd not the lawfulnefle of moving his jollity to bethink him, what odor a Sock would have in fuch a painful bufineffe. And this may have chanc't to touch him more neerly then I was aware , for indeed a Bifhops foot that hath all his toes mauger the Gout, and a lrnnen Sock over it, is the under apteft embleme of the Prelate himfelfe , who being a Pluralift, may
,
one Surplice which
is
alfolinnen, hide foure Benefices befides the metropolitan
(
litan toe,
179 )
Heaven, then that which this young, at. And this is the immediate reafon here why our inrag'd reches queaiineffe Confuter, that he may be as peifet an hypocrite as Caiapbas, ere he be a High Pvieft, cries out, Horrid blafphemy ! and like a recreant Jew calls for {tones*
and fends
a fouler flench to
bckech ye friends, ere the brickbats flye, refolve me and your felves, is it or any whit difagreeing from Chriftian meekneile, when as Chrift blafj -liemy, himfelfefpeakingof unfavory traditions, fcruples not to name the Dunghill and the Jakes, for me to aniwer a ilovenly wincer of a confutation, that, if he would needs put his foot to fuch a fweaty fervice, the odour of his Sock was like to be neither Musk, nor Benjamin r Thus did that foolifh Monk in a barbarous Declamation accufe Petrarcb of blafphemy for difprailing the French Wines. But this which follows is plaine bedlam ftuffe, this is the Demoniack legion indeed, which the Remonftrantfeard had been againft him, and now he may fee is for him You that love Cbrifl, faith he, and know this mifcreant wretch What thinks the Remonftrant? jl one him to death, left you fmart for h'vs impunity does he like that fuch words as thefe fhould come out of his fhop, out of his Trojan horfe ? to give the watch-word like a Guiftan of Paris to a mutiny or
I
: .
malfacre to proclaim a Crufada againft his fellow Chriftian now in this troublous and divided time of the Kingdom ? If he do, I ihall fay that to be the Remonftrant is no better then to be a Jefuit^ 3nd that if he and his accomplices could do as the rebels have done in Ireland to the Proteftants, they would do in England the fame to them that would no Prelats. For a more feditious and butcherly Speech no Cell of Loyola could have belch'd againft
,
writing fpake not, that any mans skin fhould be rais'd. of ftones, as well as a rayler, wants not the face inftantly to make as though he defpair d of viilory unlefs a modeft defence would get it him. Did I erre at all, Readers, to foretell ye, when firft I met with his title, that the epithet of modeft there, was ascertain red portending fign, that he meant ere long to be moft tempeftuoufly bold, and fhamelefs ? Neverthelefs he dares not fay but there may he bid in b'vs nature as much venemous Atheifme and profanation, as he thinks, hath broke out at hbs adverfaries lips ; but be hath not the foare running upon him, as he would intimate I have. Now trult me not, Readers, if I be not already weary of pluming and footing this Seagull, fo open he lies to ftrokes, and never offers at another, but brings home the dorre upon himfelf. For if the fore be running upon* me, in all judgment but he who hath as much infeftion hid in him,, as he I have fcapt the difeafe hath voluntarily confeft, and cannot expell it, beca,ufe; he is dull, for venomous Atheifm were no treafure to be kept within himêlfe, let him take the part he hath chofen, which muft needs follow, to fwell and burft with his own
one who
in all his
And
yet this curling Sbimei, a hurler
inward venom.
Section
But mark, Readers, there
is
i.
a kind of juftice obferv'd among them that do For having evil, but this Man loves injuftice in the very order ot his malice. all this while abus'd the good name of his adverfary with all manner of licence in revenge of his Remonftrant, if they be not both one perfon, or as I
am told, Father and Son, yet after all this he calls for fatisfaftion, when as he himfelf hath already taken the utmoft farding. Violence bath been done, To which, fomething in effeci fays he, to the perfon of a holy andreligious Prelat. to what S. Paul anfwer'd of Ananias, infwer, / wift not brethren that he was a of thofe who would be Prelats. and for evil is written Prelat ; holy religious And finding him thus in difguife without his fuperfcription or PbylaUery either of holy or Prelat, it were no fin to ferve him as Longcbamp Bilhop of Elie was ferv'd in his difguife at Dover : He hath begun the meafure namelefs, and when he pleafes we may all appear as we are. And let him be then what he will, he lhall be to me fo as I find him For neither muft Prelat or Archprincipl'd. Prelat hope to exempt himfelf from being reckon'd as one of the vulgar, which is for him only to hope whom true wifdom and the contempt of vulgar opinions exempts, it being taught us in the Pfalmes, that he who is in honour and underitandeth not, is as the bealts that perifh. And now firft the manner of handling that Caufc which I undertook, he thinks vs fufpicious, as if the wifeft, and the beft words were not ever to fome or other fufpicious. But where is the offence, the difagreement from Chriftian meeknefs, or the
I
a 2
precept
( iSo) in anfwering folly? When the Remonftrant talks of froth Solomon of precept and /bow, I tell him there is none, and bid him fpare bis Ladle : when he brings in the mefs with Keale, Beef and Brcxvejl'e, what ftomack in England could forbear to call for flanks and briskets ? Capon and white broth having been in the fame room with Chrift and his Apoftles, why does it likely fometimes trouble him that it mould be now in the fame leafe, efpecially, where the difcourfe is not continu'd but interrupt ? And let him tell me, is he wont to fay he not then name holieil names over the fteame of coftlieft grace, doth ? Does he judg it foolifli or dilhoneft to write that among relifuperfluities when he talks of religious things he can devoutly chew ? gious things, which Is he aftaid to name Chrift where thcfc things are written in the fame leafe, whom he fears not to name while the fame things are in his mouth ? Doth not Chrift himfelf teach the higheft things by the limilitude of old bottles and he not illuftrate belt things by things moft evil? his patcht cloatbs ? Doth own coming to be as a tbiefe in the night, and the righteous Mans wifdom to that of an mjuft Steward? He might therefore have done better to have kept in bis canting heggars and heathen Altar to facrifice his thredbare criticifm of Bomolochus to an unfeafonable Goddefs fit for him call'd Importunity, and have referv'd his Greek derivation till he leclure to his frefh Men, for here his flouted. itching pedantry is but But to the end that nothing may be omitted which may furder fatisfie any confcionable man, who notwithstanding what 1 could explain before the Animadverlions, remains yet unfatisfi'd concerning that way of writing which I there defended, but this confuter whom it pinches, utterly difapproves, I If therefore the mail a flay once again, and perhaps with more fuccefs. in oratory, whether a vehement vein throwing out indignation were queftion or fcorn upon an objet that merits it, were among the aptelt Idea* of ipeech to be allow'd, it were my work, and that an eafie one, to make it clear both the famoufeft examples of the Greek by the rules of belt Rhetoricians, and the fince and Roman Orations. But Religion of it is difputed, and not the and authorities, as Religion cannot reafons of fuch ufe only Art, I (hall make It will be harder to gainfay, then for me to evince that in the except againft. are to be try'd. The Bapteaching of men diverfly temper'd different ways tift we know was a ftricl man, remarkable for aufterity and fet-order of life.
Our Saviour who had

in
him, was Lord to exprefs his indoctrinating a mild and familiar con; fometimes by power and with fometimes home-fpeaking, regardlefs of thofe impartiall plain verfe, whom the auditors might think he fhould have had in more refpec~t ; otherwhiles with bitter and ireful rebukes, if not teaching, yet leaving excufeWhat was all in him, W3s divided among lefs thofe his wilful Impugners. to be fevere and ever of a fad his Church of teachers ; forne many others the thofe who be of nature fometimes check and win that fuch, they may gravity over-confident and jocond \ others were fent more cheerful, free, and ftill as it were at large, in the midft of an untrefpaliing honefty, that they who are fo temper'd rnay have by whom they might be drawn to falvation, and be often ftrengthnd they who are too fcrupulous, and dejedfed of fpirit,might
all
gifts in
what
fort
him
belt feem'd
with wife confolations and revivings no man being forc'd wholly to diflolve that groundwork of nature which God created in him, the fangnine to empty out all his fociable livelinefs, the cholerick to expel quite the nnfinning predominance of his anger \ but that each radical humour and paflion wrought upon and corre&ed as it ought, might be made the proper mould and foundation of every mans peculiar gifts and vertues. Some alfo were indu'd with a ftaid moderation, and foundnefs of argument, to teach and convince the rational and fober-minded j yet not therefore that to be thought the only expedient courfeof teaching, for in times of oppotition when either to be reform'd, this cool nnagainft new herefies arifing, or old corruptions is not anough to damp and aftoni/h the paflionate mildnefs of politive wifdom proud refiftance of carnal and falfe Doctors, then (that I may have leave to foare a while as the Poets ufe ) then Zeal, whole fubftance is ethereal, arming in compleat diamond, afcends his fiery Chariot drawn with two bla-zing Meteors figur'd like beads, but of a higher breed then any the Zodiack yields, refembling two of thofe four which E^ccbiel and S John favv, the one vKaglt
:
like
( ii )
like a Lion to exprefs power, high autority and indignation the other of count'nance like a Man to call denlion and fcorn upon perverfe and frauduwith thefe the invincible warriour Zeal lent feducers lhaking loofely the. flack reins drives over the heads of fcarlet Prelats, and fuch as areinfolent
-,
to maintain tradicions, bruling their ftiffe necks under his flaming wheels. Thus did the true Prophets of old combat with the falfe; thus Chrifl himfelf
the fountain of meeknefs found acrimony anough to be ftill galling and vexing But ye will lay thefe had immediat warrant from the Prelatical Phaiifees. God to be thus bitter ; and I fay, fo much the plainlier is it that there
prov'd
Yet that ye may not think Infpiration only the warrant thereof, but that it is as any other vertue, of moral and general obfervation, the example of Luther may Hand for all whom God made choice of before others to be of higheft eminence and power in reforming the Church who not of revelation, but of judgment writ fo vehemently againft the chief defenders of old untruths in the Romifh Church, that his own friends and favourers were many times offended with the fiercenefs of his fpirit ; yet he being cited before Charles the fifth to anfwer for his Books, and having divided them into three forts, whereof one was of thofe which he had lharply written, refusM, though upon deliberation giv'n him, to retraft or unfay any word therein, as we may sead in Sleidan. Yea he defends his eagernefs, as being of an ardent fpirit, and one who could not write a dull fl He : and affirm'd he thought it Gods will to have the inventions
-,
may be
a fanctifi'd bitterncfs againft the
enemies of truth.
0)
men
thus laid open, feeing that matters quietly
handled were
how ufeful and available God had made this tart Rhetorick in the Churches caufe, he often found by his own experience. For when he betook himfelf to lenity and moderation, as they call it, he reapt nothing but contempt both from Cajctan and Erafmus, from Cocleus, from Ecchius and others ; infomuch that blaming his friends who had fo counfell'd him, he refolv'd never to run into the like error if at other times he feem to'excufe his vehemence, as more then what was meet, I have not examin'd through his works to know how far he gave way to his own fervent mind 5 it fliall fuffice me to look to mine own. And this, i fhall eafily aver, though it may feem a hard faying, that the Spirit of God who is purity it felf, when he would reprove any fault feverty, or but relate things done or faid with indignation by others,
herewithal
:
quickly forgot.
And
from fome words not civil at other times to be fpok'n. Omitting that place in Numbers at the killing of Zimri and Cosbi done by Phineas in the heigth of zeal, related, as the Rabbins expound, not without an obfeene word, we may find in Deuteronomy and three of the Prophets, where God denouncing bitterly the punilhments of Idolaters, tells them in a term itnabftains not
modeft to be utter d in cool blood, that their wives fhall be defilM openly. But thefe, they will fay, were honeft words in that age when they were fpok'V. Which is more then any Rabbin can prove; and certainly had God been fa minded, he could have pickt fuch words as mould never have come into
abufe.
to leave
What
will they fay to this?

juft
fame breath when he had but
David going againft Nabal, in the very before nam'd the name of God, he vows not
But this was imany alive of Nabals houfe that pilfeth againft the Wall. 3dvifedly fpoke, you will anfwer, and fet down to aggravate his inlnmity. Turn then to the firft of Kings, where God himfelf ufes the phrafe, 1 will cut Which had it been an unoff from Jeroboam him that pijfeth againfl the wall. feemly fpeech in the heat of an earneft exprelfion, then we muft conclude that Jonathan or Onkelos the Targumifis were of cleaner language then he that made the tongue ; for they render it as briefly, I will cut off all who are at yean of difcretion, that is to fay, fo much difcretion as to hide nakednefs. Whereas God who is the author both of purity and eloquence, chofe this phrafe as fttteft in that vehement character wherein he Otherwife that word fpake.
plain
might have
forborn Which the Mafoxeths and Rabbinical Scboiiafts not well attending, have often us'd to blur the margent with Km, inftcadof Kttiv, and gave us this infuls rule out of their Talmud\ That all words whiebin the Law are writ obfeenely, mujl be changed to more civil words: Fools who would teach men to reade more decently then God And thought good to write. thus I take it to be manifeft, that indignation againft men and their actions notorioufly bad, hath leave and autority oft times to utter fiich words und
eafily bin
:
phnjfc:
i80
ye
talk were not fo mannerly t6 ufe. That phrai'es as in common not only as the Hiftorian fpeaks, that all thofe things for which
Men plough,
may know,
build] fhall
or fail, obey vertue, but that all words, and whatfoever may be at fome time in an unwonted manner wait upon her purpofes.
fpoken,
Confutant may alfo know as he defires, what force of teachfometimes in Laughter 1 fhall return him in fhort, that Laughter being one way of anfwering a Fool according to his folly, teaches two forts of Perfons, firft, the Fool himfelf not to be wife in his oven conceit, as Solomon affirms; which is certainly a great document, to make an unwife Man know himfelf. Next, it teacheth the Hearers, in as much a fcorn is one of thofe Punifhments which belong to Men carnally wife, which is oft in Scripture de-
Now that the

is
ing there
-,
fuch are punifht, the fimple are thereby made wife, if Salomons rule be true. And I would ask, to what end Eliah mockt the falfe Prophets? was it to (hew his wit, or to fulfill his humour? doubtlefs we cannot imagine that great fervant of God had any other end in all which he there
clared
;
for
when
And we may fredid, but to teach and inftruft the poore mifledde People. of their of the in midft the that Martyrs many troubles, were quently read, not fparing to deride and feoff their fuperftitious perfecutors. may the Confutant advife again with Sir Franivs Bacon, whether Eliah and the Martyrs did well to turn Religion into a Comedy, or Satyr ; to rip up the wounds of Idolatry and Superftition with a laughing Countenance : So that for pious gravity his Author here is matcht and overmatcht, and for wit and morality in one that follows.
Now
laughing
to teach the truth
fome teachers give to Boys Junkets and knacks, that they may learne apace, Thus Flaccus in his firft Satyr, and his tenth :
hinders ? ai
What
Stronglier,
I
fling decides great things and better oft then earnejl can.
could urge the fame out of Cicero, and Seneca, but he may content him this. And henceforward, if he can learn; may know as well what are the bounds, and objects of laughter and vehement Reproof, as he hath known hitherto how to deferve them both. But left fome may haply think, or thus expoftulat with me after all this debatement, who made you the bufy Almoner to deal about this dole of laughter and reprehenfion, which no Man thanks your bounty for ? To the urbanity of that Man I fhold anfwer much after this fort That I, friend Objedter, having read of heathen Philofophers, fome to have taught, that whofoever would but ufe his ear to lifcen, might hear the voice of his guiding Genius ever before him, calling and as it were pointing to that way which is his part to follow ; others, as the Stoicks, to account Reafon, which they call the Hegemonicon, to be the common Mercury conducting without error thofe that give themfelves obediently to be led accordingly having read this, I could net efteem fo poorly of the Faith which I profefs, that God had left nothing to thofe who had forfaken all other doctrines for his, to be an inward witnefs and warrant of what they have to do, as that they fhould need to meafure themfelves by other Mens meafures, how to give fcope or limit to their proper actions for that were to make us the moft at a ftand, the moft uncertaine and accidental! wanderers in our doSo that the queftion ere while mov'd, ings, of all Religions in the World. who he is that fpends thus the benevolence of laughter and reproof fo liberally upon fuch Men as the Prelats, may .return with a more juft demand, who he is not of place and knowledg never fo mean, under whofe contempt and jerk thefe men are not defervedly fain ? Neither can Religion receive any
with
wound by
Prelats, fmce Religion and they furely men who have wounded ReliThey I gion, and their ftripes muft heal her. might alfo tell them, what ElecJra in Sophocles, a wife Virgin anfwer'd her wicked Mother, who thought her felf too
were never
difgrace thrown in fuch amity.
upon the
rather are the
violently reprov'd by her the Daughter
'7w
you. that
fay
it, -not I ;
you do the deeds,
And your ungodly
deeds find
me
the words.
the Remonftrant complain of Libels, it is becaufe he feels them For I ask again, as before in the Animadverfions, how long is it lince he hath difrelifht Libels ? we never heard the leaft mutter of his voice ag3inft them while they flew abroad without controul or check, defaming And yet he can remember of none but Lyftmacbus Nithe Scots and Purkans. be No more but of one can the Remon\inor, and that mi/lik'd and cenfurd. ? What mind of one more ? What if of one if 1 in remember him ftrant put more whereof the Remonftrant in many likelihoods may be thought the Author ? Did he never fee a Pamphlet intitl'd after his own fafhion, Survey of
tf therefore
to be right aim'd.
that foolifh, fedittous, fcandalous, profane Libel, the Proteflation prote(led? the vifage of his Father, then that Child doth not more exprefly
The
Book
refigure
relembles the ftile of the Remonftrant, inthofe idioms of fpeech, wherein he feems moft to delight: and in the feventeenth Page three lines together caken out of the Remonftrance word for word, not as a Citation, but as an Author borrows from himfelf. Whoever it be, he may as juftly be faid to there ye (hall find another man have libeil'd, as he againft whom he writes then here is made (hew of, there he bites as faft as this whines. Vinegar in the in a religions Controverfy is there Ink is there the antidote of Fibers. Laughing a tlripy Phyfick to expel his melancholy. In the mean time the Teftimony of Sir francvt Bavon was not mifalledg'd, complaining that Libels on the Bifhops part were utter'd openly ; and it he hopM the Prelats had no intelligence with the Li:
but as his favourable opinion. But had he contradicted him here, more then a little before, where I know not how, by entangling himfelf, he leaves an afperfion upon Job, which by any elfe 1 never heard laid to his charge ? For having affirm'd that there is no then the confounding of jeft and earneft, prefently he brings the greater confufion of Job glancing at conceits of mirth, when be fat among the people with the example If Jeft and Earneft be fuch a confufion, then were a gravity of Judg upon him. To the people much wifer then Job, for he fmiVd, and they believdhimn'ot. defend Libels, which is that whereof I am next accus'd, was far from my purI had not fo little fhare in good name, as to give another that advanpofe. I faid was, that a more free of The fum what felf. permiflimy againft tage on of writing at fome times might be profitable, in fuch a queftion efpecially wherein the Magiftrates are not fully refolvM* and both fides have equal liNot as when the Prelats bore fway, in berty to write, as now they have. vvhofe time the Books of fome men were confuted, when they who mould have anfwer'd were in clofe prifon, deny'd the ufe of pen or paper. And the divine Right of Epifcopacy was then valiantly aflerted, when he who would have been refpondent muft have bethought himfelf withal how he could refute If now therefore they be perfu'd with bad words, the Clink or the Gate-boufe. who perfecuted others with bad deeds, it is a way to lefTen tumult rather then to encreafe it ; whenas anger thus freely vented fpends it felf ere it break out into action, though Machiavel whom he cites, or any Macbiamlian Prieft think the contrary.
btllors,
he delivers
it
himfelf,
how
coirld
afibil
Sect.
3.
Readers I bring ye to his third Section ; wherein very cautioufly, and no more than needs, left I Ihould take him for fome Chaplain at hand, fome Squire of the body to his Prelat, one that ferves not at the Altar only, but at the Court cup-board, he willbeftow on us a pretty model of bimfelfe ; and fobs me out half a dozen tizical Mottoes where-ever he had them, hopping lhort in the meafure of Convulfion-fits \ in which labour the agony of his Wit having fcap'd narrowly, inftead of well fiz'd periods, he greets us with a quantity of thnm-ring pofies. He has a fortune therefore good, becaufe he is content with it. This is a piece of fapience not worth the brain of a fruittrencher , as if Content were the meafure of what is good or bad in the guift of Fortune. For by this rule a bad Man may have a good fortune, becaufe he may be oft times content with it for many reafons which have no affinity with And thereVertue, as love of eafe, want of fpirit to ufe more, and the like. Before content, he fays, becaufe it neither goes before, nor comes behind his merit. like then if his fortune Ihould go before his merit, he would not be content, but refign, if we believe him, which I do the lefs, becaufe he implyes, that if it came behind his merit, he would be content as little; Whereas if a wife Man's
Now
i4
Man's content fhould depend uponfuch a Therefore, becaufe his fortune came not behind his merit, how many wife Men could have content in this world ? In his next pithy fymbol I dare not board him, tor he paffes all the feven wife Matters of Greece, attributing to himfelf that which on my life Salomon durlt
not
;
to
have affeijions fo equally temper 'd, that they neither too

it
to the haflily adhere
truth before
unlefs he only examm'd, of mafs born without the of Sin original, out Adam, were exempted corrupt Had Salomon it is me to behoves without (for a&ual, impoffible. and living a as with fuch tranfcendent had Salothe in Sage dealing this) inftance wifeft, mon affe&ionsfo equally tempered, as not adhering too lazjly to the truth, when God warn'd him of his halting in Idolatry? do we read that he repented haftiaffedions lead him haftily from an examin'd truth, how much ly ? did not his more would they lead him flowly to it ? Yet this Man beyond a Stoick Apathy fees truth as in a rapture, and cleaves to it ; not as through the dim glals of his affe&ions, which in this frail manfion of flefb, are ever unequally temper'd., to error, and keeping back from truth oft times the belt pufhing forward
be fully
nor too lazily afterward.
Which
of Men.
But how far this boafter is from knowing himfelf, let his Preface Something 1 thought it was that made him fo quick-lighted to gather fpeak. fuch Itrange things out of the Animadverlions, whereof the leaft conception could not be drawn from thence, of Suburb-finks, fometimes out of wit and new Serge, drinking Sack, and fwearing ; now I know it cloaths, fometimes in
gave him to fee clearer then any that neither ptrfon nor caufe /hall has he refoWd fenel rub'd Serpent. Laftly, the word ye hear is improper. for his milfake I meaning, may improper him. a if not a But whether good Parfonage or Impropriation bdught Perfon, yet becaufe there may be a quirk in the word, not would him out for improper him, to refolve. a Canonift for it leave I
was
this equal
temper of
his affedtions that
Sect.
4.
ends this Section, or rather Difle&ion of himfelf, fhort ye will fay both in breath and extent, as in our own praifes it ought to be, unlefs wherein a good name hath bin wrongfully attainted. Right, but if ye his look at what he afcribes to himfelf, that temper of affetlions which cannot any where be but in Paradife, all the judicious Panegyricks in any language exAnd that well appears in his next removal. For tant are not half fo prolixe. the tiptoe in this defcription of himfelf, and his to what with putting fancy what with adventuring prefently to ftand upon his own legs without the crutches of his margent, which is the fluce moft commonly that feeds the drouth of his Text, he comes fo lazily on in a Similie, with his arm full of in the dull expreffion fo like a dough kneaded weeds, and demeans himfelf left him fo far to look to his Syntaxvs, as he has that not fpirit enough thing, to avoid nonfenfe. For it muft be underftood there that the Stranger, and not he who brings the bundle, would be deceav'd in cenfuring the field, which this hipfhot Grammarian cannot fet into right frame of conftru&ion, neither here in the Similitude, nor in the following Reddition thereof ; which being to this and prefented in grofs, feemmonftrous, purpofe, that the faults of the beft pickt outy on in have faith hisfleeve the faults of others ; as if to he, you this, pinning done, faults of others upon him, were to do own to the his and out faults, pin pick To anfwer therefore how I have cull'd out the evil a&ions of the fame thing. the Remonftrant from his Vertues, I am acquitted by the dexterity and con.thus
And
veyance of
his nonfenfe, loofing that for
which he brought
his parable.
But
what of other Mens faults I have pinn'd upon his fleeve, let him Ihew. For whether he were the Man who term'd the Martyrs Foxian Confeffors, it matters not; he that fhall ftep up before others to defend a Church-Government, which wants almoft no circuraftance, but only a name to be a plain Popedom, a Government which changes the fatherly and ever-teaching Difciwhich properly pline of Chrift into that lordly and uninftrudting Jurifdiftion makes the Pope Antichrift, makes himfelf an acceffory to all the evil committed by thofe, who are armM to do mifchief by that undue Government ; which they by their wicked deeds do with a kind of paflive and unwitting Obedience to God deftroy. But he by plaufible words and traditions againft the Scripture obftinately feeks to maintain. They by their own wickednefs ruining But he by a fhew their own unjuft autarky", make room for good to fucceed.
of
fetming good tends to reinforce their fclf- puni/hing crimes and his own, by doing his.be) Shall not all the mifchief which other men do he laid to his delay all redrefs. if do it by that unchurchlikc power which lie defends. charge, they ten. faith, he that is not with me is againfl me, and be that gathers not with rite
j
( i8 5 ) evil the which in them undoes it fclf, hinders the cool of good upholding let accident in. Their manifeft crimes fervc to bring foi ii a which they by batten a and remedy agairift themfelves $ and his enfuing good,
i
In
what degree of enmity

as that it
to
Guilt
(hall
we
place that
man
then,
who
fo
is
makes more againft him, and fo gathers with him th*at it fcatters more from him ? lhall it avail that man to fay he honours the Martyrs memory, and treads in their fteps ? No , the Phai ifees confelt as much of Let him and fuch as he, when they are in their beft actithe holy Prophets. their even at ons, prayers, look to hear that which the Pharifecs heard from
with him,
John the Baptifi when they
leaft expected, when they rather lookt for praife Generation of rtpers, who hath warn'd ye to flee from the wrath to come } that ye have ftarted back from the purity of Scripture, which is the only rule of Reformation, to the old vomit of your traditions ; now that ye have either troubl'd or leven'd the people of God, and the Doctrine of
from him
Now
theGofpe! with fcandalous Ceremonies and mafs-borrow'd Liturgies, do ye turn the ufe of that truth which ye profefs, to countenance that ralfhood which ye gain by? We alfo reverence the Martyrs, but rely only upon the Scriptures. And why we ought not to rely upon the Martyrs, I fhall be content with fuch rea* who is, 1 mull needs fay for him, in fonsas my Confuter himfelf affords me that point as officious an Adverfary as I would wilh to any man. For, firf}', faith he, theremay be a Martyr hi a wrong Caufe, and as couragious in fitfferm^ a
,
the bejl , fometimes in a good Caufe with a forward ambition to God. Other drfpl'eafing whiles they that fiory of them out of blind z.eal or malice, may write many things of them untruly. If this be fo, as ye hear his own confelfion, with what fafety-
can the Remonftrant rely upon the Martyrs as Patrons of hit Caufe, when ,as any of thofe who are alledg'd for the approvers of our Liturgy or Prelaty, might have bin, though not in a wrong caufe, Martyrs ? yet whether not vainly ambitious of that honour, or whether not mifreported or mifunderftood in thofe their opinions, God only knows. The Teftimony of what we believe in Religion muffc be fuch as the Confidence may reft on to be infallible and incorruptible, which is only the Word of God.
Sect.
>.
His fifth Section finds it felf agriev'd tiiat the Remonftrant fliould be taxt with the illegal proceeding of the high Commiffion, and Oath ex officio : And firft whether they were or no, "'tis more than he knows. See this malevolent illegal out that which the whole Fox-, Kingdom cry'd Tyranny agaanft as ftung with Adders and Scorpions, that Tyranny which the Parliament in companion of the Church and Commonwealth hath difiblv'd and fetch'd up by the roots, for which it hath receav'd the publick Thanks and BlelTings of thoufands, this obfcui e thorn-eater of Malice and Detraction, as well as of Qaodlibets and Sophifms, knows not whether it were illegal or not. Evil, evil would be your reward ye Worthies of the Parliament, if this Sophifter and his Accomplices had the cenfuring or the founding forth of your labours. And that the Remonftrant cannot walh his hands of all the cruelties exercis'd by the Prelats, is paft doubting. They fcourg'd the Confellbrs of the Gofpel, and he held the Scourgers garments. They executed their rage, and he, if he did nothing elfe, defended the Government with the Oath that did it, and the Ceremonies which were the caufe of it does he think to be counted guiltlcfs ?
i
Sec
In the following Section
I
t.
6.
muft foretel ye, Readers, the doings will be rough and dangerous, the bating of a And if the work feem more trivial or Satyr. boiftrous then for this Difcourfe, let the Remonftrant thank the folly of this Confuter, who could not let a private word pafs, but he muft make all this blaze of it. I had faid, that becaufe the Remonftrant was fo much offended with thofe who were tart againft the Prelats, fute he lov'd toothlefs Satyrs, which I took were as improper as a toothed Sleekftone. This Champion from behind the Arras cries out, that thofe toothlefs Satyrs were of the Remonftrants making and arms himfelf here tooth and nail, and horn to boot, to Bb fbpply
,
i86)
or rather of gums in the Satyrs. And for an onfupply the want of teeth, fet tells me, that the llmily of a Sleekilone /hews I can be as bold with a Prt lit But does it not argue rather the lafcivious familiar with a Laundrefs. promptwho from the harmlefs mention of a Sleekflone could ness of his own fancy, of his old converfation among the neigh out the remembrance Viraginian trol? For me, if he move me, I (hall claim his own lops Oath, the Oath ex officio any Prieit or Prelat in the Kingdom, to have ever as much hated fuch
againft
pranks as the belt and
chattel!:
of them
all.
That exception which
made
againlt toothlefs Satyrs the Confuter hopes I had from the Satyri/l, but is far deceav'd : neither had I ever read the hobbling Diftich which he means. For this good hap I had from a careful education, to be inur'd and feafon'd betimes
with the belt and eleganteft Authors of the learned Tongues, and thereto brought an ear that could meafure a juft cadence, and lean without articulating ; rather nice and humorous in what was tolerable, then patient to read every drawling Verfifier. Whence lighting upon this title of toothkfs Satyrs, I will not conceal ye what I thought, Readers, that fure this muft be fome fucking Satyr, who might have done better to have us'd his coral, and made an end of breeding, ere he took upon him to weild a Satyrs whip. But when I heard him talk of fcouring the rufled fwords of elvifh Knights, do not blame me, if I chang'd my thought, and concluded him fome defperate Cutler. But
mufe could never abide with tragick /boos her ancles for to hide, the me that her maukin knuckles were never fhapen to that And turning by chance to the lixth Satyr of hisfecond Book, royal buskin. I was confirm'd ; where having begun loftily in Heavens univerfal Alphabet, he falls down to that wretched poornefs and frigidity as to talk of Bridge-Jlreet in Heav'n, and the Ofiler of Heaven ; and there wanting other matter to catch him a heat, (for certain he was in the frozen Zone miferably benumm'd) with thoughts lower then any Beadle betakes him to whip the fign-pofts of Cambridge Alehoufes, the ordinary fubjeft of frelhmens tales, and in a ftrain as Which for him w ho would be counted the firsl Engli/h Satyr, to abafe pitiful. himfelf to, who might have learnt better among the Latin and Italian Satyrifts, and in our own tongue from the Vtfion and Creed of Pierce plowman, befides others before him, manifefted a prefumptuous undertaking with weak and unexamin'd moulders. For a Satyr as it was born out of a Tragedy, fo ought to refemble his parentage, to ftrike high, and adventure dangeroufly at the moll eminent vices among the greateft perfons, and not. to creep into every blind Taphoufe that fears a Conftable more then a Satyr. But that fuch
why
his fcornful
pace of the verfe told
a Poem ihould be toothlefs, I Hill affirm it to be a bull, taking away the eiTence of that which it calls it felf. For if it bite neither the perfons nor the vices, how is it a Satyr ? and if it bite either, how is it toothlefs ? fo that toothlefs What we Ihould do Satyrs are as much as if he had faid toothlefs teeth. therefore with this learned Comment upon Teeth and Horns, which hath brought this Confutant into his pedantick Kingdom of Cornucopia, to reward him for glofling upon Horns even to the Hebrew root, I know not unlefs we Ihould com mend him to be Le&urer in Eaft-cheap upon St. Luke's day, when they fend their Tribute to that famous hav'n by Detford. But we are not like to fcape him fo. For now the worm of Criticifm works in him, he will tell us the derivation of German Rutters, of Meat, and of Ink, which doubtlefs, rightly apply'd with fome gall in it, may prove good to heal this tetter of Pedago~ guifm that befpreads him, with fuch a Tenafmus of originating, that if he be an Arminian, and deny original Sin, all the Etymologies of his Book fhall witnefs that his brain is not meanly tainted with that infection.
Sect.
7.
His feventh Seftion labours to cavil out the flaws which were found in the
RemonftrantsLogick; who having laid down for a general propofition, that civil Polity is variable and arbitrary, from whence was inferr'd logically upon him that he had concluded the Polity of England to be arbitrary, for general here his Defendant is not afham'd to confefs that the Reincludes particular monftrants propofition was fophyftical by a Fallacy call'd, adplures interrogations : which founds to me fomewhat ftrange that a Remonftrant of that pretended fincerity (hould bring deceitful and double dealing Propofitions to the Parlament. The truth is, he had let flip a flirewd paflage ere he was aware,
-,
not
( i8 7 )
not thinking the conclulion would turn upon him with fuch a terrible edge, and not knowing how to wind out of the briars, he or his fubftitute feems more of his Logick to pawn, and grant a fallacy in his willing to lay the integrity own Major where none is, then be forc't to uphold the Inference. For that diltinclion of po/fiblc and lawful is ridiculous to be fought for in that propofition > no man doubting that it is pofllble to change the form of civil Polity ; and that it is held lawful by that Major, the word arbitrary implies. Nor will
help him, to deny that it is arbitrary at any time or by any undertakers, (which are two limitations invented by him fince) for when it ftands as he will have it now by his fecond Edition, civil Polity vs variable, but not at any time or by any undertakers, it will refult upon him, belike then at fome time, and by ibme undertakers it may. And fo he goes on mincing the matter, till he meets with fomething in Sir Francis Bacon, then he takes heart again, and holds his Mayor at large. But by and by, as foon as the fhadow of Sir Francis hath left him, he falls off again warping and warping till he come to contradict himfclf in diameter ; and denies flatly that it is either variableor
this
arbitrary,
before the Polity at all, but either an Anarchy or a Tyranny ? That limitation therefore of after fetling is a mere So that in fine his former Aifertion is now recanted, and Tautology.
civil Polity is neither variable nor arbitrary.
being once fettl'd.
Which third (hift is no lefs a piece of laughter: For was fettl'd, how could it be variable, whenas it was no Polity
Sect. 8. Whatever elfe may perfwademe that this Confutation was not made without fome atliftante or advice of the Remonflxant, yet in this eighth Section that his hand was not greatly interraixt, I can eafily believe. For it begins
with
the
this furmife, that not having to accufe the Remonftrant to the
King,
I do it to
; which conceit of the man cleanly moves the King out of the makes two bodies of one. Whereas the Remonftrant in the and Parlament,
Parlament
Epiltle to his laft fhort anfiver, gives bis fuppofal that they cannot be fevered in the Mark, Readers, if they cannot be feRights of their feveral Concernments. ver'd in what is feveral (which cafts a Bull's eye to go yoke with the toothlefs
fhould they be fever'd in their common concernments, the weldue accufation of fuch as are the common grievances, among which I took the Remonftrant to be one ? And therefore if I accus'd him to the Parlament, it was the fame as to accufe him to the King. Next he cafts it into the dilh of I know not whom, that they flatter fome of the Houfe,
Satyrs)
fare of the Land, by
libel others whofe Confciences made them vote contrary to fome proceedings. Thofe fome proceedings can be underftood of nothing elfe but the Deputies executi-
how
and
on.
can this private Concodter of male-content, at the very inftant to extol the Parlament, afford thus to blur over, rather then to mention that publick triumph of their juftice and conftancy fo high, fb glorious, fo reviving to the fainted Common-wealth, with fuch a fufpicious
And
when he pretends
and murmuring expreflion as to call it fome proceedings ? and yet immediately he falls to glozing, as if he were the only man that rejoye'd at thefe times. But I fhall difcover to ye Readers, that this his praifing of them is as full of nonfenfe and fcolaftick foppery, as his meaning he himfclf difcoverstobefull of clofe malignity. His firft Encomium is, that the Sun looks- not upon a braver^ nobler Convocation then is that of One thing I beg King, Peers, and Commons. of ye Readers, as ye bear any zeal to learning, to elegance, and that which is calKd Decorum in the writing of Praife, efpecially on fuch a noble Argument, ye would not be offended, though I rate this cloifter'd Lubber accordWhere didft thou learn to be fo aguifh, fo pufillanimous, ing to his deferts. thou lozel Bachelour of Art, as againft all cuftom and ufe of Speech to terra the high and fovran Court of Parlament, a Convocation ? Was this the flower of all thy Synonyma's and voluminous Papers, whofe beft Folio's are predeftin'd to no better end then to make winding fheets in Lent for Pilchers ? Could'ft thou prefume thus with one word's fpeaking to clap as it were under hatches the King with all his Peers and Gentry into ? fquare Caps, and Monkifh Hoods How well doft thou now appear to be a chip of the old block, that could find Bridge-fir eet and Ale-houfes in Heav'n ? why didft thou not, to be his perfect imitator, liken the King to the Vice-chancellour, and the Lords to the Doctors ? Neither is this an indignity only but a reproach, to call that inviolable RefiBb 2 dence
i88)
deuce of Juftice and Liberty, by fuch an odious name as now a Convocation is become, which would be nothing injur'd, though it were ftil'd the houfe of fo many cruel tasks, fo many unjuft burdens have been bondage, whereout laden upon the bruifed confeiences of fo many Chriflians throughout the land. 13ut which of thofe. worthy deeds, whereof we and our pofterity mult confefs this Parlament to have done fo many and fo noble, which of thofe memorable ads comes firft into his praifes? none of all, not one. What will he then not for any thing doing, but for deferring to do, for depraife them for? his leud and infolent Compriejls : Not that they have dechaftife ferring to he hopes they will remit what is yet behind. For the that but feri'd all, reft of his Oratory that follows, fo juft is it in the language of flail epiftle nonfenfe, that if he who made it can underftand it, I deny not but that he may deferve for his pains a caft Doublet. When a man would look he fhould vent fomething of his own, as ever in a fet fpeech the manner is with him that knows any tiling, he, left we mould not take notice anough of his barren ftupidity, declares it by Alphabet, and refers us to odd remnants in his Topicks. Nor yet content with the wonted room of his margent, but he muft cut out large flocks and creeks into his text to unlade the foolifh frigate of his unfeafonable Autarkies, not wherewith to praife the Parlament, but What elfe there is, he jumbles to tell them what he would have them do. as man either letter'd or unlettered no fuch a loft in conftruction, together
I (hall fpaie will be able to piece up. be fo dealt with. me let wrong,
to transcribe him, but if
do him
be a digreffion from the enfuing matter, yet becaufe it fhall apter to blame others than to make trial my felf, and that I difcord touch upon a fmoother firing awhile to entertain this harm after may my' felf and him that lift, with fome more plealing fit, and not the leaft to teftifie the gratitude which I owe to thofe publick benefactors of their Counand good by their inceflant try, for the fhare I enjoy in the common peace for once, as to fhew him this Declamer to be troublefom I fo fhall labours ; what he might have better faid in their praife Wherein I muft mention only fome few things of many, for more then that to a digreffion may not be granted. Although certainly their Actions are worthy not thus to be fpoken of by the to attempt fomething more anfwerable to \vay, yet if hereafter it befal me their great Merits, I perceave how hopelefs it will be to reach the heigth of their prayfes at the accomplifhment of that expectation that weights upon
Now
although
1
it
not be
faid
am
their noble Deeds, the unfinifhing whereof already furpaffes what others before them have left enadted with their utmoft performance through many ages. And to the end we may be confident that what they do, proceeds neither
from uncertain opinion, nor fudden counfels, but from mature wifdom, deliberate vertue, and deer affection to the publick good, I fhall begin at that which made them likelieft in the eyes of good men to effect thofe things for the recovery of decay 'd Religion and the Commonwealth, which they who were beft minded had long wifht for, but few, as the times then were defpeFirft therefore, the moft of them rate, had the courage to hope for. being either of ancient and high Nobility, or at leaft of known and well reputed Anceftry, which is a great advantage towards Vertue one way, but in refpect of wealth, cafe and flattery, which accompanies a nice and tender education, is as much a hindrance another way \ the good which lay before them they took, in imitating the worthieft of their Progenitors ; and the evil which afiaulted their younger years by the temptation of riches, high birth, and that ufual bringing up, perhaps too favourable and too remifs, through the ftrength of an inbred goodnefs, and with the help of divine Grace, that had markt them out for no mean purpofes, they nobly overcame. Yet had they a greater danger to cope with \ for being train'd up in the knowledg of learning, and fent to thofe places which were intended to be the feed-plots of Piety and the liberal Arts, but were become the nurferies of Superftition and empty Speculation, as they were profperous againft thofe viceswhich grow upon youth out of idlenefs and fuperfluity, fo were they happy in working off the harms of their abufed ftudies and labours, correcting by the clearnefs of their own judgment the errors of their mif-inftruction, and were as David was, wifer then their teachers. And although their lot fell into
,
fuch
i*9)
fuch times, and to be bred in fuch places, where if they chanc't to be taught or of their own accord had learn't it, they might fee-that any thing good, them by the cuftom and ill example of their Elders fo far prefently untaught in all probability was their youth from being milled by the (ingle power of Example, as their riper years were known to be unmov'd with the baits of preferment, and undaunted for any difcouragement and terror which appear'd which two things often to thofe that lov'd Religion and their native Liberty God hath infeparably knit together, and hath difclos'd to us that they who feek to corrupt our Religion are the fame that would enthrall our civil Liberty. Thus in the mid 11 of all difadvantages and difrefpects (fome alfoat laft not without imprifonment and open difgraces in the caufe of their Country ) having given proof of themfelves to be better made and fram'd by nature to the love and praclife of Vertue, then other's under the holieft precepts and bell examples have been headftrong and prone to vice ; and having in all the trials of a firm ingrafted honefty not oftner buckl'd in the conflict, then the foil, this moreover was added by favour from giv'n every oppofition and ornament as an happinefs to their Vertue, that it mould be neither Heav'n, obfenre in the opinion of men, nor eclipft for want of matter equal to illuftrat it felf-, God and man confenting in joynt approbation to choofe them out as worthieft above others to be both the great reformers of the Church, 'and Nor did they deceave that expectation the reftorers of the Common-wealth. which with the eyes and defires of their Ccuntrey was fixt upon them ; for no fooner did the force of fo much united Excellence meet in oneGrobe of brightnefs and efficacy, but encountringthe dazl'd refiftance of Tyranny, they gave not over, though their enemies were ftrong and futtle, till they had laid her groveling upon the fatal block; with one ltroke winning again our loft Liberties and Charters, which our Fore-fathers after fo many battels could icarce maintain. And meeting next, as I may fo refemble, with the fecond life of Tyranny (for flie was grown an ambiguous monfter, and to beflain in two lhapes) guarded with Superftition which hath no fmall power to captivate the minds of men otherwife moft wife, they neither were taken with her miter'd hypecrifie, nor terrifi'd with the pulh of her beftial horns, but breaking them immediately forc't her to unbend the pontifical brow, and recoil Which
,
repulfe only given to the Prelats (that
we may imagine how happy
their re-
moval would be) was the producement of fuch glorious efFefts and confequences in the Church, that if I fliould compare them with thofe exploits of higheftfame in Poems and Panegyrkks of old, I am certain it would but diFor thofe ancient minifli and impair their worth, who are now my Argument Worthies deliver'd men from fuch Tyrants as were content to inforce only an outward obedience, letting the Mind' be as free as it could but thefe have freed us from a doctrine of Tyranny that otTer'd violence and corruption even
:
-,
to the inward perfualion. They let at liberty Nations and Cities t>f men mixt and bad together j but thefe opening the prifons and dungeons, good calPdoutof darknefsand bonds the elect Martyrs and Witneilesof their Redeemer. They reftor'd the Body to eafe and wealth but thefe the opprell Confcience to that freedom which is the chief prerogative of the Gofpel, taking off thofe cruel burdens impos'd not by neceffity, as other Tyrants are wont for the fafeguard of their lives, but laid upon our necks by the ftrange wilfulnefs and wantonnefs of a needlefs and jolly perfecuter call'd Indifference. Laftly, fome of thofe ancient Deliverers have had immortal praifes for preBut thefe by this only repulfe ferving their Citizens from a famine of corn. of an unholy Hierarchy, almofi: in a moment replenilht with faving knowledg their Countrey nigh familht for want of that which fhould feed their fouls. All this being done while two Armies in the field ftood gazing on, the one in reverence of fuch Noblenefs quietly gave back and diflodg'd ; the other, fpight of the unrulinefs, and doubted fidelity in fome Regiments, was either perfwaded or compell'd to disband and retire home. With fuch a Majefty had their Wifdom begirt it felf, that whereas others had levied war to fubdue a Nation that fought for peace, they fitting here in peace could fo many miles extend the force of their fingle words as to overawe the difiblute ftoutnefs of an armed Power fecretly ftir'd up and almoft hir'd againft them. And having by a folemn proteftation vow'd themfelves and the Kingdom anew to God and
,
his
( *9 ) and by a prudent forefight above what their Fathers thought on, prevented the difTolution and fruftrating of their defigns by an untimely breaking up, notwithftanding all the treafonous Plots againft them, all the rumours either of Rebellion or Invafion, they have not bin yet brought to change their conftant refolution, ever to think fearlefly of their own fafeties, and which* hath gain'd them fuch an admirahopefully of the Common-wealth tion from all good men, that now they hear it as their ord'nary furname, to be faluted the Fathers of their Country, and fit as Gods among daily PetitiWhich doth fo little yet exalt ons and publick Thanks flowing in upon them. them in their own thoughts, that with all gentle affability, and curteous acceptance they both receave and return that tribute of thanks which is tender'd them teftifying their zeal and defire to fpend themfelves as it were piecemeal upon the grievances and wrongs of their diftreffed Nation infomuch that the meaneft Artizans and Labourers, at other times alfo Women, and often the younger fort of Servants afTembling with their complaints, and that fometimes in a lefs humble guife then for Petitioners, have gone with confidence, that neither their meannefs would be rejeded, nor their fimplicity contemn'd, nor yet their urgency diftafted either by the dignity, wifdom, or moderation of that fupreine Senate , nor did they depart unfatisfi'd. And indeed, if we confider the general concourfe of Suppliants, the free and ready admittance, the willing and fpeedy redrefs in what is poffible, it will not feem much otherwife, then as if fome divine Commiffion from Heav'n were defcended to take into hearing and commiferation the long remedilefs afflicrions of this Kingdom were it not that none more then themfelves labour to remove and divert fuch thoughts, left men mould place too much confidence in their Perfons, ftill referring us and our Prayers to him that can grant all, and appointing the monthly return of publick Fafts and Supplications. Therefore the more they feek to humble themfelves, the more does God by manifeft ligns and Teftimonies, vifibly honour their proceedings ; and fets them as the mediators of this his Cov'nant which he offers us to renew. Wicked men daily confpire their hurt, and it comes to nothing; Rebellion rages in our Irifh Province, but with miraculous and lofslefs victories of few againft many, is daily difcomfi ted and broken ; if we negledl not this early pledg of Gods inclining towards us, by the flacknefs of our needful aids. And whereas at other times we count it ample honour when God vouchfafes to make man the inftrument and fubordinate worker of his gracious Will, fuch acceptation have their Prayers found with him, that to them he hath bin pleased to make himfelf the Agent, and immediat performer of
his fervice,
:
,
when they are thought inexplica\ diflblving their difficulties no where out them ble, cutting paflage could be feen \ as who is ways for there fo regardlefs of Divine Providence, that from late occurrences will not confefs*? If therefore it be fo high a grace when men are prefer'd to be but the inferior officers of good things from God, what is it when God himfelf condefcends, and works with his own Hands to fulfil the requefts of Men ? which I leave with them as the greateft praife that can belong to human Nature Not that we fhould think they are at the end of their glorious Progrefs, but that they will go on to follow his Almighty leading, who feems to have thus cov'nanted with them that if the Will and the Endeavour fhall be Whence only it is theirs, the performance and the perfeting (hall be his. that I have not fear'd, though many wife men have mifcarried in prailing great defigns before the utmoft event, becaufe I fee who is their affiftant, who their confederat, who hath ingag'd his omnipotent Arm to fupport
their defires
:
,
and magnanihe all that have to expected good which his Aftions, pafs brought Servants truft is in his thoughts to bring upon this Land in the full and perfet Reformation of his Church. Thus far I have digreft, Readers, from my former Subject but into fuch a Path, as I doubt not ye will agree with me, to be much fairer and more deAnd how to break off fuddenly inlightful then the rode-way I was in. to thofe jarring notes which this Confuter hath fet me, I muft be wary, unlefs I can provide againft offending the Ear, as fome Muficians are wont skilBy fully to fall out of one key into another, without breach of Harmony.
fuccefs their Faith, their Fortitude, their juft
and crown with
mous
till
-,
good
(
luck therefore his ninth Section
is
i9i )
fpent in mournful Elegy, certain paffionat whole two and pages of interrogatories that praife the K Soliloquies ; the to even fonetting of his frejli Checks, quick Eyes, round 'Tongue, monftrant Invention. nimble and aîl * Hand, In his tenth Section he will needs erect Figures, and tell Fortunes ; J am no I was never born toit : let me tell therefore this Wizzard, lince Bifhop, he fays, he calculats fo right, that he may know there be in the World, and I among admire his Idol a Bifhoprick, and hold that it wants fo thole, who nothing much to be a Bleffing, as that 1 rather deem it the meereft, the falfeft, the molt unfortunate gift of Fortune. And were the punifhment and mifery of in the Perfon, and did not extend to being a Prelat Bifhop, terminated only 1 would wifh if whole the of afflidtion any thing in the bitternefs Diocefs, the of Soul to mine enemy, 1 would wilh him the biggeft and fatteft Bifhoprick. But he proceeds ; and the Familiar belike informs him, that a rich Widow, or a
content me : whereby Leilure, or both, would rant in his art of divining then any Gipfy.
I
perceive him to be more ignoFor this I cannot omit without who hath ever bred me up in plenty, ingratitude to that Providence above, bin not hath unexpenfive in Learning, and voyaging about ; although my Life lend me what he hath hitherto thought good, to him it fhall fo long as pleafe which is anough to ferve me in all honeft and liberal occafions, and fomething over belides, I were unthankful to that higheft Bounty, if I mould make my felf fo poor, as to folicite needily any fuch kind of rich hopes as this FortuneAnd that he may furder learn how his Aftrology is wide all teller dreams of. the houfesof Heav'n in fpelling Marriages, 1 care not if I tell him thus much it be to the lofing of my rich hopes, as he calls them, that I profeftly, though think with them who both in prudence and elegance of Spirit, would choofe
The a Virgin of mean fortunes honeftly bred, before the wealthieft Widow. the was a Chaldean our Feind. His told that contrary Feind therefore lying found which he in the a utters he venom Prayer next Animadverfions, againlt it feems to find any prayers but in the Service-book ; he diflikes it, and
angry
I
It was theatrical, he fays ; and yet it confifted therefore like it the better. moll of Scripture language ; it had no Rubrick to be fung in an antick Coap It was big-mouth d, he fays ; no marvelîf upon the Stage of a High Altar. of three it were franfd as the Voice Kingdoms: neither was it a Prayer fo much as a Hymn in profe, frequentbothinthe Prophets, and in human Authors ; therefore the ftile was greater then for an ordinary Prayer. It was an aflonifbing Prayer. I thank him for that confeilion, fo it was intended and this Confuter confeiles that to aflound and to aftonifh the guilty Prelats with him it wrought that effedt. But in that which follows, he does not play It was made, he the Soothfayer, but the diabolick flanderer of Prayers. fays,
1
,
your
not fo much to pleafe God, or to benefit the weal-publick (how dares the Viper judg that ?) but to intimate, faith he, your good abilities to her that k your rich hopes, How hard is it when a man meets with a Fool to keep his Maronilla.
That were miferable indeed to be a Courter of Maroa haplefs invention, as that no way fhould be left me fuch nilla, and withal of to make my felf a canting Probationer of orifons. but to prefent my meaning,
Tongue from
folly ?
The Remonftrant when

Toothlefs
he was as young as
I,
could
Satyrs,
Teach each hollow Grove to found his love, Wearying Eccho with one changelefs word.
And fo he well
Toothlefs
might, and
all
his
Auditory befides with
his teacb fash,
Whether fo me
Whiles
I
Satyrs,
Come dance ye
my lovely Thoughts to fing, nimble Dryads by my fide, or my Loves. report my Fortunes

lift
he had that whole Bevie at command whether in Morrice or at Maypole , whilefl I by this figure-caller muft be imagin'd in fuch diflrefs as to fue to Maronilla, and yet left fo impoverifht of what to fay, as to turn my Liturgy into my Ladies Pfalter. Believe it Graduat, I am not altogether
Delicious
!
fo riftick,
and nothing
fo irreligious, but as far diftant
from a Lefrurer,
39
People Dodrine which is taught them, asChrift and his Apoftles continually bid them do ? how mould they difcern and beware of falfe Prophets, and try every Spirit, if they mull be thought unfit to judg of the Minifters abilities? The Apoftles ever labour'd to perfwade the Chriftian flock that they were calPd in Chrift to all perfeHnefs of fpiritual knowledge and full affurance of in the God. But
under/landing
( 192 ) the meereft Laick, for any confecrating hand of a Prelat that fhall ever touch me. Yet I mall not decline the more for that, to fpeak my opinion in the Controverfy next mov'd, Whether the People may be allow d for competent mdges For how elfe can be fulfill'd that which God hath of a Mimfiers ability. profuch to out abundance of knowledg mis'd, pour upon all forts of Men in the times of the Gofpel ? how mould the examine the
bedeny'd thought a competent difcerner ? It is but arrogance therefore, and the pride of a metaphyfical fume, to think that the mutinous rabble (for fo he calls the Chriftian Congregation) would be fo mifiaken in a Clerk of the VniI doubt me thofe Clerks that think verfity that were to be their Minifter. fo* are more miftaken in themfelves and what with truanting and debauchery, ,
nifter, as not
The laft way to judg aright in this point is, when he who Which of thefe three will the Confujudges, lives a Chriftian life himfelf. ter affirm to exceed the capacity of a plain Artizan ? And what reafon then is there left wherefore he mould his voice in the election of his Miapprehenfive.
Ledures more in number then any Student hath heard in Philofophy, whereby he may eafily attain to know when he is wifely taught, and when weakly ? Whereof three ways I remember are fet down in The one is to Scripture read often that beft of Books written to this purpofe, that not the wife only, but the fimple and ignorant may learn by them ; the other way to know of a Minifter, is by the life he leads, whereof the meaneft underftanding may be
:
the non-refident and plurality-gaping Prelats, the gulphs and whirlpools of Benefices, but the dry pits of all found Dodtrine, that they may the better preach what they lift to their Iheep, are ftill pofleffing them that they are fheep indeed, without judgment, without underftanding, the wry Beajls of Mount Sinai, as this Confuter calls them ; which words of theirs may ferve to condemn them out of their owne mouths, and to (hew the grofs contrarieties that are in their For while none think the people fo void of opinions knowledg as the Prelats think them, none are fo backward and malignant as they to beftow knowledg upon them ; both by fupprefling the frequency of Sermons, and the printed explanations of the Englifh Bible. No marvel if the people turn beafts, when their Teachers themfelves, as Ifaiah calls them^ are dumb and greedy dogs that can never have anough, ignorant, blind, and cannot underfiand ; who while they all look their own way, every one foj his gain from his quarter, how many parts of the Land are fed with windy Ceremonies inftead of fmcere Milk ; and while one Prelat enjoys the nourifhment and right of twenty Minifters^ how many wafte places are left as dark as Calile of the Gentiles, fitting in the region and fhadow of Death, without preaching Minifter, without light. So little care they of Beafts to make them Men, that by their forcerous dodrine of Formalities, they take the way to transform them out of Chriftian men into Judaizing beafts. Had they but taught the Land or fufrer'd it to be taught, as Chrift would it mould have bin, in all plenteous difpenfation of the Word, then the poor Mechanick might have fo accuftomd his ear to good teaching, as to have difcern'd between faithful teachers and falfe. But now with a moft inhumane cruelty they who have put out the peoples eyes, reproach them of their blindnefs ; juft as the Pharifees their true Fathers were wont, who could not indure that the People mould be thought competent judges of Chrifts doftrine, although we know they judg'd far better then thofe great Rabbies yet thvs People, faid they, that knows not the Ian 75 accurfl. need not the autority of Pliny brought to tell us, the People cannot judg of a Minifter : yet that hurts not. For as none can judg of a Painter, or Statuary, but he who is. an Artift, that is, either in the Prailick or Tlmry, which is often feparated from the pracrick, and judges learnedly without it ; fo none can judg of a Chriftian Teacher, but he wholiath either the practice, or the knowledg of Chriftian Religion, though not fo artfully diAnd who almoft of the meaneft Chriftians hath not heard the gefted in him. often read from his childhood, befides fo Scriptures Sermons and
: :
myfiery
of
We
many
what
faculties in many of them being a Maxim in fome men to fend the fimpleil of their fons thither) perhaps there would be found among them, as many unfolid and corrupted judgments both in dodrine and life, as in any other two Corporations of like This is undoubted that if any Carpenter, Smith, or bignefs. Weaver, were fuch a bungler in his Trade, as the greater number of them are in their ProAnd fhould he exercife his Manufeflion, he would ftarve for any cuftom. facture as little as they do their Talents, he would forget his Art and fhould he miftake his Tools as they do theirs, he would marr all the work he took in hand. How few among them that know to write, or fpeak in a pure ftile muchlefs to diftinguifh the idea's, and various kinds of ftile ; in Latin barbarous, and oft not without fokcifms, declaming in rugged and millellaneous geare blown together by the four winds, and in their choice preferring the gay ranknefs of Apukius, Amobius, or any modern Suftianift, before the native In the Greek tongue molt of them unletter'd, or unLatinifms of Cicero. entered to any found proficiency in tbofe Attick Mafters of moral Wifdom and EloIn the Hebrew Text, which is fo neceflary to be quence. underifood, except it be fome few of them, their lips are utterly uncircumcis'd. No lefs are
(it
:
what with
falfe
grounds and the weaknefs of natural
they out of the way in Philofophy, peftring their heads with the faplefs doAnd that which is the main point, in their tages of old Paris and Salamanca. Sermons afFeding the Comments and poftils of Friers and Jefuits, but fcornInfomuch that the better fort ing and flighting the reformed Writers among them will confefs it a rare matter to hear a true edifying Sermon in either of their great Churches ; and that fuch as are molt humm'd and applauded there, would fcarce be fufFer'd the fecond hearing in a grave Congregation of Is there caufe why thefe men fhould pious Chriftians. overween, and be fo queafy of the rude multitude, left their deep worth fhould be undervalu'd lor want of fit Umpires? No my matriculated Confutant, there will not want in any Congregation of this Ifland, that hath not been altogether famifht, or wholly perverted with Prelatifh leven ; there will not want divers plain and folid men, that have learnt by the experience of a good Confcience, what it is to be well taught, who will foon look through and through both the lofty nakednefs of your latinizing Barbarian, and the finical goofery of your neat Sermon-attor. And fo 1 leave you and your fellow Stars, as you term them
:
one, Earth are innumerable ; fo that your Allufion was as erroneous as your Stars. But that you did well to prognofticat them all at loweft in the Horizon that is, either feeming bigger then they are through the mift and vapour which they raife, or elfe finking, and wafted to the
of either Horizon, meaning I fuppofe either Hemifphere, unlefs you will be ridiculous in your Aftronomy : For the rational Horizon in Heav'n is but
and the
fenfible
Horizons
in
fnufF in their
Weftern
focket.
S set. ii. His eleventh Section intends I know not what, unlefs to clog us with the with a heavy pulfe the expedience j refidue of his phlegmatick floth, difcufling f fet formes : which no queftion but to fome, and for fome time may be permitted, and perhaps there may be ufefully fet forth by the Church a common Directory of publick Prayer, efpecially in the adminiftration of the Sacraments. But that it fhould therefore be inforc't where both Minifter and People profefs to have no need, but to be fcandaliz'd by it, that, I hope, every fenfible Chriftian will deny : And the reafons of fuch denial the Confuter himfelf, as his bounty ftill is to his Adverfary, will give us out of his affirmation. Firlt faith he, God in bis Providence bath chofen fome to teach others, and pray for others^ as Minifiers and Whence I gather, that however the faculty of oPaflors. thers may be, yet that they whom God hath fet apart to his Miniftry, are by him endu'd with an ability of Prayer becaufe their Office is to pray for Others, and not to be the lip-working Deacons of other mens appointed words. Nor is it eafily credible, that he who can preach well, fhould be unable to pray well when as it is indeed the fame ability to fpeak affirmatively, or do&rinally, and only by In vaifl changing the mood, to fpeak prayingly. therefore do they pretend to want utterance in prayer, who can find utterance to preach. And if prayer be the gift of the Spirit, why do they admit thofe to the of their Function, and prefcribe who want a main
,
Miniftry,
gift
gift-
(
cd men to ufe that which
ib
94 )
,
remedy of another man's want fetting theni their task to read, whom the Spirit of God ftands ready to a (lift in his Ordinance with the gift of free conceptions ? What if it be granted to the infirfuch feem lather to be half-Mimfters) to help mity of fomc Mimfters (though
the
thcmiclves with a let form, (hall it therefore be urg d upon the plenteous ? And let it be granted to fome people while they are babes graces of others in Chriftian Gifts, were it not better to take it away loon after, as we do
toftir up and loitering Books, and tnurlmcary tranflations from Children exercife that portion of the Spirit which is in them, and not impofe it upon who not only deny to need it, but as a thing troublefome and
:,
Congregations
offeniive, refiife
it ?
ing ofOrdtr, Unity-,
Another reafon which he brings for Liturgy is the preferv<&$ Htty i and the fame fhall be my reafon againft Litur-
Fori, Readers, ihail always be of this opinion, that obedience to the to the fair feeming pretences of Men, is the beffc Spirit of God, rather then If the Spirit of God maand nioft dutiful order that a Chi iltian can obferve. nifeft the gift of Prayer in his Minifter, what more feemly order in the Congregation, then to go along with that man in our devouteft affections? for him toabridg himfelf by reading, and to toreftal himfelf in thofe petitions, which he mulh cither omit, or vainly repeat, when he comes into the Pulpit under a (hew of order, is the greateft diforder. Nor is Unity lefs broken, efpccially by our liturgy, though this Author would almoft bring the Communion of Saints to a Communion of Liturgical words. For what other reformed Church holds Communion with us by our Liturgy, and does not rather dillike it ? and among our felves who knows it not to have been a perpetual caufe of difunion ? Laftly, it hinders Piety rather then fets it forward, being more apt to weaken the fpiritual faculties, if the people be not wean'd from it in due time \ as the daily pouring in of hot waters quenches the natural heat. For not only the body and the mind, but alfo the improvement of God's Spirit is Whereas they who will ever adhere to Licurgy, bring qiuckn'd by tiling. themfelves in the end to fuch a pals by overmuch leaning, as to lofe even the Thele inconveniencies and dangers follow the comlegs of. their devotion. but that the toleration of the Englifh Liturgy now in forms fit pelling.of ufe, is more dangerous then the compelling of any other which the reformed To contend that itisfanCmm'ies'ufc, thefereafons following ma) evince. taftii \i I, if not fcnfelcfs in fome places, were a copious argument, efpecially in the Ri-frmij'nrks. For fuch Alternations as are there us'd muft be by feveral ; but the milter and the People cannot fo fever their interefts, as perfans to fuitoin feveral perfons.; he being the only mouth of the whole body which he prefents. And if the people pray, he being hlent, or they ask one thing, and he another, it either changes the property, making the Prieft the People, and the People the Prieft by turns, or elfe makes two Pei fons and two Bodies Which if it be nought elfe, Rcprcfcntativc where there ihould be but one. muftnceds.be a 11 range quaintnefs in ordinary prayer. The like, or worfe may be laid of the Litany, wherein neither Prieft nor People fpeak any intire kiii'e of thcnifdves throughout the whole, 1 know not what to name it ; only by the timely contribution of their parted ftakes, doling up as it were the S.hifmof a flic'd prayer, they pray not in vain, for. by. this means they keep life between them in a piece of gaining fenfe, and keep down the fawcinefs of a continual rebounding nonfenfe. And hence it is that as i* hath been far from the imitation of any warranted prayer, fo we all know it hath been obvious to be the pattern of many a Jig. And he.who hath but read in gc I Books of Devotion and no more, cannot be fo either of ear or judgment uapraaisxl-to diftinguifti what is grave, pathctical, devoi: ., aid > hat not, but will prefently perceive this Liturgy all over in conception lean and dry, of affections empty and unmoving, of pafiion, or any heigth whereto the Soul might foar upon the wings of zeal, deftitute and barren \ brides Errors, for her Tautologies, Impertinences, as thofe thanks in the Womans Ohur< hing
gy.
:
delivery from Sun-burning and Moon blafting, as if fhe had been tra.: sung not in her bed, but in thedeferts of Arabia. So that while fome men a^'fs not to admire the incomparable frame of our Liturgy, I cannot bin admire as fail what.thcy think is become of judgment and tafte in other men, that they can
who when3S Chrift hath taught her to pray, thinks it not enough unlefs add thereto the teaching of Antichrift? How can we believe ye would refufe to take the ftipend of Rome, when ye fhame not to live upon the almsbasket of her prayers ? Will ye perfwade us that ye can curfe Rome from your hearts, when none but Rome muft teach ye to pray ? Abraham difdain'd to take fo much as a thred or a (hoo-latchet from the King of Sodom, though no foe of his, but a wicked King ; and fhall we receive our prayers at the bounty of our more wicked Enemies, whofe gifts are no gifts, but the inftruments of our bane ? Alas that the Spirit of God Ihould blow as an uncertain wind, fhould fo miftake his infpiring, fo misbeftow his gifts promis'd only to the
land,
file
( 195 ) can hope to be heard without laughter. And if this were all, perhaps it were a compilable matter. But when we remember this our Liturgy where we found it, whence we had it, and yet where we left it, ftill ferving to all the abominations of the Antichriftian Temple, it may be wonder 'd how we can demur whether it Ihould be done away or no, and not rather fear we have It hath indeed been highly offended in ufing it fo long. pretended to be more ancient then the Made, but fo little prov'd, that whereas other corrupt Liturgies have had withal fuch a feeming Antiquity, as that their publifhers have venturM to afcribe them with their worft corruptions either to St. Peter St. James, St. Mark, or at leaft to Cbryfoftome or Baftl, ours hath been never'able to find either Age or Author allowable, on whom to father thofe things therein which are .leaft offenfive, except the two Creeds, for Te Deum has a fmach in it of Limbus Patrum : As if Chrift had not opened the Kingdom of Heaven before he had overcome the flmpnefs of Death. So that having receiv'd it from the Papal Church as an original Creature, for ought can be fhewn to the contrary, form'd and fafhion'd by work-mafters ill to be trufted, we may be aflur'd that if God loath the belt of an Idolater's prayer, much more the conceited fangle of his prayer. This Confuter himfelf confefTes that a Community of the fame fet form in prayers, is that which makes Church and Church truly one ; we then uling a Liturgy far more like to the Mafs-book then to any Proteltant fet-form, by his own words muft have more Communion with the Romifh Church, then with any of the Reformed. How can we then not partake with them the curfeand vengeance of their fuperftition, to whom we come fo near in the fame fet-form and drefs of our devotion ? Do we think to lift the matter finer then we arefure God in his jealoufie will, who detefted both the Gold and the Spoil of idolatrous Cities, and forbid the eating of tilings offer'd to Idols ? Are we ftronger then he, to brook that which his heart cannot brook ? It is not furely becaufe we think that prayers are no where to be had but at Rome ; that were a foul fcorn and indignity calt upon all the reformed Churches, and our own if we imagine that all the godly Minifters of England are not able to new mould a better and more pious Liturgy then this which was conceiv'd and infanted by an idolatrous Mother, how bafely were that to efteem of God's Spirit, and all the holy bleffings and privileges of a true Church above a falfe ? Heark ye Prelats, is this your glorious Mother of Eng:
eledt, that the idolatrous Ihould find
words acceptable to prefent God with,
and abound to their neighbours, while the true profeflbrs of the Gofpel can find nothing of their own worth the conftituting, wherewith to worfhip God in publick. Confider if this be to magnify the Church of England, and not rather to difplay her nakednefs to all the world. Like therefore as the retainof this is Romifh a to ing Liturgy provocation God, and a difhonour to our Church, fo is it by thofe ceremonies, thofe purifyings and offringsat the Altar, a pollution and difturbance to the Gofpel it felf} and a kind of driving us with the foolifh Galatians to another Gofpel. For that which the Apoftles taught hath freed us in Religion from the Ordinances of men, and commands that burdens be not laid upon the Redeemed of Chrift ; thoogh the Formalift will fey, what no decency in God's worfhip ? Certainly Readers, the worfhip of God fingly in it felf, the very aft' of prayer and thankfgiving, with thofe free andunimpos'd expreffions which from a fincere heart unbidden come into the outward gefture, is the greateft decency that can be imagin'd. Which to a devis'd drefsupandgarnifhwith bravery abolifht in the Law, and difclam'd by the Gofpel, adds nothing but a deformed uglinefs and hath ever afforded a colourable pretence to bring in all thofe traditions and carnalities that are
,
Cc
fo
( virtue and of the Gofpel. What was that which made power the Jews, figur'd under the names of Aholab and Anlibah, go a whoring after all the Heathens inventions, but that they faw a Religion gorgeoully attir'd anddelirabletothceye? What was all that the falie Doctors of the primitive Church, and ever fmce have done, but to make a fair fhew in the fiefh, as St. Paul's words are ? If we have indeed given a bill of Divorce to Pcp'ery and Superftition, why do we not fay as to a divore'd wife Thofe things which are yours take them all with you, and they (hall fweep after you ? Why were not we thus wife at our parting from Rome ? Ah like a crafty Adultrefs fhe forgot not all her finooth looks and inticing words at her parting ; yet keep thefe letters, thefe tokens, and thefe tew ornaments ; 1 am not all fo greedy of what is mine, let them preferve with you the memory, of what I am ? No* but of what I was, once fair and lovely in your eyes. Thus did thofe tender hearted Reformers dotingly fuffer themfelves to be overcome with Harlots language. And fhe like a Witch, but with a contrary policy, did not take fomething of theirs, that fhe might (till have power to bewitch them, but for the fame intent left fomething of her own behind her. And that her whorifh cunning (hould prevail to work upon us her deceitful ends, though it be fad to our blindnefs, that we deferve. For we are deep in fpeak, yet fuch is dotage. and out thofe who in zeal have demolifh't Mifdevotion againft Sacrilege cry the dens and cages of her unclean wallowings. Hand for a Popifli Liturgy as for the Aik of our Cov'nant. And fo little does it appear our prayers are from the heart, that multitudes of us declare, they know not how to pray Yet they can learnedly invent a prayer of their own to the Parbut by rote. lament, that they may ftill ignorantly read the prayers of other men to God. They object*, that if we rnuft forfake all that is Rome's, we mult bid adieu to* our Creed ; and I had thought our Creed had been of the Apoftles for fo it But if it be hers, let her take it, can want no Creed fo bears title. the want not thofe we who in reforming'our as Scriptures. magnify long Church have inconfideratly and blamefully permitted the old leven to remain and four our whole lump. But they were Martyrs ; true, and he that looks well into the book of God's providence, if he read there that God for this their negligence and halting, brought all that following perfecution upon this Church, and on themfelves, perhaps will be found at the laft day not to have read amifs.
fo killing to the
,
i90
We
We
We
We
Sect,
i.
But now, Readers, we have the Port within fight , his laft Section which is no deep one, remains only to be foarded, and then the wiflit (hoar. And here firlt it pleafes him much, that he hath difcri'd me, as he conceives, to be unread in theCouncels. Concerning which matter it will not be unneceffary to fhape him this anfwer That fome years I had fpent in the itories of thofe Greek and Roman Exploits, wherein I found many things both nobly done and worthily fpoken when coming in the method of time to that age wherein the Church hadobtain'd a Chriftian Emperor, I fo prepar'd my felf, as being now to read examples of wifdom and goodnefs among thofe who were formoft in the Church, not elfe where to be paralleled: But to the amazement of what I expected, Readers, I found it all quite contrary ; excepting in
,
infomuch that
would be
bles
elfe
fome very few, nothing but Ambition, Corruption, Contention, Combuftion: but love the Hiltorian Socrates, who in the I could not proem to his fifth Book profeffes, He was fain to intermix affairs of State, for that it
an extream annoyance
to hear in a continued Difcourfe the endlefs brabtherefore the the moft of their of Finding countcrplottings Bi/hops. actions in fingle to be weak, and yet turbulent, full of ftrife, and yet flat of fpirit, and the fum of their belt Councels there collected, to be moft commonly in qneftions either trivial and vain, or elfe of (hort and eafy decilion, without that great buftle which they made ; I concluded that if their fingle ambition and ignorance was fuch, then certainly united in a Council it would be
and
much more
; and if the compendious recital of what they there did was fo tedious and unprofitable, then furely to fit out the whole extent of their tattle in a dozen volumes, would be a lofs of time irrecoverable. Befides that which I had read of St. Martin, who for his laft fixteen years could never be And Gregory Naz.ianz.en bepei fwaded to be at any Council of the Bifhops.
took
*97 )
took him to the fame refolution, affirming to Procopius, that of any Council or Meeting of Bifhops be never faw good end } nor any remedy thereby of evil in the for, faith he, their Contentions and defire of Church, but rather an incrcafc. is able to no I have not tongue Lording exprefs. therefore, Iconfefs, read more of the Councels fave here and there \ I fhould be forry to have been fuch a pi odigalof my time: but that which is better, I canaflure this Confuter, I have read into them all. And if I want any thing yet, I fhall reply fomething toward that which in the defence of Muroena was anfwer'd by Cicero to Sulpitiui the Lawyer. If ye provoke me (for at no hand elfewill I undertake fuch a frivolous labour) I will in three months be an For be not expert Councelift. deceiv'd, Readers, by men that would overawe your ears with big Names and huge Tomes that contradict and repeal one another, becaufe they can cram a margent with Citations. Do but winnow their chaffe from their wheat* ye fhall fee their great heap fhrink and wax thin paft belief. From hence he palles to enquire wherefore I mould blame the vices of the Prelats only, feeTo which let him hear in ing the inferiour Clergy is known to be as faulty. brief i that thofe Prieits whofe vices have been notorious, are all Prelatical* which argues both the impiety of that opinion, and the wicked remifnefs of that government. hear not of any which are call'd Nonconformijls, that have been accus'd for fcandalous living ; but are known to be pious, or at leaft fober men. Which is a great good argument that they are in the truth, and Prelats in the error. He would be refolvM next, What the corruptions of
We
the Vniverfities concern the Prelats ? and to that let monftrant having fpok 'n as if Learning would
this That the Rewith the removal of Predecay lats, I fhew'd him that while Books were extant and in print, Learning could not readily be at a worfe pafs in the Univerfities then it was now under their government. Then he feeks to juftify the pernicious Sermons of the Clergy, as if they upheld Soveranty, whenas all Chriftian Soveranty is by law, and to no other end but to the maintenance of the common good. But their Doftrine was plainly the diffolution of Law, which only fets up Sov'ranty, and the ere&ing of an arbitrary fvvay according to privat will, to which they would enjoin a flavilh obedience without Law , which is the known definition of a Tyrant, and a tyranniz'd people. A little beneath he denies that great riches in the Church are the baits of pride and ambition of which error to undeceive him, I (hall allege a reputed divine as as Conflanancient Autority, tine which his love to Antiquity mnft not except againft i and to add the more ? waight, he fhall learn it rather in the words of our old Poet Gower then in mine that he may fee it is no new opinion, but a truth deliver'd of old by a voice from Heav'n, and ratify'd by long experience.
:
him take
Cl&te Conffantmc
OLlttfjtn
tofjtclj ijeai ijatij
fotmD,
Rome
anon
let
founo
Ctoo Cfmtcljeg tolricl) fre nio mafee fo? pttzt ano fo? lâulss fake :
f tirtjom ije
ano pafe
"But Jjotofo
Ijao
a bifion,
tijerto poflelfion
f tojoujip ano
tljat
of 1002100
poo
10 toill toas 5005 ofoato tijc pope ano JFtancfjife*
?et &at!) it piooeo tfjectoife 0 fee tjje teaming of tlje oeea :

Jf 02 in QLtonicfe t&uss % reau, anon a0 fje (jat& maoe t(je j?eft,
9 oofcetoag jjcato
fl)f tooicfj all
on
fji&tjtlje left,
ao?aD, 9nt> fato, Cljijj nap Denim is fljao !$n uolp Cljuccfj, of tempojall
Rome toast
&atmeoiet&
toit& t&cfpuutuart
9 8)
aim
ijofo
it (tmtt in tljat tiegtee,
êt map a
31
man
tlje footl) fee*

ijc
<2>oo anient) it tutjatt
ujiu,
can tfjemo none
otljcc stall.
But there were beafts of prey, faith he, before wealth was beftow'd on the Church. What though ? becaufe the Vulturs had then but fmall pickings, a full gorge ? if they for lucre ufe to fhall we therefore go and fling them the more wifdom will it be fo to procreep into the Church undifcernably, the vide that no revenu there may exceed golden mean For fo, good Paftors will be content, as having need of no more, and knowing withal the preand alfo will be lefs tempted to cept and example of Chrilt and his Apoftles, whereon to fet their mifchief matter but fmall have bad will The ambition. come at all, when they fhall will not heads futleft worft and the awork And
:
:
crop nothing anfwerable to their capacious greedinefs For fmall but a great purchafe will call fuch temptations allure but dribling offendors as both are moft able of themfelves, and will be moft inabl'd hereby to comwidows boufe will tempt as well as a But faith he, pafs dangerous projects. neither we nor the Prelats can Becaufe Palace. Acutely fpok'n Bfhops abolifh widows houfes, which are but an occafion taken of evil without the
lee the
:
,
Church, therefore we
up within the Church Lottery of fuch prizes of avarice and ambition, both unnecefTary caufes as are the direct inviting and moft ealie, molt convenient and needful to and harmful to be proposed,
fhall fet
Tea but they are in a wife Difpenccrs band: Let them.be in whofe to blind, to puff up and pervert the moft will, they are moft apt bin kept from Vultures, what ever the have how And they feeming good. learnt we have hath care by our miferies. But this which, bin, difpencers comes next in view, I know not what good vein or humor took him when he I that was ere while the ignorant, the loyterer, on the let into his
be remov'd.
hand they
drop
paper
fudden by
his permiffion
am now
granted
to know- fotnething.
And
that fucb a
tongu, is fully pofleft with a ferhearty love of truth : And that whofe mind fo ever vent defire to know good things, and with the deareft charity to infufe the knowledg of them into others, when fuch a man would fpeak, his words (by what I canexprefs) like fo many nimble and airy fervitors trip about him at command, andin well-order 'd files, as he would wifh, fall aptly into their own places. But now to the remainder of our difcourfe. Chrift But why, refus'd great riches, and large honours at the .Devils hand. faith he, as they were tendered by him from whom it' was a fin to receave them. Timely remember'd why is it not therefore as much a fin to receave a Liturgy of the mafles giving, were it for nothing elfe but for the giver? But be could make no ufe of fucb a high eftate, quoth the Confuter ; opportunly. For why then fhould the fervant take upon him to ufe thofe things which his mafter had unfitted himfelf to ufe, that he might teach his minifters to follow his fteps in the fame miniftery ? But they were offend him to a bad end : So they prove to the Prelats, who after their preferment moft ufually change the teaching labour of the Word, into the unteachirig eafe of Lordfhip over confeiences and purfes. But he proceeds, God entic't the lfraelites with the proDid not the Prelats bring as flavilh minds with them, as the tnife of Canaan. Jews brought out of Egypt, they had left out that inftance. Befides that it was then the time, when as the beft of. them, as Saint Paul faith, wasfhutup unto the faith under the Law their School-mafter, who was forc't to intice them as children with childifh enticements.. But the Gofpel is our manhood, and the Miniftery fhould be the manhood of the Gofpel, not to look after, much
:
any
he hath met withal, as be would never defire to bave them volley of exprejfwns better clotfrd. For me, Readers, although I cannot fay that I am utterly untrain'd in thofe rules which beft Rhetoricians have giv'n, or unacquainted with thofe examples which the prime authors of eloquence have written in be none, but the ferious and learned yet true eloquence I find to
lefs fo bafely to
Solomon with
thee
But Cod incited the wifeft man plead for earthly Rewards. of means. Ah Confutcr thefe thy felf, this" example hath undone Solomon askt an underftanding heart, which the Prelats have little care
'99 )
askt no riches, which is their chief care : therefore was the care to ask. Solomon pleafing to God ; he gave him wifdom at his requell, and of prayer riches without asking, as now he gives the Prelats riches at their fecking, and
He
no wifdom becaufe ot their pcrverfe asking. But he gives not over yet, Mvfes had an eye to the reward. To what Reward, thou man that lookft with Balaams to what Reward had the faith of Mofes an eye ? He that had forfaken all eyes the greatnefs of Egypt, and chofe a troublefome journey in his old age through the Wilderncfs, and yet arriv'd not at his journeys end His faithful eyes were fixt upon that incorruptible Reward, promis'd to Abraham and his feed in the Mcjfiah , he fought a heav'nly Reward which could make him happv and never hurt him, and to fuch a Reward every good man may have a reipect But the Prelats are eager of fuch Rewards as cannot' make them happy, but can only make them worfe. Jacobs a Prince born, vow'd, that if God would
r
:
him bread to eat, and raiment to futon, then the Lord fhould be bis God. But the Prelats of mean birth, and oft-times of loweft, making fhevv as if they were call'd to the fpiritual and humble miniltery of the Gofpel, yet murmur, and think it a hard fervice, unlefs contrary to the tenour of their So much Profellion, they may eat the bread and wear the honours of Princes more covetous and bafe they are then Simon Magus, for he proffcr'd a Reward to be admitted to that work, which they will not be meanly hir'd to. * But faith he, Are not the Clergy members of Chrifl, why JJiould not each member thrive alike ? Carnal Textman As if worldly thriving were one of the priin have we by being Chrill, and were not a providence oft-times exvileges tended more liberally to the Infidel then the Chriftian. Therefore mull the Miniflers of Chrill not be over rich or great in the World, becaufe their Calling is fpiritual, not fecular \ becaufe they have a fpecial Warfare, which is not to be intangfd with many impediments , becaufe their Mailer Chrift gave them this Precept, and fet them this Example, told them this was the myftery of his coming, by mean things and perfons to fubdue mighty ones: and lailly, becaufe a middle eltate is moll proper to the office of teaching, whereas higher .dignity teaches far lefs, and blinds the Teacher. Nay, faith theConfuter, fetching his lail indeavour, The Prelats will be very loth to let go their Baronies i and Votes in Parlament, and calls it Gods Caufe, with an unfufFcraNot that they love the Honours and the Means ; good men and ble impudence.
but give
:
!
generous, but that they would not have
their
and
injujlice.
Country made guilty of fuch a facrilege

!
worthy
Patriot for his
imputes a facrilege to his Countrcy, is abominable facrilege out of the Land, which none but the Prelats are guilty of: Who for the difcharge of one iingle duty receive and keep that which might be anough to fatisfy the labours of many painful Minillers better de-
owne corrupt ends That which he the only way lefc them to purge that
ferving then themfelves: poflefs huge Benefices for lazie Performances, great Promotions only for the execution of a cruel difgofpelling Jurisdiction
:
Who
under a non-refident and fliibbring difpatch of Souls: Who let hundreds of Parilhes famifh in one Diocefs, while they the Prelats are mute, and yet injoy that wealth that would furnilh all thole dark places with able fupply ; and yet they eat, and yet they live at the rate of Earls, and yet hoard up They who chafe away all the faithful Shepherds of the flock, and bring in a dearth of fpiritual food, robbing thereby the Church of her dearell treafure, and fending herds of fouls ftarvling to Hell, while they feaft and riot upon the labours of hireling Curats, coniuming and purloining even that which by their foundation is allow'd, and left to the Thefe are they who have bound poor, and to reparations of the Church. the Land with the fin of Sacrilege, from which mortal ingagement we fhall never be free, till we have totally removM with one labour as one individual And herein will the King be a true Defender thing Prelaty and Sacrilege. of the Faith, not by paring or lelfening, but by diftributing in due proportion the maintenance of the Church, that all parts of the Land may equally partake the plentiful and diligent preaching of the Faith, the fcandal of Ceremonies thrown out that delude and circumvent the Faith \ and the ufurpation of Prelats laid level, who are in words the Fathers, but in their deeds the oppugners of the Faith. This is that which will befl confirm him in that glorious title. Thus ye have heard, Readers, how many fhifts and
ingrofs
Who
many
pluralities
wile?
( 200 ) And if it be wiles the Prelats have invented to fave their ill got booty. it is foretold, that pride and covetoufnefs are the fur e in as Scripture true, marks of thofe falfe Prophets which are to come, then boldly conclude thefe to be as great feducers as any of the latter times. For between this and the look for any arch Deceavers, who in fpight of ReforJudgment-day do not more will ufe mation craft, or lefs fhame to defend their love of the world
and their ambition then thefe Prelats have done. And if ye think that foundnefsof Reafon, or what force of Argument foever will bring them to an ingenuous filence, ye think that which will never be. But if ye take that courfe which Erafmus was wont to fay Luther took againft the Pope and Monks, if ye denounce war againft their Miters and their Bellies, ye lhall foon difcern that Turbant of pride which they wear upon their heads, to be no Helmet of Salvation^ but the meer mettle and horn-work of Papal Jurifdi&ion % and that they have alfo this gift, like a certain kind of fome that are pofleft, to have their voice in their. Bellies, which being well drain'd and taken down, their great Oracle, which is only there, will foon be dumb, and the Divine right of Epfcopcy forthwith expiring, will put us no more to trouble with tedious antiquities and difputes.
201 )
The Reafbn of Church-Government
urg'd againfr.
R E L A T Y
In
Two
Books.
The Preface.
humane Lawes, which for the moft part aime not bepublifliingof civill of lbciety, to fee them barely forth to the People yond the good without vealbn or preface, like a phyficall prefcript, or only with threatin the judgment of Plato was nings, as it were a lordly Command, nor His advice was, neither be done to generonlly wifely. thought feeing that perfualion certainly is a more winning, and more manlike way to keep Men in obedience then fear, that to fuch Laws as were of principall moment, there fhould be us'd as an induction, fome well temper'd difcourfe, (hewing how good, how gainful, bow happy it muft needs be to live according to honefty and juftice which being utter'd with thofe native colours and graces of fpeech, as true eloquence, the daughter of vertue, can belt beftow upon her mother's praifes, would fo incite, and in a manner charm the multitude into
,
N the
the love of that which is really good, as to imbrace it ever after, not of cuftom and awe, which moft men do, but of choice and purpofe, with true and conftant delight. But this practice we may learn from a better and more ancient authority then any heathen writer hath to give us , and indeed being a point of fo high wifdom and worth, how could it be but we Ihould find it in that Book, within whole facred context all wifdome is infolded ? Mofes therefore the only Lawgiver that we can believe to have been villbly taught of God, knowing how vain it was to write Laws to men whofe hearts were not firft feafon'd with the knowledge of God and of his works, began from the book of Genefis, as a prologue to his Laws ; which Jofepbus right well hath noted.
therein the univerfall goodnefs of God Creatures in the Creation, and his peculiar favour to them in his election of Alrah.im their anccftor, from whom they could derive fo many bleflings upon themfelves, might be mov'd to obey fincerely, by knowing fo good a reaIf then in the adminiftration of civil Juftice, and fbn of their obedience. under the obfeurityof Ceremonial Rites, fuch care was had by thewifeft of the Heathen, and by Afofes among the Jews, to inftruft them at leaft in a general reafon of that Government to which their fubjedtion was requir'd, howmuch more ought the Members of the Church under the Gofpel, feek to inform their underftanding in the reafon of that Government which the Church claims to have over them ? efpecially for that the Church hath in her immediate cure thofe inner parts and affections of the mind where the feat of Reafon is, having power to examine our fpiritual knowledg, and to demand from us in God's behalf a fervice intirely reafonable. But becaufe about the manner and order of this Government, whether it ought to be Presbyterialor Prelatical, fuch endlefs queltion, or rather uproar is arifen in this Land, as may be juftly term'd what the Feaver is to the Phylicians, the eternal Reproach of our Divines} whilft other profound Clerks of late greatly, as they conceive, to the advancement of Prelaty, are fo earneftly meting out the Lydian Proconfdlar sijia, to make good the prime Metropolis of Epbefa, as if fome of our Prelaw in all hafte meant to change their Soil, and become Neighbours to the Englifn Bp of Cbikedon and whilft good Breerwood as bulily beftirs himfelf in our vulgar tongue, to divide precifely the three Patriarchats, of Rome, Akxan-
That the nation of the jews, reading

to
all
dria.
( 202 ) whether to any of thefe England doth I (hall Jn.t, and Antioch \ and belong. in the mean while not ceafe to hope, through the Mercy and Grace of Chrift, the Head and Husband of his Church, that England (hortly is to belong, neither to See Patriarchal, nor See Prelatical, but to the faithful feeding and disthat minifterial Order, which the blefled Apoftles conflicted ciplining of the Churches j and this I lhall eflay to prove, can be no other then throughout And if any man incline to think I undertake that of Presbyters and Deacons. a task too difficult for my years, I truft, through the fupreme inlightningaffiltance far otherwife \ for my years, be they few or many, what imports it ? and for the task, from hence that fo they bring reafon, let that be lookt on the queftion in hand is fo needful to be known at this time, chiefly by every meaner capacity, and contains in it the explication of many admirable and
:
heavenly privileges reacht out to us by the Gofpel, I conclude the task muft be eafy. God having to this end ordain'd his Gofpel to be the revelation of And this is one depth of his Wifdom his power and wifdom in Chrift Jefus. that he could fo plainly reveal fo great a meafure of it to the grofs diftortLet others therefore dread and fhun ed apprehenfion of decay'd mankind. the Scriptures for their darknefs, 1 mall wifh 1 may deferve to bereckon'd among thole who admire and dwell upon them for their clearnefs. And this feems to be the caufe why in thofe places of holy Writ, wherein is treated of Church-Government, the reafons thereof are not formally and profeftly fet down, becaufe to him that heeds attentively the drift and fcope of Chriftian which thing further to explain, havprofelfion, they eafily imply themfelves
,
ing
now prefac'd
enough,
lhall
no longer defer.
CHAP.
That Church Government
otherwife
is
1.
is
prcfcrib'd in the Go/pel,
and
that to
fay
nnfound.
THE
and greatefl reafon of Church-Government, we may fecurely, affient of many on the adverfe part, affirm to be, becaufe we find it fo ordain'd and fet out to us by the Appointment of God in the Scriptures-, but whether this be Presbyterial, or Prelatical, it cannot be brought to thefcanning, until I have faid what is meet to fome who do not think it fortheeafeof their inconfequent Opinions, to grant that Church-Difcipline is platform'd in the Bible, but that it is left to the difcretion of Men. To this conceit of theirs I anfwer, that it is both unfound and untrue for there is not that thing in the world of more grave and urgent importance throughout the whole life of Man, than is Difcipline. What need I inflance ? He that hath read with judgment, of Nations and Common-wealths, of Cities and Camps, of Peace and War, Sea and Land, will readily agree that the flourilhing and decaying of all Civil Societies, all the moments and turnings of humane Occalions are mov'd to and fro as upon the Axle of Difcipline. So that whatsoever power or fway in mortal things weaker men have attributed to Fortune, I durft with more confidence (the honour of Divine Providence ever fav'd) afcribe either to the vigor or the flacknefs of Difcipline. Nor is there any fociable perfection in this Life, Civil or Sacred, that can be above Difcipline ; but fhe is that which with her mufical Cords preferves and holds al! the parts thereof together. Hence in thofe perfect Armies oi Cyrus in Xenofhon, and Scipio in the Roman ftories, the excellence of military Skill was efteem'd, not by the not needing, but by the readieft fubmitting to the Edicts of their Commander. And certainly Difcipline is not only the removal of Diforder but if any vifible fhape can be given to divine things, the very vifible fhape and image of Vertue, whereby fhe is not only feen in the regular geltures and motions of her heavenly Paces as fhe walks, but alfo makes the harmony of her Voice audible to mortal ears. Yea, the Angels themfelves, in whom no diforder is fear'd, as the Af oftle that faw tham in
firffc
with the
his
20^ )
and quaternion'd into their -Ccleftial as God himfelf has writ his Imperial and Satrapies, according Princedoms, Decrees through the great Provinces of Heav'n. The Hate alfo of the Bleffed in Paradife, though never fo perfect, is not therefore left without Difcimeafures every Quarter pline, whofe golden furvaying Reed marks out and and Circuit of J^cm Jerufalem. Yet is it not to be conceiv'd that thofe eternal Effluences of Sanctity and Love in the glorified Saints, mould by this means beconfin'd and cloy 'd with repetitiou of that which is prefcrib'd, but that our happinefs may orb it felf into a thoufand vaganciesof glory and delight, and with a kind of eccentrical Equation be, as it were, an invariable Planet how much lefs can we believe that God would leave his of Joy and Felicity frail and feeble, tho not lefs beloved Church here below, to the perpetual (tumble of Conjecture and Difturbance in this our dark Voyage, without the Card and Compafs of Difcipline ? Which is fo hard to be of Man's making, that we may fee even in the guidance of a Civil State to worldly happinefs, it is not for every learned, or every wife Man, though many of them confult in common, to invent or frame a Difcipline but if it be at all the work of Man, it mult be of fuch a one as is a true knovver of himfelf, and himfelf in whom Contemplation and Pra&ice, Wit, Prudence, Fortitude, and Eloquence, muft be rarely met, both to comprehend the hidden caufes of things, and fpan in
his rapture defcribes, are diftinguifht
,
his thoughts all the various effects that Paflion or Complexion can work in Man's nature , and hereto muft his hand be at defiance with Gain, and his heart
So far is it from the ken of thefe wretched Projetheir Pamphlets every day with new Forms of Goth3t befcraul ctors of ours, vernment for our Church. And therefore all the antient Lawgivers were either truly infpir'd, as Mofes, or v&re fuch men as with Authority anough might give it out to be fo, as Minos, Lycurgus, Numa, becaufe they wifely forethought that men would never quietly fubmit to fuch a Discipline as had
in
all
Vertues heroick.
not more of God's hand in it than Man's. To come within the narrownefs of Houfhold-Government, obfervation will fhew us many deep Counfellors of State and Judges do demean themfelves incorruptly in thefettl'd courfe of Affairs, and many worthy Preachers upright in their Lives, powerful in their Audience but look upon either of thefe men where they are left to their own difcipliningathome, and you fhall foon perceive, for all their tingle knowledg and uprightnefs, how deficient they are in the regulating of their own Family , not only in what may concern the vertuous and decent compofure of their minds in their feveral places, but that which is of a lower and eafier performance, the right pofTeffing of the outward VefTel, their Body, in Health
:
or Sicknefs, Reft or Labour, Diet or Abftinence, whereby to render it more wealth which if men were but pliant to the Soul, andufeful to the Common:
Hawks, good to difcipline themfelves, as fome If then it appear fo hard, and fo could not be fo grofs in moft houfholds. little known how to govern a Houfe well, which is thought of fo eafy difcharge,and for every man's undertaking , what skill of Man, what Wifdom, what Parts can be fufficient to give Laws and Ordinances to the ele& Houfas
it
are to tutor their Horfesand
hold of God ? If we could imagine that he had left it at random without his provident and gracious ordering, who is he fo arrogant, fo prefumptuous, that durft difpofe and guide the living Ark of the Holy Ghoft, though he Ihould find it wandring in the Field of Bethfhemefh, without the confeious warrant of fome high Calling ? But no profane Infolence can parallel that which our Prelates dare avouch, to drive outragioufly, and fhatter the holy Ark of the Church, not born upon their fhoulders with pains and labour in the Word, but drawn with rude Oxen their Officials, and their own brute Inventions. Let them make fhews of reforming while they will, fo long as the Church is mounted upon the Prelatical Cart, and not as it ought, between the hands of the Minifters, it will but fhake and totter , and he that fets to his hand, though with a good intent to hinder the {hogging of it, in this unlawful Waggonry wherein it rides, let him beware it be not fatal to him as it was to Vzxa. Certainly if God be the Father of his Family the Church, wherein could he exprefsthat Name more, then in training it up under his own Allwife and dear Oeconomy, not turning it loofe to the havock of Strangers and Wolves, that would ask no better plea then this to do in the Church of Chrift, what2
Dd
204
whatever Humour, Faction, Policy, or licentious Will would prompt them to? Again, if Chrift be the Church's Husband, expecting her to beprefented before him a pure unfpotted Virgin , in what could he (hew his tender ove to her more, then in prefcribing his own ways, which he beft knew would be to the improvement of her health and beauty, with much greater care doubtlefs than the Perfian King could appoint for his Queen Efiker, thofe maiden ciietings and fet prefer iptions of Baths and Odours, which may render her at la ft the more amiable to his eye? For of any Age or Sex, moft unfitly may a Virgin be left to an uncertain and arbitrary Education. Yea, though (be be well in Unified yet is (he ftill under a more ftrait tuition, efpecially if betroth'd. In like manner the Church bearing the fame refemblance, it were not reafon to think (he fiiould be left deftitute of that care which is as neceliary and proper to her
1
as Inftruction.
For publick Preaching indeed is the Gift of the Spirit, workbut Difcipline is the pracftick work of ing as belt feems to his fecret Will preaching direfted and apply'd, as is moft requilite, to particular Duty \ without which it were all one to the benefit of Souls, as it would be to the cure of If all the Phylkiansin London mould get into the feveral Bodies. Pulpits of
,
the City, and allemblingail thedifeafed m every Parifh, mould begin a learned Lectiife of Pleurilies, Pallies, Lethargies, to which perhaps none there prefent wereinclin'd; and fo without fo much as feeling one Puls,or giving.the leaft order to any skilful Apothecary, fhould difmifs 'em from time to time,fome groan^
ing, fome langui(hing, fome expiring, with this only charge, to look well to Of what exceiience and neceffity then themfelves, and do as they hear. Church-Difcipline is, how beyond the Faculty of man to frame, and how dangerous to be left to man's Invention, who. would be every foot turning it to finifter Ends; how properly alfoit is the Work of God as Father, andofChrift as Husband of the Church, we have by thus much heard.
CHAP.
That Church Government
Jay othcrwije
is is
II.
feet
down
in
Holy Scripture, and that
to
untrue.
unfou'nd to
God hath not appointed any fet Gofay, vernment in his Church, fo is it untrue. Of the time of the Law there can be no doubt for to let pafs the firft Inftitution of Priefts and Levites, which is too clear to be infifted upon, when the Temple came to be built which in plain judgment could breed no effential change either in Religion' or in the Prieftly Government \ yet God to (hew how little he could endure
AS
therefore
it is
that
fhould be tampring and contriving in his Worfhip, though in things regard, gave to David for Solomon, not only a pattern and model of the Temple, but a direction for the courfes of the Priefts and Levites, and for all the work of their Service. At the return from the Captivity, things were only reftor'd after the Ordinance of Mofes and David ; or if the leaft alteration be to be found, they had with them inipired men, Prophets ; and it were not fober to fay they did ought of moment without divine Intimation. In the Prophefy of Ezekiel, from the 4.0th Chapter onward, after the deftruction of the Temple, God by his Prophet feeking to wean the hearts of the Jews from their old Law, to expedT: a new and more perfeft Reformation under out before their Chrilt, Fabrick and Conflitution of his eyes the
that
men
of
lefs
fets_
ftately
the Ecclefiaftical Functions appertaining : indeed the [eis as forted beft to the fcription apprehenlion of thofe times, typical and fhadowie, but in fuch manner as never yet came to pafs, nor never mnft literally, unlefs we mean to annihilat the Gofpel. But fo exquilit and lively the defcription is in portraying the new ftate of the Church, and efpecially in thofe points where Government feems to be moft and that both
all
Church, with
active,
Jews
Gentiles might have good caufe to be affur'd, that God, when ever he meant to reform his Church, never intended to leave the Government thereof delineated here in fuch curious Archite&ure, to bepatch't afterwards, and varnifli't
205
Did nifli't over with the devices and imbellilhings of mans Imagination. the out in and fuch of Doors a take God mcafuring Pillars, Arches, delight material Temple ? Was he fo punctual and circumfpecr in Lavers, Altars, and Sacrifices foon after to be abrogated, left any of thefe fhould have been made contrary to his mind.' Is not a far more perfect work, more agreeable to his perfection in the molt perfect itate ot the Church Militant, the new Alliance of God to man ? Should not he rather now by his own prefcribed Difcithe Soul of Man which is his rational pline have call his Line and Level upon the divine and Compafs thereof, form and regenerate Square Temple, and by in us the lovely fhapes of Vcrtucs and Graces, the fooncr to edify and accomof Ch rift's Body, which is his Church, in all her pliihthat immortal ftature and Lineaments Proportions? And that this indeed God hath done glorious for us in theGolpel we fhalllee with open eyes, not under a Vail. may and other places, turning only to thole Epafs over the Hiltory of the Acis where the fpiritual eye may difcern of St. Paul to Tnmthy and7m piftlcs more goodly and gracefully erected, then all the magnificence of Temple or Tabernacle, fuch a heavenly Structure of Evangelic Difcipline, fo diffulive o'f Knowledg and Charity to the profperous increafe and growth of the Church, that it cannot be wonder'd if that elegant and artful Symmetry of the promifed new Temple in Ezekiel^ and all thofe fumptuous things under the Law were made to lignify the inward beauty and fplendor of the Chriftian Church And whether this be commanded, let it now bejudg'd. St. thus govern'd. Paul after his Preface to the firft of Timothy, which he concludes in the nth Verfe with Amen, enters upon the fubjecf. of his Epiftle, which is to eftablifh the Church-government, with a command. Tim charge I commit to thee fon Timothy according to the Prophecies which went before on thee, that thou by than which is plain enough thus expounded: might'ft war a good Warfare: to This charge I commit thee, wherein I now go about to inftruct thee fct fhalt how thou up Church-difcipline, that thou might'ft war a good Warfelf conitantly and faithfully in the Minittry, which in*the fare, bearing thy is alfo call'd a Warfare and fo after a kind of ParejiCorinthians i to the ft theiis concerning Hymenxus, he returns to his command, though under the mtld word of Exhorting, Chap. 2. ver. 1. I exhort therefore; as if he had. interrupted his former command by the occalional mention of Hymenaus. More beneath in the 1 4-th verfe of the 3^ Chapter, when he hath deliver'd the Duties of Biftiops or Presbyters, and Deacons, not once, naming any other Order in the Church, he thus adds ; Thefe things write I unto thee, hoping to come unto thee Jhortly (fuch neceflity it feems there was) but if I tarry that thou may'ft know how thou ought'ft to behave thy felf in the Houfe long, From this place it may be jultly ask't, whether Timothy by this here God. of written, might know what was to be known concerning the Orders of Churchgovernors or no? If he might, then in fuch a clear Text as this may we know too without further jangle ; if he might not, then did St. Paul write innot true, for he faith here he might know ; fufnciently, and moreover faid and I perfwade my felf he did know ere this was written, but that the Apoftle had more regard to the inftruction of us, then to the informing of him. In the fifth Chapter, after fome other Church-Precepts concerning Difcipline, mark what a dreadful command follows, Ver. 21. I charge thee before God and the : and as if all LordJefusChri/l, and the ele 11 Angels, that thou obferve thefe things were not yet fare enough, he clofes up the Epiftle with art adjuring charge thus ; t give thee charge in the fight of God, who quickneth all things, and before
1
We
-)
: that whole Commandment is, the the of the main although Epiftle purpofe concerning Difcipline, being er would fain have this denouncement refer-d to the particular Precept tv before, becaufe the word Commandment is in the lingular number, not remembring that even in the firft Chapter of this Epiftle, the word G<9rftn1 mdment is us'd in a plural Senfe, Ver. 5. Now the end of thd Commi-'.lhant U the Law of Charity : And what more frequent then in like manner to fiv or too much to ln~ to either reftrain the too So that ? much, fes fignificance :nt, larg it, would make the Adjuration either not fo waightv, or not fo pei And thus we find here that the Rules of Church-difcinlmc arc not. bnl
Chrift Jefus, that thou keep this
Commandment
rnanded, but hedg'd about with fuch a terrible imp;
tff
G&MftkMt
( 206 ) break as he that will through wilfully to violate the leaft of them, muft haof his Confcience even to death. Yet all this notwithzard the wounding find them broken well nigh all by the fair pretenders even we fhall ftanding of the next Ages. No lefs to the contempt of him whom they fain to be the Arch-founder of Prelaty, St. Peter, who by what he writes in the yh to be far another man then TradiChapter of his firft Epijlle, mould feem tion reports him there he commits to the Presbyters only full Authority, both
:
of feeding the Flock, and Epifcopating ; and commands that obedience be which is his mighty Ordinance. given to them as to the mighty hand of God, ventrous boldnefs of Innovation that the to was as this Yet all repel nothing are immutable, as if they had been of that God the Decrees enfu'd, changing breath'd by Man. Neverthelefs when Chrift, by thofe Vilions of St. John, forefhews the Reformation of his Church, he bids them take his Reed, and mete it out again after the firft Pattern, for he prefcribes. him no other. the Temple of God, and the Altar, and them Arife, faid the Angel, and meafure What is there in the World can meafure men but Difcithat worjlrip therein. Doctrine indeed is the meafure, pline ? Our word Ruling imports no lefs. true it's or at leaft the reafon of the meafure, ; but unlefs the meafure be it how can it is which to actually do its proper meafure, apply'd to that work? Whether therefore Difcipline be all one with Doctrine, or the particular Application thereof to this or that Perfon, we all agree that Doctrine muftbe fuch only as is commanded ; or whether it be fomething really differing from Do&rine, yet was it only of Gods appointment, as being the moft adequat meafure of the Church and her Children, which is here the OJiice of a But that part of great Evangelift, and the Reed given him from Heaven.
the
Temple which
is
not thus meafur'd, fo far
is it
much as it lies thus the Gentiles that to be polluted to be ; unmeafur'd, he leaves is, trampPd by with idolatrous and Gentilifh Rites and Ceremonies. And that the principal Reformation here foretold, is already come to pafs, as well in Difcipline as in Doctrine, the ftate of our neighbour Churches afford us to behold. Thus it hath been the and of all the Church, prov'd that through changes periods
it
ition or delight, that in the following Verfe he rejeds it and vilibility it may feem a part of his Church, yet in as
from being in Gods tuhowever in fhew ;
God
hath
ftill
referv'd to himfelf the right of enacting Church-Government.
CHAP.
That
it is
III.
the Gofpel, dangerous and unworthy

is to
to
hold that Church-
Government
the
be pattern
d by
the
Law,
as
Bp. Andrews, and
Primat of
Armagh
maintain.
this interpofing difficulty thus
is
caufe
Word, the firft and greateft reafon why we fhould fubmit thereto, is beGod hath fo commanded. But whether of thefetwo, Prelaty, or Pres-
WE
may return now from
remov'd, to
in
af-
firm, that fince
Church-Government
fo ftridtly
commanded
Gods
bytery can prove it felf to be fupported by this firft and greateft reafon, muft be the next difpute. Wherein this Pofition is to be firft laid down, as granted ; that I may not follow a Chafe rather than an Argument, that one of thefe two, and none other, is of Gods ordaining ; and if it be, that Ordinance muft be evident in the Gofpel. For the imperfect and obfeure lnftitution of the Law, which the Apoftles themfelves doubt not oft-times to vilify, cannot give Rules to the compleat and glorious Miniftration of the Gofpel, which looks on the Law as on a Child, not as on a Tutor. And that the Prelats have no fure foundation in the Gofpel, their own guiltinefs doth manifeft ; they would not elfe run quelling up as high as Adam to fetch their Original, as 'tis faid one of them lately did in publick. To which afTertion, had I heard it, becaufe I fee they are fo infatiable of Antiquity, I fhould have gladly alfentcd, and confeft them yet more antient: For Lucifer before Adam,
was
was the
firft
Prelat Angel
as
( 20 7 ) and both he, as
is
their Orders, were mibetter advis'd, are content to receive their others But degraded. ferably and his Sons, among whom B. Andrews of late years, beginnings from Aaron of Armagh for their learning, are reputed the times the Primat andinthefe faid bo in this Opinion. The Primat in his difcourfe what belt able to fay may about the original of Epifcopacy newly rcvis'd, begins thus. The ground of Epifcopacy is fetcht partly from the pattern prefcribed by God in the Old Teftament, and partly from the imitation thereof brought in by the Apoitles. Herein 1 muff, entreat to be excus'd of the defire I have to be fatisfi'd, how for example the ground of Epifcopacy is fetch't partly from the example
forefather
Adam,
we
commonly thought, and our
all
know, for afpiring above
whom next, and by whofe Authority. Secondly, the Church-Government under the Gofpel, can be rightly call'd an imitation of that in the Old Teftament \ for that the Gofpel is the end and fulalfo from the Bondage of the Law, I filling of the Law, our liberty plainly the Gofpel fhould be put to School again, of the read. then How ripe age and learn to govern her felt from the infancy of the Law, the ftronger to imiof the Old Teftament, by
how
tate the weaker, the Freeman to follow the Captive, the learned to be leflbn'd by the rude, will be a hard undertaking to evince from any of thole principles which either Art or Infpiration hath written. If any thing done by the A-
may be drawn howiuever to a likenefs of fomething Mofaical, if it cannot be prov'd that it was done of purpofe in imitation, as having the right thereof grounded in Nature, and not in Ceremony or Type, it will little aThe whole Judaick Law is either political, and to take patvail the matter. tern by that, no Chriftian Nation ever thought it felf oblig'd in Confcience , or moral, which contains in it the obfervation of whatfoever isfubftantially, and perpetually true and good, either in Religion, orcourfeof Life. That which is thus Moral, belides what we fetch from thole unwritten Laws and Ideas which nature hath ingraven in us, the Gofpel, as ftands with her dignity moft, leclures to us from her own authentick hand-writing and command, not copies out from the borrow'd Manufcript of a fubfervient fcrowl, by way of imitating As well might fhe be faid in her Sacrament of Water, What though fhe retain Excommunication to imitate the Baptifm of John. us'd in the Synagogue, retain the morality of the Sabbath ? fhe does not therefore imitate the Law her underling, but perfect her. All that was morally deliver'd from the Law to the Gofpel, in the Office of the Priefts and Levites, was, that there fhould be a Miniftry fet apart to teach both which Duties the Apoftles thought good to anddifcjpline the Church commit to the Presbyters. And if any diltin&ion of Honour were to be made among them, they directed it fhould be tothofe not that only rule well, but efpecially to thofe that labour in the Word and Do&rine. By which we are taught, that laborious teaching is the moft honourable Prelatythat one If therefore the fuperiority Minifter can have above another in the Gofpel of Bifhopfhip be grounded on the Priefthood as a part of the Moral Law, it cannot be faid to be an Imitation ; for it were ridiculous that Morality fhould This very word of patimitate Morality, which ever was the fame thing. from the folid and grave Ethical or excludes imitating, Epifcopacy terning it to be a meer Child of Ceremony, or likelier fome mifand Law, betrays begotten thing, that having pluckt the gay Feathers of her obfolete bravery, to hide her own deformed barenefs, now vaunts and glories in her ftolen Plumes. In the mean while, what danger there is againft the very Life of the Gofpel, to make in any thing the Typical Law her Pattern, and how impoffible in that which touches the Prieftly Government, I (ball ufe fuch light as I havereceiv'd, to lay open. It cannot be unknown by what Expreffions the holy Apoftle S. Paul fpares not to explain to us the natm-e and condition of the Law, calling thofe Ordinances which were the chief and effential Offices of the Priefts, the Elements and Rudiments of the World, both weak 'and beggarly. Now to breed, and bring up the Children of the Promife, the Heirs of Liberty and Grace, under fuch a kind of Government as is profeft to be but an imitation of that Miniftry which engender'd to bondage the fons of Agar ; how can this be but a foul injury and derogation, if not a cancelling of that Birth-right and immunity which Chrift hath purchased for us with
poftles
: ,
Tim.
5.
208 )
with
? For the miniftration of the Law confifting of carnal thing?, a Miniftery as ccnfifted of carnal refpedts, dignity, precefuch diew to it And fuch a Miniftery eftablifh't in the Gofpel, as is like. the and dence of fuperiority, and nefts it felt in worldthe founded upon points and terms will draw to it, and we fee it doth, fuch a Religion as runs back
his
blood
ly honours,
glory of the flefh For doubtlefs there is a certain betwixt the Religion and the minifterial form force attraction and magnetick be If the Religion therof. pure, fpiiitual, fimple and lowly, as the Gofpel And in like manner face of the Miniftery be. the mult fuch moft truly is, the in be the of worldly degrees of Autority, miniftery grounded if the form
again to the old
pomp and
with our eyes it will turn the inHonour, temporal Jurifdiction, we fee the outward carnality of the Law into the of and ward power Gofpel purity into empty conformities, and internal the and worfhip exhaling evaporating what remains then but that we fhould run into as dangeAnd (hews. gay rous and deadly Apoftacy as our lamentable neighbours the Papifts, who by fell into that irthis very fnare and pitfal of imitating the Ceremonial Law, of Salvation void theCov'nant make needs mult as recoverable
,
Supeiitition,
pe'rfift
to them that
in this
blindnels?
C H A
Jhdt
it is
P.
IV.
Aaron
a
impoffible
to
make
the
Fnefthood of
pattern where-
on to ground Fpifcopacy.
THat
which was promis'd next,
is
to declare the impoflibility of ground-
in the imitation of the Jewifh Priefthood ^ ing Evangelick Government which will be done by confidering both the quality of the Perfons, and the Aaron and his fons were the Princes of their Tribe before Office it felf.
that perfonal Eminence which they they were fanctified to the Priefthood held above the other Lcvites, they receav'd not only from their Office, but and fo from that time forward the Priefts partly brought it into their Office^ number of the Levites, as our Bilhops, but the whole were not chofen out of unlefs we (hall choofe our Therefore of the were born inheritors Dignity. run in a blood, thergcanbe and let of them out the Prelats only Nobility,, no poffible imitation of Lording over their Brethren in regard of their perAs for the Office, which was a reprefentation oi fons altogether unlike. Chrifts own Perfon more immediately in the High-prie'ft, and of his whole the performance of which the Lcvites were Prieftly Office in all the other, to but as Servitors and Deacons, it was necellary there fhould be a diftindtion of But there being no fuch dignity between two Functions of fo great odds. difference among our MiniJters, unlefs'it be in reference to the Deacons, it is For the imitation of this Priefthood impoflible to found a Prelaty upon that of a excellent above of a Prelat in work is the what Office wherein, or there we for ? but in Ordination Pallor flatly againft Scripture , you'll fay, know Timothy receav'd Ordination by the hands of the Presbytery, notwithand ftanding all the vain delulions that are us'd to evade that Teftimony, maintain an unwarrantable Llfurpation. But wherefore fhould Ordination be a caufe of fettingupa fuperionr degree in the Church? Is not that whereby Chrift became our Saviour a higher and greater work, then that whereby he did ordain Meft'engers to preach and publilh him our Saviour ? Every Minifter fnftains the Perfon of Chrift in his higheft work of communicating to us the Myfteries of our Salvation, and hath the power of binding and abto rcprefent or execute that folving*, how fhould he need a higher dignity which is an inferior work in Chrift? Why fhould the performance of Ordi: :
of nation, which is a lower office, exalt a Prelat, and not the feldom difcharge a higher and more noble Office, which is preaching and adminiftring, much rather deprefs him ? Verily neither the nature, nor the example of Ordination doth any way require an imparity between the ordainer and the ordained:
( 209 ) dained: For what more natural than every like to produce his like, Man to beget Man, Fire to propagate Fire ? And in examples of higheft opinion the ordainer is inferior to the ordained ; for the Pope is not made by the precedent Pope, but by Cardinals, who ordain and confecrate to a higher and greater Office than their own.
CHAP.
To
the
V.
the
( Arguments of B. Andrews, and
Primat.
follows here to attend to certain objections in a little Treatife lately like fort at Oxford, and in the Title faid to be but of the rude draughts of Bilhop Andrews : And furely they be rude draughts indeed, in fo much that it is marvel to think what his friends meant
IT printed among others of
to let come abroad fuch fhallow reafonings with the name of a Man fo much In the 12 and 23 pages he feems molt notorioufly inbruited for learning. conftantto himfelf ; for in the former place he tells us he forbears to take
latter he can forbear
any argument of Prelaty from Aaron, as being the type of Chrift. In the no longer, but repents him of his ralh gratuity, affirm-
come in the flefh, his figure in the High-prieft ceafeth, is the Ihift of an Anabaptift ; and ftiffly argues, that Chrift being as well King as Prieft, was as well fore-ielembled by the Kings then, as by So that if his coming take away the one Type, it mult alfo the High-prieft
ing, that to fay, Chrift being
:
and well worth that the Land Marvellous piece of Divinity fix thoufand pounds a year for in a Bilhoprick, although I read of no Sophifter among the Greeks that was fo dear, neither Hippias nor Protagoras, nor any whom the Socratick School famoufly refuted without hire. Here we have the type of the King fow'd to the typet of the Bilhop, futtly to caft a jealoufie upon the Crown, as if the right of Kings, like Meleager in the Metamorphofis, were no longer liv'd then the firebrand of Prelaty.
the other. lhould pay
!
But more likely the Prelats fearing (for their own guilty carriage protefts they do fear ) that their fair days cannot long hold, practize by pofTeffing the King with this molt falfe doctrine, to engage his power for them, as in his
own
quarrel, that when they Tybtrius would wifh,
fall
they
may
fall
in a general ruin, juft as cruel
When
I die, let the
Earth be roul'd in flames.
But where, O Bifhop, doth the purpofe of the Law fet forth Chrift to us as a King ? That which never was intended in the Law, can never be abolifh'd When the Law was made, there was no King if before as part thereof. the Law, or under the Law God by a fpecial type in any King would foreof Chrift, which is not yet vifibly come} what fignifie the future Kingdom was that to the Law ? The whole ceremonial Law and Types can be in no Law elfe, comprehend nothing but the propitiatory Office of Chrift's Prieltood , which being in fubftance accomplifht, both Law and Priefthood fades away of it felf, and paffes into air like a traniitory vifion, and the right of Kings neither ftands by any Type nor falls. We acknowledg that the civil Magiftrate wears an Autority of God's giving, and ought to be obey'd as his Vicegerent. But to make a King a Type, we fay is an abufive and unskilful fpeech, and of a moral folidity makes it feem a ceremonial fliadow : Therefore your typical chain of King and Prieft muft unlink. But is not the type of Prieft taken away by Chrifts coming ? No, faith this famous Proteftant
:
-
Bifhop of Wincbefler, it is not , and he that faith it is, is an Anabaptift. What think ye, Readers, do ye not underftand him? What can be gather'd hence but that the Prelat would ltill facrifice? conceave him Readers, he would Their Altars indeed were in a fair forwardnefs ; and by fuch miffificate. arguments as thefe they were fetting up the molten Calf of their Mafs again, and of their great Hierarch the Pope. For if the Type of Prieft be not taken away, then neither of the High-prieft, it were a ftrange beheading \ and High-prieft more then one there cannot be, and that one can be no lefs
theit
210 )
And this doubtlefs was the bent of his career, though never Yea but there was fomething elfe in the High-prieft belides the 'Tis true, that in the S. Pauls acknowledging him. 7th figure, as is plain by of Deut. whence this autority arifes to the Prieft in matters too hard for the fecular Judges, as mult needs be many in the occafionsof thofe times, involv'd fo with ceremonial Niceties, no wonder though it be commanded to enquire at the mouth of the Priefts, who befides the Magiftrates their collegues, had
then a Pope.
fo covertly.
1
And whether the High-piieft Ananias the Oracle of Llrim to confult with. had not incroaclft beyond the limits of his prieftly autority, or whether us'd But if this inftance it rightly, was no time then for S. Paul to conteft about. be able to alTert any right of jurifdiction to the Clergy, it mult impart it in common to all Minifters, fince it were a great folly to feek for Counfel in a hard intricat fcruple from a Dunce Prelat, when there might be found a fpeedier folution from a grave and learned Minifter, whom God hath gifted with the judgment of Urim more amply oft-times then all the Prelats together, and now in the Gofpel hath granted the privilege of this oraculous Ephod alike to all his Minilters. the reafon therefore of imparity in the both in their Prielts, being now, as is aforefaid, really annulled perfon, and in their reprefentative Office, what right of jurifdiction foever can be from this place levitically bequeathed, muft defcend upon the Minifters of the Weir as it finds them in all other points equal. he is Gofpel
equally,
then,
content to let Aaron go \ Eleazar will ferve his turn, as being a Superior of fuperiors, and yet no type of Chrift in Aarons life-time. thou that would'ft wind into any figment, or phantafm to fave thy Miter Yet all this will not fadge, though it be cunningly interpolilht by fome fecond hand with crooks and emendations Here then, the type of Chrift in fome one particular, as of entring yearly into the Holy of Holies, and fuch like, refted upon the High-prieft only as more immediately perfonating our Saviour but to refemble his whole fatisfadtory Office all the lineage of Aaron was no more then fufficient. And all, or any of the Priefts confider'd feparately without relation to the higheft, are but as a lifelefs trunk, and fignifie nothing. And this fhews the excellence of Chrifts Sacrifice, who at once and in one perfon fulfill'd that which many hundreds of Priefts many times repeating had anough to forelhew. What other imparity there was among themfelves, we may fafely fuppofe it depended on the dignity of their Birth and Family, together with the circumftances of a carnal Service, which might afford many And this I take to be the fum of what the Bifhop hath laid together priorities. to make plea for Prelaty by imitation of the Law Though indeed, if it may ftand, it will infer Popedom all as well. Many other conrfes he tries, enforcing himfelf with much oftentation of endlefs Genealogies, as if he were the man that S Paul forewarns us of in Timothy, but fo unvigoroufly, that I do not fear his winning of many to his Caufe, but fuch as doting upon great names are either over-weak, or over fudden of Faith. I ffiall not refufe therefore to learn fo much prudence as I find in the Roman Souldier that attended the Crofs, not to ftand breaking of legs, when the breath is quite out of the body, but pafs to that which follows. The Primat of Armagh at the beginning ol his Tractat feeks to avail himfelf of that place in the 66th of Efaiah, I will take of them for Priefts and Levites, faith the Lord, to uphold hereby fuch a form of fuperiority among the Minifters of the Gofpel, But certain fucceeding thofe in the Law, as the Lords-day did the Sabbath. if this method may be admitted of interpreting thofe prophetical pailages concerning Chriftian times in a punctual correfpondence, it may witli equal probability be urg'd upon us, that we are bound to obferve fome monthly Solemnity anfwerable to the new Moons, as well as the Lords-day which we keep in lieu of the Sabbath : for in the 23d verfe the Prophet joins them in. the fame manner together, as before he did the Priefts and Levites, thus. And it /hall come to pafs that from one New Moon to another, and from one Sabbath
finally
to another /ball all fle/hcome to xvorflnp before
me, faith the Lord. Undoubtedly with as good confequence may it be alledg'd from hence, that we are to folemnize fome religious monthly meeting different from the Sabbath, as from the other any diftindt formality of Ecclefiaftical Orders may be inferr'd. This rather will appear to be the lawful and unconftrain'd fenfe of the Text,
that
211
of the Old and New Teftament, having tri'd their finews, I judg tliey may harm doing to our Caufe. may remember then that Prepafs without can have foundation in the Law, nor yet in the Gofpel j nor hath neither laty which aflertion as being for the plainnefs thereof a matter of eye-light, rather then of difquifitian, I voluntarily omit, not forgetting tofpecifie this note again, that the earneft delire which the Prelats have to build their Hierarchy upon the fandy bottom of the Law, gives us to fee abundantly the little alfurance which they find to reare up their high roofs by the autority of the Gofpel, repulft as it were from the writings of the Apoftlcs, and driven to take fan&uary among the Jews. Hence that open confelhon of the Primat before mention'd ; Epifcopacy is fetcht partly from the pattern of the Old Teftament, and partly from the New as an imitation of the Old 3 though nothing can be more rotten in Divinity then fuch a pofition as this, and is all one as to fay, Epifcopacy is partly of divine inftitution, and partly of mans own carving. For who gave the autority to fetch more from the then what the Apoftles had already fetcht, if they fetcht pattern of the Law been proved they did not ? So was Jeroboams Epifcohath as at all, any thing the from pattern of the Law, and partly from the pattern of pacy partly and his own Carnality ; a parti-colour'd and a parti-member'd Epifcopacy what can this be lefsthen a monftrous? Others therefore among the Prelats* or rather to juftifie this foul relapfing to perhaps not fo well able to brook, the old Law, have condefcended at laft to a plain confeffing that both the names and offices of Bifhops and Presbyters at firft were the fame, and in This grants the Remonftrant in the the Scriptures no where diftinguifht. in the to his laft fhort anfwer. and Preface his But of fift Seftion defence, what need refpecl: be had whether he grant or grant it not, when as through all Antiquity, and even in the loftieft times of Prelaty, we find it granted ? Jerome the learned'ft of the Fathers hides not his opinion, that Cuftom only, which the Proverb calls a Tyrant, was the maker of Prelaty \ before his audacious workmanlhip the Churches were rul'd in common by the Presbyters and fuch a certain truth this was efteem'd, that it became a decree among the Papal Canons compil'd by Gratian. Anjelme alfo of Canterbury, who td made himfelf a traytor to his Country, Prelatifm of his uphold the points the Titus and to the Pbilipp tans, acknowledges from Epiftles yet commenting the clearnefs of the Text, what Jerome and the Church Kubrick hath before acknowledg'd. He little dreamt then that the weeding-hook of Reformation would after two ages pluck up his glorious poppy from infulting over the good corn. Though fince fome of our Britifh Prelats, feeing themfelves preft to produce Scripture, try all their cunning, if the New Teftament will not wax a kind of Mimick help them, to frame of their own heads as it were with Or elfe they would of a dead Priefthood life Bilhop limm'd out to the
taking of them for Priefts and LeviteSj will not efteem then unworthy, though Gentiles, to undergo any function in the Church, but will make of them a full and perfccl Miniftery, as was that of the Priefts and LeAnd Bifhop Andrews himfelf, to end the controverfie, vites in their kind. fends us a candid Expolitionof this quoted verfe from the 24th page of his faid book, plainly deciding that God by thofe legal names there of Priefls and Levites means our Presbyters and Deacons , for which either ingenuous confeflion, or Hip of his pen we give him thanks, and withal to him that brought thefe Treatifes into one volume, who fetting the contradictions of two What other deducements or learned Men fo near together, did not forefee. of out S. Paul to prove a likenefs between the Minifters cited are analogies
that God
in
We
itrain us out a certain figurative Prelat, by wringing the collective allegory of Howfoever (ince ir thus apthofe feven Angels into feven fingle Rochets. of creator that was the cuflom Prelaty, being lefs ancient then the. pears it an extreme is of folly to give them the hearing government Presbyters, that tell us of Bifhops through fo many ages : and if againft their tedious mufter of Citations, Sees, and Succellions, it be reply'd that wagers and
repugnant to the plain diftat ol Scripture, are rather are bothalike the arguments of fools, they have their anfwer. of Word the an before thofe to to cite all God, wherefore, ages arraignment and what pretending, how prefuming they durft alter that divine lnftitutiori
Church
antiquities, fuch as are
We
ht
( 212 ) the which of Presbyters, Apoftles who were no various and inconftant men the Churches in had fet ; and why they chufe to live by cuftoni and up furely or as St. Paul faith by fight and vifibility, rather then by faith ? But catalogue, firft 1 conclude from their own mouths, that God's command in Scripture, which doubtlefs ought to be the firft and greateft reafon of Church-government, is wanting to Prelacy. And certainly we have plenteous warrant in the dodrine of Chrift to determine that the want of this reafon is of it felf
fufficient
it.
to confute
all
other pretences that
may
be brought in favour of
CHAP.
That Trelaty was
ed
;
VI.
as
is
not jet
up
it
or if
it
ipere,
that
pretendof Sch'ifm, not what it was firfl fet up for, performs

(or pretention
hut quite the contrary.

becaufe it hath the outfide of a fpecious reafon, and fpecious things know are apteft to work with humane lightnefs and frailty, even the folideft" truth that founds not plaufibly, let us think it worth the againft examining for the love of infirmer Chriftians, of what importance this their fecond reafon may be. Tradition they fay hath taught them, that for the prevention of growing Schifm the Bifhop was heav'd above the Presbyter. And muft Tradition then ever thus to the world's end be the perpetual canker-worm to eat out God's Commandments? are his decrees fo inconfiderate and fo fickle, that when the ftatutes of Solon or Lycurgus JhaW provedurably
we YET
good to many, ages, his in forty years (hall be found defedive, ill contriv'd, and for needful caufes to be alterM ? Our Saviour and his Apoftles did not only Is it a us to look for Schifm. tbingtobe forefee, but foretel and forewarn at leaft of Apoftolic prudence, to fet up fuch or of God's wifdom, imagin'd a Government in the tendernefs of the Church, as fhould incline, or not be more able then any other to oppofe it felf to Schifm ? It was well known what a bold lurker Schifm was, even in the houlhold of Chrift, between his own Difand thofe of John the Baptift about failing and early in the Ads of the Apoftles the noife of Schifm had almoft drown'd the proclaiming of the Gofpel \ yet we read not in Scripture that any thought was had of making Prewas moft rife. If Prelaty had lats, no not in thofe places where diflention been then efteem'd a remedy againft Schifm, where was it more needful then the Corinthians which St. Paul fo labour'd to rein that great variance among concile 1 and whofe eye could have found the fitteft remedy fooner then his ? and what could have made the remedy more available, then to have us'd it fpeedily ? And laftly, what could have been more necellary then to have written it for our inftrudion ? yet we fee he neither commended it to us, nor us'd it himfelf. For the famedivilion remaining there, orelfeburfting forth again more then twenty years after St. Paul's death, we find in Clement's Epiftle of
ciples
:
venerable Autority, written to the yet fadious Corinthians, that they were full govern'd by Presbyters. And the fame of other Churches out of Hernias, and divers other the fcholers of the Apoftles, by the late induftry of the learned Salmafitts appears. Neither yet did this worthy Clement, St. Paul's Difciple, though writing to them to lay afide Schifm, in the leaft word ad vife them And therefore if God to change the Presbyterian Government into Prelaty. afterward gave or permitted this infurredion of Epifcopacy, it is to be fear'd he did it in his wrath, as he gave the Ifraelites a King. With fo good a will doth he ufe to alter his own chofen Government once eftablifh'd. For mark whether this rare device of mans brain, thus preferr'd before the Ordinance of God, had better fuccefs then flefhly wifdom, not counfelling with God, is wont to have. So far was it from removing Schifm, that if Schifm parted the Congregations before,
refie
now it rent and mangl'd, now it rag'd. Herefie begat Hewith a certain monftrous hafte of pregnancy in her birth, at once born
and
2IJ )
and the day of his with the blood of Nor this among Hereticksonly, but men of the fame belief, yea thoufands. Confeflbrs, ai d that with Inch odious ambition, that Euftbnu in his eighth Book teftilies he abhorr'd to write. And the reafon is not obfcure, for the poor dignity, or rather burcten, of a Parochial Presbyter could not ingageany but Prelaty was a power of that great party, nor that to any deadly feud extent and fway, that if her election were popular, it wasfeldom not the caufe of fome faction or broil in the Church. But if her dignity came by favour of fome Prince, fhe was from that time his creature, and obnoxious to comply with his ends in ftate, were they right or wrong. So that inftead of finding Prelaty an impeacher of Schifm or Faction, the more I fearch the more I grow into all perfwalion to think rather that faction and fhe, as with a fpoufal wedded be are to never divore'd. But here let together, ring, every one behold the jult and dreadful judgment of God meeting with the audacious pride of man that durft offer to mend the ordinances of Heaven. God out of the ftrife of men brought forth by his Apoftles to the Church that beneficent and ever diftributing office of Deacons, the Stewards and Mi nifters of holy alms Man, out of the pretended care of peace and unity, being caught in the fnare of his impious boldnefs to correct the will of Chrilt, brought forth to hirafelf upon the Church that irreconcileable Schifm of Perdition and Apoftacy, the Roman Antichrift ; for that the exaltation of the Pone arofe out of the reafon of Prelaty, it cannot be deny'd. And as I noted before, that the pattern of the High Prieft pleaded for -in the Gofpel (for takeaway the head Prieff, the reft are but a carcafs) fets up with better reafon a Pope then an Archbifhop j for if Prelaty muft ftill rife and rife till it come to a Primat, why fhould it flay there? whenas the Catholick Government is not to follow the divifion of Kingdoms, the Temple belt reprefenting the univerfal Church, and the High
:
and bringing forth. Contentions, before brotherly, were went to choofe their Bifhop as they went to a pitcht field, election was like the facking of a City, fometimes ended
now
hoftile.
Men
Head fo I obferve here, that if to quiet Schifm there muft be one head of Prelaty in a Land,or Monarchy,rifing from a provincial to a national Primacy, there may upon better grounds of reprelfing Schifm be fet up one Catholick head over the Catholick Church. For the peace and good of the Church is not terminated in the fthifmlefs eftate of one or two Kingdoms, but fhould be provided for by the joint confutation of all reformed Chriftendom: that all controverfie may end in the final pronounce or canon of one Arch-primat or Proteftant Pope. Although by this means, for ought 1 fee, all the diameters of Schifm may as well meet and be knit up in the center of one grand falfhood. Now let all impartial men arbitrate what goodly inference thefe two main reafonsof the Prelats have, that by a natural league of confequence make more for the Pope then for themfelves ; yea, to fay more home, are the very womb for a new Subantichrift to breed in, if it be not rather the old force and power of the fame man of fin counterfeiting ProIt was not the prevention of Schifm, but it was Schifm it teftant. felf, and the hateful thirft of Lording in the Church that firft beftow d a being upon this was the true caufe, but the pretence is ftill the fame. The PrePrelaty Forfooth lats, asthey would have it thought, are the only mawls of Schifm. if they be put down, a deluge of innumerable Sects will follow we fhall be all Brownifts, Familifts, For the word Puritan teems to be Anabaptifts. and all that heretofore were counted And quafht, fuch, are now Brownifts. thus do they raife an evil report upon the expected reforming Grace that God hath bid us hope for, like thofe faithlefs fpies, whofe carcafles fhall perifh in the wildernefs of their own confufed ignorance, and never tafte the good of Reformation. Do they keep away Schifm ? if to bring a num and chill ftupidity of Soul, an unactive blindnefs of mind upon the people by their leaden Doctrine, or no Doctrine at all ; if to perfecute all knowing and zealous Chriftians by the violence of their Courts, be to keep away Schifm, they keep away Schifm indeed and by this kind of Difcipline all Italy and Spain is as With purely and politickly kept from Schifm as England hath been by them. as good a plea might the dead-palfie boaft to a man, 'tis I that free you from ftitches and pains, and the troublefome feeling of cold and heat, of wounds and ftrokes j if I were gone, all thefe would moleft you. The winter might
Prieft the univerfal
:
-,
as
(
as well
1
214 )
vaunt
it
dews
keep down all by your of the Earth, thus over-girded by your imprifonihall open the fruitful bofom forth and fpring, and then the Sun fhall fcatter the flowers the put ment then of the tiller fhall root up all that burdens the hand the and manuring milts' But far worte.thenny frozen captivity to thank without bondage. your foil for that other, if it keep down any thing which is is the bondage of Prelats, within the Earth, fo doth it likewife that which is ill , but thefe let out
:
I deftroy all noyfome and rank weeds, and all wholefome herbs, and all frefh peltilcnt vapours-, yes, froft but when the gentle weft winds hide-bound and violent
felf againft the Spring,
good
freely the
and keep down the good, or elfe keep down the leffer ill, and Be afham'd at laft to tell the Parlament, ye curb Schiflet out the greataft. maticks whenas they know ye cherifti and fide with Papifts, and are now as to petition for ye. Can it were one party with them, and 'tis faid they help at the of in earneft ftrains Government petty that gnats believe we good your it makes nothing to fwallow the Camel Herefie of we fee whenas Schifm,
ill,
indeed your throats are of the right Pharifaical ftrain ? Where are thofe Schifmaticks with whom the Prelats hold fuch hot skirmifh? fhew us Annals which your Courts of loathed memory lately your Acts, thofe glorious deceas'd have left us ? Thofe Schifmaticks I doubt me will be found the moft of them fuch as whofe only Schifm was to have fpoke the truth againft your high abominations and cruelties in the Church ; this is the Schifm ye hate moft, A politick Government of yours, the removal of your criminou Hierarchy. as a pretended Schifm, that thofe to remove fet fa nt and of a plea conceit, up If the Schifm would Government. Herefie in a as remove would palpable
Rome,
'but that
you
pardon ye that,
for you.
fhe might go jagg d in as many cuts and flafhes as fhe pleas'd for the rending of the Church, we have many reafons to think much as the rending of your ponit is not that which ye labour to prevent fo foreft Schifm to you, that would be tifical fleeves : that Schifm would be the
As
Brownifmand Anabaptifm
If we go down, fay you, as if Adrian's indeed. What Setts ? What are their will rulh in. of Setts wall were broke, a flood will it appear both by your former profeopinions? give us the Inventory ; that cutions and your prefent inftances, they are only fuch to fpeak of as are lawlefs with Government, your Ceremonies, your Liturgy, an offended your But that they fhould be contemners of extract of the Mafs-book tranfiated. us'd without fuperftition, I truft God will maand Churches publick prayer, flanders againft the nifeft it e're long to be as falfe a {lander, as your former Noife it till ye be hoarfe, that a rabble of Setts will come in \ it will Scots. be anfwer'd ye, No rabble Sir Prieft, but a unanimous multitude of good Proteftants will then join to the Church, which now becaufe of you ftand feThis will be the dreadful confequence of your removal. As for parated. thofe terrible names of Settariesand Schifmaticks which ye have got together, we know your manner of fight, when the quiver of your arguments, which is ever thin, and weakly ftor'd, after the firft brunt is quite empty, your courfe belt archery. is to betake ye to your other quiver of (lander, wherein lies your to conthink them not move could whom you arguing, And by fophiftical ye fute by fcandalous mifnaming ; thereby inciting the blinder fort of people to miflike and deride found Dottrine and good Chriftianity,under two or three
vile
and hateful terms.
doubtieft reafons in
we could eafily indure and diflblve your bear the worft of your argument, we fhall more eafily
But
if
unreafonablenefs in calumny and falfe report : Efpecially being foretold by call'd Samaritan and Chrift, that if he our Matter were by your predeceflbrs beft his if we muft not think it Difciples in the Reformaftrange Belzebub, at firft by thofe of your Tribe they were call'd Lollards and Hufiltes, as tion, But my hope is, that the fo now by you be term'd Puritans and Brownifts. to be juggl'd thus out of their will themfelves not fuffer of England people Faith and Religion by a mift of names caft before their eyes, but will fearch this fraudulent afperlion of a wifely by the Scriptures, and look quite through the things themfelves knowing that the Primitive Chridisgraceful name into Adaftians in their times were accounted fuch as are now call'd Familifts and of the like Church the Sarda, on Prelatick And many fide, mites, or worfe. have a name to live, and yet are dead to be Proteftants, and are indeed PaThus perfwaded, this your old fallacy we in moft of their
:
,
pifts
principles.
mall foon unmask, and quickly apprehend how you prevent Schifm, and who But what if ye prevent and hinder all good means of are your Schifmaticks. ? That way which the Apoftlesus'd, was to call a Council ; preventing Schifm that can be learnt from the fifteenth of the Atts, no which from by any thing faithful Chriftian was debarr'd, to whom knowledg and piety might give enOf fuch a Council as this every parochial Conliftory is a right homotrance. and conilituting part, being in it felfasit were a little Synod, and geneous towards a general Aflembly. moving upon her own balls in an even and firm progrefiion, as thofe fmaller Squares in battel unite in one great Cube, the main Phalanx, an emblem of truth and ftedfallnefs. Whereas on the othcr
lide Prelacy afcending by a gradual monarchy from Bifhop to Archbiihop, from thence to Primat, and from thence, for there can be no'reafon yielded neither in Nature, nor in Religion, wherefore, if it have lawfully mounted thus high, it mould not be a Lordly Afcendant in the Horofcope of the Church, from Primat to Patriarch, and fo to Pope I fay, Prelaty thus afcending in a continual pyramid upon pretence to perfect the Churches unity, if notwithstanding it be found moft needful, yeatheutmoit help todearnupthe rents or Schifm by calling a Council, what does it but teach us that Prelaty is of no force to effect this work which ihe boafts to be her mafler-piece ; and that her pyramid afpires and fharpens to ambition, not to perfection or unity ? This we know, that as often as any great Schifm difparts the Church, and Synods be prodanTd, the Presbyters have as great right there, and as free vote of old, ,.s the Bilhops, which the Canon-law conceals not. So that Prelaty, if ihe will feek to dole up divilions in the Church, muft be forc't to diflblve and unmake her own pyramidal figure, which Ihe affirms to be of fuch uniting power, whenas indeed it is the moll: dividing and fchifmatical form that Geometricians know of, and muft be fain to inglobe or incube her felf among the Presbyters; which (he hating to do, fends her haughty Prelats from all parts
:
with their forked Miters, thebadgof Schifm, or the ftamp of his cloven foot, they ferve I think, who according to their Hierarchies acuminating itill higher and higher in a cone of Prelaty, inftead of healing up the galhe^ of the Church, as it happens in fuch pointed bodies meeting, fall to gore one another with their (harp fpires tor upper place and precedence, till the Council it felf prove the greateft Schifm of all. And thus they are fo far from hindring have made that diiTention, they unprofitable, and even noyfome, the chiefeft we to at one, which is by Councils have and thefe, Christendom remedy keep
whom
rightly confider Apoftoiick example, are nothing elfebut general PrefThis feem'd fo far from the Apoftles to think much of, as if hereby byteries. their dignity were impair'd, that, as we may gather by thofe Epiftles of Peif
ter and be latefl written, when the Church grew to 3fab, which are likely to a fetling, like thofe heroick Patricians of Rome (if we may ufe fuch comparifon) halting to lay down their Dictatorfhip, they rejoye'd to call themfelves,
we
and to be as Fellow-elders among their Brethren

office
was but
troublefome
as the fcaffolding of the Church yet unbuilt, and disfigurement, fo foon as the building was finifh'd.
knowing that their high would be but a Butthe lofty
minds of an age or two after, fuch was their fmall difcerning, thought it a poor indignity, that the high rearM Government of the Church mould lb on a Next, or rather befiidden, as it feem'd to them, fquat into a Presbytery. fore Councils, the timelieft prevention of Schifm is to preach the Gofpel abundantly and powerfully throughout all the Land, to inftruct the Youth religioufly, to endeavour how the Scriptures may be jeaiieft underfrood by all men; to all which the proceedings of thefe men have been on fet purpofe But how, O Prelats, fhould you remove Schifm ? and how mould contrary. you not remove and oppofe all the means of removing Schifm ? when Prelaty is a Schifm it felf from the moll reformed and moll flourilhing of our neighbour Churches abroad, and a fad fubject of difcord and offence to the whole nation at home. The remedy which you alledge is the very difeafe we groan under and never can be to us a remedy but by removing it felf. Your predecelTors were believ'd to alTume this pre-eminence above their brethren, only that they might appeafe diiTention. Now God and the Church calls upon you, for the fame veafon, to lay it as being to thoufands of good men offendown, intolerable. that pledg, which, unlefs you foully Surrender five, burdenfome,
,
ufurpt
(216)
and now claims it again, for the reafon (he ufurpt it, the Church gave you, firft lent it. Difcharge the truft committed to you, prevent Schifm, and that ye can never do, but by difcharging your felves. That Government which ye hold, we confefs, prevents much, hinders much, removes much ; but what? the Schifms and Grievances of the Church? no, but all the peace and unity, all the welfare not of the Church alone, but of the whole Kingdom. And if it be (till permitted ye to hold, will caufe the moft fad, I know not whether Separation be anough to fay, but fuch a wide gulph of diftradtion in this Land, as will never clofe her difmal gap until ye be fore'd (for of your felves ye will never do as that Roman Curtius nobly did) for the Churches to leap into the midft, and be no more feen. By peace and your Countries, this we (hall know whether yours be that ancient Prelaty which you fay was firft conltituted for the reducement of quiet and unanimity into the Church, If for then you will not delay to prefer that above your own preferment. is elfe but that confident mu(t be we nothing your Prelaty your otherwife,
ambition, an infolent preferring of your felves above your brethren h and all even to difturb the bones of old Aaron and your learned fcraping in antiquity, his fons in their graves, is buc to maintain and fet upon our necks a (lately and which you call facred, and is nothing in very deed but a grave fevere
dignity,
and reverent gluttony, a fanctimonious avarice, in compaiifonof which, all the duties and de3rnefles which ye owe to God or to his Church, to Law, Cuftom, or Nature, ye have refolv'd to fet at nought. I could put you in mind what Counfel Ckment a Fellow-labourer with the Apoftles gave to the to remove. Presbyters of Corinth, whom the people, though unjuftly, fought Who among you, faith he, is noble minded, who is pitiful, who is charitable? let him fay thus, If for me this fedition, this enmity, thefe differences be, I let the flock of Chrift be at peace with willingly depart, I go my ways, only He that (hall do this, faith he, (hall get the Presbyters that are fet over it. him great honour in the Lord, and all places will receive him. This was Clement's Counfel to good and holy men, that they (hould depart rather from their juft office, then by their day to ravle out the feamlefs garment of Concord in the Church. But I have better counfel to give the Prelats, and far more acceptable to their ears, this advice in my opinion is fitter for them Cling fad to your Pontifical Sees, bate not, quit your felves like Barons, Still ftand to the utmoft for your haughty Courts and Votes in Parliament. tell us, that you prevent Schifm, though Schifm and Combuftion be the very iflue of your bodies, your firft-born , and fet your Country a bleeding in a Prelatical mutiny, to fight for your pompe, and that ill-favour'd weed of temporal honour that (its difhonourably upon your laick Ihoulders, that ye may be fat and flefhy, fwoln with high thoughts, and big with mifchievous deall thisfourfcore years vexation of his (igns, when God comes to vifit upon you Church under your Egyptian Tyranny. For certainly of all thofe bleiTed Souls which you have perfecuted, and thofe miferable ones which you have loft, the juft vengeance does not deep.
:
CHAP.
7W
thofe
VII.
to be
many SeEls and Schifms by fomt fuppos'd

ought
among us y
but a
and
that (Rebellion in Ireland,
not to be a hindrance,
haftning of Reformation.
AS
many Sedts and Divifions rumor'd abroad to beamongftus, it not hard to perceive that they are partly the mere fictions and falfe alarms of the Prelats, thereby to caft amazements and panick terrors into the hearts of weaker Chrjftians, that they fhould not venture to change the prefent deformity of the Church for fear of I know not what worfe inconveniencies. With the fame objected fears and fufpicions, we know that futtle Prelat Gardner fought to divert the firft Reformation. It may fuffice us to be taught
for thofe
is
by
217 )
by St. Paul, that there mull be Setts for the manifefting of thofe that are Thefe are but winds and flaws to try the floting veflel of our found-hearted. it be ltanch and fail well, whether our ballaft be whether juft, our anFaith, chorage and cable ftrong. By this is feen who lives by Faith and certain know-
who by credulity and the prevailing opinion of the age, whofe of an unchangeable grain, and whofe of a flight wafh. If God come to try our conftancy, we ought not to fhrink or Hand the lefs firmly for that, but pafs on with more ftcdfalt refolution to eftablifh the Truth, though it were through a lane of Sects and Herefies on each lide. Other things men do to the glory of God but Sects and Errors, it i'eems, God fuffers to be for the glory of good men, that the world may know and reverence their true fortitude and Undaunted conltancy in the Truth. Let us not therefore make thefe things an incumbrance, or an excufe of our delay in reforming, which God fends us as an incitement to proceed with more honour and alacrity. For if there were no oppolition, where were the trial of an unfained goodnefs and magnanimity? Vertue that wavers is not vertue, but vice revolted from it felf, and after a while returning. The attions of juft and pious men do not darken in their middle courfe ^ but Solomon tells us, they are as the fhining light, thatlhineth more and more unto the perfet day. But if we fhall fuffer the trifling doubts and jealoufies ot future Sects to overcloud the fair beginnings of purpos'd Reformation, let us rather fear that another proverb of the fame wife man be not upraided to us, that the way of the wicked is as darknefs, they ftumble at If Setts and Schifms be turbulent in the unfetl'd eftate they know not what. of a Church, while it lies under the amending hand, it beft befeems our Chriftian courage to think they are but as the throws and pangs that go before the birth of Reformation, and that the work it felf is now in doing. For if we look but on the nature of elemental and mixt things, we know they cannot fuffer any change of one kind or quality into another, without the itruggle
ledg, and
vertue
is
of contrarieties. And in things artificial, feldom any elegance is wrought without a fuperfluous waft and refufe in the tranfattion. No marble ftatne can be politely carv'd, no fair edifice built without almoft as much rubbifh and fweeping. Infomuchthat even in the fpiritual conflitt of St. PauPs converlion, there fell fcales from his eyes that were not perceiv'd before. No wonder then in the reforming of a Church, which is never brought to effect without the fierce encounter of truth and falfhood together, if, as it were the fplinters and fhares of fo violent a joufting, there fall from between the fhock many fond errors and fanatick opinions, which when Truth has the upper hand, and the Reformation fhall be perfeted, will eafily be rid out of the way, or kept lb low, as that they (hall be only the exercife of our knowledg, not the difturbance or interruption of our faith. As for that which Barclay in his of writes the Minds horrible and barbarous conceits of Engconcerning image lifhmen in their Religion, I deem it fpokenlike what he was, a fugitive Papift,
traducing the Hand whence hefprung.
It
may be more
judicioufly ga-
ther'd from hence, that the Englifhman of many other Nations is leaft atheiftical, and bears a natural difpofition of much reverence and awe towards the
Deity ; but in his weaknefs and want of better inftruttion, which among us too frequently is negletted, efpecially by the meaner fort, turning the bent of his own wits, with a fcrupulous and ceafelefs care, what he might do to inform himfelf aright of God and his Worlhip, he may fall not unlikely fometimes, as And verily if we look at his any other Land-man, into an uncouth opinion. native towardlinefs in the rough caft without breeding, fome Nation or other may haply be better compos'd to a natural civility and right judgment then he. But if he get the benefit once of a wife and well rettifi'd nurture, which muft firft come in general from the godly vigilance of the Church, I fuppofe that where-ever mention is made of Countries, Manners, or Men, the Englilh People among the firft that fhall be prais'd, may deferve to be accounted a But thus while fome ftand right pious, right honeft, and right hardy Nation. dallying and deferring to reform for fear of that which fliould mainly haften them forward, left Schifm and Error fliould encreafe, we may now thank our felves and our delays, if inftead of Schifm a bloody and inhumane rebellion be ftrook in between our flow movings. Indeed againft violent and powerful opBut this I urge pofition there can be no juft blame of a lingring difpatch. F f againft
(2l8)
it for a maxim, as if the fwift opportunities of againft thofe that difcourfe were to attend upon the fleam of ftate-bufior Religion reforming eftablifhing nefs. In ftate many things at firft are crude and hard to digeft, which only
time and deliberation can fupple and concoct.
lech.
8.
Hag.
2.
But in Religion, wherein is no immaturity, nothing out of feafon, it goes far otherwife. The door of Grace turns upon fmooth hinges wide opening to fend out, but foon {hutting to recal the precious offers of mercy to a Nation: which unlefs watchfulnefs and zeal, two quick-fighted and ready-handed virgins, be there in our behalf and (till the ofter we loofe, the ftraiter the door opens, to receive, we loofe and the lefs is offer'd. This is all we get by demurring in God's fervice. 'Tis not rebellion that ought to be the hindrance of Reformation, but it is the want of this which is the caufe of that. The Prelats which boaft themfelves the only bridlers of Schifm, God knows have been fo cold and backward both there and with us to reprefs Herefie and Idolatry, that either through their What can the Irifh Subcarelellhefsor their craft all this mifchief is befaln. then revenge upon Englifh boject do lefs in God's juft difpleafure againft us, dies the little care that our Prelats have had of their Souls ? Nor hath their negligence been new in that Hand, but ever notorious in Queen Elizabeth's Yet fo little days, as Camden their known fi iend forbears not to complain. are they toucht with remorfe of thefe their cruelties, for thefe cruelties are theirs, the bloody revenge of thofe Souls which they have famifh'd, that whenas againft our brethren the Scots, who by their upright and loyal deeds-, have now bought themfelves an honourable name to pofterity, whatfoever malice by ilander could invent, rage in hoftility attempt, they greedily attempted toward thefe murdrous Irifh, the enemies of God and Mankind, a curfed off-fpring of their own connivance, no man takes notice but that they feem to be very calmly and indifferently affecfed. Where then fhould we begin to extinguifh a rebellion that hath its caufe from the mifgoverntrtent of the Church ? where, but at the Churches reformation, and the removal of that Government which puifues and wars with all good Chriftians under the name of Schifmaticks, but maintains and fofters all Papifb and Idolaters as tolerable Chriftians ? And if the facred Bible may be our light, we are neither without example, nor the witnefs of God himfelf, that the corrupted eftateof the Church is both the caufe of tumult and civil wars, and that to Now for a long feafon, ftint them, the peace of the Church muft firft be fetl'd. faith Azariah to King Afa, Ifrael hath been without the true God, and without a teaching Prieft, and without Law : and in thofe times there was no peace to him that went out , nor to him that came in, but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants And Nation was deflroy'd of Nation, and City of City, for God of the countries. aid vex them with all adverfity. Be ye flrong therefore, faith he to the Reformers' of that age, and let not your hands be weak, for your work fhall be rewarded. And in thofe Prophets that liv'd in the times of Reformation after the Captivity, often doth God ftir up the People to confider that while eftablifhment of Church-matters was neglected, -and put off, there was no peace to him that went out or came in ; for I, faith God, had fet all men every one againfi his neighbour. But from the very day forward that they went ferioufly and effectually about the welfare of the Church, he tells them that they themfelves might perceive the fudden change of things into a profperous and peaceful condition. But it will here be faid that the Reformation is a long work, and the miferies of Ireland are urgent of a fpeedy redrefs. They be indeed ; and how fpeedy we the afflicted remnant of our are, poor martyr'd Countrymen that fit there on the hours of our theSea-fhore, counting delay with their fighs, and the minutes with their falling tears, perhaps with the deftilling of their bloody wounds, if they have not quite by this timecaft off, and almoft curft the vain hope of our founder'd fhips and aids, can beft judg how fpeedy we are to their relief. But let their fuccours be halted, as all need and reafon is ; and let not therefore the Reformation, which is the chiefeft caufe of fuccefs and victory, be ftill procraftinated. They of the Captivity in their greateft extremities could find both counfel and hands anough at once to build, and to expect the enemies affault. And we for our parts, a populous and mighty Nation, muft needs be fain into a ftrange plight either of effeminacy or confufion, if Ireland, that was once the conqueft of one fingle Earl with his private forces,
:
and
( 21 9 ) and the finill afliltance of a petty Kernifh Prince, fhould now take up all the Wifdom and Prowefs of this potent Monarchy, to quell a barbarous crew of Rebels, whom if we take but the right courfe to iubdue, that is, beginning at the Reformation of our Church, their own horrid Murders and Rapes will Co fight againft them, that the very Sutlers and Horfe-boys of the Camp will be able to rout and chafe them without the ftaining of any noble Sword. To proceed by other method in this Enterprize, be our Captains and Commanders never ib expert, will be as great an E$ror in the Art of War, as any Novice in Souldierlhip ever committed. And thus I leave it as a declared Truth, that neither the fear of Sects, no nor Rebellion, can be a fit plea to itay Reformation, but rather to pufh it forward with all poffible diligence
and fpeed.
The Second
BOOK.
happy were it for this frail, and as it may be truly calfd, mortal Life of Man, fince all earthly things which have the name of good and convenient in our daily ufe, are withal fo cumberfome and full of trouble,. if Knowledg, yet which is the belt and lihtfomeft polleffion of the mind, were, as the common faying is, no burden ; and that what it wanted of being a load to any part of the body, it did not with a heavy ad-
HO
vantage overlay upon the Spirit ? For not to fpeak of that Knowledg that refts in the contemplation of natural Caufes and Dimenfions, which mult needs be a lower Wifdom, as the Object is low, certain it is that he who hath obtain'd in more then the fcantieft meafure to know any thing diftindtly of God, and of his true Worfhip, and what is infallibly good and happy in the ftate of man's Life, what in it felf evil and miferable, though vulgarly not fo efteem'd , he that hath obtain'd to know this, the only high valuar ble Wifdom indeed, remembringalfothat God even to a ftrictnefs requires the improvement of thefe his entrufted Gifts, cannot but fuftain a forer burden of mind, and more preffing then any fuppoi table toil or weight which the Body can labour under: how and in what manner he (hall difpofe and employ thofe funis of Knowledg and Illumination which God hath fent him And that which aggravate the burden more, into this world to trade with.
that having receiv'd amongft his allotted parcels certain pretious Truths which neverthelefs he has luftre as no Diamond can equal in charge to put off at any cheap rate, yea, for nothing to them that will ; the great Merchants of this world fearing that this cours would foon difcover, and difgrace the fals glitter of their deceitful Wares wherewith they abufe
is,
of fuch an orient
the People, like poor Indians, with Beads and GlafTes, practize by all means they may fupprefs the venting of fuch Rarities, and at fuch a cheapnes as would undo hem, and turn their Trafh upon their hands. Therefore by gratifying the corrupt defires of men in flefhly Doctrines, they ftir them up to perfecute with hatred and contempt all thofe that feek to bear themfelves up-
how
Factory which they forefeeing, though they and the excellency of that heavenly Traffkk of Truth, telrify which they bring, againft what oppofition or danger foever, yet needs muft it fit heavily upon their Spirits, that being in God's prime Intention and their own, (elected Heralds of Peace, and difpenfers of TreaiujB ineftimable, without price to them that have no Pence, they find in the difenargeof their Commiffion, that they are made the greateft Variance and Offence, a very Sword and Fire bothinHoufe and City over the whole Earth. This is that
rightly in this their fpiritual
:
cannot but
which the fad Profet Jeremiah laments,^ w mt my Mother, that thou haft born me a man of Jlrife and contention ! And although divine Infpiration muft certainly have been fweet to thofe ancient Profets, yet the irkfomenefs of that Truth which they brought was fo unpleafant unto them, that every where they call it a Burden. Yea that myflerious Book ot Revelation? which the great EvanFf 2
gelift
(
geliffc
220 )
was bid to
cat, as it
ledg and Forelight, though
was
bitter in his
had been fome eye-brightning Electuary of Knowit were fweet in his Mouth, and in the learning, it Nor was this hid from the belly, bitter in the denouncing.
wife ?oet Sophocles, who in that place of his Tragedy, where Tirejias is call'd to refolve K. Edipus in a matter which he knew would be grievous, brings him For furely to evein bemoaning his lot, that he knew more then other men. it muil in nature needs be a hateful Man and thing to be the peaceable ry good much better would it like him doubtof thoufands and molefter difpleafer lefsto be the Meflenger of Gladnes and Contentment, which is his chief intended bufinefs to all mankind, but that they refill and oppofe their own true But when God commands to take the Trumpet, and Wow a dolohappinefs. rous or a jarring Blaft, it lies not in man's Will what he (hall fay, or what he If he fhall think to be iilent, as Jeremiah did, becaufe of the refhall conceal.
-,
proach and derifion he met with daily, and all h'vs familiar Friends watcht for hh halting, tobereveng'd on him for fpeaking the Truth, he would be forc't to confefs as he confeft ; his Word was in my heart as a burning fire fhut up in my Which might teach bones ; I was weary with forbearing, and could not flay. thefe times not fuddenly to condemn all things that are fharply fpoken, or vehemently written, as proceeding out of Stomach, Virulence, and ill Nature ; but to confider rather that if the Prelats have leave to fay the worft that can be faid, and do the worfl: that can be done, while they ftrive to keep to themthofe things which they ought felves, to their great pleafure and commodity, to render up, no man can be juftly offended with him that fhall endeavour to impart and bellow, without any gain to hirafelf, thole fharp but faving words, which would be a terror and a torment in him to keep back. For me, I have determin'd to lay upas the belt Treafure, and folace of a good old Age, if God voutfafe ifme, the honeft liberty of free Speech from my Youth, where I fhall think it available in fo dear a Concernment as the ChurFor if I be either by diipolition, or what other caufe, too inquiches good. who can help it ? But or sitive, fufpicious of my felf and mine own doings, this I forefee, that mould the Church be brought under heavy opprefTion, and God have given me ability the while to reafon againft that Man that fhould be or mould (he, by blefling from above on the the Author of fo foul a deed
,
into induftry and courage of faithful Men, change this her diftra&ed eftate few Talents of thofe or contribution better days, without the leaft furderance which God at that prefent had lent me, I forefee what ftories 1 mould hear within my felf, all my life after, of Difcourage and Reproach. Timorous and her infulting Eneingrateful, the Church of God is now again at the foot of or it what matters for thou bewailfl and thee, thy bewailing ? When , mies, time was, thou couldft not find a fyllable of all that thou haft read, or ftudiYet eafe and leafure was given thee for thy reed, to utter in her behalf. Thou hadft the diligence, tired Thoughts, out of the fweat of other men. the parts, the language of a Man, if a vain Subjed were to be adorn'd or beautifi'd ; but when the Caufe of God and his Church was to be pleaded, for
which purpofe that Tongue was given thee which thou haft, God liften'd if he could hear thy Voice among his zealous Servants, but thou wert dumb as a beaft ; from hence forward be that which thine own brutilh iilence hath made Or elfe I fhould have heard on the other ear ; Slothful, and ever to be thee. fet light by, the Church hath now overcom her late DiftrelTes after the unwearied labours of many her true Servants that flood up in her defence ; thou But wherealfo wouldft take upon thee to mare amongft them of their joy fore thou ? where canft thou fhew any Word or Deed of thine which might have haften'd her peace? whatever thou doft now talk, or write, or look, is mens aftive prudence and zeal. Dare not now to fay, or do the Alms ofj^her doft any thing better then thy former floth and infancy ; or if thou darft,thou the of out to boldnefs painthy felf, impudently to make a thrifty purchafeof be ful Merits of other men: what before was thy Sin, is now thy Duty, to would as I know leflbns like and fuch and worthlefs. thefe, Thefe, abjeft have been my Matins daily, and my Even-fong. But now by this litle diliand Saints, to gence, mark what a privilege I have gain'd with good Men claim my right of lamenting the tribulations of the Church, if fhe fhould for her fake, have not the hofoffer, when others that have ventur'd nothing nour
:
221 )
ndur to be admitted Mourners. But if lhe lift up her drooping head and thofe that have fomething more then wifht her welfare, I profper, among have my charter and freehold of rejoycing to me and my Heirs. Concerning
wayward Subject againft Frelaty, the touching whereof is fo and difquictous to a number of men, as by what hath been faid I may deferve of charitable Readers to be credited, that neither Envy nor Gall hath enterd me upon this Controverfy, but the enforcement of Confidence only, and a preventive fear left the omitting of this Duty fhould be againft me when I would ltore up to my felf the good provifion of peaceful hours So left it fhould be Itill imputed to me, as I have found it hath been, that fome felf-pleafing humor of vain-glory hath incited me to conteft with Men of high eitimation, now while green years are upon my head, from this needlefs furmifal I fhall hope to dillwade the intelligent and equal Auditor, if I can but fay fuccesfully that which in this Exigent behoovs me, although I would be heard only, if it might be, by the elegant and learned Reader, to whom principally for a while 1 fhall beg leave I may addrefs my To him it will be no new thing, though I tell him that if I hunted after felf. praife, by the oftentation of Wit and Learning, I fhould not write thus out of mine own feafon, when I have neither yet compleated to my mind the full Circle of my private ltudies, although I complain not of any infufficiency to the matter in hand \ or were I ready to my wifhes, it were a folly to commit any thing elaborately compos'd to the carelefs and interrupted liftening of thefe tumultuous times. Next, if I were wife only to my own ends, I would fuch a take Subjeft as of it felf might catch applaufe, whereas this certainly hath all the Difadvantages on the contrary, and fuch a Subject as the publifhing whereof might be delay'd at pleafure, and time enough to pencil it over with all the curious touches of Art, even to the perfection of a faultlefs Picture \ whenas in this Argument the not deferring is of great moment to the good fpeeding, that if Solidity have lcifure to do her office, Art cannot have much. Laltly, I fhould not chufe this manner of writing, wherein knowing my felf inferior to my felf, led by the genial Power of Nature to another Task, I have the ufe, as I may account it, but of my left hand. And though I fhall be foolifh in faying more to this purpofe, yet fince it will be fuch a folly, as wifeftMen going about to commit, have only" confeftand fo committed, I may truft with more reafon, becaufe with more folly, to have courteous pardon. For although a Poet, foaring in the high Region of his Fancies, with his Garland and finging Robes about him, might, without Apology, fpeak more of himfelf then 1 mean to do ; yet for me fitting here below in the cool Element of Profe, a mortal thing among many Readers of no Empyreal Conceit, to venture and divulge unufual things of my felf, I fhall petition to the genI muft tler fort, it may not be envy to me. fay therefore, that after I had from my firft years, by the ceafelefs diligence and care of my Father, whom God recompence, been exercis'd to the Tongues, and fome Sciences, as my Age would fuffer, by fundry Mafters and Teachers both at home and at the Schools, it was found, that whether ought was impos'd me by them that had the overlooking, or betak'n to of mine own choife in Englifh, or other
therefore this
diftaftful
:
Signs
Tongue, profingor verfing, but chiefly this latter, the ftile by certain vital it had, was likely to live. But much latelier in the privat Academies of Italy, whither I was favor'd to refort, perceiving that fome Trifles which I had in memory, compos'd at under twenty or thereabout (for the manner is, that every one muft give fome proof of his wit and reading there) met with acceptance above what was looktfor, and other things which I had fhifted iii fcarlity of Books and Conveniences to patch up amongft them, were receiv'd with written Encomiums, which the Italian is not forward to beftow on men of this fide the Alf>s y I began thus far to affent both to them and divers of my Friends here at home \ and not lefs to an inward prompting which now grew daily upon me, that by labour and intent ftudy, (which I take to be m y portion in this Life) joyn'd with the ftrong propenlity of Nature, I might perhaps leave fomething fo written to after-times, as they fhould not willingly let it die. Thefe thoughts at once poffeft me, and thefe other \ That if 1 were certain to write as men buy Leafes, for three Lives and downward, there ought no regard be fooner had then to God's Glory, by the honour and inftruiftiori
I knew it ftrudion of my Country. would be hard to arrive at the fecond Rank among the Latines, I apply'd my felf to that Refolution which Ariojlo follow'd againft the perfwaiions of Bemthe Induftry and Art I could unite to the adorning of my native bo, to fix all to make verbal Curiofities the end, that were a toylfom Vanity, not Tongue but to bean Interpreter and Relater of the belt and fageft things among mine own Citizens throughout- this Hand in the mother dialed!:. That what the Wits of Athens, Rome, or modern Italy, and thofe Hegreateft and choiceft brews of old did for their Country, 1 in my proportion, with this over and above, of being a Chriftian, might do for mine ; not caring to be once nam'd abroad, though perhaps 1 could attain to that, but content with thefe Britifti Hands as my World, whofe Fortune hath hitherto bin, that if the Atheni,
( 222 ) For which caufe, and not only for that
ans, as fome fay, made their fmall Deeds great and renowned by their eloquent writers, England hath had her noble Atchievements made fmall by the unskilful handling of Monks and Mechanicks.
Time ferves not now, and perhaps I might feem too profufe to give any certain account of what the mind at home, in the fpacious circuits of her muto her felf, though of higheft hope, and hardling, hath liberty to propofe
attempting, whether that Epick form whereof the two Poems of Homeland thofe other two of Virgil and Tajfo are a difFufe, and the Book of Job a brief Model: or whether the rules of Arijlotle herein are ftri&ly to be kept, or Nature to be follow'd, which in them that know Art, and ufe judgment, is no tranfgreffion,but an inriching of Art. And laftly, what King or Knight before the Conqueft might be chofen in whom to lay the pattern of a Chriftian Hero. And as Tajfo gave to a Prince of Italy his chois, whether he would command him to write of Godfreys expedition againft the Infidels, or Belifarius againft if to the inftindt of Nature the Gothes, or Cbarlemain againft the Lombards and the imboldning of Art ought may be trufted, and that there be nothing advers in our Climat, or the fate of this Age, it haply would be no rafhnefs from an equal diligence and inclination, to prefent the like offer in our own Or whether thofe Dramatick Conftitutions, wherein Sophoancient Stories.
eft
-,
cles
tion.
be found more doctrinal and exemplary to a NaDivine paftoral Drama in the Song of of two and a double Chorus, as Origen rightjy Perfons, Salomon, confifting of is the majeftick the Saint And Jo^h Apocalyps Image of a high judges. and ftately Tragedy, {hutting up and intermingling her folemn Scenes and Ads with a fevenfold Chorus of Halleluja's and harping Symphonies and this my opinion the grave autority of Parens, commenting that Book, is fufficient
and Euripides raign,
fhall
The
Scripture alfo affords us a
to confirm. Or if occaiion fhall lead, to imitat thofe magnifick Odes and Hymns wherein Pindams and Caliimachus are in moft things worthy, fome others in their frame judicious, in their matter moft an end faulty. But thofe frequent Songs throughout the Law and Prophets beyond all thefe, not in their divine Argument alone, but in the very critical Art of Compofition, may be
Thefe
all the kinds of Lyrick Poefy, to be incomparable. wherefbever abilities, they be found, are the infpired gift of God rarely beftow'd, but yet to fome (though moft abufe) in every Nation: and are of power, befide the Office of a Pulpit, to inbreed and cherifh in a great People the feeds of Vertu, and pnblick Civility, to allay, the perturbations of the Mind, and fet the affections in right tune ; to celebrate in glorious and lofty Hymns the Throne and Equipage of Gods Almightinefs, and what he works, and what he fuffers to be wrought with high Providence in his Church ; to fing victorious Agonies of Martyrs and Saints, the Deeds and Triumphs of juftand pious Nations, doing valiantly through Faith againft the enemies of Chrift to deplore the general relapfes of Kingdoms and States from juftice and Gods true worfhip. Laftly, whatfoever in Religion is holy and fublime, in Vertu amiable or grave, whatfoever hath Paffion or Admiration in all the changes of that which is call'd Fortune from without, or the wily futtleties and refluxes of mans thoughts from within all thefe things with a folid and treatable fmoothnefs to paint out and defcribe. Teaching over the whole Book of San&ity and Vertu, through all the inftances of Example, with fuch delight to thofe, efpecially of foft andjdelicious Temper, who will not fo much as look upon Truth her felf, unlefs they fee her elegantly dreft j
eafily
made appear over
',
that
Life appear riovv rugged and difbe indeed and though they eafy pleafant, they would then appear to ficult, all men both eafy and pleafant, though they were rugged and difficult indeed. And what a benefit this would be to our Youth and Gentry, may be loon gueft by what we know of the Corruption and Bane which they fuck in daily from the writings and interludes^' libidinous and ignorant Poetafters, who having fears ever heard of that which is the main conliltence of a true Poem, the choysof fuch Pcrfons as they ought to introduce, and what is moral and decent to each one, do for the inoft part lap up vitious Principles in fweet Pilstobe fwallow'd down, and make the tall of vertuous Documents harfh But becaufc the Spirit of man cannot demean it felt lively in this and fowr. Body without fome recreating intermillion of Labour, and ferious things, it were happy for the Commonwealth, if our Magistrates, as in thole famous Governments of old, would take into their care, not only the deciding of our contentious Law-Cafes and Brauls, but the managing of our publick Sports, and feltival Paftimes, that they might be, not fuch as were autoriz'd a while fince, the provocations of Drunkennefs and Lull, but fuch as may inure and harden our Bodies by Martial exercifes to all warlike skilanJ performance , and may civiHze, adorn, and make difcreet our Minds by the learned and affable meeting of frequent Academies, and the procurement of wife and artful recitations, fweetned with eloquent and graceful inticements to the love and practice of J u ft ice, Temperance and Fortitude, inftrufting and bettering the Nation at all opportunities, that the call of VVifdom and Vertu may be heard every where, as Solomon faith, She crictb without, /he utteretb her woke in the Streets, in the top of high places, in the chief concours, and in the openWhether this may not be not only in Pulpits, but after ings of the Gates. another perfwalivc method, at fetand folemn Paneguries, in Theaters, Porches, or what other place or way, may win moft upon the People to receive at once both Recreation, and Inftru&ion:, let them in authority confult. The thing which I had to fay, and thofe Intentions which have liv'd within me ever fince I could conceive my felf any thing worth to my Country, I return to crave e.vcirfe that urgent Reafon hath pluckt from me, by an abortive and And the accomplilhment of them lies not but in a foredatcd difcovery. power above mans to promife ; but that none hath by more ftudious ways ende ivour'd, and with more unwearied Spirit that none (hall, that I dare almoft aver of my felf, as far as life and free leafure will extend ; and that the Land had once infranchis'd her felf from this impertinent yoke of Prelaty, under whofe inquilitorius and tyrannical duncery, no free and fplendid Wit can flourifli. Neither do I think it (hame to covenant with any knowing Reader, that for fome few years yet I may go on truft with him toward the payment of what I am now indebted, as being a work not to be rais'd from the heat of Youth, or the vapours of Wine-, like that which flows at waft from the Pen of fome vulgar Amorift, or the trencher fury of a riming Parafite ; nor to beobtain'd by the invocation of Dame Memory and her Siren Daughters, but by devout Prayer to thatetern.il Spirit, who can enrich with all utterance and knowledg, and fends out his Seraphim, with the hallow'd Fire of his to this muft be adAltar, to touch and purify the Lips of whom he pleafes ded induftrious and felect Reading, fteddy Obfervation, infight into all feemly and generous Arts and Affairs ; till which in fome meafure be compaft, at mine one peril and coft, I refufe not to fuftain this expectation from as many as are not loth to hazard fo much credulity upon the beft Pledges that I can give them. Although it nothing content me to have difclos'd thus much before hand, but that I truft hereby to make it manifeft with whatfmall willingnefs I endure to interrupt the purfuit of no lefs hopes then thefe, and leave a calm and pleafing Solitarines, fed with cherful and confident thoughts, to imbark in a troubl'd Sea of noifes and hoars Difputes, from beholding the bright countenance of Truth, in the quiet and ftill Air of delightful Studies, to come into the dim reflection of hollow Antiquities fold by the feeming bulk, and there be fain to club quotations with men whofe learning and belief lies
:
that whereas the Paths of honefty and
22} ) good
in
marginal ftuffings , who when they have, like good fumpters, laid ye down their horf-load of Citations and Fathers at your door, with a Rapfody of
who and who were Bilhops here or
there, ye
may
take off their Packfaddles,

their
C 224 ) don, and Epifcopacy, as they think, ftoutly vindicated. Let any gentle Apprehention that can diltinguifh learned Pains from unlearned Drudgery, imagin what pleafure or profoundnefs can be in this, or what honour to deal againft fuch Adverfaries. But were it the meaneft under-fervice, if God by his fecretary Confidence injoin it, it were fad for me if I mould draw back, for me elpecially now wlien*ll men offer their aid to help, eafc and lighten the difficult labours of the Church; to whofe fervice, by the intentions of my Parents and Friends, I was deftinM of a Child, and in mine own refolutions, till coming to fome maturity of years, and perceiving what Tyranny had invaded the Church, that he who would take Orders muft fubfcribe Have, and take an Oath withal ; which unlefs he took with a Confcience that would retch, he mult either ftrait perjure, or fplit his Faith-, [
their days
work
is
thought it better to prefer a blamelefs lilence before the facred Office of fpeakHowfoever thus ing, bought and begun with fervitude and forfwearing. Church-outed by the Prelats, hence may appear the right I have to meddle in thefe matters, as before the neceffity and conftraint appear'd.
CHAP.
frfl
1.
That Prelaty oppofeth the reafon and end of the and in her outward Form.
G of pel
three
u>ays y
thisdigreffion, it would remain that I mould fingle out fome other reafon which might undertake for Prelaty to be a fit and lawful ChurchGovernment j but finding none of like validity with thefe that have alredy fped according to their fortune,! fhall add one reafon why it is not to be thought a Church-Government at all, but a Church-Tyranny, and is at hoftile Terms with the end and reafon of Chrifts Evangelick Miniftry. Albeit I mull confefs to be half in doubt whether I mould bring it forth or no, it being fo contrary to the eye of the World, and the World fo potent in moll mens Hearts, that I fhall endanger either not to be regarded, Or not to be underftood For who is there almoft that meafures Wifdom by fimplicity, Strength by fuffering, Dignity by lowlinefs? who is there that counts it firft to be laft, fomthing to be nothing, and reckons himfelf of great command in that he is a Servant ? Yet God when he meant to fubdue the World and Hell at once, part of that to Salvation, and this wholy to Perdition, made chois of no 0ther Weapons, or Auxiliaries then thefe, whether to fave or to deftroy. It had been a fmall Maiftery for him to have drawn out his Legions into array, and flankt them with his Thunder } therefore he fent Foolifhnefs to confute Wifdom, Weaknefs to bind Strength, Defpifednefs to vanquifh Pride And this is the great myftery of the Gofpel made good in Chrift himfelf,whoas he teftifies came not to be minifter'd to, but to minifter ; and muft be fulfil'd in all his Minifters till his fecond coming. To go againft thefe principles St. Paul fo fear'd, that if he mould but affecl: the Wifdom of words in his preaching, he thought it would be laid to his charge, that he had made the Crofs of Chrift to be of none effed. Whether then Prelaty do not make of none effect the
AFter
Crofs of Chrift, by the principles it hath fo contrary to thefe, nullifying the power and end of the Gofpel, it fhall not want due proof, if it want not due belief. Neither fhall I ftand to trifle with one that will tell me of Quiddities and Formalities, whether Prelaty or Prelateity in abftrac~f notion be this or that j it fuffices me that 1 find it in his Skin, fo I find it infeparable, or not oftner otherwife then a Phenix hath bin feen although 1 perfwade me that whatever faultines was but fuperficial to Prelaty at the beginning, is now by the juft Judgment of God, long fince branded and inworn into the very eflence thereof. Firft therefore, if to do the work of the Gofpel, Chrift our Lord took upon him the form of a Servant \ how can his Servant in this Miniftry take upon him the form of a Lord? I know Bilfon hath deciphered us all the galanteries of S'tgmre and Monfignore, and Monfitur^ as cireumftantially as any pun&u:
alift
(
alift
225 )
:
of Cafteel, Naples, or Fount ain-Bleau could have done but this muft not us out of our right minds, as to be to learn that the form of a was a Servant mean, laborious, and vulgar Life apteft to teach ; which form Chrilt thought fitteft, that he might bring about his Will according to his own the meaner things of this World, that he might put Principles, choofing under the high. Now whether the pompous Garb, the lordly Life, the Wealth, the haughty diflance of Prelaty be thofe meaner things of the World, whereby God in them would manage the myftery of his Gofpel, be it the verdit of common fenfe. For Chrilt faith in St. John, The Servant is not greater then
fo
complement
his
Lord, nor be that
tbefe things, happy are
they neither know, not, wherein their Happinefs the Lordly form of Prelaty.
be that fent him; and adds, If ye know greater then ye if ye do them. Then let the Prelats well advife, if nor do thefe things, or if they know, and yet do them
is
fent.
confifts.
And
thus
is
the Gofpel fruftrated by
CHAP.
That
the ceremonies dotlr'm
the Gofpel.
II.
of Prelaty oppofeth the reafon and end of
which next declares the heavenly Power, and reveals the deep is the pure fimplicity of Dodrine, accounted the foolifhnefsof this World, yet. crofling and confounding the Pride and Wifdom of the Flefh. And wherein conlifts this flefhly Wifdom and Pride ? in being altogether ignorant of God and his Worfhip? Nofurely, for Men are Where then ? It conlifts in a bold prefumption of naturally afham'd of that. Service and of God after mans own Will in Traditions the ordering Worfliip ifdom of the Flefh were to be deand .Ceremonies. Now if the Pride and feated and confounded, no doubt but in that very point wherein it was.proudeft, and thought it felt" wifeft, that fo the vidory of the Gofpel might be the more illuftrious. But our Prelats, inftead of exprefhng the fpiritual Power of their Miniftry, by warring againft this chief bulwark and ftrong hold of the
THAT myftery of the Gofpel,
League with the principal Enemy againft whom they were fent, and turn'd the ftrength of flefhly Pride and Wifdom againft the pure fimplicity of faving Truth. Firft, miftrufting to find the the of immediat Inftitution their Order in of Chrift, or his Apoftles, Autority the to of the dear evidence carnal fupportment of by Scripture, they fly Tradition when we appeal to the Bible, they to the unweildy Volumes of Tradition And do not fhame to rejed the Ordinance of him that is eternal, for the pervers iniquity of fixteen hundred Years choofing rather to think Truth it felf a Liar, then that fixteen Ages fhould be taxt with an error j not coniidering the general Apoftafy that was foretold, and the Churches flight into the Wildernes. Nor is thisanough ; inftead of fhewing the reafon of their lowly Condition from divine example and command, they feek to
Flelh, have enter'd into faft
,
prove their high pre-eminence from human Confent and Authority. But let them chaunt while they will of Prerogatives, we fhall tell them of Scripture ; of Cuftom, we of Scripture of Ads and Statutes, ftill of Scripture ; till the quick and pearcing Word enter to the dividing of their Souls, and the mighty weaknes of the Gofpel throw down the weak mightines of mans reaNow for their demeanor within the Church, how have they disfigur'd foning. and defac't that, more then angelick brightnefs, the unclouded ferenity of Chriftian Religion, with the dark overcafting of fuperftitious Coaps and flaminical Veftures, wearing on their Backs, and I abhor to think, perhaps in fome worfe Place, the unexpreflible Image of God the Father? Tell me ye Priefts, wherefore this Gold, wherefore thefe Robes and Surplices over the Gofpel? Is our Religion guilty of the firft Trefpafs, and hath need of cloathing to cover her Nakednefs ? What does this elfe but caft an ignominy upon the perfedion of Chrifts miniftry, by feeking to adorn it with that which was
,
Gg
the
( the poor
226
remedy of our Shame ? Believe it, wondrous Dodfors, all corporeal refemblances of inward Holinefs and Beauty are now paft ; he that will cloath the Gofpel now, intimates plainly, that the Gofpel is naked, uncomely, that Do not,, ye Church-maskers, while Chrift is I may not fay reproachful. with his righteous our Barenes clothing upon Garment, to make us acceptable as do in his Fathers fight ; ye do, cover and hide his righteous verity not, with the polluted clothing of your Ceremonies, to make it feem more decent How beautiful, faith Ifatah, are the Feet of him that bringetb in your own eyes.
good tidings, that piblifheth Salvation ! Are the feet fo beautiful, and is the very bringing of thefe tidings fo decent of it felt ? What new Decency then can be added to this by your fpinftry ? Ye think by thefe gaudy glifterings to ftir up the devotion of the rude Multitude ; ye think fo, becaufe ye forfake the If the Mulheavenly teaching of S. Paul for the hellifh Sophiltry of Papifm. titude be rude, the lips of the Preacher muft give Knowledg, and not Ceremonies. And although fome ChriiHansbe new born Babes comparatively to fome that are ftronger, yet in refpect of Ceremony, which is but the rudiment of the Law, the weakeft Chriftian hath thrown off the robes of his Minority, and is a perfedt man, as to legal Rites. What childrens food there is in- the Gofpel we know to be no other than the fincerity of the Word, that they may grow But is here the utmoft of your outbraving the fervice of God ? No. thereby. Ye have bin bold, not to fet your threfhold by his threfhold, or your polls by his pofts, but your Sacrament, your Sign, call it what you will, by his Sacrament, baptizing the Chriltian Infant with a folemn fprinkle, and unbaptizing for your own part with a profane and impious forefinger: as if when ye had laid the purifying eleme/it upon his forehead, ye meant to cancel and crofs it out again with a caradter not of Gods bidding. O but the innocence of thefe Ceremonies! O rather the fottiih.abfurdity of this excufe What could be more innocent than the wafhing of a cup, a glafs, or hands before
!
meat, and that under the Law when fo many Warnings were commanded and by long tradition ? yet our Saviour detefted their Cuftoms, though never fo feeming harmlefs, and charges them feverely that they had tranfgreft the Commandments of God by their traditions, and worfhipt him in vain. How much more then muft thefe, and much grofler Ceremonies now in force delude the end of Chrift's coming in the fiefh againft the fiefh, and flifle the fincerity of our new Cov'nant, which hath bound us to forfake all carnal Pride and Wifdom, efpeciallyin matters of Religion? Thus we fee again how Prelaty, failing in oppofition to the main end and power of the Gofpel, doth not
Work of Chrift, by lowlinefs to confound height, by of dodtrin the wifdom of the world, but contrariwife hath made fimplicity it felf high in the world and the fiefh, to vanquifh things by the world accounted low, and made it felf wife in tradition and flefhly ceremony, to confound the purity of dodtrin which is the Wifdom of God.
join in that mifterious
CHAP.
Thai Vrelatkal
Jurifditlion
III.
oppofetb the reafon
and end
of
the
Gofpel and of State.

third and
laft
fundtion THc
Confideration remains, Whether the Prelats in their
do work according to the Gofpel, pradtizing to fubdue the mighty things of this world by things weak, which S.Paul hath fet forth to be the power and excellence of the Gofpel ; or whether in more likelihood they band themfelves with the prevalent things of this world, to over-run the weak things which Chrift hath made choice to work by ; and this will fooneil be
difcern'd by the cours of their But here again I find my thoughts Jurifdidtion. almoft in fufpenfe betwixt yea and no, and am nigh turning mine eye which way I may beft retire, and not proceed in this fubjedt, blaming the ardency of my mind that fixt me too For Truth, t attentively to come thus far.
know
22 7 )
hath this unhappinefs fatal to her, ere fhe can come to the and infpection of the Undei itanding ; being to pafs through many little wards and limits of the feveral Affections and Defires, Ihe cannot fhift it, but mult put on fuch colours and attire, as thofe pathetical handmaids of the Soul And if (he find fo much favour with pleafe to lead her in to their Queen let in her her ownlikenefs; if not, they bring her into the pafs them, they habited and colour'd like a notorious falfhood. And contrary when prefence any Falfhood comes that way, if they like the errand fhe brings, they are fo artful to counterfeit the very fhape and vifage of Truth, that the UnderHanding not being able to difcern the fucus which thefe lnchantrefles with fuch cunning have laid upon the feature fometimes of Truth, fometimes of Falfhood.interchangeably, fentences for the moft part one for the other at the firft blulh, according to the futtle impolture of thefe fenfual miflrefTes that keep the pores and paflages between her and the object. So that were it not for leaving impelled; that which is already faid, I fhould go near to relinAnd becaufe I fee that molt Men, as it happens quifh that which is to follow.
trial
:
know not how,
in this world, ciilicr weakly or falfly principled, what through ignorance, and what through cultom of licence, both in difcours and writing, by what hath
bin of late written in vulgar, have not feem'd to attain thedecifion of this point, I fhall likewife allay thofe wily ArbitrefTes who in moft men have, as was heard, the fole ufhering of Truth and Falfhood between the fenfe and the foul, with what loyalty they will ufe me in convoying this Truth to
underltanding ; the rather for that by as much acquaintance as with them, I do not find them engag'd either one way or other.
therefore Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiftion,^! adminifter it-, then diligent enquiry pains bin taken to fearch out that, it elfe but a pure tyrannical forgery of in the Church there ought to be none
find
ftill
my
can obtain
Concerning
made
controverfie, who fhould to learn what it is, for had the
more
Now if the Roman Cenfor, a civil function, to that fevere afilze of furvaying and controuling the privateft and flieft manners of all men and all degrees, had no Jurifdiftion, no courts of Plea, or Inditement, no punitive force annext ; whether it were that to this manner of correction the
Ecclefiaftical Cenfure.
had bin long ago enroul'd to be nothing the Prelats ; and that jurifdictive power at all. It cannot be conceiv'd that what men now call Jurifdiction in the Church, mould be other thing then a Chriftian Cenforfhip and therefore is it moft commonly and truly nam'd
,
intanglement of fuits was improper, or that the notice of thofe upright Inquifitors extended to fuch the molt covert and fpiritous vices as would flip eafily between the wider and more material grafp of the Law ; or that it flood more with the Majefty of that Office to have no other Serjeants or Maces about them but thofe invifible ones of Terror and Shame: Or laftly, were it their fear, left the greatnefs of this Autority and Honour, arm'd with JurifIn all thefe refpects, with much diction, might ftep with eafe into a Tyranny more reafon undoubtedly, ought the cenfure of the Church be quite devefted and difintal'd of all Jurifdiction whatfoever. For if the cours of Judicature to a political Cenforfhip feem either too tedious, or too contentious, much more may it to the difcipline of the Church, whofe definitive decrees are to be fpeedy, but the execution of rigour flow, contrary to what in legal proceedings is moft ufual \ and by how much the lefs contentious it is, by fo much will it be the more Chriftian. And if the Cenfor in his moral Epifcopy, being to judg moft in matters not anfwerable by writ or action, could not ufe an inftrument fo grofs and bodily as Jurifdiction is, how can the Minifter of the Gofpel manage the corpulent and fecular trial of Bill and Procefs in things meerly fpiritual ? Or could that Roman Office, without this juridical Sword or Saw, ftrike fuch a reverence of it felf into the moft undaunted hearts, as with one fingle dafh of ignominy to put all the Senate and Knighthood of Rome into a tremble ? furely much rather might the heavenly Miniitery of the Evangel bind her felf about with far more pearcing beams of Majefty and awe, by wanting the beggarly help of halings and amercements in the ufe of her powerful Keies. For when the Church without temporal fupport is able to do her great works upon the unforc't obedience of men, it argues a Divinity about her. But when fhe thinks to credit and better her fpiritual to win and her felf refped and dread by efficacy, ftrutting in the falfe vifard a of
:
Gg
( 228 ) of worldly aatority, 'tis evident that God is not there, but that her apoftolick vertu is departed from her,' and hath lett her Key-cold : Which fhe perceaving as in a decay'd nature, fecks to the outward fomentations and chahngs of worldly help, and external flomifhes, to fetch, if it be pomble, fome motion into her extream parts, or to hatch a counterfeit life with the crafty and artefkial he3t of jmifdiciion. But it is obfervable, that fo long as the Church, in true imitation of Chrifr, can be content to ride upon an Afs, carryin a mean and limple ing her felf and her Government along guife, fhe maythe of of tribe and a in her Lion he as Juda j is, be, humility all men with, loud Hofanna's will confefs her Greatnefs. Eut when defpifing the might/ operation of the Spirit by the weak things of this world, fhe thinks to make
bigger and more considerable, by uling the way of civil force and jurifdidf ion, as fhe fits upon this Lion fhe changes into an Afs, and inftead of Hofanna's every man pelts her with ftones and dirt. Laftly, if the wifdom of the Romans fear'd to commit Jurifdiction to an Office of fo high efiteem and dred as was the Cenfors, we may fee what a folecifm in the art of policy it hath bin all this while through Chriftendom to give jurifdiction to EccleFor that ftrength, joyn'd with Religion, abus'd and prellaflical Cenfure. tended to ambitious ends, mult ot neceffity breed the heavieft and moft quelling Tyranny not only upon the necks, but even to the fouls of men : which if Chriftian Rome hail bin fo cautelous to prevent in her Church, as Pagan; Rome was in her State, we had not had fuch a lamentable experience thereof For although 1 laid beas now we have from thence upon all Chriflendom. to ride the the that Church coveting lionly form of Jurifdidtion, upon fore, makes a transformation of her felf int%,an Afs, and becomes defpicable, that is to thofe whom God hath enlight'nd with true knowledge but where they remain yet in the reliques of Superftition, this is the extremity of their bondage, and blindnefs, that while they think they do obeifance to the Lordly vifage of a Lion, they do it to an Afs, that through the juft judgment of God is permitted to play the dragon among them becaufe of their wilful ftuAnd let Englandhzxz well rub her eyes, left by lea\ing Jurifdiction pidity. and Church-Cenfure to the fame perfons, now that God hath bin Co long medicining her eye-fight, fhe do not with her overpolitick fetches mar all, and bring her felf back again to worfhip this Afs beftriding a Lion. Having hitherto explain'd, that to Eccleiiaftical Cenfure no jurifdiflive power can be addd, without a childifh and dangerous overfight in Policy, and a pernicious contradiction in evangelick Difcipline, as anon more fully; it will be next to declare wherein the true reafon and force of Church-Cenfure conlifrs, which by then it fhall be laid open to the root , fo little is it that fear left any crookednefs, any wrincle or fpot fi.ould be found in Presbyterial Government, that if Bodin the famous French Writer, though a Papift, yet affirms that the Commonwealth which maintains this Difcipline will certainly fiourifh in Vertu and Piety, I dare afTure my felf that every true Proteflant will admire the Integrity, the Uprightnefs, the divine and gracious Purpofes thereof, and even for the reafon of it fo coherent with the dodtrin of the Gofpel, befide the evidence of command in Scripture, will confefs it to be the only true Church-government ; and that contrary to the whole end and myftery of Chrift's coming in the fiefh, a falfe appearance of the fame is excrcis'd by But becaufe fome count it rigorous, and that hereby men fhall be Prelaty. liable to a double Punifhment, I will begin fomewhat higher, and fpeak of Punifhment. Which, as it is an evil, I efteem to be of two forts, or rather two degrees only, a reprobate Confidence in this life, and Hell in the other world. Whatever elfe men call Punifhment or Cenfure, is not properly an Evil, fo it be not an illegal violence, but a faving med'cin ordain'd of God both for the publick and privat good of Man } who confifting of two parts, the inward and the outward, was by the eternal Providence left under two forts of The Magiftrat hath only to deal with the cure, the Church and the Magiftrat. outward part, I mean not of the Body alone, but of the Mind in all her outward adf s, which in Scripture is calPd the outward man. So that it would be helpful to us if we might borrow fuch Authority as the Rhetoricians by patent may give us, with a kind of Promethean skill to ihape and fafhion this outward Man into the llrailitude of a Body, and fet him vfible before us ;
her
felf
imagining
229 )
the Soul. Thus then the Civil Magiftrat imagining the inner Man only as as a Magiftrat, for what he doth outward the lay Man,* (I upon only looking the Church) if he find in his complexion, further, he doth it as a Member or'
in his doings the Efof Injuftice, Rapine, Lull, Cruelty, or the like, fometimes he fhuts up as in frenetick or infectious Difeafts \ or confines within dores, as in every Sometimes he ihaves by Penalty or Mulct, or els to cool and iickly eltate. takedown thofe luxuriant Humors which Wealth and Excefs have caus'd to Otherwhiles he feres, he cauterizes, he fcarifi's, lets blood; and abound. The Patients, which moft an end are utmoft remedy cuts off. for finally,
skin, or
fects
outward temperature the Signs and Marks, or
brought into his Hofpital, are fuch as are far gone, and befide themlelves, (unlefs they be fally accus'd) fo that Force is necelfary to tame and quiet them in their unruiy fits, before they can be made capable of a more human
His general End is the outward Peace and Welfare of the CommonHis particular End in every Man wealth, and civil Happinefs in this Life. and of the infliction difgrace, that the Senfes and comis, by pain, damage, mon perceivance might carry this Mellage to the Soul within, that it is neither eaferul, profitable, nor praif-worthy in this Life to do evil. Which muft and be unneeds tend to the good of Man, whether he be to live or die doubtedly the firlt means to a natural Man, efpecially an Offender, which might open his eyes to a higher coniideration of Good and Evil, as it is taught This is feen in the often penitence of thole that fuffer, who, in Religion. had they fcapt, had gon on finning to an immefurable heap, which is one of And this is all that the Civil Magiftrat, as fo the extreamelt punifhments. Man's mind, working only by terrifying Plaiof to confers the healing being, fters upon the rind and orifice of the Sore ; and by all outward appliances, as the Logicians fay, a fojtariori, at the Effect, and not from the Caufe ; not once touching the inward bed of Corruption, and that hedtick difpofitioa to Which evil, the fource of all Vice and Obliquity againft the Rule of Law. how infufficient it is to cure the Soul of Man, we cannot better guefs then by Therefore God, to the intent of further healing the Art of bodily Phyfick. man's deprav'd Mind, to this Power of the Magiftrat, which contents it felf with the reftraint of evil doing in the external Man, added that which we call Cenfure, to purge it and remove it clean out of the inmofl Soul. In the beginning this Autority feeras to have bin plac't, as all both civil and Afterwards among religious Rites once were, only in each Father of a Family the Heathen, in the wife Men and Philofophcrsof the Age ; but fo as it was More diftinclly among the Jews, a thing voluntary, and no fet Government. as being God's peculiar, where the Priefts, Levites, Profets, and at laft the Scribes and Pharifees took charge of inftructing and overfeeing the Lives of the People, But in the Gofpel, which is the ftraiteft and the deareft Cov'nant can be made between God and Man, we being now his adopted Sons, and nothing fitter for us to think on then to be like him, united to him, and as he pleafes to exprefs it, to have fellowfhip with him, it is all neceffity that wc fhould expect this blclt Efficacy of healing our inward Man to be minified to us in a more familiar and effectual Method then ever before. God being now no more a Judg after the Sentence of the Law, nor, as it were, a Schoolmafter of perifhable Rites, but a moft indulgent Father, governing his Church as a Family of Sons in their difcreet Age and therefore in the fweeteft and mildeft manner of paternal Difcipline, he hath committed this other Office of pi eferving in healthful conftitution the inner Man, which may be term'd the Spirit of the Soul, to his fpiritual Deputy the Minifter of each Congregation ; who being beft acquainted with his own Flock, hath bejft reafon to know all the fecreteft Difeafes likely to be there. And look by how much the internal Man is more excellent and noble then the external, by fo much is his Cure more exactly, more throughly, and more particularly to be perform'd. For which caufe the Holy Gholt by the Apoftles joyn'd to the Minifter, as Affiftant in this great Office, fometimes a certain number of grave and faithful Brethren, (for neither doth the Phyficiandoall in reftoring his Patient, he prefcribes, another prepares the Med'cin, fome tend, fome watch, fome vifit) much more may a Minifter partly not fee all, partly err as a Man Befides, that nothing can be more for the mutual honour and love of the People to their
cure.
';
: :
Palter,
(
Pallor, and
his to
2J0)
them, then when in fele& numbers and courfes they are feen partaking, and doing reverence to the holy Duties of Difcipline by their ferviceable and folemn Prefence, and receiving honour again from their Imto be feparated in the Church ployment, not now any more by Vails and Parand titions as Laicks unclean, but admitted to wait upon the Tabernacle as the rightful Clergy of Chrift, a chofen Generation, a royal Priefthood, to offer upfpiritual Sacrifice in that meet place to which God and the Congregation fliall call and affign them. And this all Chriftians ought to know, that the Title of Clergy S. Peter gave to all God's People, till Pope Higimu and the fucceeding Prelates took it from them, appropriating that Nametothemand condemning the reft of God's Inheritance felves and their Priefts only to 3n injurious and alienat condition of Laity, they feparated from them bylocal Partitions in Churches, through their grofs ignorance and pride imiand excluded the Members of Chrift from the protating the old Temple of being Members, the bearing of orderly and fit Offices in the Eccleperty iiaftical Body, as if they had meant to fow up that Jewifh Vail which Chrift by his death on the Crofs rent in funder. Although thefe Ufurpers could not lb prefently overmafter the Liberties and lawful Titles of God's freeborn Church j but that Origen, being yet a Lay-man, expounded the Scriptures publickly, and was therein defended by Alexander of Jerufalem, and Tbeottiftm of Cafarea, producing in his behalf divers Examples, that the privilege of teaching was antiently permitted to many worthy Laymen And Cyprian in his Epiftles profefles he will do nothing without the advice and aifent of his affiftant Laicks. Neither did the firft Nicene Councel, as great and learned as it think it any robbery to receive in, and require the help and prefence of was, learned lay Brethren, as they were thencall'd. many Many other Autorities to confirm this Aflertion, both out of Scripture and the Writings of next Antiquity, Golartius hath collected in his Notes upon Cyprian ; whereby it will be evident, that the Laity, not only by Apoftolick permiflion, but by confent of many the ancienteft Prelates, did participatin Church- Offices as much as is defir'd any lay Elder mould now do. Sometimes alfo not the Elders alone, but the whole Body of the Church is interefted in the Work of Difcipline,
,
'
is given by thofe that have given publick Scandal. of her right in Elections. But another reafon there is in it, which though Religion did not commend to us, yet moral and civil Prudence could not but extol. It was thought of old in Philofophy, that fhame or to call it better, the reverence of our Elders, our Brethren and Friends, was the greateft Incitement to vertuous Deeds, and the greateft difluafion from unworthy Attempts that might be. Hence we may read in the Iliad, where HeBor being wiflit to retire from the Battel, many of his Forces being routed, makes anfwer, that he durft not for fhame, left the Trojan Knights and Dames fhould think he did ignobly. And certain it is that wheras Terror is thought fuch a great ftickler in a Common-wealth, honourable fhame is a far greater, and has more reafon: for where fhame is, there is fear} but where fear is, there is not prefently fhame. And if any thing may be done to imbreed in us this generous and chriftianly Reverence one of another, the
as oft as publick Satisfaction
Not
to fpeak
now
very Nurs and Guardian of Piety and Vertue, it cannot fooner be then by fuch a Difcipline in the Church, as may ufe us to have in awe the Affemblies of the Faithful, and to count it a thing molt grievous, next to the grieving of God's Spirit, to offend thofe whom he hath put in Autority, as a healing fuperintendence over our Lives and Behaviours, both to our own happinefs, and that we may not give offence to good men, who without amends by us
made,
dare not, againft God's Command, hold Communion with us in holy things. And this will be accompanied with a religious dread of being outcaft from the company of Saints, and from the fatherly protection of God in his Church, to confort with the Devil and his Angels. But there is yet a more ingenuous and noble degree of honeft fhame, or call it, if you will, an efteem, whereby men bear an inward Reverence toward their own Perfons. And if the Love of God, as a Fire fent from Heaven to be ever kept alive upon the Altar of our Hearts, be the firft Principle of all godly and vertuous A&ions in men, this pious and juft honouring of our felves is the fecond, and may be thought as the radical moifture and fountain-head, whence every laudable and worthy
ri
1I
rhy Enterprise quid tiling, yet
iflues forth.
is it
)
I
And
although
have given
it
it
the
name of
a li-
not incontinent to bound
hath
in it a
mo ft rclhaming and
felf,
as
humid things
are, but
upward from the mixture of any ungenerous and unbefeeming motion, or any Soil wherewith it may peril to ftain it felf. Something 1 confefs it is to be afhamM of evil doing in the of to reverence the and prefence any ^ Opinion and the Countenance of a good Man rather than a bad, fearing molt
it felf
powerful abltinencc to ftart back, and globe
in his light to offend,
goes fo far as almoit tc-be vertuous
yet this
is
but
ftill
thefearof Infamy, and many inch, when they find themfelves alone, faving their Reputation, will compound with other Scruples,and come to a clofe treaBut he that holds himfelf in reverence ty with their dearer Vices in fecret. and dueeiteem, both for the dignity of God's Image upon him, and for the price of his Redemption, which he thinks is viiibly maikt upon his Forehead accounts himfelf both a fit Peribn to do the nobleftand godlielt Deeds, and much better worth then to deject and defile, with fuch a debafement and fuch a pollution as Sin is, himfelf fo highly ranfom'd and enobl'd to a new FricndNor can he fear fo much the offence and Ihipand filial Relation with God. of as he dreadsand would blulh at the reflection of his own reproach others, if it mould fee fevereandmodelteye upon himfelf, himdoing or imagining that which is linful, though in the deepeft How fliall a Man know to fecrecy. do himfelf this right, how to perform this honourable duty of Eltimation and Refpcct towards his own Soul and Body ? which way will lead him belt to this Hiil-topof Sanftity and Goodncfs, above which there is no higher afcent but to the Love of God, which from this felf-pious cannot be afundcr ? regard
better way doubtlels then to let him duly underltand, that as he is caiPd the by high Calling of God to be holy and pure, fo is he by the fame appointment ordain'd, and by the Churches call admitted to fuch Offices of Difciplme in the Church, to which his own fpiritual Gifts, by the Example of Apoltolick Inftitution, have autoriz'd him. For we have learnt that the fcornful
No
term of Laick, theconfecratingof Temples, Carpets, and Table-cloths, the railing in of a repugnant and contradi&ive Mount Sinai in the Gofpel, as if the touch of a lay Chriftian, who is neverthelefs God's living Temple,' could profane dead Judaifms, the exclufion of Chrillfs People from the Offices of holy Difciplinc through the pride of a ufurping Clergy, caufes the relt to
have an unworthy and abjeft Opinion of themfelves, to approach to holy Duties with a flavifh fear, and to unholy doings with a familiar boldnefs. For feeing fuch a wide and terrible diltance between religious things and themfelves, and that in refpect of a wooden Table, and the perimeter of holy Ground about it, a flagon Pot, and a linen Corporal, the Prieft eft'eems their Layfhips unhallow'd and unclean, they fear Religion with fuch a fear as loves not, and think the purity of the Gofpel too pure for them, and that any uncleannefs is more futable to their unconfecrated Eftate. But when every good Chriftian, throughly acquainted with all thofe glorious Privileges of Sanftification and Adoption, which render him more facred then any dedicated Altar or Element, (hall be reltor'd to his right in the Church, and not excluded from fuch place of fpiritual Government, as his Chriftian Abilities, and his approved good Life in the and of the eye teftimony Church, (hall prefer him to, this and nothing fooner will open his eyes to a wife and true valuation of himfelf ; which is fo requilite and high a point of Chriftianity, and will ftir him up to walk worthy the honourable and grave Imployment wherewith God and the Church hath dignifi'd him j not fearing left he fhould meet with fome outward holy thing in Religion, which his Lay-touch or prefence might profane ; but left fomething unholy from within his own Heart, mould difhonour and profane in himfelf that Prieftly Undtjon and Clergy-right whereto Chrift hath entitl'd him. Then would the Congregation of the Lord foon recover the true likenefs and vifageof what fhe is indeed, a holy Generation, a royal Priefthood, a faintly Communion, the Houfhold and City of God. And this I hold to be anothw confiderable Reafon why the Functions of ChurchGovernment ought to be free and open to Chriftian man, though never fo any laick, if his Capacity, his Faith and prudent demeanour commend him. And this the Apoftles warrant us to do. But the Prelats object, that this will bring into the Church -to whom profanenefs may be reply'd, that none have
:
brought
23 2 )
own irreligious courfes, nor more driven HoFor whereas God, who hath cleans'd livelefs into out of lincfs things. living would fuffer S. Peter to call them comnot and beaft worm, creeping every mon or unclean, the Prelat Bifhops, in their printed Orders hung up in of Creatures, Mankind, fo unpurifi'd and Churches, have proclaim'd the belt for him to lay his Hat or his Garment upon the Chancelthat contagious,
brought that in more then their
in exprefs words, than to Table, they have definMitno lefs hainous, prohave of the Lord. And<hus fane the Table they by their Canaanitifh Dodtrine, is to the Chriftian no better then (for that which was to the Jew butjewifh, and made common have thus unclean, thus have they made they Canaanitilh) not only clean'd, but Chrift alfo hath afwhich God hath that nature profane fum'd. And now that the equity and juft reafon is fo perfpicuous, why in Ecclefiaftick cenfure the afliftance fhould be added of fuch, as whom not the vile odour of Gain and Fees (forbid it God, and blow it with a Whirlwind out of our Land) but Charity, Neighbourhood, and duty to Church-Government hath call'd together, where could a wife man wifh a more equal, gratuthat he might happen to commit itous, and meek examination of any Office he Would here? prefer thofe proud fimoniacal againft Chriftianity then his attends ? therefore the aflifted Minifter Thus Courts Heavenly and Spiriwhere we fliall fee him both in the courfe of his proceeding ; and tual Cure fir ft in the excellency of his end, from the Magiltrate far different, and not more different then excelling. His end is to recover all that is of man, both and yet as for worldly Soul and Body, to an everlaiting Health Happinefs, which is the proper Sphere wherein the Magiltrate cannot but confine his motion without a hideous exorbitancy from Law, fo little aims the Minifter, as his intended fcope, to procure the much Profperity of this Life, that ofttimes he may have caufeto wifh much of it away, as a Diet puffing up the Soul with a flimy fiefhinefs, and weakning her principal Organiok parts. Two heads of evil he has to cope with, Ignorance and Malice. Againft the former he provides the daily Manna of incorruptible Dodrine, not at thofe fet Meals only in publick, but as oft as he fliall know that each Infirmity, or Conftitution requires. Againft the latter with all the branches thereof, not with that reftraining and ftyptick Surgery which the Law ufes, not medling indeed againft the malady, but againft the Eruptions, and outermoft Effedts thereof-, he on the contrary, beginning at the prime caufes and roots of the Difeafe, fends in thofe two divine Ingredients of moft cleanfing power to the
: :
:
Soul, Admonition and Reproof , befides which two there is no Drug or Antidote that" can reach to purge the mind, and without which all other Experiment's are but vain, unlefs by accident. And he that will not let thefe pafs into him, though he be the greateft King, as Plato affirms, muft be thought to remain impure within, and unknowing of thofe things wherein his purenefs and his
knowledg fhould moft appear.
As foon
therefore as
it
may
be
difcern'd that the Chriftian Patient, by> feeding otherwhere on Meats not allowable, but of evil Juice, hath diforder'd his Diet, and fpread an ill Humour
his Vains, immediatly difpofing to a Sicknefs, the Minifter, as being nearer both in Eye and Duty then the Magiftrate, fpeeds him betimes to overtake that diffus'd Malignance with fome gentle Potion of Admonifhment-, or if ought be obftrudt ed, puts in his opening and difcuffive Confections. This not fucceeding after once or twice, or oftner, in the prefence of two or three his faithful Brethren appointed thereto, he advifes him to be more careful of his deareft Health, and what it is that he fo rafhly hath let down into the divine Veffel of his Soul, God's Temple. If this obtain not,
through
much
he is. To this alfo his Brethren and Friends intreat, exhort, adjure ; and all thefe Endeavours, as there is hope left, are more ar lefs repeated. But if neither the regard of-himfelf, nor the reverence of his Elders and Friends prevail with him, to leave his vitious Appetite, then as the time urges, fuch
Engines of Terror God hath given into the hand of his Minifter as to fearchthe tendereft Angles of the Heart one while he fhakes his ftubbornnefs with
:
he then, with the counfel of more Afliftants, who are inform'd of what diligence hath been already us'd, with morefpeedy Remedies lays neerer liege to the entrenched Caufes of his Diftemper, not fparing fuch fervent and well-aim'd Reproofs as may beft give him to fee the dangerous eftate wherein
( 2 S3 ) with racking convulfions nigh defpair, otherwhiles with deadly carrofives he gripes the very roots of his faulty liver to bring him to life through the entry of death. Hereto the whole Church befeech him, beg of him, deplore him, pray for him. After all this perform'd with what patience and attendance is
having done the utmofl of their cure, diflblve their fellowlhip with him, and holding forth the dreadful fponge of Excommunion, pronounce him wip'd out of the lift of God's Inheritance, and in the cuftody of Satan till he Which horrid fentence, tho it touch neither life nor limb, nor any repent. worldLy pofleflion, yet has it fuch a penetrating force, that fwifter then any chymical fulphur, or that lightning which harms not the skin, and rifles the Yet even this terrible denouncement is entrals, it fcorches the inmolt Soul. left to the Church for no other caufe but to be as a rough and vehement
poflible,
his part,
and no relenting on
in the
name of God and of the Church they
obdurat, a mortifying to life, a kind of faving by undoing. may be truly faid, that as the mercies of wicked men are cruelties, fo the cruelties of the Church are mercies. For if
cleanfing medicin,
is
where the malady
And
it
holy pulling 2 Cor. io. down of flrong holds, cajling down imaginations, and every high thing that exalteth the knowledg of God, and it felf againft bringing into captivity every thought to the could be done more for the healing and recla obedience of Chrift.
repentance fent from Heaven meet this loll wanderer, and draw him out of thatfteep journey wherein he W3S hailing towards deftruftion, to come and reconcile to the Church, if he bring with him his bill of health, and that he is now clear of infeclion, and of no danger to the other fheep, then with incredible expreffionsof joy all his brethren receive him, and fee before him thofe perfumed bankets of Chriftian confolation j with pretious ointments bathing and fomenting the old, and now to be forgotten itripes which terror and mamehad infli&ed} and thus with heavenly folaces they cheer up his humble remorfe, till he regain his firft health and felicity. This is the approved way which the Gofpel prefcribes, thefe are the fpiritual weapons of
cenfure,
and minifterial warfare,
not carnal, but mighty through
God
to the
What
that divine particle of God's breathing, the Soul, and what could be done lefs ? he that would hide his faults from fuch a wholfome caring as this, and count it a twofold punifhment, as fome do, is like a man that having foul difeafes about him, perifhes for fhame, and the fear he has of a rigorous inci(hall be able by this time to difcern whether fion to come upon his flelh. Prelatical Jurisdiction be contrary to the Gofpel or no. Firft therefore the government of the Gofpel being economical and paternal, that is, of fuch a family where there be no fervants, but all fons in obedience, not in fervility, as cannot be deny'd by him that lives but within the found of Scripture ; how can. the Prelats juftify to have turn'd the fatherly orders of Chrift's houfhold, the blefled meeknefsof his lowly roof, thofe ever open and inviting doors of his dwelling-houfe, which delight to be frequented with only filial acceffes ; how-
ming
We
can they juftify to have turn'd thefe domeftick privileges into the bar of a proud judicial Court, where fees and clamours keep fhop and drive a trade, where bribery and corruption folicits, paltringthe free and monilefs power of difcipline with a carnal fatisfadlion by the purfe ? Contrition, humiliation, confeflion, the very fighs of a repentant Spirit are there fold by the penny. That undetiour'd and unblemifhable fimplicity of the Gofpel, not fhe her felf, for that could never be, but a falfe-whited, a lawnie refemblance of her, like that air-born Helena in the fables, made by the forcery of Prelats, inftead of calling her Difciples from the receit of cuftom, is now turn'd Publican her felf ; and gives up her body to a mercenary whoredom under thofe fornicated Arches which fhe calls God's houfe, and in the fight of thofe her altars which fhe hath fet up to be ador'd, makes merchandize of the bodies and fouls of men. Rejecting Purgatory for no other reafon, as it feems, then becaufe her greedinefs cannot defer, but had rather ufe the utmoft extortion of redeemed penances in this life. But becaufe thefe matters could not be thus carri'd without a begg'd and borrow'd force from worldly autority, therefore Prelaty flighting the deliberat and chofen counfelof Chrift in his fpiritual government, whofe glory is in the weaknefs of flefhly things, to tread upon the creft of the world's pride and violence by the power of fpiritual Ordinances, hath on the contrary made thefe her friends and champions which are Chrift's eneHh mics
( 2?4 )
m'resinthishis high defign, fmothering and extinguilhing the fpiritual force of his bodily weaknefs in the difcipline of his Church with the boiftrous and And carnal tyranny of an undue, unlawful, and ungofpel-like Jurifdiction. thus Prelaty both in her fielhly fupportments, in her carnal Doctrine of Ceremony and Tradition, in her violent and fecular power, going quite counter to the prime end of ChrilFs coming in the flelh, that is to revele his truth, his glory, and his might, in a clean contrary manner then Prelaty feeks to the great myftery of God 1 do not conclude do, thwarting and defeating that Prelaty is Antichriftian, for what need I? the things themfelves conYet if fuch like practifes, and not many worfe then thefe of our clude it. in that great darknefs of the Roman Church, have not exempted Prelats, both her and her prefent members from being judg'd to be Antichriftian in all orthodoxal efteem, I cannot think but that it is the abfolute voice of Truth and all her children to pronounce this Prelaty, and thefe her dark deeds in the midft of this great Light wherein we live, to be more Antichriftian than An-,
tichrift himfelf.
The Conclusion.
Tie mifchhf
thai
Prelaty
docs
in
the
State,
thofe great ones that are fo fond of Prelaty : this is the that certain, Gofpel being the hidden might of Chrift, as hath been hath a victorious ever heard, power joinM with it, like him, in the Revelation that went forth on the white Horfe with his bow and his crown conquering,
Add one thing more to
and to conquer. does his proper
the Angel of the Gofpel ride on his own way, he conquering the high thoughts, and the proud reafonings of the flefh, and brings them under to give obedience to Chrift with the Salvation of many Souls. But if ye turn him out of his rode, and in a manner force him to exprefs his irrefiftible power by a Doctrine of .carnal might, as Prelaty is, he will ufe that fielhly ftrength which ye put into his hands to fubdue your Spirits by a fervile and blind fuperftition, and that again fhall hold fuch dominion over your captive minds, as returning with an infatiat grcedinefs and force upon your worldly wealth and power, wherewith to deck and magnify her felf, arid her falfe worfhips, me (hall fpoil and havock your eftates, difturb your eafe, diminilh your honour, inthraul your liberty under the fvvelling mood of a proud Clergy, who will not ferve or feed your Souls with fpiritual food } look not for it, they have not wherewithal, or if they
If
let
we
bufinefs,
had,
not in their purpofe. But when they have glutted their ingrateful it be poflible that thofe open Sepulchres (hould ever be glutted, and when they have ftufft their idolilh Temples with the wafteful pillage of your eftates, will they yet have any companion upon you, and that poor pittance which they have left you \ will they be but fo good to you as that raviilier was to his lifter, when he had us'd her at his pleafure ; will they but only hate ye, and fo turn ye loofe? no, they will not, Lords and Commons, they will not favour ye fo much. What will they do then in the name of God and Saints, what will thefe man-haters yet with more defpight and mifchief do ? I'll tell ye, or at leaft remember ye, for moft of ye know it already. That they may want nothing to make them true merchants of Bahylon^ as they have done to your Souls, they will fell your Bodies, your Wives, your Children, your Liberties, your Parlaments, all thefe things, and if there be ought elfc dearer then thefe, they will fell at an out-cry in their Pulpits to the arbitrary and illegal difpofe of any one that may hereafter be call'd a Kingf
it is
bodies, at leaft if
whofe njind fliall ferve him to liften to their bargain. And by their corrupt and fervile Doctrines boring our ears to an everlafting flavery, as they have done hitherto, fo will they yet do their beft to repeal and erafe every line and claufe of both our great Charters. Nor is this only what they will do, but what they hold as the main reafon and myftery of their advancement that
they
(255)
they muft do; be the Prince never fo juft and equal to his Subjects, yet fuch are their malicious and depraved eyes, that they lb look on him, and fo underftand him, as if he requir'd no other gratitude, or piece of fervice front them then this. And indeed they Hand ib opportunely for the difturbing or the deftroying of a State, being a knot of creatures whofe dignities, means, and preferments have no foundation in the Gofpel, as they themfelves acknowledg, but only in the Princes favour, and to continue fo long to them, whence it muft needs be they fhould as by pleafing him they fhall deferve bend all their intentions and fervices to no othei ends but to his, that if it fhould happen that a Tyrant (God turn fuch a fcourge from us to our enemies) fhould come to grafp the Scepter, here were hi; fpcar-men and his lances, here were his firelocks ready, he fhould need no other Pretorian band nor penlionary then thefe, if they could once with their perfidious preachments awe the people. For although the Prelats in time of Popery were fometimes friendly anough to Magna Charta, it was becaufe they flood upon their own bottom, without their main dependance on the Royal nod but noW if fhe will the reform well that Proteftant her felf Religion, being acquainted of them all their guilded muft undrefs the rightly by vanities, and Scriptures, reduce them, as they were at firft, to the lowly and equal order of Presbyters, they know it concerns them nearly to ftudy the times more then the text, and to lift up their eyes to the hills of the Court, from whence only comes their of this crouching and obfervance, as e'l e lielp \ but if their pride grow weary minds clime ftill to a higher afcent of worldit that their and would, yet long to them, that they muft of necellity this remain can only refuge ly honour, contrive to bring themfelves and us back again to the Popes Supremacy, and this we fee they had by fair degrees of late been doing. Thefe be the two fair fupporters between which the ftrength of Prelaty is born up, either of inducing Tyranny, or of reducing Popery. Hence alfo we may judg that For the property of Truth is, where fhe is publickPrelaty is meer falfhood. ly taught, to unyoke and fet free the minds and fpirits of a Nation firft from the thraldom of Sin and Superftition, after which all honeft and legal freedom of civil Life cannot be longabfent; but Prelaty, whom the tyrant Cuftom begot a natural tyrant in Religion, and in State the agent and minifter of Tyranny, feems to have had this fatal gift in her nativity like another Midas, that whatfoever fhe fhould touch or come near either in ecclefial or political Government, it fhould turn, not to Gold, though fhe for her part could wifhit^ but to the drofs and fcum of flavery, breeding and fetling both in the Eodies and the Souls of all fuch as do not in time, with the fovran treacle of found Doctrine, provide to fortify their hearts againft her Hierarchy. The fervice of God who is Truth, her Liturgy confeffes to be perfect freedom ; but her works and her opinions declare that the fervice of Prelaty is perfect flavery, and by con fequence perfect falfhood. Which makes me wonder much that many of the Gentry, ftudious men, as I hear, fhould engage themfelves to write, and fpeak publickly in her defence, but that I believe their honeft and ingenuous natures coming to the UniverCties to ftore themfelves with good and folid Learning, and there unfortunately fed with nothing elfe but the fcragged and thorny Lectures of monkifh and miferableSophiftry, were fent home again with fuch a fcholaftical Bur in their throats, as hath ftopt and hinder'd all true and generous Philofophy from entring, crack't their voices for ever with metaphyfical Gargarifms, and hath made them admire a fort of formal outfide men prelatically addicted, whofe unchaflen'd and unwrought minds were never yet initiated or fubdu'd under the true lore of Religion or moral Vertue, which two are the beft and greatefl points of Learning, but either flightly train'd up in a kind of hypocritical and hackny cours of literature to get their living by, and dazle the ignorant, or elfe fondly overftudied in ufelefs controverfies, except thofe which they ufe with all the fpeciousand delufive futtlety they are able, to defend their prelatical Sparta^ having a Gofpel and Churchgovernment fet before their eyes, as a fair field wherein they might exercife the greatefl vermes and the greatefl deeds of Chriftian Autority, in mean fortunes and little furniture of this world ; which even the fage Heathen Writers, and thofe old Fabritii and Curii well knew to be a manner of working, then which nothing could lik*n a mortal man more to God, who delights moft to Hh 2 work
: :
^n
himfelf, and not by the heavy luggage of corporeal inftruit not, and think no fuch undcrftand matter, but admire and dote mcnts, they with an and and riches honours, eafy intemperate life, to the upon worldly bane of Ghriftianity yea, they and their Seminaries (hame not to pro fiefs," to lin pealing our ears, that unlets wc fat them like petition, and never Boors, and cram them as they lift with Wealth, with Deaneries, and Pluralities, with Baronies and ftatcly Preferments, all Learning and Religion will go unWhich is fuch a fhamelefs, furh a beftial plea, and of that odious derfoot. impudence in Church-men, who fhould be to us a pattern of temperance and frugal mediocrity, who mould teach us to contemn this world, and the gaudy to the promife which they thcmfelves tilings thereof, according require from us in Baptifm, that ihould the Scripture Hand by and be mute, there is not that fed of Philofophers among the Heathen fodiflblute, no not Epicurus, nor but would fhut his School-doors againft Afiftifpu with all his Cyrenaick rout, fuch greazy Sophifters } not any College of Mountebanks, but would think fcorn to diilovcr in themfelvcs with fuch a brazen forehead the outrageous
:
work from within
Which the Prelats make fo little confcience of, that delireof filthy lucre. to are ready fight, and if it lay in their power, to maflacre all good they Chriftians under the names of horrible Schifmaticks for only finding fault with their temporal dignities, their unconfcionable wealth and revenues, their cruel autority over their Brethren that labour in the Word, while they fnore in their luxurious excefs: Openly proclaiming themfelves now in the fight of all men, to be thofe which for a while they fought to cover under iheeps clothing, ravenous and favage wolves, threatning inroades and bloody incurfions upon the flock of Chrift, which they took upon them to feed, but now clame to devour as their prey. More like that huge Dragon of Egypt breathing out wafleand defolation to the Land, unlefs he were daily fatn'd with Virgins blood. Him our old Patron St. George by his matchlefs valour And if our flew, as the Prelat of the Garter that reads his Collect can tell. Princes and Knights will imitate the fame of that old Champion, as by their order of Knighthood folemnly taken, they vow, far be it that they lhould uphold and lide with this Englifh Dragon-, but rather to do as indeed their oath binds them, they lhould make it their knightly adventure to purfue and vanquifh this mighty fail-wing'd Monfter that menaces to fwallow up the L and, unlefs her bottomlefs gorge may be fatisfid with the blood of the King's daughter the Church ; and may, as fhe was wont, fill her dark and infamous den with the bones of the Saints. Nor will any one have reafon to think this as too incredible or too tragical to be fpok'n of Prclaty, if he confider well from what a mafsof flime and mud the flothful, the covetous and ambitious hopes of Church-promotions and fat Bifhopricks, fhe is bred up and nuzzl'd in, like a great Python from her youth, to prove the general poyfon both of For certainly fuch hopes and fuch Doctrine and good Difcipline in the Land. of earth wherein fhe welters from a young one, are the asthefe principles immediate generation both of a flavifh and tyrannous life to follow, and a peftiferous contagion to the whole Kingdom, till like that fenborn Serpent fhe be fhot to death with the darts of the Sun, the pure and powerful beams of God's Word. And this may ferve todefcribe tons in part, what Prelaty hath bin, and what, if fhe ftand, fhe is like to be toward the whole body of people in England. Now that it may appear how fhe is not fuch a kind of evil, as hath any good or life in it, which many evils have, but a diftill'd quintelTence, a pure elixir of mifchief, peftilent alike to all, 1 fhall fhew briefly, e're I conclude, that the Prelats, as they are to the fubjeds a calamity, fo are they the greateft underminers and betrayers of the Monarch, to whom they feem to be moll favourable. I cannot better liken the ftate and perfon of a King then to that mighty Nazarite Samfon, who being difciplin'd from his birth in the precepts and the practice of temperance and fobriety, without the ftrong drink of injurious and exceffive dclires, grows up to a noble
ftrength and perfection with thofe his illuftriousand funny Locks, the Laws,' waving and curling about his god-like fhoulders. And while he keeps them about him undiminifht and unlhorn, he may with the jaw-bone of an Afs, that is with the word of his meaneft officer, fupprefs and put to confulion thou-
fands of thofe that rife againft his
juft
power.
But laying
down
his
head
among
?7 )
the /trumpet flatteries of Prclats, while he fleeps and thinks no harm, all thole bright and wajghty trefles of his Laws, and they wickedly (having off his ornament and itrength, deliver him over to were which jult Prerogatives, indirect and violent counfels, which as thole Philiifins put out the fair and
among
and make him grind in the prifonfar-lighted eyes of his natural difcerning, Till he, knowing this Prehoufe of their finifterends and practices upon him latical Ralbr to have bereft him of his wonted might, nourifh again hispu:
iflant hair, the golden beams of Law and Right; and they Ifernly (hook, thunder with ruin upon the heads of thole his evil Counfellors, but not withThis is the fum of their loyal fervicc to out great affliction to himfelf: (fill cry, The King, the arc that the men Kings; yet thefe King, the Lord's how they came to light upon any thing wonder and Anointed. grant it, fotrue; and wonder more, if Kings be the Lord's Anointed, how they dare thus oyl over and befmcar fo holy an Unft ion with the corrupt and putrid oyntment of their bafc flatteries ; which while they fmooth the skin, /hike inward and envenom the life-blood. What fidelity Kings can expect from Prclats, both examples pa ft, and our prefent experience of their doings at this day, whereon is grounded all that hath bin laid, may fuffice to inform us. And if they be fach clippers of Regal Power, and (havers of the Laws, how they
We
(land affedted to the Law-giving Parlament, your felves, worthy Peers and Commons, can belt teftify ; the current, of whole glorious and immortal acti-
ons hath bin only oppos'd by the obfeure and pernicious deiigns of the Pi elats, until their infolence broke out to filch a bold affront, as hath juilly immur'd Nor have they done any thing of their haughty looks within ftrong walls. late with more diligence, then to hinder or break the happy allembling of Parlaments, however needful to repair the lhattei'd and disjointed frame of the Commonwealth ; or if they cannot do this, to crofs, to difinable, and
traduce
accufes them to be no lawful Members of the Houfe,
nothing elfe, plainly they thus perpetually mutinie againfb their own body. And though they pretend, like Salomon's harlot, that they have right thereto, by the fame judgment that Salomon gave, it cannot belong to them, whenas it is not only their aflent, but their endeavour continually to divide Parlaments in twain ; and not only by dividing, but by all other means to abolifh and deftroy the free ufe of them to all pofteFor the which, and for all their former mifdeeds, whereof this Book rity. and many Volumes more cannot contain the moytie, 1 (hall move ye Lords in
the behalf I dare, fay of many thoufand good Chiiltians, to let your juflice and And yet in the fpeedy fentence pafs againft this great malefactor Prelaty. and fuch a mercy, I midit of rigor I would befecch ye to think of mercy fear I (hall overfhoot with a delire to fave this falling Prelaty, fuch a mercy (if I may venture to fay it) as may exceed that which for only ten righteous Not that I dare advile ye to contend with perfons would have fav'd Sodom. God, whether he or you mall be more merciful, but in your wife efteems to ballance the offences of thofe peccant Cities with thefe enormous riots of ungodly mifrule that Prelaty hath wrought both in the Church of Chrift, and in the State of this Kingdom. And it ye think ye may with a pious preemption ftrive to go beyond God in mercy, I (hall not be one now that would diflwade Though God for lefs then ten juft perfons would not fpare Sodom, yet if ye. can find after due fearch but only one good thing in Prelaty either to Reyou or civil Government, to King or Parlament, to Prince or ligion People, to or let her Wealth let her fpread her, Liberty, Learning, live, Law, fpare among ye, till with her (hadow all your Dignities and Honours, and all the But on the contrary, if (lie be glory of the Land be darken'd and obfeur'd. found to be malignant, hoftile, deftruclive to all thefe, as nothing can be furer, then let your fevere and impartial Doom imitate the divine Vengeance ;
-,
all
Parlamentary Proceedings.
And
this, if if
rain down your punifhing force upon this godlefs and oppreffing Government : and bring fuch a dead Sea of fubverlion upon her, that (he may never in this Land rife more to afflitt the holy reformed Church, and the ele& People of God.
O F
( 2 39 )
O F
ftelatual eptfcopacp.
And whether
it
may he deducd from
the
Apoflolical
tbofe Tejl'momes which are alkdgd to that purone in pofe Jome late Treatifes ; thereof goes under the Kame of
Times by virtue of
James
Archbifhop of
Armagh.
PISCOPACY, as it is taken for an Order in the Church above a Presbyter, or as we commonly name him the Minifter of a Congregation, is either of Divine Conflitution, or of Human. If onely of Human we have the fame human Privilege that all Men have ever had lince Adam,
being born free, and in the Miftrefs Hand of all the Britijh, to retain this Epifcopary, or to remove it, confulting with our own Occalions and Conveniences, and for the prevention of our own Dangers and Difquiets, in what bell manner we can devife, without runningat a lofs, as we mult needs in thofe flale and ufelefs Records of either uncertain or unfound Antiquity , which if we hold fall to the grounds of the Reformed Church, can neither skill of us, nor we of it, fo oft as it would lead us to the broken reed of Tradition. If it be of Divine Conftitution, tofatisfieusfully in that, the Scripture onely is able, it being the onely Book left us of Divine Authority,not in any thing more divine then in the all-fufficiency it hath tofurnifh us, as with all other fpirituall Knowledg, fo with this in particular, fetting out to us a perfect Ma.i of God, accomplifh't to all the good works of his charge : Through all which Book can be no where, either by plain Text, or folid reafoning, found any difference between a Bifhop and a Presbyter, fave that they be two names to fignify the fame Order. Notwithftanding this dearnefs, and that by all evidence of Argument, Timothy and Titus (whom our Prelates claim to imitate onely in the controuling part of their Office) had rather the Vicegerency of an Apofllefhip commited to them, then the ordinary charge of a Bifhoprick, as being Men of an extraordinary calling ; yet to verify that which St. Paul foretold of fucceeding times, when Men began to have itching Eares, then not contented with the plentifull and wholfom fountaines of the Gofpel, they began after their owne Lulls to heap to themfelves Teachers ; and as if the divine Scripture wanted a Supplement, and were to be eek't out, they cannot think any doubt refolv'd, and any Do&rine confirin'd, unlefs they run to that indigeiled heap and frie of Authors, which they call Antiquity. Whatfoever|time, or the heedlefs hand of blind chance, hath drawn down from of old to this prefent, in her huge Drag-net, whether Filh, or Seaweed, Shells, or Shrubbs, unpickt, unchofen, thofe are the Fathers. Seeing therefore forae Men, deeply converfant in Books, have had fo little care of late to give the World abetter account of their reading, then by divulgneedlefs ftufft with names of ing Tra&ats, fpecious Ignatius, and Polycarpus ; with fragments of old Martyrologies, and Legends, to diflracl: and flagger the multitude of credulous Readers, and miflead them from their ftrong guards and places of Safety, under the tuition of Holy Writ ; it came into my
Tim,
4.
thoughts to perfwade my felf, fetting all diftances, and nice refpe&s afide, I could do Religion, and my Country no better fervice for the time, then utmofl endeavour to recall the People of from this vain fordoing nay after raging Straw, and to reduce them to their firm Stations under the Handard of the Gofpel by making appear to them, firfl the infufficiency, next the inconveniency \ and laftly, the impiety of thefe gay Teflimonies, that their great Doctors would bring them to dote on. And in performing this, I fhall not ftrive to be more exac> in Method, then as their citations lead me.
that
God
:,
Rrffcj
24 )
{hall be treated fully, when the Author Firft, therefore concerning Ignatius Next to prove a fuccef{hall come to infill: upon fome places in his Epiftles. he one cites Letmtius Bilhop of Magnefia, out lion of 27 Bifoops from Timothy, : this but Council is Chalcedonian an obfcure and fingle the of the 1 itb Aft of who {hall commend him to us, with this faithful his for dealing witnefs and we know further of What ? of him, but that he might his Catalogue Biflwps of Leonthu as that was a hundred years a falfe and factious as Antioch, be BiPwp, his Predecefibr ? For neither the praife of his Wifdom, or his Vertue, hath left him memorable to Pofterity, but only this doubtful relation, which we mull and how fhall this Teftimony receive credit from his word, take at his word whofevery Name had fcarce been thought on but for this bare Teftimony ? But they will fay, he was a Member of the Council, and that may deferve to I will not ftand to argue, as yet with fair allowgain him Credit with us. that we ance 1 might, may as juftly fufpeft there were fome bad and flippery as we know there are wont to be in our Convocations : that men in Council, been more attempted, to need I {hall Nor plead at this time, that nothing hath nor with more fubtlety brought about, both antiently by other Heretich, and
:
but from our Adverfaries hands, whence Canons, Ads, and whole fpmious Councils are thruft upon us ; and hard it would be to prove in the lawful rejection of an urgent, and free all, which are legirimat againft But this I purpofe not to take advantage of ; for what avails it to diiputer. as we know that many wrangle about the corrupt Editions of Councils, when after was Years almoft Years ere this time,which Chrift, the Councils them500
modernly by
the Editions of the Councils, Papifts, then to falilfy
of which
we have none
felves
were fouly corrupted with ungodly Prelatifm, and fo far plung'd into to uphold their worldly Ambition, as that it ftood them upon long ere this now well-tafted Hierarchy by what a fair pretext foever they could, in like manner as they had now learnt to defend many other grofs Corruptions by as as Epifcopacy ? And what hope ancient, and fuppofed authentick Tradition can we have of this whole Council to warrant us a matter, 400 Years at leaft above their time, concerning the diftindtion of Bifhop and Presbyter, when as we find them fuch blind Judges of things before their eyes, in their decrees of for the Apoftolick precedency between Bijhop and Bijhop, acknowledging Rome the Foundation of for the and the in that See and Peter Rock, Bafis, Throne, the Catholick Church and Faith, contrary to the interpretation of more antient Fathers? and therefore from a miftaken Text did they give to Leo, as Peters fuccefibr, a kind of Preheminence above the whole Council, as Euagrius come to that height, as to arrogate to himexprefles (for now the Pope was felf by his Vicars incompetible honours) and yet having thus yielded to Rome
the univerfal Primacy for fpiritual Reafons, as they thought, they conclude their fitting with a carnal and ambitious Decree, to give the fecond place of Dignity to Conftantinople from reafon of State, becaufeitwas New ROME; and by like confequence, doubtlefs of earthly Privileges annext to each other City, was the Bishop thereof to take his place. I may fay again therefore, what hope can we have of fuch a Council, as bewe attend ginning in the Spirit, ended thus in the Flefh ? Much rather {hould to what Eufebius, the antienteft Writer extant of Church-Hiftory, notwithof his, ftanding all the helps he had above thefe, confefies in the 4ft Chapter 3d Book, That it was no eafy matter to tell who were thofe that were left a Bifhops of the Churches by the Apoftles, more then by what man might gaof St. ther from the Ads of the Apoftles, and the Epiftles Paul, in which
number he reckons Timothy
'An.
i. j.
So as may plainly appear, for Bilhop of Ephefus. that this Tradition of Bilhoping Timothy over Ephefus, was but taken for granted out of that place in St. Paul, which was only an intreating him to tarry at Ephefus, to do fomthing left him in charge. Now if Eufebius, a famous Writer, thought it fo difficult to tell who were appointed Bifhops by the Awe think it difficult to Leontius, an obfcure Bilhop, poftles, much more may
either of
for fpeaking beyond his own Diocefs and certainly much more hard was it them to determine what kind of Bifhops thefe were, if they had fo little means to know who they were ; and much lefs reafon have we to ftand to their definitive Sentence, feeing they have bin fo rafh to raife up fuch mifunderftood. lofty Bifhops aad Bifhopricks out of places in Scripture meerly
:
Thus
4I )
Thus while we
leave the Bible to gad after thefe Traditions of the Antients, themfelves confetfing, that what knowledg they had in Antients hear the we this point was fuch as they had gather'd from the Bible. Since therefore Antiquity it fclf hath turn'd over the Controverfy to that fovran Book which we had fondly ftraggl'd from, welhall do better not to detain this venerable Apparition of Leontius any longer, but difmifs him with his Lift of feven and twenty, to fleep unmolefted in his former obfcurity.
Now for the word -zrpotfsk,

in that lenfe
it
it is
more
likely that 'timothy
never knew the
was the vanity of thofe next fucceeding times not to word ; content themfelves with the fimplicity of Scripture-phrafe, but muft make a new Lexicon to name themfelves by , one will be call'd 7rgoEs\, or Antiftes, a word of Precedence another would be term'd a Gnoftick, as Clemens ; a third which was a plain fign that their Sacerdos, or Prieft, and talks of Altars Do&rin began to change, for which they muft change their expreflions. But
, ,
that place of Jujlin Martyr ferves rather to convince the Author, then to make for him, where the name 7n>ots.'s t otchhcpZ", the Prelident, or Paftor of the Brethren (for to what end is he their Prelident, but to teach them ?)
cannot be limited to
fignify a Prelatical Bifhop,
but rather communicates that
Greek appellation to every ordinary Presbyter : For there he tells what the Chriftians had wont to do in their feveral Congregations, to read and expound, to pray and adminifter, all which he fays the irôica^, or Antijles did. Are thefe the Offices only of a Bifhop, or fhall we think that every Congregation where thefe things were done, which he attributes to this Antiftes, had a Btfoop prefent among them ? Unlefs they had as many Antiftites as Presbyters, which this place rather feems to imply ; and fo we may infer even from their
own
alledg'd Authority, that Antilles was nothing elfe but Presbyter. for that namelefs Treatife of Timothy's Martyrdom, only cited by Photius that livM almoft 900 Years after Chrift, it hanfomly follows in that Author, the Martyrdom of the feven Sleepers, that flept (I tell you but what
As
mine Author fays) three hundred feventy and two years ; for fo long they had bin fhut up in a Cave without meat, and were found living. This Story of Timothy's Ephefi3n Bifhoprick, as it follows in order, fo may it for truth, for Pbotius only faith he if it only fubfift upon its own Authority, as it doth read it, he does not aver it. That other legendary piece found among the lives of the Saints, and fent us from the (hop of the Jefuits at Lovain, does Eufeb. but bear the name of Polycrates, how truly who can tell? and fhall have fome mo<pm> more weight with us, when Polycrates can perfwade us of that which he affirms in the fame place of Eufebius's <$th Book, that St. John was a Prieft, and wore the golden Breftplate: and why mould he convince us more with his Traditions of Timothy's Epifcopacy, then he could convince Vittor Bifhop of Rome with his Traditions concerning the Feaft of Eafter, who not regarding his irrefragable inftances of examples taken from Philip and his Daughters that were Prophetefles, or from Polycarpus, no nor from St. John himfelf, excommunicated both him, and all the Allan Churches, for celebrating theif Eafter judaically ? He may therefore go back to the feven Bifhops his Kinfmen, and make his moan to them, that we efteem his traditional Ware as lightly as
,
1,6.
rtftor did.
Thofe of Tbeodoret, Felix, and John of Antioch, are Autorities of later times, and therefore not to be receiv'd for their Antiquities fake to give in evidence concerning an Allegation, wherein Writers, fo much their Elders,
we fee fo
left
What if they had told us that Peter, who as they of fay Antioch, went afterwards to Rome, and was Bifhop Ignatius Bifhop there, as this Ignatius, and Irenaeus, and all Antiquity with one mouth deliver ? there be neverthelefs a number of learned and wife Proteftants, who have written, and will maintain, that Peter's being at Rome as Bifhop, cannot ftand with concordance of Scripture. Now come the Epiftles of Ignatius to fhew us firft, that Oneftmus was Bifhop of Ephcfus ; next to alfert the difference of Bifhop and Presbyter, wherin I wonder that men, teachers of the Proteftant Religion, make no more difficulty of impofing upon our Belief a fuppofititious ofspring of fome dozen Epiftles, whereof five are reie&ed as fpurious, containing in them Herefies and Trifles 5
eafily mifcarry.
I
t
which
( 242.)
which cannot agree in Chronology with Ignatius, entitling him Arch-bifhop of Antioch TbeopolU, which name of Tbeopol'vs that City had not till Jujiiniam time long after, as Credenus mentions ; which argues both the barbarous time' and the unskilful fraud of him that foifted this Epiftle upon Ignatius. In the Epiftle to thofe of Tarfus, he condemns them for Minifters of Satan, To the Pbilippians them that kept their Eafter that fay Cbrifl w God above all. as the as Polycarpus did, and them that failed upon any SaAfian Churches, or Sunday, except one, he counts as thofe that had ilain the Lord. turday, To thofe of Antioch, he falutes the Sub-Deacons, Chaunters, Porters, and thofe other Exorcilts, as if thefe had bin Orders of the Church in his time
:
are yet fo interlarded with Corruptions, as may juftly Epiftleslefs queftion'd, As to the Trallians, he writes indue us with a wholfome fufpition of the reft. all and Autority whatsoever. Government over all hath that a Bijhop beyond power then no Pope can defire more than Ignatius attributes to every Bifliop ;
Surely
but what will become then of the Archbifhops and Primats, if every Bilhop in Ignatius's judgment be as fupream as a Pope ? To the Ephefians, near the
very place from whence they fetch their proof for Epifcopacy, there ftands a line that cafts an ill hue upon all the Epiftle ; Let no man err, faith he ; unlefs a man be within the rays or enclofure of the Altar, he is depriv'd of the bread of Life. 1 fay not but this may be ftretclVd to a figurative conftrudti'd beneath with the on, but yet it has an ill look, efpecially being follow other In the not what Sacrifices. mention of I know Epiftle to Smyrna, as lhould follow their that is written wherein Chrift did his FaBifliop they of as the not to the the and infulfe, and illApojlles ; fpeak Presbytery ther, laid comparifon, this cited place lies upon the very brim of another Corthis paflage, ventur'd to let us read, all ruption, which had they that quote men would have readily feen what grain the Teftimony had bin of, where it is faid, that it is not lawful without a Bifliop to baptize, nor to offer, nor to do Sacrifice. What can our Church make of thefe Phrafes but fcandalous ? And but a little further he plainly falls to contradict the Spirit of God in Sofaith he, honour God and the lomon, judg by the words themfelves ; My Son, God and the as honour but I High-prieft, bearing the Image Bifliop fay, King ; of God according to his ruling, and of Chrift according to his Priefting, and Excellent Ignatius ! can ye blame the Prelats for after him honour the King. ? Certainly if this Epiftle can ferve you to fet a of much this Epiftle making next to fet him above a King. Bifliop above a Presbyter, it may ferve you Thefe, and other like places in abundance through all thofe fhort Epiftles, muft either be adulterat, or elfe Ignatius was not Ignatius, nor a Martyr, but moft adulterate, and corrupt himfelf. In the midft therefore of fo many forgeries, where (hall we fix to dare fay this is Ignatius ? As for his ftile who knows it ? fo disfigur'd and interrupted as it is, except they think that where they meet with anything found, and orthodoxal, there, they find Ignatius, and then they believe him not for his own Authority, but for a truths fake, which they derive from elfwhere to what end then fhould they cite him as Authentick for Epifcopacy, when they cannot know what is Authentick in him, but by the judgment which they brought with them, and not by any judgment which they might fafely learn from him ? How can they bring fatisfa&ion from fuch an Author, to whofe very efience the Reader muft be fain to contribute his own Underftanding ? Had God ever intended that we fhould have fought any part of ufeful Inftrudion from Ignatius, doubtles he would not have fo ill provided for our knowledg, as to fend him to our hands in this broken and disjointed plight ; and if he intended no fuch thing, we do injuri:
oufly in thinking to taft better the pure Evangelick Manna, by feafoning our Mouths with the tainted fcraps and fragments of an unknown Table, and
fearching among the verminous and polluted Ragsdropt overworn from the toyling moulders of Time, with thefe detormedly to quilt and interlace the intire, the fpotlefs, and undecaying robe of Truth, the daughter hot of Time, but of Heaven, only bred up here below in Chriftian Hearts, between two grave and holy Nurfes, the Doctrine and Difcipline of the Gofpel. Next follows Irenaus Bifliop of Lions, who is cited to affirm that Polycarpus was made Bijhop of Smyrna by the Apojlles ; and this it may feem, none could better tell then he who had both feen and heard Polycarpus : But when did he
hear
(249)
Whether that himfelf confcfies to Fhrimis, when he was a Boy. and whether a Boy may to liable not be in Irauew many miftakings may Age be trufted to take an exact account of the manner of a Church Conflitution, and upon what terms, and within what limits, and with what kind of Cornmillion Polycarpus receiv'd his Charge, let a man conlider, ere he be cerIt will not be deny'd that he might have fedh Polycarpus in his youth, dulous. man of a great eminence in the Church, to whom the other Presbyters might his Venue, ll'ifJjw, and the reverence of his Age ; and fo did for give way Anicetus. Bifhop of Rome, even in his own City, give him a kind of priority in be read in Eufebius t but that we mould' adminiftring the Sacrament, as may hence conclude a diftincr, and fuperior order from the young oblervation of Lnunlefs we mail believe fuch as would naus, nothing yet alledg'd can warrant us, Bez.a were Bifhops of Geneva, becauie him face us down; that Calvin, and after while the that in the unfettrd Irate of things were not fully com pos'd, Church, of bufinefs ihare a call their worth and learning upon them,and directed greater thefe men were the diflblvers of and them towards mens eyes principally yet ; Brutus that expell'd the in ftate Affairs the fame fee , necellity Epifcopacie. be as it were a King himfelf, till to time forc't the was for out of Rome, Kings matters were fet in order, as-in a free Commonwealth. He that had feen Pericles
hear him
?
-,
We
way he lifted, haply would have faid he had bin and yet he was but a powerful and eloquent Man in a Demotime then a temporary and elective fway* cratic, and had no more at any which was in the will of the people when to abrogate. And it is molt likely that in the Church, they which came after thefe Apoftolick Men, being left in
lead the Athenians which
their Prince,
ftrove to invade thofe Privileges by intruiion Merit, but bigger in Ambition, which Polycarpus, and others like him polleft from the right, fubdu'd by the excellencie of their heavenly of Men furrender voluntary, Gifts \ which becaufe their Succellbrs had not, and fo could neither have
and plea of
quity,
relations had in general, we cannot fooner learn then by Eufebius, who neer the end of his third Book, fpeaking oi Papiot a very ancient Writer, one that had heard St. John, and was known to many that had feen, and bin acbut being of a fhallow wit, and not quainted with others of the Apofties, he which thofe Traditions receiv'd, fill'd his Writings with underftanding conceits fabulous and new , he tells us there, that divers EcDodrines, many cleliaftical Men, and Iremus among the reft, while they lookt at his Antibecame infedted with his Errors. Now if Ircrueus were fo rafh as to
eminence which Polynot by free will conflitution, carpus makes thus henaus far of condefcending. And yet againft them as in that But what fidelity his an Apoftolical Presbyter. very place to call Polycarpus
that Autority,
it
was
their policy to divulge that the
and
his equals enjoy'd,
was by right of
take unexamin'd opinions from an Author of fo fmall capacity, when he was a Man, we mould be more ram our felves to rely upon thofe obfervacions which he made when he was a Boy. And this may be a fufficient reafon to us why we need no longer mufe at the fpreading of many idle Traditions fo foon after the Apofties, whilfl fuch as this Papias had the throwing them the about, and the inconfiderate zeal of the next Age, that heeded more Perfon then the Do&rine, had the gathering them up. Where ever a man, who had bin any way converfant with the Apojlles, was to be found, thither
the inquilitive ears, although {he exercife of right inftru&ing was chang'dinto the curioflty of impertinent fabling: where the Mind was to be edified with folid DoElrine, there the fancy was footh'd with folemn Stories : with lefs fervency was flndied what Saint Paul, or Saint John had written then was liften'd to one that could fay here he taught, here he flood, this was his flature ; and thus he went habited, and happy this houfe that harflew
all
bour'dhim, and that cold ftofie whereon he refled, this Village wherein he wrought fuch a miracle, and that pavement bedew'd with the warm effufion of his laft blood, that fproutedup into eternal Rofes to crown his Martyrdom. Thus while all their thoughts were pour'd out upon circumflances, and the gazing after fuch Men as had fat at table with the Apofties ( many of which Cbrift hath profefl, yea though they had cafl out Devils in his name, he will not know at the latt day) by this means they loft their time, and truanted in the fundamental grounds of faving knowledg, as was feen fhortly I i 2 by
244 )
for lrena:us, we havecaufe to think him lefs judiby their Writings. Laftly to hand of what the Apoflles did, when we hand from cious in his reports in find him fo negligent keeping the Faith which they writ, as to fay in his third Book againit Herefies, that the obedience of Mary was the caufe of Salvation to her felf, and all Mankind , and in his fift Book, that as Eve was
feduc'ttofly God, fo the Virgin Mary was perfwaded to obey God, that the of the Virgin Eve. Thus if Irenceus Virgin Many might be made the Advocate for his neernefs to the Apojiles, mufl be the Patron of Epijlopacy to us, it
is
'
caufe.
no marvel though he be the Patron of Idolatry to the Papift, for the fame To the Epiftle of thofe Brethren of Smyrna, that write the Martyrdom of Polycarpw, and ftile him an Apoflolical, and Prophetical Doclor, and be content to give fome credit for Bifhop of the Church in Smyrna, I could thofe Brethren bear him, and not which 1 fee and affection the great honour there which be true if it fay that he was a Prophet, and had they undefervedly a voice from Heaven to comfort him at his death, which they could hear, but the reft could not for the noife and tumult that was in the place ; and belides, if his body were fo precious to the Chriftians, that he was never wont to that ftill ftrove to have the Office, that they pull off his fhoes for one or other a light fcruple or two I would gladly be his to touch come feet, yet might refolv'd in: If Polycarpus (who, as they fay, was a Prophet that never fail'd
what he foretold) haddeclar'd to his friends, that he knew by vifion, he fhould die no other death then burning, how it came to pafs that the fire when it came to proof, would not do his work, but ftarting off" like a full
in
reflect a golden light upon his unviolated limbs, a fuch fweet odour, as if all the incenfe of Arabia had bin burning, exhaling in fo much that when the bill-men faw that the fire was over-aw'd, and conld not dp the deed, one of them fteps to him and ftabs him with
fail
from the maff, did but
a.fword, fuch abundance of blood gufht forth as quencht the fire. By all this relation it appears not how the fire was guilty of" his death, and then how can his Prophefie be fulfill'd? Next how the ftanders-by could be fo foon weary of fuch a glorious fight, and fuch a fragrant fmell, as to haften the Executioner to put out the fire wir,h the Martyrs Blood, unlefs perhaps they thought, as in all perfumes, that the Smoak would be more odorous then the Flame: Yet thefe good brethren fay he was Bifhop of Smyrna. No
at which
wound
man
it
Bifhop and Presbyter anciently were all one, and how does appear by any thing in this teftimony that they were not? If among his other high titles of Prophetical, Apoftolical, and moft Admired of thofe times, he be alfo ftil'd Bifhop of t-he Church of Smyrna in a kind of fpeech, which the Rhetoricians call kô^v, for his excellence fake, as being the moft famous of all the Smyrnian Presbyters ; it cannot be prov'd neither from this nor that other place of Irenceus, that he was therefore in diftinft and monarchical order above the other Presbyters ; it is more probable, that if the whole Presbytery had been as renowned as he, they would have term'd every one of them feverally Bifhop of Smyrna. Hence it is that we read fometimes of two Bifhops in one place ; and had all the Presbyters there been of like worth, we might perhaps have read of twenty. Tertidlian accofts us nexts (for Polycrates hath had his Anfwer) whofe Teftimony, flate but the queftion right, is of no more force to deduce EpifcoHe fays that the Church of Smyrna had Polycarpw pacy, then the two former. and the there Church of Rome Clement ordain'd by Peter ; and John, by plac't fo the reft of the Churches did fhew what Bifhops they had receiv'd by the appointment of the Apojiles. None of this will be contradicted, for we have it out of the Scripture that Bifhops or Presbyters, which were the fame, were left by the Apojiles in every Church, and they, might perhaps give fome fpecial charge to Clement, ox Polycarpus, ox Linus, and put fomefpecial truft in them for the experience they had of their Faith and Conftancy it remains yet to be evinc't out of this and the like places, which will never be, that the word Bifhop is otherwife taken, then in the language of Saint Paul, and the
queftions
it,
if
^t
We grant them Bifhops, we grant them them feveral Churches by the Apojiles ; we in plac't grant Tertul and that Irenceus affirm this, but that they were plac't in a fupegrant riour Order above the Presbytery, fhew from all thefe words why we fhould
Ails, for an order above Presbyters.
worthy Men, we
grant.
( 245 )
Tis not enough to fay the Apojlle left this man Bifhop in Rome, and grant. that other in Ephefus, but to fhew when they alter'd their own Decree fet down by St. Paul, and made all the Presbyters underlings to one Bifhop. But
an imparity where none was originally, fhould fuppofe Tertullian had made that to prove an imparity between God the Father, about he move us, goes words the as thefe God and import in his Book againft Praxeas ? The Son, Father is the whole fubftance, but the Son a derivation, and portion of the whole, as he himfelf profeffes, becaufe the Father is greater than me. Believe him now for a faithful relater of Tradition, whom you fee fuch an
expounder of the Scripture j befides, in his time all allowable Tranow loft. For this fame Author whom you bring to teftifie the Ordination of Ckmtnt to the Bifhoprick of Rome by Peter, testifies alfo in the that the Bifhop of Rome did beginning of his Treatife concerning Chaftity, the name of Pontifex Maxxmus, and his Edidts forth ufe to fend then by and of For fhame then do chief Prieft, Bifhop Bifhops Epifcopus F-pifcoporum,
unfaithful
dition was
not urge that Autority to keep up a Bifhop, that will neceflarily ingage you to fet up a Pope. As little can your advantage be from Hegefippus an Hiftorian of the fame time not extant, but cited by Eufebius ; his words are, that in every City all things fo ftood in his time as the Law, and the Prophets, and our Lord did preach. If they ftood fo, then ftood not Bifhops above Presbyters ; for what our Lord and his Difciples taught, God be thanked, we have no need to go learn of him and you may as well hope to perfwade us out of the fame Author, that James the Brother of our Lord was a Naz.arxte, and that to him only it was lawful to enter into the Holy of Holies ; that his food was not upon any thing that had life, Fifh, or Flefh; that he us'd no tvollen Garments, but only .inen, and fo as he trifles on/ If therefore the Tradition of the Church were now grown fo ridiculous, and difconfenting from the Do&rine of the Apoftles, even in thofe points which were of left moment to mens particular ends, how well may we be allur'd it was much more degenerated in point of Epifcopacy, and Precedency,' things which could afford fuch plaulible Pretences, fuch commodious traverfes for Ambition, and Avarice to lurk behind ? As for thofe Brittain Bifhops which you cite, take heed what you do \ for our Brittain Bifhops, lefs ancient then thefe, were remarkable for nothing more then their Poverty, as Sulp. Severus, and Beda can remember you of
:
Examples good
Laftly
(
ftore.
is not worth an Anfwer ) that Auand thority of Clemens Alexandrians is not to be found in all his Works wherever it be extant, it is in controverfie, whether it be Clemens or no } or if it were, it fays only that Saint John in fome places conftituted Bifhops:
for the fabulous Afetaphrajfes
queftionlefs he did, but
No man
where does Clement fay he fet them above Presbyters will gainfay the conftitution of Bifhops; but the railing them to a fuperiour, and diftinft order above Presbyters, feeing the Gofpel makes them
>
one and the fame thing, a thoufand fuch Allegations as thefe will not give And thus Prelatical Eptfcopacy, one Chapel of eafe above a Parifh Church. much for this cloud I cannot fay rather then petty-fog of Witneffes, with which Epifcopal Men would caft a mift before us, to deduce their exalted Now although, as all men well know, it Epifcopacy from Apoflolick Times. be the wonted fhift of Errour, and fond Opinion, when. they find themfelves outlawed by the Bible, and forfaken of found Reafon, to betake them with all fpeed to their old ftarting hole of Tradition, and that wild, and overgrown covert of Antiquity, thinking to frame there a large room, and
find good ftabling, yet thus much their own deify'd Antiquity betrays them, to inform us that Tradition hath had very feldom or never the gift of Peras that which Church-Hiftories report of thofe Eaft and Weftern fwafion would have thought that Pajlbalijls formerly fpoken of will declare. Polycarpus on the one fide could have err'd in what he faw Saint John do, or Anicetus Bifhop of Rome on the other fide, in what he or fome of his friends might pretend to have feen Saint Peter,ox Saint Paul do,and yet neither of thefe could perfwade either when to keep Eafter? The like frivolous Contention troubled the Primitive Englifh Churches, while Colmanus, and Wilfride on either fide deducing their Opinions, the one from the undeniable Example of
-,
Who
Saint
'
'
) ( learned Bifhop Anatol'ms, and laftly the miraculous Columba, the other from Saint Peter and the Mcene Councel, could gain no no likelihood of ending the ground each of other, till King Ofivy perceiving Controverfie that way, was fain to decide it h'imfelf good King, with that So when thofe fmall knowledg, wherewith thofe times had furnifht him. as Cedr.mus relates, -to put down Monks, and Greek began, Emperours pious abolilh Images, the old Idolaters finding themfelves blafted, and driven back by the prevailing light of the Scripture, fent out their fhirdy Monks call'd the Abramites, to alledge for Images the ancient Fathers Vionyfius, and this our objected Irentus : nay they were fo high flown in their Antiquity, that they undertook to bring the Apoftles, and Luke the Evangelijl, yea Cbrift himfelf, from .certain Records that were then current, to patronize their Yet for all this the worthy Emperour Tbeophilus, even in thofe Idolatry. dark times, chofe rather to nourifh himfelf and his people with the fincere Milk of the Gofpel, then to drink from the mixt Confluence of fo many corrupt and poyfonous Waters, as Tradition would have perfwaded him toby mod ancient feeming Authorities. In like manner all the reformed Churches of thefe Teftimoabroad, unthroning Epifcopacy, douhtlefc were not ignorant for to the it a line from nies alledg'd draw in furely the Author Apojlks days; will not think he hath brought us now any new Authorities, or Confiderations into the world, which the Reformers in other places were not advis'd of: and yet wc fee, the interceflion of all thefe Apoltolick Fathers could not prevail with them to alter their refolved Decree of reducing into order their ufurand God hath bleft their Work this ping and over-provender'd Epifcopants
.
*A
Saint John, and
the
<,
hundred years with a profperous and ftedfaft, and ftill happy Succefs. And this may ferve to prove the Infufficiency of thefe prefent Epifcopal Teflimoof thofe ever that have been nies, not only in themfelves, but in the account the followers of Truth. It will next behoove us to confider the Inconvenience we fall into, by uling our felves to be guided by thefe kind of Teftimonies.
He that thinks it the part of a well-learned Man to have read diligently the ancient Stones of the Church, and to be no ftranger in the Volumes of the Fathers, fhall have all judicious Men confenting with him , not hereby to controul, and new fangle the Scripture, God forbid, but to mark how Corruption and Apojlacy crept in by degrees, and to gather up where ever we find the remaining fparks of original Truth, wherewith to flop the mouths of
our Adverfaries, and to bridle them with their own curb, who willingly pafs by that which is Orthodoxal in them, and ftudioufly cull out that which is commentitious, and bell for their turns, not weighing the Fathers in the ballance of Scripture, but Scripture in the ballance of the Fathers. If we and fhall our Rule take the the firft Oracle, therefore, making Gofpel good which we light on in the Fathers, and fet it to oppofe the evil which other men feek from them, in this way of skirmifh we fhall eafily matter all Superftition and falfe Doctrine \ but if we turn this our difcreet and wary ufage of them into a blind devotion towards them, and whatfoever we find written by them, we both forfake our own grounds and reafons which led us at firft to part from Rome, that is to hold to the Scriptures againft all Antiquity ^ we remove our Caufe into our Adverfaries own Court, and take up there thofe call Principles which will foon caufe us to foder up with them again, in as much as believing Antiquity for it felf in any one point, we bring an ingagement our of ailenting to all that it charges upon us. For fuppofe we felves upon that a Bifhop and in is clear that which fhouldnow, neglecting Scripture, what is all one and that was both in done Name and Office, Presbyter by Timoas and an fellow-labourers with the Titus, thy executing extraordinary place, Apoftles, and of a univerfal charge in planting Chriftianity through divers Regions, cannot be drawn into particular afid daily example \ fuppofe that neglecting this clearnefs of the Text, we fhould by the uncertain, and corrupted Writings of fucceeding times, determine that Bilhop and Presbyter are different, becaufe we dare not deny what Ignatius, or rather the Perhn Warbeck of Ignatius, fays then muft we be confhain'd to take upon our felves a thoufand Superftitions and falfities which the Papifts will prove us down in from as good Autiiorities, and as ancient as thefe that fet a Bifhop above a Presbyter. And the plain truth is, that when any of our men of thofe
-,
that
( 2 47 ) that arc wedded to Antiquity come to difpute with a Papifl, and leaving the Scriptures put tli :m Pelves without appeal to the Sentence of Synods and Councels, ulingin the canfe of Sion the hir'd Souldiery of revolted Ifrael, where Were it they give the Romamfts one buff, they receive two counterbuffs. therefore but in this regard, every true Bifhop fhould be afraid to conquer in his CauPe by fuch Authorities as thefe, which if we admit for the Authorities fake, we open a broad paffage for a multitude of DocTxines that have no ground in Scripture to break in upon us. La'ftly, I do not know, it being undeniable that there are but two Ecclefiaftical Orders, Bifhops and Deacons,mention'd in the Gofpcl, how it can be lefs then Impiety to make a demur at that, which is there fo perfpicuous, confronting, the facred Verity of Saint Paul with the offals and fweepings and
parallelling
of Antiquity, that met as accidentally and abfurdly, as Epicurus his Atoms, to patch up a Leucippean Ignatius, enclining rather to make this phantafm an expounder, or indeed a depraver of Saint Paul, then Saint Paul an examiner, and difcoverer of this Impoftorfhip , nor caring how nightly they put off the verdit of holy Text unfalv'd, that fays plainly there be but two Orders, fo they maintain the Reputation of their imaginary Doctor that proclaims three. Certainly if Chrijls Apoltle have fet down but two, then according to his own words, though he himfelf mould unfay it, and not only the Angel of Smyrna, but an Angel from Heaven fhould bear us down that there be three, Saint Paul has doom'd him twife, Let him be accurft, for Chrift hath pronounc't that no tittle of his Word (hall fall to the ground ; and if one jot be and this fhall be our Rightealterable, it is as poffible that all fhould perilh both now, and at the laft affurance and our warrant, ftrong oufnefs, ample all the heaped names of Angels, and to be never afham'd againfl of, day Martyrs, Councels, and Fathers urg'd upon us, if we have given our felves up to be taught by the pure, and living Precept of Gods Word only, which without more additions, nay with a forbidding of them, hath within it felf the promife of Eternal Life, the end of all our wearifom Labours, and all our fuftaining Hopes. But if any fhall ftrive to fet up his Epbod, and Terapbim of Antiquity againfl the brightnefs and perfection of the Go/pel; let him fear left he and his Baal be turn'd into Bo/hah. "And thus much may fuffice to fhew that the pretended Epifcopacy cannot be dedue'd from the
:
Apoftolical
Times.
249 )
O F
Reformation
in
E NG L A N
it.
D,
AND THE
Caufes that hitherto have hindred
In two 'Books.
Written
to
a Friend.
R,
Mid ft thofe deep and retired thoughts, which with every Man chriftito be moft frequent, of God, and of his mirar anly inftructed, ought culous Ways and Works amongft Men, and of our Religion and Works^ after the Story of our Saviour Chriji, fuffering to the to be perform'd to him
lowed: bent of weaknefle in the Fk{h, and prefently triumphing to the higheft pitch of Glory in the Spirit, which drew up his Body alio, till we in both be united to him in the Revelation of his Kingdom : I do not know of any thing more worthy to take up the whole paflion of Pity on the one fide, and Joy on the other, then to confider firft, the foul and fudden Corruption, and then after many a tedious Age, the long deferr'd, but much more wonderful and Reformation of the Church in thefe latter days. Sad it is to think
happy
how
by them winnow'd, and
that Doftrin of the Gofpel, planted by Teachers divinely infpir'd, lifted from the Chaff of overdated Ceremonies,
and and
and temper of Purity, and knowledg of the with all the Circumftances of Time and Place, were the that Body, Creator, of the regenerate Soul, and nothing left impure, purifi'd by the Affections but Sin ; Faith needing not the weak, and fallible Office of the Senfes, to be either the Ulhers or Interpreters of heavenly Myfteries, fave where our Lord himfelf in his Sacraments ordain'd, that fuch a Doctrine Ihould, through the grolfhefsandblindnefsof her Profefibrs, and the fraud of deceivable Tradirefin'd to fuch afpiritual height
as to backflideone way into the Jewilh beggery of tions, drag fo downwards, old caft Rudiments, and ftumble forward another way into the new-vomited Pagamfta of fenfual Idolatry, attributing Purity or Impurity to things indifferent, that they might bring the inward A&sof the Spirit to the outward and cuftomary Eye-fervice of the Body, as if they could make God earthly and could not make themfelves heavenly and spiritual; they fiefhly, becaufe they beân to draw down all the divine Intercours betwixt God and the Soul, yea, tiievery Ihape of God himfelf, into an exterior and bodily Form, urgently pretending a neceffity and obligement of joyning the Body in a formal Reverence, and Worfhip circumfcrib'd ^ they hallow'd ic, they fum'd it, they fprincl'd it, they bedeck't it, not in Robes of pure Innocency, but of pure
Linen, with other deformed and fantaftick dreffes, in Palls and Miters, Gold, and Guegaw's fetcht from iron's old Wardrobe, or the Flamins Veftry : then was the Priefl fet to con his Motions and his Poftures, his Liturgies and his Lurries, till the Soul by this means of over-bodying her felf, given up juftly to fiefhly delights, bated her Wing apace downward And finding the eafe had the from her flic vifible and feniuous Collegue Body, in performance of her and now Pineons broken, flagging, fhifted off from her religious Duties, felt the labour of high foaring any more, forgot her heavenly flight, and left the dull and droyling ("areas to plod on in the old Road, and drudging Trade of outward Conformity. And here out of queftion from her pervers conand of God, holy things, fhe had fain to believe no God at all, had not ceiting c'jftom and the worm of Confcience nipt her Incredulity hence to all the Duties Kk
:
(
ties
25 )
:
of evangelical Grace, inflead of the adoptive and chearful boldnefs which our new Alliance with God requires, camefervile, and thrai -like fear For in very deed, the fuperltitious Man, by his good Will, .is an Atheifl ; but being fcar'd from thence by the pangs and gripes of a boiling Confcience, all in a pudder fliuffles up to himfelf fuch a God, and fuch a Worfhip as is molt his fear ; which fear of his, as alfo is his hope, fixt only agreeable to remedy likewife the whole faculty of his Appreheniion carupon the Flefl), renders nal ; and all the inward Ads of Worfhip, ifiuing from the native ftrength of the Soul, run out lavilhly to the upper Skin, and there harden into a Crufb of Formality. H'erJce Men came to fcah the Scriptures by the Letter, and in the Covenant of our Redemption, magnifi'd the external Signs more then the quickning Power of the Spirit ; and yet looking on them through their own with a fervile fear, and finding as little comfort, or rather terror guiltinefs, from them again, they knew not how to hide their llavifh approach to Gods Behefts by them not underftood, nor worthily receav'd, but by cloaking their
fervile crouching to all religious Prefentments,
fomtimes lawful, fomtimes Idolatrous, under the name of Humility, and terming the py-bald Frippery, and oftentation of Ceremonies, Decency. Then was Baptifm chang'd into a kind of Exorcifm, and Water, fan&ifi'd
Cbrifts Inflitute, thought little enough to wafh ofF the Original Spot withAnd that Feall out the Scratch, or crofs impreHion of a Priefl's fore-finger of Free-grace, and Adoption to which Chrifl invited his Difciples to fit as Brethren, and Co-heirs of the happy Covenant, which at that Table was to be feal'd to them, even that Feall of Love and heavenly-admitted Fellowfhip, the Seal of filial Grace, became the fubject of Horror, and glouting Adoration, pageanted about like a dreadful Idol Which fometimes deceives wel-meaning Men, and beguiles them of their Reward, by their voluntary Humility ; which indeed is flefhly Pride, preferring a foolifh Sacrifice, and the Rudiments of the World, as Saint Paul to the Colojftans explaineth, before a favory ObeSuch was Peters unfeafonable Humility, as then dience to Chrifls Example. his Knowledg wasfmall, when C/;n/J came to wafh his feet ; who at an impertinent time would needs ftrain Courtefy with his Mailer, and falling troublefomly upon the lowly, alwife, and unexaminable intention of Chrift, in what he went with refolution to do, fo provokt by his interruption the meek Lord, that he threat'nd to exclude him from his heavenly Portion, unlefs he could be content to be left arrogant and ftiff-neckt in his Humility. But to dwell no longer in characterizing the Depravities of the Church, and how they fprung, and how they took increafe ; when I recall to mind at lad, after fo many dark Ages, wherein the huge overfhadowing Train of Error had almoft fwept all the Stars out of the Firmament of the Church; how the bright and blifsful Reformation ( by Divine Power ) ftrook through the black and fettled Night of Ignorance and Antithriftian Tyranny, methinks a foveraign and reviving Joy mull needs rufh into the Bofom of him that reads or hears and the fWeet Odour of the returning Go/pel imbath his Soul with the fragranfought out of the dully Corcy of Heaven. Then was the Sacred ners where profane Fallhood and Neglect had thrown it, the Schools opened, Divine and Humane Learning rak'toutof the Embers of forgotten Tongues, the Princes and Cities trooping apace to the new erected Banner of Salvation ; the Martyrs, with the unrefiftable might of Weaknefs, lhaking the Powers of Dark' nefs, and fcorning the fiery Rage of the old red Dragon. The pleafing purfuit of thefe Thoughts hath oft-times led me into a ferious quellion and debatement with my felf, how it fhould come to pafs that to be the firft that England (having had this Grace and Honour from fhould fet up the Standard for the recovery of loft Truth, and blow the firft Evangelick Trumpet to the Nations, holding up, as from a Hill, the new Lamp of faving Light to all Chriltendom) mould now be laft, and moll unfettl'd in the enjoyment of that Peace, whereof fhe taught the way to others ; although indeed our IVicklefs preaching, at which air the fucceeding Reformers more effectually lighted their "Tapers, was to his Countrymen but a fhort Blaze, foon dampt and ftifl'd by the Pope and Prelats for fix or feven Kings Reigns ; yet methinks the Precedency which gave this Hand, to be the firft Re: :
,
by
BIBLE
God
God
storer
of buried Truth, Ihould have been followed with more happy fuccefs, and
25
)
:
and fooner attained Perfection

for, albeit in purity
in which as yet we are amongft4he Jaft of Dottnnc we agree with our Brethren ; yet in Disci,
the execution and applying of Dotlrine home, and laying the Salve to the very On/z're of the Wound, yea, tenting and fearching to the is but (hooting at Rovers ; in this we are Core, without which Pulpit- Preaching no better then a Schifm from all the Reformation, and a fore Scandal to them ; for while we hold Ordht ttion to belong only to Bi/hops, as our Prelats do, we rauft of necelTity hold alio their Miniflers to be no Miniflers, and
pline,
which
is
after their Church to be no
Chunh.
Not to fpeak of
(hortly thole fenfelefs Ceremonies
which we only
retain, as a dangerous earneffc of Aiding back to Rome, and ferving meerly, either as a milt to cover nakednefs where true Grace is extinthe Pomp of Prelatifm. it guifht, or as an Enterlade to fet out
would be worth the while therefore, and the pains, to enquire more partithe chief Caufes have been, that have (till cularly, what, and how many
Cotrfeat to the reft: of the Churches abroad, at this time the Kingdom is in a good propenfity thereto ; and all Men efpecially in Prayers, in Hopes, or in Difputes, either for or againft: it. Yet will I not inlift on that which may feem to be the Caufe on Gods part as his Judgment on our Sins, thetryalof his own, the unmasking of Hyponor (hall I (lay to fpeak of the continual eagernefs and extream dilicrites of the Pope and Papijls to Hop the furtherance of Reformation, which gence know they have no hold or hope of England their loft: Darling, longer then the Government of Bi/hops bol iters them out ; and therefore plot all they can to uphold them, as may be feen by the Book of Santa Clara the Popilh Priejl in defence of Bi/hops, which came out piping hot much about the time that one of our own Prelats, out of an ominous fear, had writ on the fame Argument ;
Certainly
hindred our uniform
when
as if
they had join'd their Forces, like good Confederates, to fupport one falI
ling Babel.
endeavour to declare thofe Caufes that hinder the forwhich are among our felves. Orderly proceeding will divide our Inquiry into our Fore-fathers Days, and into our Times. Henry VIII. was the firft that rent this Kingdom from the Popes Subjection totally ; but his Quarrel being more about Supremacy, then other faultinefs in Reis no marvel if he ftuck where he did. The next ligion that he regarded, it default was in the Bifliops, who though they had renounct the Pope, they (till hngg'd the Popedom, and ihar'd the Authority among themfelves, by their fix bloody Articles, perfecuting the Protejlants no flacker then the Pope would have done. Anddoubtles, whenever the Pope (hall fall, if his ruine be not like the fudden down-come of a Tower, the Bifliops, when they fee him tottering, will leave him, and fall to fcrambling, catch who may, he a Patriarchdom, and another what comes next hand ; as the French Cardinal of late, and the See of Canterbury hath plainly affected. In Edward the VI's Days, why a compleat Reformation was not effected, to any confederate Man may appear. Firft, He no fooner entred into his Kingdom, but into a War with Scotland; from whence the Protector returning with Victory, had but newly put his hand to repeal the fix Articles, and throw the Images out of Churrhes, but Rebellions on all (ides, itir'd up by obdurate Papifts, and other Tumults, with a plain War in Norfolk, holding tack But
(hall chiefly
warding of
true Difaplinc,
two of the Kings Generals, made them of force content themfelves with what they had already done. Hereupon follow'd ambitious Contentions among the Peers, which ceas'd not but with the Protector's death, who was the molt zealous in this point : And then Northumberland was he that could do molt in England, who little minding Religion, (as his Apoftacy well fhew'd at
againft
his death) bent all his Wit how to bring the Right of the Crown into his own Line. And for the Bi/hops, they were fo far from any fuch worthy Attempts, as that they fuffer'd themfelves to be the common Stales to with
countenance,
their proftituted Gravities, every Politick Fetch that was then on foot, as oft as the potent Statifls pleas'd to employ them. Never do we read that they made ufe of their Authority, and hi ih Place of accefs, to bring the jarring Nobility to Chrijlian Peace, or to withitand their difloyal Projects: but if a Toleration for Mafs were to be beg'd of the King for his Sifter left:
Charles
the Fifth (hould be angry
who
2
Mary,
Kk
but the grave Prelats, Cranmer
and
252
without Ibame and tears. they went their way not Nor was this the firlt time that they difcover'd to be followers of this World , for when the Protectors Brother, Lord Sudky, the Admiral, through was to lofe his Life, no man could be found fitprivate malice and mal-engine ter then Bifhop Latimer (like another Doctor Shaw} to divulge in his Sermon the forged Accufations laid to his charge, thereby to defame him with the take ill the innocent mans Death, unlefs People, who elfe 'twas thought would there was no foul play. them What could warrant the Reverend Bijhop could of the from their the Children debar be more impious then to Ring right to the Crown? To comply with the ambitious Ufurpation of a Traytor, and to VIII. to which the Breakers had fWorn make vojd the laft Will of obfervance ? Yet Bifhop Cranmer one of the Executors, and the other Bifhop none refuting (left they fhould refill the Duke of Northumberland) could find in their Confcienccs to fet their hands to the dilinabling and defeating not the Papifi, but of El'it. abet h the Proteflant, and only of Princefs of Ring Henry. the (by Bijhop judgment) the lawful 1 Hue then can think (though thefe Prelats had fought a further Reformation) that the leaft wry face of a Politician would not have hufh't them ? But it willbefaid, Thefe men were Martyrs : What then? Though every true Chriftian will be a Martyr when he is called to it \ not prefently does it follow that one fuffering for Religion, is without exception. Saint Paul writes,
to extort Ridley, mil ft be fent of that godly and Royal Child, Chvift himfelf return'd fuch an awful repulfe to thofe halting and time-ferving Prelats, that after much bold importunity,
and
it
from the young Ring? But out of the Mouth
Henry
Mary
Who
every
Martyrs be broken and lie fiat, they are Martyrs, or the Majefty of the Gofpel muft other Decree. if it can be overtopt by the novelty of any And herewithall invoke the Immortal DEITY, reveler and judg of Secrets, That wherever I have in this Book plainly and roundly (though worthily and truly) laid open the faults and blemifhes of Fathers, Martyrs, or Chriftian Error and Superftition with veEmperors, or have otherwife inveighed againft hement ExprefTions ; I have done it, neither out of malice, nor lift to fpeak to vindicate the fpotlefs Truth evil, nor any vain glory, but of meer neceffity from an ignominious Bondage, whofe native worth is now become of fuch a low efteem, that fhe is like to find fmall credit with us for what fhe can fay, unlefs flie can bring a Ticket from Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley ; or prove More tolerable it were her felf a retainer to Conflantine, and wear his badg. were for the Church of God, that all thefe Names utterly abolifht like the thus idolize them, and the fhould Braz.cn Serpent, then that mens fond opinion Heavenly Truth be thus captivated. Now to proceed, whatfoever the Bifhops were, it feerns they themfelves were unfathfi'd in matters of Religion as they then flood, by thatCommiffion granted to 8 8 other Divines, 8 Civilians, 8 common Lawyers, to
that man may give his Body to be burnt, (meaning for Religion) and yet not have Charity : He is not therefore above all poflibility of erring, becaule he bums for fome Points of "Truth. Witnes the Arians and Pelagians which were flab by the Heathen for Chrifts of Chrift. If the Martyrs fake, yet we take both thefe for no true friends and the Go/pel another, one decree in his thing, (faith Cyprian 30th Epiftle) either the mull lofe their Crown by not obferving the Gofpel for which
no wonder if it came to nothing, for ; which and their Ends were different, Profefiions both their (as H.tyward relates) exact that all know Reformation is not perfeted at l.aftly, by Examples, thefirft pufh, and thofe unweildy Times of Edward VI. may hold fome Plea
Bifiops,
frame
Eccleftaflical Conflitutions
We
any reafonable man judg whether that Kings Reign be a fit time from whence to pattern out the Conftitution of a Church Difcifrom whence to fofter and eftablifh pline, much lefs that it fhould yield occafion the with the continuance of Imperfection, commendatory fubferiptions of Cona to and and intitle ingage glorious Name to a grofs Corruptifetors Martyrs, It was not Epifcopacy that wrought in them the Heavenly fortitude of on.
by
this excufe.
Now
let
but it was as little is it that Martyrdom can make good Epifcopacy , the men that led the and holy temptation of the Ethrough good Epifcopacy and opproto the this fnare of and blame-worthy World, many prefent nemy, brious
Martyrdom,
(253)
that before all our eyes worfens and and molt the Learned, flugs iteming religious of our Minijlers, who no fooner advanc't to it, but like a feething Hot fet to cool, fenfibly exhale and
brious Jtfions.
it is
And
fall Epifcup.uy
warmnefs, that gives a Vomit toGoo hirhfelf. But what do we furTer mif-fhapen and enormous Prelatifm, as we do, thus to blanch and varnifh her deformities with the fair Colours, asbetoreof Mar> tyrdom, lb now of Epifcopaiy They are not Biftops, God and a]] good Men know they are not, that have iill'd this Land with late Confufion and Violence but a Tyrannical crew and Corporation of Importers that have blinded and abus'd the World fo long under that Name. He that inabl'd with Gifts from God, and the lawful and Primitive choice of the Church aflembl'd in convenient number, faithfully from that time forward feeds his Parochial Flock, has his coequal and compresbyterial Power to ordain Minijhrs and Deacons by publick Prayer, and Pote of Chrijls Congregation in like fort as he himfelf was orBut when he fteps up into the Chair of dain'd, and is a true Apojlolich Bijbop. Pontifical Pride, and changes a moderate and exemplary Houfe for a mifgovern'd and haughty Palace, Spiritual Dignity for carnal Precedence, and fecular high Office and Employment tor the high Negotiations of his Heavenly EmThen he bajfage: degrades, then he un-bijbops himfelf ; he that makes him him makes No marvel therefore if S. Martin complain'd to no Bijbop Bijliop. that lince he was Bijbop he felt inwardly a feniible decay of Sulpitius Severus, thofe rertues and Graces that God had given him in great meafure before ; although the fame Sulpitius write that he was nothing tainted or alter'd in his Habit, Diet, or perfonal demeanour from that fimple plainnefs to which he firft betook himfelf. It was not therefore th3t thing alone which God took at the in difplealure Bijbops of thofe times, but rather an univerfal rottennes and gangreen in the whole FuncJion. From hence then I pafs to Queen E z a b e t h the next Proteftant Prince, in whofe Days why Religion attain'd not a perfect inducement in the beginning of her Reign, I fuppofe the hindring Caufes will be found to be common with fome formerly alledg'd for King Ed w a r d VI. the greenefs of the Times the weak Eftate which Queen Mary left the Realm in,the great Places and Offices executed by Papijls, thsjudges, die Lawyers, the Jujlices of Peace for the molt
1. i
reak out the greatelt part of that zeal, and thofe Gifts which were formerly in them, fettling in a skinny congcalment of eafe and iloth at the top : and if they keep their Learning by fome potent fway of Nature, 'tis a rare chance ; but their Devotion molt commonly comes to that queazy temper of Luke-
part Popifi),. the Bijbops firm to Rome ; from whence was to be expe&ed the furious flaming of Excommunications, and abfolving the People from their Obedience. Next her private Councilors, whoever they were, perfwaded her (as Camden writes) that the altering of Ecclefiajlical Policy would move Sedition. Then was was the Liturgy given to a number of moderate Divines, and Sir Tho. Smith a Statefman to be purg'd and philick't And furely they were moderate Divines indeed, neither hot nor cold ; and Grindal the belt of them
:
afterwards Arch-Bijbop of Canterbury, loll favour in the Court, and I think was difcharg'd the government of his See, for favouring the Mmifttrs, though Camden feem willing to find another Caufe therefore about her fecond Year in a Parliament, of Men and Minds fome fcarce well grounded, others belching the foure crudities of yefterdays Popery, thofe Conftitutions of E d w a r d VI. which as you heard before, no way fatisfi'd the men that made them, are now eftablifh't for beft, and not to be mended. From that time follow'd nothing but imprifonments, troubles, (Jifgraces on all thofe that found fault with the Decrees of the Convocation, and ftrait were they branded with the Name of Puritans. As for the Queen her felf, fhe was made believe that by putting down Bijbops her Prerogative would be infring'd, of which fhall be fpoken anon
:
asthecourfeof Method brings it in And why the Prelats labour'd it fhould be fo thought, ask not them, but ask their Bellies. They had found a good Tabernacle, they fate under a fpreading Vine, their Lot was fallen in a fair Inheritance. And thefe perhaps were the chief Impeachments of a more found rectifying the Church in the Queens Time. From this Period I count to begin our Times, which becaufe they concern us more nearly, and our own Eyes and Ears can give us the ampler fcope to judg,
:
will
( 2 54 ) will require a more exact fearch ; and to effect this the fpeedier, I (hall diftinto be the hinderers of Reformation into 3 forts, guifh futh as I efteem Antiquicall them then Antiquaries, whofe labours are ufe(for fo I had rather
tarians, ful and laudable).
2. Libertines.
I
3.
Politicians.
To the votariftsof Antiquity mall think to have fully anfwer'd, if I mall be able to prove out of Antiquity, Firft, that if they will conform our Bimult mew their feathers, and their Ibops to the purer times, they pounces, of them ; and we know they hate to be dockt curt-tail'd but make and Bifhops
and dipt, as much as to be put down outright. Secondly, that thofe purer times were corrupt, and their Books corrupted foon after. Thirdly, that the bell; of thofe that then wrote difclaim that any man fhould repofe on them and fend all to the Scriptures.
Firft therefore, if thofe that over-affect Antiquity will follow the fquarc the hands of the whole Church. The thereof, their Bifhops muff, be elected by
ancienteft of the extant Fathers, Ignatius, writing to the Philadelphians, faith, Let no man cavil, that it belongs to than as to the Church of God to choofe a Bi/Jjop. but take the Church of God as meaning the whole confiftence of Orders and
and this likewife being read over : thofe Philadelphians are exhorted to be that there mark'd, Beiidesthis, it feems by the Whence Antioch. way that there was tochoofeaBifhopof not that wary limitation of Diocefs in thofe times, which is confirm'd even by a fall friend of Epifcopacy, Camden, who cannot but love Bifhops, as well as
Members,
as St. Paul's Epiftles exprefs,

it is
eld coins, and his much lamented Monafteries, for antiquities fake. He writes in his defcription of Scotland, that over all the world Bifliops had no certain Dioces, till Pope Diony fius about the year 268 did cut them out ; and that the Bijhops
of Scotland executed their function in what place foever they came indifferently, and without diflintlion, till King Malcolm the third, about the year 1070. Whence may be gueft what their function was Was it to go about circl d with a band of
:
rooking Officials, with cloke-bags full of Citations, and ProcefTes to be ferv'd by a corporalty of griffon- like Promooters and Apparitors? Did he go about to pitch down his Court, as an Empirick does his banck, to inveigle in all the Money of the Country ? No certainly it would not have bin permitted him to exercife any fuch Function indifferently wherever he came. And verily fome fuch matter it was as want of a fat Dioces that kept our Britain Bifhcps fo poor in the Primitive times, that being calPd to the Council of Ariminum in the year 359. they had not wherewithal to defray the charges of their journey, but were feci and lodg'd upon the Emperor's colt ; which muft needs be no accidental, but ufual poverty in them for the Author Sulpitiits Sevcrus in his 2d Book of Church-Hiftory praifes them, and avouches it praife-vvorthy in a Bifhop to be fo poor as to have nothing of his own. But to return to the ancient election of Bifhops, that it could not lawfully be without the confeat of the People is fo exprefs in Cyprian, and fo often to be met with, that to cite each place at large, were to tranflate a good part of the Volume ; therefore
:
I refer the reft to whom fo lift perufe the Author himfelf: in the 24 Epift. If a Bifliop, faith he, be once made and allow' d by the In Tejlimony and Judgment of his Collogues and the People, no other can be made. the 55. When a Biflwp is made by the fujfrage of all the People in Peace. In the 68. mark but what he fays ; The People chiefly hath power either of choofmg worthy
touching the chief pafTages,
: This he there proves by Authorities out of the old and new Teftament, and with folid reafons thefe were his antiquities. This voice of the people, to be had ever in Epifcopal Elections, was fo well known, before Cyprian's time, even to ^hofe that were without the Church, that the Emperor Alexander Severus defir'd to have his Governours of Provinces chofen in the fame manner, as Lampridias can tell ; {0 little thought it he offenfive to Monarchy. And if fingle authorities perfwade not, hearken what the whole general Council of Nicaa, the firft and famoufeft of
ones, or refufing unworthy
the reft, determines, writing a Synodal Epi/lle to the African Churches, to warn them of Arianifm ; it exhorts them to choofe orthodox Bifhops in the place of the dead, fo they be worthy, and the people choofe them, whereby they feem to make the peoples afTent fo neceilary, that merit, withWhat would ye out their free choice, were not fufficient to make a Bifhop. fay now, grave Fathers, if you Ihould wake and fee unworthy Bifhops, or raall
ther
Now
( 255 ) ther no Bifhops, but Egyptian task-mafters of Ceremonies thruft purpofely upon the groaning Church to the affliction and vexation of Cod's people ? It was not of old that a Confpiracy of Bifhops could frultrate and fob oiF the fight of the people , for we may read how St. Martin, foon after Confeantmc, was made Bifhop of Turon in France by the peoples confent, from all places Thus thereabout, maugre all the opposition that the Bilbops could make. went matters of the Church alinoft 400 years after Chrijl, and very probably far lower for Nicepborus PbocM the Greek Emperor, whofe.reign fell near the 1 coo year of our Lord, having done many things tyrannically, is faid by Ccdrenus to have done nothing more grievous and difpleafing to the people, then to have inacted that no Bifhop fliould be chofen without his will ; fo long did this right remain to the people in the midlt of other palpable corruptions. for Epifcopal dignity, what it was, fee out of Ignaiw, whoinhisEpiftle
:
to thofe of Trallvs confclfeth, that

fellow- Benchers.
the Presbyters are bis fettove-CounfeUors and as the in in many places, 6, 41, 52Epi.it. fpeakCyprian ing of Presbyters, calls them his Compresbyters, as if he deem'd himfelf no other, whenas by the fame place it appears he was a Bilhop, he calls them Brethren ; but that will be thought his meeknefs : yea, but the Presbyters and
And
Deacons writing to him, thinkthey do him honour enough when they phrafe him no higher then Brother Cyprian, and dear Cyprian in the 26 Epift. For
their Authority 'tis evident not to have bin fmgle, but depending on the counfel of the Presbyters, as from Ignatius was erewhile alledg'd ; and the fame Cyprian acknowledges as much in the 6 Epilt. and adds thereto, that he
had determin'd, from his entrance into the Office of Bifhop, to do nothing without the confent of his people, and fo in the 31 Epift. for it were tedious to courfe through all his writings, which are fo full of the like aflertions, infomuch that ev'n in the womb and center of Apoftacy, Rome it felf, there yet remains a glimps of this truth ; for the Pope himfelf, as a learned Englifh
writer notes well, performeth
his Cardinals,
all
Eccleliaftical Jurifdiction as in Confiftory
which weie originally but the Parifh Priefts of Rome. amongft Thus then did the Spirit of unity and meeknefs infpire and animate every joint and finew of themyftical body ; but now the graveft and worthieft Minifter, a true Bifhop of his fold, fhall be revil'd and ruffl'd by an infulting and only Canon-wife Prelat, as if he were fome flight paltry companion and the people of God, redeem'd and wafh'd with Chnjl's blood, and dignify'd with fo many glorious titles of Saints^ and Sons in the Gofpel, are now no better reputed then impure Ethnicks ; and lay dogs, ftones and pillars, and crucifixes have now the honour and the alms due to Chrifi's living members ; the Table of Communion, now become a Table of Separation, Itands like an exalted platform upon the brow of the Quire, fortifi'd with bulwark and barricado, to keep off the profane touch of the Laicks, whillt the obfeene and furfeted Prieft fcruples not to paw and mammock the Sacramental Bread, as familiarly as his Tavern Bisket. And thus the people, vilifiM and rejected by them, give over the eaineit itudy of vertue and godlinefs, as a thing of greater purity then they need, and the fearch of divine knowledg as a myftery too high for their capacities, and only for Church-men to meddle with ; which is that the Prelats defire, that when they have brought us back to Popifh blindnefs, we might commit to their difpofe the whole managing of our Salvation, for they think it was never fair world with them fince that time. But he that will mould a modern Bifhop into a primitive, muft yeild him to be elected by the popular voice, undioceft, unrevenu'd, unlorded, and leave him nothing but brotherly equality, matchlefs temperance, frequent fading, inceffant prayer and preaching, continual watchings and 'labours in his Miniftry ? which what a rich booty it would be, what a plump endowment to the raany-beneficergaping mouth of a Prelat, what a relifh it would give to his canard-fucking, and fwan-eating palat, let old Bifhop Mountain judg for me.
:
plainly difcours'd
therefore thofe ancient times make for modern Bifhops hath bin ; but let them make for them as much as they will, yet why we ought not ftand to their arbitrement, fhall now appear by a threefold cor1 . The belt times were ruption which will be found upon them. fpreadingly
little
How
infected.
2.
tings of thofe
The beft men of thofe times fouly tainted. 3. The belt wrimen daugeroufly adulterated. Thefe Pofitioas are to be made
good
( 25 6 ) good out of thofe times witneffing of themfelves. Firft, Igtfatitis in his early of Afia, that even then Herefies were fprung days teflifies to the Churches rife every where, as Eufebius relates in his 3 Book, 35 chap, after the and up, Greek number. And Hegefippus, a grave Church-writer of prime Antiquity, affirms in the fame Book of Eufebius , c. 32. That while the Apoftles were on
earth.,
they
the depravers of Dottrine did hut lurk ; hut they or.ee gen, With open forehead down the truth with falfities. Yea, thofe thataie leckon'dfor dur
ft
preach
orthodox began to make fad and fhameful rents in the Church about the trivial which controcelebration of Feafts, not agreeing when to keep Eafter-day of 11 or Rome the fo excommunicated that ft all the verlic grew Bilhop hot, Churches of Afia for no other caufe, and was worthily therof reprov'd by Iremetis. For can any found Theologer think that thefe great Fathers understood what was Gofpel, or what was Excommunication ? Doubtlefs that which led the good men into fraud and error was, that they attended moie to the near tradition of what they heard the Apoftles fomtimes did, then to what they had left written, not conlidering that many things which they did were by the for the prefent^ and of mere inApoftles themfelves profeft to be done only dulgence to fome fcrupulous converts of the Circumcihon, but what they writ was of firm decree to all future ages. Look but a century lower in the 1 cap. of Eufebius 8 Book. What a univerfal tetter of impurity had invenbra'd every part, order, and degree of the Church, to omit the lay-herd, which will be little regarded, thofe that feetnd to be our Paftors, faith he, overturning the Law of God's worflripy burnt in contentions one towards another, and increafmg in hatred and bitternefs, outragioufty fought to uphold Lordfhip, and command as it were a
,
'
Stay but a little, magnanimous Bifhops, fupprefs your afpiiing Tyranny. there is nothing wanting but Conflantine to reign, and then Tyfor thought;, ranny her felf fhall give up all her cittadels into your hands, and count ye thence forward her truftieft agents. Such were thefe rhat muft be call'd the ancienteft and moft virgin times between Chrifl and Conflantr, t, Nor was wi;o is igthis general contagion in their actions, and not in their writinr. norant of the foul errors, the ridiculous wrefting of Scripture, the Heretics, the vanities thick fown through the volums of Ju(lin Martyr, Clemens, Ongen % would think hira fit to write an Tertullian, and others of eldeft time ? Faith to the for Chriftian Roman Senat, that would tell them how of Apology the Angels, which he muft needs mean thofe in Genefts call d the Sons of God,
.
Who
mixing with Women were begotten theDevils^ as good Juftin Martyr in his Apology told them. But more indignation would it move to any Chriftian
that
fhall
Paul a novice, and raw in grace, for reif we beleeve the Epiftle to : the from this hint the Galatians perhaps blafphemous Jefuits prefum cl in Italy to give their judgment of St. Paul, as of a hot-headed perfon, as Sandys in his Relations tells us. Now befides all this, who knows not how many furreptitious works are ingraff'd into the legitimate writings of the Fathers ? and of thofe Books that pafs for authentick, who knows what hath bin tamper'd withal, what hath bin raz'd out, what hath bin inferted ? Befides the late legerdemain of the Papifts,
read Tertullian, terming

at Antioch,
St.
proving
St. Peter
worthy to be blam'd
that which Sulpitius writes concerning Origen's Books,givesus caufe vehemently to fufpedt, there hath bin packing of old. In the third chap, of his 1 Dialogue we ma} read what wrangling the Bifhops and Monks had about the reading or not reading of Origen, fome objecting that he was corrupted by HereHow then ticks, others anfwering that all fuch Books had bin fo dealt with. fhall I truft thefe times to lead me, thatteftify fo ill of leading themfelves ? Certainly of their defe&s their own witnefs may be beft receiv'd, but of the rectitude and fincerityof their life and'docrrine, to faelg rightly, we muft judg by. that which was to be trfeir rule. But it will be objected, that this was an unfctl'd ftate of the Church, wanting the temporal Magiftrate to fupprefs the licence of falfe Brethren, and the extravagancy of ftill new opinions ; a time not imitablefor Church-government, where the temporal and fpiritual power did not clofe in one belief, as under Conflantine. I am not of opinion to think the Church a Fine in thi refpedt, becaufe, as they take it, fhe cannot fubfift without clafping about the
Elm of worldly
ftrength and felicity, as if the heavenly City .could not fupport
( 2 57 )
the props and buttrelles of fecular Authority. They export it felf without .'.be'caufe he extoll'd them \ as our homebred Monks in their Conftantme Hiftories blanch- the Kings their Benefactors, and brand thofe that went about 11 he had cufbd the to be their Correctors. growing Pride, Avarice and then .every l'ageof bis Story mould have fwell'd with Luxury of the Clergy, his faults, and that which Zozimus the Heathen Writes of him mould have come in to. boot,: we ihould have heard then in every declamation how he llcw his Nephew -Comnodm a worthy man, his noble and eldeft Son Crifpus, his Wife Faujla,: bolides numbers oi his Friends 5 then his cruel exactions, -his unfoundneS in Religion, favoring the Avians that had been condemned in a
tol
Council, of which liimfelf fat>as it were Prelident ; bis'hard meafure and banifhrnent of the faithful ahd invincible Atbannfim \ his living unbaptiz'd almoftto his-dyingday thefe blurs arc too apparent in his Life. Butfincehe muft needs be the Load-ftar of Reformation, as fome men clatter, it will' be"
-,
good to fee further his knovvledg of Religion what it was, and by that we may likewife guefe at the finccrity of his times in thofe that were not Heretical, being likely that he would cortvef fe with the famoufeft Prelats (for fo he had made them) that were to be found for Learning. Of his Ariamj'm we heard, and for the reft, a pretty fcantling of his
be taken by his deferring tobebaptiz'd fo many years, a thing not ufual, and repugnant to the tenor of Scripture, Philip knowing nothing that fhould hinder the Eunuchxo be baptized after profeffion of his Belief. Next, by the exceflive devotion, that I may not fay Superftition both of him and his Mother Helena, to find out the Crofs on which Chrift fufFer'd, that had long lien under the rubbilh of old ruines, (a thing which the Difciples and Kindred of our Saviour might with mbre eale Have done, if they had thought it a pious duty ) fome of the nails whereof he put into his Helmet, to bear off blows in battel, others he faften'd. among the ftuds of his bridle, to fulfil (as he thought, or his Court Bi/hops perfwaded him) the Prophelie of Zecbariab; And it fiKill be that tbat which is in the bridle {hall be holy to the Lord. Part of the Crofs in which he thought fuch Virtue to refide,' as would prove a kind of Palladium to five the City wherever it remain'd, he causM to be laid up in a How he or his Teachers could trifle thus Pillar of Porphyrie by his Statue. with half an eye open upon St. Paul's Principles, I know not how to ima-
Knowledg may
gine.
How fhould then the dim Taper of this'Emperor's age that had fuch need of fnuffing, extend any beam to our times wherewith we might hope to be better lighted, then by thofe Luminaries that God hath fet up to mine to us And what Feformatibn he wrought for his own time, it will far nearer hand. not be amifs to confider ; he appointed certain times for Falls and Feafts, built to the Clergy, great Riches and Proftately Churches, gave large Immunities motions to Bifhops, gave and minifter 'd occafion to bring in a deluge of Ceremonies, thereby either to draw in the Heathen by a refemblance of their Rites, or to fet a glofs upon the fimplicity and plainnefs of Chriftianity j which to the gorgeous Solemnities of Paganifm, and thefenfe of the World's Children, feemM but a homely and yeomanly Religion^ for the beauty of inward Sanftity was not within their profpedr. So that in this manner the Prelats, both then and ever fince, coming from a mean and plebeian Life, on a fudden to be Lords of ftately Palaces, rich furniture, delicious fare, and princely- attendance, thought the plain and homefpun verity of Chrift's Goipel unfit any longer toehold their Lordlhips acquaintance, unlefsthe poor thredbare Matron were put into better clothes ; her chaft and modeft vail, furrounded with celeftial beams, they overlaid with wanton treffes, and in a flaring tire befpeckl'd her with all the gaudy allurements of a Whore.
Corijtantine'i Wealth, and thereafter were Son Corifiantms prov'd a flat Arian, and his Nephew jlianzn Apoftate, and there his Race ended the Church that before by infenfible degrees welVd and impair'd, now with large fteps went down hill decaying ; at this time Antichrist began firft to put forth his horn, and that faying was common, that former times had wooden Chalices and golden Formerly (faith SulpiPriejls i but they golden Chalices and wooden Priefis.
Thus
flourifh'd the
Church with
;
the effect s that follow'd
his
tiw,
( 258 ) death was fought more greedily then now Bithis) Martyrdom by glorious are hunted after, (fpeaking of thefe times) and ia vile Ambition (hopricks by another place, they gape after poiTeflions, they tend Lands and Livings, they coure over their Gold, they buy and fell and if there be any that neither nor traffique, that which is worfe, they fit ftill, and expeft gifts, and pofiefs induement of Grace, every holy thing to fale. And in the proftitute every end of his Hiftory thus he concludes, all things went to wrack by the Faction, Avarice of the Bifhops, and by this means God's Wilfulnefs, and people, and was had in fcorn and derifion: which St. Martin found truly man every good to be faid by his friend Sulpitius j for being held in admiration of all men, he had only the Bi/hops his enemies, found God lefs favourable to him after he was and for his laft \6 years would come at no Bifhofs meetBifhop then before, what Conftantine'*, doings in the Church brought forth, Thus Sir, fee, you ing. either in his own or in his Son's Reign. Now left it fhould be thought that fomething elfe might ail this Author thus will bring you the tt> hamper the Bifliops of thofe days , I opinion of three
:
the famoufeft
whereby
it
men for Wit and Learning that Italy at this day glories of, may be concluded for a receiv'd opinion even among men promarr'd render
all
Romilh Faith, that Conflantine fefling the of Inferno hath thus, as I will Canto his 1 9
in the Church.
Dante in
I
it
you
in Englifli blank Verfe
Ah Conftantine,
Not
That
of how much ill was caufe thy Converfion, but thofe rich demains the fir ft wealthy Pope received of thee.
So in his 20 Canto of Paradife he makes the like complaint, and Petrarch feconds him in the fame mind in his 108 Sonnet, which is wip't out by the in fome Editions j fpeaking of the Roman Antichrist as merely
Inquifitor
bred up by Conflantine.
Founded in chaff and bumble Poverty, "Gains! them that raised thee dofl thou lift thy horn, Impudent whoore, where haft thou placed thy hope ?
In thy Adulterers,
or thy ill -got wealth? Another Conftantine comes not in halt.
after both thefe in time, but equal in fame, following Ariofio of Ferrara, Poem in a difficult knot how to reftore Orlando his chief Hero his of the
fcope to his loft fenfes, brings Aftolfo the Englifli Knight Cant. 34. St. John, as he feigns, met him.
up
into the
Moon, where
And to
Into
A
And amongft
be fhort, at laft hvsguid him brings a goodly valley, where he fees mighty mafs of things firangely confus*dy
loft,
Things that on earth were

thefe fo abufed things, Conduct of the Evangelist*
or were abus'd.
liften
what he met withal, under the
Then paft he to aflowry Mountain greenf Which once fmelt fweet, now ftinks as odioJiy 5
"That
This was that gift (ifyou the truth will have) Conftantine to good SylveRro gave.
And this was a truth well known in England before this Poet was born, as our Chaucer's Plowman fliall tell you by and by upon another occafion. By all thefe circumftances laid together, I do not fee how it can be difputed what good this Emperor Conftantine wrought to the Church, but rather whether ever any, though perhaps not wittingly, fet open a door to more mifchief in Chriftendom. There is juft caufe therefore that when the Prelats cry out, Let the Church be reformM according to Conftantine, it Ihould found to a judicious ear no otherwife, then if they mould fay, Make us rich, make us lofty,
make
259 )
fo, thanks to thofe ancient remains of Integrity, which were not yet quite worn out, and not to his Government. Thus finally it appears, that thofe purer Times were not fuch as they are The cry'd up, and not to be follow d without fufpicion, doubt and danger. lail Point wherein the Antiquary is to be dealt with at his own Weapon, is to make it manifelt, that the ancientelt and befl of the Fathers have difclaim'd all Sufficiency in themfclves that Men mould rely on, and fent all Comers to the Scriptures, as allfufficient That this is true, will not be unduly gather'd had of Antiquity themfelves, and what what efteem by (hewing they validity they thought in it to prove Doctrine, or Discipline. I muff of necellity begin from the fecond Rank of Fathers, becaufe till then Antiquity could have no Plea. Cyprian in his 63 Epi/lle : If any, faith he, of our Anceftors, either ignorantly, or out of limplicity, hath not obferv'd that which the Lord taught us by his Example, (fpeakingof the Lord's Supper) hjs limplicity God may pardon of his Mercy ; but we cannot be excus'd for following him, beAnd have not We the fame I nit ructions, and will ing inftru&ed by the Lord. not this holy Man, with all the whole Confiftory of Saints and Martyrs that liv'dof old, rife up and flop our mouths in Judgment, when we (hall go about to father our Errors and Opinions upon their Authority ? In the 73 Epift. he adds, In vain do they oppofeCuftom to us, if they be overcome by Reafon ; as if Cuftom were greater then Truth, or that in fpiritual things that were not to be follow 'd, which is reveaPd for the better by the Holy Ghoft. In the 74, Neither ought Cuftom to hinder that Truth ihould not prevail ; for Cuftom without Truth is but agednefs of Error. Next LacJantius, he that was prefer'd to have the bringing up of Confiantine\ Children, in his fecond Book of Injlitutions, Chap. 7 & 8. difputes againlt the vain trult in Antiquity, as being the chiefeft Argument of the Heathen againlttheChriftians: They do not conlider, faith he, what Religion is ; but they are confident it is true, becaufe the Ancients deliver'd it they count it
make us
lawlefs
-,
for if any under
him were not
a Trefpafs to examine it. And in the eighth Not becaufe they went before us in Time, therefore in Wifdom ; which being given alike to all Ages, cannot be prepofleft by the Ancients Wherefore feeing that to feek the Truth is inbred to all, they bereave themfelves of Wifdom, the Gift of God, who
: :
without Judgment follow the Ancients, and are led by others like brute Beafts. writes to Fortunatian, that he counts it lawful in the Books of whomsSuJtiri foever, to reject that which he finds otherwife then true, and fo he would have others deal by him. He neither accounted, as it feems, thofe Fathers that went before, nor himfelf, nor others of his Rank, for Men of more then orand oftimes letdinary Spirit, that might equally deceive, and be deceiv'd we our fervile humours God fo alide, yea, ting ordering, may find Truth with one Man, as foon as in a Council, as Cyprian agrees, 71 Epift. Many
St.
:
bell;
reveaPdto ftngle Perfons. At Niceca in the firlt, and the World, there had gon out a Canon to divorce married Prieits, had not one old Man Paphnutius ftood up, and reafon'd athings, faith he, arc better
reputed Council of
it.
all
gainft
it to (hew clearly that the Fathers refer all decifion of Conto the troverfy Scriptures, as all-fufficient to direct, to refolve, and to determine. Ignatius taking his lafb leave of the Afian Churches, as he went" to
Now remains
Martyrdom, exhorted them to adhere
clofe to the written Doctrine of the for fo far was he from unwritten Trawritten Apoftles, necelfarily Pofterity be the of as read in 36 ditions, may cap. Eufebius 3. b. In the 74 Epift. of Cyprian againlt Stefan Bilhop of Rome impofing upon him a Tradition j Whence^ quoth he, is this Tradition ? Is it fetcht from the Authority of Chrifl in the Go:
fpel, or of th
jpofttls in their Epiflles
for
God
tejlifies
that thofe
things are to
then thus, What Objlinacy, what Prefumption U And in the fame this, to prefer Humane Tradition before Divine Ordinance ? we return to the and Divine fhall Epift. If head, Tradition, ( which beginning of we all know he means the Bible ) humane Error ceafes ; and the reafon of heaven-* And in the 14 Dily Myfleries unfolded, wbatfoever was obfeure, becomes clear. itinct. of the fame Epift. modern of a ftill Vid* our Fantafies directly againlt ble Church, he teaches, That fuccejfion of Truth to renew ; fail which, wb may
be done which are written.
And
2.
tnuji
(
mufl have recourfe
to the
260 )
Fountains ; ufing this excellent Similitude, If a Chanwhich brought in Water plentifully before, fuddenly fail, do we nel, or Conduit-pipe know the Caufe, whether the Spring affords no more, or to not go to the Fountain or turned afide in the mid-courfe ? Thus be whether the Vein flopt, ought we to do y the in Truth be we thjxt /ball God's if ought Precepts, changed, may repair to keeping the Gofpel, and to the Apoftles, that thence may arife the reafon of our doings, from In the 7^ he inveighs bitterly whence our order and beginning arofe. againll
he could boaft his Succeffion from Peter, and yet foift' in Stefanus, for that And jn his Book of the Unity of the Traditions that were not Apoltolical. Church, he compares thofe that, negleding God's Word, follow the Dodrines
Pope
of Men, to Corah, Dathan, and
dram. The very firft Page of Athanafius to be fufficient of themfelves for the the Scriptures againft the Genciles, avers it his \ riend Macarius read other Religious and that of Truth ; declaration un come but was it (p-hoxahw virtuofo, (as the Italians fay) as a Writers, lover of Elegance*: And in his zd I'orae, the 39 pag.after he hath reckon'd
up
the Canonical Books, In thefe any, iaith he, is the Dodrine of Godlinefs taught ; And in his Synopjis, hiving again Let no Man add to thefe, or take from thtjt. fet down all the Writers ot- the uld and New Teftament, Thefe, faith he, be belides thefe, millionsof other Books have the Anchors and Props of ow Faith, been written by great and wn Men according to Rule, and agreement with will not nrw iptaK, as being of infinite number, and meer thefe, of which dependance on the Canonical books. Bajtl'mhis id Tome, writing of true Faith, tells his Auditors, He is bound to teach them that which he hath learn'toutof ihe Bible: And in the fame Treatife he faith, That feeing' the Commandments of the Lord are faithful, and fure for ever ; it is a plain falling
1
from
the Faith,
and a high
pride, either to
make void any
thirg therein, or to intro-
duce any thing not there
gives the reafon, for Chrift faitb 7 not will hear follow they another, but fly from him, bectufe my Voice, Sheep be endlefs in Quotations, it may chance to not to But his Voice. know not they be objeded, that there be many Opinions in the lathers which have no ground
to be
found:
And he
My
in Scripture
much the lefs, may fay, fhould we follow them, for their and own words (hall condemn them, acquit us that lean not on them ; otherwill But it will berewife thefe their words acquit them, and condemn us.
;
fo
to be underftood, and therefore req' ire the ply'd, the Scriptures are difficult of the Fathers. Tistrue, there be fome Books, and efpecially Explanation fome places in thofe Books, that remain clouded ; yet ever that which is moll neceflary to be known, ismofteafy:, and that which is molt difficult, fo far
expounds it
felf ever,
as to tell us
how
little it
imports our faving Enowlcdg.
infer a general Obfcurity over all the Text, is a meer Suggestion of the Devil to diffiwade Men from reading it, and calls an Afperlion of Difho-
Hence to
count it no the Mercy, Truth, and Wifdom of God. gentlenefs, or fair dealing in a Man of Power amongil us, to require ibid and punctual Obedience, and yet give out all his Commands ambiguous and obfeure, we fhould think he had a Plot upon us-, certainly fuch Commands were no Commands, but Snares. The very ElTence of Truth is plainnefsand
nourboth upon
We
brightnefs, the darknefs and crookednefs
The Wifdom of God is our own. created Vnderfianding, fit and proportionable to Truth, the Objed, and End of it, as the Eye to the thing vifible. If our Vnderfianding have a Film of Ignorance over it, or be blear with gazing on other falfe Glillerings 5 what is that to Truth? If we will purge with fovrain Eyefalve that intelledual Ray which God hath planted in us, then we would believe the Scriptures proteiting their own plainnefs and perfpicuity, calling to them to be inllruded, not only the Wife and Learned, but the Simple, the Puor, the Babes, foretelling an extraordinary efFufion of Gods Spirit upon every Age, aj^d Sex, attributing to all Men, and requiring from them the Ability of fearching, trying, exaand as the things, and by the Spirit difcerning that which is good teftifo do the their own Fathers themfelves Scriptures plainnefs, pronounce of them. fy I will not run into a Paroxyfm of Citations again in this Point, only inftance Athanafius in his fore-mention'd firft page-, The knonledg of Truth, faith he, vants no humane Lore, as being evident in it felf, and by the preaching of Cbrifl
mining
all
now
opens brighter then the Sun.
If thefe
Dodors, who had
fcarce half the Light
that
( 2*1 ) that we enjoy, who all, except two or three, were ignorant of the Hebrew Tongue, and many of the Greek, blundering upon the dangerous and fufpedful Tranflations of the Apoftat Aquila, the Heretical Theodotion, the Judaiz'd if thefe could yet find the Bible fo the Erroneous Origin eafy, Syrmnachufr have all the that we fhould doubt, helps of Learning, and faithful why Induflry that Man in this Life can look for, and the Affiftance of God as near now to us as ever ? But let the Scriptures be hard \ are they more hard, more crabbed, more abltrufe then the Fathers ? He that cannot underftand the foof the Scriptures, will be ten times more ber, plain, and unaffected ftile the with knotty Africanifms, the pamper d Metaphors, the intricat puzzl'd and involvM Sentences of the Fathers, belides the fantaftick and declamatory which cannot burdifturb, and come thwart tiafhes, the crofs-jingling Periods a fettPd Devotion, wotle then the din of Bells and Rattles. Now, Sir, for the love of holy Reformation^ what can be faid more againfl: thefe importunate Clients of Antiquity, then (he her felf their Patronefs hath faid? Whether think ye vvould (he approve (till to dote upon immeafuand therefore unneceflary and unmerciful Volumes, churable, innumerable, the fpecious Name of the Fathers, or to take a found with ling rather to err a of hand Truth at the plain upright Man, that all his days hath been dilithe holy Scriptures, and thereto imploring GW's Grace, while gently reading the admirers of Antiquity have bin beating their Brains about their Amborits, their Diptychs, and Meniaia's ? Now, he that cannot tell of Stations and Indidtions, nor has waited his precious hours in the endlefs conferring of Councils and Conclaves that demolifh one another, although I know many of thole that pretend to be great Rabbies in thefe ftudies, have fcarce faluted them from the Strings, and the Title Page ; or to give 'em more, have bin but the Ferrets and Mouf-hunts of an Index: Yet what Paftor or Minifter, how learned, religious, or difcreet foever, does not now bring both his Cheeks full blown with Oecumenical and Synodical, (hall be counted a lank, (hallow, unfufficient Man, yea a Dunce, and not worthy to fpeak about Reformation of But I trull they for whom God hath referv'd the honour of Cburch-Difcipline. will ealily perceive their Adverfaries drift in thus this Church, reforming fear the plain Field of the Scriptures, the Chafe for ; they Antiquity calling is too hot they feek the dark, the bufliy, the tangled Forreft, they would imbosk they feel themfelves ftrook in the tranfparent Streams of Divine Truth, they would plunge, and tumble, and think to lie hid in the foul Weeds and muddy Waters, where no Plummet can reach the bottom. But let them beat themfelves like Whales, and fpend their Oil till they be drag'd afhoar: though wherefore fhould the Minifters give them fo much Line for Shifts and Delays ? Wherefore fhould they not urge only the Gofpel, and hold it ever in their Faces like a Mirror of Diamond, till it dazle and pierce their mifty Eye-balls ? maintaining it the honour of its abfolute Sufficiency and Supremacy inviolable For if the Scripture be for Reformation, and AntiAnd quity to boot, 'tis but an advantage to the Dozen, 'tis no winning Caft though Antiquity be againfl: it, while the Scriptures be for it, the Caufe is as
-,
,
good
as ought to bewifht, Antiquity it felf fitting Judg. But to draw to an end the fecond fort of thofe that may be
,
juftly
number'd
among the hinderers of Reformation, are Libertines ; thefe fuggeft that the Difeipline fought would be intolerable: For one Bifhop now in a Diocefs we It will not be fhould then have a Pope in every Parifh. requifite to anfwer thefe Men, but only to difcover them, for Reafon they have none, but Luft and Licentioufnefs, and therefore Anfwer can have none. It is not any Difcipline that they could live under, it is the corruption and remifnefs of Difcipline that they feek. Epifcopacy duly executed, yea, the Turkifh and Jewifh rigor againfl; whoring and drinking , the dear and tender Difcipline of a Father, the fociable and loving Reproof of a Brother, the bofom Admonition of a Friend, is a Presbytery, and a Confiftory to them. 'Tis only the merry Frier in Chaucer can difple them. Full fcveetly heard he Confeffwn,
And
He
And
fo
leave
them
an eafy Man to give Pennance. refer the political Difcourfe of Epifcopacy to a Seand
wm
pleafant
wot
his Abfolution,
cond Book.
Of
262 )
Of
REFORMATION,
The Second
&c.
BOOK.
SIR,
is a work good and prudent to be able to guide one Man ; of larger extended Vertue to order well one Houfe but to govern a Nation pioufly and juftly, which only is to fay happily, is for a Spirit of the greateft And certainly of no lefs a mind, nor of lefs exlize, and divineft mettle. cellence in another way, were they who by Writing laid the folid and true foundations of this Science , which being of greateft importance to the Life of man, yet there is no Art that hath bin more canker'd in her Principles, more foil'd, and flubber'd with aphorifming pedantry, then the art of Policy ; and that molt, where a man would think mould leaft be in Chriftian Commonwealths. They teach not, that to govern well, is to train up a Nation in true Wifdom and Vertue, and that which fprings from thence, Magnanimity, (take heed of that) and that which is our beginning, Regeneration, and happieft end, likenes to God, which in one word we call Godlines ; and that this is the true fiorilhing of a Land, other things follow as the fhadow does the Subftance , to teach thus were meer pulpitry to them. This is the mafter-piece of a modern Politician, how to qualify and mould the fufferance and fubje&ion of the People to the length of that Foot that is to tread on their Necks ; how Rapine may ferve it felf with the fair and honourable pretences of publick Good ; how the puny Law may be brought under the wardfhip and controul of Lull and Will in which attempt if they fall lhort, then muft a fuof colour perficial Reputation by all means, direft or indirect, be gotten to wafh over the unfightly brufe of Honour. To make men governable in this manner, their Precepts mainly tend to break a national Spirit and Courage, by countenancing open Riot, Luxury, and Ignorance, till having thus disfigur'd and made men beneath men, as Juno in the Fable of Id, they deliver up the poor transformed heifer of the Commonwealth to be ftung and vext with the breefe and goad of Oppreflion, under the cuftody of fome Argus with a hundred eyes of Jealoufy. To be plainer, Sir, how to foder, how to ftop a Leak, how to keep up the fioting carcas of a crafy and difeafed Monarchy or State, betwixt wind and water, fwimming ftill upon her own dead Lees, that now is the deep defign of a Politician. Alas, Sir a Commonwealth ought to be but as one huge Chriftian perfonage, one mighty growth and ftature of anhoneftman, as big and compadt in Vertue as in Body ; for look what the grounds and caufes are of fingle Happinefs to one man, the fame ye fhall find them to a whole State, as Artftotle both in his Ethicks, and Politicks, from the principles of Reafon lays down by confequence therefore that which is good and agreeable to Monarchy, will appear fooneft to be fo, by being good and agreeable to the true welfare of every Chriftian and that which can be juftly prov'd hurtful and ofFenfive to every true Chriftian, will be evinc't to be alike hurtful to Monarchy for God forbid, that we mould feparate and diftinguilh the end and good of a Monarch, from the end and good of the Monarchy, or that from Chriftianity. How then this third and laft fort that hinder Reformation, will juftify that it ftands not with reafon of State, I much mufe For certain I am, the Bilk is fliutagainft them, as certain that neither Plato nor Arifiotle is for their turns. What they can bring us now from the Schools of Loyola with his Jefuits, or their Malvezî, that can cut
IT
Tacitus into flivers and fteaks,we fhall prefently hear. They alledg, i That the Church-Government muft be conformable to the civil Polity ; next, that no form of Church-Government is agreeable to Monarchy, but that of Bilhops. Muft Church-Government that is appointed in the Gofp'el, and has chief refped
.
(26 3 ) and be conformable pliant to Civil, that i> Arbitrary, snd fpe&to theSoul, about the vilibleand external converfant part of man ? This is the very chiefly Maxim that moulded theCalvsof Bethel and of Dan \ this was the quinteflencc of Jeroboams Policy., he made Religion conform to his politick Intei efts j and this was the Sin thar*watcht over the Ifraelites till their final Captivity. If this State-principle come from the Prelats, as they afFedf to be counted Star tills, let them look back to Elutbenus Bifhop of Rome, and fee What he thought of the Policy of England , being requir'd by Lucius, the firll Chi illian King of this Hand, to gixe hisCounfel for the founding of Religious Laws, little thought he of this fage Caution, but bids him betake himfelf to the Old and New Teflament, and receive direction from them how to adminiller both Church and Commonwealth ; that he was Gods Vicar, and therefore to rule by Gods Laws that the Edicts of C<cfar we may at all times difallow, but the Now certain if Church-GovernStatutes of God for no reafon we may reject. the as in the be ment Bifhops dare not deny, we may well Gofpel, taught
,
conclude of what late Handing this Polition is, newly calculated for the alBut by what example titude of Bifhop-elevatjion, and lettice for their Lips. can they Ibew that the form of Church-Difcipline rnuft be minted, and modell'd out to fecular pretences ? The antient Republick of the Jews is evident to have run through all the changes of civil Eftate, if we furvey the Story from the giving ot the Law to the tferods ; yet did one manner of Pricllly Government ferve without inconvenience to all thefe temporal Mutations it ferv'd the mild AriftOcracy of ele&ive Dukes, and heads of Tribes join'd with them ; the diclatorfhip of the Judges, the eafy or hard-handed Monarchy's, the domeftick or foreign Tyrannies Laftly, The Roman Senat from without, the Jewiih Senat at home, with the Galilean Tetrarrh-, yet the Lebut feeing the Evangelical Prevites had fome right to deal in civil Affairs with to intermedle Churchmen forbids worldly cept Imployments, what interweavings, or interworkings can knit the Minifter and the Magiftrate in their feveral Functions, to the regard of any precife Correfpondency ? Seeing that the Churchfflans Office is only to teach men the ClTriftian Faith, to exhort all, to incourage the Good, to admonifh the Bad, privately the lefs Offender, publickly the fcandalous and ftubborn ; to cenfure and feparate from the Communion of Cbrijls Flock, the contagious and incorrigible, to receive with Joy and fatherly Compaffion the Penitent } all this mull be done, and more then this, is beyond any Church Autority. What is all this either here Or there, to the Temporal regiment of Wealpublick, whether it be Pqpular, Princely, or Monarchical ? Where doth it intrench upon the temporal Governor? where does it come in his walk? Where does it make inrode upon his Jurifdicfion ? Indeed if the Minifters part be rightly difcharg'd, it renders him the People more confcionable, quiet, and eafy to be governed \ if otherIf therefore the Conftitution, wife, his Life and Doftrine will declare him. of the Church be already fet down by divine Prefcript, as all fides con fefs, then can fhe not be a Handmaid to wait on civil Commodities, and RefpeSs : and if the Nature and Limits of Church-Difcipline be fuch, as are either helpful to all political Eftates indifferently, or have no particular relation to any, then is there no necefiity, nor indeed pofCbility of linking the one with the other in a fpecial conformation. Now for their fecond conclufion, That no form of Church-Government is agreeable to Monarchy, but that of Bifhops, although it fall to pieces of it felf by that which hath bin faid yet to give them play, front and rear, it Ihall be^ my task to prove that Epifcopacy, with that Autority which it challenges in England, is not only not agreeable, but tending to the deftruction of MonarWhile the Primitive Pallors of the Church of God labour'd faithfully in chy. their Miniftry, tending only their Sheep, and not feeking, but avoiding all worldly matters ?s clogs, and indeed derogations and debafements to their high Calling ; little needed the Princes and Potentates of the Earth, which way foever the Gofpel was fpread, to ftudy ways how to make a Coherence between the Churches Polity, and theirs: therefore when Pilate heard once our Saviour Cbrift profelling that hit Kingdom was not of this Worldt he thought the man could not Hand much in Ciefars light, nor much indamage the Roman Empire: for if the Life of Chrift be hid to this World, much more is his
; : :
,
Scepter
26 4 )
but in fpiritual things. And thus liv'd for 2 or 3 Ages, Scepter unoperative, But when the Succeflbrs of the Apofbles. through Conftantines lavifh Superand fet themfelves their forfook up. too in Gods ftead ; ftition they firjl love, the then of their and taking Mammon Belly, advantage fpiritual Power which to call a longingly e to get the Body, on had mensConfciences, they began they into their command 7 upon which their carnal deiires, alfo, and bodily things the Spirit daily quenching and dying in them, knew no way to keep themfelves up from falling to nothing, but by bolftering and fupportirig their inward rottenes, by a carnal and outward Strength. For a whilethey rather then haftily difclos'd their Projeft^ but when privily fought opportunity, or and was 4 Emperors more, their drift became notori3 dead, Conjlantine ous and offenfive to the whole World ; for while Tbeodofius the younger Socrates the Hiftorian in his qtb Book Chap. 1 1 Now bereign'd, thus writes an ill name to ftick upon the Bilhopsof Rome and Alexandria, who beyond gan their Prieftly bounds now long ago had ftept into Principality, and this was Of fcarce 80 years fince their railing from the meaneft worldly Condition. courtefy now let any man tell me, if they draw to themfelves a temporal is not Cafars Empire thereby diStrength and Power out of Cxfars Dominion, minilht? But this was a ftoln bit, hitherto he was but a Caterpillerfecretlygnawing at Monarchy ; the next time you lhall fee him a Wolf, a Lion, lifting his Paw againft: his Raifer, as Petrarch expreft it, and finally an open enemy and fubverter of the Greek Empire. Philippics and Leo, with divers other Emperors after them, not without the advice of their Patriarchs, and at length of a whole Eaftern Council of three hundred thirty eight Bi/hops, threw the Images out of Churches as being decreed Idolatrous. Upon this goodly occafion, the Bi/hop of Rome not only feizes the City, and all the Territory about into his own Hands, and makes himfelf Lord thereof, which till then was govern'd by a Greek Magiftrate, but abfolves all Italy of their Tribute and Obedience due to the Emperor, becaufe he obey'd Gods
-
Commandment in abolilhing Idolatry. Mark, Sir, here h#v the Pope came by
S. Peters Patrimony, as he feigns it y not the Donation of Conjlantine, but Idolatry and Rebellion got it him. Ye need but read Sigonius, one of his own Sett:, to know the Story at large. And now to fhroud himfelf againft a Storm from the Greek Continent, and provide a Champion to bear him out in thefe pradtifes, he takes upon him by Papal fentence to unthrone Chilpericus the rightful King of France, and gives the Kingdom to Pepin for no other caufe, but that he feem'd to him the more If he were a Friend herein to Monarchy I know not, but to the aftive man. Monarch I need not ask what he was. Having thus made Pepin his faft Friend, he calls him into Italy againft Aiftul~ thus the Lombard, that war'd upon him for his late Ufurpation of Rome as Belonging to Ravenna which he had newly won. Pepin, not unobedient to the" Popes call, parting into Italy, frees him out of danger, and wins for him t'te whole Exarchatof Ravenna; which though it had been almoft immediately before the hereditary PolTefiion of that Monarchy which was his chief Patron and Benefactor, yet he takes and keeps it to himfelf as lawful prize, and
given to
St. Peter. What a dangerous fallacy is this, when a Spiritual man fnatch to himfelf may any temporal Dignity or Dominion, under pretence of receiving it for the Churches ufe ? thus he claims Naples, Sicily, England, and what not ? To be Ihort, under fhew of his zeal againft the errors of the Greek Church, he never ceafl baitjng and goring the Succeflbrs of his belt
Lord Conft antine, what by his barking Curfes and Excommunications, wLat by his hindring the Weftern Princes from aiding them againft the Sarazens and Turks, unlefs when they humour'd him ; fothat it may be truly affirm'd, he was the fubvernon and fall of that Monarchy, which was the hoifting of him.
This befides Petrarch, whom I have cited, our Chaucer alfo hath obferv'd, and gives from hence a caution to England, to beware of her Bifhops in time, for that their ends and aims are no more friendly to Monarchy, then the Popes.
Thus he brings
in the
Plow-man fpeaking, Part
2.
Stanz.. 28.
Ttie
,-
(
j\
.
*s
)
l
7fo Emperor Tafe the Pope fometime fogfc Lord/hip him about, That at lafl the filly Kime, The proud Pope put him out j So of this Realm is no doubt, But Lords beware, and them defend 5 For now thefe Folks be wonders flout, The King and Lords now this amend.
So
And in the next Stanza, which begins the third part of the Tale, he argues that they ought not to be Lords.
Mofes Law forbode it tho That Priejls fhould no Lordfhips welde,
Chrifls Gofpel biddeth alfo
That
held: they fhould no Lordfhips
Ne Chrifls Apoflles were never fo bold No fuch Lordfhips to hem embrace,

But fmeren
her Sheep,
and
keep her Fold.
And fo forward. Whether the Bifhopsof England have deferv'd thus to be fear'd by men fo wife as our Chaucer is efteem'd ; and how agreeable to onr Monarchy, and Monarchs, their demeanour has been, he that is but meanly read in our Chronicles needs not be inftru&ed. Have they not been as the Canaanites and Philtjlins, to this Kingdom ? WhatTreafons, what revolts to the Pope ? what Rebellions, and thofe the bafeft and molt pretencelefs, have they not been chief in ? What could Monarchy think, when Bccket durft challenge the Cuftody of Rochefter-Caflle, and the Tower of London, as appertaining to his Signory ? To omit his other infolencies and affronts to regal Majefty, till the Lafhes infli&ed on the anointed Body of the King, wafht off the holy Vn&ion with his Blood drawn by the polluted hands of Bijhops, Abbots, and Monks. What good upholders of Royalty were the Bifhops, when by their rebellious oppofition againft King John, Normandy was loft, he himfelf depos'd, and this Kingdom made over to the Pope } When the Bifhop of Winchefter durft tell the Nobles, the Pillars of the Realm, that there were no Peers in England, as What could Tyranny in France, but that the King might do what he pleas'd. infill ? It would fhould more be if I fay upon the rendring up of petty now, the Excommunications, Curlings, and Interdi&s Tournay by iVoolfiys Treafon, be cut off fhort by a Reply, that the whole Land 1 fhall For upon haply thefe were the faults of the men and their Popifh errors, not of Epifcopacy, that hath now renounc't the Pope, and is a Proteftant. Yes fure ; as wife and famous men have fufpe&ed and fear'd the Proteftant Epifcopacy in England, as thofe that have fear'd the Papal. You know, Sir, what was the judgment of Padre Paolo, the great Venetian Antagoniftof the Pope, for it isextant in the hands of many men, whereby he declares his fear, that when the Hierarchy of England fhall light into the hands of bufy and audacious men, or fhall meet with Princes tractable to the And can it be nearer hand, Prelacy, then much mifchief is like to enfue. then when Bifhops fhall openly affirm that, No Bifhop, no King ? A trim Paradox, and that ye may know where they have been a begging for it, 1 will fetch you the Twin-brother to it out of the Jefuits Cell they feeling the Ax of Gods Reformation, hewing at the old and hollow trunk of Papacy, and finding the Spaniard their fureft friend, and fafeft refuge, to footh him up in his Dream of a fift Monarchy, and withal to uphold the decrepit Papalty, have invented this fuper-politickAphorifm, as one terms it, One Pope, and one
:
,
King.
is not any Prince in Chrijtendom, whp hearing this rare Socanchoofebutfmile^ and if we be not blind at home, we may as well perceive that this worthy Motto, No Bifhop, no King, is of the fame batch, and infanted out of the fame fears, a meer Ague-cake coagulated of a certain
Surely there
phiftry,
Mm
Fever
266
)
:
Fever they have, prefaging their time to be but fhort and now like thofe that are finking' they catch round at that which is likeliefl to hold them up ; and would perfvvade Regal Power, that if they dive, he mult after. But what greater debafement can there be to Royal Dignity," whofe towring and ftedfalt heigth refts upon the unmovable foundations of Juftice, and Heroick Vertue, then to chain it in a dependance of fubfifting, or ruining to the and gaudy rottennefs of Prelatrie, which want but one painted Battlements blow them down like a paft-bord Houfe built of Courtto the of Kings puff ado which methinks I find in untacking thefe pleafant the little Cards. Sir, the mood to tell you a Tale ere I proceed further ; me into Sophifms, puts
A nie
of the
and Menenius Agrippa fpeed us. Upon a time the Body fummdn'd
Head and a H c-
the Members to meet in the Guild for t h e common good (as <sfops Chronicles aver many ftranger Accidents) the Head by right takes the firft feat, and next to it a huge and monftrous little lefs then the Head it felf, growing to it by a narrower excrefcency. The Members amaz'd began to ask one another what he was that took place next their chief; none could refolve. Whereat the Wen, though unweildy, with much ado gets up, and befpeaks the AlTembly to this purpofe That as in place he was fecond to the Head, fo by due of merit \ that he was to it an ornament, and ftrength, and of fpecial near relation and that if the Head
all
Wen
-,
to ftep into his place ; therefore he fail, none were fitter then himfelf the fuch Dignities and rich Indowhonour of that the it for Body, thought ments fhould be decreed him, as did adorn, and fet out the noblcfl Members.
Ihould
Then was a wife and this was anfwer'd, that it Ihould be confulted. learned Philofopher fent for, that knew all the Charters, Laws and Tenures of the Body. On him it is impos'd by all, as chief Committee, to examine, and difcufs the Claim and Petition of Right put in by the Wen ; who foon. Tuperceiving the matter, and wondring at the boldnefs of fuch a fwoln but of that a vitious and harden'd art thou Wilt bpttle mor, (quoth he) Excrements, contend with the lawful and free-born Members, whofe certain
To
is fet by ancient, and unrepealable Statute? Head thou art none, What Office beareft thou ? thou receive this huge fubftance from it though What good canfl thou Ihew by thee done to the Common-weal I The Wen not eafily dafh't replies, that his Office was his Glory ; for fo oft as the Soul would retire out of" the Head from over the fteaming vapours of the lower parts to Divine Contemplation, with him fhe found the pureft and quiete.fi; retreat, as being moll remote from foil, and difturbance. Lourdan, quoth the Philofopher, thy folly is as great 3S thy filth ; know that all the faculties of the Soul are confin'd of old to their feveral velfels andwntricks, from which they cannot part without diffblution of the whole Body ; and that thou containft no good thing in thee, but a heap of hard and loathlbme Uncleannes, and art to the head a foul disfigurment and burden ; when I have' cut thee off, and open'd thee, as by the help of thefe Implements I will do,
number
all
men
fhall fee.
;
But to return whence was digrefs't feeing that the Throne of a King, as the wife King Solomon often remembers us, vs eftabli/ht in Jujijce, which is the
praifes, containing in it all other of Prelacy, whofe actions are fo far diftant from Juftice, cannot fliake the leaft fringe that borders the royal Canopy but that their Handing doth continually oppofe and lay battery to regal fafety, fhall by that which follows eafily appear. Amongft many fecondary and acceflbry Caufes that fupport Monarchy, thefe are not of leaft reckoning, though common to all other States the love of the Subjects the In all thefe things multitude, and valour of the People, and ftore of Treafure. hath the Kingdom bin of late fore weak'nd, and chiefly by the Prelates. Firft, let any man confider, that if any Prince fhall fuffer under him a commiffion of Autority to be exerciz'd, till all the Land grone and cry out, as againft a whip of Scorpions, whether this be not likely to leflen, and keel the affections of the Subjeft. Next what numbers of faithful, and free-born and Chriftians have bin conftrain'd to forfake their deareft Englifhmen, good their and friends, home, kindred, whom nothing but the wide Ocean, and the favage Deferts of America could hide and fhelter from the fury of the
fall
-,
univerfal Juftice that A'ijlotk fo Venues, it may alfure us that the
much
Bifhops
( 267 ) could but lee the fhapc of our dear Mother Sir, Bifhops? England, as Poets are wont to give a peribnal form to what they pleafe, how would Jhe appear, think ye, but in a mourning weed, with allies upon her Head, and tears abundantly flowing from her Eyes, to behold fo many of her Children expos' d at once, and thrufl from things of dearelt neceflity, becaufe their Confcience could not ailent to things which the Bifhops thought inmore binding then Confcience?. What more free then Indifferent ? What then mult that Indiffurency needs be, that fhall violate the dTfferency ? Cruel of Confcience \ merciles and inhuman that free choyfe and ftrict necellity that break afunder the bonds of Religion. fhall Let the Aftrologer liberty be difmay'd at the portentous blaze of Comets, and impreflions in the A^r, I fhall believe there cannot be a as foretelling troubles and changes to States more ill-boding Sign to a Nation (GWturn the Omen from us) then when the Inhabitants, to avoid infufferable Grievances at home, are infore'd
if
wc
Now whereas the only remedy and heaps to forfakc their Native Country. amends againfc the depopulation and thinnefs of a Land within, is the borrow'd llrength of firm alliance from without, thefe Prieftly Policies of theirs having thus exhaufted our domeftick Forces, have gone the way alfo to leave us as naked of our firmeft and faithfullelf. Neighbours abroad, by difparaging, and alienating from us all Proteftant Princes, and Common-wealths, who are not ignorant that our Prelats, and as many as they can infeft, account them no better then a fort of facrilegious and puritanical Rebels, preferring the Spaniard our deadly Enemy before them, and fet all Orthodox Writers at nought in comparifon of the jefuits, who are indeed the only corrupters of Youth, and good Learning} and I have heard many wife and learned men It cannot be that the in Italy fay as much. ltrongeft knot of Confederacy fhould not daily llak'n, when Religion, which is the chief ingagement of our League, fhall be turn'd to their reproach. Hence it is that the profperous and prudent States of the United Provinces, whom we ought to love, if not for themfelves, yet for our own good work in them, they having bin in a manner planted and erecfed by us, and having bin lince to us the faithful watch-meri and difcoverers of many a Popifh and Auftrian complotted Treafon, and with us the partners of many a bloody and victorious Battel ; whom the fimilitude of Manners and Language, the commodity of Traffick, which founded the old Burgundian League betwixt us, but chiefly Religion, fhould bind to us immortally ^ even fuch friends as thefe, out of fome Principles inftill'd into us by the Prelats, have bin often difmift with difraitful Anfwers, and fometimes unfriendly Actions nor is it to be conlider'd to the breach of confederate Nations, whofe mutual Intereft is of fuch high confequence, though their Merchants bicker in the Eajl Indies ; neither is it fafe, or warie, or indeed chriltianly, that the French King, of a different Faith, fhould afford our neerefl Allies as good Protection as we. Sir, 1 perfwade my felf, if our zeal to true Religion, and the brotherly ufage of our trueft Friends, were as notorious to the world, as our Prclatical Schifm, and Captivity to Rochet Apopothegmes, we had ere this fcen our old Conquerours, and afterwards Liegemen the Normans, together with the Britains our proper Colony and all the Cafcoins that are the rightful Dowry of our ancient Kings, come with cap and knee, defiring the fhadow of the Englijh Scepter to defend them from the hot Perfecutions and Taxes of the French. But when they come hither, and fee a Tympany of SpaniolizJd Bifhops fwaggering in the fore-top of the State, and meddling to turn and dandle the Royal Ball with unskilful and Pcdantick Palms, no marvel though they think it as unfafe to commit Religion and Liberty to their arbitrating as to a Synagogue of Jefuits. But what do 1 ftand reck'ning upon Advantages and Gains loft by the misrule and turbulency of the Prelats > what do I pick fo up thriftily their fcatteringsand diminifhings of the meaner Subjecl, whilft they by their feditious Practices have indanger'd to lofe the King one. third of his main Stock? What have they not done to banifh him from his own Native Country ? But to fpeak of this as it ought Would ask a Volume by it felf. Thus as they have unpeopl'd the Kingdom by expulfion of fo niariy th'oufands, as they have endeavour'd to lay the skirts of it bare by difheartning and difhonouring our loyallefl Confederates abroad, fo have they hamftrung m 1 the
:
by
268 )
the Valour of the Subject by feeking to -effeminate us all at home. Well knows every wife Nation that their Liberty confifts in manly and honeft Laand rigorous honour to the Marriage-Bed, which in both bours, in fobriety Sexes mould be bred up from chaft Hopes to loyal Enjoyments ; and when the People flacken, and fall to Loofenefs and Riot, then do they as much as if
they laid
for fome wily Tyrant to get up and ride. Thus tame the Lydians, whom by Arms he could not whilffc they kept themfelves from Luxury with one eafy Proclamation to fet up Stews, I know not dancing, feafting, and dicing, he made them foon his Slaves. what drift the Prelats had, whofe Brokers they were to prepare, and fupple us either for a Foreign Invafion or Domeftick Oppreffion ; but thislamfure the} took the ready way to defpoil us both of Manhood and Grace at once, and that in the fhamefulleft and ungodlieft manner, upon that Day which God's Law, and even our own Reafon hath confecrated, that we might have one day at leait of feven fet apart wherein to examin and encreafe our knowledg of God, to meditate, and commune of our Faith, our Hope, our eternal City in Heaven, and to quick'n withal the ftudy and exercife of Charity at fuch a time that Men fhould be pluck't from their fobereft and faddeft Thoughts,and by Bifhops, the pretended Fathers of the Church, inftigated by publick Edicl, and with earneft indeavour pufht forward to gaming, Thus did the jigging, waflailing, and mixt dancing, is a horror to think. Balaam Prieft feek to fubdue the to Moab, if Israelites Reprobate hireling not by force, then by this divelifh Policy, to draw them from the Sanftuary of God to the luxurious and ribald Feafts of Baal-peor. Thus have they trefjWt not only againft the Monarchy of England, but of Heaven alfo, as others, I doubt not, can profecute againft them. I proceed within my own bounds to (hew you next what good Agents they are about the Revenues and Riches of the Kingdom, which declares of what moment they are to Monarchy, or what avail. Two Leeches they have that ftill fuck, and fuck the Kingdom, their Ceremonies and their Courts. If any man will contend that Ceremonies be lawful under the Gofpel, he may be anfwer'd other where. This doubtlefs, that they ought to be many and over-coftly, no trve Protejlant will affirm. Now I appeal to all wife Men, what an exceffive waft of Treafury hath been within thefe few years in
down their Necks
learnt Cyrus to
-,
'
this
Land, not
in the expedient, but in the idolatrous
ere&ion of Temples
out-vie the Papifts, the coftly and dear-bought Scandals and Snares of Images, Pictures, rich Coaps, gorgeous Altar-clothes : and by the courfes they took, and the opinions they held, it was not likely
beautified exquifitely to
anyftay would be, or any end of their madnefs, where a pious Pretext is fo ready at hand to cover their infatiate Defires. What can we fuppofe this will come to? What other materials then thefe have built up the Spiritual Babel to the heigth of her Abominations? Believe it, Sir, right truly it may be faid, that Antichrifi is Mammons Son. The four Leven of human Traditions, mixt in one putrifi'd Mafs with the poifonous dregs of Hypocrifie in the Hearts of Prelats, that lie basking in the funny warmth of Wealth and Promotion, is the Serpents Egg that will hatch an Antichrifi wherefoever, and ingender the fame Monfter as big, or little, as the Lump is which breeds him. If the Splendor of Gold and Silver begin to lord it once again in the Church of England, we fhall fee Antichriji fhortly wallow here, though his chief Kennel be at Rome. If they had one thought upon God's Glory, and the advancement of Chriftian Faith, they would be a means that with thefe Expences, thus profufely thrown away in trafh, rather Churches and Schools might be built, where they cry out for want, and more added where too few arc a moderate Maintenance diftributed to every painful Minifter, that now fcarce fuftains his Family with Bread, while the Prelats revel like Belfhazzar with their full caroufes in Goblets, and Veffels of Gold fnatcht from God's Temple : Which ( I hope ) the worthy Men of our Land will confider. Now then for their Courts. What a Mafs of Money is drawn from the Veins into the Ulcers of the Kingdom this way ; their Extortions, their open Corruptions, the multitude of hungry and ravenous Harpies that fwarm about their Offices declare fufficiently. And what though all this go not over Sea ? 'twere better it did : better a penurious Kingdom, then where exceffive
-,
Wealth
(26 9
Wealth flows
into the gracelefs and injurious hands of common fponges, to the impoverifhing of good and loyal men, and that by fuch execrable, fucli irreligious courfes.
works of holy Difcipline, Cenfure, Penance, ExAbfolution, where no prophanc thing ought to have acto be alliftant but fage and chriftianly Admonition, brotherly. cefs, nothing Love, flaming Charity and Zeal; and then according to the efFe&s, paternal
If
the facred and dreadful
communication, and
Sorrow or paternal Joy, mild Severity y melting Compa/fion ; if fuch Divine Miwherein the Angel of the Church reprefents the Perfon of nifterics as thefe, Chrisl Jcfus, muft lie proftitute to fordid Fees, and not pafs to and fro between our Saviour that of free Grace redeem'd us, and the fubmiffive Penitent, without the truccage of perifliing Coin, and the butcherly execution of Tormentors, Rooks and Rakefhames fold to lucre, then have the
Babylonifh
Merchants of Souls juit excufe. Hitherto, Sir, you have heard how the Prelats have weaken'd and withdrawn the external Accomplifhments of Kingly proof the People, their multitude, their valour, their wealth \ fperity, the love and fapping the out-works and redoubts of Monarchy. Now hear how mining the very heart and vitals. at ftrike they know that Monarchy is made up of two parts, the Liberty of the SubI the King. See what gentle begin at the root. ject, and the Supremacy of our been to have Fathers and benign Liberty. Thei;- trade being, by they to extract that the of cold and Silver out the fame Alchymy heaps /'opeufes, and juftly fearing that the quickof the droffie Bullion of the Peoples fins
We
lighted Proteftants eye, clear'd in great part from the milt of Snperftition, may at one time or other look with a good judgment into thefc their deceitful to gain as many affociats of guiltinefs as they can, and to infedt the Pedleries
,
temporal Magiftrate with the

fee a while
like lawlefs, though not facrilegious extortion, they ingage themfelves to preach, and perfwade an affertion for truth the moft falfe, and to this Monarchy the moft pernicious and What more banetul to Monarchy then a podeftruftive that could be chofen. of Monarchy flides apteft into a Democrathe difTolution for pular Commotion, wifeit Writers have as our ftirsthe what and Englifhcnen, obferv'd,fooner ty ;
what they do
to Rebellion, then violent and heavy hands upon their goods and purfes ? Yet thefe devout Prelats, fpight of our great Charter, and the Souls of our Progenitors that wrelted their Liberties out of the Norman gripe with their deareft blood and higheft prowefs, for thefe many years have not ceas't in their to let at nought and trample under Pulpits wrinching and fpraining the Text, and life-blood facred moft foot all the Laws, Statutes, and Acts of Parliament, that are the holy Cov'nant of Union and Marriage' between the King and his Realm, by profcribing and conhTcating from us all the right we have to our own Bodies, Goods and Liberties. What is this but to blow a trumpet, and
proclaim a fire-crofs to a hereditary and perpetual Civil War ? Thus much Now how they againft the Subjects Liberty hath been aflaulted by them. have fpar'd Supremacy, or likely are hereafter to fubmit to it, remains laftly to be confider'd. The emulation that under the old Law was in the King toward the Prifsl, is now fo come about in the Gofpel, that all the danger is to be fear'd from the Whilft the Priefts Office in the Law was fet out with an exPrieft to the King. teriour luftre of Pomp and Glory, Kings were ambitious to be Priefts ; now Priefts not perceiving the heavenly brightnefs and inward fplendor of their more glorious Evangelick Miniftery, with as great ambition affect to be Kings, as in all their courfes is e3fy to be obferv'd. Their eyes ever imminent upon worldly matters, their deiires ever thirfting after worldly employments ; inftead of diligent and fervent ftudy in the Bible, they covet to be expert in Canons and Decretals, which may inable them to judg and interpofe in temporal Caufes, however pretended Ecclefiaftical. Do they not hord up Pelf, feek to be potent in ftcular Strength, in State Affairs, in Lands, Lordfhips, and Demeans, to J way and carry all before them in fiigh Courts and Privy Councils, to bring into their grafp the high and principal Offices of the Kingdom ? have they not been bold of late to check the Common Law, to flight and brave the indiminifhable Majefty of our higheft Court, the Law-giving and Sacred Parlia' ment ? Do they not plainly labour to exempt Churchmen from the Magiftrate ?
M ra
Yea,
270 )
Yea, fo prefumptuoufly as to queftion and menace Officers that reprcfent the King's Perfon for ufing their Authority againft drunken Priefts ? Thecaufeof protecting murderous Clergy-men was the iirft heart-burning that fwell'd up the
audacious Becket to the peftilent and odious vexation of Henry the Second. have not fome of their devoted Scholers begun, I need not fay to nibble, but openly to argue againft the King's Supremacy? Is not the Chief of them accus'd 'out of his own Book, and his late Canons, to affect" a certain unqueftionable Patriarchate independent and unfubordinate to the Crowd? From whence having firft brought us to a fervile Eft ate of Religion and Manhood, and prediipos'd his Conditions with the Pope, that lays claim to
Nay more,
having Land, or fome Pepin of his own creating, it were all as likely for liim to afpire to the Monarchy among us, as that the Pope could find means fo on the fudden both to bereave the Emperor of the Roman Territory with the favour of while he was in danger to Italy, and by an unexpected friend out of France, lofc his new-got Purchafe, beyond hope to leap into the fair Exarchat of Rathis
venna.
good while the Pope futt'ly afted the Lamb, writing to the Emperor, my Tiberius, my Lord Mauritius ; but no fooner did this his Lord piuckat the Images and Idols, but he threw off his Sheeps clothing, and Harted up a
Lord
Wolf, laying
his
paws upon the Emperor's Right,
as forfeited to Piter.
may
cer,
not
we
as well, having been forewarn'd at
home by our renowned Chau-
Why
and from abroad by the great and learned Padre Paolo, from the
like be-
ginnings, as
vident King
it is,
fee they are, fear the like events? Certainly a wife ai.d proought to fufped a Hierarchy in his Realm, being ever attended, as
f
we
with two fuch greedy Purveyers, Ambition and lifbrpation ; fay, he ought tofufpe&a Hierarchy to be as dangerous and derogatory ft om his Crown as a Tetrarchy or a Heptarchy. Yet now that the Prelats had almoft attain'd to what their infolent and unbridl'd minds had hurried them , to thruft the Laitie under the defpotical rule of the Monarch, that they themfelves might confine the Monarch to a kind of Pupillage under their Hierarchy, obferve but how their own Principles combat one another, and fupplant each one his fellow. Having fitted us only for Peace, and that a fervile Peace, by leflcningour numbers, dreining our Eftates, enfeebling our Bodies, cowing our free Spirits by thofe ways as you have heard, their impotent a&ions cannot fuftain themfelves theleaft moment, unlefsthey rouze us up to a War fit for Cam to be the Leader of} an abhorred, a curfed, a frateinal War. England and Scotland, deareft Brothers both in Nature and in C h r 1 s t, nu.fr be fet to wade in one another's blood ; and Ireland our free Denizon upon the back of ns both, as occafion fhould ferve a piece of Service that the Pope and all his Factors have been compalling to do ever fince the Reformation. But ever-blefled be he, and ever glorifi'd, that from his high watch-Tower in the Heav'ns, difcerning the crooked ways of perverfeand cruel men, hath hitherto maim'd and infatuated all their damnable Inventions, and deluded their great Wizards with a delufion fit for Fools and Children had God been fo minded, he could have fent a Spirit of Mutiny amongft us as he did between Ahimilech and the Sechemites, to have made our Funerals, and (lain heaps more in number then the miferable furviving remnant ; but he, when we leaft deferv'd, fent out a gentle gale and menage of Peace from the wings of thofe his Cherubins that fan his Mercy- feat. Nor fhall the Wifdoni, the Moderation, the Chriftian Piety, the Conftancy of our Nobility and Commons of England be ever forgotten, whofe calm and temperat connivance could fit frill and fmile out the ftormy bluffer of men more audacious and precipitant then of folid and deep reach, till their own fury had run it felf out of breath, afTailing by rafh and heady Approaches the impiegnable fituation of our Liberty and Safety, that laught fuch weak enginry to fcorn, fuch poor drifts to make a National War of a Surplice Brabble, a Tippetfcufflc, and ingage the unattainted Honour of Englifh Knighthood to unfurl the ftreaming Red Crofs, or to rear the horrid Standard of thofe fatal guly Dragons for fo unworthy a purpofe, as to force upon their I ellow-Subjecls that which themfelves are weary of, the Skeleton of a Mafs-Book. Nor muff the Patience, the of the Obedience the Nobles and firm Fortitude, People of Scotland, ftriving manifold nor muft their and moderate proceedProvocations fincere ; againft
:
:
ings
( 27i ) be hitherto to the fhameful unremember'd, ings

tractors.
Convi&ion of
all
their
De-
me in fiich a copious and vaft Theme, fully handl'd, and you judg whether Prelacy be the only Church-government agreeable to o n a r c h y. Seeing therefore the perillous and confufed eitate into which we are fain, and that to the certain knowledgof all men, through the irreligious Pride and hateful Tyranny of Prelats, (as the innumerabfe and grievous complaints of every Shire cry out) if we will now refolve to fettle affairs either according to pure Religion or found Policy, we muft firftof all
would
your
belt ferve
felf
Go on both hand in hand, never to be dif-united ; be the Praife and the Heroick Song of all Poster i t y-. merit this, but il-ek only Vertue, not to extend your Limits ; for what needs? to win a fading triumphant Lawrel out of the tears of wretched Men, but to fettle the pure Worfhip of God in his Church, and Jufticein the State then mail the hardeifc difficulties fmooth out themfelves before ye Envy (hall link to Hell, Craft and Malice be confounded, whether it be homebred mifchief or outjandilh cunning: yea other Nations will then covet to ferveye, for Lordflripand Viftory are but the pages of Juftice and Vertue. Commit fecurely to true Wifdom the vanquifhing and uncaling of craft and futtlety, which are but her two runnagates join your invincible might to do worthy and Godlike deeds and then he that feeks to break your Union, a cleaving Curfe be his inheritance to all Generations. Sir, you have now at length this queftion for the time, and as my memory
:
:, :
-,
O NATIONS,
may
begin roundly tocafhier and cut away from the publick body the noyfbm and tumor of Prelacy, and come from Schifm to Unity with our neighbour Reformed Sifter Churches, which with the bleffing of Peace and pure Doctrine have now long time flourifh'd \ and doubtlefs with all hearty Joy and
difeafed
Gratulation will meet and welcome our Chriftian Union with them, as they have bin all this while griev'd at our ftrangenefs,and little better then Separation from them. And for the Difcipline propounded, feeing that it hath bin inevitably prov'd that the natural and fundamental caufes of political Happinefs in all Governments are the fame, and that this Church-difcipline is taught in the Word of God, and, as we fee, agrees according to v/ifh with
all
fuch States as have receiv'd
it,
we may
infallibly aflure.our felves that it
agree with Monarchy, though all the Tribe of slpborifmers and Politicaflers would perfwade us there be fecret and myfterious reafons againft it. For upon the fetling hereof mark what nourifhing and cordial reftorementsto the State will follow, the Minifters of the Gofpel attending only to the work of Salvation, every one within his limited charge befides the diffulive Blelfings of God upon all our actions, the King fhall fit without an old Difturber, a daily Incroacher and Intruder \ fhall rid his Kingdom of a
will as well
,
ftrong fequefter'd and collateral Power*, a confronting Miter, whofe potent Wealth and wakeful Ambition he had juft caufe to hold in jealouiie -.not to repeat the other prefent evils which only their removal will remove, and becaufe things (imply pure are inconfiftent in the mafs of Nature, nor are the Elements or Humors in Man's Body exactly bomogmeal ; and hence the beft founded Commonwealths and leaft barbarous have aim'd at a certain mixture and temperament, partaking the feveral vertues of each other State, that each part drawing to it felf may keep up a fteddy and ev'n uprightnefs in
common.
There is no Civil Government that hath been known, no not the Spartan, not the Roman, though both for this refped fo much prais'd by the wife Polyhim, more divinely and harmonioufly tun'd, more equally ballanc'd as it were by the hand and fcale of Juftice, then is the Commonwealth of England, where under a free and untutor'd Monarch, the nobleft, worthieft, and moft prudent men, with full approbation and fuffrage of the People, have in their power the fupream and final determination of higheft Affairs. Now if ot there can be nofo to be the Civil Conformity deiir'd, Church-Difcipline the more more under when then thing Sovereign Prince, parallel, uniform, Chrift's Vicegerent, ufing the Scepter of David, according to God's Law, the godlieft, the wifeft, the learnedeft Minifters in their feveral charges have the inftru&ing and disciplining of God's People, by whofe full and free Elc&ion
they
that holy and equal Ariflocracy. And why fhould not they are confecrated to the Piety and Confcience of Englilhmen, as Members of the Church, be truftfed in the Election of Paftors to Functions that nothing concern a Monarch, as
well as their worldly Wifdomsare pvivileg'd as Members of the St3te in fufto Matters that concern him nearly ? And fraging their Knights and BurgelTcs their in difference thefe feveral time and if in weighing Offices, quality be caffc the of beam will not turn the of a I know equal Judgment they
in,
Scruple.
therefore having already a kind of Apoftolical and ancient Church-Election in our State, what a perverfnefs would it be in us of all others to retain forcibly a kind of imperious and (lately Election in our Church ? And what a blindnefs to think that what is already Evangelical, as it were by a happy chance in our Polity, mould be repugnant to that which is the fame
We
moity
Miniftry? Thus then we fee that our Ecclefial and Political choyfes may confent and fort as well together without any rupture in But as for Honour, that ought the State, as Christians- and Freeholders. indeed to be different and diftinct, as either Office looks a feveral way the Minifter whofe Calling and End is fpiritual, ought to be honour'd as a Father and Phyfician to the Soul, (if he be found to be fo) with a Son-like and Difciple-like Reverence, which is indeed the deareft and moft affeclionate Honour, moft to be dehYd by a wife man, and fuch as will eafily command a free and plentiful provilion of outward neceffaries, without his furder care of this
by divine
Command
in the
World.
The Magiftrate, whofe Charge

honour'd with
a
is
to fee to our Perfons and Efhtes,
is
to be
and Stipends, And this diftin&ion Juftice and watchful Care gives us the quiet Enjoyment. of Honovrr will bring forth a feemly and graceful Uniformity over all the
more elaborate and perfonal Courtlhip, with large Salaries that he himfelf may abound in thofe things whereof his legal
Kingdom.
Then fhall the Nobles pofl'efs all the Dignities and Offices of temporal Honour to themfelves, fole Lords without the improper mixture of l'cholaftick and pufillanimous upftarts the Parliament fhal] void her Vpper Houfe of the fame annoyances , the Common and Civil Laws fhall be both fet free, the former from the controul, the other from the meer vafTalage and Copy-hold of
,
the Clergy.
And wheras temporal Laws rather punifh men when they have tranfgrefs'd, then form them to be fuch as mould tranfgrefs feldomeft, we may conceive great hopes, through the fhowers of Divine Benediction watering the unmolefted and watchful pains of the Miniftry, that the whole Inheritance of God will grow up fo Itraight and blamelefs, that the Civil Magiftrate may with far lefs toyl and difficulty, and far more eafe and delight, fteer the tall and goodly Veffel of the Commonwealth through all the gufts and tides of the World's
mutability.
might have ended, but that fome Objections, which I have heard prefsmeto the endeavour of an Anfwer. We muft not run, they fay, into fudden extreams. This is a fallacious Rule, unlefs underftood only of the actions of Venue about things indifferent for if it be found that thofe two extreams be Vice and Vertue, Falfliood and Truth, the greater extremity of Vertue and fuperlative Truth we run into, the more vertuous and the more wife we become , and he that flying from degenerate and traditional Corruption, fears to fhoot himfelf too far into the meeting Imbraces of a divinely warranted Reformation, had better not have run at
1
Here
commonly
flying about,
ho fhould oppofe it ? The cannot be fear'd. Proteftants otherwife affected ? They were There is nothing will be remov'd but what to them is profefs'dly indifferent. The long affection which the People have born to it, what for it what for the odioufnefs of Prelats, is evident: From the firftyear of felf, Elizabeth it hath ftill been more and more propounded, Queen defir'd, and befometimes forwarded the themfelves. Parliaments feech'd, yea favourably by Yet if it were fudden and fwift, provided ftill it be from worfe to better, certainly we ought to hie us from evil like a torrent, and rid our felves of corrupt Difcipline, as we would fhake fire out of our bofoms.
all.
And
?
for the fuddennefs

not.
it
Papifts rnad.
They dare
The
Speedy
272 )
of all the good Kings of Ji Speedy and vehement were the Reformations in Idolatry never fo long before ; they been nurzl'u had the People though feard not the bug-bear danger, nor the Lion in the way that the lluggifliand timorous Politician thinks he fees no more did our Brethren of the Reformed Churches abroad, they ventur'd (God being their guide) out of rigid Pop er y, into that which we in mockery call precife Puritanifm, and yet we fee no inconvenience befel them. Let us not dally with God when he offers us a full Bleffing, to take as much of it as we think will fervc our ends, and turn him back the rclt upon his
,
hands,
Next they alledgthe in his anger he fnatch all from us again. it was in the Apoftles time all Ages. What of through Epifcopaey Antiquity that queftionlels it muft be ftill, and therein I truft the Minifters will be able But if Epifcopaey be taken for Prelacy, all the Ages to fatisfy the Parliament. it no more venerable then Papacy. they can deduce it through will make bear witnefs) that ever fince their Stories our all it is certain Molt (as coming to the See of Canterbury for near twelve hundred years, to fpeak of them in general, they have been in England to our Souls a fad and doleful fucceifion of illiterate and blind guides , to our purfes and goods a wailful band of robbers, a perpetual havockand rapine , to our State a continual Hydra of This is the mifchief and moleftation, the forge of difcord and rebellion Trophy of their Antiquity, and boafted Succeffion through fo many ages. And for thofe Pnlat- Martyrs they glory of, they are to be judg'd what they were by the Gofpel, and not the Gofpel to be tried by them.
left
:
And
it
it is
was
in their Profperity
to be noted, that if they were for Bifhopricks and Ceremonies, and fulnefs of Bread but in their Perfecution, which
,
purifi'd them, and near their Death, which was their Garland, they plainly diflikM and condemn'd the Ceremonies, and threw away thofc Epifcopal Ornaments wherein they were inftaPd as foolifh and deteftable, fo'r fo the words Neiof Ridley at hisDegradement, and his Letter to Hooper, exprefly (hew. ther doth the Author of our Church-Hiftory fpare to record fadly the Fall (for fo he terms it) and Infirmities of thefe Martyrs, though we would deify them. And why fhould their Martyrdom more countenance corrupt Doctrine or Difcipline,then their Subfcriptions juftify their Treafon to the Royal Blood of this Realm, by diverting and intaling the Right of the Crown from the true Heirs, to the houfes of Northumberland and Suffolk? which had it took effect, this prefent King had in all likelihood never fat on this Throne, and the happy Union of this Hand had bin fruftrated. abroad Laftly, Whereas they add that fomethe learnedelt of the Reformed admire our Epifcopaey it had bin more for the ftrength of the Argument to tell us, that fome of the wifelt States-men admire it, for thereby we might guefs them weary of the prefent Difcipline, as oifenfive to their State, which
,
is
the bug
we
fear
but being they are Church-men,

Spirits
them for fome Prelatidng
that admire
out"
we may rather fufpedt Bifhopricks, not Epifcopaey.
The
next Objection vanifhes of it felf, propounding a doubt, whether a greater Inconvenience would not grow from the corruption of any other DifThis feems an unfeafonable forefight, cipline then from that of Epifcopaey. and out of order to defer and put off the molt needful Conftitution of one right Difcipline, while we ftand ballancing the Difcommodities of two corrupt ones. Firft conftitute that which is right, and of it felf it will difcover and re&ify that which fwerves, and eafily remedy the pretended fear of having a Pope in every Parifh, unlefs we call the zealous and meek cenfure of the Church a Popedom, which who fo does, let him advife how he can reject the Paftorly Rod and Sheep-hook of Christ, and thofe Cords of Love, and not fear to fall under the iron Scepter of his Anger, that will dafh him to pieces like a Potfherd. At another Doubt of theirs I wonder, whether this Difcipline which we defire be fuch as can be put in pra&ife within this Kingdom they fay it cannot ftand with the common Law nor with the King's Safety, the Government of In God's name let it Epifcopaey is now fo weav'd into the common Law. .weave out again ; let not humane Quillets keep back divine Authority. Tis not the common Law, nor the civil, but Piety and Juftice that are our foun-,
dress } they ftoop
not, neither change colour for Ariflocracy, Vcmocraty, or
Mo'
) ( all interrupt their jufl Courfes ; but far above the at nor yet taking Monarchy i notice of thefe inferior Niceties with perfect Sympathy, where-ever they meet, kifs each other. Laftly, they are fearful that the Difcipline which Wherefore ? it is but Epifwill fucceed cannot ftand with the King's Safety. copacy reduc'd to what it fhould be were it not that the Tyranny of Prelats under the name of Bifiops hath made our ears tender, and ftartling, we might
:
every good Minifter a Bijhop, as every Bifhop, yea the Apoftles themfelves are calPd Minifters, and the Angels mimflring Spirits, and the Minifters again fo fhrewd ? Becaufe the Angels. But wherein is this propounded Government Government of Aflemblies will fucceed. Did not the Apoftles govern the Church by Aflemblies ? how fhould it elfe be Catholick, how fhould it have count it Sacrilege to take from the rich Prelats their Lands Communion ? and Revenus, which is Sacrilege in them to keep, ufing them as they do-, and can we think it fafe to defraud the living Church of G od of that right which but the Confequence Aflemblies draw has given her in Aflemblies ?
call
We
God
No furely, they draw to them the Supremacy of Eccleliaftical Jurifdiction. no Supremacy, but that Authority which Christ, and Saint Paul in his Name confers upon them. The King may ftill retain the fame Supremacy in the Aflemblies, as in the Parliament ; here he can do nothing alone againft the Common Law, and there neither alone, nor with confent againft the Scriptures. But is this all ? No, this Eccleliaftical Supremacy draws to it the Power to excommunicate Kings and then follows the worft that can be imaDo they hope to avoid this, by keeping Prelats that have fo often gin'd. done it ? Not to exemplify the malapert 'Infolence of our own Biftops in this kind towards our Kings, I fhall turn back to the Primitive and pure Times, which the Objectors would have the Rule of Reformation to us.
,
an Aflembly, but one Biflwp alone, Saint A mbro sEof Millan, held Thcodofius the moft Chriftian Emperor, under Excommunication above eight months together, drove him from the Church in the prefence of his Nobles } which the good Emperor bore with heroick humility, and never ceas't by Prayers and Tears, till he was abfolv'd ; for which coming to the Bifhop with Supplication into the Salutatory, fome out Porch of the Church, he was charg'd by him of tyrannical madnefs againft God, for coming into holy Ground. Atlaft upon Conditions abfolv'd, and after great humiliation approaching to the Altar to offer, (as thofe thrice pure times then thought meet) he had fcarce withdrawn his hand, and ftood awhile, when a bold Arch-deacon comes in the Bifhop's name, and chaces him from within the Rails, telling him peremptorily that the place wherein he ftood, was for none but the Pricjls to enter, or to touch ; and this is another peece of pure Primitive Divinity. Think ye then our Bifhops will forgo the Power of Excommunication on whomfoever ? No certainly, unlefs to compafs finifter Ends, and then revoke when they fee their time. And yet this moft mild, though withal dreadful and inviolable Prerogative of Chrifts Diadem, Excommunication, fervs for nothing with them, but to prog and pander*for Fees, or to difplay their Pride, and fharpen their Revenge, debarring Men the protection of the Law ; and I remember not whether in fome Cafes it bereave not Men all right to their worldly Goods and Inheritances, befides the denial of Chriftian burial. But in the Evangelical, and reformed ufe of this facred Cenfure, no fuch Projlitution, no fuch IfcaA and Sentence fhould riotical Drifts are to be doubted, as that spiritual Doom invade worldly pofTeflion, which is the rightful Lot and Portion even of the wickedeft Men, as frankly beftow'd upon them by the al-difpenfing Bounty, as Rain and Sunfhine. No, no, itfeeksnot to bereave or deftroy the Body ; it feeks to fave the Soul by humbling the Body, not by imprifonment, or pecuniary Mulct, muchlefs by Stripes, or Bonds, or difinheritance, but by fatherly Admonifhment and chriftian Rebuke^ to caft it into godly Sorrow, whofe End is Joy, and ingenuous bafhfulnefs to Sin If that cannot be wrought, then as a tender Mother takes her Child and holds it over the Pit with fearring words, that it may learn to fear where Danger is ; fo doth Excommunication as dearly and as freely, without Money, ufe her wholfome and faving Terrors, fhe is inftant, fhe befeeches, by all the dear and fweet Promifes of Salvation fhe entices and woes, by all the Threatnings and Thunders of the Law, and rejected Go/pel, fhe charges, and adjures ; this is all her Armory, her
Not
( 2 7? ) fier Munition, her Artillery, then fhe awaits with long-fufferance, and yet ardent Zeal. In brief, there is no Aft in all the Errand of Gods Miniflers to
Mankind, wherein pa lies more loverlike conteftation between Chkist and the Soul of a regenerate Man lapling, then before, and in, and after the SenAs for the fogging Froftorage of Money, with tence of Excommunication. fuch an eye as ftrook Gebez.i with Leprofy, and Simon Magus with a Curfe fo does Ihe look, and fo threaten her firy Whip againft that banking Den of Thieves that dare thus baffle, and buy and fell the awful and majeftick wrincles of her Brow. He that is rightly andapoftolically fped with hcrinvilible he if can be at peace in his Soul, and not fmel within him the BriiriArrow, ftone of Hell, may have fair leave to tell all his Bags over undiminilh't of the leaft Farding, may eat his Dainties, drink his Wine, ufe his Delights, enjoy his Lands and Liberties, not the leaft Skin rais'd, not the leaft Hair mifplac't Much more may a King enjoy his for all that Excommunication has done and be as abfolute and comand undeflour'd, untouch'd, Prerogatives Rights
,
as all his Royalties and Revenues .can make him. And thecedid Tbcodofuis fear a Plot upon his Empire, when he ftood excommunicat by St. Ambrofe, though it were done either with much haughty Pride, or ignorant Zeal. But let us rather look upon the reformed Churches beyond the Seas, the Griz.ons, the Svoiffes, the Hollanders, the French, that have a Supremacy to live under as well as we ; where do the Churches tri all thefe pla-
pleataKing,
little
fore
ces ftrive for
Supremacy
Civil Magijlrate ? In France, a

flants
under
:
this
where do they clafh and juftle Supremacies with the more fevere Monarchy then ours, the ProteChurch-Government, carry the name of thebeft Subjefts the
?
King has ; and yet Presbytery, if itmuft be fo call'd, does there all that it defires to do How eafy were it, if there be fuch great fufpicion, to give no
it in But let us not, for fear of a Scare-crow, or elfe England. be hatred to reform'd, ftand hankering and politizing, when through with fpread hands teftifies to us, and points us out the way to our Peace. hath blinded us, as to truft Let us not be fo overcredulous, unlefs our deer Souls into the hands of Men that beg fo devoutly for the pride and gluttony of their own Backs and Bellies, that fue and follicit fo eagerly, not for the faving of Souls, theconlideration of which can have here no place at now can all, but for their Bifhopricks, Deaneries, Prebends, and Chanonies thefe Men not be corrupt, whofe very caufe is the Bribe of their own pleading, whole mouths cannot open without the ftrong breath and loud ftench of Avarice, Simony, and Sacrilege, embezling the Treafury of the Church on painhath teftified to have no ted and guilded Walls of Temples, wherein and from their their unftuous and thence Palace Kitchins, delight, warming with of the the the Alms the Impotent, Lame, Blind, epicurean Paunches, the Aged, the Orfan, the Widow? for with thefe the Treafury of C h k. i $ t ought to be, here muft be his Jewels beftow'd, his rich Cabinet muft be emptied here ; as the conftant Martyr Saint Laurence taught the Roman Prator. Sir, would you know what the Remonftrance of thefe Men would have, what their Petition implies ? They intreat us that we would not be weary of thofc infuppor table Grievances that our Shoulders have hitherto crackt under, they befeech us that we would think 'em fit to be our Juftices of Peace, our Lords, our higheft Officers of State, though they come furnifh't with no more experience then they learnt between the Cook and the Manciple, or more profoundly at the Colledg Audit, or the Regent Houfe, or to come to their deepeft infight at their Patrons Table ; they would requeft us to indure ftill the rustling of their filken Caffocks, and that we would birrft our Midriffs, rather "then laugh to fee them under Sail in all their Lawn and Sarcenet, their Shrouds
more fcope to
God
God
God
and Tackle, with a Geometrical Rhomboides upon their Heads they would bear us in hand that we muft of duty ftill appear before them once a Year in Jeru~ falem, like good circumciz'd Males and Females, to be taxt by the Poul, to be fcons't our Head-money, our Tuppences in their Chaunlerly Shop-book of
:
Eafler.
They pray us that it would pleafe us to let them ftill hale us, and worry us with their Band-dogs and Purfivantsj and that it would pleafe the Parliament that they may yet have the whipping, fleecing, and fleaing of us in their diabolical Courts, to tear the Flefh from our Bones, and into our wide wounds inftead of Balm, to pour in the Oil of Tartar, Vitriol, and Mercury ;
furely
( ) and foft-hearted innocent Petition. O the finely a right reafonable, relenting Bowels of the Fathers! Can this be granted them, unlefs God have fmitten us with Freniie from above, and with a dazling giddinefs at noon day ? Should not thofe Men rather be heard that come to plead againft their own Prefertheir own Abundance ; for Honour and ments, their worldly Advantages, Obedience to God's Word, the Converfion of Souls, the Chrijiian Peace of the Land, and Vnion of the Reformed Catbolick Church, the unappropriating and unand Induftry, from the greafy clutch of monopoliung the Rewards of Learning have tri'd already, and and feeding. high Ignorance, miferably felt what Ambition, worldly Glory and immoderate Wealth can do, what the boiftrous and contradictional hand of a temporal, earthly, and corporeal Spirituality can avail to the edifying of Chrift'sholy Church; were it fuch a defperate hazard to put to the venture the univerfal Votes of Chrift's Congregation, the laborious Mini/try, the Pallorfellowly and friendly Yoke of a teaching and
We
and Apoftolick imitation of meek and unlordly Difcipline, the gentle and benevolent Mediocrity of Church-maintenance, without the ignoble HucWere it fuch an incurable mifchief to make a little fteragc of pidling Tithes ? to the flour ifhing and growing up of do would what this all trial, Cbrift'smyfrical Body ? As rather to ufe every poor Ihift, and if that ferve not, to threaten Uproar and Combuftion, and (hake the Brand of Civil Difcord ? O, Sir, I do now feel my felf inwrapton the fudden into thofe Mazes and of dreadful and hideous thoughts, that which way to get out, or Labyrinths which way to end, I know not, unlefs turn mine eyes, and with your help lift up my hands to that eternal and propitious Throne, where nothing is readier then Grace and Refuge to the diftrefles of mortal Suppliants And it wert a lhame to leave thefe ferious thoughts lefs pioufly then the Heathen were wont
like
1
:
to conclude their graver Difcourfes. Thou therefore that fitft in Light and Glory, unapproachable, Parent of Angels and Men! next thee I implore Omnipotent King, Redeemer of that
didft aflume, ineffable and everlafting Love! thou the third fubfiftence of Divine Infinitude, illumining Spirit, the Joy and Solace of created Things ! one Tri-perfonal Godhead! look upon this thy poor and almoft fpent and expiring Church, leave her not thus a Prey to thefe importunate Wolves, that wait and think long till they devour thy tender Flock ; thefe wild Boars that have broke into thy Vineyard, and left the O let them not print of their polluting Hoofs on the Souls of thy Servants. that ftand now at the about their damned entrance of the botbring Deftgns, to and let out the Watch-word thofe dreadful open tomlefsPit, expecting Locufts and Scorpions, to re-involve us in that pitchy Cloud of infernal Darknefs, where wefhall never more fee the Sun of thy Truth again, never hope for the chearful dawn, never more hear the Bird of Morning ling. Be mov'd with pity at the afflidred ftate of this our fhaken Monarchy, that now lies labouring under her Throws, and ftruggling againft the Grudges of more dreaded Calamities. O thou that after the impetuous rage of five bloody Inundations, 3nd the fucceeding Sword of inteftine War, foaking the Land in her own Gore, didft pity the fad and ceaflefs Revolution of our fwift and thick-coming Sorrows, when we were quite breathlefs, of thy free Grace didft motion Peace, and terms of Cov'nant with us^ and having firft well-nigh freed us from Antichriftian Thraldom, didft build up this Britannick Empire to a glorious and enviable height, with all her Daughter-Hands about her ; ftay us in this Felicity, let not the Obftinacy of our half-Obediencq and Will-worfhip, bring forth that Viper of Sedition, that for thefe fourfcore Years hath been breeding to eat the but let her caft her Entrals of our Peace Abortive through ; Spawn without the danger of this travelling and throbbing Kingdom. That we may ftill remember in our folemn Thankfgivings, how for us, the Northern Ocean even to the frozen Thule, was fcatter'd with the proud Shipwracks of the Spanifh Armado, and the very Maw of Hell ranfack't, and made to give up her conceal'd Deftrudion, ere fhe could vent it in that horrible and damned blaft. O how much more glorious will thofe former Deliverances appear, when we (hall know them not only to have fav'd us from greateft Miferies pall, but to have referv'd us for greateft happinefs to come? Hitherto thou haft but freed us,
loft
Remnant whofe Nature thou
And
and
274
and that not
fully,
nite us intirely, Homage to the Prerogative of thy Eternal Throne. And now we know, thou our moft certain Hope and Defence, that thine Enemies have been confulting all the Sorceries of the great Whore, and have joyn'd their Plots with that fad Intelligencing Tyrant that mifchiefs the World
from the unjufl and tyrannous Claim of thy Foes, now uand appropriate us to thy felf, tie us everlaftingly in willing
his Mines of Ophir, and lies thirfting to revenge his naval Ruins that have larded our Seas: but let them all take Counfel together, and let it come to nought let them decree, and do thou cancel it ; let them gather themfelves, and be fcattered , let them imbattle themfelves, and be broken ; let them imbattel, and be broken, for thou art with us. Then amidft the Hymns and Hallelujahs of Saints, fome one may perhaps be heard offering at high Strains in new and lofty Meafures, to ling and celebrate thy divine Mercies, and marvelous Judgments in this Land throughout all Ages; whereby this great and warlike Nation, inftructed and inur'd to the fervent and continual practice of Truth and Right eoufnefs, and calling far from her the Rags of her old Vices, may prefs on hard to that high and happy Emulation to be found the fobertft, vcifeft, and moft Chriftian People at that day, when thou the Eternal and fhortly-expefted King, fhalt open the Clouds to judg the feveral Kingdoms of the World, and distributing National Honours and Rewards to religious and juft Common-wealths, fhalt put an end to all earthly Tyrannies, proclaiming thy univerfal and mild Monarchy through Heaven and Earth. Where they undoubtedly, that by their Labours, Counfelsand Prayers, have been earneft for the common Good of Religion and their Country, fhall receive above the inferior Orders of the Bleffed, the regal Addition of Princi-.,
with
palities,
of
beatifick Vifion,
fliall
and Thrones into their glorious Titles, and in fupereminence progrefling the datelefs and irrevoluble Circle of Eternity, dafp inseparable Hands with Joy and Bl'fs, in over meafure for eLegions,
ver.
But they contrary, that by the impairing and diminution of the true and Servitude of their Country, afpire to high Dignity, Rule and Promotion here, after a fhameful end in this Life, (which God grant them) fhall be thrown down eternally into the darkeft and deepejt Gulf of Hell, where under the defpiteful Controul, the Trample and Spurn of all the other Damned, that in the anguilh of their Torture, fhall have no other eafe then to exercife a raving and beftial Tyranny over them as their Slaves and Negroes, they fhall remain in that plight for ever, the bafefl, the lowermojl, the molt dejecled, moft underfoot and down-trodden Vafjals of
Faith, the DiftrefTes
Perdition.
[Mm]
FOUR
FOUR
TRACTS
Concerning
DIVORCE
Publiftied in the Years
1644, and 1645.
VIZ.
I.
The Dodrine and Difcipline of Divorce., reftor'd to die Good of both Sexes, &c.
Expositions upon the four chief Places in Scripture which treat of Marriage, or
;
II.
Tetrachordon
Nullities in Marriage.
III.
The Judgment of Martin Bucer

Divorce, written to
concerning
in his
Edward
the Sixt,
fecond
Book of
;
the
Kingdom of Chrift.
a namelefs
IV.
Colafterion
A Reply to
To
which
is
Anfwer
againft the
Dodrine and
Difcipline
added,
of Divorce.
Areopagitica : Speech for the Liberty cens'd Printing, to the Parliament of

.
of UnliEngland.
Amsterdam, MDCXCIV,
75 )
The
Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce reftored to the good of both Sexes., from the Bon
dage oi
Canon Law, and
other Miftakes, to
the true meaning of Scripture in the
Law and
Gofpel compar'd.
Wherein
alfo are fee
down
lifhing or
condemning
the bad Confequences of aboof Sin ; that which the Law of
God
allows, and Chrift abolifln not.
Now
the fecond time Revis'd, and much Augmented, in two Books: To the Parliament of England, with the Affembly.
Matth.
I?. 52. Every Scribe inflrucled io the Kjngdom of Heaven, is like the Mafier of a Houfe which bringeth out of his Treafury things
old.
it,
new and
Prov. 18. 13. He that anfwereth a matter before he hearetb and foame unto him.
it is
folly
To
F
it
the
Parliament
ferioufly askt,
o/England,
and
it
with the
Ajjembly.
were
would be no untimely Queftion, Renowned

of
all
Parliament, Select AiTembly,
Who
Teachers and Mailers that ever have
in taught, hath drawn the moft Difciples after him, both in Religion and be Vertue Manners r it might not be untruly anfwer'd, Cuftom. Though commended for the molt perfwafive in her Theory, and Confcience in the plain demonltration of the Spirit rinds molt evincing, yet whether it be the fecret of Di-
vine Will, or the original blindnefs

that
we
are
born
in, fo
it
happens for the moft part,
Cuftom ftill is filently receiv'd for the belt inltru&or. Except it be, becaufe her method is ,fo glib and eaiie, in fome manner like to that Virion of Ezekiel, rowland fwaling up her Hidden book of implicit Knowledge, for him that will, to take low down at pleafure ; which proving but of bad nourishment in the concoction,
as it was heedlels in the devouring, puffs up unhealthily a certain big face of pretended learning, miitaken among credulous men for the wholfom habit of foundnefs and good conltitution, but is indeed no other than that fwoln vifage of counterfeit knowledge and literature, which not only in private mars our Education, but alfo in publick
or
is the common Climer into every chair, where either Religion is preach't, reported, filling each eftate of Life and Profeffion with abjedt and fervile principles, deprefiing the high and Heaven-born fpirit of man, far beneath the condition wherein either God created him, or Sin hath funk him. To purfue the Allegory,
Law
Cuftom being but

plifliment, until
a meer voice, reus not in her unaccomwith Error, who being by a blind 3nd ferpentine body without a head, willingly accepts what he wants, and
a
mecr
face,
as
Eccho
is
fecret inclination (he accorporate her felf
Hence it is, that Error fupports fupplics what her Incompleatnefs went feeking. Cuftom, Cuftom countenances Error and thefe two between them would pcrfecute and chafe away all truth and (olid wifdom out of humane Life, were it not that God, rather than Man, once in many Ages, calls together the prudent and religious Counfels of men, deputed to repiefs the incroachmenfs, and to work off the inveterate blots and flBrurities wrought upon our minds by the (ub;le inrinuating of Error and Cuftom i who with the numerous and vulgar train of their Fo'lou-rrs, Nn 2 make
:
( *7* ) and make it envy cry down the induftry of free reafoning, under as it the Womb of the terms of humour and innovation teeming Truth were to be clos'd up, if (be prefumc to bring forth ought that forts not with their unchew'd notions and fuppotitions. Againft which notorious injury and abufe of mans free teliifie and oppofe the utmoft that ftudy and true labour can attain, hereto foul,
their chief defign tc
,
tofore the incitement of men reputed grave, hath led mc among others i and now the duty and the right of an inftrudied Chriliian calls me thro the chance of good or evil report, to be the fole Advocate of a difcountenanc't truth ^ a high enterprise, Lords and Commons, a high enterprife and a hard, and fuch as every 7th Son ol a 7th Son dots not
venture on. Nor have I amidlt the clamour of fo much envy and impertinence,whithtr to appeal, but to the concourfe ot fo much Piety and Wifdom here allembled. Bringing
in
my
Sr3tute of Mofts
a/ide
hands an ancient and moli nectflary, molt charitable, and yet moll injur'd not repeal'd ever by him who had the Authority, but thrown ; with much inconllderat Negledf, under the Rubbifh of Canonical Ignorance, as
And he once the whole Law was by fome fuch like conveyance in Jofiah's time. who (hall indeavor the amendment of any old negledted Grievance in Church or be gifted with abilities of mind that State, or in the daily courfe of Life, if he I to an raife him fo undertaking, grant he hath already much whereof may high
not to repent him
; yet let me arreed him, not to be the foreman of any mifhis Rtfulutions be firmly feated in a fquare and conftant mind, unlefs judg'd Opinion, not conicious to it felf of any deferved blame, and regatdlefs of ungrounded fufpici-
ons.
For this let him be fure he (hall be boorded prtiently by the ruder fort, but not by difcreet and well-nurtui'd men, with a thoufand idle Delcants and Surmifes. Who when they cannot confute the lead joynt or iinew of any pafTige in the Book ;
yet
God
forbid that
truth fhould be truth, becaufe they have a boiiirous conceit of
fome pretences in the Writer. But were they not more bulie and inqililitive than the Apolile commends, they would hear him at lea/f, rcjoycing fo the truth be preacht, whether of envy or other pretence whatfoever : for Truth is as imprilible to be foil'd by any outward touch, as the Sun beam though this ill hap wait on her but comes into the like a Ballard, to the ignothat fhe never World, Nativity,
,
miny of him
ther
that
brought her forth
till
Time,
the Midwife rather than the
Mo-
of Truth, have wa(ht and faked the Infant, declar'd her legitimate, and church't the Father of his young Minerva, from the needlcfs caufescf his Purgation.
Your
after
this, worthy Patriots, and better will, no doubt, hereye of the foremolt that have travaiPd in her behalf to the good of Church or State, hath not been often traduc't to be the Agent of his own by-ends, under pretext of Reformation ? So much the more I (hall not be unjufl to hope,
felves
can bed witnefs
for
who among
that however Infamy or Envy may work in other men to do her fretful Will again!! this Difcourfe, yet that the experience of your own uprightnefs mif-interprcted, will put ye in mind to give it free Audience and generous Confiru&ion. What though no Liberty is pleafing, but unbridl'd the blocd of Belial, the draffe of men, to
whom
and vagabond Lult without pale or partition, will laugh abroad peihaps, to fee fo in favour, as they fuppofe, of their Degreat a ftrength of Scripture mufiering up baucheries ; they will know better when they (hall hence learn, that hcnefl Liberty And what though others, out of a wateris the greatefl foe to difhonett Licence. ifh and queafie Conlcience, becaufe ever crazy and never yet found, will rail and ? Did not the fancy to themfelves, that Injury and Licence is the beff of this Book would their affedt. them with a dizzy of own foon Stomachs Dilfemper Megrim, they
tie up t heir Tongues, and difcern themfelves, like that -r^Tj'r/^w Blafphemer, all this while reproaching not Man but the Almighty, the Holy One of Jfrael, whom they do not deny to have belawgiv'd his own facred People with this very allowance,which they now call Injury and Licence, and dare cry (name on, and will do yet a while,
till
But this Quefiion they get a little cordial Sobriety to fettle their qualming Zeal. concerns not us peihaps indeed mans difpofition though prone to fearch after vain Curiofities, yet when points of difficulty are to be difcuff, appertaining to the remo:
wrong and burden from the perplext life of our Brother, it is cold, how dull, and far from all fellow-feeling we are, without the Yet if the Wifdom, the Juflice, the Purity of God be to fpur of felf-concernment. be dear'd from fouleft Imputations which are not yet avoided ; if Charity be not to
val of unreafonable
incredible
how
be degraded and trodden down under a civil Ordinance advane'd like that exalted Perdition written of to the
called
if
Matrimony be not to be
above all that
is
God^ or Goodnef's, nay againft them both
:,
Thiffakniagm then I dareWfrirm there will be

found
( 277 ) Contents of this Book, that which may concern us all. You it concerns chierly, Worthies in Parliament, on whom, as on our Deliverers, all our Grievances and Cares, by the merit of your eminence and fortitude, are devolv'd. Me it concerns next, having with much labour and faithful diligence firlt found out, or at leaft with a fearlcts and communicative candor firft publifht to the manifeft
found
in the
good of Chriftendom,
mortal,
lifh
1
bound above, enlightning pubwhat they think they have fo obtain'd, and debar me from conceiving my felf Ye have now, doubtlefs by the favour and appointment of ty'd by the fame duties. have now in God, ye your hands a great and populous Nation to reform ; from what what blindnefs in Religion, ye know well 5 in what a corruption, degenerate and fall'n Spirit from the apprchenfion of native Liberty, and true Manlinefs, 1 am fure with what unbounded licence ye hnd rulhing to Whoredoms and Adulteries, nef ds not long enquiry infomuch that the Feais which men have of too i\u& a Difcipline, it with perhaps exceed the Hopes that can be in others, of ever
,
that which calling to witnefs every thing mortal and imbelieve unfainedly to be true. Let not other men think their Confcience to fearch continually after truth, to from to pray for
any great Indulgences, to give a little the reins, to let them play and nibble with the bait a while} a People as hard of heart as that Egyptian Colony that went to Canaan. This is the common Dodrine
fuccels.
What
introducing
if
fhould
tell
ye
now of Difpenfations and
and injurious Divorces were not conniv'd only, but with eye open allow'd of old for hardnefs of heart. But that 1 Opinion, fruit, by then this following Argument hath been well read, will be left for one of the Myfteries of an indulgent Antichriit, to farm out Incelt by, and thofe his other tributary pollutions. What middle way can be taken then, may fome interrupt, if wc mull neither turn to the right, nor to the left, and that the People hate to be reform'd ? Mark then, Judges and Law-givers, and ye whole Office it is to be our Teachers, for I will utter now a Doctrine, if ever any other, though neglected or not underftood, yet of great and He who wifely would reilrain powerful importance to the governing of Mankind. the re3fonab!e Soul of Man within due bounds, mufl ririt himfelf know perfectly, how far the Territory and Dominion extends of juft and honell Liberty. As little muff he offer to bind that which God hath loofn'd, as to loos'n that which he hath bound. The ignorance and miltake of this high point, hath heapt up one huge half of all the mifery that hath been fincc Adam. In the Gofpel we fhall read a fupercilious crew of Mailers, whofe Holinefs, or rather whofe evil eye, grieving that God fhould be fo facil to Man, was to fet firaiter limits to Obedience than God had to enflave
that adulterous
fet,
the dignity of
cepts
And
a
with fuch
neck of empty and over-dignifi'd Prewe fhall read our Saviour never more griev'd and tioubl'd, than to meet How can we pievifh Madnefs among men againft their own freedom.
his
Man, to put a garrifon upon
expect him to be lefs offended with us, when much of the fame folly fhall be found yet remaining where it leaft ought, to the perifhing of thoufands ? The greateft burden in the world is Superftition, not only of Ceremonies in the Church, but of What greater weakning, what more fubtle imaginary and fcarecrow Sins at home. our Chriftian when belides the grofs body of real Tranfftratagem againlt Warfare, greflions to incounter, we (hall be terrih'd by a vain and fhadowy menacing of faults that are not: When things indifferent fhall be fet to over-front us under the Banners of Sin, what wonder if we be routed, and by this art of our Adverfarv, fall in-, to the fubjedfion of worft and deadlieff Offences? The Superftition of the Pafifi is, touch not, tafl not, when God bids both and ours j is, fart not, feparate not, when God and Charity both permits and commands. Let all your things he done with charity, faith S. Paul; and his Mailer faith, She is the fulfilling of the Law. Yet now a civil, an indifferent, a fometime diffwaded Law of Marriage, mult be fore'e upon us to fulfil, not only without but her. in Heav'n or No place Charity, Earth, agauilt
except Hell, where Charity lace and Contentment, the
may not enter Remedy of our

:
yet Marriage, the Ordinance of our SoLonclinefs, will not admit now either
of Charity or Mercy, to come in and mediate, or pacirie the riercenefs of this gentle Ordinance, the unremedied lonelinels of this Remedy. Advile ye well, Supreme Senate, if Charity be thus excluded and how ye will defend the untainted Ho-
nour of your
Actions and Proceedings. He who marries, intends as little to confpire his own ruin, as he that ("wears Allegiance : and as a whole People is in proportion to an ill Government, fo is one Man to an ill Marriage. If they, againlt any Authority, Cov'nant, or Statute, may by the foveraign Edict of Charity, fave not only their Lives but honeft Liberties from as well he unworthy any
own
expulft,
Bondage,
may
againlt
private
278
which he never entei'd to his mifchief, redeem himfelf from unfupprivate Cov'ijaut, to honeft Peace, and juft Contentment : And much the rapurtable Disturbances the higheli Magitirate though tyrannizing, God never gave refill to for that
ther,
us exprefs allowance, only he gave us Reafon, Charity, Nature, and good Exambut in this Economical misfortune thus to demean our felves, ple to bear us out i belides the Warrant of thofe four great Directors, which doth as jultly belong hias whereof our Saviour ther, we have an exprefs Law of God, and fuch a Law, For no effedt of Tyranny can be with a folemn Threat forbid the abrogating. more heavy on the Common- wealth, than this houfhold unhappinefs on the Family. And fare we 1 all hope of true Preformation in the State, while fuch an evil as this lies
undikern'd or unregarded in the houfe. On the rtdrefs whereof depends not only the but the willing and careful education of fpiritual and orderly life of our grown men, our children. Let this therefore be now examin'd, this tenure and freehold of mankind, this native and domeliick Charter giv'n us by a greater Lord than that Saxon King the Conteffor. Let the lb.tutes of God be turn'd over, be fcann'd anew, and considered not altogether by the narrow intellectuals of Quotationifts and common Places, but
as was the ancient right of Councils) by men of what liberal proftffion foever, of eminent lpirit and breeding, joyn'd with a diffufe and various knowledge of divine and human things able to ballance and define good and evil, right and wrong, able to (hew us the ways of the Lord ilrair and faiththroughout every Hate of life ful as they not full cranks and contradictions, and pit-falling dilpences, but of are, With divine infight and benignity meafured out to the proportion of each mind and each temper and difpolition created fo different each from other, and yet by lpirit, To expedite rhefe the skill of wile conducting, all to become uniform invertue. knots were worthy a learned and memorable Synod ; while our enemies expect to fee the expectation of the Church ttrM cut with dependencies and independencies how Doubt not, worthy Senators, to vindithey will compound, and in what Calends. cate the lacred Honour and Judgment of Mofes your predeceffor, from the mallow
(
-, ,
Doubt not after. him to reach our and Canonilis. wearied life of man ; to reftore this his loll your fteady hands to the mif-inform'd and that peace and love, the belt fubftate wherewith be fure into the houfhold i heritage, liliauce ofaChriliian family, will return home from whence they are now banilht; places of proflitution will be lefs haunted, the neighbors bed lefs attempted, the yoke of prudent and manly difcipline will be generally fubmitted to i fober and well ordered living will (oon fpring up in the Common- wealth. Ye have an Author great beyond exception, Mofes ; and one yet greater, he who hedg'd in from abolilhing evay fmallcft jot and tittle of precious equity contain'd in that Law, with a more accurate
commenting of
Scholafticks
and lading Maforeth, than either the Synagogue of Ezra or the GaliUan School at Tiberias hath left us. Whatever elfe ye can exact, will fcarce concern a third part of the Britrifh name: but the benefit and good of this your magnanimous example, will eafily fpread far beyond the banks of Tweed and the Norman lies. It would not be the hrlt, or fecond time, fince our ancient Vruides, by whom this Hand was the Cathedral of Philofophy to France, left off their Pagan Rite?, that England hath had this honour vouchfaft from HeavY), to give oat Reformation to the world. Who was it but our Englifh Confiantine that baptii'd the Roman Empire ? Who was it but the Northumbrian Willibrode, and Winifride of Devon with their followers, were the firft Apofiles of Germany ? who but Alcuin and Wicêfowx Countreymen open'd ? the eyes of Let not England forget Euroye, the one in arts, the other in Religion
her precedence of teaching Nations
how
to live.
Know
Worthies,
know and
A greater title I here bring ye, to give her Monarchs ; this of Charity. Nor glorious Act will ftile ye the defenders as is this yet the a and fo defence fo that will adorn holy religious higheli infeription
this,
excercife the priviledge of your honour'd Countrey. then is either in the power or in the policy of Rome
Name offring
behold here the pure and facred Law of God, and his yet purer and more facrcd themfelves to you firft, of all Chriltian Reformers to be acquitted from
the long fuffer'd ungodly attribute of patronizing Adultery.

inllantly thele
we
aflertors in every great vindication.
immortal glory, or wonted prerogative, of being the firft For me as far as my part leads me, I have alinward fatisfadtion to have done in this nothing and ready my greateft gain, affurance, of an With what event among honeft itudies well employed. and life, unworthy
this offered
beauty it bereave us
Defer not to wipe off imputative blurrsand flainscaft by rude fancies upon the throne and felfof inviolable Holinefs i leftfome other people more devout and wife than
the
*79
But how among the the wife and right underfianding handful of men, I am fecurei be fuch this will relifht whofe and drove of Cuftom by Prejudice capacity lincc their run ahead into the eafy creek of a Syftem or a Medulla, fails there at will under
youth
the
will
of their unlabour'd audiments \ for them, what their tafte have alio be, lnrcty fufficient, from the entire league that hath been ever between formal ignorance and grave obfiinacy. Yet when 1 remember the little that our Saviour a.uld prevail about this doctrine oi Charity againlt the crabbed Textuills of his
blown Phvfiognomy
I
time, I make no wonder, but relt confident that whofo prefers either Matrimony or other Ordinance before the good of man and the plain exigence of Charity, let him what he will, he is no better than a Pharife, and underPapitt or Protefiant or
proftfs as a mifinterpreter of Chrift I openly proteit againft; ltands not the Gofpel : and provoke him to the trial of the truth before all the world and let him bethink
whom
him
he will foder up the fhifting flaws of hisungirt permiffions, his venial and unvenial difpences, wherewith the Law of God pardoning and unpardoning hath bin fhanaefully branded for want of heed in gloffing, to have eluded and baffl'd
withal
how
out
Faith and Chaltity from the Marriage-bed of that holy Seed, with politick and I leek not to feduce the fimple and illiterate my errand is to find judicial Adulteries.
all
,
out the choicefi and the learnedeft, I crave lidly, or to beconvine'd.

:
of wifdorri to anfwer (bit from the the piety, learning, and the prudence which is hous'd in this place. It might perhaps more fitly have been written in anoand I had clone fo, but that the efteem I have of my Countries judgther tongue love I bear to my native language toferve it firit with what 1 endeavour, and the ment,
have
this
who
high
gift
made me
alio here
I
fpeak
it
thus, ere
affay the vtrdid:
of outlandifh Readers.
And
perhaps
might have ended namelels, but that the addrefs ofthcle lines chiefly to the Parliament of England might have feem'd ingrateful not to acknowledge by whofe and heroick Piefolutions, I enjoy religious Care, unwearied Watchfulnefs, couragious
the peace and ftudious leifure to remain,
The Honour er and Attendant of
their
Noble worth and venues.
The
Dodtrine and Difcipline of Divorce, reftor'd to the good of both Sexes.
BOOK
The
That
I.
Preface.
the eccafwn f hii own Miferies, in moil of thofe Evils which he imGods our The of putes infilling. abfurdiiy Canomfls in their Decrees about The Chriftian Imperial Laws framed with more Divorce. The Opinion Equity.
is
Man
to
of
M
we
Hugo Grotius and Paulus Fagius
And the purpofe
in
general of this Difcourfe.
Any men, whether it be their fate, or fond opinion, eafily perfwadc themfelves, if God would but be pleas'd a while to withdraw his juft
earthly
punifhments from us, and to reltrain what power either the Devil or any enemy hath to work us woe, that then mans Nature would find immediate reft and releafement from all Evils. But verily they who think fo, if they be fuch as have a mind large enough to take into their thoughts a general furVey of humane things, would foon prove themfelves in that Opinion far deceiv'd. For though it were granted us by divine Indulgence to be exempt from all thai can be harmful to us from without, yet the our Folly is fo bent, that perverfenefs of
fhould never lin
hammering out of our own
hearts, as
it
were out of a
flint,
the
( 28o )
the (teds and fparkles of new Mifery to our felves, till all were in a blaze again. Arid no marvel if out of our own hearts, for they are evil ; but even out of thofe things which God meant us, either for a principal Good, or a pure Contentment, we
are
ftill
would be worfhipt ? And yet that not rightly underftood, became the caufe that once a famous man in Ifrael could not but oblige his Conference to be the Sacrifice^ or if not, the Jaylor of his innocent and only Daughter: And was the caufe oft times that Armies of valiant men have given up their Throats to a heathenifh enemy on the Sabbath-day fondly thinking their defenfive refinance What thing more inftituted to the folace and delight to be as then a thing unlawful. of man than Marriage? and yet the mif-interpreting of fome Scripture directed mainfafes to
plexity.
our felves matter of continual forrow and perhatching and contriving upon than that revealed Rule, whereby God vouchman to What good
(hew us
greater how he
:,
of the Law for Divorce given by frfofes, hath chang'd the blefling of Matrimony not feldom into a familiar and co-inhabiting mifchiefi at lead into a So drooping and difconfolate houfhold Captivity, without refuge or redemption. ungovem'd and fo wild a race doth Superftition run us, from one extreanr ofabufed
ly againft the abufers
For although God in the firft ordainLiberty into the other of unmerciful Rellraint. in the words exprefly end did what he to it, implying the ing of Marriage, taught us and to comfort with refrelh of him of and cheerful Convention Man Woman, ape
the evil and folitary life, not mentioning the purpofe of Generation till afterwards, as if any two be but bring but a (econdary end in dignity, tho not in neceffity } yet now, once handed in the Church, and have tafied in any fort the nuptial Bed, let them find
themfelves never fo miltak'n in their difpofitions through any Error, Concealment, or
Mifad venture, that through their different Tempers, Thoughts, and Confiitutions, nor live in any Unithey can neither be to one another a remedy againft Lonelinefs, be but found fuitably weatheir on or Contentment all dayes, yet they (hall, fothey
of {enfual Enjoyment, be made, fpight of Antipathy y to pofftbility as they may to their unfpeakable wearifomnefs, and deand combine fidge together, in the Ordinance which God eftablilht to that very end. lbciable all fpairof delight What a calamity is this, and as the wife- man, if he were alive, would figh out in his own Phrafe, what a fore evil u this under the Sun ! All which we can refer juftly to no other Author than the Canon Law and her Adherents, not confulting with Charibut rcfting in the meer element of the Text ; ty, the Interpreter and Guide of our Faith, doubtlefs by the policy of the Devil to make that gracious Ordinance become unfupand what with portable, that what with men not ftating to venture upon Wedlock, men wearied out of it, all inordinate Licence might abound. It was for many Ages that Marriage lay in difgrace with moft of the ancient Do&ors, as a work of the flefh, almoft a defilement, wholly deny'd to Priefts, and the fecond time diflwaded to all, as
pon'd to the
leali
Afterwards it was brought fo Sahe that reads Tertullian or jerom may fee at large. cramental, that no Adultery or Defertion could diffolve it ; and this is the fenfe of our Canon Courts in England to this day, but no other reformed Church elfe : yet there remains in them alfo 3 burden on it as heavy as the other two were difgraceful or fu-
and of as much iniquity, eroding a Law not onely written by Atcfes, but us by nature, of more antiquity and deeper ground than Marriage it felfj charader'd which Law is to force nothing againft the faultlefs proprieties of Nature : yet that this may be colourably done, our Saviours words touching Divorce, are as it were congeafd into a ftony rigor, inconfiftent both with his Dodtrine and his Office ^ and that which he preacht onely to the Confcience, is by Canonical tyranny fnatcht into the compulfive Cenfure of a Judicial Court, where Laws are impos'd even againft the venerable and fecret power of Natures impreflion, to love, whatever caufe be found
perftitious,
in
to loath.
Which
is
a hainous barbarifme both againft the
honour of Marriage, the
of Christianity, and all the humane refpe&s of civility. that the wifeft and graveft among the Chriftian fome Notwithftanding who had about to confult them, with, thofe of the Fathers then living y Emperors, who for their Learning and Holinefs of Life, are ftill with us in great renown, have made their ftatutes and edidls concerning this Debate far more eafie and relenting in many neceffary cafes, wherein the Canon is inflexible. And Hugo Gretitu, a man of thefe times, one of the beft learned, fecms not obfcurely to adhere in his perfwafion to the equity of thofe Imperial Decrees, in his notes upon the Evaxgelifls j much
dignity of
his Soul, the goodnefs
Man and
allayyig the
outward roughnefs of the Text, which hath for the moft part been too immoderately expounded i and txcites the diligence of others to inquire further into
this qutfiion, as
containing
many
points that have not yet been explain'd.
Which
ever
(28l
ever likely to remain intricate and hopelefs upon the fuppofitions the authority of Paulut Fagittt, one fo learned and fo eminent in
commonly
(luck to
if it
England once,
thoughts have had, and do offer tlirm now in this general labour of Reformation, to the candid view of both Church and Magifirate, eipccially becaufe I fee it the hope of good men, that thole irregular and unfpiritual Courts have fpun their utmoli date in this Land, and fome better courfe muft now be conliituted. This therefore fhall be the. task and period of this difcourfe to prove, riril, that other reafons of Divorce, belides Adultciy, were by the Law olMofes, and are yet to be allow'd by the Cbriftian Magifirate as a piece of Juflice, and that the words of Chrift are not hereby conas
I
perf'wade, would ftraite acquaint us with a iolution of theie differences, no He in his Comment on the Pentateuch, doubted not ltfs prudent then compendious. to maintain that Divorces might be as lawfully permitted by the Magiltrate to ChriftiBut becaule he is but brief, and thefe things of ans, as they were to the Jews. great conlequence not to be kept obfeure, I fhall conceive it nothing above my duty, either for the difficulty or the cenfure that may pafs thereon, to communicate fuch
might
alfo
traried.
Next,
that to prohibit abfolutely any Divorce
whatfoever, except thofe
which Affes excepted, is againft the reafon of Law, as in due place I (hill (new out of Fagitu with many additions. He therefore who by adventuring, fhall be fo happy as with fuccefs to light the way of fuch an expedient liberty and truth as this, fhall reliore the much- wrong'd and over-forrowed (late of Matrimony, not only to thofe merand life-giving remedies of Mofes, but as much as may be, to that ferene and condition it was in at the beginning, and (hall defcrveof all apprthenfive men ( confidering the troubles and diftempers which for want of this inlight have been fo oft in Kingdoms, in States and Families ) fhall delerve to be reckon'd among the publick Benefadtois of civil and humane the above Inventors of Wine and Oyli for life, this is a far dearer, far nobler, and more defirable cherifhingtomans life, unworthiNot that licence, and ly expofed to Sadnefs and Miftake, which he (lull vindicate. levety, and unconsented breach of Faith fhould herein be countenanc't, but that fomc
ciful
blisful
confcionable and tender pitty might he had of thole who have unwarily, in a thing they never pradis'd before, made themfelves the Bondmen of a lucklefs and
helpleis
Matrimony. In which Argument, he whofe courage can ferve him to give the firft oniet mult look for two feveral the one from them who have (worn themoppolitions felves to long Cufiom, and the letter of the Text, will not out of the road : the other from thofe whofe gro(s and vulgar apprehenfions conceit but low of matrimonial purpofes, and in the work of Male and Female think they have all. Neverthtlefs, it fhall be here fought by due ways to be made appear, that thofe Words of God in the Infiifution, promiiing a meet help againlt Lonelinefs, and thofe Words of hit That for if Chrift, yoke is eafie, and his burden light, were not fpoken in vain the knot ot Marriage may in no cafe be diffolv'd but for Adultery, all the burdens and fervices of the Law are not fo intolerable. This only is delir'd of them who are minded to judge hardly of thus maintaining, that they would be (till, and hear all out, nor think it equal to anfwer deliberate reafon with fudden heat and noife ^ remembring this, that many Truths now of reverend elteem and credit, had their birth and beginning once from lingular and private thoughts, while the molt of men were otherwife and had the fate at firll to be generally exploded and exclaim'd on
, ,
poffeft,
by many violent oppofers

ftnt truth reviv'd,
yet
may
all
erre perhaps in foothing
my
felf,
that this prein that

it
will deferve
on
hands to be not
linifterly received,
un-
di(pel knotty be fear'd, or fptll us'd, hath regard at once both to (erious pitty and upright honefty ; that tends to the redeeming and reftoring of none but fuch as are the objedt of compaffion, having in an ill hour hamper'd themfelves to the utter difpatch of all their molt beloved Comforts and But Repofe for this lifes term.
aept into the belt part of humane Society ; and to do this with no (marting corrofive, but with a fmooth and pleafing leffon, which receiv'd, hath the virtue to (often and rooted and forrows, and withif that
dertakes the cure of an inveterate difeafe
out inchantment
it
we
(hall
remains but
obftinately diflike this new overture of to deplore the frowardnefs of our
unexpected Ea(e and Recovery, what hopelefs condition, which neither can
are in, nor admit of remedy either (harp or fweet. Sharp we and fweet, under whefe hands we are, is icrupfd and fufpedted as too lufhious. In fuch a pofture Chrift found the Jews, who were neither won witk the Aufterity of John the Baptifi, and thought it too much licence to follow freely the of him who founded and proclaim'd Liberty and Pvelief to all Difcharming pipe treffes: yet Truth in iottie Age or other will find her witnefs, and fhall be juftih'd at lafl by her own children. o
indurc the eftate
we
i
our
felves diftafte
CHAP.
2?2 )
C H A
The
Tojttion
P.
I.
Tloat Law expoundby the Law of Mofes. ed and ajferted to a moral aud charitable ufe, firH by Paulus next with other Additions.
proVd
Fagius,
TO
remove therefore, if it be poflible, this great and fad Opprdlion which thro the itrictnefs of a lireral interpreting hath invaded and diliurb'd the dearelt and
eltate
molt peaceable
whelming
of
many
of houfhold Society, to the over-burthening, if not the overChristians better worth than to be fo deferted of the Churches be laid
coniiderate care,
this Polition fhall
down,
firft
proving, then anfwering what
may be objected either from,Scripture or light ofReafon. That indifpefition, unfit nefs, or contrariety of mind, arifmgfrom a caufe in nature and ever lively to hinder the main benefits of conjugal Society unchangeable, hindring,
which are Solace and Peace, is a greater reafon of Divorce than natural Frigidity, esthin be 710 Children, and that there be mutual confent. pecially if When a man hath takji a wife and from the Law in Dtut. 24. 1 . This I
gather
married her, and it come
to
fome uncle anntfi in her, and fend her out of his

mitted into our
Firlt therefore
I
let
that (lie find no favour in his eyes, becaufe he hath found pafs her a bill of Divorcement, and give it in her hand, write him
hoitfe, cxc.
This Law,
if
the words of chrift
may
be ad-
belief,
fet
fhall
never while the
World
Hands, for him be abrogated.
learned Fagius hath obferv'd on this Law , The Law For every one that Divorce for the help of humane weaknef. permitted to his own, hinders cannot That Divorce live Chrift deny'd (ingle. efneceffity feparates, not ; for what is that to the unregenerate, who hath not attain d fitch PerftlionP Ltt
here
down what
of God,
laith he,
notthe remedy be defyisd which was giv'nto weakpefs. And when Chrift faith, whomarries the Divorc't commits adultery, it is to be underftood if he had any plot in the Divorce. The reft Ireferve until it be difputed, how the Magiflrate is to do herein.
From hence we may plainly difcern a two-fold Confideration in this Law, firft the End of the Law- giver, and the proper Act of the Law, to command
or to allow fomething juti and honeft, or indifferent. Secondly, his fufferance from fome accidental refult of evil by this allowance, which the Law cannot remedy. For if this Law have no other End or Act but onely the allowance of a Sin, though never of Law, or to Co' intention, that Law is no Law, but Sin muftPd in the robe
good
Law
I
of Sin. Both which are two foul Hypothefes to difguis'd in the loofe garment And fave the Phenomenon of our Saviours anfwer to the Pharifees about this matter.
truft
anon by the help of an
infallible
guide to perfect fuch Prutenick Tables as

is
fhall
mend the Aftronomy of our wide Expotitors. The caufe of Divorce mention'd in the Law,
the
tranflated
fome
uncleannefs,
but in
which by all the And what greater learned Interpreters is refcrr'd to the Mind as well as to the Body. nakednefs or untitnefs of mind than that which hinders ever the folace and peaceful unfitnefs and fociety of the married couple, and what hinders that more than the Mind The caufe therefore of Divorce an ? of defedivenefs expreft in tic. unconjugal bell and of Mofes % that in fence with defcrib'd the but cannot Pofltion, cqualleft agree Law. Which being a matter of pure Charity, is plainly moral, and more now in For if under the Law fuch was God's graforce than ever, therefore furely lawful. cious Indulgence, as not to fuffer the Ordinance of his goodnefs and favour through any error to be fear'd and ftigmatii'd upon his Servants to their mifery and thraldom i much lefs will he fuffer it now under the Covenant of Grace, by abrogating his former But the firft inftitution will be objected to have ordain'd grant of remedy and relief. that a little patience until this firft part have amply difTo Marriage unfeparable. cours'd the grave and pious Reafons of this divoriive Law i and then 1 doubt not but with one gentle ftroaking to wipe away ten thoufand Tears out of the life of Man.
Hebrew
it
founds nakednefs of ought, or any real nakednefs
Yet thus much

fo
fhall
now
infift
enormous, nor fo rebellious again!! both Nature and Reafon ty above the End and Perfon for whom it was initituted.
on, that whatever the Inllitution were, it could not as to exalt it fclf
C H A
P.
(28j
CHAP
The
firft
II,
%eafon ofthk Law grounded on That no CoVnant trimony.
the
prime %eafon of
Ma-
whatfoeVer obliges againfl the main
End
both
and of the Parties of itfelfy coVnanting.
and Equity reclaims that any Law or Cov'nant how folcmac or ftraie between God and Man, or Man and Man, though of Gods joyning, fliould bind againlt a prime and principal fcope of its own inftitiition, and of both or either Party cov'nanting : neither can it be of force to ingage a blamelefs Creature to his own perpetual Sorrow, miftak'n for his expected folate, without furlering Chato Hep in and do aconfeft good work of parting thole, whom nothing hold rity together but this ol Gods joyning, falfly fuppos'd againfl the exprtls end of his own OrAnd what this chief end was of creating Woman to be joyn'd with Man, dinance. inftitu his own tin; words declare, and are infallible to inform us what is
R. all Stnfe
FO
foever, either
and what
is
no Marriage
unlefs
be
we can
Marriage,
It is not
think them
fet
there to
no purpofe
that good, faith he,
is, pleating the Mind and Perfon pleafes aptly, there fome unaccomplilhment of the Bodies debe better born with, than when the Mind hangs off" in an light may unclofing difthe Body be as it ought ; for there all corporal delight will foon proportion, though become unfavoury and contemptible. And the folitarinefs of which God had
make him a helpmeet for him. From which words fo plain, lefs cannot be concluded, nor is by any learned Interpreter, than that in Gds intention a meet and happy Conversion is the cheifeft and the for we find here no nobleft end of Marriage ExpreHion fo neceffarily implying caras this nal Knowledg, prevention of Lonelinefs to the mind and fpirit of man. To as willingly and this, Fagiw, Calvin, Parent, Rivetut, largely aflmt as can be wifht. And indeed it is a greater blelfing from God, more worthy fo excellent a Creature as Man is, and a higher end to honour and fandtifie the league of Marriage, when as the folace and fatisfadtion of the Mind is regarded and provided for before the fenfitive And with all generous perfons married thus it of the Body. that where
fliould
man
alone, I will
Man,
order'd to prevent by Marriage, hath no remedy, but lies under a worfe condition than the lonelieft fingle life ; for in fingle life the abfence and remotenefs of a Helper might inure him to expedt his own comforts out of or to
namely and
principally
himfelf,
feek with hope
but here the continual fight of his deluded thoughts without cure,
malt needs be to him, if efpecially his complexion incline him to Melancholy, a daily trouble and pain of lofs, in fome degree like that which Reprobates feel. Left therefore fo noble a creature as Man fhould be (hut up incurably under a worfe evil by an eafie miftake in that Oidinance which God gave him to remedy a lefs evil, reaping to himfelf Sorrow while he went to rid away Solitarinefs, it cannot avoid to be conclu-
ded, that if the Woman be naturally fo of difpofition, as will not help to remove, but help to increafe that fame God-forbidd'n lonelinefs, which will in time draw on with it a general diftomfort and dejedtion of mind, not either Chrtftian
befeeming
Moral convention, unprofitable and dangerous to the Commonprofeffion,or wealth, when the houfhold eftatc, am of which mult flourifh forth the vigor and fpirit of all is fo ill contented and procur'd at home, and cannot be fupported : publick cnterprizes, be can no Marriage, wheieto the moft hontft End is luch a Marriage and $
the agrieved perfon fhall do more manlv, to be extraordinary and fingular in claiming the due right whereof he is fruftrated, than to piece up his loft contentment by vifiting the Stews, or ftepping to his neigl bour's Bed which is the common fhift in this
;
wanting
misfortune
or elie by fuffering his ufeful life to wafte away, and be loft under a fecret Affliction of an unconfcionable (ize to humane ftrength. Againlt all which Evils, the Mercy of this Molaick Law was gracioufly exhibited.
:
o 2
CHAP.
( *8 4 )
CHAP.
The Ignorance and
of the 'Body
better lookt
in
III.
Canon Law, providing for the right hut nothmg for the wrongs and Marriage, grieIniquity of
vances of the Mind.
An
Objettion,
That
the
Mind
fhottld
be
to before Contratl,
anfwered.
fuch careful provilion againft the impediment of carnal performance, and to have had no care about the unconverflng inability of Mind, fo defective to the pureft and molt (acred end of Matrimony i and that the VeiTel of voluptuous enjoyment when mult be made good on him that has taken it upon truft, without any caution afar more and Peace mult the ads of flow whence Love, precious as the Mind, from
=>
HOw
vain therefore
is it,
and
how
prepofterous
in the
Canon Law,
to have
made
mixture than the quintelTenceof an excrement, though it be found never fodericient and unable to perform the beft duty of Marriage in a cheerful and agreeable Converfation, and mull ferve, (hall be thought gocd enough, however flat and melancholious it be, Yet eternal dilturbance and languifhing of him that complains him ? to the though
and Charity weighing Gods own Inflitudon, would think that the pining of a fad Spirit wedded to Lonelincls, fhould deftrve to be freed, as well as the Impa'Tis read to us in the Liturgy, that tience of a fenfual Delire fo providently reliev'd. the brute beafls, that have no underto like roe mufl not marry futisfy flejljly appetite, : the Canon lb runs, as if it dreamt of no other matter than fuch an apbut flanding to be fatish'd; for if it happen that Nature hath Hopt or extinguifht the veins petite But though all the Faculties of the unof Senfuahty, that Marriage was annulPd.
Wildom
be (o ill and fo aveifly met through part after trial appear to Natures unalterable working, as that neither Peace, nor any fociable Contentment can follow, 'tis as nothing, the Contract fhall ftand as Arm as ever, betide what will. What is this but fecretly to inftrudf. us, that however many giave Reafons are pretend-
demanding and converfing
ed to the married
the prefcnb'd fatisfaction of.
is thought worth regard therein, but an irrational Heat ? which cannot be but ignominious to the itate of Marriage, dilhonourable to the undervalu'd Soul of Man, and even to While it feems more mov'd at the difappointing of an imChriftian Doctrine it felf.
life
yet that nothing indeed
at the ingenuous grievance of a Mind unreafonably yoakt ; and petuous Nerve, than to place more of Marriage in the Channel of Concupifcence, than in the pure influence of Peace and Love, whereof the Souls lawful Contentment is the one onely
fountain.
Rut fome
are ready to object,
That
the Difpofition ought ferioufly to be confidered
But let them know again that for all the warinefs can be us'd, it may yet bebefore. fal a difcreet man to be miftak'n in his Choice, and we have plenty of Examples. The and who knows not fobreft and belt govern'd men are leaft practiz'd in thefe Affairs that the bafhful mutenefs of a Virgin may oft-times hide all the unlivelineis and natural
j
floth
which
is
really unfit for
Converfation
nor
is
there that freedom of accefs granted

till
or piefum'd, as
as
may
fufficc to a perfect
fition is fufpected,
what more
too late : and where any Difpodifcerning ufual than the perfwafion of Friends, that Acquaintance
And lallly, it is not flrange though many who have will amend all ? it increales, in fome things not fo quick-fighted, while they haft fo fpent their Youth chaftly, are that for a modeft Error a man eagerly to light the nuptial Torch i nor is it therefore to releafe him : Since they means fo a forfeit and no charitable fhould great happinefs,
who
have
liv'd
molt loofely by reafon of their bold accuftoming, prove moft
fuccefsful
in their Matches, becaufe their wild Affections unfetling at will, have been as fo many Divorces to teach them experience. When as the fober Man honouring the appear-
ance of Modefiy, and hopeing well of every fecial vertue under the vail, may eafily chance to meet, if not with a Body impenetrable, yet often with a Mind to all other due Converfation inacceifible, and to all the more eftimable and fuperiour purpofes of Matrimony ufelefs and almoft livelefs : and what a folace, what a fit help fuch a Confort
would be through
perience.
,
the
whole Life of a Man,
is
lefs
to have expain to conjecture than
CHAP.
(280
CHAP.
The fecond êafon of this Law, hecaufe
happens oft
is
IV.
without
it
it,
Marriage
as
it
not a remedy of that which
promifes, as any ra-
tional creature
would expecl. That Marriage, if we pattern from the beginning, as our SaYwur bids, was not properly the remedy
the
fulfilling
of Lujl, but
of conjugal
Lo~\>e
and Helpfulnefs.
AN
riage
we may further fee what a violent cruel thing it is to force the conof thole together, whom God and Nature in the gentled end of Martinuing never joyn'd, divers evils and extremities that follow upon luch a compultion,
that
(hall here
be
let in
view.
Of
evils,
furd and ralh imputation is fixt upon God and his pencing with open and common Adultery among
the ranked Politician would think
it
and greatefl is, that hereby a mod abholy Laws, of conniving and difhis chofen people ; a thing which (hameand difworlhip that his Laws Ihould counthe
firtt
tenance
now
and
in
what manner
that
comes
to pals,
fhall referve
till
the courfc
Next the Lav* and Gofptl of method brings on the unfolding of many Scriptures. are hereby made liable to more than one contradiction, which I refer alfo thither.
and violated i Lailly, the fupreme dictate of Charity is hereby many ways neglected which I (hall forthwith addrefs to prove. Fird, we know S. Paul faith, It is better but than to burn. to Marriage therefore was giv'n as a remedy of that trouble
marry
-,
what might this burning mean ? Certainly not the mcer motion of carnal lud, not the meer goad of a fenlitive deiire, God does not principally take care for fuch Cattle. What is it then but that deiire which God put into Adam in Paradile before he knew the fin of Incontinence 5 that deiire which God faw it was not good that Man (liould
be
left alone to burn in, the defire and longing to put off an unkindly folitarinefs by uniting another body, but not without a fit foul to his in the chearful iociety of Wedlock? Which if it were fo needful before the fall, when Man was much more perfect in himfelf, how much more is it needful now again!! all the forrows and cafualties of
have an intimate and fpeaking help, a ready and reviving aflbciate in marwho mifTes, by chancing on a mute and Ipiritlefs mate, remains more whereof riage alone than before, and in a burning Iefs to be contain'd then that which is flefhly \ and more to be confider'd , as being more deeply rooted even in the faultlefs innocence of As for that other burning, which is but as it were the venome of a ludy and nature. over-abounding concoction, Ariel life and labour, with the abatement of a full diet, may to keep that low and obedient enough : but this pure and more inbred deiire of joyning
this life to
?
it felf is
in conjugal fellowlhip a fit converting foul (which deiire is properly called love) than death, as the fpoufe of Chritl thought ; many waters cannot quench it, fironger
neither can the floods drown it. This is that rational burning that Marriage is to remedy, which how can not to be allay'd with fading, nor with any penance to be fubdu'd
,
he aflwage who by mif-hap hath met the moll unmeet and unfutable mind ? Who hath the power to flruggle with an intelligible flame, not in Paradife to be refilled, become now more ardent by being fail'd of what in reafon it lookt for and even then
-,
mod
unquencht,
when
the importunity of a provender-burning
is
well enough ap-
Certainly peas'd i and yet the (bul hath obtained nothing of what it judly defircs. fuch a one forbidden to divorce, is in effect forbidden to marry, and compell'd to
greater difficulties than in a fingle
more humane burning that of copulation, Marthan be diflblv'd, latisfie, may be cannot honourable meet and for the riage terminating lull between two : reducing feeing many beads in voluntary and chofen couples, live together as unadulteroufly, and are as truly married in that refpeft. But all ingenuous Men will fee that the dignity and blefling of Marriage is plac'd rather in the mutual enjoyment of that which the wanting foul needfully feeks, than of that which the plenteous body would joylife
:
for if there be not a
which Marriage
mud
or
elfe
Hence it is that Plato in his Fellival difcourfe brings in Socrates refully give away. he what fain'd to have learnt from the Prophetefs Diotima, how Love was the lating
Which divinely forts with fon of Penury, begot of Plenty in the Garden of Jupiter. that which in effect Mofes tells us, that Love was the fon of Loneliness, begot in Paradicc by that fociable
and helpful aptitude which
God
implanted between
Man
and
Woman
Woman
that burning mentioned toward each other. by S. Paul whereof Mairi3ge ought to be the remedy > the Flefh hath other mutual and cafie cuibs which are in the power of any temperate Man. When therefore this original and finlefs Penury or Lonelinefs of the foul cannot lay it felf down by the fide of fuch a meet and acceptable union as God ordain'd in Marriage, at leaft in fome proportion, it cannot conceive and bring forth Love, but remains utterly unmarried under a formal WedThen enters Hate, not that lock, and fiill burns in the proper meaning of S. Paul. Hate that fins, but that which onely is natural diflatisfadrion,and the turning afide from a minaken objed: if that miftake have done injury, it fails not to difmife with recompence ; for to retain ft ill and not be able to love, is to heap up more injury. Thence this wife and pious Law of Difmillion now defended took beginning He therefore who lacking of his due in the mod native and humane end of Marriage, thinks it better to part than to live fadly and injurioufiy to that cheerful Cov'nant (for not to be belov'd, and jet retain'd, is the greateft injury to a gentle fpirit) he I fay, who therefore leeks to part, is one who highly honours the married life, and would not ftain it and the reafons which now move him to divorce, are equal to the beft of thofe that could firft warrant him to for, as was plainly ftewn, both the hate which now dimarry verts him, and the lonelinefs which leads him mil powerfully to feek a fit hath
:
( 286 ) The fame alfo is
help,
not the
leaft
grain of a fin in
it,
if
he be worthy to understand himfelf.
CHAP.
Ihe
third
V.
it,
Reafon of
in
this
Law,
hapfm'd where he finds nothing

tents,
is
becaufe without hut
he
who has
difcon-
remedilefs offences
and
more and greater temptations than eVer before.

it
Yet
is
next to be
fear'd, if he
muft be
(till
bound without
reafon by a
deaf rigor, that when he perceives the juft expedhnce of his mind defeated, he THirdly, will begin even againfi Law to caft about where he may find his fatisfa&ion more
lonely And yet there follows upon they are fal'i. into. this a worfe temptation ; for it he be fuch as hath fpent his youth unblamably, and laid up his chiefelt earthly comforts in the enjoyments of a contented Marriage, nor did be obtain'd therein by confiant neglect that furtherance which was to prayers, when
eliate,
compleat, unlcfs he be a thing heroically vertuous, and that are not the common lump of Men for whom chiefly the Laws ought to be made, though not to their fins, yet to their unfinning weaknelTes, it being above their itrength to endure the
which while they
fliun'd,
bound faft to an uncomplying difcord of nature, or, as it oft to he lookt to be the an Image of Earth and Fleam, with happens, Copartner of a fweet and gladiome fociety, and lets withal that his bondage is now inevitable though he be almoft the firongefi Ghriftian, he will be ready to defpair in vertue, and mutiny againfi Divine Providence ; and this doubtlefs is the reafon of thofe lap(es
he
(hall
find himfelf
whom
and
that melancholly defpair

it
which we
fee in
derfiand
not, or pretend other caufes, becaufe they

;
many wedded perfons, though they uoknow no remedy, and is of
extream danger therefore when humane frailty furcharg'd, is at fuch a lofs, charity ought to venture much, and ufe bold Phyfick, left an over.toft faith indanger to
fhipwrack.
CHAP.
( 2*7 )
CHAP.
The fourth ${eafon of
in the
this
VI.
God regards LoVe and 'Peace more than a Family, compulfive performance of Marriage,
Law,
that
which
is
more broke by a gricVous Continuance, than by a needful
Divorce.
Marriage is a Cov 'riant, the very being whereof cbnfifis not in a forc'dl and counterfeit performance of duties, but in unfeigned love and of Matrimonial love, no doubt but that was chiefly meant, which by
FOurthly, cohabitation,
up By them in their borrow'd garb, Love though not wholly blind, as Poets wrong him, yet having but one eye, as being born an Archer aiming, and that e)e not the quickefi in this dark Region here below, which is not Loves proper Sphere , partly out of the limplicity and credulity which is native to him, often deceiv'd, imbrices and contorts him with thefe obvious and fuborned as if Striplings, ihey were his Mothers own Sons*; for fo he thinks them, while they fubrily keep themfelves rnolr on his blind fide.. But after a while, as his manner is, when foaring the into his Tower of up high Apogamn, above the fhadow of the Earth, he darts out the diredtrays of his then molt piercing eye-tight upon the impoflures, and trim difguizes that were us'd with him, and difcerns that this is not his genuine brothe r, as ' he imagin'd. He has no longer the power to hold fellowfhip with fuch a perfonal Matr for (trait his arrows loole their golden heads, and fhed their purple feathers, his filk'n Breads untwine, and flip their knots, and that original and fiery virtue giv'n him by Fate all on a fudden goes out, and leaves him undeih'd and defpoil'd of all his force, till finding Anteros it laft, he kindles and repairs the almofi faded ammunition of his Thus mine Author fung Deity by the reflection of a coequal and homogeneal fire. it to me i and by me kjve of thofe who would be counted the only grave ones, this is no meer amatorious novel (though to be wife and skilful in thefe matters, Men heretofore of greateft name in vertue, have efteemed it one of the higheft Arks that humane Contemplation circling upwards, can make from the globy Sea whereon Die ftands ) but this is a deep and ierious verity, fhewing us that Love in Marriage cannot live nor (ubflft unlefs it be mutual ; and where Love cannot be, there can be left of Wedlock nothing but the empty husk of an outlide Matrimony, as undelightful and So far is his Command from tyunplealing to God, as any other kind of hypocrifie. ing Men to the obiervance of Duties which there is no help for, but they mull be difIf Solomons advice be not iembrd. over-frolick, Live joyfully, faith he, with the Wife
likencfs:
:
peace: And the ancient Sages was thus parabf d ; That Love, if he be not twin-born, yet hath a brother wondrous like him, call'd Anteros ; whom while he fecks all about, his chance is to meet with many falls and and down in her feigning defires that wander fingly
whom
thou lovejt, all thy is days, for that thy portion. to or to can we impoffible rejoyce love, obey this Precept
How
?
then,
where we
find
it
how
miferably
do we
de-
fraud our lelves of that comfortable portion which God gives us, by driving vainly to glue an error together, which God and Nature will not joyn, adding but more
vexation and violence to that

not hearken to S. Paul,
plain
l
blifsful fociety
by our importunate fuperftition, that will
Yea,
is,
who fpeaking of Marriage and Divorce, determines enough in general, that God therein hath call'd its to peace, and not to bondage. God himfelf commands in his Law more than once, and by his Prophet MalaCor. 7.
chy, as
Calvin and the
bell Tranll tions read,
that he
who
hates, let
him divorce, that
and Maimonides famous among the reft in a Book of his fet forth by tells us, that Divorce was permitted Buxtorfipu, by Mofes to preferve peace in Marriage, and quiet in the Family. Surely the Jews had their faving Peace about them as well as we, yet care was tak'n that this wholefome provifion for houfhold Peace fhould alfo be allow'd them v and muft this be deni'd
is it
he
who
cannot love.
Hence
that the Rabbins,
to Chriftians
O perverfenefs
!
that the
Law
fhould be
made more provident of peace-
Gofpel fhould be put to beg a rnoft neceflary help of Mercy from the Law, but mult not have it , and that to grind in the Mill of an undelighted and fervile copulation, mult be the only fore'd Work of a Chriftian Marriage oft-times with fuch a yoke-fellow, from whom both Love and Peace, both Nature and Religion mourns to be feparated.
I
making than the Gofpel
that rhe
cannot therefore be fo
diffident,
as
not
fe-
cut?!/
(
that he curely to conclude,
288 )
who can receive nothing! of the mofi important helps in dilinabl'd to return that duty which is his, with a clear and thereby being Marriage, and thus continues to grieve whom he would nor, and is no lefs hearty countenance ^ that Man ought even for Love's fake and Peace to move Divorce upon good
and liberal conditions to the divore'd. And it is a lefs breach of Wedlock to part with wife and quiet confent betimes, than hill to foil and profane that myftery of joy and union with a polluting fadnefs and perpetual diftemper ,' for it is not the outward continuing of Marriage that keeps whole that Cov'nant, but whatfoever does mofi according to Peace and Love, whether in Marriage or in Divorce, he it is that
breaks Marriage
leafl
,
griev'd,
it
being fo often written, that Love onely
is
the fulfilling of
every Commandment.
CHAP.
The
fifth
VII.
and difturbs the ivhok %eafon, that nothing more hinders a than a Matrimony found to be uncurably life of Qmjlian, unfit, that an Idolatrous match. in and doth the effect
fame
As thofc Priefls of old were not to be long in forrow, or if they were, they could Fifthly, not rightly execute their function ; fo every true Chriflian in a higher order of Priefthood is a perfon dedicate to joy and peace, offering himMf a lively facririce of praife and thankfgiving , and there is no Chriflian duty that is not to be feafon'd and fet off with cheerifhnefs j which in a thoufand outward and intei mining croffes may yet be done well, as in this vale of tears : but in fuch a bofom- affliction as this,
crulhing the very foundation of his inmoft nature , when he fhal! be fore'd to love againft a poffibility, and to ufe a diflimulation againft his foul in the perpetual and ceafelefs duties of a Husband, doubtlels his whole duty of ferving God muft needs
be blurr'd and tainted with a fad unpreparednefs and dejection of fpirit, wherein God has no delight. Who fees not therefore how much more Chriftianity it would be to break by divorce that which is more broken by undue and forcible keeping, rather than to cover the Altar of the Lord with continual tears y fo that he regardeth not the offering any more \ rather than that the whole Worfhip of a Chriflian man's life fhould languilh and fade away beneath the weight of an immeafurable grief and difcouragt.ment ? And becaufe fome think the Children of a fecond Matrimony fucceeding a
Divorce, would not be a holy Seed, it hinder'd not the jews from being fo \ and why fhould we not think them more holy than the off-fpring of a former ill-twifted Wedbegott'n only out of a beaflial neceffity, without any true love or contentment, or joy to their Parents ? fo that in fome (cafe we may call them the Children of rtrath and anguifh, which will as little conduce to tiitir fandtifying, as if they had been Bafor nothing more than difluibaixe of mind iufpends us from flards approaching to
lock,
:
God, fuch
tcrnefs
vidence, and ends,
and
a difiurbance efprcially, as both aflaults our faith and truft in God's proif there be not a miracle of vertue on either fide, nor enly in bitwrath, the Canker of Devotion, but in a defperate and vicious carekfnds,
when he
himielf without fault of his, train'd by a deceitful bait into afnate of raifery, betray 'd by an alluring Ordinance, and then made the thrall of heavinefs and difcomfort by an undivorcing Law of God, as he e rronioufly thinks, but of Man's
fees
iniquity, as the truth is : for that God prefers the free and chearful Worfhip of a Chriflian, before the grievous and exacted obfervance of an unhappy Marriage, befides that the general maximes of Religion affure us, will be mote manifeft by drawIdolatrefs, which was, left he fhould alienate his heart from the true woifhip of God and what difference is there whether fhe pervert him to fuperflition by her inticing Sorcery, or difinable him in the whole fervice of God through the diihubance of her unhelpful and unfit fociety, and fo drive him at lafl, through murmuring and deipair, to thoughts of Atheifm ? Neither doth it leffen the caufe of feparating, in that the one willingly allures him from
ing a parallel Argument flora the ground of divorcing an

:
the Faith, the other perhaps unwillingly drives him v for in the account of God it comes all to one, that the Wife loofes him a fervant j and therefore by all the united force of the Decalogue fhe ought to be disbanded, nnlels we mufl fet Marriage above God
and ^Charity, which
is
the
Dodhine
of Devils, no
lefs
than forbidding
to.
marry.
CHAP
289 )
CHAP
That an Idolatrous Heretick ought
fpace
to
VIII.
be dtVorc'd
after
a convenient
gi
to
reflord from
Expofitors flatly
That place of i Corinth. 7. hope of CoiiVerjion. a twofold erronious Expojition ; and that the common contradict the Moral Law.
AN
that
tife
end,
is
here by the way, to illufirate the whole queftion of Divorce, t're this TreaI (hall not be loth to fpend a tew lints in hope to give a full rcfolvc of
which
divorc't.
To
yet fo much controverted, whether an Idolatrous Heretick ought to be the refolving whereof we mult rirll know, that the Jews were com-
manded
tions, efpecially That other Nations were to the menr.
to divorce an unbelieving Gentile for two caufes: FirO, becaufe all other Nathe Canaanttes, were to them unclean. Secondly, to avoid feduce-
of Exod. 34. id. Deut.7. 3, 6. r'ugr, will appear out alfo Chap. 10. 10,11. Nchem. 13.5c. This was the
Jews impure, even to the feparating of Marcompar'd with Ez.ra 9. 2. ground of that doubt rais'd among the Corinthians by fome of the Circumcilion ; Whether an Unbeliever were not Hill to be counted an unclean thing, fo as that they ought to divorce from fuch This doubt of theirs S, Paul removes by an Evangelical rcafbn, having a perfon. to that Viiion of S. Peter , wherein the diliindrion of clean and unclean being refpect abolifht, all living Creatures were fandtihed to a pure and ChriiHan ufe, and mankind
the Covenant of Grace. Therefore faith efpecially, now invited by a general call to S. Paul, The unbelieving Wife is fan&ified by the Hwband > that is, made pure and law-
he need not put her away for fear lelt her unbelief fhould dehim; but that if he found her love ftill towards him, he might rather hope to win her. The fecond reafon of that Divorce was to avoid leducement, as is provM by comparing thofe places of the Law, to that which Ezra and Nehemiah did by Divine
ful to his ufe, fo that
file
Warrant
2 Cor.
firfr
in
perpetual in the rule

6.
compelling the Jews to forgo their Wives. of Chrifiian Faith without evafion
And
this
reafon
is
moral and
Mtf-yoke not together with Infidels, which And althongh the former legal pollution be now done off, yet there is a to be ftiun'd ; and fpiritual contagion in Idolatry as much though feducement were not to be fear'd, yet where there is no hope of converting, there always ought to be a certain religious averfation and abhorring, which can no way fort with Marriage : Therefore faith S. Paul, What ftllowfluf hath righteoufnefs with unr'tghteoufnefs ? what communion hath light with darkriefs ? what concord hath Chrifi with Belial? what fart hath he that believtth with an Infidel? And in the next verie but one, he moralize^, and makes us liable to that command of IJaiah ; Wherefore come out from among them, and be ye fefar ate, faith the Lord; touch not the unclean thing, and I will receive ye. And this Command thus Golpelliz'd to us, hath the fame force with that whereon Ezra grounded the pious nectflity of divorcing. Neither had he other Commilrion for
place.
therefore faith the Apofile, ; is interpreted 01 Marriage in the
what he
he
is
did, then fuch a general Command in Deut. as this, nay not fo direct 5 for bid there not to marry,but not bid to divorce, and yet we fee with what a zeal and confident he was the Author of a general Divorce between the faithful and unfaithful
feed.
The Gofpel
was
fittcft
is
more
then the words of the

rityas
Law
plainly on his lide, according to three of the Evangelifis, for where the cafe of Divorce is handled with fuch a feve-
Chapter,
to aggravate the fault of unbounded licence in the fame , yet lull comes into queftion afterwards, whether any civil refped, or natural relation which is deareft, may be our plea to divide, or hinder, or but delay our duty to Religion, we hear it determin'd, that Father, and Mother, and Wife alfo, is not only to be hated, but forfak'n, if we mean to inherit the great Reward there promis'd. Nor will it toffee to be put off by faying we muft forfake them only by not confenting or not complying with them, for that were to be done, and roundly too, though being of the fame faith, they fhould but fee k out of a flefhly tendernefs to weak'n our Chriftian fortitude with worldly perfwahons, or but to unfettle our con-
when
it
ftancy
with timorous and fot tning fuggeftions ; as we may read with what a vehemence Job, thj patienteft of Men, reje&ed the defpwatc counfels of his wife; and P P
Mofct,
( *9 ) Mofes, the meekeft, being throughly offended with the prophane fpceches of Zippora^ But if they (hall perpetually at our elbow feduce us from fent her back to her father. the trueWorfhipofGod, or defile and daily icandalize our Confrience by 'heir hopelefs continuance in misbelief, then ev'n in the due progrels of Reafon, and that ever-
commands
no
equal proportion which Jufticc proceeds by, it cannot beimagin'd that this ciied place lefs than a total and final feparation from fuch an Adherent, at leali that
force ihould be us'd to keep them together > while we rememberflhat comto fend away his irreligious Wife and her Son for the eifcnees which they gave in a pious family. And it may bi gueft that David iV-r the like caufc
God
manded Abraham
difpos'd of Michal in fuch a

againli reiterated fcandals
Therefore fort, as little difTei'd from a difaiiflion. and Inducements, which never ceafe, much more can no other remedy or retirement be found but abiolute departure. For what kind of Matrimony can that remain to be, what one duty between fuch can be perform'd as it mould be
from
the heart, when their thoughts and lpirits fly afunder as far as Heaven from Hell, efpccially it the time that hope fhould fcid forth her expedted blcflbms be paft in vain ? It will ealily be true, that a Father 01 Brother may be hated 7e3ioufly, and lov'd civily or naturally , for thofe duties may be performed at diftance, and do admit of any
long
abfmce
the peace and perpetual cohabitation of Marriage can be kept, how that benevolent and intimate communion of body can be held with one that muftbe
:
but
how
hated with a mofi operative hatred, mull be forfak'n and yet continually dwelt with and accompanied, he who can diliinguifh, ham the gift of an afrVdtlon very odly divided and contriv d , while others bnth jail and wife, and Solomon among the reft, if they may not hate and forfake as M[es enjoy ns, and the Gofpel imports, will find
it
loulie biooks
impoflible not to love otherwiie then will fort with the love of God, whofe jeano corrival. And whether is more likely, that Cbrift bidding to for-
meant it by Divorce as Mofes meant it, whofe Law grounded on moral Reafon, was both his office and his eflence to maintain \ or that he Ihould bring a new morality into Rtligion, not only new, but contrary to an unchangeable Command, and dangeroully derogating from our love and worihip of God ? As if when Mofes had bid Divorce abfolutcly, and Ghrift had faid, hate and forfake, and his Apoftle had faid, no communication with Chrift and Belial yet that Chrilt after all this could be underftood to fay, Divorce not, no not for Religion, feduce, or feduce What mighty and invifible Remora is this in Matrimony able to demur, and not. to contemne all the divorfive engines in Heaven or Earth Both which may now pafs away, if this be true, (or more than many jots or tittles a whole moral Law is abr> But if we dare believe it is not, then in the method of Religion, and to fave liiht. the honour and dignity of our Faith, we are to retreat and gather up our felves from the oblervance of an inferior and civil Ordinance, to the ftridr maintaining of a general and religious Command, which is written, Thou jhalt make no Covnttnt with them, Deut. 7. 2, 3. and that Cov'nant which cannot be lawfully made, we have directifake Wife for Pveligion,
, !
ons and examples lawfully to diffolve.

that hate the
Lord?
No
doubtlefs: for there
Alfo 2 Chron. 19. 2. Shouldeji thou love them is a certain fcale of Duties, there is a
for
certain Hierarchy of upper and lower order, all the world is inconfufion.
Commands, which
want of ftudying
in right
Upon
Heretick, unlefs or not.
thefe principles I anfwer, that a right Believer ought to divorce an idolatrous upon better hopes : however that it is in the Believers choice to divorce
The former part will be manifeft thus ; firft, an apoftatc Idolater, whether Hufband or Wife feducing, was to die by the decree of God, Deut. 13.6,9. that Marriage therefore God himfelf disjoyns : for others born Idolaters, the moral reafon of their dangerous keeping, and the incommunicable antagony that is between Chrift and Belial, will be fufficient to inforce the Commandment of thofe two infpii'd Reformers, Et.ru and Nehemiah, to put an Idolater away as well under the Gofpel. The latter part, that although there be no feducement fear'd, yet if there be no hope giv'n, the Divorce is lawful, will appear by this, that idolatrous Marriage is dill hateful to God, therefore flill it may be divore'd by the pattern of that Warrant that Eva. had, and by the fame everlafting Reafon Neither can any man give an account wherefore, if thofe whom God joyns no man can feparate, it fhould not follow, that whom he joyns not, but hates to joyn, thofe men ought to feparate. But faith the Lawyer, That which ought not have been done, once done, avails. I anfwer, this
:
is
but a Crotchet of the
Law,
but that brought againft
it is
plain Scripture.
As for what
( 291 )
what Chrift fpake concerning divorce, of the fame faith. only between them
feems
to
'tis
confelt
by
all
knowing men, he meant

fay then to S. Paul,
But what
(hall
we
who
wrong
bid us not divorce an Infidel willing to ftay ? Colle&ions have been hitherto made out of thofc
We
may
fafely fay
thus, that
words by modern Divines.
His drift, as was heard before, an Infidel, that had been a flat
is plain ; not to command our liay in Marriage with renouncing of the religious and moral Law ; but to inform the Corinthians that the Body of an unbeliever was not defiling, if his dciire to live in Chriflian Wedlock fhew'd any likelihood that his heart was opening to the faith ; and therefore advifes to forbear departure fo long, till nothing have been negthis I fay he advifes, and that with certain cautilected to ret forward a converfion him ons, not commands, if we can take up fo much credit for him as to
:
get
what is this ellc but his counfel in a thing inI net the Lord} for though it be true that the Lord nedifferent, to the rtft Jpeak ver (pake it, yet from S. Paufs mouth we mould have took it as a command, had not himitlt fortwam'd us, and difclaim'd, which notwithstanding it we (hall /till
believ'd
upon
his
own word:
for
avouch to be a command, he palpably denying it, this is not to expound S. Paul., but to outface him. Neither doth it follow, but that the Apoftle may interpofe his judgment in a cafe of Chrilfian liberty, without the guilt of adding to God's word.
do we know Marriage or fingle life to be of choice, but by fuch like words as thefr, Ifpeak^this by fcrmiflloH, not of commandment ; 1 have no command of the Lord, ? fhall not the like words have leave to a freedom fignific yet I give my judgment
How
Why
in this our prefent queftion, though Btz.a deny ? Neither is the Scripture hereby Lei's infpir'd, bcrcaufe S. fWconfelTes to have writt'n therein what he had not of com-
that the Spirit of God led him thus to exprefs himfelf to Chria in matter which God thought belt to leave u commanded. Bex.4 prudence, therefore mult be warily read, when he taxes S. Auflin of for holding that Blafphemy,
mand
flian
for
we grant
S.
yet the
as of a But if it muft be a command, 1 fhall thing indifferent. more evince it to be a command that we fliould herein be left free, and that out of the Greek word us'd in the I2.v. which inftrudts us plainly, there mult be he that will not deprave the Text, a joynt affent and good liking on both fides
-,
Paul fpake here
mull thus render it ; If a brother have an unbelieving Wife.and (he joyn in confent to dwell xvith him ( which cannot utter lefs to us than a mutual agreement) let him not put her away for the mecr furmize of Judaical undeannefs and the reafon follows, for the
:
Morebody of an Infidel is not polluted, neither to benevolence, nor to procreation. over, this note of mutual complacency forbids all offer of feducement, which to a perfon of ical cannot be attempted without great offence if therefore feducement be
:
Another caution was put in this fuppofed not of the into believer command, bringing bondage hereby, which doubtlefs might it Chrilfian confeience were left to the humor of a Pagan and prove extreme, liberty at to and wound with a thoufand fcandals and and to vex flaying pleafure play with, the conceived above therefore to bear If burdens, flrength hope of gaining a foul come to nothing, then Charity commands that the believer be not wearied cut with endlefs waiting under many grievances fore to his fpirit, but that refpedf. be had rafear'd,
this place
hinders not Divorce.
ther to the prefent fuffering of a true Chriftian, than the uncertain winning of an obdur'd Htretick. The counfel we ha^ e from S. Paul to hope, cannot countermand
the moral and Evangelick charge we have from God to fear leducement, to fe parate from the misbeliever, the unclean, the obdurate. The Apolile wifheth us to hope, but docs not fend us a wool-gathering after vain hope j he faith, How knoweft thou,
O Man,
fome
himfelf.
whether thoujlialt fave thy Wife ? that is, till he try all due means, and fet reafonable time to himfelf, after which he may give over warning an Ethiope, if he will hear the advice of the Gofpel Cajl mot Pearls before Swine, faith Chrilt
,
Let him be
to thee as
a Heathen.
Shake the duft off thy feet.
If this be
not
enough, hate andforfake,
what
relation foever.
And
this alio that follows
pertain to the Precept, Let every man wherein he it called, v. 24. that is, fo walking in his inferiour calling of Marriage, as not by dangerous to th3t Ordinance, to hindtr and dilturb the higher calling of his Chriliianity. fubjedion
Laft,
muft aptherein abide with Cod,
and never too oft remembred, whether this be a Command, or an Advice, we muft look that it be fo underltood, as not to contradid the leaft point of moral Religion that God hath formerly commanded, otherwife what do we but fet the moral Law and the Gofpel at civil War together ? and who then fhall be able to fetve thofc
two
Maflers
P P 2
CHAP,
( 292
CHAP.
That Adultery
is
IX.
;
may
breach greatest of Matrimony be other Violations as great.

not the
that there
NO
this
whether Idolatry or Adultery be the greateft violation of Marriage, if any demand, let him thus confider, that among Chnltian Writers touching Ma-
trimony, there be three chief Ends thereof agreed on ; godly (ociety, next civil, and Of thefe the firn in name to be the highdi and thirdly, that of the Marriage-bed. mult excellent, no baptiz'd Man can deny, nor that Idolatry (mites directly
againft
prime End i nor that fuch as the violated End is, fuch is the Violation : but he who affirms Adultery to be the higheft breach, affirms the Bed to be highelr of Mara grofs and borifh Opinion, how common foever ; as far riage, which is in truth from the countenance of Scripture, as from the light of all clean Philofophy, or civil And out of queftion the chearful help that may be in Marriage toward Nature. the pureft, and fothe nobltft end of that contract : but if the of fan&ity life, is
par-
of each perlbn be confider'd, then of thofe three ends which God appointed, that to him is greateft which is moll neceflary ^ and Marriage is then moll brok'n to him, when he utterly wants the fruition of that which he molt fought therein, wheticular
Of which wants to do him right ther it were religious, civil, or corporal fociety. by Divorce only for the laft and meaneli, is a perverfe injury, and the pretended reafon of it as frigid as Frigidity it fell, which the Code and Canon are only fenfible of. Thus much of this controveifie. I now return to the former argument. And having be divore'd, fhewn that difproportion, contrariety, or numnefs of mind may
jultly
by proving already, that the prohibition thereof oppofes the expiels end of God's Into fatisfie that intellectual and innocent deiirc which ffitutiohs, fuffers not Marriage God himfelf kindl'd in Man to be the Bond of Wedlock, but only to remedy a fublunary and beaftial burning, which frugal Diet, without Marriage, would eafily chafi'n.
Next, that
it
drives
many
ter that fatisfa&ion
which
it
to tranfgrefs the Conjugal Bed, while the foul wanders afhad hope to find at home, but hath miff i or elie it fits
it felf hardly dealt with, but mifdeeming the caufe repining, even to Atheifm, finding to be in God's Law, which is in man's unrighteous ignorance. I have fhewn alfo how
it
untyes the inward knot of Marriage, which is Peace and Love ( if that can be unty'd which was never knit ) while it aims to keep fafi the outward formality j bow
perifh the Chriftian
it lets
Man,
to
compel impoffibly the married Man.
CHAP.
The fexth êafon of
natural cafes,
is
X.
Divorce fought for
this
Law
>
that to prohibit
aâinfi Nature.
TH
J
it is
fixth place declares this Prohibition to be as refpedrlefs of humane Nature, as of Religion, and therefore is not of God. He teaches, that an unlawful Marri-
age may be lawfully divore'd:

difpofition,
And that
thofe
who having throughly
difecrn'd each others
which oft-times cannot be till after Matrimony, fhall thm rind a powerful reluctance and recoil of Nature on either fide, blafting all the content of their mutual
fociety, that fuch perfons are not lawfully married ( to ufe the Apoflle's words) Say alfo the fame ? for it it written, Deut. 22. thefe things at a Man, or faith not the 7boh (halt not fovo the Vineyard with divers feeds-, left thou defile both. Ihou JhJt not
Law
flow with an
Oxe and an Afs together, and the like. I follow the pattern of S. Pafs reasoning ; Doth Cod care for Affes and Oxen, how ill they yoke together, or it it Yea the not aid altogether for our fakes? for our fakes no doubt this is written .
Apoftle himfelf in the forecited 2 Cor. 6. 14. alludes from that place of Deut. to forbid milyoking Marriage, as by the Greek word is evident j though he inftance but
iri
(
in
-91
one Example of mifmatching with an Infidel, yet next to that, what can be a fouler incongruity, a greater violence to the reverend fecret of Nature, than to force a mixture of Minds that cannot unite, and to fow the furrow of Man's Nativity with feed of twe incoherent and uncotribining diipolitions which ad being kindly and
:
voluntary, as
the will
if
it
ought,
the Apoitle
in the
Language he wrote
call'd
Eunoia, and the
Latines Benevolence, intimating the original thereof to be in the

;
underftanding, and not, furcly there is nothing which might more properly be call'd a malevolence rather, and is the molt injurious and unnatural Tribute that can be extorted
from a perlon indn'd with reafon, to be made pay out the ben fubftance of his body, and of his foul too, as fome think, when either for juftand powerful caufes he cannot like-, or horn unequal caulcs rinds not recompence. And that there is a hidden
crhcacv of love and hatted in
Mjn
as well as
in other kinds,
which though not always
in the choice, yet
in the fuccefs
not moral, but natural, of Mariage will ever be
moll predominant, befides daily experience, the Author of Ecclefiaflictu, whole wifdom hath fet him next the Bible, acknowledges, 13. \6. man, faith he, will But what might be the caufe, Whether each ones allotted Genius cleave to his like. or proper Star, or whether the fupernatural influence of Schemes and angular Afpedts, or this elemental Crafts here below, whether all thefe joyntly or fingly meeting friend-
in either party, I dare not, ly, or unfriendly as to conjedture. fo much a
with the
men I am
Proverb in
like to clafli,
appear
;
Philofopher entitles this work of leading each like perfon to his

is
The antient
like,
Homer lels obluulc peculiarly to God himfelf
his naming of a meet or like help in the ririi Efpoufal plain enough alio by inftituttd ; and that every Woman is meet for every Man, none fo abfuid a; to
which
affirm.
Seeing then there
is
whence
are deriv'd the ilTues of love
indeed a two-fold Seminary or Stock in nature, from and hatred, diitin&ly flowing through the whole
mafs of created things, and that God's doing ever is to bring the due likenelTcs and harmonies of his works together, except when out of two contraries met to their own and that it is error, or fome evil Angel deftrudtion, he moulds a third exifience which either blindly or malicioufly hath drawn together in two pertbns ill imbarkt in Wedlock the ileeping difcords and enmities of Nature lull'd on purpofe with fome falfebaic, that they may wake to agony and llrife, later than prevention could have the bent of jull and honeft intentions beginning what was begun^ and vviflit, if from all that is equal, all that is fair and poffible hath been tri'd, and no acfo continuing,
,
likely to fucceed \ what folly is it ftill to Hand combating and battering caufes and etfedts, with evil upon evil, till either the belt of our invincible againft or ended with fome fpeeding forrow. The wile Ecclefiaflicus be out, linger'd days advifes rather, 37.27. [on prove thy foul in thy life, fee what is evil for it, and
commodation
My
Reafon he had to fay fo ; for if the noifomnefs or disfigurement unto it. give not that loon can of body deftroy the fympathy of mind to Wedlock duties, much more will the annoyance and trouble of mind infufe it felf into all the faculties and ads of the to reirder them invalid, unkindly, and even unholy againft the Fundamental
body,
Law-book of Nature, which Mofes never thwarts, but reverences therefore he commands us to force nothing againlt fympathy or natural order, no not upon the molt to (hew that fuch an indignity cannot be offer'd to Man without abjedf. Creatures
: ,
And certainly thofe divine meditating words of rinding out a meet an impious crime. to Man, have in them a confideration of more than the indefinite likeand like help nor are they to be made walk-paper on, for the dulnefs of Womanhood of nefs \ nor thofe other Allegorick Precepts of Beneficence fetcht cut Canon-Divinity, no, of the Clofet of Nature, to teach us goodnefs and companion In not compelling toor if they meet through mifchance^ by all confequence and Nature lignifies, and le&urcs to us not only by thofe recited Decrees, but ev'n by the firft and laft of all his vitible works j when by his divorcing Command the World firft rofe out of Chaos, nor can be renewed again owi
gether unmatchable to disjoyn there, as
Societies
',
God
ef confufion, but by the feparating of unmeet Confofts.
CHAP
294 )
CHAP.
XI.
in
Ihe feVentbfyeafon, That fometbnes continuance
Marriage may be
to either or evidently the (Imtning indangering of life party ; both Law and Divinity concluding, that Life is to be prefer/ d before the intended jolace of Life,
Marriage,
Divines content, that if either party be found be fever'd by Divorce for a fin anothers life, they againft againft may the life of Marriage, is greater than a fin againft the Bed ; the one defiroys, the other The fame may be faid touching thofe perfons who being of a but defiles.
The Canon-Law and
SEventhly, contriving
penfive
nature and courfe of

verfation
life,
have fum'd up
all
their folace in that free
and lightfome con-
intends in Marriage ; whereof when they fee thercfelvts an unfociable Confort, they oft-times refent one anothers miftake depriv'd by meeting e're When therefore this danit is not that fo deeply, grief end one of them. long is forefeen, that the life is in peril by living together, what matter is it whether ger or wilful pra&ice be the caufe ? This is certain, that the prefervation helplefs grief, of life is more worth than the compulfory keeping of Marriage ; and it is no lefs than a Man to remain in that ftate as the folace of his life, which he and cruelty, to force
which
God and Man
is life
know will be either the undoing or the difheartning of his life. And what without the vigour and fpiritual exercifc of life ? how can it be ufeful either to or publick imployment ? fhall it therefore be quite deje&ed, though never fo private valuable, and left to moulder away in heavinefs for the fuperftltious and impoffible of an ill-driv'n bargain ? Nothing more inviolable than vows made to performance God ; yet we read in Numbers, that if a Wife had made fuch a vow, the meer
his friends
will and authority of her Husband might break it : how much more may he break the error of his own bonds with an unfit and miftak'n Wife, to the faving of his welfare, his life, yea his faith and vertue, from the hazard of over-ftrong
for if
Lord
be Lord of the Sabbath, to the curing of a Fever, of Marriage in fuch important caufes as thefe ?
Man
temptations? can he be lefs than
CHAP.
The
eighth fyafon,
XII.
that every one
therefore upon
who happ'ns
unfitnefs
probable, to marry, hath not the
It is
or rather certain,
calling
;
and
not found and confiderdt force ought

moil
fure that
to be us'd.
It is
fome even of
all
thofe
who
Elghtly, body,
body
yet aredeftitutc
of
other marriageable
gifts,
are not plainly defective in and conkqurntly have
not the calling to marry, unlefs nothing be rtquiiite thereto but a meer inftrumental that unanimous Covenant a reproach : yet it is as fure ; which to affirm, is to that many fuch, not of their own defire, but by the perfwaficn of friends, or not
themfelves, do often enter into Wedlock; where Ending the difference at between the duties of a married life, and the gifts of a fingle life, what unfitlength nefs of mind, what wearifomnefs, what fcruplcs and doubts to an incredible Licence and difpleafure are like to follow between, may be foon imagined ; whom thus to fhut up, and immure, and fhut up together, the one with a mifchofen Mate, the other in a miftaken calling, is not a courfe that Chriftian wifdom and tendemels As for the cuflome that fome Parents and Guardians have of forcing ought to ufe.
knowing
Marriages,
that the
it
Law which
will be better to fay nothing of fuch a favage inhumanity, but only thus, gives not all freedom of Divorce to any Creature indued with
is
reafon, fo afTaflinated,
next
in cruelty.
CHAP.
295 )
CHAP.
7he ninth %eafon but a humane
there
-,
XIII.
is
<Becaufe Marriage
:
Society
where that
not a meer carnal Coition^ cannot be reajonably had,

all
can
be no true Matrimony.
Marriage compar'd with
other
QoVmnts and Vows

SMarriage the
w.irrantably broken for the
good of
Man.
<Papifts
Sacrament, and
unfit
Marriage the
(Proteftants Idol.
>*
it
"^Jlnthly,
fuppofe
it
that all
humane
fociety
will be allow'd us that Marriage is a humane Society, and mull proceed from the mind rather than the body, eHe
,
have that due
animal or beattifh meeting if the mind therefore cannot company by Marriage that it may reafonably and humanly defire, that Marriage can be no humane fociety, but a certain formality ; or guilding over of little better then a brutifll congrefs, and lb in very wifdom and purcnefs to be dilTolv'd. But Marriage is more than humane, the Covenant of God, Prov. 2. 17. therefore
diffolve
it.
I
would be but
a kind or
Man cannot
anfwer,
it
it
be more than humane, fo
much
the
more
it
argues the chief fociety thereof to be in the foul rather then in the body, and the greate(t breach thereof to be unfitnefs of mind rather then defed of body : for the body can
have lead affinity in a Cov'nant more than humane, fo that the reafon of diffolving holds good the rather. Again, 1 anfwer, that the Sabbath is a higher Inftitution, a Command of the firrt Table, for the breach whereof God hath far more and oftner tellify'd his anger, than for Divorces, which from Mofes to Malaehy he never took difand yet as oft as the good of pleafure at, nor then neither, if we mark the Text
,
Man is concem'd,
he not only permits, but commands to break the Sabbath. What Cov'nant more contracted with God, and lefs in mans power, than the Vow which hath once part his lips ? yet if it be found rafli, if offenfive, if unfruitful either to
God's glory or the good of Man, our Dodrrine
forces
not error and unwilling-
nefs irkfomly to keep it, but counfels Wifdom and better thoughts boldly to break it i therefore to enjoyn the indiffoluble keeping of a Marriage found unfit againrt the good of Man both foul and body, as hath been evidene'd, is to make an
Idol of Marriage, to advance it above the Worfliip of God and the good of Man, to make it a tranlcendent Command, above both the fecond and firft Table, -which is a
moll prodigious Do&rine. Next, whereas they cite out of the Proverbs, that it is the Covnant of God, and therefore more than humane , that Confcquence is manifeftly falfe : for fo the Cov'nant which Zedekjah made with the Infidel King of Babel, is calPd the Covenant of God, Ezek. 17. 15). which would be Orange to hear counted more than a humane Cov'nant. So every Cov'nant between Man and Man , bound by Oath^ may be call'd the Cov'nant of God, becaufe God therein is attefted. So of Mairriage he is the author and the witnefs ; hence will not follow divine artri&ion more yet any than what is fabordinate to the glory of God, and the main good of either party: for as the glory of God, and their erteemed fitnefs one for the other, was the motive which led them both at firrt to think without other revelation that God had joyned them together ; fo when it (hall be found by their apparent unfitnefs, that their continuing to be Man and Wife is againrt the glory of God and their mutual happinefs, it may affurc them that God never joyn'd them, who hath reveal'd his gracious Witt not to fet the Ordinance above the Man for whom it was ordainM > not to canonize Marriage either as a Tyrannefs or a Goddefs over the enfranchis'd life and foul of Man : For wherein can God delight, wherein be worfhip'd, wherein be glorih'd by the forcible continuing of an improper and ill- yoking couple i He that loved not to fee the difparity of feveral cattel at the Plow, cannot be pleafed with any vart unmeetnefs in Where can be the peace and love which mult invite God to fuch a houfe ? Marriage. it not be feared that the not may divorcing of (uch a helplefs difagrcement, will be the divorcing of God finally from fuch a place ? But it is a trial of our patience they I grant it ; but which of Job's afflictions were fent him with that Law, that he fay might not ufe means to remove any of them if he could ? And what if it fubvert our patience and our faith too ? Who fhall anlwer for the perifhing of all thofe fouls periihand ing by ftubborn expofitions of particular and inferior precepts againrt the
:
general
fupremt
( 29
fupreme
rule
6)
is
i
of Charity
all
a Myftery, though with fuch an awful fandfity, and give
They dare not affirm that Marriage thofe facred things give place to Man
?
it
either a Sacrament or and yet they invert it fuch adamantine chains to bind with, as if it
were to be worfhipt like fome Indian Deity, when it can confer no blcffing upon us, To fuch teachers the faying of S. Peter at but works more and more to our mifery. do well to be will' the Council of Jeritfalem applied : Why temp ye Ged to put ayoke neither which the Jewt, God's antient people, tier tve upon the %ofChritlian men, but and are able to bear, unwary expounding hath brought upon us ? nothing
CHAP.
Conftderations concerning Familifm,
XIV.
;
and why it may the undue reflrmnt bethought that fuch Opinions may proceed from to contemn no which than greater caufe Dif of fome jufi liberty,
Antinomiamfm
cipline.
TO
thefe Confiderations this
alfo
may be added
ing that fort of Men who follow other fanatick dreams (if we underftand
no improbable conjecture, feeFamiHfm, Ant'womianifm, and Anabaftifm, them ndl amils) be fuch mod commonly as
as
are by nature addicted to Religion, of life alio nof ckbaucht, and that their Opinions having full fwinge, do end in fatisfa&ion of the flefh, it may be come with reafon into the thoughts of a wilt Man, whether all this proceed not partly, if not chiefly, from the refiraint of fome lawful liberty which ought to be giv'n Men, and is deny'd them. As by Phyfick we learn in raenfiruous bodies, where Natures cuirent hath been fiopf, that the fuffocation and upward forcing of lorrekwer part, ifftdh the head and inward fenfe with dotage and idle fancies. And on the other hand, whether the reft oi vulgar
men not fo religioufly proftffing, do not give themfelves much the moie to Whoredom and Adulteries, loving the conupt and venial Dilcipline of Clergy- Courts, but
hating to hear of perfect Reformation \ when as they fori uc that then Fornication fhall be aufterely cenfur'd, Adultery puni/hf, End Marriage the appointed refuge of nature, though it hap to be never fo incongruous and difpleafing, mult yet of force be worn out, when it cas be to no other purpofe but of ftrifeand hatred, a thing odious to God. This may be worth the fludy of skilful Men in Theology, and the reafon of things.
And
is,
laftly,
to
examine whether feme undue and ill-grounded
ftridnefs
upon
the
blamelefs Nature of
Man,
be not the caufe
in thoie places
where already Reformation
that the Difcipline of the into contempt and derifion.
Church,
fo often
And
if it
and fo unavoidably brok'n, is brought be thus, let thofe who are ft ill bent to hold
this obfiinate liter aiity,
tranfgreffions,
when
it
fhall
fo prepare themfelves, as to fhare in the account for all thefe be demanded at the laft day, by one who will fcan and fife
things with more than a literal wifdem of equity : for if thefe reafons be duly ponder'd, and that the Gofpel is more jealous of laying on exce ffive burdens than ever the Law
inefiimable, fhould be over- tempted and caft away ; many properties of Nature, which the power of Regeneration it fclf never alters, may caufe diflike of converting, even between the moft faudtifi'd i which continually grating in hatfh tune together, may breed fome jar and difcord,
was,
lef}
the foul of a Chriflian
which
is
confidering alfo that
and that end

flianity,
it
In rancor
and
flrife ,
a thing fo oppofite
both to Marriage, and to Chri-
fcandal to divorce a natural difparity, than to link violently together an unchriftian diffention, committing two infnared fouls inevitably to kindle one another, not with the fire of love, but with a hatred irreccticileable who
lefs
,
would perhaps be
were they
diffevered,
would be
phabetical fervility mull be ftill unwittingly ufe as much cruelty in forbidding to divorce, as the doth wilfully in forbidding to marry.
ftraight friends in any other relation. urged, it may fo fall out, that the tiue
But
if
an al-
Church may
Antichrift
Church of
BOOK
( 297 )
BOOK
CHAP.
Chrifi
neither did,
II.
I.
The Ordinance of Sabbath and Marriage compard. Hyperbole no curd by contrary excefs. unfrequent figure in the Gofpel. Excefs
nor could abrogate the abufe thereof.
Law
of Divorce, but
mly reprieve
v~ B
IL
the
wlthertothe Polition undertaken hath been declar'd, and proved by a Law of I God, that Law proved to be moral, and unabolifliable, for many rcaom <J ua ' honeit, charitable, jufr, annext thereto. It follows now, that jS { thofe places of Scripture which have a Teeming to revoke the prudence of
Mofet, or rather that mere. ful Decree of God, be forthwith cxplain'd and reconcil'd. For what are all thefe reafonings worth, will (ome reply, when as the words of Chrilt
arc plainly againft all Divorce, except in cafe of Fornication ? To whom he whole mind were to anfwer no more but this, except alfo in cafe of Charity, might fafely appeal to the more of Chrilt in defence of fo excepting. Tiaott flialt do no man. plain words tier of wori^, faith the Commandment of the Sabbath. Ye, faith Chrifl, works of And fhall we be more fevere in paraphraling the coniiderate and tender GofCharity.
expounding the rigid and peremptory Law ? What waseverin a*U lor Man, and more lor God alone, than the Sabbath ? yet when appearance the good of Man comes into the Scales, we hear that voice of infinite goodnefs and What thing ever benignity, that Sabbath wm made for Man, not Man for Sabbath. was more made for Man alone and lefs for God than Marriage ? And fhall we load it with a cruel and fencelefs bondage utterly again!! both the good of Man, and the glory of God? Let whofo will now lilicn, I want neither Pall nor Mitre, I ftay neither for Ordination or Induction ; but in the firm faith of a knowing Chriftian, which is
pel,
than he was
lefs
in
made
cruelly a
endowment of the Key;, 1 pronounce, the Man who fhall bind fo of God, hath not in that the Spirit of Chrift. and good gracious Ordinance Yet that every text of Scripture feeming oppofite may be attended with a due expofitU on, this other partenfues, and makes account to find no flender arguments for this affertion out of thofc very Scriptures, which are commonly urg'd againft it. Firfl therefore let us remember,as a thing not to be deny'd,that all places of Scripture
the belt and trueft reafon of doubts arifes from the letter, are to be expounded by confidering jull occalion what The every thing is fet down , and by comparing other Texts. upon occalion which indue'd our Saviour to fpeak of Divorce, was either to convince the extravagance of the Pharifes in that point, or to give a fharp and vehement anfwer to
wherein
are not to repofe all upon the literal And in fuch cafes tempting queflion. terms of fo many words, many inflances will teach us: Wherein we may plainly dif-
that
we
cover
how
Chrifl;
meant not to be
tak'n
word
for
word, but
like a wife Phyfician,

,
reduce us to a permifs where they were adminiftring one excefs againft another, to : to feem moft fevere faw in one place he cenfures an unchafi it needful too remifs, he look to be adultery already committed ; another time he paffes over adhaal adultery
reproof then for an unchaft look i not fo heavily condemning fecret weaknefs, So here he may be juflly thought to have giv'nthis rigid fentence malice: open againfi Divorce, not to cut off all remedy from a good man who finds himfelf con-
with
as
lefs
fuming away
in a difconfolate
the bold abufesof thofe overweening Rabbits
and uninjoyn'd Matrimony, but to lay a bridle uport which he could not more effectually ;
do, then by a counterfway of reflraint curbing their wild exorbitance almofl into the as when we bow other extream things the contrary way, to make them come to
,
And that this was the only intention of Chrifl is molt evibut to his own words and attend we dent, protection made in the fame Sermon, not many verfes before he treats of Divorcing, that he came not to abrogate from the L*w orte jot or tittle, and denounce againlt them that (hall fo teach.
their natural
if
Itraitnefs.
cj
Buf
( 29
But
S.
8)
inferts the
Luke
the verfe
immediately before-going that of Divorce,
fame
could not be underftood without the former ; and as a witnefs caveat, as if the latter to produce againft this cur wilful mifiake of abrogating, which mull needs confirm us ceafc that whatever elfe in the political Law of more fpecial relation to the Jews
might
of thofe Precepts concerning Divorce, not one of them was rtpeafd by the Doctrine of Chrift, unlefs we have vow'd not to believe his own cautious and immediate profeffion : for if thefe our Saviour's words inveigh againft all Divorce, and condemn it as Adultery, except it be for Adultery, and be not rather underfiood againit
to us
;
yet that
the abufe of thofe Divorces permitted in the Law, then is that Law of Mofes, Deut. the promife of Chrilt, and his 24. 1. not onely repeafd and wholly annull'd againit known profeffion not to meddle in matters Judicial \ but that which is more ftrange,
the very fubftance and purpofe of that Law is contradicted and convinced both of injuDice and impurity, as having authoriz'd and maintain'd legal Adultery by ftature. Moto be guilty of unequal and unwife decrees, punifhing one act of fes alfo cannot fcape lecret Adultery by death, and permitting a whole life of open Adultery by Law. And albeit Lawyers write that tome political Edicts, though not approval, are yet allow'd
to the icum of the people, and the nectffity of the times > thefe excutts have but a weakpulfe: For tirft, we read, not that the fcoundrel people, but the choiceft, the wifclt, the holieft of that Nation have frequently us'd thefe Laws, or (uch as thefe in
it yielded, that in matters not very bad or flacken fomething of that which is exactly good, to impure, the difpotition of the people and the times : but if the perfect, the pure, the righteous Law of God, for to are all his ftatutes and his judgments, be found to have allow'd
the belt and holieft times.

a
Secondly, be
human Lawgiver may
fmoothly, without any certain reprehenfion, that which Chrift afterward declares to be Adultery, how can we free this Law from the horrible inditement of being both impure, unjuft, and fallacious
?
CHAP.
How
II.
Divorce was permitted for hardnefs of heart , cannot he under-
common Expofition. That the flood by the much lefs enafi a permijfion of fin.
Law
cannot permit,
and erroneufually txplain'd ous School- matter, teaching us to dafh againit a vital Maxim of Religion, by doing foul evil in hope of fome uncertain good. This only Text is not to be matcht again throughout the whole Scripture, whereby God in his perfect Law fhould feem to have granted to the hard hearts of his holy people, under his own hand, a civil immunity and free charter to live and die in a long (uccefiive Adultery, under a covenant of works, till the Meffiab, and then that inbetides the incohedulgent permiffion to be firictly deny'd by a covenant of grace
fenfe as
is
;
Either will
it
terve to fay this
was permitted
for the
for the hardnefs
of their
hearts, in that
Law
were then but
a corrupt
',
rence of fuch a doctrine, cannot, mutt not be thus interpreted, to the raifing of a Paradox never known till then, onely hanging by the twin'd thread of one doubtful Scripture, againit fo many other rules and leading principles of religion, of juftice, and
For what could be granted more either to the fear, or to the lull of any purity of life. Tyrant or Expliticiat, than this authority of Mofes thus expounded \ which opens him a way at will to damm up juftice, and not onely to admit of any Romifli or Austrian difpences, but to enact a ftatute of that which he dares not feem to approve, ev'n to the legitimate vices, to make fin it felf, the ever alien and va/Tal fin, a free Citizen of the
Commonwealth, pretending onely

all
thefe
or thefe plaufible reatbns
And
well he
be alledged to have done as much without might, Mofes reafon at Yet all. this could not enter into the heart of David, PfaJ. any fhewing 94. 20. how any fuch authority as endeavours to fajhion wickednefs by a Law, fhould
the while that
(hall
derive
it
felf
ch. 10.
1.
Now
from God. And Jfaiah which of thete two
is
layes wo upon them that decree unrighteous decrees^ the better Law-giver, and which defcrves molt a
wo, he that gives out an edict fingly unjuft, or he that confirms to generations a fixt and unmolefted impunity of that which is not only held to be unjuft, but alfo unclean, and both in a high degree, not only as they themfclves affirm, an injurious e xpulfion of
299
of one Wife, but alfo an unclean freedom by more than a patent to wed another adulcan we therefore with iafety thus dangerouily confine the free fimplicity teroufly ? How
of our Saviours
as
it
meaning
to that
which mcerly amounts from
fo
many
Letters,
when
can confift neither with his former and cautionary Word, nor with other more and holy Principles, nor finally with the fcope of Charity, commanding by his puie exprefsCommiiiion in a higher grain. But all rather of ncceliity mult be underftood as only againlt the abule of that wile and ingenuous liberty which Mofesgzvc, and to terrific a roaving Confcience from finning under that pretext.
CHAP.
That
to allow Sin fa
III.
Law,
is
apainft
the nature
of
the
La"ft>,
the end
of the Law-giVer, and the good of the People, lhat it makes God in the Law God. of fore more
than
hnpoffible there-
Author of Sin
or
any thhig
objected
by
the
Jefuits
Arminians
againjl <Predeftination.
let
I be thusgiv'n to a holy People for the hardnefsof Heart. fuppoie all will anBut here the contrary (ball be prov'd. Firlf, Iwcr, that for iome good end or other. that many ill effedts, but no good cud of luch a Sufferance can be (hewn; next, that a thing unlawful can for no good end what-ever be either done or allow'd by a poti-
BUT
us yet further
examine upon what Confederation
Law
of Licence could
tive
Law.
If there
were any good end aim'd
at,
that
end was then good either to the
or to the Lawgiver licencing ; or as ro the perfon licenc'd. Tint it could not be the end of the Law, wherher Moral or Judicial, to licenfc a Sin, I prove ealily out of Horn. 5. 20. The Law entered, that the offence might abound, that is, that Sin might be made abundantly manilelr to be hainous and dilplealing to God, that fo his offer'd
Law
Grace might be the more elteem'd.

fying
it
Sin, fhall
foretialls
Now if the Law inltead of aggravating and terriout it foils it felf, and turns recreant from its own end : Licence, give the pure Grace of Chrift which is through Pughteoufnefs, with impure inAnd
and that by certain and
fires is inltead of difcovering Sin, for by the true light for Men to
dulgences which are through Sin.
Law
the knowledge thereof, faith S. Paul,
walk
in fafely,
rlies
it
holds out
falle
and dazling
to ftumble
Men
or like thofe mi-
to run into with delight and be burnt : for how many Souls might eafito be lawful which the Law and Magifhate allow'd them ? Again, we read that rv think
ferable
out of a pure heart, and of a is good charity But could that be Charity to allow a People never confcience, what they could not ule with a pure Heart, but with Confcience and Faith bothdeThe more particular end of the Judicial Law is fet forth to ceiv'd, or elle defpis'd.
1
Tim. 1.5. The end of the Commandment

and offaith unfained.
That God hath giv'n to that Law a Sword not in vain, but to b* us clearly Rom. 13. If this tera terror to evil works, a revenge to execute wrath upon him that doth evil. but other to be acfhould forbear to were it rible Commiflion punilli wickednefs,
counted than cleannefs, can
partial
it
and unjult ? but if it begin to write indulgence to vulger Undo more fo corrupt and fhametheend of its own being? Laltly, if
the Law allow Sin, it enters into a kind of covenant with Sin ; and if it do, there is The Law, to ufe an Allegory not a greater Sinner in the World than the Law it felf. in Philo Judttu different from that fomething concerning AmalecV^ though haply more Ggnificant, the Law is the Ifraelite, and hath this abfolute charge given it, To blot out the memory of'Sin the Amalekfte from under heavn, not to forDeut. 25.
get
it.
Again, the
Law
is
the Ifraelite, and hath this exprefs repeated
Command
to
make
ro Covenant with Sin the Canaanite, but to expel him, left he prove a fnare. to fay truth, it were tOo rigid and reafonlefs to proclaim fuch an enmity between
And
Man
I not the the type of a greater enmity between Law and Sin. fpeak ev 'n now, as if Sin were condemn'd in a perpetual villendge never to be free by Law, never to be mamtmited : but fure Sin can have no tenure by Law at all, but is rather
and Man, were
it
an eternal Outlaw, and

traries, as
much allowing one
mifphere.
Or
if it
be
Law paft all atonement both diagonial Conanother, as Day and Night together both in one Hepoflible, that Sin with his darknris may come to compoiition,
in hoftility
with
( ?o )
it
furpafs
cannot be without a foul eclipfe and twilight to the Law, whofe brightnefs ought to Thus we fee how this unclean permittance defeats the facred and the Noon.
glorious
end both of the Moral and Judicial Law.

fuch a
-
lavifh remifnefs as this , good can the Lawgiver propofe to equity by it more increafcs if to remedy hardnefs of heart Partus and other Divines confefs, by their hearts that were more hard is it and how this Liberty, than is lelTn'd probable in this, that it fhould be yielded to, than in any other Crime? Their hearts were fet upon Llfury, and are to this day, no Nation more yet that which was the endamaging
As
little
and this which is thought the extream injury only of their Eftates was narrowly forbid ; difhoriour of their Wives and Daughters, with the defilement alfo of themielves, is under their beft Kings to offer in high bounteoufly allow'd. Their hearts were as hard that but a fmall thing, is ftridtly forewarn'd i this actho to the true God ;
places,
yet
counted a high offence againft one of the greateft moral Duties, is calmly permitted How can it be evaded but that the heavy cenfure of Chrifr fhould fall and eltablilht. the Scribes and Pharifees ? For they this worfe upon Lawgiver of theirs, than upon all did but omit Judgment and Mercy to trifle in Mint and Cummin, yet all according to Law but this their Law-giver, altogether as punctual in fuch niceties, goes marching on to Adulteries, through the violence of Divorce by Law againft Law. If it were
:,
ad of Pdat a fubordinate Judge to C&far, over-fwayed by thole hard hearts with much ado to fuffer one tranfgreffion of Law but once, wnat is rt then > with lefs ado to publiih a Law of tranfgrefiion for many Ages Did God for this come his Sinai whith down and cover the Mount of Glory, uttering in Thunder thofe his of his Wifdom and infinite Purenefs, bottcmlefs Trcafurcs of the out facred Ordinances to patch up an ulcerous and rott'n Common-wealth with Grief and iiern Injunctions,
fuch a curfed
wafh the skin and garments for every unclean touch, and fuch eafie permifiion giv'n to pollute the Soul with Adulteries by publick authority, without difgrace or queftion? No, it had been better that man had never known Law or Matrimony, then that iuch foul iniquity fhould be fafin'd upon the Holy One oiljrael, the Judge of all the earth, and fuch a piece of folly as Belztbub would not commit, to divide againft himfelf,
to
and pervert his own ends or if he to compafs more certain mifchief, might yield percertain evil for to fain fome good deed, yet that God fhould enadt a Licence of haps uncertain good againft his own glory and purenefs, is abominable to conceive. And as it is deftru&ive to the end of Law, and blafphemous to the honour of the Law,
If a private Friend admolicenc't. giver licenfing, fo is it as pernicious to the perfon nifh not, the Scripture faith, he hates his brother, and lets him ferifli ; but if he footh him and allow him in his faults, the Proverbs teach us he fire ads a net for his neigh-
bours feet,
ruin. If the Magiftrate or Prince forget to adminilkr due jultice, Eli and refirain not Sin ; himfelf could fay, it made the Lords people to tranfgrtfs. But his own example, what havock it makes both if he countenance them Law
and worketh
againft
by
in Religion and Vertue
among
the People,
may
be gueft by the anger
it
brought upon
Hophni and
felf faith,
Ph'tneas, not to be appeas'd
filent to declare Sin,
the People
lufi
he had not known
be under the illuminating guidance ot Gods Law, but under the horrible doom rather But where the Law of fuch as defpife the Gofpel, he that is filthy let htm be filthy ft ill. of condition what it felf mifery to imagine mifegives a warrant for Sin, I know not
or rather of the damenough for fuch a people, unlefs that portion of the wicked, cannot that but to 2 on 1 whom God threatens in queftionlefs Plain, rainfnares ned, be by any Law, which the Apoflles faith is a minifter'y ordain d of Codfor our Good, and
rable
:
himgenerally go affray, but by the law : and finely fuch a Nation feems not to
muds
toith facrifice nor effringjer ever. If the for the Apofile needs
Law be
not fo
many wayes and And this graduating.

I
in fo high a degree to our Deftrudtion, as we have now bin the Perfon licene'd in his hardis all the good can come to
1
nefs of heart.
next to mention that, which becaufe it is a ground in Divinity, Bom. }, will fave the labour of demonfirating, unlefs her giv'n Axioms be more doubted than in other Arts ( although it be no lefs firm in the pneepts of Fhilofcphy ) that a thing unlawful can for no good whatfeever be done, much lefs allow'd by a pofitive Law.
am
And this is the matter why Interpreters upon that pflTage in H'fta will notconfent it to be a.true ftoiy, that the Prophet tcok a Harlot to wife, hecaule Grd being a pure to his cw n nature, 1.0 not for fo good an Spirit, could not command a thing repugnant end as, to exhibit more to the life a whollome and perhaps a converting parable to many
Yet that he commanded the allowance of adulterous and injurious Divorces for hardnefs of heart, a rcafon obfeure and in a wrong fenfe, they can very favourily perfwade
an
Ifraelite.
(
ivvaJe themfelves
;
?oi)
thelcvcn of an old conceit. But they fliift it, he permitted only. Yet lilencc in the Law is confent, and confent is accefforyi why then is not the Law being lilent, or not active againfl a crime, acceiTory to its own conviction, it
is
fo tenacious
lelf
judging ? For tliough
we
Ihould grant, that

compelled
is
it
approves not, yet
it
wills
and the
Lawyers
Ethicks
be
evil.
Maxim
is,
that the will
yet the will.
And though
Ariflotle in his
a mixt Alien, yet he concludes it to he voluntary and inexcufable, if it iw juftly then might human Law and Philofophv rife up againli the righteit this be true which our Oufnefs ot fofes, vulgar Divinity fathers upon him, yea upon God himfelf, not (ilently and only negatively to permit, but in his Law to divulge a
call this
writtr-n and general priviledge to
commit and
for this
perlilt in
unlawful Divorces with a high

contriving,
hand, withlecurity and no

this
is
ill
fame:
is
more than permitting and
maintaining : this is warranting, this is protecting, yea this is doing evil, and fuch an evil as that reprobate Law-giver did, whole laliing infamy is ingrav'n upon
him
God
(urname, he who made Ifrael to fin. This is the lowcit pitch contrary to that publick fraud and in ju ft ice can defcend. If it be affirm'd, that God, as being Lord, may do what he will : yet we muft
like a
that God hath not two Wills, but one Will, much lels two contrary. he once will'd Adultery fhould be finful, and to be punilht by Death, all his Omnipotence will not allow him to will the allowance that his holielt People might as it were by
know
Antimonie, or counter-ftatute, live unreprov'd in the fame fad as he himelieem'd it, according to our common Explainers. The hidden ways of his Providence we adore and fearch not, but the Law is his revealed Will, his complear, his evident and certain Will ; herein he appears to us as it were in humane fhape, enters into Covenant with us, fwears to keep it, binds himfelf like a jult Law-giver to his own Prefcriptions, gives himfelf to be underltood by men, judges and is judg'd, meafures and is commenfurate to the right reafom cannot require lefs of us in one cantle of his Law than in another, his legal Jum'ce cannot be fo tickle and fo
his
felf
own
variable,
devouring fire, and by and by connivent in the embers, or, if I may fo fay, ofcitant and fupine. The vigor of his Law could no more remit, than the hallowed rire upon his Altar could be let go out. The Lamps that burnt before him need but the of his Law Of this alfo more beneath, never. might muffing, light in difcuffing a Solution of Rivetus. The Jeluits, and that Sect among us which is nam'd of At minim, are wont to
like a
fometimes
charge us of making God the Author of Sin, in two degrees efpecially, not to (peak of I. Becaufe we hold that he hath decreed fome to his Permiilion Damnation, and
:
fay they \ next, becaufe thofe means which are of faving knowmakes to them an occaiion of greater Sin. Yet confidering the perfection wherein Man was created, and might have flood, no Decree neceffifating his Free-will, but fubfequent, though not in time, yet in order to Caufes, which were
confequently to Sin,
ledge to others, he
power, they might methinks be perfwaded to ablolve both God and us. Dodhine of Plato and Chryfipptts, with their Followers the Academics and the Stoics, who knew not what a conlummat and moft adorned Pandora was beltow'd upon Adam to be the Nurfe and Guide of his arbitrary happinefs and perfeverance, 1 mean his native innocence and perfeCTion, which might hive kept him from and though they taught of Vertue and Vice to be both being our true Epimethem the gift of divine DeJHny, they could yet give reafons not invalid, to juftihe the Councils of God and Fate from the infulfity of mortal That Mans own will tongues felf-corrupted, is the adequat and fufficient caufc of his Difobedience befidcs Fate as Homer alfo wanted not to exprefs, both in his Iliad and Odtjfti. And Mamlitu the Poet, although in his fourth Book he tells of fome created both to Sin and Pnmflmenti yet without murmuring, and with an induftiious cheerfulnefs acquits the Deity. They were not ignorant in their Heathen lore, that it is molt God-like to thofe who of his Creatures became his enemies with the greateit punilnment punifh and they could attain alfo to think that the greateit, when God himfelf throws a man fartheft from himi which then he held they did, when he blinded, hardn'd, and ftirr'd up his Offenders to rinifh and pile up their defperate work fince they had unTo banifh for ever unto a local Hell, whether in the Air or in the dertak'n it. Center, or in that uttermoft and bottomlefs gulph of Chaos, deeper from holy Blifs than the World's Diameter multipli'd i they thought not a punifhing fo proper and Thus were the comproportionate for God to inflict, as to punifh Sin with Sin. mon fort of Gentiles wont to think, without any wry thoughts call upon divine Goin his
own
Whenas
the
-,
-,
'
vernance.
And
therefore Cicero., not in his Thfculan or
Companian retirements among

the
the learned
( ?02 ) Wits of that Age, but ev'n in the
Setiat to a roixt
Auditory ( though
he were ("paring otherwife to broach his Philofophy among Statills and Lawyers ) yet as to this point both in his Oration againlt Pifo, and in that which is about the Aniwers of the Soothsayers againft Clodius,
he declares
it
publickly as
no paradox to
That God cannot punifh than Hill by making him more linful. ev'n among Heathen Difputers. Jultice of God Hood upright
common
Ears,
msn more, nor make him more miferable, Thus we fee how in this Controverfy the
But if any one be trufor Gods honour, here I call him forth before Men not zealous and ly, pretendedly and Angels, to ufe his beft and moft advifed skill, leil God more unavoidably than ever yet, and in the gnllticfl manner, be made the Author of Sin: if he fhall not to fin as a punifhmenf, but fhall only deliver over and incite his enemies by rebuke by his broadfeal allow his friend whom he would fandtifie and lave, under own patent whom he would unite to himfelf and not disjoin, whom he would corredf. by wholfome chaflning, and not punifli as he doth the damned by lewd finning, if he fhall allow thefe in his Law the perfedt rule of his own pureft Will, and our mod edify'd without the leaf! Confcience,the perpetrating of an odious and manifold Sin contefting. 'Tis wondet'd how there can be in God a fecret and reveafd Will ; and yet what
wonder,
caiife
if
there be in
man two
anfwerable CaufeS.
But here there muft be two

reafonable
revealed Wills grappling in a fraternal
war with one another without any

lcfs
than to ingraft Sin into the fubfiance of apprehended. the Law, which Law is to provoke Sin by croffing and forbidding, not by complying with it. Nay this is, which I tremble in uttering, to incarnate Sin into the onTo avoid thefe dreadful conftquences that punifhing and well-pleas'd Will of God. tread the heels of thofe allowances to Sin, will be a task of far more diffi-
This cannot be
upon
and wary Confcience culty than to appeafe thofe minds which perhaps out of a vigilant that a Law wholly we Thus Predcliination. conclude, rinilly may except againlt
to a holy people for giving licence cannot upon any good ccnfideration be given haiduefs of heart in the vulgar fenic.
CHAP.
That if Divorce be no Qommand,
rlo
IV.
more
is
Marriage.
lawful.
That Di-
vorce could he no Vijpcnfation if
it
"fieft
The Solution
of Rivetus, That God dijpene'd by fome unknown way, ought

not to
Jatisfe
a Chrijlian mind.
think to evade the matter by not granting any

a Difpenfation, OThers a
Law
which
or
if
is
contrary to the
words of Chrift,
of Divorce, but only who himfelf calls it then
Law, Mark.
it
10.
is
5.
we fpeakofa command
in the flridteft Definition,
Marriage
felf
no more a
contain.
Command
But
then Divorce, but only a free Permiffion ro

the fame as before of the
him who cannot Law,

that
it
as to difpenfation I affirm,
can never be given to the allowance of Sin, God cannot give it neither not in refpedr of himfelf, being a moft in refpedr of himfelf, nor in refpedt of man fin of neither can he make that ceafe to be a Sin pure Effence, the j avenger
:
juft
not unjuft and impure, as all Divorces they fay for Adultery. Not in refbedt of Man, for then it muft be either to his good or to his evil. Not to his good nofor how can that be imagined any good to a Sinner
is
which
hi
it
felf
were which were
whom
:,
thing but rebuke and due correction can fave, to hear the determinate Oracle of Divine Law louder then any reproof difpenfing and providing for the impunity and convenience of Sin to make that doubtful, or rather lawful, which the end of the Law was to make moll evidently hateful ? Nor to the evil of man can a Difpence be given \ for
-,
Rom. 7. 10. how can the fame God publifh Diflife-, muft that which needs be unto death ? Ablurd and monftrous peuces again)! Law, would that Difpence be, if any Judge or fhould give it a man to cut his own orelfeitis or to himfelf. damn therefore throat, Difpence prefuppofes full Pardon,
if the
Law
were ordain'd unto
Law
Covenant with
not a Difpence but a moft baneful and bloudy (hare. And why fhould God enter and good, Rom. a People to be holy, as the Commands holy, andjit(t, 7. 12. and yet fuffer an impure and treacherous Difpence to miilead and betray them under the vizard of Law to a legitimate pradtife of uncleannefs ? God is no Covenant,
breaker
he cannot do
this.
Rivet us y
(**>
Rivetut, a diligent and learned Writer , having well weighed what hath been written by thofe Founders of Difpence, and finding the fmall Agreement among them, would fain work himfelf aloof thefc Rocks and Quickfands, and thinks it belt to conclude that God certainly did difpence, but fome to us and fo
by
to leave
if.
But to
,
this
oppofe,
fo
thataChriftian by
way unknown, no means ought reft himfelf
in
many Abfurdities will ftrait rerlcfl: both againlt the Purity, Juftice, and Wifdom of God, the end alfo both of Law and Gofpel, and the comGod indeed in fome ways of his Providence is high parifon of them both together. and fecrer, pall rinding out but in the delivery and execution of his Law, efpecially in tbe managing of a duty fo daily and fo familiar as this is whereof we reafon, hath
whereby
:
fuch an ignorance
plainly enough revealed himfelf, and requires the obfcrvance thereof not otherwife, then to the Law of nature and of equity imprinted in us fecms And correfpondcnt. he hath taught us to love and to extol his Laws, not only as they arc his, but as they arcjudand good to every wife and fober underffanding. Therefore Abraham, even to the face of God himfelf, feemed to doubt of divine Jultice, if it fliould fvverve from obferve
it had eniightned the mind of man, and bound it (elf to Wilt thou dtjlroy the righteous with the wicked ? that be far from thee fliall not the Judge of the earth do right? thereby declaring that God hath created a righteoufnefs in right it felf, againit which he cannot do. So David, Pf.np. The teftimonies which thou haft commanded are and word
that irradiation wherewith

its
own
rule.
very faithful ; thy only then for the Authors fake, He* faithful, faith S. Paul, he cannot deny himfelf , that is, but for its own purity. cannot deny his own Promifes, cannot but be true to his own Rules. He often pleads with men the uprighmefs of his ways by their own How fhould we imirighteous
tsvtrypure, therefore
thy fcrv ant loveth
it .
Noc
Principles.
to be ferfeil as he it perfect ? If at pleafure he can difpence with golden Poetick Ages of fuch pleallng licence, as in the fabled Reign of old Saturn, and this perhaps before the Law might have fome covert, but under fuch an undifpencing Covenant as Mofes made with them, and not to tell us why and wherefore, indultate
ellc,
him
how the
We muff be refolved gence cannot give quiet to the brealt of any intelligent man. La w can be pure and perfpicuous, and yet throw a polluted skirt over thefe
:
worfe in this then the Eleufinian Myfterie?, that no man can utter what they mean worlt Obfcenities ot Heathen Superftitioni for their filthinefs was hid, but the myilick reafon thereof known to their Sages. But this Jewifh imputed filthinefs was daily and open, but the reafon of it is not known to our Divines. know of no delign the Gofpel can have to impofe new Righteoufnefs upon works, but to remit the old
We
by
faith
without works,
if
we mean
juftifying
works:
We know
no myftery out
Saviour could have to lay new Bonds upon Marriage in the Covenant of Grace which himfelf had loofned to the feverity of Law. So that Rivetus may pardon us if
we
ties
cannot be contented with his non-folution, to remain in fuch a peck of uncertainand doubts, fo dangerous and gaftly to the fundamentals of our faith.
CHAP.
to as we can THerefore
V.
is.
VVhAt a Di/penfatim
get fome better fatisfa&ion, we mud proceed to inquire as what a Difpenfation is, which I find to be either properly fo
diligently
call'd,
or
improperly. Improperly fo call'd, is rather a particular and exceptive Law, abfolving and difobliging from a more general for fome juft and reafonable caulc. As
Command
were unclean, or in a journey, had leave to keep the Pafleover in the fecond Month, but otherwife ever in the firfi. As for that in Leviticus of marryp. they
Numb.
who
ing the brothers wife, it was a penal ftatute rather than a difpence ; and commands nothing injurious or in it felf unclean, only prefers a fpecial reafon of Charity before an inllitutive Decency, and perhaps is meant for life-time onely, as is expreft beneath in the prohibition of taking two tillers. What other Edidtof Mofes, carrying but the fcmblance of a Law in any other may bear the name of a Difpence, 1 have not
kind,
But a Difpenfation moll properly is fome particular accident rarereadily to inltancr. ly hapning, and therefore not fpecihed in the Law, but left to the deciiion of Charity,
even under the bondage of Jewiih Rites,
much more
under the liberty of the Gofpel.
Thus
?4 )
Thus
of God, and did eat the Shewbread, he anihis folOf fuch difpences as thefe it was that Ferwas which ceremonially unlawful. lowers, dune the French Divine fo gravely difputed in the Council of Trent againfi Friar AdriIt is a that the Pope might diipenfe with any thing. fond perfi;:fion, an, who held
did
David enter
into the houft
faith
is
Verdune, that difpenfng
is
a favour
it
I
mofl,
tation
and the of Law.
Prieft fins if he gives
Thus
is
far that
it is as ; nay good difiributive jufiice as what not, for it it nothing elfe hut a right interprecan learn touching this matter wholibiiily decreed.
the giver of every good and perfect gift, Jam. r. fhould give But out a rule and dire&ory to iin by, fhould enad a Difpenfation as long liv'd as a Law,
that God, who
whereby
to live in privileg'd Adultery for hardnefs of heart
and
this obdi/.rate difeafe
cannot be conceived
was the more amended by this unclean remedy, is the mofi dradly and Scorpion-like gift that the enemy of mankind could have given to any miferable tinner, and is rather fuch a Difpence as that was which the Serpent gave
it
how
God gave Quails in his wrath, and Kings in his wrath, yet jif ito our riilt parents. but that he whole eyes cannot behold imputhcr of the(e things evil in themfelvcs
:,
fhould in the book of his holy Covenant, his mofi unpaffionate Law, give licence and (tatute for uncontrolled Adultery, although it go for the receiv'd Opinion,
rity,
1 fhjll
never diffuade
my
foul
from fuch
a Creed,
fuch an Indulgence as the fhop of
Antiehrifi never forg'd a baier.
CHAP.
That
the
VI.
Jem had no more

and
Chrijiian bath,
right to this fuppofed Difpence than the rather not much.
fo
if we mud needs difpence, let us for awhile fo far difpence with Truth, as to grant that fin may be yet there will be copious rcafon found to difpene'd prove that the Jew had no more right to fuch a fuppos'd Indulgence than theChrillian, whether we look at the clear knowledge wherein he liv'd, or the Uriel performance of
BUT
both
works whereto he was bound. Belides Vilions and Proprieties, they had the Law of God, which in the Pfalms and Proverbs is chiefly prais'd for furenefs and certainty,
and perfect to the enlightning of the fimple. How could it be fo obfeure or (o blind in this houfhold and then, fottifhly they plain, moral, duty ? They had the fame Prtcepcs about Marriage ; Chrift added nothing to their clearnefs, for that had
eafie
argued them imperfedl ; he opens not the Law, but removes the Pharifaick mills rais'd between the Law and the peoples eyes : the only fentence which he adds, What God hath joynd ht no man put afunder, is as obfeure as any claufe fetch'd out of Genefts,
and hath encreas'd a yet undecided Controverfie of clandeftine Marriages. If wc examine over all his Sayings, we (hall find him not fo much interpreting the Law with his words, as referring his own words to be interpreted by the Law, and oftiier obicures his mind in fhort, and and vehement, cempadt fentences, to blind and puzzle them the mnore who would not underfland the Law. The Jews therefore were as little to be difpene'd with for lack of moral knowledge as we. Next, none 1 think will deny, but that they were as much bound to perform the Law as any Chriliian. That fevere and rigorous knife not fparing the tender foreskin of any male infant, to carve into his fltfh the mark of that ftridt and pure Covenant
whereinto he entered, might give us to underltand enough againft the fancy of S. Paul teitihes, that penling. every circutneis'd Man is a debtor to the whole
Gal.<y. ox
t\fc
it
dif-
Law,
rous muft
ciramcifion is in vain, 0.2.25. How vain then, and how prepoileneeds be to exact a circumcifion of the flefh from an infant unto an out-
ward
lign of purity, and to difpence an uncircumcifion in the foul of a to an inward and real vain that Law to impurity ?
How
grown man
again was.^
impofe tedious
expiations for every flight iin of ignorance and error, and to privilege without penance or difturbance an odious crime whether of ignorance or obftinacy ? How unjuft alfo infliding death and extirpation for the mark of circumfiantial purehefs omitted, and proclaiming all honeft and liberal indemnity to the adt of a fubfiantialimpureneis committed, making void the Covenant that was made Thus if we conit ?
againft
of the Law, to be circumcis'd and to perform all,not pardoning lo much as the fcapes of error and and ignorance, compare this with the condition of the Gofiider the tenor
pcl,
( *o 5 )
I fuppofe it cannot be long ere we grant that the Jew performance of every duty as was pultible, and therefore could not be difpene'd with more than the Chrifttan, perhaps not fo much.
pel,
Believe
and be baptized,
was bound
as ftridtly to the
CHAP.*
That
the Go/pel
is
VII.
apter to difpence than the
Law.
Paraeus an-
Jwered.
no rcafon why the Jew (hould be more gently dealt then furcly the Gofpel can afford as little why the Chriitian fhould be Ids gently dealt with than the Jew. The Gofpel indeed exhorts to Hence thofe highefi perfection, but bears with weakelt infirmity more than the Law.
then the
will afford
Law
IF with than theChriltian,
indulgences, All cannot receive this faying, Every man hath his proper gift, with The nature of exprefs charges not to lay on yokes which our forefathers could not bear.
Man fiill is as weak, and yet as hard, and that weaknefs and hardnefs as unfit and as unteachable to be hardily ufed as ever. Ibut, faith Paratu, there is a greater portion of fpirit poured upon the Gofpel, which requires from us perfe&er obedience. I anfwer, This does not prove that the Law therefore might give allowance to tin more
then the Gofpel , and if it were no fin, we know it the work of the Spirit to ?nortifie our cornpt deftres and evil concupifcence s but not to root up our natural affections and difartedf ions, moving to and fro even in wifefi men upon jult and nectflary rcafon,
which were the
true
is
Law required as perfect obedience as the Gofpel. Befides, that the prime end of the Gofpel is not fo much to exact our obedience as to reveal Grace, and the fatisfaction of our difobedience. What is now exadfed from us it is the accufing Law that does it, even yet under the Gofpel, but cannot be more extreme to us now than to the Jews oi old ^ for the Law ever was of Works, and the ever was of
Gofpel
Grace.
pleading. in that 1 itill affirm the
What
ground of that Mofaick Difpence, and is the utmoft extent of our more or lefs perfect we difpute not, but what is fin or no fin. And
Law by harmlefs and needful Difpences, which the Gofpel is now muft have anticipated and exceeded the Grace of the Gofpel, or elfe muft be found to have given politick and fuperficial Graces without real paidon, faying in general, Do this and live, and yet deceiving and damning under-hand with unfound and hollow permiffions, which is utterly abhorring ftom the end of all Law. But if thofe Indulgences were fafe and finlefs, out of tender^ as hath been (hewed. nefs and compaflion, as indeed they were, and yet fhall be abrogated by the Gofpel, then the Law, whole end is by rigor to magnifie Grace, fhall it lei (give Grace, and pluck a fair plume from the Gofpel, inftead of halining us thither, alluring us f.om
Either then the
to deny,
made
it.
And whereas
mildnefs of Grace
clare the
Grace Grace of the Gofpel , and now the Gofpel by a new affected firictnefs of her own fhall extenuate the Grace which her felf offers. For by exacting a duty which tilt Law difpens'd, if we perform it, then is Grace diminifh'd, by how much performance
advances,
unlel's
Law was as a fervant to amplitic and illuiirate the the unmildnefs of Evangelick Grace fhall turn fervant to deand Mildnefs of the rigorous Law. The Law was harfh to extol the
the terror of the
:
now
the Apoftle argue wrong : if we perform it not, and perifh for not If performing, |jjen are the conditions of Grace harder than thofe of Rigor. through Faith and Repentance we perifh not, yet Grace Hill remains the lrfs, by requiring that which Rigor did not require, or at leali n#fo (tri&ly. Thus much therefore to Pa-
ram,
the
that if the Gofpel require perfectrr
Obedience than the
Law as
Duty,
it
exalts
Law
and debafes
it felf,
which
is
difhonourable to the
work of our Redemption.
Seeing therefore that

allowance ought.
all
as well to the Chrijlians
the caufes of any allowance that the Jens mi^ht have, remain ; this is a certain rule, that fo long as the caufes remain, the
thus at length inquired the truth concerning
And having
Difpence, their ends,
their ufes, their limits,
and
in
what manner both
Law and Jew and Chri-
fiian ftand liable to the one, or capable of the other, we may (afrly conclude, that to affirm the giving of any Law or Lawlike Difpence to fin for haidnefs of heart, is a
do&rine of that extravagance from the fage principles of Pit ty, that whofo confiders but admire how this hath been digelkd all this while. throughly, cannot
CHAP.
?o6)
CHAP.
The
true
VIII.
Divorce for
heir
fenfe how
Moles fujfered
dmfs
of heart.
WHat
if
it
may we do
I
that
am
confident
then to falve this Teeming inconfiftence ? I mufi not difLmble it can be done no other way than this :
Mofes, Dent. 24. 1. efhblilht a grave and prudent Law, full of moral equity, full of due confideration towards Nature, that cannot be refilled, a Law confenting witft the Laws of wifell Men and civileli Nations That when a Man ha;h married a Wife
,
to pafs he cannot love her by reafonof fome difplealing natural quality or unfitnefs in her, let him write her a Bill of Divorce. The intent of which Law un-
come
doubtedly was this, that if any good and peaceable Man fhould difcover fome helplels difagreement or diflike either of mind or body, whereby he could not cheerfully perform the duty of a Husband without the perpetual difjembling of offence and disturbance to his fpirit j rather than to live uncomfortably and unhappily both to himfelf and to his Wife, rather than to continue undertaking -a duty which he could not
polfibly difcharge,
fctoi/ably retain.
he might difmils her
And
to
this
30. 21,23.
teflifies
he could not tolerably and fo not conthe Spirit of God by the mouth of Solomon, Prov. be a good and a neceftary Law, by granting it that hated
whom
Law
Woman
bear.
( for fo the
Hebrew word
one ) that
A hated
?
rather than odiom, lignifies,

is
though
it
come
all
to
What
married, follows then but that the charitable Law
Woman, when jhe
is
a thing that the Earth cannot mult remedy what Nature can-
not undergo
Now that many licentious
and hard-hearted
Men
took hold ci
this
Law
to cloke their bad And thefe were they, purpofes, is nothing llrange to believe. not for Mofes made the Law, God forbid, but whofe hardnefs of heart taking ill advantage by this Law, he held it better to fuffer as by accident, where it could not
whom
lawful privilege of rememen (hould lofe their ju(t Chrilt therefore anfwer thefe to dy tempting Phariles, according as his cuflom having was, not meaning to inform their proud ignorance what Mofes did in the true intent of the Law, which they had ill cited, cauie for which Mofes gave it, fuppreffing the true
be detected, rather then good

:
and
and extending
it
to
every flight matter,
tells
them
their
own, what Mofes was
fore'd
to fuffer by their abufe of his Law. Which is yet more plain if we mark that our Saviour in Matth. 5. cites not the Law of Mofes % but the Pharifaical tradition
falfly
grounded upon that Law. And in thofe other places, Chap. i<?. and tJlfark 10. the Phariles cite fhe Law, but conceal the wife and humane reafon there expreft i which our Saviour corrects not in them, whofe pride deferv'd not his inltrudrion, only returns them what is proper to them > Mofes for the hardnefs of your heart fuffer 'd you, that isfuchasyou, to fat away your wives ; and to you he wrote this precept for that caufe, which ( to you) mult be read with an impreilion, and underllood limitedly of fuch as cover'd ill purpofes under that Law: and it was feafonable that
they lhould hear their own unbounded licence rebuk'd, but not feafonable for them to hear a good man's requifitc liberty But us he hath taught better, if vve explain'd. have ears to hear. He himfelf acknowledg'd it to be a Law, Mark^ 1 o. and being a
Law of God,
mult have an undoubted end of charity, which may be u? d with & pure heart, agood confeience, and faith unfeigned, as was heard: it cannot allow fin, but is There we learn purpofely to refill fin, as by the fame chap. toTimothy appears. alfo that the Law is of doubt Out then it there mull be a man lawfully. good, if ufe a certain good in this Law which and there rfflght be an unMofes willingly allow'd, lawful ufe made thereof by it which that was Mofes hypocrite? ^ unwillingly fufit
ajjfl
fer 'd,
forefeeing
it
in general, but
not able to difcern
it
in particulars.
Chii.'l there-
fore
mentions not here what Mofes and the Law intended, for good Men might know that by many other rules: and the fcornful Pharifes were not fit to be told, until they
lefs
could imploy that knowledge they had what Mofes by them was put to fuffer.
abufively.
Only he acquaints thrni with
CHAP,
( ?7 )
CHAP.
The words of
viour's
the
Jnftitution
to his
IX.
;
how
to
be under flood
and
of our Sa-
A)fwer
Difciples.
D to entertain a little their overweening arrogance as bell befitted, and to ama7e them yet further, becaufe they thought it no hard matter to iul/71 the Law, he draws them up to that inseparable iniiitution which God ordain 'd in the beginning before the fall, when Man and Woman were both perfect, and could have no caufe to feparate: juft as in the fame Chap, he Hands not to contend with the arrogant young Man who boafled his obfervance of the whole Law, whether indeed he had
AN
kept
it
or not, but skrues

to imitate.
him up
in like
is
bound
And
manner
higher to a task of that perfection, which no man that patem of the firit iniiitution he let be-
For this is a foltd no -otherwile then that reafon holds. Of this fort was that command in Eden Therefore ffliall a Man cleave to his Wife, and they Jl>ali be one fiefl) : which we fee is no abiolufe command, but with an inference, Therefore: the rralon then mull be firfl confider'd, that our
-,
fore the opinionarive Pharifees, to dazle them, and not to bind us. rule, that every command given with reafon, binds our obedience
The riiil is, for it is not (ingle, becaufe the Wife is his as in the verfe going before. But this reafon cannot of fief}, flefh for why then (bould he for his Wife leave his Father and Mother be fufficicnt of it kit
obedience be not milobtdience.
to the Husband
:
fie fh offlrflj, and bone of bone, as being made of their fubcan be but a lorry and ignoble Ibciety of life, whofe infeparable Therefore we muli look injunction depends meerly upon flefh and bones. higher, fincc Chrilt himfclf recalls us to the beginning, and we fhall find that the primitive reafon of never divorcing,was that facred and not vain promife of God to remedy man's Lonelinefs by making him a meet help for him, though not now in ptrfe&ion, as at hill i yet Hill in proportion as things now are. And this is repeated verf. 20. when all
with
whom
?
he
is far
more
flance
And
bclides,
it
other creatures were fitly aflbciated and brought to Adam, as if the divine power had bin in fomecare and deep thought, becaufe there was not yet found a help meet for Man. And can we fo flightly deprefs the allwife purpofe of a deliberating God, as if his confutation had produe'd no other good for Man but to joyn him with an acciden-
companion of propagation, which his fudden word had already made for every bead ? nay a far lefs good to Man it will be found, if (be mufl at all adventures be faflned upon him individually. And therefore even plain fenfe and equity, and, which is above them both, the all interpreting voice of Charity her felf cries loud that this primitive reafon, this confulted promife of God to make meet help , is the only caufe that gives authority to this command of not divorcing, to be a command. And it might be further added, that if the true definition of a Wife were ask'd in good eartal
ned, this claufe being amtet help would (hew

that demonflrative argument, that
it
it
felf fo
neceffary,
and fb
effential in
naturally and perpetually is the difficulty of difmifling fuch a one.
might be logically concluded : therefore (he no meet help, can be no Wife j which clearly takes
If this
fit
who, away
by nature, for then thofe Mofaick^ Divorces had been againfl nature, if feparable and infeparable be contraries, as who doubts they be? and what is againfl nature is againft Law, if foundeft Philofophy abufeus not : by this reckoning Mofet fhould be mofl unmofaickj, that is mofl illegal, not to Nor is it iufeparable by the firfl iniiitution for then no fecond fay mofl unnatural. iniiitution in the fame Law for fo many caufes could diffolve it \ it being mofl unworthy a humane (as Plato s judgment is in the fourth book of his Laws) much more a divine But what Lawgiver, to write two fcveral Decrees upon the fame thing. would Plato have deemed if the one of thefe were good, the other evil to be done ? Laftly, fuppofe it be infeparable by inftitution, yet in competition with higher things, as Religion and Charity in mainefl manners, and when the chief end is frullrate for which it was ordained, as hath been fhewn, if flill it mufl remain infeparable, it holds a llrange and lawlefs propriety from all other works of God under Heaven. From
:
further, that Marriage, unlefs it mean a ble neither by nature nor inftitution. Not
be not thought enough, I anfwer yet and tolerable Marriage, is not infepara-
thefe
many
confiderations
we may
fafely
gather, that fo
all,
much of
the
firfl
inftitution
as our Saviour mentions, for he
mentions not
was but
Rt2
to quell and put to nonplus the
Oo8)
the tempting Pharifces, and to lay open their ignorance and (hallow underfianding of the Scriptures. For, faith he, Have ye not read that he which made them at the beginning,
made them male and female, and/aid, for thu caufe fia/l a man cleave to his ot Mefes Chair could not gainfay : as if this (ingle Wife? which thefc blind uturptrs female were fufficienr againlt a thouiand inconveniences and mifand male of refpeft
to his endlels lorrow chiefs,to clog a rational creature unrehncjui(hab]y,'under the guileWhat if they had thus anfwer'd? ful fuperfcription of his intended folace and comfort. Matter, il thou mean to make Wedlock as infeparable as it was from the beginning,
let it
God meant it, which we (hall foon underhand it whole reafon of the Law. DoubtlciS our Saviour had ought to be, if then they had expounded his command of For their juft anfwer. applauded Paradife, even as Mofes himfelf expounds it by his Laws of Divorce, that is, with due and wife and Realons of the hrft command ; according to regard had to the Premiles which, without unclean and temporizing permilhons, he inliru&s us in this imperfect Hate what we may lawfully do about Divorce.
be
made
alio a
fit
focietv, as
thou
recite the
But if it be thought that the Difci pies, offended at the rigor of ChrilVs anfwer, could yet obtain no mitigation of the firmer ientrnce pronoune'd to the Pharifees, it may be fully anfwertd, that our Sav our continues the (ame reply to his Difciples, as men leavened with the fame cuftomary licence which the Phariiees maintained, and difpleafcd at the removing of a tiad,tunal<ibule,wheretothey had fo long not unwillingly
it was no time tiitn to contend with their flow and been ufed prejudicial belief, in a thing wherein an ordinary meafure ot light in Scripture, with fome attention, might afterwards inform them well rnough. And yet ert Chrift had finifhed this ar:
gument, they might have pick'd out ot their minds, and in erlt&the fame with
audience
he that
:
his
own
that
concluding words an anfwer more to which hath been all this while intreating
man's mild and
All men, faid he- cannot receive thu faying, fave to whom it is they given -, \A hat able to receive it, let him receive it. faying is this which is left to a choice to rective,or not receive ? what but the married life ? Was our Saviour fo
is
fo favourable to
the wcaknels of
(ingle
Man, and
is
he turn'd on the ludden
fo rigorous and inexorable to the dillreflrs and extremities of an ill- wedded Man ? Did he fo gracioufly give leave to change the better fingle life for the wcrfe married life? Did he open fo to us this hazardous and accidental door of Marriage to fhut upon us like the gate of death, without retradting or returning, without to
permitting
the worlt,
infupportable, molt unchriftian mhchance of Marriage, for all the mifchiefs and forrows that can enfue, being an Ordinance which was efpecially
mod
change
given
as a Cordial and exhilarating Cup of folace, the better to bear our other crofTes and atflidions ? Quettionlefs this were a hard-heartednefs of undivorcing, worfe than
diflbnant
that in the Jews, which they fay extorted the allowance from Mofes, and is utterly from all the Doftrine of our Saviour. After thefe conliderations therefore, to take a Law out of Paradife given in time of original perfection, and to take it barely
jult
much
and equal inferences and rcatons which mainly eftablifh it, nor fo admitting thofe needful and fafe allowances wherewith Mojes himfelf interprets it to the fain condition of Man, argues nothing in us but rahbnefs and contempt of thofe means that God left us in his pure and chad Law, without which it will not
without thofe
as
ftridf.
be poilible for us to perform the
yond our
ftrength,
we
(hall ftrive to
obey
impofition of this command : or if we ftrive beit otherwife than God commands it. And
lamented Experience daily teaches the bitter and vain fruits of this our prefumption, forcing Men in a thing wherein we are not able to judg either of their ftrength or of their fufTerance. Whom neither one vice or other by natural addiction, but only Marriage which doubtlcfs is not the fault of that Ordinance, for God gave it as a blefruins, not fing, always of man's mifchufing i it being an error above wifdom to prevent, as examples of wifeft men fo miftaken manifeft : it is the fault therefore of a
perverfe
continued in defpight of Nature and Reafon, when indeed it was never fo truly joyn'd. All thofe Expolitors upon the fifth of Matthew confefs the Law of Mofes to be the Law of the Lord, wherein no addition or diminution hath
Opinion that
will have
it
coming to the point of Divorce, as if they fear'd not to be calPd leaft in Kingdom of Heaven, any flight evafion will content them to reconcile thofe contradictions which they make between Chrift and Mofes, between Chrili and Chrift.
place
;
yet
the
CHAP.
39
C H
The wain flnft of
thofc
A P
X.
the
who make
Law
of Divorce
to he
only the Premifes of a fucceeding

will have
it
Law.
no Law, but the granted premifes of another Law following, words of Chrift, Mark. 10. 5. andall other Tranflations of graved Authority, who render it in form of a Law- agreeable to Mai. 1. 16. as it is molt ancient and modernly expounded. BefiJes, the bill of Divorce, and the particular occalion therein mention'd, declares it to be And what avails orderly and legal. this to make the matter more righteous, if flich an adulterous condition (hall be mention'd to build a Law upon, without cither Punifhment or fo much as forbidding ?
SO:ne contrary to the
they pretend it is implicitly reprov'd in thefe words, Dent. 24. 4. after JJk is defiled; but who fees not that this defilement is only in refpedt of returning to her former Hufband after an intermixt Marriage ? elfe why was not the defiling condition fid! forbiddcn,which would have faved the labour of this after Law ? nor is it feemly or pioufly attributed to the JulHcc of God and his known hatred of Sin, that fuch a heinous fault as this through all the Law fhould be only whipp'd with an implicite and oblique touch, (which yet is falfly fuppos'd) and that his peculiar People (hould be let wallow in adulterous Marriages almolt two thoufand years, for want of a direct Law to prohibit them :
rather to be confidently aiTumed that this was granted to apparent neceflities. as being of unqueftionable right and reafon in the Law of Nature, in that it Kill
'tis
pafles
without inhibition, even

rectly forbidden.
when
greateit
caufe
is
given to us to expedr
it
mould be di-
CHAP.
The
other
XI.
m
Divorce was permitted by Law, but flnft offaying

not approv'd.
More of the
hjlitution.
BU
fraud,
(till it
it was not approv'd. So much the worfe that it was allow'd ; as if Sin had overmafter'd the Word of God, to conform her fteddy and ftrait rule to Sins
Befides, what needed crookednefs, which is impoflible. which was not approv'd ? it rellrain'd no liberty to him
a politive grant of that that could but ufe a little
the Greeks, that No man is wicked willingly. Which alio the Peripateticks. do rather then What thank then if any man, deny. great diftinguim reputed wife and conliant,
it had been better filene'd unlefs it were approved in fome cafe or other. But was not approv'd. Miferable Excufers He who doth evil that good may come and yet the grand Rule forbids him, and counts thereby, approves not what he doth bis damnation jult if he do it. The Sorcerefs Medea did not approve her own evil doand it is the conllant Opinion of Plato's ings, yet look'd not to be excus'd for that and orher his of Dialogues agreeing with that Proverbial Sentence among Protagoras,
!
will neither do, nor permit others under his charge to do that which he approves nor, of efpecially in matter of Sin? But for a Judge, but for a Magiftrate and
Shepherd
his People, to furrender up his approbation againlt obftinacy of his heart, what more un-Judge-like,
Law
and
it
his
own Judgment,
to the
more
War more un-Commander-like? Twice

man
State,
firlt
in a fhort time
un-Magiftrate-like, and in was the undoing cf the Ro-
when Pompey> next when Marcus Brutus, had not magnanimity but to fo poor a rcfignation of what they make enough approv'd, to what the boiftcrous Tribunes and Souldiers bawfd tor. Twice it was the faving of two the greateit Common-wealths in the World, of jitbens by Tbemiftocles at the Sea right of Salamis of Rome by Fabius Maximus in the PimickJWar, tor that thefe two matchlcfs Generals had the fortitude at home theralhnefs and the clamours of their own Capagainft
;
and Confederates, to withftand the doing, or permitting of what they could not But approve in their duty of their great command. Thus far of civil prudence.
tains
when we fpeak of Sin, let us look again upon the old reverend Eli ; who in his heavy Ptuilh nent found no difference between the doing and permitting of what he did not
( *io ) in of heart the people may be an excufe. why then is Pilat not approve. branded through all memory ? He approv'd not what he did, he openly prottlitd, he wafh'd his hands, and laboured not a little ere he would yield to the hard hearts of a whole People, both Princes and Plcbeans, importuning and tumuking even to the Yet is there any will undertake his caufe ? If therefore Pi'.tt for iuffear of a revolt.
If hardncfs
one ad of cruelty againlt Law, though with much unwillingnels teftify'd, fering but at the violent demand of a whole Nation, fhall ftand to black upon record to all polie' what fhall we (ay for him while we aie taught to believe he rity ? Alas for Mofes
not one att onely both of cruelty and uncleannefs in one Divorce, but made a it 3gainft Law, whereby ten thouiand ads, accounted both plain and lafiing cruel and unclean, might be daily committed, and this without the lean iuit or petition of the People that we can read of.
lufTer'd
Law
could endure fo
And can we conceive without vile thoughts, that the Majefiy and Holinefs ofGod many Ages to gratirie a itubborn people in the practice of a foul pol? and could he Sin exped they fhould abftain, he not fignifying his mind in a luting at fuch time efpecially when he was framing their Laws and them to command, plain
all
But they poffible perfection why was not that individual inftitution
?
the hrft infiitution j nay rather out of Paradife, as was that of the brought Sabbath, and repeated in the Body of the Law, that men might have underftood it to be a command ? for that any fentence that bears the refemblance of 3 precept, fct there fo out of place in another World, at fuch a diftance from the whole Law, and not once mention'd there, fhould bean obliging command to us, is very disputable, and perhaps it might bedeny'd to be a command without further difpute however, it com:
were to look back to
abfolutely, as hath bin clcar'd, but only with reference to that precedent of God, which is the very ground of his inftitution ; if that appear not in promife lbme tolerable fort, how can we affirm fuch a matrimony to be the fame which God
mands not
inl'tituted
In fuch an accident
it
will bell
behoove our fobernefs to follow rather what
moral Sinai prefcribes equal to our firength, then fondly to think within our ftrength all that loft Paradife relates.
CHAP.
The
third
XU.
TroVd
them fhift of
who ejieem
it
again to be a
Law
a meer Judicial Law. of moral equity.
the Miniftry of Chrift came not to deal with. And who put it in mans power to exwhere Chrift not in of empt, fpeaks general abrogating the haft jot or tittle, and in not that of it follows becaufe Divorce, among thofe Laws which he premis'd fpecial
exprefly not to abrogate, but to vindicate from abufive Traditions ? which is mod evidently to be feen in the 1 6th of Luke, where this caution of not abrogating is inferted immediately, and not otherwife then purpofely, when no other point of Law is
cites
Mother while it fhall fuffice them, that it was not a moral but a and fo was abrogated nay rather hot abrogated becauft judicial
:
judicial
\
Law,
which
Law
touch'd but that of Divorce. And if we mark the 3 ift verfe of Mat. 5. he there not the Law of Mofes-, but the licentious Glofs which tradue'd the Law that
,
he abrogated, and not only abrogated but difallowed and flatly condemned, which could not be the Law of Mofes, for that had been To abrogate a Law made with Gods alfoully to the rebuke of his great Servant. had been to tell us fuch a Law was now to ceafe : but to refute it that lowance, only with an ignominious note of civilizing Adultery, calls the reproof, which was meant
therefore
cited, that
which he
But yet if that be judicial only to the Pharifees, even upon him that made the Law. which belongs to a Civil Court, this Law is lets judicial than nine of the ten Commandments : for Antiquaries affirm, that Divorces proceeded among the Jews without knowledge of the Magiftrate, onely with Hands and Seals under the teftimony of fome Rabbi's to be then prefent. Perkjns in a Treatife ofConfciencc grants, that what
Law is of common equity, binds alfo the Chriflian and how to cf this Or judge prefcribes two ways { If wife Nations have cnaded the like Decree if it maintain the of or is Common-wealth. This therefore good Family, Church,
in the Judicial
:
a pure
moral ceeenomical Law, toohafiily imputed of tolerating Sin j being
rather^lb clear
clear in nature
and reafon, that
it
was
left
to a
mans own arbitrement
to be determi-
ned between God and his own confeience v not only among the Jews, but in every wife Nation: the reftraint whereof, who is nor too thick-fighted, may fee how hurtit is to the And that Houle, the Church, and Common-wealth. ful and diftractive Chrift never took from the Mailer of a Family, but reclined onely to a which power and wary ufe at home ^ that power the undiicerning Canonift hath improperly right and befcribbl'd with a thouland trifling impertinencies, ufurpt into his Court-leet, life the of man with ferious trouble and calamity. Yet grant it till'd have which yet were of old a judicial Law, it need not be the lefs moral for that, beingfonvedant as
it
is
about Vcrtue or Vice.
And
that
if
was not
his Office, but the Morality
our Saviour dilputes not here the Judicature, for of Divorce, whether it be Adultery or no;
therefore he touch the
which
perfect
of Afofes at all, he toucl.es the moral part thereof, that the Covenant of Grare (hould reform the exact and is abfurd to imagine, eternal and immutable i or if he touch not the Law at all, of Law Works,
Law
then
is
not the Allowance thereof difallow'd to us.
CHAP.
TJ:e ridiculous Opinion that Divorce
in
XIII.
was permitted from
iEgypc.
kins confeffes
them OTheis
That Moles ga'Ve not this Law this Law was not abrogated.
Cujlom Perunwillingly.,
the
are fo ridiculous as to allege that this Licenfc of divorcing was giveii As if an ill Cultom were to becaufe they were fo accuftom'd in *sg)yt-
be kept to all polkrity ^ for the Difpenfation is both univerfal and o{ time unlimitat all for the over-dated Difpenfation of a thing ed, and fo indeed no Difpenfation to increafe hardnefs of heart, and makes men but wax but ferves for nothing unlawful, which were a great reproach to be faid of any Law or Allowance more
:
incorrigible,
that
God
(hould give us.
In theie Opinions
it
would be more Religion

raflily that for
to advife
wclj, left we his unfpotted

difplealing
make our
(elves juftcr then
God, by cenfuring
Sin which
Law without
him
rebukes allows, and his People without being confeious of have us'd. And if we can think fo of Mofes, as that the Jewilh
to write fuch impure Permiilions againft the Word of doubtlefs it was his part to have protefted publickly driven to, and to have declared his Confeience when he gave
obftinacy could compel
him
God
what
and his
ftraits
own Judgment,
he was
:
for the Law is the Touchftone of Sin and of Confeience, any againft his mind and mull not be intermix'd with corrupt Indulgences ; for then it lofes the greateft as the it has of Jews were being certain and infallible, not leading into error, praile But ftill they rlv back to led by this Connivence of Alofes, if it were a Connivence.
Law
the primitive Inftitution,
guards
it.
Whom
lit
a defcripticn of
Union
but where
Paradife 3gainft the Sword that that the to, place in Genefis contains the and perfect Marriage, with an interdict of ever divorcing fuch a Nature is difcover'd to have never join'd indeed, but vehemently
and would have us re-enter
again thus reply
leeks to part, it cannot be there conceived that God forbids it, nay he both in the Law and in the Prophet Malacloy, which is to be our rule.
commands it And Perkins

Mofes
Perkins mult
upon this Chapter of Matthew deals plainly, that our Saviour herje Law, but the falfe GlofTes that deprav'd the Lawi which being
confutes not
true,
needs grant, that fomcthing then is left to that Law which Chrift found no fault vvith i and what can that be but the confcionable ufe of (uch liberty, as the plain words import ? So that by his own Inference, Chrift did not abfolutely intend to reftrain all
This therefore is the true fcope of our SaviDivorces to the only caule of Adultery. our's will, that he who looks upon the Law concerning Divorce, (hould alfo look back upon the Inftitution, that he may endeavour what is perfected : and he thar looks
upon
the Inftitution (hall not refufe as finful
and unlawful thofe Allowances which
God
arfords
him
in his following
flip
Law,
left
he
make
himfelf purer than his Maker, and
prefuming above ftrength,
that in all thofe Decrees concerning Marriage Inftitution to'difluade them from divorcing,
as
For this is wonderful, into temptations irrecoverably. God (hould never once mention the prime
and that he (hould forbid fmaller Sins

let
oppofite to the hardnefs of their hearts, and pafs ever unrcproved.
this
adulterous matter of Divorce
This
( 3*2 ) be marvelled, that feeing Chrilt did not condemn whatever it was that Mofcs fuffered, and that thereupon the Chriftian Magilirate permits Ufury and open Stews, and here with us Adultery to be fo flightly puniflwd, which was punifhed by death to thefe hard-hearted 7p/, why we fhould (train thus at the matter of Divorce, which may (land lo much with Charity to permit, and make no Icruple But this it is to to allow Ufury elieem'd to be fo much againli Charity. our This
is
alfo to
embroyl Judgments and Statutes of God ; which are not variable and contrarious, as we would make them, one while permitting, and another while forbidding, but are molt conftant and molt harmonious each to other. For how can the uncorrupt and majeitick Law of God, bearing in her hand the wagrs of life and death, harbour fuch a repugnance within her (elf, as to require an unexemted and impartial Obedience to all her Decrees, either from us or from our Mediator and yet debafe her felfto faulter fo many Ages with circumcis'd Adulteries by unfclves againli the righteous
and
all-
wife
clean and flubbering Permiffions
CHAP.
cannot
be
XIV.
That Beza'i Opinion of regulating Sin by Apojlolick

Jound.
Law
YE T
Sin.
Bez.a$ Opinion is, that a politick Law ( but what politick Law I know nor, unlefs one of MatchiavePs ) may regulate Sin i may hear indeed, ] grant with imperfedion for a time, as thofe Canons of the Apoftles did in Ceremonial
things : but as for Sin, the elTence of it cannot conlift with rule ; and if the Law fail to regulate Sin, and not to take it utterly away, it neceffarily confirms and eftablifhes
muft lireighten Sin into make a regularity of Sin by Law, either the The Judicial Law can ferve to no Sin, or Sin mult crook the Law into no Law. other end than to be the Proteclorand Champion of Religion and honeft Civility, as
To
Law
no
which can no more is fet down plainly Rom. 1 3. and is but the arm of Moral Law, be feparatc from Vertuc. office alio in a different manfrom Their then Juliice Juftice ner (leers the fame courfe the one teaches what is good by precept, the other unteach,
bad by punifhment. But if we give way to politick Difpenfations cf lewd Uncleannefc, the fir ft good conff quence of fuch a relax will be the juftifying of Papal Stews, join'd with a toleration of epidemick Whoredom. Juftice mull revolt from the end of her Authority, and become the Patron of that whereof fhe was created
rs
what
is
the Punifhcr.
The example
of
Ufury, which
is
commonly
alleged,
makes
againli.
the Allegation which it brings, as I touch'd before. Befides that Ufury, fo much as is with common and demanded the permitted by equity, is neither againff Magilirate, the word of God, nor the rule of Charity, as hath been often difcufs'd by men of eminent Learning and Judgment. There mult be therefore fome other example found
fettle VVickednefs by doubt not but upon deepAlthough tr confideration, that which is true in Phyfick will be found as true in Policy, that as of bad Pulfes thofe that beat molt in order are much worfe than thofe that keep the
out to fhew us wherein
civil
Policy
may with
warrant from
1
God
Law, and make
that lawful
which
is lawlefs.
molt inordinate circuit, fo of popular Vices thofe that may be committed legally, will be more pernicious than thofe that are left to their own courle at peril, not under a Hinted privilege to fin orderly and regularly, which is an implicite contradiction, but
under due and
is to reftrain it by ufing all means But if it fuffer the weed to grow up to any pleafurable or contented height upon what pretext foever, it fallens the root, it prunes and drelTes Vice, as if it were a good Plant. Let no man doubt therefore to 3ffirm, that it is not fo hurtful
The
execution of puniQiment. it cannot political Law, regulate Vice,

fearlefs
lince
to root
it
out.
or difhonourable to a
Commonwealth, nor fo much to the hardening of hearts, when thofe worfe faults pretended to be feared are committed, by who fo dares under ftricft and executed Penalty, as when thofe lefs faults tolerated for fear of greater harden their faces, not their hearts only, under the protection cf publick Authority. For
what
deIndignity were this, then as if Juftice her felf, the Queen of Vertues ( and inftead of fhould her from compound conquering fending Sceptred Royalty ) treat with Sin, her eternal Adverfary and RebeJ, u-pon ignoble terms ? or as if the
lefs
Judicial
( *i* )
Steward in the Gofpel, and inftead of calling iii fhould give out Cub tie and fly Acquittances to ktep himfrlf from begging > Or let us perfon him like iomc wretched Itinerary Judge, who togratilie his Delinquents before him, would let thembafely break his head, left they fhould pull him from the Bench,ari<3 throwhitn over the Bar.Unlefs we had rather think both Moral and Judicial, full of malice and deadly purpofe, confpir'd to let (he Debtor Jfraelite, the Seed of Abraham, run on upon a bankrupt Ccore, Clattered with infufficient and enfnaring'DiCcharges, that Co he might be haled to a more cruel forfeit for all the indulgent arrears which thole Judicial Acquitments had engaged him in. No no, this cannot br, that the Law, whofe and faithfulneis is next to
judicial the debts of his moral
Maf'ter,
Law were
like that untrufty
integrity
God,
fhould be either thc-fhamelcCs broker of our impunities, or the intended inftrument of our deduction. The method of holy correction, Cuch as became the Commonwealth oilfrael, is not to bribe fin with fin, to and hire out one crime with
capitulate
another i but, with more noble and graceful feverity then Popilitu the Roman Legat ufed vt'vh Antmhtit, to limit and level out the diredf way from vice to venue, with
and exacted lines on cither lide, not winding or indenting Co much as to the right hand of fair pretences. Violence indeed and lnfurredtion may force the Law tofuffer what it cannot mend-, but to write a Decree in allowance of fin, as loon
ltrcightclt
can the hand of Jullice rot off. Let this be ever concluded as a truth that will outlive the faith of thole that Ccek to bear it down.
CHAP.
That Divorce
write.
If
XV.
wm
not
given for V^tVes only, as Beza and Parous
Mji'Q of the hijliuuion.

Divorce were granted,
as
LAlily,
manifeflly Whenas it could not be found how Expolition. hardneCs of heart Ihould be ltff n'd by liberty of Divorce, a fancy wasdevis'd to hide the Haw, by commenting that Divorce was permitted oncly for the help of Wives. who can he ignorant that Woman, was created for Man, and not Palpably uxorious Man for Woman , and that a Husband may be injur'd as inCurTerably in Marriage as a is it after Wedlock not to be Wife? What an belov'd, what to be flighted, what mjuiy to be contented with in point of houCe-rule who (hall be the head ; not for any parity of wifdom, for that were but of out a female lbmething realonable, pride ? lfuffer not the extreme fhift of a
others Cay, not for Men, but to renot oncly a DiCpenCation, but a moll merciful Law i and why it fhould not yet be in force, being wholly needful, 1 know noc what can be in cauie but fenflcfs cruelty. But yet to (ay, Divorce was granted for relief of Wives rather than of Husbands, is but weakly conjediur'd, and is
leale afflicted
Beza and
Wives
certainly
it
is
hnddCd
faith S. Panl,
the
Woman
to
is
ufttrp
fuffer it,
into
what mould
If the Apoitle could not autarky over the Man. he mortified that can ? Solomon Caith, That a bad Wife
it to her Husband as rottenefs to hit bones,a continual dropping. Better dwell it the corner of the honfe or in the top, mldernefs, than with Cuch a one. Whofo hideth her, hideth the wind, and one of the four that the earth cannot bear. If the of God
mifchiefs
Spirit
and ( as may be gueli by theCe fimilitudts ) counfels the Man rather to divorce than to live with fuch a collegue; and yet on the other fideIs it not mofi exprefCes nothing of the Wifes fuffering with a bad Husband : likely that God in his Law had more pity towards Man thus wedlock'd, than towards
as thefe,
wrote Cuch aggravations
Woman that was created for another ? The Came Spirit relates to us the courCc which the Medes and Per/tans took by occafion of Vafirti, whofe meer denial to come at her Husbands fending, loft her the being Queen any longer, and fet up a wholefom
the
Woman fondly Man, ing therefore to have afferted thus an injiu'd Law of Mofes from the unwarranted and guilty name of a DilpenCation, to be again a melt equal and requifite Law, we have
the
And the Divine Relater (hevys fign of difliking what was done ; how fhould he, \iMofes long before > was nothing lefs mindful of the honour and So that to Cay pre-eminence due to Man Divorce was granted for rather than was but invented. EfteemLaw,
every
(liould bear rule in his oxen houfe.
that
man
us not the
lealt
Word
of Ghrift himfelf, that he came not to

S f
alter the kail tittle
of
it
and
fignifief
(
fies
P4)
do fo. On which relying, I no fmall difpleafme which words are made to intimate as if thole that to waver much fhall not affirm, for Adultery, ( though Mofts have conftituted otherwife) but Divorce all forbad they thofe words taken circumfcripfly, without regaid to any precedent Law of Mofes, ot attention of Chrilt himfelf, or without care to preserve thofe his fundamental and and Charity, to which all other Ordinances give up their fuperiour Laws of Natuie and the Mercy ot Religion^ as thofe words of Seal, are as much againft plain Equity is this elementally underftood, are againlt Nature and Senfe. Take, my
againft him
that (hall teach to
of this degraded Law hath well recompenc'd the diligence us'd by enlightning us further to iind out wherefore Chrilt took off the PhariCees from allcdging the Law, and refen'd them to the firli Inltitution ; not condemning,
eat,
body,
And
Cutely the reftoring
was
of Divorce, which is plainly moral, for that were altering, or abolifhing this Precept but knowing how fallaciand his prophetick Office his his Truth, Promife, againlt and natural reafon oi the taw, that oufly they had cited and conceal'd the particular he lets their own, go that Sophifiry unconany froward reafon of
,
they might
juliirie
his purpofe was not. And fince amufes their he and repels gave not,' tempting the Law rtquir'd not ; not thereby to obpride with a perfection of Paradifc, which to that whereto the Law never enjoyn'd the fallen eftate of Man: lige our peiformance for if the firlt inftitution mull make Wedlock, whatever happen, infeparable to us, it as meetly helpful, and as comfortable as God promis'd mull make it alfo as
vinc'd, for that had been to teach they had taken a liberty which the
them
elfe,
which
Law
perfect
it
fhould be, at leaft in fome degree-, otherwife it is not equal or proportionable to the lirength of Man, that he fhould be redue'd intoiuch indiffoluble bonds'to his affured mifery, if all the other conditions of that Covenant he manifeftly alter'd.
CHAP.
How
to be
XVI.
whom
*-
underflood that they mufl be one fltfl? ; and how that thofe God hath joynd, Man fliould not funder.
faith,
is done, will and the carnal ad:,, good legitimate which elfe might ftem to have fomething of pollution in it ; and infers thus much over, that the fit union of their fouls be fuch as may even incorporate them to love and amity but that can never be where no Correfpondent is of the mind ; nay, inftead of being one flefh, they- will be rather twocarcafes chain'd unnaturally together; or, as it may happen, a living foul bound to a dead corps, a punifhment too like that
;
Ext he "^T ^
they nrnfl be one fleft
which, when
all
conjecturing
be found to import no more but to
make
by the Tyrant Mez.entim, fo little worthy to be received as that remedy of which God meant us. Since we know it is not the joyning of another will remove and that it but the body lonelinefs, uniting of another compilable mind but is no bit to be a a and brutifh condition one bafe fling tormenr, nay flefh, unlets where a nature can in fome nature fix a unity of dilpofition. The meaning therefore of thefe words, For this cattfejliall a man leave his father and his mother, and flail cleave to his wife, was firlt to fhew us the dear affection which naturally grows in every not
inflicted
lonelinefs
unnatural Marriage, even to the leaving of Parents, or other familiarity whatfoever. Next, it jultifies a man in fo doing, that nothing is done undutifully to Father or
Mother.
polition
But he that fhould be here fternly commanded to cleave to his error, a difwhich to his he finds will never cement, a quotidian of forrow and difcontent in his houfe let us be excus'd to paufe a little, and bethink us every way round ere we lay fuch a flat Solecifm upon the gracious, and certainly not inexorable, not rufhlefs and For if the meaning of thefe words mult be flinty Ordinance of Marriage. thus block'*! up within their own letters from all equity and fair deduction, they will
,
ferve then well indeed their turn,
who
affirm Divorce to have been granted onely for
Wives
no word of this Text binds Women, but Men only, what it binds. No marvel then if Salomhh (Sifter to Herod) fent a Wiit of Eafe to Caflobarus her Husband, which (as No Jofephus there attefts) was lawful only to Men.
,'
whenas we
fee
marvel though Placidia, the

for a trivial caufe, as
Sifter
Photim
relates
of Honoriut, fhreatned the like to Eix\Conjlantim from Olympiodorw. No marvel any thing, if Letto flake
ters mult be turn'd into Pabtadocs, due enlargement.
out
all
requifite fence
fromentring to
their,
Laftl y>
JiS)
whom
LaRly, Chiift himfelf tells who fliouldnotbe put afunder, namely, thofe God hath joyn'd. plain folution of this great controverfie, if men would but u(e their eyes i for when is it that God may be laid to joyn ? when the parties and their friends confent ? Or is it when furcly, for that may concur to lewdell ends.
No
Churches Rites are h'nifh'd > Neither ; for the efficacy of thofe depends upon thepreeither party. Perhaps after carnal knowledge: Lead of all j for fuppofed fitnefs of that may joyn perfons whom neither Law nor Nature dares joyn 'tis lefr, that are fitly dilpofed and enabled to maintain a chearful convrronly then when the minds fation, to the folace and love of each other, according as God intended and promilrd in the very firll foundation of Matrimony, / will make him a help meet for him ; for and promifed, that only can be intended God what furcly thought to-be his joyning, So likewife the Apollle witnelTeth iCor.y. 15. that in Marand not the contrary.
:
called us to peace. And doubtlefs in what refpect he hath call'd us to The reft, that alio he hath joynM us. either Marriage^ in difproportion or dilhlteful and or averle in the immutable bent of Nature of deadneis (omething
riage
God hath
whom
fpirit,
of
renders conjugal, Error his own Ordinance.
to hinder Neither can it be laid Of being together in any tolerable fort. properly that foch twain were ever divore'd, but only parted from each other, as two perfons unconjundrive But if, whom God hath made a ht and unmarriable together. help, frowardnefs or
own confent
may have joyn'd, but God never joyn'd againll the meaning And if he joyn'd them not, then is there no power above their them from unjoyning , when they cannot reap the (obrelt ends
privae
injuries hath
made
is
judge than Man, neither
Man
unfit; that being the fecret of Marriage, God can better indeed Ht or able to decide this matter : however it
Divorce is a lefs evil, and lefs in fcandal than a be, undoubtedly a peaceful hateful, hard-hearted, and delhudtive continuance of Marriage in the judgment of Mofes and of him in chuling the lefs evil i which if it were an honelt and ciChrili, that
jultiries
vil
what prudence in the Law,
is
there in the Gofpel forbidding fuch a kind
of
wildom, though we Ihould admit the
common
legal
Expolitors
CHAP.
7?;e Sentence
XVU.
Divorce how
expounded. Other Additions.
to
of Cbriji concerning
be
What
was ) HAving
feiv'd,
it
Grotius bath obferVed.
thus unfolded thofe ambiguous Reafons, wherewith Chrili ( as his wont gave to the Pharifees that came to found him fuch an anfwer as they dc-
will not be uneafie to explain the Sentence it felt now that follows > Whohe for fornication, and fliall foeverjhall put away his Wife, except it marry another , Firft therefore I will let down what is obferv'd by Grotiut committeth adultery.
upon
of general learning. Next I produce what mine own thoughts I had ieen his Annotations. before me Origen, faith he, notes that Chrilr nam'd gave Adultery rather as one example of other like cafes, then as one only exception * and that it is frequent not only in humane but in divine Laws, to exprefs one kind of fad, whereby other caufes of like nature may have the like plea, as Exod. 21. 18, And from the Maxims of Civil Law he lhews, that even in 19, 20, 26. Deut. 19. 5. the fame reafon hath the fame right Laws and in gentler Laws, that (harpelt penal
this point, a
,
Man
from
like caufes to like the
Law
that nothing deflroys the end To that Marriage was not ordain'd only for copulation, but for mutual help and comfort of life : and if we mark diligently the nature of our Saviours commands, we ihall
find that both their beginning and their end con/ills in charity ; whofe will is that fliould be fo good to others, as that we be not cruel to our felves. And hence it
But it may be objedted, faith he, interprets rightly. of Wedlock fo much as Adultery. which he anfwers,
we
ap-
pears
why Atark^md Luke, and S. Paul to the Corinthians, mentioning this precept of Chrili, add no exception, becaufe exceptions that arife from natural equity arc included filently under general terms: it would be confider'd therefore whether the fame
equity
may
add
not have place in other cafes

:
what
Law at all,
lefs Thus far he. From hence is frequent. that this faying of Chrift, as it is ufually expounded, can be no that a Man for no caufefliould feparate but for adultery, except it be a
firft,
f 2
fupei*-
3*5)
not binding us as we are ; bad it been the Law of nature, either the lupcmatural Law, wife and civil nation would have preis'd it : or let it be fo, yet other fome Jews, or that Law, Dent. 24. 1. whereby a Man hath leave to part, when as for juit and natural caule difcover'd he cannot love,
lets
a Law ancienter and deeper ingiavc n in blamenature then the other: therefore the infpired Lawgiver Mcfes took care that this fhould be fptcihed and allowed i the othtr he lt vaivfh in likriee, not once repeated in the velum of his Law, even as the reafon of it vanifh'd with Paradife. Secondly, this can be no new command, for the Gofpel enjoyns no new morality, lave only the infinite enlargment of charity, which in this rtfptdf. is called the tint commandment by
is
S.John,
mand
Thirdly, if is no combeing the accomplishment of every command. it of is the bond which Charity, partakes if perfection. Thofe commands therefore which compell us to iclf- cruelty above our luength, (o hardly will help forward to perfecl:ion,that they hinder and fet b<<chwaid in all the comas
of perfection further then
mon
Chritt can be
It rudiments of Chriftianity, as was prov'd. being thus clear, that the words of no kind of command as they are vulgarly taken, we ftiall now lee in what fenfe they may be a command, and that an excellent one, the lame with that of Mcfes, and no other. Mofes had granted, that only for a natural annoyance, dele df, or diflike, whether in body or mind, (for fo the Hebrew words plainly note ) which a Man could not force himfelt to live with, he might give a bill vt Divoice, thertby forbidding any other caufe wherein amendment or reconciliation might have place. This
Law
the Pharilees depraving, extended to any flight contentious caule whatfoever. Chritt therefore feeing where they halted, urges the negative part of that Law, which is neceffarily underilood ( for the determinate permiifion ot Mofes binds them from
further licence) and checking their fupercilious drift, declares that no accidental, He temporary, or reconcilable offence (except fornication) can jiiflifie a Divoice.
touches not here thofe natural and perpetual hindrances of fociety, whether in body or mind, which are not to be remov'd \ for fuch as they are apteil to caufe an unchan-
geable offence, (0 are they not capable of reconcilement, becaufe not of amendment: they do not break indeed, but they annihilate the'bands of Marriage more then AdulFor that fault committed argues not always a hatred either natural or incidental tery.
againft
whom it
is
committed
neither does
it
infer a difabihty of future helpfulnefs,
or loyalty, or loving agreement, being once pall and pardon'd, where it can be parbut that which naturally diliaffes, and finds no favour in the eyes of Matrimony, don' d can never be conceal'd, never appeas'd, never intermitted, but provt; a perpi tnal nul:
lity of
love and contentment, a folitudeand dead vacation of

therefore permits Divorce,
all
acceptable
cc
nverfing*
Moft s
but
in
cafes
only
that
more need
Chrift forbids ir, (eparating then Adultery. Thus is Mofes Law here plainly tunrirm'd, accord, and thole lets then Fornication. and thole caufes which he permitted not a jot gainlaid. And that this is the true meaning ol this place 1 prove by no other Author than S. /*<*/ himleli, Cw.7.10,1 1;
1
have no hands to jcyn, and but in matters only that may
upon which Text

where
Inteipreters agree that the Apoiile only repeats the precept of Clnilt : while he (peaks of tht Wifts reconcilemtnt to her Husband, he puts it out of
controverlie, that our Saviour
meant
chiefly matters of fitife
and reconcilement
of
he would not that any difference fhould be the occafion of Divorce, cv ept And that we may learn better how to value a grave and prudent Law Fornication. of M-ofs, and how unadvifely wefmatter with our lips, when we talk oi Chiifisabo-
which
fort
lifhing any Judicial
Law
of
his great Father,
except in fome circumflances which are

I
Judaical rather then Judicial, and need no abolifhing, butceale of therr.ftlves : again, that this recited Law oi Mofes contains a caufe of Divorce greater beyond
fay
com-
pare then that for Adultery

ceedingly a
and whofo cannot fo conceive it, errs and wrongs exFor let him maik, no for want of well fadoming. man urges the juft divorcing of Adultery as it is a fin, but as it is an injury to Marriage; and though it be but once committed, and that without malice, whether through importunity or pportunity, the Gofpel does not therefore difluade him who would therefore divorce j but rhat natural hatred, whenever it arifes, is a greater evil in Marriage then the accident of Adultery, a greater defrauding, a greater injullice, and yet not blameable, he who underffands not after all this reprefenting, 1 doubt his Will like a hard Spleen draws fatter then his Underftanding can wtll fanguifie. Nor did that man ever know or feel what it is to love truly, nor ever yet comprehend in his And this alfo will be fomewhat above thoughts what the true intent of Marriage is.
;
Law
ot deep
wifdom
his reach, but yet no lefs a truth for lack of his perfpedive, that as no man apprehends what vice is fo well as he who is truly vertuous, no man knows Hell like him
who
0'7)
who
converfes moft in
Heaven
fo there is
none
that can eftimate the
affliction
Matrimony, to contemplate what is true love. fpacious enough
of
a natural hatred
in
unlels
he have
a foul gentle
evD and the enough and

and count
And
the
talon
why men
lb difelieem this wife
judging
Law of God,
hate, or the not finding of favour, as it is there term'd, a humorous, a difhoneft, and flight caufc of Divorce, is becaufc themfclves apprehend fo little of what true con-
cord means: lor if they did, they would be jufter in their balancing between natural hatred and cafual adultery \ this being but a tranlient injury, and foon amended, I mean as to the an party againlt whom the trefpafsis : but that other
being
unfpeak-
no cure, all, and (like the Word of God ) in one inllant bullies outrageous tempefls into a ludden Yet all this lo great a good of God's own ffilnefs and peaceful calm. enlarging to us, is by the hard rains of them that lit us, wholly diverted and imbezelled from us. But who hath taught you to mangle Maligners of mankind thus, and make more of mileries a blamelefs creature, with the leaden in the galhes daggers of your literal Decrees, to whole eafe you cannot add the tithe of one fmall arom, but by letting As for fuch as think wandring concupifcence to be here alone your unhelpful Surgery. forbidden then it was before, if the and more precifely newly Apolilc can convince that we are to kz>ow lufi the we know and not Law> by them, by any new difcovery The Law of Alofes knew what it permitted, and the Gofpel knew of the Law. what it forbid i he that under a peevifli conceit of debarring concupifcence (hall go about to make a Novice of Mofes, ( not to fay a worfe thing for reverence fake ) and fuch a one of God himfelf as is a horror to think, to bind our Saviour in the default of a
!
able and unremitting foirow and offence, whereof no amends can be made, no ceafing but by Divorce, which like a divine touch in one moment heals
downright promile breaking, and to blind the difunions of complaining nature in chains together, and curb them with a Canon bit, 'tis he that commits all the whoredom and adultery which himfelf adjudges, belides the former fo manifold that
guilt
lies
upon him.
And
vity, can avail to the difpoflc fling
other intreat
then
place that fays,

if
him Some make them/elves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heavens fake. And he pleafe to make ufc of Origens Knife, he may do well to be his own Carver.
weight and graprecious Litcralifm, let fome one or but to read on in the fame ipffcof Alatth. till he come to that
if
none of thefe Confiderations, with
all
their
him of his
CHAP.
Whether
tius,
XVIII.
rigfoly
the
word of our SaYiour he
expounded only of atlu-
al Fornication to be the
caufe of 'Divorce.
The Opinion
of
Gro-
Tbtth other
^cafons.
that Chrift never gave a Judicial Law, and that the word varioufly figniricant in Scripture, it will be much right done to our Saviours words, to conlider diligently whether it be meant here that nothing but
BU
becaufe
we know
Fornication
is
actual Fornication prov'd by witnefs can warrant a Divorce, for fo our Canon Law Neverthelefs, as I find that Crotim on this place hath obferv'd the Chrijudges. ftian Emperour?, Theodofsu the fecond and Jujiinian,men of high Wifdom and reputed Piety, decreed
agauu.
kn
to be a divorcive Fornication, if the or oblHnately againlt the will of her ledge,

it
Wife attempted either Husband, fuch things
as gave op v fufpit ions of adulterizing, as the wilful haunting of Feafts, and Invitations with me., not vt her near Kindred, the lying forth of her Houle without pro-
bable caufe, the frequenting of Theatres againlt her Husbands mind, her endeavour to Hence that 'of Jerom y Where Fornication U fufpetled prevetu or deftrov Conception. r ! theW- c be not that every motion of a jealous mind fhould divorcd: izjully be redded, bur that it (hould not be exa&ed to prove all things by a vilibility of
Law
wicneiling, or tile
t<
hoodwink the mind
for the
Law
is
thefe things but by the rule of Equity,
and by permitting a wife
not able to judge of man to walk the
middle way of prudent circumfpediion, neither wretchedly

tamely patient.
jealous,
nor ftupidly and
purpolt hath Grotius in his Notes. He (hews alio that Fornication is taken in Scripture for (uch a continual headltrong Behaviour, as tends to plain contempt of the Husband, and proves out of Judges 19. 2. where the Lcvites Wife
this
is
To
(
is
*i8)
,
which Jofephtu and the Septragitit, with have plaid the whore againft him and the Chaldean, interpret only of Stubbornnefs and Rebellion againft her Husband to this I add, that Kimchi, and the two other Rabbies who glofs the Text, are in Ben Gerfom reaibns, that had it been Whoredom, a Jew and the Tame Opinion. And this T (hall contribute, that have difdain'd to fetch her again. a Levite would would have chofen (he had it been Whoredom, any other place to run to then to her
(aid to
:
Fathers houfe,
it
being
fo
infamous
for
an Hebrew
Woman
this
to opprobrious to the Parents.
Fornication then in
to play the Harlot, is place of the
and
un-
Judges
derftood for ftubborn Difobedience againft the Husband, and not for Adultery. A Sin of that fudden activity, as to be already committed, when no more is done, but on: which yet I would be loth to judge worthy a Divorce, though ly lookt unchaftcly Neverthelefs when palpable and frein our Saviours Language it be called Adultery.
far gave 5. way to the Jealoufie quent figns are given, the Law of God, the fet before of a man, as that the Woman, Sanctuary with her head uncovered, was were falfe or no, and conftrain'd to drink adjur'd by the Pried to fwear whether fhe that bitter water with an undoubted curfe of roitennefs and tympany to follow, unAnd the jealous man had not been guiltlefs before God, as lefs fhe were innocent.
Num.
fo
feems by the
trial j
lair
if
which
to this
Verfe, if having fuch a fufpicion in his head, he ihould neglect his dav it be not to be us'd, or be thought as uncertain of effect as
our antiquated Law of Ordilmm % yet all equity will judge that many adulterous demeanours, which are of levvd fufpicion and example, may be held fufficient to And feeing the Geneincur a Divorce, though the adt it filf hath not been prov'd. rofity of our Nation is fo, as to account no reproach more abominable then to be nick-nam'd the Husband of an Adulterefs, that our Law Ihould not be as ample as the
of God, to vindicate a man from that ignoble (utterance, is our barbarous unskilfulnefs, not confidering that the Law fhould be exafperated according to our eftimation of the injury. And if it mult be fuffei'd till the act be vifibly prov'd, Solo-
Law
won
whofe judgment will be granted to (urpafs the acutenefs of any CanoconftlTes, Prov. 30. 19, 20. that for the adt of Adultery it is as difficult to be the air f or the way oj a (liip in the fea found as the trachjafan eagle fo that a man,
himfelf,
nift,
may
be put to
unmanly
is not limited to inform us, by our Saviour to the utmost act, and that to be attefted always by eye-witnefs, but may be extended alfo fo divers obvious actions, which either plainly lead to Adultery, or give fuch prewhereby fcnlible men may fufpedr the deed to be already done. And this
nough
indignities ere it that divorcive Adultery
be found out.
This
therefore
may
be e-
fumption
may be thought, in that our Saviour chefe to ufe the word Fornication, which word is found to lignihe other matrimonial Tranlgreffions of main breach to that Covenant belides actual Adultery. For that fin needed not the riddance of Divorce, but of Death by the Law, which was active even till then by the example of the Woman taken in Adultery > or if the Law had been dormant, our Saviour was more likely to have told them of their neglect, then to have let a capital crime filentor if it be faid, his bufinefs was not to tell them what was ly fcape into a Divorce criminal in the civil Courts, but what was finful at the Bar of Confcience, how dare they then, having no other ground than thefe our Saviours words, draw that into trial of Law, which both Mofet and our Saviour have left to the jurifdidh'on of Confcience ? But we take from our Saviour, fay they, only that it was Adultery, and our Law of it (elf applies the Punifhment. But by their leave that fo argue, the great Lawgiver of all the world, who knew beft what was Adultery both to the Jew and to the Gentile, appointed no fuch applying, and never likes when mortal men will be vainly preluming to outftrip his juftice.
the rather
:
CHAP.
^9)
XIX.
adds to
to be
this
CHAP.
Qhrifls
manner of teaching.
S.
Paul
matter of "Divorce
without command,
to jhe7b the
That
little,
the bondage of in Jomc other Marriages be /ides Idolatrous.

in that one
of equity , not of rigour. a Chriflian may be as much, and in Peace as

If thofc Arguthoje other ?
matter
ments therefore be good
cafe,
Tt>hy
not in
adds Therefore the Jôjlle hnujilf

at lengrh
tok tmstws.
we
fee
one Saying THus
in the
be rightly underliood s but (jS Demetrius the Rhetorician phrafe6 it) ("peaks oft in Monofyllables, like a Mailer (tattering the heavenly grain of his Dodrine like Pearls here and there, which rethe words he finds with quires a skilful and laborious Gatherer, who mull compare other precepts, with the end of every Oidinance, and with the general Analogy of Evangclick Doctrine : otherwife many parricular Sayings would be but one repugnant Puddle, and the Church would otlend in granting Divorce for Frigidity, which is not
both by this and by other places, that there is fcarce any Guibel but mull be read with limitations and diiiindtions to for Chrili gives no full Comments or continued Difcourfes,
And this was it undoubtedly here accepted with Adultery, but by them added. which gave reafon toS. Paul of his own Authority, as he profefles, and without command from the Lord, to enlarge the feeming conliru&ion of thole places in the Gofpel,
may
by adding a cafe wherein a perfon deicrted, which is fomethinglels then divore'd, And having.declar'd his Opinion in one cafe, he leaves a lawfully marry again.
further liberty for Chrillian prudence t* determine in cafes of like importance, ufing words (b plain as are not to be fhiftcd oh, that a brother or afijier is not under bondage in fuch cafes , adding alio, that Cod bath called us to peace in Marriage.
be plain that a Christian may be brought into unworthy bondage, and his but perpetually and dually hinreligious peace not onely interrupted now and then, dcr'd in Wedlock, by mif-yoking with a diverfity of Nature as well as of Religion, the reafons of S. Paul cannot be made fpecial to that one cafe of Infidelity, but are of
if
Now
it
to a Divorce, where-evcr Chrillian Liberty and Peace are without fault : obflrudied That the Ordinance which God gave to our comfort, may not equally be pinn'd upon us to our undeferved thraldom, to be coop'd up as it were in mockery
equal
moment
of Wedlock, to a perpetual betrothed Lonelinels and Difcontent, if nothing worfe cnThere being nought elle of Marriage left between fuch but a difpleafing and fue.
fore'd
remedy againlt the
(ling
of a brute deiire
which fkfhly accuftoming without the

as
it
Souls union and

fulfilling
commixture of
intellectual delight,
is
rather a foiling then a-
of Marriage Rites, fo is it enough to abafe the mettle of a generous fpirir, and (inks him to a low and vulgar pitch of endeavour in all his actions, or ( which is
worfc ) leaves him in a de(pairing plight of abject and hardned thoughts : which condition rather then a good man fhould fall into, a man ufeful in the fervice of God and Mankind, Chrili himfelf hath taught us to difpence with the moll facred Ordinance of hisWorthip, even
lative red of Sabbath,
for a bodily healing to difpence
much more
then with the erroneous obfervance of an
with that holy and fpecuill knotted
Marriage, for the (ullaining of an overcharged faith and perfeverance.
CHAP-
20
CHAP.
The meaning
XX.
all
What
hereby.
in that
is
of to be
S.
Paul
that
Charity believeth
is
things.
faid
to
to' the
Licence which
ha~ve
Vainly fear 'd will
wow
What
cafe.
thoje
who neVir
mof}
dow
prefcribiw patience
The
Tap'tjt
all Licence. eajie to
Of
all
fe~Vere agutnjt Divorce, yet moft the miji ries in Marriage God is to be
clear 'd,
and
the
faults
to be laid on
mans unjujl Lal?s*
AN
lolt
bad caufes woidd take licence by this pretext, if that cannot be This was that hardremedied, upon their Conlcienct be it wholhall to do. licis of heart, and abult of a good Law, which Mofes was content to fuller, rather then good men (hould not have it at all to uie nredtully. And iie who to run after one
(heep left ninety nine ot his own flock at random in the wildernefs, would little perplex his thoughts for the obduiing ot nine hundred and ninety fuch as will daily take worle liberties, whether they have To conclude, as withpcrmilfion or not. out charity God hath given no commandment to men, fo without it neither can men
t-or every adf of true Faith, as well that rightly believe any commandment given, whereby wt believe the Law, as that wnereby we endeavour the Law, is wrought in
D though
believeth all
us by Charity, according to that in the Divine Hymn of S. Cor. 13. Charity Paul, not as if (he were (o credulous, which is things theExpoiiiion hitherto
i
,
precept written in the Which agrees with that of the fame ApoBible, but as Charity commends it to us. ftle to the Epbefiq. 14, 15. where he ttllsHis that Me way to get a fure undoubted knowledge ut things, is to hold that for Truth which accords molt with Charity. Whofe unerring guidance and condudt having followed as a Loadftar, with all diligence
current, tor that were a trivia! Piaifc, but to teach us that Charity vtrnels of our Belief, and that wc cannot lately alTent to any
is
the
high Go--
perto be otherwife opinion'd, let him well advife, left thinking to gripe fall the Golpel, he be found inltead with the Canon Law in his hit whofe boilterous Edidfs tyrannizing the blelTcd Ordinance of Marriage into the quality of a moll unnatural and
iift
:
and fidelity in this quefhon, truii (through the help ot that illuminating Spirit which hath favour'd me ) to have done no every days work, in aliening after many Ages the words of ( hrilt, with oth< r Scrip' ures of great concernment, from burdenfom and remoifltls obfeurity, tangled with manifold repugnancies to their native lufire and content between each other; hereby llo d ff Iving tedious and Cerdian difficulties, which have hitherto molelted the Church ot God, and are now decided not with the Swoid of Alexander but with the immaculate hands of Charity, to the unfpeakable good of Chnltendom. And let the extreme Literalih lit down now, and revolve whether this in all necethty be not the due rcfultofour Saviours words > or if he
I
unchriftianly yoke, have given the flefh this advantage to hate it, and turn afide, ofttimes unwillingly, to all diffolure uncleannefs, even till punifhmenr it felf is weary and overcome by the incredible frequency of Lull and uncontrolled Adulteries. trading
I doubt not but will be Hill endeavouring to hide timorous Capacities with this pretext, that for all this 'tis better to endure with And I patience and filcnce this affliction which God hath fent. but withal it will be wifely done agree 'tis true, if this be exhorted and not enjoined to be as fure as #iay be, that what mans iniquity hath laid on be not imputed to Gods fending, left under the colour of an affedfed patience we dt;ain our fclves at the gulphs month of many hideous Temptations, not to be withftood without proper gifts, which (as Perkins well notes) God gives not ordinarily, no not to molt
Yet
men whole Creed isCultom,
the floth of their
own
earnett Prayers.
if
Therefore
we
pray,
having led our remedies as well

quit himfelf,
is
felves thither, we love to as evils, under which he
acctflbry to his
own
Temptation ; a vain Prayer, God fan perilous condition. who lies and groans, that may lawfully acruine ; nor will it excufc him though he fuffet
Lead
us not into
in that
hay
throughly what is lawful, for fearôf diicuian old Who doubts not but that it may* be eting Opinion. would difm'ifs his pioufly frigidity, Bear vour trial, take it as jjf God would have you live this life of continence ? it he exhort this, I hear him as an
through
a
a fluggifh fearfulncfs to fearch
fecurc falfity of faid, to him who
Aiv
( *2I ) Angel, though he fpeak without wanant ; but if he would compel me, I know him for Satan. To him who divorces an Adulfrefs, Piety might fay, Pardon her ; you may fhew much mercy, you may win a Soul ytt the Law both of God and Man
:
leaves
it
freely to
him
for
over-hard and fad tasks. ons muft be all elcdive and unconftrained. Forc'd Vertue is as a Bolt over-mot, it goes neither forward nor backward, and does no good as it (lands. Seeing therefore that neither Scripture nor Reafon hath laid this unjufi aufterity upon Divorce, we may refolve that nothing elfe hath wrought it but that letter-bound Servility of the Canon Doctors, fuppoiing Marriage to be a Sacrament, and out of the art they have to lay unneceffary burdens upon all men, to make a fair (hew in the oblervance of Maflefhly
God loves not to plow out the heart o( our endeavours with God delights not to make a drudge of Vertue, whofe Acti-
trimony, though Peace and Love with
all
And
indeed the Papifls,
who
are the iiricleli

,
other conjugal refpeds fare never fo ill. foibidders of Divorce, are theeaiiefi Li-
admit of grofleft Uncleannels as if they had a defign, by making Wedlock a fupportlefs yoke, to violate it moff, under colour of preferving it moft inviolable ; and withal delighting ( as their myftery is ) to make men the day-labourers of their own afflictions, as if there were fuch a fcarcity of miferies from abroad, that we fhould be made to melt our choiceft home Bleflings, and coin them into Croffes, for want whereby to hold commerce with patience. If any therefore who fhall hap to lead this Difcourfe, hath been through mifadventure ill engaged in this contracted evil here complainM of, and finds the fits and workings of a high impatience him of all thofe wild words which men in mifery think to , frequently upon cafe thcmfelves by uttering, let him not open his lips againft the Providence of Heaven, cr tax the ways of God and his divine Truth $ for they are equal, caiie, and not burdenfome nor do they ever crofs the juft and reafonablc defires of men, nor involve this our portion of mortal life into a neceffity of (adnefs and malecontent,
bertines to
,
by Laws commanding over the unreducible Antipathies of Nature fooner or later found, but allow us to remedy and (hake off thofe evils into which human error hath led us through the midft of our beft intentions, and to fupport our incident extremities by
that authentick precept of foveraign Charity, whofe grand coromiffion is to do and to difpofe over all the Ordinances of God to Man, that love and truth may advance each
other to everlafiing.
While we,
literally fuperliitious
through cufiomary faintnefs of
heart, not venturing to pierce with our free thoughts into the full latitude of Nature and Religion, abandon our felves to ferve under the tyranny of ufurp'd Opinions, fuffcring thofe Ordinances which were allotted to our folace and reviving, to trample over us, and hale us into a multitude of forrows, which God never meant us. And where he fets us in a fair allowance of way, with honeft liberty and prudence to our
guard,
liberal
we never leave fubtilizing and cafuilling till we have ftraitned and pared that path into a Razors edge to walk on, between a precipice of unneceffary mifchief on either fide ; and darting at every falfe Alarm, we do not know which way to feta foot forward with manly confidence and Chriftian resolution, through the confuted ringing in our ears of panick fcruples and
amazements.
CHAP.
Tl)at the matter
fcience,
XXI.
Law, but
by Con-
of Divorce
is
not to be tried by
are.
as many other
Sim
that the condition
of
Divorce be
of
The Magiftrate can only fee and equal. The Opinion of juft
Affertioiu
Fagius, and the
(t(eafons
this
aft of Papal encroachment it was, to pluck the power and arbitrament of Divorce from the Mafter of the Family, into whofe hajids God and the Law of all Nations had put it, andChrift fo left it, preaching only to the Confcience, and not and fecret authorizing a Judicial Court to tofs about and divulge the unaccountable reafon of difaffe&ions between Man and Wife, as a thing moft improperly anfwerable But the Popes of Rome., perceiving the great Revenue and to any fuch kind of trial. the judging and decidhigh Authority it would give them even over Princes, to have
ANother
ing of fuch a main confequence in the
life
of
t
Man
as
was Divorce, wrought
fo
upon
the
( 322 ) as to divert them of that right which God from the Ages, theSupcrftitionof entrufied to the Husband : by which means they fubje&ed that ancient beginning had For and naturally domeliick Prerogative to an external and unbefitting Judicature. in Divorce about Dowries, Joy mures, and the like, beiidesthe differences although of Adultery, ought not to pafs without referring if, need be, to the Magithofe
punilhing
ilrate,
and final hindring ol Divorce cannot belong to any civil yet that the ablblute or earthly power, againft the will and conlent of both parties, or of the Husband But as fhall not need to decline the touch. fome realous will be here
alone,
firit
1
urg'd
what hath been already yielded by others in favour of Grotitu and many more agree, that notwithitanding what Chrilt (pake
(hall recite
this
Opinion.
therein to the
the preiervjation of Confcience, the Magiftrate is not thereby enjoyn'd ought againft is molt thrle remarkable, civil peace, of equity, and of convenience. Fagtus Among and gives the fame liberty of pronouncing Divorce to the Chriltian MagiHrate as the the Judge hath to the he) Chn/l Moiaick had. for whatever regtnerate,
to deal
With the vulgar
Wife
to her
Husba
d, it
but by publkk authority. not by private,
[pake (faith heart will not be a tolerable if therefore any through hardmfs of the bill of Divorce, to old now well as at will be lawful of pafs N^r doth Man ftfar ate them then, but God
by his
to
Law of Divorce given by Molts. What can hinder the Magiftrate from fo doing, whofe government all outward things are fbjtbl, to fparate and remove jrom perand no fmall danger, th ft bodies whtfe minds are already feparate; it petual vexation, and to procure peaceable and convenient living in the Commonwealth his office
being
,
that they fo ntciffarily ftfarated cannot all receive afingle Ufef being as certain alfo, And this 1 oblerve, that our Divines do generally condemn feparation of bed and without the liberty of fecond choice : if that therefore in fome cafes be moft
board, Thus far fo blockilh to deny ? then is this alio as needful. purely neceffary, as who is already well ltepr, to inform us that Divorce is not a matter of Law but others by ol Charity : if there remain a furlong yet to end the queftion, thelc following reafons
may
Firft ferve to gain it with any apprthenfion not too unlearned or too wayward. becaufe oft times the eaufes of leeking Divorce relide fo deeply in the radical and innoOther cent affedions of Nature, as is not within the dioceie of Law to tamper with.
relations
may
of Man and and meerly prime and acceptable, and friendly and to turn afide and depart from what is difagrteable, the two this later is the iirongeft, and moft equal to be difpleafing, and unlike: of a Man for \ may often be unjult in feeking that which he loves, yet although regarded he can never be unjult or bbmeable in retiring irom his endlefs trouble and diftaftc, whenas his tarrying can redound to no true content on either fide. Hate is of all
',
a civil and vertuous love : but the duties aptly enough be held together by in that love, which is moft ancient conveiiani are Wife are fuch as chiefly are to joyn it felf to.that which is good, ftatutes whofe two natural,
To couple hatred therefore, things the mightieft divider, nay it isdiviiion ipfelf. aid all the iron manacles and borrow to her all her trv though wedlock golden links, and letters or Law, it does but leek to twift a rope of fand, which was a task they fay
that pos'd the Devil : and that fluggifh fiend in hell, Ocnus, whom the Poems tell us of, brought his idle cordage to as good effed, which never ferv'd to bind with, but to teed the Afs that flood at his-tlbow. And that the reftridive Law againft Divorce attains as little to bind any thing truly in a disjoynted Marriage, or to keep it
a doltiih bound, but ferves only to feed the ignorance and definitive impertinence of Canon, were no abfurd allulion. To hinder therefore thofe deep and ferious regrelTes of Nature in a rcafonable foul, parting from that miftaken help which he juftly fecks in a perfon created for him, recollecting himfelf from an unmeet help which was never meant, and to detain him by compuliion in fuch an unpredeftin'd mifery as this, is in a diameter but to interpofe a Jurifdidive againft both Nature and Inftitutioir. Power over the inward and irremediable difpofition of Man, to command love and fympathy, to forbid diflike againft the guiltlefs inftind of Nature, is not within the
Province of any
juft
Law
to reach, and were indeed an

the Rhetorician, If therefore Divorce
uncommodious
rudenefs, not a
power
for that
Law may
bandy with Nature, and
traverfe her fage
motions,
was an
error in CaBicles
whom
Socrates from high principles confo natural,
futes in Plato s Gorgias.
maybe
and
that
Law
and
Nature are not to go contrary ; then to forbid Divorce compulfively, is not only againit Nature, but againft Law. Next, it mull be remembred that all Law is for fome good that may be frequently attained, without the admixture of a worfe inconvenience s and therefore many grols
faults,
as ingratitude
and the
like,
which
are too far within the foul to be cur'd
by
conftraint
(
conftraint of
&
'
made
are left only to be wrought on by confeience and perfuaflon. Which Ariliorle in the lotli of his Etbickj to Nicomacbm, aim at a kind of divifion of
Law,
into private or perfualive, and publkk or compullive. Hence it is that the Law forbidding Divorce, never attains to any good end of fuch Prohibition, but rather For if Nature's relilflefs iway in love or hate be once it multiplies evil.
Law
compell'd,
grows
carelefs
of
it
Commonwealth. knew Man, what kind of creature he was. The Parliament alfo and Clergy of England were not ignorant of this, when thty conlcnted that Harry the 8th might put away his Queen Anne ofCleve, whom he could not like after he had been wedded half a year , unlefs it were that contrary to the Prftverb, they made a neceffity of that which might have been a vertue in them to do for even the freedom and eminence of Man's creation gives him to be a Law in this matter to himfelf, being the head of the other fex which was made for him , whom therefore though he ought not to injure,
-
vitious, ufelefsto friends, unfcrviceable and fpiritlefs to the Which Mofes rightly forefaw, and all wife Lawgivers that ever
(elf,
unfeemly affront to the (evail'd modeity of that Sex, to have her and quelh'd unpleafingnefs and other concealments bandied up and down, and aggravated in open Court by thofe hir'd matters of Such uncomely exigencies it befell no lefs a Majelly than Tongue-fence. Henry the VIII. toberedue'd to, who finding jult reafon in his confeience to forgo his brothers
after many indignities of being deluded, and made a boy of by thofe two Cardinal Judges, was conltrain'd at lair, for want of other proof that (he had been carnally known by Prince Arthur, even to uncover the nakednrfs of that vcrtuous Ladv, and
yet neither fhould he be fore'd to retain in fociety to his It any Judge therein above himfelf. being alio an
own
overthrow, nor to hear
Wife,
to recite openly the oblcene evidence of his Brother's Chamberlain. Yet it pleas'd God make him fee all the Tyranny of Rome, by difcovenng this which they exercis'd over Divorce, and to mike him the beginner of a Reformation to this whole Kingdom,
to
'Tis true, an by firfi affcrting into his fami/iary Power the right of Jul! Divorce. Adukrefs cannot be fham'd enough by anv publick proceeding i but the Woman whole honour is not impeach'd, is lefs injured by a lilent difmiffion, being otherwile not liberally dealt with, then to endure a clamouring debate of utterlefs things, in a buiinefs of that civil fecrecy and difficult decerning, as not to be over-much quellion'd by neareft friends. Which drew that anfwer from the greatell and worthielt Roman of
his time, Paulut Emilius, being
vilible reafon
?
demanded why he would put away

and held
wrings
it
his
Wife
for
no
Ibis Shot
( faid he,
out on his foot
is
a neat flioo, anew
fioo,
zance of a
it.
andyet none ofyou know where fee'd Gimeller can fuch
it
me: much
a private difference
lefs by the unfamiliar cognibe examin'd, neither ought
Again, if Law aim at the firm eftablifhment and prefervation of matrimonial faith, we know that cannot thrive under violent means, but is the morWioIared. Is it i.oc when two unfortunately met are by the Canon fore'd to draw in that yoke an unmerciful days work of forrow till death unharnels *em, that then the Law keeps Mairiagc moll unviolated and unbroken ? but when the Law takes order that Marriage be accountant and refponfible to perform that fociety, whether it be religious, civil, or corporal, which may beconlcionably rtquir'd and claim'd therein, or elic to be diffolv'd if it cannot be undergone. This is to make Marriage moft indiffoluble, by making it a a and juft equal dealer, performer of thole due helps which militated the Covenant,
Law
this
being otherwile a molt unjull contract, and no more to be maintain'd under tuition of then the vilelf fraud, or cheat, or theft that may be committed. But becauic
is
the Plaintiff himfelf
fuch a fecrerkind of fraud or theft, as cannot be dilcern'd by Law, but only by ; therefore to divorce was never counted a political or civil offence
neither to
Jew nor Gentile, nor by any Judicial intendment of Chrift, further then could be dilcern'd to tranfgrefs the allowance oi Mofes, which was of neceffity fo large,
that
ble
it
doth
all
one as
if it
fent
back the matter undeterminable at Law, and intracta-
by rough dealing, to have inftru&ions and admonitions beftow'd about it by them whofe fpiritual office is to adjure and to denounce, and fo left to the Confeience,
it is
The Law
how
can only appoint the jult and equal conditions of Divorce, and is to look an injury to the divore'd, which in truth it can be none, as a meer fepara-
to right her? or confent not, (hen is it fion^ for it (he content, wherein has the cither jult, and fo delerved i or if and unjull, fuch in all likelihood was the Divorcer : to part from an unjult Man is a But fuppofe happinefs, and no injury to be lamented. it to bean injury, rheLaw is not able to amend ir, unlefs fhe think it other then a
Law
miftrable redrefs to return back from
whence
fhe
t
was
expcll'd, or but intreated to be
gone,
(
gone, or
elfe
?2 4 )
(o live apart ft ill married without Marriage, a married Widow. Laft, what Law punifhes a deed which is not moral but if it be to chaften the Divorcer, be found to be an injury ? or how can it be natural a deed which cannot certainly the Divorce, but that the Innocent mud equally partake both punilh'd by prohibiting fmart ? So that which way foever we look, the Law can to no in the (hame and in the
rational purpofe forbid Divorce,
it
can only take care that the conditions of Divorce

it is
Thus then we fee the trial of-Law how impertinent be not injurious. how helplefs next, and then how hurtful. of ion Divorce, quell
to this
C
The
laft
fi
P.
XXII.
is not to be retrained in Law, it being %eafon why Divorce The larger proof the Law of Nature and of Nations. a%amfl to Mr. Selden'5 'Book De Jure Natural i whereof referred
&
Gentium.
How it ought Objection of Varxus anfwered. That this will not breed any worfe to be ordered by the Church. inconvenience, nor fo bad as is now fujfered.
An
the
laft
Reafon
why
it
fhculd not be,
is
the
example we havp, not only

the cleared light of
himitlf, lawgiving
defires to
from the THerefnrc
nobleft and wifeft
Commonwealths, guided by
humane knowledge,
butalfo from the Divine Tefiimonies of
God
in perfon to a fandtihed people.

leaft pains, and large with
That
all
this
is
true,
whofo
know
at
expedb not over-long rehearfals of that which is by others let him haften to be fo acquainted with that noble Volum already judicioufly gathei'd, written by our Learned Selden, Of the Law of Nature and Nations, a Work more ufeful and more worthy to be perus'd by whofoever fiudies to be a great Man in wifdom, than all thofe Decretals and fumhfs Sums, which the Pontifical equity, and juftice, Clerks have doted on, ever fince that unfortunate Mother famoufly finn'd thrice, and died impenitent of her bringing into the World thofe two misbegotten Infants, and for ever Infants, Lombard and Gratian, him the Compiler of Canon iniquity, t'other the Tub ale am of Scholaftick Sophiftry, whofe overfpreading Barbarifm hath not only infus'd their own baftardy upon the fruitfulleft part of humane Learning, not only diffipated
and dejected the the fountains of
in us, and of Nations, but hath tainted alfo and rendered the pure and folid Law of God unLîne Dedhine, Yet this Law which their unskilfulbeneficial to us IjkjWieir calumnious Dunccries. nefs hath made liable to all ignominy, the purity and wifdom of this Law (hall be the buckler of our difpute. Liberty of Divorce we claim not, we think not but from the dignity, the faith, the authority thereof is now grown among Chrithis Law a labour of no mean difficulty and envy to defend. aftoniftiment That it ftians,
clear light of
Nature
fhould not be counted a faltring difpence, a flattering permiffion of fin, the And all that we folicit Adultery, a fnare, is the expence of all this Apology.
i
it
bill
is,
of
that
may
be fuffered to ftand in the place where

to fhine, as
it
God
let if,
amidfi the Firmament of his
the weakneffes and errors of Men, perifhing holy Laws, for certain there is no memory of Whoreelfe in the fincerity of their honeft purpofes doms and Adulteries left among us now, when this warranted freedom of Gods own
:
was wont, upon
giving
is made It mufl be your fufdangerous and difcarded for a fcrole of licence. of and God and Mofes may that this Decree votes, Englifhmen, exploded frages and off fair, without the cenfure of a fhameful abrogating : which, if come fcape yonder Sun ride fure, and means not to break word with us to morrow, was never
Give fentence, if you pleafr, that the frivolus Canon yet abrogated by our Saviour. reverfe infallible the may judgment of Mofes and his great Director. Or if it be the Reformed Writers whofe Dodbine perfuades this rather, their Rcafons I dare affirm
are
all filenc'd,
unle fs
it
be only
is
this.
hardnefs cf heart in Divorce
no more now
Tar&Ht on the Corinthians would prove that to be permitted, but to be amere'd with
men,
I am not Fine and Imprifonment. willing to difcover the forgettings of Reverend What article or claufe of the whole new Covenant can ?ars.m yet here I muft
:
bring to exafperate the Judicial Law, upon any infirmity under the Gofpel
( I lay
infirmity,
( ) the were of infirmity, highjhand fin, the Law as little would have endur'd it as the it refus'd to Gofpel) it would not ttretch to the dividing of an Inheritance
for if
it
,
condemn Adultery, not
arraign Temporal Judge that But ( faith he) the Law was the time acquitted. of youth, under violent affections ; the Gofpel in us is mature age, and ought to lubdue affections True, and fo ought the Law too, if they be found inordinate, and
that thefe things fliould not be done at that the Gofpel hath not the leaf! influence upon Judicial Courts them fharpcr and more heavy, leaft of all to btfbre a
Law, but much Ids
to
(hew
to
make
which the
Law
without
Summons
not meerly natural and blamelefs.
Next
diliinguilh,
that the
time of the
Law
is
compar'd to Youth and Pupillage in reipect of the Ceremonial part, which led the Jews as children through corporal and garifh rudiments, until the fulnels of time fhould This is not meant of the reveal to them the higher leflbtis of Faith and Redemption.
moral
therein it foberly concern'd then) not to be Babies, but to be Men in good fad and awful Majefiy of that Law was not to be jelled with the to bring earnelt a bearded Nonage wirh lafcivious Difpenfations before that Throne, had been a lewd
part,
:
:
affront, as it is now violent affections in
them
in
But what Difcipline is this, Partta, to nourifh Youth, by cockering and wanton Indulgtnces, and to challile mature age with a boyifh rod of correction ? How much more coherent is it
a grofs miftake.
to Scripture, that the
Law
as a firict Schoolmafter fhould have punilh'd every trefpafs
without indulgence fo baneful to Youth , and that the Gofpel (hould how correct that by admonition and reproof only, in free and mature Age, which was puniuYd with the childhood and bondage of the Law. What therefore it allovv'd then fo ftripes in
fairly,
much
lefs is
to be
whipp'd now,
elpccially in Penal
Courts
and
if it
ought
re-
now
prieve
to trouble the Conference, whv did that angry accufer and condc mner it? So then, neither from Mofes nor from Chrift hath the Magiltrate
Law
any au-
it. But thority to proceed againft the Mailer of a Family ? to again Canon thence bereft
what, rtia.ll then the difpolal of that power return Wherefore not, fince God there put if, and the it ? This only mult be provided, that the anciprefumptuous ent manner be obferv'd in the prelenceof the Miiiilitr and other grave feledtcd Elders, who after they (hall have admonilh'd and prels'd upon him the words of our Saviour, and he fhall have protelicd in the Faith of the eternal Gofpel, and the hope he has of happy RefurreCtion, that otherwife than thus he cannot do, and thinks himfelf and this his cafe not contain'd in that Prohibition of Divorce which Chritt pronoune'd, the to conmatter not being of malice, but of nature, and fo not crpable of reconciling ftrain him further were to unchriften him, to unman him, to throw the Mountain of Sinai upon him, with the weight of the whole Law to boot, flat againft the liberty and efTence of the Gofpel, and yet nothing available either to the fanCiity of Marriage, the good of Husband, Wife, or Children, nothing profitable either to Church or. Commonwealth, but hurtful and pernicious to all thefe refpects. But this will bring
-,
: yet thefe cautious mitirullers might conlider, that what they, thus object not upon this Book, but upon that which I engage againft them, the Book of lights God and Mofes, with all the wildom and providence which had forecaft the worft of confufion that could fucceed, and yet thought fit of luch a permillion. But. let them
in confufion
be of good cheer,
we keeping llrange Concubines, to the vexation of their Hebrew Wives. If therefore Chriltians may be thought as good and tradable as the Jews were, and certainly the
Prohibiters of Divorce prefume us to be better, then lefs confufion is to be fear'd for this among us than was among them. If we be worfe, or but as bad, which lamentable
wrought fo little diforder among the Jews, that from Mofes till affor that of not one of the Prophets thought it worth the rebuking ter the Cfptivity, will appear to be not againlt divorcing, but rather againft well into looked Malachy
it
,
examples confirm
we
are,
then have
we more,
or at
leaft as
it
much, need of
this
they lay ) under a permitted Law, as they to whom God therefore gave on thus harfher Covenant. man not the of L'et therefore inventing needlefs frailty go troubles to it felf, to groan under the falle imagination of a ltridtnefs never imposM
( as
from above ^ enjoining that for duty which is an impolTible and vain fupererogating. Be not righteow overmuch^ is the counfel of Ecclefiaftes i why flwuldfi thou de(iroy Let us not be thus over-curious to flrain at atoms, and yet to ftop every thy felf? vent and cranny of'pcrmiiTive liberty, left Nature wanting thofe needful pores and
breathing places which God hath not debarr'd our weaknefs, either fuddenly break out into fome wide rupture of open Vice and frantick Herelie, or elfe inwardly felter with repining and blafphemous thoughts, under an unreafonable and fruitlefs rigor
of unwarranted Law.
Againlt which evils nothing can
more befeem
the Religion
of
the
326)
the Church, or the VVifdom of the State, then to confider timely and provide. And in To doing let them not doubt but they (hall vindicate the milreputed Honour of God and his great Lawgiver, by fuffering him to give his own Laws according to the condition of mans nature beft known to him, without the uniufferable
imputation with many ages ofratihtd Adultery. They fhall recover the mifattended words of Chrilt to the finctrity of their true fenfe from manifold ConMany helplels Chriiiians tradictions, and fhall open them with the key of Charity. they fhall raife from the depth effadnefs and difhefs, utterly unfitted as they are to ferve God or Man many they fhall reclaim trum obfeure and giddy Sedts, many reand brutilh Licence, many from defperatr hardnefs,if ever that were gain from diflblute
of
diljpenfing legally
main Laughreis ot Jfrael, not wanting much had bound M9n they fhall rellore to Satan eighteen years. plight his juft Dignity and Prerogative in Natuie, pietcrrmg the Souls free peace before the promifcuous draining of a carnal rage. Mauuge from a perillous ha?ard and fnare, they fhall reduce to be a more certain haven and retirement of happy Society ^ when they fhall judge according to God and Afrfes, and how not then according to Chrilt ? when they fhall judge it more wifdom and goodnefs to break that Covenant
jufily pleaded. of her fad
They
fhall (et free
whom
feemingly, and keep it really, then compulfion of Law to keep it leemingly, and by compullion of blamelefs Nature to break it really, at leaft if it Were ever truly join'd.
The
vigor of Diicipline they may then turn with better fuccefs upon the profiitute loofneis of the times, when men finding in rhemlelvcs the infirmities of former Ages, (hall not be conilrain'd above the gift of God in them, to unprofitable and iinp.ilible
Obfervances, never required from the civilelt, the wifclt, the holieft Nations, whole other Excellencies in moral venue they never yet could equal. Laft of all, to thole whole mind is Hill to maintain textual reflridHon, whereof the bare found cannot
conlilt fometimes with Humanity, much lefs with Charity, I would ever anfwer by putting them in remembrance of a command above all commands, which they (rem to have forgot, and who in companion whereof, this which they fo exalt fpake it is but a Let them go therefore with whomlamloth and fubordinate Precept. petty
,
'
let the/71
to couple them, yet they will needs run into the fame blindnefs with the Pharifees; go therefore aud confider well what this leffon means, I will have mercy and
facrifice
:
for on that j faying all the Law and Prophets depend, much more the Gofend and excellence is whole pel, mercy and peace or if they cannot learn that, how will they hear this ? which yet 1 fhall not doubt to leave with them as 3 Condufion, That God the Son hath put all other things under his own feet, but his Commandments he hath left all under the feet of Charity.
not
'irttacljo^sm
?2 7 )
expositions UPON
The
four chief Places in Scripture which treat of Marriage, or Nullities in Marriage.
27,28. compar'd and explain'd by Gen.'n. 18, 22,24. 1,2. ji, 32. with Mattb. xix. from v. ? to 11. JMatth.V. t. 1 Cor. Vll. from v. 10 to 16.
f Gen. 1.
0n 5DEUT.XXIV.
Wherein
the Doctrine and Difcipline of Divorce, as was lately publifh'd, is confirm'd by Explanation of Scripture, by Teftimony of ancient Fathers, of civil Laws in the Primitive C hurch, of famoufeft
Reformed Divines and laftly, by an intended Act of the Parlament and Church of England in the laft year of Edward the Sixt.
;
Xncao?oi
c.cuvoc
zr%0G(pi%&v
mxpk
Kqdaoav vo[M.3&$iv
-nike, hmfacpcuiVi.
Euripd. Medea.
To
which
I
the
Parlament.
which I faw, and was partaker of, your Vows and folemn Cov'nants, Parlament of England, your adtions ajfo manifeftly tending to exalt the Truth, and to deprefs the tyranny of Error, and ill Cuftom, with more conftancy and prowefle then ever yet any, fince that Parlament which put the fitft Scepter of this Kingdom into his hand whom God and extraordinary Vertue made their Monarch, were the caufes that mov'd me, one elfe not placing much in the eminence of a Dedication, to prefent your high notice with a Difcourfe, confeious to it felf of nothing more then of diligence, and firm affection to the publick good. And that ye took it
fo as wife
THAT
liberty
knew to be the part of a good Magiftrate, aiming at true the through right information of religious and civil life, and that
cept, in matters
and impartial men, obtaining fo great power and dignitie, are wont to acboth doubtful and important, what they think offer'd them welf And on meant, and from a rational ability, I had no lefs then to perfwade me. that perfwafion am returned, as to a famous and free pert, my felf alfo bound by more then a maritime Law, to expofe as freely what fraughtage I conceave to bring of no trifles. For although it be generally known, how and by whom ye have been infugated to a hard cenfure of that former
book
entitl'd,
The Dodtrine and
Difcipline of Di-
vorce, an opinion held by ibme of the bed or confinement, tho now thought new and
it
among reformed Writers withour fcandal dangerous by fome of our fevere Gnofitcs^
whofe little reading, and lefs meditating holds ever with hardeft obftinacy that which took up with eafieft credulity^ 1 do not rind yet that ought, for the furious incite, ments which have been us'd, hath iffu'd by your appointment, that might give the
leaft
(.**)
Which he who leaQ interruption 01 difrepute either to the Author, or to the Book. will be better advis'd then to call your neglect, or connivence at a thing imagin'd fo can attribute it to nothing more juftly, then to the deep and quiet ftream
perilous,
of your direct and calm deliberations, that gave not way either to the fervent rafhncfs, or the immaterial gravity of thofe who ceas'd not to exafperate without caufe. For which uprightnefs and incorrupt refufal of what ye were incens'd to, Lords and Commons, ( though it were don to jufiice, not to me, and was a peculiar demonltration
how
far your ways are different from the rafh vulgar ) befides thofe allegiances of Oath and Duty, which are my public debt to your public Labours, I have yet a (tore of gratitude laid up, which cannot be exhaufkd ; and fuch thanks perhaps they may live Yet that the Author may be to be, as (hall more then whifper to the next ages. known to ground himfelf upon his own innocence, and the merit of his caufe, not upon the favour of a diverlion, or a delay to any juft cenfure, but wiflies rather he might fee thofe his detracters at any fair meeting, as learned debatements are privileged with a due freedom under equal Moderators, I fhall here briefly lingle one of them
( becaufe he hath oblig'd me to it ) who I perfwade me having fcarfe read the book, nor knowing him who writ it, or at leaft faining the latter, hath not forborn to fcandalizehim, unconferr'd with, unadmonifht, undealt with by any Paftorly or brotherly convincement, in the moft open and invective manner, and at the moft bitter And this, when as the Caopportunity that drift or fet defign could have invented. non Law, though commonly molt favouring the boldnefs of their Priefts, punifhes the naming or traducing of any perfon in the Pulpit, was by him made no lcruple. If I fhall therefore take licence by the right of nature, and that liberty wherein I was born, to defend my felf publicly againft a printed Calumny, and do willingly appeal to thofe Judges to
whom am
I
accus'd,
it
can be no immoderate, or unallowable
courfe of fceking fo juft and needful reparations. Which I had don long fince, had not thele employments, which are now vilible, deferr'd me. It was preacht before ye, Lords and
Commons, in Jugufi laft upon was a wicked Book abroad, and ye were taxt
to he
a fpecial day of Humiliation, that there of fin that it was yet uncenfurd, the
and Impudence alfo was charg'd upon the Author, who \ and dedicate it to your [elves. Firft, Lords and Commons, I pray to that God, before whom ye then were proftrate, fo to forgive ye thofe omiffionsand trtfpaffcs, which yedefire moft fhould rind forgivnefs, as I fhall foon fhew
Book deferving
burnt
durft fet hi*
name
te
it,
ye abfolve your felves of that which this man calls your Sin, Wifdom, and your Noblenefs, whereof to this day ye have don He terms it a wicked Book, and why but for allowing ether Caujes of Divorce, then Chrtft and his Apoflles mention} and with the fame cenfure condemns of wickednefs not only Martin Bucer, that elect InfirUmcnt of Reformation, highly honoui'd and had in reverence by Edward the fixth, and his whole Parlament, whom alfo I had publiftu in Englifh by a good providence, about a week before this calumnious was digreffion preach'd ; fo that if he knew not Bucer then, as he ought to have known, he might at leatt have known him fome months after, ere the Sermon came in print, wherein notwithftanding he perfifts in his former fentence, and condemns again of wickednefs, either ignorantly or wilfully, not only Martin Bucer, arid all the choifeft and holieft of our Reformers, but the whole Parlament and Church of England in
to the
is
World how
eafily
and
indeed your well not to repent.
All which I fhall prove with good pureft times of Edward the fixth. at the end of thefe Explanations. And then let it be judg'd and ferioufly evidence, confider'd with what hope the affairs of our Religion are committed to one among
thofe beit
and
hath now only left him which of the twain he will choofe, whether be his palpable ignorance, or the fame wickednefs of his own Book, which he fo lavifhly imputes to the writings of other men : and whether this of his, that thus
others,
this fhall
who
peremptorily defames and attaints of wickednefs unfpotted Churches, unblemifht Parlaments, and the moft eminent Reftorers of Chriftian Doctrine, deferve not to be burnt rirft. And if his heat had burft out only againft the Opinion, his wonted paflion had no doubt bin filently born with wonted patience. But fince, againft the charity of
that folemn place and meeting, it ferv'd him furder to inveigh opprobrioufly againft the perfon, him with no lefs then impudence, only for fetting his name to branding what he had writt'n, I muft be excus'd not to be fo wanting to the defence of an honed Name, or to the reputation of thofe good Men who afford me their fociety,
but to be fenfible of fuch a foul endeavour'd difgracc : not knowing ought either in mine own deferts, or the Laws of this Land, why I fhould be a notorifubject, in fuch ous and illegal manner; to the intemperances of this mans indeed preaching cholcr. And
to
( 3 29 ) in the midll and of his humblenefs, to tofs reproaches of this to be (o prompt ready as were if the bulk and lize, argues they weapons of his exercife, I am fure not of his of that work. or days Certainly to fubfcribe my name at what I was to Miniftery, the State had order'd and requires. what And he who lilts not to be maliwas own, cious, would call it ingenuity, dear confciencc, willingntfs to avouch what might be
quellion'd,
or
to be better inltrudtcd.
And
if
God
were
lb difplcas'd
with thole,
to on the folemn f aft were wont finite vcitb the fiji of uickedtitfs-, it could 77*1.58. be no lign of his own humiliation accepted, which difpos'd him to (mite io keenly with a reviling tongue. But if only to have writ my name mult be counted impndince,
who
how
late
doth
this but jullific
another,
who might
affirm with as
good warrant,
that the
Difcourfc of Scripture and Rcafon , which is certain to be chiefly his own without a name, out of bale fear, an J the lly avoidance of what draught, was publtfht to his detriment, if the party at Court Ihould hap to reach him ? And follow might to have let my name, where he accufes me to have fet it, am Io far from recanting,
I,
that
offer
my
hand
alfo if
need be, to make good the lame opinion which
there
maintain, by inevitable confequences drawn parallel from his own principal arguments in that of Scripture and Reafon: which 1 (hall paidon him, if he can deny, without to pieces. The impudence therefore, lince he waigh'd fo fhaking his own competition
a grols revile that was to give his equal, I lend him back again for aphyflitch upon his arrogance, that cenlures not only before conviction io bitterly to lottery without Io much as onereafongiv '11, but cenlures the Congregation of his Governors
little
what
what I had fluParlament, how could I better declare the loyalty which I owe to that fupreme and majeftick Tribunal, and the opinion which I have of the high-entrulied ? With the fame affections judgment, and perfonal worth aflembl'd in that place of addicted Parlament the fame and fidelity, therefore, England, I here again have
died,
to the
to their faces, for not being fo hafly as himielf to cenfure. And whereas my other crime is, that I addnls'd the Dedication of
brought to your perufal on the fame argument theie following Expolitions oi Scripture. The former book, as pleas'd fome to think, who were thought judicious, had of reafon in it to a fufficiency ; what they requit'd, was that the Scriptuies there alleg'd might be difcufs'd more fully. To their deliies, thus much furder hath been laboui'd in the Scriptures. Another fort alio who wanted more autorities, and citations, have If all this attain not to fatishe them, as 1 am confident not been hereun thought of.
that none oflffiofc our great controverlies at this day hath had a more demonltrative explaining, I muff confefs to admire what it is, fur doubtlefs it is not reafon now adays that fatishes, or fuborns the common credence of men, to yield lo eatily, and grow fo vehement in matters much more disputable, and far less conducing to the
daily
cloak the defects of
Some whofe neceflary fhifts have long enur'd them to unftudied years, and hatred now to learn, under the appearance of a grave folidity, which eltimation they have gain'd among weak perceivers, find the eale of flighting what they cannot refute, and are determin'd, as I hear, to In which number I mull be fore'd to reck'n that hold it not worth the anlwering.
good and peace of life.
their
Do&or, who in a late equivocating Treatife plaufibly fet afloat again!! the Dippers, diving the while himfelf with a more deep prelatical malignance againit the prefent State and Church-government, mentions with ignominy the Trattate of Divorce-^ yet anfwers nothing, but inffead thereof ( for which I do not commend his marfhalling) fets Mefes alfo among the crew of his Anabaptiltsj as one who ro a holy Nation, the
Common-wealth of
Ifrael, gave Laws breaking the bonds of Marriage to inordinate no mean Thefe axe liijr. (urges ofblafphemy, not only dipping Mofes the divine a high hand againit the jullicc and purity of God himfelf; with but Lwgivcr, dafhing as thefe enfuiug Scriptures plainly and freely handl'd lhall venrie to she launcing of
that old apojiemated error.

'
Him
therefore
leave
now
'
to his repentance.
* ir Others, which courtefie, confefs that wit and parts may do much to make that feem true which is not ( as was objected to Socrates by them who could not refill his efficacy, that he ever made the worfe caufe feem the better) and thus thinking themfelves difcharg'd of the difficulty, love not to wade furder into the fear of a convincement. Thefe will be their excufes to decline the full examining of this ferious point.
:
So much
1 prefs it and repeat it, Lords and Commons, that ye beware ere this grand fecret, and only art of ignorance affecting tyranny, grow For if found argument and realon lhall be thus put off, powerful, and rule among us. an undervaluing filence, or the mafkrly cenfure of a rayling word or two in either
the
more
while time
is,
by
the
(
the Pulpit, or
Ho)
by rejecting the force oi truth, as the meer cunning of Eloquence and Socan be the end of this, but that all good learning and knowledge will what phillry, ? Ignorance, and illiterate preemption, which is yet but our difeafe, fuddenly decay
will
turn at length into our very conftitution, and prove the hettic evil of this age: If this fhall worfe to be fear'd, if it get once to reign over us, than any rift Monarchy. and be a chief the wont that what was to commendation, the be courfe, ground of
other
mens confidence
ill
in
an Author, his diligence, his learning,

fhall
his elocution
whether
ftrufted,
to a difadvantage and meaning granted him, muff therefore be mihe what that unconfuted, writes, him, though fufpicion againlt therefore not received for the indufiry, the exa&nefs, the labour in it, con-
by right, or by
be turn'd
now
as if wifdom had now foriak'n the thirfiy and laboribe more then ordinary ous inquirer to dwell againft her nature with the arrogant and (hallow babler, to what continual learching requit'd of us by Solomon to the atpurpoie all thofe pains and that tainment of underftanding ; why are men bred up with fuch care and expence to a lite
fefs'd to
,
of perpetual ftudies,why do your
(elves
with fuch endeavour ftek to wipe off the imputa-
tion of intending to difcourage the progrefs and advance of learning? He therefore whofe heart can bear h:m to the high pitch of your noble cnterprifes, may eafily affure himfelf that the prudence and far-judgingcircumfpfdtnefsof fo grave a Magiftracy lifting in
who have before them the prepir'd and purpos'd A6t of their molt religious predecelTors to imitate in this queltion, cannot rejecl: the clearnefs of thefe reafons, and thefe allegations both here and formerly offered them ; nor can over-look the more wholfomly and more humanly in the cafualties of Divorce, neceffity of ordaining if the mod urgent and exceffive grievances haphave Laws then our yet eltablifht be the worth domefiick in life, laying to heart, which, unlefs Charity be far ning from us, cannot be negledted. And that thele things both in the right conftitution, and in the right reformation of a Common- wealth call for fpeedieft redrefs, and ought
Parlament,.
:
to be the
anough was urg'd in what was prefae'd to that monument of to your remembrance, and the other time before. Hencebrought For if the Law make not forth, except new caufe be giv'n, I fhall fay lefs and lefs. bear the cenfurc of thofe confequences, timely provifion, let the Law, as reafon is, which her own default now more evidently produces. And if men want manlinefs to
firli
confider'd,
Bucer which
and to fecond their own occafions, they may expoflulate the right of their due ranfom, refit hereafter and bemoan themfelves to have negle&td through faintnefsîe only have and a feafonable which of their well-grounded fpeakirr^tnight medy differing?, And perhaps in time to come, others will know how to efkem purchas'd them. what is not every day put into their hands, when they have markt events, and better how hurtful and unwife it is,to hide a fecret and pernicious rupture under the ill
weigh'd
ought,or not be ample in his hopes have the prudence toconfider, and of your wife and Chriflian determinations are to rind out readily, and by juft as like fhould have the goodnefs call'd, Gods, ye Law to adminifkr thofe redreffes which have of old, not without God ordaining, bin to ask. Cergranted to the adveriities of mankind, ere they who needed, were put
counfel of a bafhful filence. But
diftruft
?
who would
who
have enlarg'd his thoughts to expedf. from this Government fb and by frequent affiftances from Heaven fo apparently upheld, glo* juftly undertak'n, rious changes and renovations both in Church and State, he among the formoft might be nam'd, who prays that the fate of England may tarry for no other Deliverers.
tainly, if any other
'XftE&s
<H>
t!Detratl|Dôtt
Expofitions upon the four chief Places in Scripture which treat of or Nullities in Marriage, Marriage.
Gen.
So God created
I.
27.
;
Man
in
h'14
own image, in the image of God created he him

fruitful, dec.
male
and female treated he them. 2 8. And God bleffcd them t and Godfaid unto them, Be Gen.
II.
18.
And the
23.
Lorei
Godfaid,
It is not
good that
Man
foould be alone,
I will make him a
him. help meet for
now bone of my bones, and fiefl) of my fie$, fie all be f> was taken out of Man. Woman, btcaufe flte 24. Therefore jhaU a Man leave his Father and his Mother, and (hall cleave unto hisWife i and they fb aK be one fiefh.
This
is
And Adam fatd,
called
Gen.
I.
27.
God created Man
in his
own image. ~\
To
be inform'd aright
in
the
whole
SO
adays
Hiltory of Marriage, that we may know for certain, not by a fore'd yoke, but by an impartial definition, what Marriage is, and what is not Marriage j it will undoubtedly be fafeft, fairelt, and molt with our obedience, to enquire, as our
Saviours direction
Man created
is
after
is, how it was in Gods own Image,
the beginning. And that we begin fo high as For nothing now there want not earned caufes.
vileges
true dignity of Man, almoit in every forgott'n, then the of Matrimony, wherein his native in this inltitution but prime efpecially refpeffr, if we conlider that to fhinc. moll Although juft and natural pripre-eminence ought men neither can rightly feek, nor dare fully claim, unlets they be ally'd to in-
more degenerately
ward goodnefs, and

fervile lenfe of their
ftedfait
knowledge, and that the want of

unworthinefs,
it
this quells
them
to a
in
own confeious
may
fave the
wondring why
this
age many
they
are fo oppofitc both to humane and to Chriftian liberty, either while underffand not, or envy others that do contenting, or rather priding themlelves
,
in a fpecious humility and ftri&nefs bred out of low ignorance, that never yet conceiv'd the freedom of the Gofpcl ; and is therefore by the Apoftle to the Coloffians rankt with
no better company, then Will- worfhip and the mcer (hew of wifdom.
And how
herein they are, if not to themfelves, yet to their neighbours, and not to injurious them only, but to the all-wife and bounteous Grace otl'er'd us in our redemption, will oiderly appear. In the Image of God. created he him.']
It is enough determin'd, that this Image of is meant was God wherein Man Wifdom, Purity, Juftice, and Rule over all created, in which loft All creatures. Adam, was recover 'd with gain by the merits of being Chrift. For albeit our firft parent had Lordfhip over Sea, and Land, and Air, yet But Chrift having cancell'd there was a Law without him, as a guard fet over him. the hand-writing of Ordinances which was againft us, Coloff. 2. 14. and inter-
hath in that refpedt let us over Law, in preted the fulfilling of all through charity, the free cuftody of his love, and left us victorious under the guidance of his- living under the dead letter i to follow that which moft edifies, mod aids and Spirit, not to his immortal Image, not that a furders life, makes us holieft and likeft
religious
which makes us molt conformable and captive to civil and fubordinat precepts ; whereof the itn&eft obfervance may oft-times prove the deftrucYlon not only of many innocent perfons and families, but of whole Nations. Although indeed no Ordinance hurcune or from heav'n can bind againft the good of Man 5 fo that to keep them
v 2
firi<21y
that end, flriclly againft
is all
2 ) ( one with to break them.
tue have fometimes by tranfgrefling,

*,
mod
truly kept the'
Men of mofi renowned verLaw ; and wifeft Magi-
while they lookt not peevifhlv at the letter, ftrates have permitted and dil'pcnc'd it but with a greater fpirit at the good of mankind, if always not writt'n in the cha, racters of Law, yet engrav'n in the heart of Man by a divine imprcffion. This Heathens could fee, as the well-read in ftory can recount of Solon and EpaminondM, whom Cicero in his firft Book of Invention nobly defends. All law, faith he, we
ought refer man ebferves interpret by that, not by thefcrowl of letters. The reft might for Laws fake, but for the good of them for whom it was made. ferve well to lecture thefe times, deluded through belly-dodtrines into a devout flavery. The Scripture alfo affords us David in the fhew-breacf, Hezechsah in the paffovcr, found and fafe tranfgreflbrs of the litteral command, which alfo difpenc'd not feldom
to the
common good, and
No
Law
withitferf; and taught us on what
juft
occafions to
dofo:
until our Saviour, for
and God-like work was referv'd, redeem'd us to a ftate above preAnd have wc not the foul to fcriptions, by diffolving the whole Law into Charity. underftand this, and mult we againft this glory of God's tranfcendent Love towards us be hill the fervants of a literal indightment?.
that great
whom
Created he him.'} It might be doubted why he faith, Jn the Image of God created he him, not them, as well as male and female them ; efpecially lince that Image be common to them both, but male and female could not, however the Jews might
and pleafe themfelves with the accidental concurrence of Plato's wit, as if Man had bin created Hermaphrodite but then it muft have bin male and female created he him. So had the Image of God bin equally common to them both, it had no doubt bin faid, In the Image of God created he them- But St. Paul ends the confable,
at
rirft
troverfie, by explaining that the Woman is not primarily and immediately the Image of God, but in reference to the Man. The head of'the Woman, faith he, i Cor. n.
'
and glory of God, fie the glory of the Man ; he not for her, Therefore his precept is, Wives be fubjetl to your Husbands as is fit in the Lord, Coloff. 3.18. In everything, Eph. 5.24. Neverthelefs man is not to hold her as a fervant, but receives her into a part of that empire which God proclaims him to, though not equally, yet as his own image and glory : for it
is
the
Man
he the image
but
(lie
for
him.
is
no
fmall glory to
him, that
a creature
largely, fo like him, fhould be
made
fubject to him.
Not
but that particular exceptions may have place, if fhe exceed her Husband in prudence and dexterity, and he contentedly yield ;(ot then a fuperior and more natural Law
comes
that
man
of
But in, that the wifer fhould govern the lefs wife, whether male or female. which far more eafily and obediently follows from this verfe, is that, feeing Wowas purpofely made for Man, and he her head, it cannot Hand before the breath
the portraiture of God, joyning to himfelf for his intended good and folace an inferior fex, fhould fo become her thrall, whofe vvilfulnefs or inability to be a wife fruftrates the occafional end of her creation, but that he may
acquit himfelf to freedom by his natural birth-right, and that indelible charader of If it be urg'd that fin hath loft him priority which God crown'd him with. this, the
this divine utterance, that
Man
'
anfwer
in the
is
not
far to
feek,
ftill
that
fame proportion
beneath.
fion, that
Man
fhould further
from her the fin firft proceeded, which keeps her juftly She is not to gain by being firft in the tranfgrefloofe to her, becaufc already he hath loft by her means.
,
Oft
is caufelcfs
fo that his punifhment herein happens that in this matter he is without fault : and God hath the praife in our fpeeches of him, to fort his punifhment in the fame kind with the offence. Suppofe he err'd ; it is not the intent of God or Man, to hunt an error fo to the death with a revenge beyond all meafure and proportion. But
it
if we argue thus, this affli&ion is befalnhim for his fin, therefore he muft bear it, without feeking the only remedy ; firft it will be falfe that all affliction comes for fin, as in the cafe of Job, and of the Man born blind, Joh.p.^. was evident: next by that reafon, all miferies coming for fin, we muft let them all lie upon us like the vermin of an Indian Catharifi, which his fond Religion forbids him to moleft. Were
it
particular
or upon a land,
punifhment inflidted through the anger of no Law hinders us in that regard, no

,
God upon a perfon, Law bat bids us re-
much more if it be a dangerous temptation withall ; much be certainly a temptation, and not certainly a punidiment, though a for As what we bear muft with to with patience, and bear pain. they fay patience ; to feek effectual remedies, be for our difono It lefs contradiction. no implies may
it
move more
if
we
can
yet, if it
bedience, our unfaithfulnefs, and other fins againft God, that wives become adulterous to the bed and queftionlefs we ought to take the affliction as patiently as Chriftian
,
pru-
who exercifes all bitternes, and would commit Adultery too, but for envy left the perfecuted condition mould thereby get the benefit of his freedom. 'Tis plain therefore, that God enjoyns not this fuppofed Uridines of not divorcing either to punilh us, or to try our patience.
one
if Man be the image of God, which confifts in holinefs, and Woman fame ought refpedt to be the image and companion of Man, in fuch wife to be lov'd as the Church is belov'd of Chrift i and as God is the head of Chrift and if, Chrift the head of Man, (o Man^s the head of Woman I cannot fee j by this golden deprndance of headfhip and fubjedtion, but that Piety and Religion is the main tyc of Chriftian Matrimony fo as if there be found between the pair a notorious difparity either of wickednes or herefie, the Husband by all manner of right is difingag'd from a creature, not made and inflidted on him to the vexation of his the
Marriage, why Certainly to have bin bound from Divorce in that cale alio had bin as plentiful a punifhment to our Sins, and not too little work for the patienteft. Nay perhaps they will fay it was too great a fufferance, and with as flight a reafonj for no wife man but would fooncr pardon the adt of Adultery once and again com. mitted by a perfon worth pity and forgivnes, then to lead a wearifom life ot unloving and unquiet converfation with one who neither affedts nor is affedted, much lefs with
( wifh would ; is not loft the yef hereby prudence No right of divorcing for adultery. you fay, becaufe our Saviour excepted that only. But why, if he were fo bent to punifliour fins, and try our patience in did binding on us a difafirous
?
m)
he except Adultery
Moreover,
in the
Wife
alio, as her fubjedtion is terminated in the

is
Lord, being her
felf
righteoufnefs the redeemed of

,
:
ftill bound to be the valTal of him, who is the bondflave of Satan (be neither the image nor the of fuch a perfon, nor made for him, nor glory left in bondage to him but hath recours to the wing of Charity, and protection of the Church, unles there be a hope on either fide i yet fuch a hope mud be meant, as may be a rational hope, and not an endlefs fervitude. Of which hereafter.
Chrift,
not
being now
-,
But ufually it is objected, that if it be thus, then there can be no true Marriage between misbelievers and irreligious perfons. I might anfwer, let them (ee to that who are fuchi the Church hath no commiflion to But judge thofe without, i Cor.
5.
is meerimage man, ly man s which reafon God gives againft the fhedding of mans bloud, Gen. 9. as being made in Gods image, without expreilion whether he were a good man or a bad, to exempt the flayer from punifhment. So that in thofe Marriages where the parties are alike void of Religion, the Wife owes a civil homage and fubjedtion, the Husband owes a civil loyalty. But where the yoke is mif-yok'r, heretick with faithful, godly with ungodly, to the grievance and manifeft endangering of a brother or lifter, reafons of a higher Drain then matrimonial bear fway ; unlets the Gofpel inftead ot freeing us, debafe it felf to make us bondmen, and furfer evil to controul good. Male and Female created he them.'] This contains another end of matching Man and Woman, being the right and lawfulnefs of the Marriage-bed ; though much inferior to the former end of her being his image and help in religious fociety. And who of
will fay perhaps, is but penurioufly torefolv a doubt. that where they are both irreligious, the Marriage may be yet tiue a civil relation. For there are left fom remains of Gods in
this they
anfwer therefore,
to
enough
as
them
in
he
weakeft inlight may not fee that this creating of them Male and Female, cannot in any order of Reafon, or Chriftianity, .be of (uch moment againft the better and higher purpofes of their creation, as to enthral Husband or Wife to duties or to
unworthy and unbefeeming the image of God in them ? Now whenas not only men, but good men, do ftand upon their right, their eftimation, their dignity, in all other actions and deportments, with warrant anough and good Confciencc, as having the image of God in them, it will not be difficult to detcrmin- what is unworthy and unfeemly for a man to do or fuffer in Wedlock ; and the like proportionally may be found for woman , if we love not to ftand difputing below the principles of humanity. He that faid, Male and female created he them, immediatly before that faid alfo in the
fameverfe, In the image of Cod created he him, and redoubrd it, that our thoughts might not be fo full of dregs as to urge this poor confideration of male and female^ without remembring the noblenes of that former Repetition ^ left when God fends a wife eye to examin our trivial gloffes, they be found extremely to creep upon the ground : efpecially fince they confefs that what here concerns Marriage is but a brief touch, only preparative to the Inftitution which follows more exprefly in the next Chapter ; and that Chrift fo took it, as defiring to be briefeft with them who came to tempt him, account (hall be given in due place.
fufferings,
V.28.
(
V. 28. And Gtdbleffed them, and and replenijh the earth, &c.
m)
them.
G od faid unto
Be
fruitful
and
multiply,
This declares another end of Matrimony, the propagation of Mankind i and is again to Noah and his fons. Many things might be noted on this place not -ordinary, repeated Hence therenot unworth the noting i but I undertook not a general Comment. we be lefs zealous is honeft if not and in our children j fore we lee the defire of pious
his heathenifmi who in the fixt of hit Laws, counts Chriiiianity, then Plate was in we may leav in our (lead fons of our fons, continuthat therefore delirable, off-fpring and : of a God fervants al prudent defire, if people knew as well what were religious
as to begetting i requir'd to breeding a barren wedlock could endure hardly
which defire perhaps was a cauie why the Jew9 and Philo in his book of fpecial Laws, efteems
rirlt
him only worth pardon that fends not barrennes away. Carviliui ,the Rome to have fought Divorce, had it granted him for the barrennes of
his oath that
recorded in
he married to the end he might have children ; as But to difmifs a wife only for barrennes, is hard are author'.
is
his wife, upon Vionypm and Gellitu

:
and yet in fom the
fo great, and fo julf, yea fometime fo neceffary, that to condemn delire of children not being in him, might feem perhaps childles a one to a fuch age, the fault apparently
more
relted
and dignities are fo inteand to fuch or fuch lineal defcent, that good peace it may prove of great moment both in the affairs of men and of Religion, to confider throughly what might be don herein, notwithstanding the waywardnes of our School
Itridt
then needed.
Sometimes
inheritances, crowns,
and annext in their
common
Doctors.
Gen.
II.
18.
alvne
,
And the
V. 23.
Lord faid,
It is net
good that man Jhould be
will
make him a
help
meet for him.
And Adam faid, &c.
V. 24. Therefor eft all a man leave, &c.
Chapter is granted to be a Commentary on the ifl; and thefe verfes granted to be an expofition of that former verfe, Male and female created he them ! and THis2</ this male and female is by the explicite words of God himfelf here declared when yet to be not meant other than a fit help, and meet fociety, fome who would ingrofs to themfelves the whole trade of interpreting, will not fuffer the deer text of God
to
do
the office of explaining

the
it feif.
Lord Godfaid, It is not good."} A man would think that the confideration of whofpake, fhould raife up the intention of our minds to enquire better, and obey for as we order the bufines of Marriage, that which the purpos of to great a Speaker
And
he here fpeak
is
all
made
:
vain
nothing God ordain'd it in love and helpfulnefs to be indiffoluble, and tion of this ordinance we in outward a<3 and formality to be a forc't bondage fo that being fubjed to a thoufand errors in the beft men, if it prove a bleffing to any, it is of meer accident, as mans Law hath handl'd it, and not of inllitution. It U not good for man to be alone,T} Hitherto all things that have bin nam'd, were
,
at all regarded.
Our prefumption
and in the decifion of matrimony, or not matrimony 1 hath utterly chang'd the date and condi
lonelinefs is the firft thing which Gods eye nam'd approv'd ot God to be very good not good whether it be a thing, or the want of fomthing, I labour not i let it be And here alone is meant their tendance, who have the art to be induftrioufly idle. alone without woman i otherwife Adam had the company of God himfelf, and An:
:
God
gels to convcrs with \ all creatures to delight could have created him out of the fame
Adams to have bin him to be alone.

It
it
his conforts
yet for
all
him ferioufly, or to make him fport. mould a thouiand friends and brother this till Eve was giv'n him, God reckon'd
,
(hew us that the matter
man deliberating both to of high confequence, and that he intended to found it according to natural reafon, not impulfive command, but that the duty fhould arife from Net good, was rhe reafon of it, not the reafon be fwallow'd up in a reafonlefs duty. as much to Adam before his fall, as not pleating, not expedient ; but fince the coming of Sin into the world, to him who hath not receiv'd the continence, it is not onnot good.Ji
God
here prefents himfelf like to a
is
ly tiot expedient to be alone, but plainly finful.

ftains
And
therefore he
who
wilfully ab-
from Marriage, not being fupernaturally gifted, and he who by making the yoke of Marriage unjuft and intolerable, caufes men to abhor it, are both in a diabolical
fin,
that of Antichrill who forbids to For what difference at all whefin, equal to marry. ther he ablhii) men from marrying, or reiirain them in a Marriage hapning totally difcommodious, diftafiful, dilhoneh and pernicious to him without the appearance cf
God does not hetr precifely lay, I make a female unto this male, as before; but expounding himfelf heer on purpos, he faith, becaufeit is not good for man to be alone, I nuke him therefore a meet God fupplies the help.
his fault
?
For
he did
briefly
Scorpion, either by weak and fhallowconliructions, or by proud airogance and cruelty to them who neither in their purpofes nor in their actions have offended againtt the due honour of wedlock.
privation of not good, with the pcifecr gift of a real and poficive perms cooking who hath turn'd this bounty of God into a
good
it
is
mans
Now whereas
trary to this
the Apofile fpcaking in the Spirit,

It
word of God,
title
u good for
a man
i Cor. 7. pronounces quite connot to touch a woman, and God can-
it inllrudb us that his commands and words, efpecially fuch as of fom good to man, are not to be fo ftridtly wrung, as to command without regard to the molt natuial and mifcrable neceffities of mankind. Therefore the Apoltle adds a limitation in the 2<5 v. of that for the ne-
not contradict himfelf,
bear the manifeft
chap,
prefent
ctility
it is
good
which he gives us doubtlefsas a pattern
how
to reconcile other places
by the general rule of Charity. For man to be alone. ~] Som would have the fenfe heerof to be in refpedf. of procreation only : and Auflin confeffs that in all other manly friendftip regards had bin a more becoming folace for Mam, then to fpend fo many fecret years in an empty world with one woman. But our Writers defervedly rejedt this crabbed opinion and defend that there is a peculiar comfort in the married flate befides the genial bed,
,
No mortal nature can endure either in the adf ions of fociety afford?. or of Religion, iludy Wifdom, without foitietime ilackning the cords of intenfe thought and labour: which It ft we flfould think faulty, God himfelf conceals us not his own recreations before the World was built; 1 was, faith the eternal
which no other
daily tovvr
bit
of
delight, flaying always before him. pleaiure, but to us a iieep hill, and
Wifdom, And to him indeed Wifdom is as a high we toyling ever about the bottom he
:
executes with eafe the exploits of his Omnipotence, as eafie as with us it is to will : but no worthy enterprife can be done by us without continual plodding and wearifbmnefs to our faint and fentitive abilities. cannot therefore always be contemplative, or pragmatical abroad, but have need of fom delightful intermiffions,
We
wherin the enlarged foul may leav off a while her fevere fchooling ; and like a glad youth in wandring vacancy, may keep her hollidaies to joy and harmlefs paliime : which as flie cannot well do without company, fo in no company fo well as where the different fex in mod refembling unlikenes, and moll unlike refemblauce, cannot but plcafe beft, and be Wherof left we lhould pleas'd in the aptitude of that variety. be too timorous, in the aw that our flat Sages would form us and drel's us, wilelt Solomon among his gravel! Proverbs countenances a kind of ravilhment and erring fondues in the entertainment of wedded leifures , and in the Song of Songs, which is
generally beleev'd, even in the jollied exprefTions to figure the Spoufals of the Church with Chrift, fings of a thoufand raptures between thofe two lovely ones far on the hither lide of carnal enjoyment. By thefe inftances, and more which might be brought, we may imagine how indulgently God provided againll mans Lonelines, that he approved it not, as by himfelf declar'd not good that he approved the remedy thereof, as of his own and as he ordain'd if, fo doubtlcs proordaining, confequently good
,
portionably to our fal'n ellate he gives it , elfe were his ordinance a; leaft in vain, and we for all his gift Hill empty handed. Nay fuch an unbounteous giver we fhould make him, as in the Fables Jupiter was to Ixion, giving him a cloud inltcad of Juno, giving him a monltrous ifTue by her, the breed of Centaurs, a neglected and unlov'd
race,
that
wheel
no deceitful giver, to bellow that on us for a remedy of Lonelines, which not a fociable mind as well as a bring conjunctive body, leaves us no lefs alone then before ; and if it us to a avers and bring a mind
is
But
God
the fruits of a delulive Marriage i and laflly giving him her with a damnation to in Hell, from a life thrown into the midlf of temptations and difordeis.
if it
Wors condition then the moft deferted Lonelinefs. God cannot in the juftice of hi? own promife and inltitution fo unexpectedly mock us by forcing that upon us as the remedy of Solitude, which Wraps us in a mifery worfe than any Wildernefs, as the
Spirit of
perpetually
difagfeeable, betrays
God
men
arrr.dlt
himfelf judges, Prov. 19. efpecially knowing that the beft andwifeft the lincere and mod cordial dellgns of their heart, do daily err in chooling."
We
hO
We
by
may conclude
is
Lor.elinefs
therefore, feeing orthodoxal Expofitors confefs to our hands, that not only meant the want of Copulation,and that Man is not lefs alone
by turning in a bcdy to him, unlets there be within it a mind anfwerable, that it is 3 work more worthy the care and confutation of God to provide for the worrhielt
which is his Mind, and not unnaturally to fet it beneath the formalities part of man and refpeds of the body, to make it a fervant of its own valTal I fay, we may conclude that iuch a Marriage, wherein the mind is fo difgrac't and vilify'd below the bodies inis not of Gods terelt, and can have no juft or tolerable contentment, inftitution, and therefore no Marrjage. Nay in concluding this, I fay we conclude no more then what the common Expoliters themfelves give us, both in that which I have recited, and much more hereafter. But the truth is, they give us, in fuch a manner, as they who leav their own mature pofitions like the eggs ot an Olirich in the duft \ I do but lay them in and I am taxt of novelties and the fun ; their own pregnancies hatch the truth
',
((range producements, while they, like that inconfiderate bird, are their own natural breed.
know
not that thefe
Heer the heav'nly Infh'tuter, as if he laI mill make him a helpmeet for him. ~] boui'd not to be miftak'n by the fupercilious hypocrifie of thofe that love to maifler their brethren, and to make us fure that he gave us not now a fervil yoke, but an
contents not himfelf to fay, I will make him a wife, but revolving to give us rirtt the meaning before the name of a wife, faith gracioufly, I will make him a meet for him. And heer 3gain, as before, I do not require more full and
amuble
knot,
help
this text, that deductions then the whole confent of our Divines ufually raife ire in Matrimony there mull be firft a mutual help to Piety, next to civil tellowfhip of Love and Amity, then to Generation, fo to houfhold Affairs, laitly the remedy of Infair
continence.
And commonly they
reck'n
them
in fuch order, as
leaves generation
and incontinence to be laii conlidered. -This I amaze me at, that though all the fuperior and nobler ends both of Marriage and of thefnarried perfons be abfolutcly frultrat, the matrimony llirs not, lofes no hold, remains as rooted as the center: but if the body bring but in a complaint of frigidity, by that cold application only, this adamantine Alp of Wedlock has leav to diffolve \ which els all the machinations of religious or civil Reafon at the fuit of adiflreffed mind, either for divine worlhip or humane
converfation
wherin
They
What courts of Concupifcence arc thefe, violated, cannot unfalten. heard before is right reafon, luff before love or devotion ? tlethly appetite may be pious Chriftians together, they may be loving and friendly, they may
be helpful to each other in the family, but they cannot couple, that (hall divorce them tho either party would not. They can neither ferv God together, nor one be at peace with the other, nor be good in the Family one to other, but live as they were dead,
or live as they were deadly enemies in a cage together i 'tis all one, they can couple, What is this, they (hall not divorce till death, no though this fentence be their death. beiides tyranny, but to turn nature upiide down, to make both religion, and the
mind of man wait upon

either
the flavilh errands of the body, and not the
body
to follow
the fandity, or the fovranty of the mind, unlpeakably wrong'd, and with all equity complaining? What, is this but to abufe the (acred and myilenous bed of Marriage to be the compulfive ilie of an ingrateful and malignant lull, ftirr'd up only from a
human.
carnal acrimony, without either love or peace, or regard to any other thing holy or This I admire how poffibly it (hould inhabit thus long in the fenfe of fo ma-
ny difputing Theologians, unlefs it be the lowed lees of a canonical infedien livergrown to their fides i which perhaps will never uncling, without the ftrong abllerfive of Com heroick Magifirat, whofe Mind, equal to his high Office, dares lead him both to know and do without their frivolous cafe-putting. For certain he (hall have God and this Inliitution plainly on his fide. And if it be true both in Divinity and Law,
dilTolv
that confent alone, though copulation never follow, makes a Marriage, how can they it for the want of that which made it not, and not dilfolv it for that not conit,
tinuing which made a brute conjugality ?

>
and fhould preferve
it
in love
and reafon, and difference
it
from
Meet for him.~\ The original here is more exprefiive then other languages word for word can render it but all agree effectual conformity of difpofition and affedion to be
as it were,. not fatisfy'd with the naming of a help, goes on defcrihing another felf, afecondfelf a very felf it felf. Yet now there is nothing in the life of man, through our mifconlhudion, made more uncertain, more hazardous and full of chance then this divine blefling with fuch favorable figniheance heer conferr'd upon us ; which if we do but err in our choice, the molt unblamable error that
hereby fignify'd
which God
can
(
C3 n
337)
one minute, one moment after thofe mighty Syllables pronounc'd^ b?, err but w hich take upon them to joyn Heav'n and Hell together unpard'nably till Death pardon : this divine Bleffing that lookt but now with fuch a human (mile upon us, and llrait vanifhes like a fair Sky, and brings on fuch a fcenc of fpoke fuch gentle reafon, Cloud and Tempeft, as turns all to (hipwrack without hav'n or (hoar, but to a ranfomlefs
And then they tell us it is our fin : but let them be told again, that Captivity. of God hath not made fuch wait upon us, as to make utterly the mercy through void to our ule any temporal benefit, much kfs any (o much availing to a peaceful and fan&ify'd life, meerly for a molt incident error which no warinels can certainly And wherefore fervrs our happy redemption, and the liberty we have in Chrifr, fhun.
fin
but to deliver us from calamitous yokes, not to be liv'd under without the endangerment of our fouls, and to reltore us in fome competent meafure to a right in every Thus we fee how treatably and diflin&ly ? good thing both of this life, and the other God hath here taught us what the prime ends of Marriage are, mutual folace and help. That we are now, upon the moll irreprehenlible miitake in choofing, defeated and defrauded of all this original benignity, was begun rirft through the fnare of AntichrilHan Canons long fince obtruded upon the Church of Rome, and not yet fcoui'd
off by reformation, out of a lingring vain-glory that abides
in
among
us to
make
fair
formal Ordinances, and tonjoyn Continence and bearing of Croffes in fuch (hews a garb as no Scripture binds us, underthe thickeft Arrows of temptation, where we Now we lliall (ee with what acknowledgment and affent Adam teneed not (land.
ceiv'd this
new
aiTociate
which
God
is
brought him.
fie(l> ; Jlie
V. 23.
And Adam /aid,

Jliall
This
be called
now bone of my bones, and fle(h of my IVoman, becaafe foe wm tai(n out of Man.
That there was a nearer Alliance between Adam and Eve-, than could be ever after For no other Woman was ever moulded between Man and Wife, is vilible to any. out of her Husband's Rib, but of meer Strangers for the molt part they come to have And if we look nearly upon the that confanguinity which they have by Wedlock. is to holinefs, to purity and jultice, yet matter, though Marriage be moll agreeable law no were in For if it relation. and ordain'd nature, it not a natural, but a civil or crime could difanul it, to make a Wife, or Husband, otherwife than flill a Wife or or a Husband, but only Death ; as nothing but that can make a Father no Father, Son no Son. But Divorce for Adultery or Defertion, as all- our Churches agree but but nullities, and extinguifhes the relation it felf of MaEngland, not only feparates, otherwife the innocent party could trimony, fo that they are no more Man and Wife next were it meerly natural, not marry elfewhere, without the guilt of Adultery Law to Man in his original rectirelt moral the of more than why was it here ordain'd brealt all that was natural or moral was engrav'n without external whole in tude, Adam therefore in thefe words does hot eltabliih an indifConltitutions and Edi&s ?
-, ,
foluble
bond of Marriage
in the carnal ligaments
of
flclh
and bones
for if
he did,
it
would belong only

flclh
of flelh, not to be lett
every one of us being nearer in and bone of bones to our Parents than to a Wife ; they therefore were But Adam, who had the wifdom giv'n him to for her in that refpeft.
to himfelf in the
literal fenfe,
no doubt but had creatures, and to name them according to their properties, and to appremuch more him that which concern'd to difcera perfcdly the gift , And hend at firlt fight the true htnefs of that Confort which God provided him.
know
all
therefore fp3ke in reference to thofe words which God pronoune'd before \ as if lie had faid, This is fhe by whofe meet help and fociety I (hall no more be alone ; this is cv'n as 1 the Image of God i not fo much in body, as fhe who was made my
image,
in unity of
mind and heart. And he might a? eafily know what were the words of fo fouifidly. God, as he knew fo readily what had bin done with his Rib, while he flept it a double of to form out a of his He might well know, if God took Rib infide, a treble mifto it from his he to would far fooner him, prevent outlide, disjoyn good and far fooner cut it quite off from all relation for his undoubted eafe, chief to him
,
When than nail it into his body again, to tlick for ever there a thorn in his heart. as Nature teaches us to divide any limb from the body to the faving of its fellows, how much more is it her though it be the maiming and deformity of the whole dodfrine to fever by incilion, not a true limb fo much, though that be lawful, but an
,
? But if in adherent, a fore, the gangrene of a limb, to the recovery of a whole Man in the meer of new elUblifhment (hall Adam a we make to ereft thefe words Marriage
X x
flelh.
33*)
fo lately had inftituted, and founded in the lweet and mild familiflclh, which God and mutual fitnefs ; what do we but ufe the mouth of cur arity of love and folace, the firft time it opens to an arrogant oppofition, and correcting of general parent, God's wifer Ordinance ? Thefe words therefore cannot import any thing new in Marbut either that which belongs to Adam only, or to us in reference only to the riage, which made a meet help againft lonelinefs. Adam (pake inttituting words of God, like Adam the words of flefli and bones, the fhell and rind of Matrimony ; but God
(pake like
God, of
love and folace and
meet help, the
foul
both of
Adams words
and of Matrimony.
V. 24. Therefore frail a man leave his father and his mother, and his wife; and they frail be one fiefr.
This
verfe, as
fhall cleave unto
our common herd expounds it, is the great knot-tier, which hath and by tangling, millions of guiltlefs consciences this is that giifly tying, Porter, who having drawn men and wifeft men by futile allurement within the train of an unhappy matrimony, claps the dungeon-gate upon them, as irrecoverable as the But if we view him well, and hear him with not too haliy and prejudicant grave. For firft, it is not here faid abfolutely we fhall find no fuch terror in him. ears,
undon by
without
it
realon he fhall cleave to his wife, be it to his weal or to his deftru&ion as happens, but he fhall do this upon the premifes and confiderations of that meet help and iocicty before mentioned, Therefore he frail cleave to his wife, no otherwhe a wife then a fit help. He is not bid to leave the dear cohabitation of his father, broall
thers and
filters,
to link himfelf infeparably with the
meer
carcals
haps an enemy. This joyning particle Therefore is in all of conftrudtion to comprehend firft and molt principally what God ("pake concerning the inward eflence of Marriage in his inflitution, that we may learn how far to attend what Adam fpake of the outward materials thereof in his approbation. For if we
only to a corporal meaning, and that the force of this live individually with any woman which hash befaln injunction upon us in the moft miftak'n wedlock, fhall confift not in thefe moral and relative caufes of
fhall
all
mothtr, of a Marriage, perequity, nay in all neceffity
bind thefe words
oiAdam
ushisfonsto
Eves creation, but in the meer anatomy of a rib, and that Adams infight concerning wedlock reacht no furder, we fhall make him as very an idiot as the Socinians make him which would not be reverently done of us. Let us be content to allow our great forefather fo much wifdom, as to take the inftituting words of God along with him into this fentence, which if they be well minded, will affurc us that firth and ribs are but of a weak and dead efficacy to keep Marriage united where there is no other
,
The rib of Marriage, to all fince Adam, is a relation much rather then a nerves and the finews thereof are love and meet the ; help, they knit not every where that and knit feldom break but where they break j they they couple marries, which for the mod part is where they never truly joyn'd, to fuch at the fame inllant
fitnefs.
bone
'
both
be in common : fo that here they argue nothing to the conor violated Marriage, but mull be led back again to receive their meaning from thofc inftitutive words of God which gave them all the life and vigour they have.
flefh
and
rib ceafe to
tinuance of a
falfe
Therefore fhall a
plain by
this
rogative?
leave his father, &c.2 What to a man's thinking more that the fatherly power fhould give place to conjugal preappoinmenf, it is held by reformed writers againft the Papift, that yet generally
it
man
though
in perfons at difcretion the Marriage in
felf be
never fo
fit,
though
it
be fully accom-
plifht with benedidtion, board and bed, yet the father not confenting, his main will without difpute (hall diflblve all. And this they affirm only from collective reafon, not anydiredt law, for that in Exod. 22. 17. which is moll particular, fpeaks that a father may refufe to marry his daughter to one who hath deflour'd not that he
her,
may
take her
away from one who hath
foberly married her.
Yet becaufe the general
te parents is great, they hold he may, and But perhaps hold not amifs. the is of harfh and again queftion rugged parents who defer to bellow their children feafonably, they agree joyntly that the Church or beftow Magiftrate
honour due
when
may
them, though without the Father's confent : and for this they have no exprefs So that they may fee by their own handling of this very place, autority in Scripture. that it is not the ftubborn letter muft govern us, but the divine and fofming breath of charity which turns and winds the di&atc of every pofitive command, and fhapes it fo the good of mankind. Shall the outward acceflory of a Father's will wanting, rend
the
(
the htteft and
H9)
power to
vindicate his
and
fhall
which is truly wedded
affedionat Marriage in twain, after all nuptial consummations j not the want of love and the privjciun of all civil and religious concord, the inward elTenceot Wedlock, do as much to part thofe who were never
?
mod
Shall a Father have this
own
wilful
honour and
his
man, matrimony and (hall not matrimony, which is God's Ordinance, for its own honour and better confer vation, diiTolve it fclf, when it is wrong, and not fitted to any of the chief ends which it owes us ? And they fiall be one fle>7\ Thefe words alio infer that there ought to be an
autority to the utter breach of a molt dearly-united Marriage, and fhall not a man in his own power have the permiiiion to free his Soul, his Life, and all his comfort of life from the difalter of a Shall fatherhood, which is but for rio-marriage ?
own
pleafure diiTolve
individually in Marriage ^ but without all queltion prefuppofc the joyning caufes. Not a rule yet that we have met with, fo univerial in this whole inlUtution, but hath admitted limitations and conditions according to humane neceflity. The very foun-
dation of Matrimony, though Gcd laid it fo deliberately, that it is not good for man to be Soon after we are bid leave Faalone, holds not always, if the Apofile can lecure us. ther and Mother, and cleave to a Wife, but mult underhand the Fathers confent with-
Cleave to a Wife, but let her be a wife, let her be a meet clle not. help, a folace, not a nothing, not an adverlary, not a defertrice can any law or command be fo unrealonable as to make men cleave to calamity, to ruin, to perdition ? In like manntr
all,
,
here, They fliall be one flefh ; but let the caufes hold, and be made really good, which know that flefh can neither only have the pollibility to make them one flefh.
We
compel flefh, were more eafy -lo compel the vegetable and nutritive power of nature to allimilations and mixtures which are not alterable each by other or force the concodtive llomac to turn that into flefh which is fo totally unlike that fubftance, as not to be wrought on. For as the unity of mind is nearer and then the union of fo doubtkfs is the diffimilitude greater, bodies, greater and more dividual, as that which makes between bodies all difference and difiin&ion. Eipecially when as betides the lingular and fubltantial differences of every Soul, there is an intimate quality of good or evil, through the whole Progeny of Adam, which
as if
joyn, nor keep together two bodies of it felf > what is it then mult make them one fldh, but hkenefs, bur fitnefsof mind and difpofition, which may breed the Spirit of concord, and union between them ? If that be not in the nature of either, and that there has bin a remedilels miftake, as vain we them into one go about to
we undertook
to
weav
;
garment of dry (and.
It
like a radical heat, or mortal chilnefs, joyns them, or disjoyns them irretiltibly. therefore either the will, or the faculty is found to have never joyn'd, or
In
whom
now
not to continue
fo, 'tis
not to fay, they
God commands not impollibilities ; men can compound, is not able to

one
flefh
be one fleih, for they cannot be one flefh. the Ecclefiaftical glue, that Liturgy or Lay(odtr up two fuch Natures into the incongruous
fhall
all
and
of a true befeeming Marriage.

?
Why
-
did Mofes then
fet
down
their
uniting
into one flefh
And
again ask,
why
his
our's flefh, the drinking of his blood ? ; his flefh, and bone of h body, flefh of
'
the Golpel lb oft repeats the eating of our SaviThat we are one body with him, the members
hone,
of
Ephcf. 5.
Yet
lelt
.lefh prohteth pernaitans, as we are told there, that nothing ; if we be nut as deaf as Adders, that u.. union of the flefh proceeds
we fhould be Cafo we are told here,

from
the union
of
fit
help and
folace.
We know
that
there
was never a more
this Golpel taught us under the terms of body and flefh ; then that we fhould Hick there. What a ftupidnefs then is it, that in Marriage, which is the neareff relemblance of our union with Chrifl, we fhould dejedrour ("elves to fuch
,
myltery then yet nothing lefs intended

fpiritual
diftinguifh therefore ules this phrafc, that they fnall be one to juliify and make fiefli, legitimate the rites of Marriage-bed ; which was not unneedful, if for all this warrant
a fluggifh and underfoot Philofophy, as to efteem the validity^f Marriage meerly by the flefh, though never fo brok'n and disjoynted from love and peace, which only can it from beflial. give a humane qualification to that adt of the flefh, and
The Text
they were fufpedted of pollution by fome feds of Philofophy, and Religions of old, and latelier among the Papilts, and other Heretics elder than they. Some think there
is a high myltery in thofe words, from that which Paul faith of them, Ephef. 5. Thy u a great myflery, but Ifpeak of Chrift and the Church: and thence they would conclude For me I difpute not now whether Matrimony be a Marriage to be infeparable. myltery or no ^ if it be of Chrift and his Church, certainly it is not meant of every ungodly and mifwedded Marriage, but then only myflerious, when it is a holy, happy, and peaceful match. But when a Saint is joyn'd with a Reprobatr, or both alike,
wicked
( 54 ) wicked with wicked, fool with fool, a he drunkard with a fhe ; when the bed hath bin or more,but an old haunt of lull and malice rr.ixt nothing tile for twenty years together, no love, no goodnefs, no loyalty, but counterplotting, and fecret wifhing one am> thers diilolution ^ this is to me the greatcft myfttry in the world, if fuch a Marriage as this can be the myftery of ought, unlefs it be the myftery of iniquity According to that which Va.rs.ui cites out ofCbryfollom, that a bad Wife is a help for the Devil, Since therefore none but a tit and and the like may be (aid of a bad Husband. pious can the union of Chrilt and his Church, there cannot hence be Matrimony lignify any hindrance of divorce to that Wedlock wherein there can be no good myftery. Rather it then might to a Chriliian Conference be matter of rinding it felt (o much lefs
:
fatisfy'd
before, in the continuance of an unhappy yoke, wherein there can be tation either ot Chrift, or of his Church.
I
no reprefen-
Thus having enquu'd the Infiitution how it was in the beginning, both from the Chap, of Gen. where it was only mention'd in part, and from the frcond, where it was plainly and evidently inftituted ; and having attended each claufe and word neceffary with a diligence not droufy, we (hall now hx with fome advantage, and by a fhort view backward gather up the ground we have gone, and fum up the flrength we have, into one argumentative Head, with that organic force that Logic proffers us.
All Arts
finition is that
for Deacknowledg that then only we know certainly, when we can define which refines the pure tfltnee of things tiom the circumftancc. If
,
therefore
we can attain in this our Controvnfy to define exa&ly what Marriage is, we (hall foon learn when there is a nullity thereof, and when a divorce. The part therefore of this Chapter which hath bin here treated, doth orderly and
To
Where the confedtary begihsahis connexion, Therefore informs us, Therefore fliall a Man, &c. Definition is decreed by Logicians to confift only of caufes conltituting the effciice of a thing. What is not therefore mull among the caufes conltituting
Marriage,
readily rtfolve it felf in|o a definition of Marriage, and a confedfary from thence. the definition thefe wc?rds chit fly contribute , It is net good, 8tc. / will make, cVc.
Thofe caufes are concluded to be matter, and, as the Artift calls it, Form. But inafmuch as the fame thing may be a caufe more ways then one, and that in relations and inftitutions which have no corporal but a
not
flay in the definition.
fubfiftence, only refpedtive being, the Form by which the thing is what it is, is oft (o flender andundiftinguifhable, that it would foon confufe, were it not fuffain'd by the efficient and final caufes, which concur to make up the form invalid otherwife of it felf, it will
be needful to take in
terial caufe
all
the four Cauies into the definition.

is
Firft therefore efficient,
the
maand
of Matrimony
;
their confent
the interna!
Man and Woman Form and foul of this
the
Author and
is
God
relation,
conjugal love arifing fiom
a mutual ritnefs to the final caufes of Wedlock, help and fociety in religious, civil and domellick converfafion, which includes as an inferior end the fulfilling of natural delire, and fpecifical increafe; thefe are the final caufes both moving the and
efficient,
And although copulation be confidei'd among the ends of Marperfeting the form. be matrimonial, then it is riage, yet the act thereof in a right efteem can no
longer
an effecft of conjugal love. When love finds it felf utterly unmatcht, and jullly vanifhes, nay rather cannot but vanifh, the flefhly ad indeed may continue, but not holy, not pure, not befeeming the ("acred bond of Marriage ; being at beft but an animal excretion, but more truly worfe and more ignoble than that mute kindlinefs
among
For
ples, in
it
the herds and flocks
in that proceeding as it ought from intelle&ive princiof but that which the field and the fold rational, participates nothing equal?.
:
human
adtions the foul
is
body do out of
fenfitive force,
the agent, the body in a manner paffive. If then the what the foul complies not with, how can Man, and
?
it
not rather fomething beneath Man, be thought the doer But to proceed in the purfuit of an accurate definition,
will avail us fomething,
and whet our thoughts, to examine what fabrick hereof others have already rear'd. Tarsus on Gen. defines Marriage to be an indiffoluble conjunction of one Man and one Woman to an individual and intimate converfation, and mutual benevolence, &c Wherein is to be markt his placing of intimate converfation before bodily benevo-
Why then
meant, though indeed benevolence rather founds will then body. divorce be granted for want of bodily performance, and not for want of ritnefs to intimate converfation, when as corporal benevolence cannot in any humane fafhionbe without this? Thus his definition places the ends ot Marriage in one order, and cfteems them in another. His Tautology alio of indiffoluble and individual is not to be imitated ; cfpccially fince neither indiffoluble nor individual hath to do
lence-,
(hall
for bodily is
ought
in
(
in the exail definition,
J4i )
being but a confechry flowing from thence, as appears by For Marriage is not true plain Scripture, Therefore fliall a Man leave, &c. Marriage by being individual, but therefore individual, if it be true Marriage. No argument but cauies enter the definition a Confectary is but the effect of thole caufes. Befides,
*,
ind ff.luble, is not CatholUkJy true i we know it diiToluble for Adulfor and of all Reformed Churches. the verdit Defertion Dr. Ames defines it tery, by an individual conjunction of one man and one to communion and mutual
that Marriage
is
woman,
of body
focieiy ef life
But
tins
perverts the
Order of God,
help and fociety oi life before communion of body. vulgar eltimation undervalues beyond comparifon all fociety of lite and communion of mind beneath the comgranting no divoice, but to the want, or mifcommunicating of an Hemingnu, approved Author, Alelanchtons Scholar, and who, next to Bucer and Erafmut, writes of Divorce moll like a Divine, thus comprifes, Marria conjundion of one man a<-d one woman age lawfully confenting, into one fiefh, for mutual helps fake, ordain d of God. And in his explanation Hands punctually upon the conditions of confent, that it be not in any main matter deluded, as being the life of Wedlock, and no true Marriage without a true confent. Into one fit (h he expounds into one mind, as well as one body, and makes it the formal caufe Herein only miffing, while he puts the effect into his definition infiead of the caufc which
,
who in And
the inftitution places
meet
munion of body
that.
i.<
the
Trxt
affords
him.
For
one
fie[h
is
not the formal eflence of Wedlock, but one
end, or one effect of a meet help : The end oft-times being the effect and fruit of the form, as Logick teaches : Elle many aged and holy Matrimonies, and more
eminently
that of
ceiv'd,
riage.
Jofph and Mary, would be no true Marriage. And that maxim generally rewould be falfe, that confent alone, though copulation never follow, makes the MarTherefore to confent lawfully into one
ricfli,
is
mony, but only one of the effe&s.

defines
Matrimony a conjunction Wherein firft, individual is not

cavil
The Civil Lawyers, and man and woman containing of

lb
not the formal caufe of Matrifirfl Juftinian or Tribonian

in
bad
as indiilbluble
much
indiviiiblc, and individual, yet the one tak'n for poflible, the other for actual, neither the one nor the other can belong to the elTence of Marriage i efpecially when a Civilian defines, by which
might be made
in the difiinguiihing
put between
individual accuftom of life. by others: And although
Law
Marriage
is
actually divore'd for
many
caufes,
and with good
leave,
by
mu-
Therefore where conjunBion is faid, they who comment the Infiitutes, that agree conjunction of mind is by the Law meant, not neceffarily conjunction of That Law then had good reafon attending to its own definition, that divorce body. fhould be granted for the breaking of that conjunction which it holds necelTarv, fooner then for the want of that conjunction which it holds not necelTary. And whereas
tual confent.
Tuningus
the fuccefs, Nature her
famous Lawyer excufes individual as the purpofe of Marriage, not alwavs it fuflices not. Purpofe is not able to conftitute the effence of a thin^. the univerfal Mother, intends nothing but her own perfection and fclf, is not the more indiffolublc for that. The PandeEls out of Modeyet prefervation
a
',
fttnus,
though not define, yet well defcribe Marriage, the conjunction of male and fethe communion of divine and human : which Bucer life, right But it feems rather to comprehend the alfo imitateson the fifth to the Ephefians. feveral ends of Marriage than to contain the more conftituting caufe that makes ic
male, the fociety of all
what
it is.
I therefore among others ( for who lings not Hyla< ) may give as well as take matter to be judg'd on, it will be lookt I fhould produce another definition than thefe which have not flood the trial. Thus then I fuppofe that Marriage by the natural and plain order of Gods inftitution in the Text be more demonliratively
That
may
and elTentially defin'd. Marriage is a divine injUtution, joyning man and woman in a love fitly difposd to the helps and comforts of domeflick^ life. divine inftitution. This contains the prime efficient caufe of Marriage as for confent of Parents and
Guardians,
in their
concurrence then a caufe for as many that marry ?rc not, and where they are not their own, yet are they not fubNow though efficient caufes are not requifite in a definition^ jected beyond reafon. yet divine inftitution hath fuch influence upon the Form, and is fo a conferving caufe of it, that without it the Form is not fufficient to matrimony from other
it
ftems
rattier a
-,
own power
as
diltinguilh
conjunctions of male and female, which are not to be counted Maniage. Joyning man and woman in a love, &c. This brings in the parties confent s until which be, the When I fay confent, I mean not error^ for error is not Marriage hath no true being.
properly confent
:
And why
fhould not confent be here underftood with equity and
good
( ?4 2 )
good
to either part, as in all other friendly
ly urg'd to the mifchief
and dcfiruction of both

for that
Covenants, and not be firain'd and cruel? Neither do I mean that lingular a<5r
of content
which made the contrad,

,
true nor lawful
and
it.
that
thtir tin that break
may remain, and yet the Marriage not the and ceafe, yet Marriage both true and lawful to So that either as no efficient at all, or but a tranfitory it
may
comes not into the definition. That confent I mean which is a love fitly difpos'd to mutual help and comfort of life this is that happy Form of Marriage naturally ariling
:
from the very heart of divine inftitution in the Text, in all the former definitions cither obfcurely, and under miltak'n terms expreli, or not at all. This gives Marriage all her due, all her benefits, all her being, all her difiind and This proper being.
makes
Marriage not a bondage, a bltlhng not a curfe, a
gift
of
God
not a fnare.
Unlels there be a love, and that love born of fitnes, how can it laft? unlefs it lad how can the belt and fweeteft purpofes of Marriage be attain'd, and they not attained
which
for
?
Marriage?
are the chief ends, and with a lawful love conftitute the formal caufe it fclf of can the eflence thereof fubfiit ? can it be indeed what it
How
How
goes
by all the power of Reafon, that where this tffence of Mar. is not, there can be no true riage Marriage ; and the Parties, either one of them or and are without jather free, both, fault, by a Nullity then by a Divorce, may betake
therefore
Conclude
them to
a fecond choys,
it
their prefent condition*
be not tolerable to them.

I
If
domeftic Scriptures, and in the graven Poets and Philofophers, cellencies of a Wife fet out only from domeftic vertues
1
any mail ask,
why
in the definition
anfwer, that becaufe both in the

find the
if
properties and exit
fufes
altogemanifelily brought in by this conncxive particle Thereforeand branches it felt into a double confequence ^ Firlt individual Society, therefore pall a man leav father and mother: Secondly, conjugal benevolence, and they fliall be one flefli. Which, as was (hewn, is not without caufc here mention'd, to prevent
,
them into the notion of fom more common Thus far of the definition the Confetlary which flows from thence, and
is
they extend furder, duty then matrimonial.

-,
dif-
ther depends theron,
and toabolidi thefufpedl: of pollution in that natural and undefiled adf. Thcfeconfcquences therefore cannot either in Religion, Law, or Reafon be bound, and polled upon Mankind to his forrow and mifery, but receiv what force they have from the meetnes of help and folace, which is the formal caufe and end of that definition that And although it be not for the Majefty of Scripture to humble her fclf fuftains them.
Difciples followers, and to be reduc't by them as oft as need is, into thofe Sciential rules, which are the implements of inltrudion i yet Aiofes, as if forefeeing the miferablc work that mans ignorance and pulillanimity would make in this matrimonious bufines, and enin artificial Theorems, and Definitions, and Corollaries, like a proftilbr in the Schools but looks to be analysed, and interpreted by the logical indultry of her and
deavouring
School-like
his
utmolt to prevent
it,
way of defining, and
condefcends in this place to fuch a methodical and confequencing, as in no place of the whole Law
more.
Thus we have feen, and if we be not contentious, may know what was Marriage in the beginning, to which in the Gofpel we are referr'di and what from hence to judg of Nullity, or Divorce. Here I efteem the work don \ in this field the controverlie debut becaufe other places of Scripture feem to look averfly upon this our deciliall harmony with it, and becaufe it is a better work to reconcile the teeming diverfities of Scripture, then the real difTentions of nearefi
cided
;
on, although indeed they keep

I ihall
friends,
affay in three following Difcourfes to
perform that Office.

i,
Deut.XXIV.
1
2.
taken a Wife, and married her, and it come to pafs that flje find no favour in his eyes, becaufe he hath found fom uncleannes in her, then let htm write her a bill ofdivorcemtnt, and give it in her hand, and fend her out of his houfe.
When a man hath
And
-when foe
is
departed out of his houfe, (he
may go and ve
another mans wife.
which
choofe, and
is
of argument that prefTes THat
how
the only difcommodity of fpeaking in a clear matter, the abundant to be utter'd, and the fufpence of judgment what to in the multitude of reafon to be not tedious, is the greateft difficulty
which
ry.
Law in
Law
exped heer to meet with. Yet much hath bin faid formerly concerning this the Dottrine of Divorce. Wherof I fhall repeat no more then what is necelTaare : heer doubted things Firtt, and that but of late, whether this be a or no i next what this reafon of uncleannes might mean for which the Law is
I
Two
granted.
(34?
That
it is
ever queftion'd, till Vatabhu within thefe granted. hundred years profefs'd Hebrew at Parity a man of no Religion, as Beza deciphers him. Yet Com there be who follow him, not only againft the current of all Antiquity
a plain
Law no man
Lee both Jewifh and Chriftjan, but the evidence of Scripture alio, Malach. 2.16. him who batethput away, faith the LordGodof Ifrael. Although this place alio hath bin tamper'd with, as if it were to be thus render'd, The Lord God faith, that he But this new interpretation refis only in the autority of Junim ; hateth putting away.
before.
for neither Calvin, nor Vatablns himfclf, nor any other known Divine fo interpreted And they of beft note who have tranflated the Scripture fince, and Diedati And perhaps they might rejedt it, if for nothing els, for one, follow not his reading.
introduces in a new manner the perfon of God (peakWhen Gcd fpeaks by his Profct, he ever fpeaks wont i ing He would have in the rirft perfon, thereby (ignifying his Majefty and Omniprefence. faith the Lord ; and not fent word by Malachi in a fudden laid, I hate putting away, fain ft ile, The Lord God faith that he hateth putting away: that were a phrafe to
for thefe
lcls
two
reafons
Firft,
is
it
Majeftic then he
ever
ience.
(brink the glorious Omniprefence of God fpeaking, into a kind of circumfcriptive abAnd were as if a Herald in the Atcheivment of a King, (hould commit the
indecorum to fet his helmet iideways and clofe, noefull fac't and open in the pollure of direction and command. We cannot think therefore that this laft Profet would thus in a new fafhion ablent the perfon of God from his own words as if he came not
be wide from the proper (cope of this place he God blames not heerthe Jews for putbut for their wives, keeping ftrange Concubines, to the profaning of judo's ting away of their Hebrew wives, v. 1 1, and 14. Judah hath married vexation the and holmes, the daughter of a ftrange God: And exhorts them rather to put their wives away whom they hate, as the Law permitted, then to keep them under Rich affronts. And
along with them.
For
it
would
alfo
that reads attentively will foon perceav, that
it is
receiv'd that this Profet liv'din thofe times of
is
thought to be
Ezra himfelf ) when
So to put their ftrangc wives away. context of the 11 verfe, from whence this rebuke begins, can give us to conje&ure of the obfeure and curt Ebraifms that follow, this Profct does not forbid putting away,
but forbids keeping, and commands putting away according to God's Law, which is Thus the plaineft Interpreter both of what God will, and what he can beft fuffer. much evinces that God there commanded Divorce by Malachi, and this confirms that
alfo here by Mofes. doubt to mention by the way an Author, tho counted Apocriphal, yet of no fmall account for Piety and Wildom, the Author of Ecclefiafiictu. Which Book, the Son of Siracb, might have begun by the Grand-father of that Jefits who is call'd bin writt'n in part, not much after the time when Malachi liv'd ; if we compute by It the Raign of PtolemAHt Euergetei. profelTes to explain the Law and the Profets j and yet exhorts us to Divorce for incurable caufes, and to cut off from the flefti thofe whom it there defcribes, Ecclefiafiic.i^. 26. Which doubtlefs that wife and ancient Writer would never have advis'd, had either Malachi fo lately forbidd'n it, or the Law by a (ull precept not left it lawful. But I urge not this for want of better proof ; our Saviour himfelf allows Divorce to be a command, Markîo. 3, 5. Neither do a fufferance, as fhall be provM at large they weak'n this alfertion, who fay it was only But fuppofe it were not a writt'n Law, they never can dein that place of Mark. ny it was a cuftom, and fo effedl nothing. For the fame reafons that induce them why it (hould not be a Law, will ftrait'n them as hard why it (hould be allow'd a All cuftom is either evil or not evil ; if it be evil, this is the very end cuftom.
Ezra and Nebemiah ( nay by fom the people were forc'tby thefe two Worthies that what the ftory of thofe times, and the plain
he
commands
may
the
it
lefs
unlefs we imagin Mofes of Lawgiving, to abolifh evil cuftoms by wholfom Laws weaker then every negligent and ftartling Politician. If it be, as they make this of Divorce to be, a cuftom againft nature, againft juftice, againft chaftity, how, upon this moft impure cuftom tolerated, could the God of purenes eredt a nice and precife Law,
,
that the
defiled ?
Wife married
after
What w3s
all this
a wicked thing allow'd ? ? if it were allowif not able, or not allowable allowable, how could it be allow'd cuftom hath the^force of able, all who underftand Law will content, that a tolerated calls it, and is as a Law, and is indeed no other but an unwritt'n Law, zsjuftinian
,
Divorce could not return to her former Husband, as being of following nicenes worth, built upon the lewd foundation In few words then, this cuftom of Divorce either was allow-
writt'n ftatute. So that their fhifc of turning this Law into a cuftom prevalent as any and the onfet' wheels about, gives upon their own flanks ; not difproving, but conclu-
ding
(
ding
it
344
it
to be the
more firm Law,becaufe
as clear in the rcafon of
common
a
life,
was without controverly a granted cuftom ; as thofe giv'n rules wheron Euclidts builds his
propofitions.
can without blafphemy doubt it to be the giving them difavows a jult Mofes continually any ftatute, or but what he learnt of God ; of whom alfo in his Song he faith, Deut. judgment, his ways are judgment, a Cod of truth and 32. Heisthereck, his work, isperfet, all And David teftiries, the judgments of the Lord withont iniquity, ju(l and right is he.
Thus
being every
way
?
Law
of God,
who
and pure
Law
Not partly right and partly wrong, much lets are true and righteous altogether. as Divines of now adays dare cenlure them. Mojes again, of altogether, wrong that people to whom he gave this Law, faith, Deut. 14. Te are the children of
the
Lord your God, the Lord hath chofcnthee to be a peculiar people to himfelf above all the nations upon the earth, that thou Jhouldefi keep all his Commandments, and be high in praife, in name, and in honour, holy to the Lord, Chap. 26. And in the fourth,
Behold I have taught you (latutes and judgments, even at theLordmy God commanded me; and do them. For this is your wifdom andyour underflandmg in the fight of keep therefore Nations that fhall hear all tloefe Statutes, and f^y,furely this great Nation is a wife and tinder(landing people. For what Ngfion is there fo great, who hath Godfo nigh to them ? and what Nation that hath Statutes and Judgments fo righteous as all this Law which
J fet before you this day ? Thus whether we look at the purity and juftice of God himand moral prefectifelf, the jealoufy of his honour among other Nations, the holines
he intended by his Law to teach this people, we cannot poflibly think how he could indure to let them flug and grow invetcratly wicked, under bafe allowances, and whole adulterous lives by difpeniation. They might not eat, they might not touch an unclean thing to what hypocrifv then were they train'd up, if by prefcription of the fame Law, they might be unjufi, they might be adulterous for term of life? forbid to foil their garments with a coy imaginary pollution,but not forbid, but countenanced What more unlike and animated by Law to foil their Souls with deepeft defilements.
on which
to
God, what more
like that
God mould
hate, then that his
Law
fhould be fo curi-
ous to wafh veffc Is, and veftures, and fo careles to leav unwafh't, unregarded, fo foul a fcab of Egypt in their Souls ? what would we more ? the Statutes of the Lord are all puie and jult and if all, then this of Divorce.
:
Becaufe he hath found fom uncleannes in her7\ That be a ineer authorizing of licence, as the Pharilces took
we may not
if,
efteem this
Law to
Mofes adds
the reafon, for
fom
uncleannes found.
Som
heertofore have bin fo ignorant, as to have thought, that
But Erafmus, who for having writ an excellent this uncleannefs means Adultery. Trearife of Divorce, was wrote again!! by fom burly flandard Divine perhaps oiCitllen,
or of Lovain, who calls himfelf Phimoflomtu, (hews learnedly out of the Fathers, with other Teltimonies and Realons, that uncleannes is not hecr fo underftood ; defends
his former
work, though new to that age, and perhaps counted licentious, and fears not to ingage all his fame on the Argument. Afterward, when Expofiters begin to underftand the Hebrew Text, which they had not done of many ages before, they tranflated word for word not uncleannes, but the nakedneft of any thing; and confidering that naktdnefs is ufually rcferr'd in Scripture to the mind as well as to the body,
they confiantly expound it any defect, annoyance, or ill quality in nature, which to So thai be joyn'd with, makes life tedious, and fuch company wors then folitude. heer will be no caufe to vary from the general confent of expofition, which gives us
freely that
permitted divorce, for whatever was unalterably diftaftful, whether in But with this admonishment, that if the Roman Law, efpecially in contracts and dowries, left many things to equity with thefe cautions, ex fide bona, quod God aquius melius erit, ut inter bonos bene agitur, we will not grudg to think that
God
body or mind.
intended not licence heer to every humor, but to fuch remediles greevances as might move a good and honeft and faithful man then to divorce, when it can no more be And although it could peace or comfort to either of them continuing thus joyn'd-
Men of hard hearts would abufe this liberty, yet doubtlefs it was intended, as all other privileges in Law are, to good men principally, to bad only by accident. So that the Sin was not in the pcrmiffion, nor limply in the a&ion of But that Divorce ( for then the permitting alfo had bin fin ) but only in the abufe. ferve the hardthis Law fhould, as it were, be wrung from God and to only Mofes, heartedfaes, and the luft of injurious men, how remote "it is frpm all fenfe, and law, and honefly, aid therefore furely from the meaning of Chrift, fhall abundantly be mar nifeft in due order.
not be avoided, but that
Now
( ) Mofes needed not to add other reafon of this Law then that one there expreft, yet to thefe ages wherin Canons, and Scotifms, and Lumbard Laws, have dull'd, and almolt obliterated the lively Sculpture of ancient reafon, and humanity,
Now although
heap reafon upon reafon, andall little enough to vindicate the whitenes and the innocence of this divine Law, from the calumny it rinds at this day, When as indeed there is not a' judicial point of being a dore to licence and confulion. in all Mofes-, conlifting of more true equity, high wifdom, and God-like then
it
will be requifit to
pity
not derogating, but prelerving the honour and peace of Marriage, and exactly agreeing with the fenle and mind of that inflitution in Cenefis. For firft, if Marriage be but an ordain'd relation, as it feems not more, it cannot and if it be of natural right, yet it muft take place above the prime didtats of nature
this
,
Law }
yeeld to that which

ture.
Now it
is
natural, and before it by elderfhip and precedence in nanot natural that Hugh marries Beatrice, or Thomas Rebecca,
is
more
being
only a civil contradt, and full of many chances, but that thefe men feek them that only is natural i and that theyefpoufe them fuch, that only is
helps,
if
meet
Marriage.
what thing more natural, more original and firft in nature then to depart from that which is irkfom, greevous, adfively hateful, and injurious even to hoftility, efpecially in a conjugal relpedt, wherin antipathies are invincible, and wher the forc't abiding of the one can be no true good, no real comfort to the other ? For if he find no contentment from the other, how can he return it from himfelf or no acceptance, how can he mutually accept? What more equal, more pious then to untie a civil knot for a natural enmity held by violence from parting, to dilTolv an accidental conjunction of this or that Man and Woman, for the molt natural and moll neceflary difagreement of meet from unmeet, from contrary ? It being certain that the myftical and blefguilty from guiltles, contrary fed unity of Marriage can be no way more unhallow'd and profan'd, then by the forWhich if we fee oft times they cancible uniting of fuch difunions and feparations. not join or peece up to a common friendfhip, or to a willing converfation in the fame
But
they find
neither
fit
,
them
helps nor tolerable fociety,
houfe, lock ?
how
Abraham and
fhould they pofTibly agree to the molt familiar and unitid amity of WedLot, though dear friends, and brethren in a ftrange Country,
vants
chofe rather to part afunder, then to infedi thir friendfhip with the firife of their ferPaul and Barnabas, join'd together by the Holy Ghoft to a fpiritual work, : If thefe great Saints, thought it better to feparate when once they grew at variance.
and Revelation, could not join'd by Nature, Friendfhip, Religion, high Providence, fb govern a cafual difference, a fudden paflion, but muft in wifdom divide from the outward duties of a Friendfhip, or a Colleguefhip in the fame family, or in the fame
a worfe divilion ; can any thing be more abfurd and journey, left it fhould grow to that whom than only Error, Cafualty, Art, or Plot hath join'd, barbarous, they fhould be compell'd, not againft a fudden paffion, but againft the permanent and radical difcords of Nature, to the moll intimate and incorporating duties of Love and
Imbracement, therin only rational and human, as they are free and voluntary ^ be? And that there is in man fuch ing els an abjedf. and fervile yoke, fcarce not brutifh a peculiar fway of liking or difliking in the affairs of Matrimony, is evidently feen before Marriage among thofe who can be friendly, can refpedl each other, yet to marry If then this unhtnefs and difparity be not each other would not for any perfwafion. till after Marriage difcover'd, through many Caufes, and Colours, and Concealments, that may overfhadow undoubtedly it will produce the fame effedts, and perhaps with more vehemence, that fuch a miftak'n pair would give the world to be unmarried
;
And thir condition Solomon to the plain jultification of Divorce expreffes, again. Prov. 30. 21, 29. where he tells us of his own accord, that a hated, or a hateful Woman, nhcnflie is married, is a thing for xvhicb the earth is difquieted, and cannot
bear
it :
more then from what
thus giving divine teliimony to this divine Law, which bids us nothing is the tuft and molt innocent leffon of Nature, to turn away peaceably can do and hazards our dellrudtion efpecially when our flaying
atfli&s,
is
j
no good, and
Secondly,
It
cxpos'd to
all evil.
of unjuft that any Ordinance, ordain'd to the good and comfort him to is milling, without his fault, fhould be fore'd upon an unfufferable mifery and difcomfort, if not commonly ruin. All Ordinances aie the end of Law is the vertu, is the righteoufnefs of Law : eftablilht in their end who urges Law againft the intention and therefore him we count an ill
is
Man, where
that
end
Expounder
thereof.
The
is
of Sabbath,
even general end of every Ordinance, of every fevereft, cveiy divined, But Marriage the good of Man-, yea his temporal good not excluded.
.
Yy
(
is
34* )
one of the benignefi ordinances of God to man, wherof both the general and particular end is the peace and contentment of mans mind, as the inftitution declares. Contentment of body they grant, which if it be defrauded, the plea of frigidity lhall divorce: But here lies the fadomles abfurdity, that granting this for bodily defect, they will not grant it for any defect of the mind, any violation of religious or civil fociety. When as, if the argument of Chrilt be firm againit the ruler ot the Synagogue, Luk. 1 3. Thou hypocrite, doth not each ofyou on the Sabbath day loosen his Oxe or hit him to watering, and fwuld not J unbind a daughter of Ajfe from the flail, and lead this bond of Satan i it ftands as good here ; ye have regard in Marriage Abraham
from
temporal the body, whereabout are they in their principles, yield this to the unworthicr parr, that they yield it not to the more worthy, the mind of a good man ? between God and Man, much Thirdly, As no Ordinance, fo no Cov'nant, no not lefs between Man and Man, being, as all are, intended to the good of both Parties,
fpiritual
to the grievance of body, fhould you not regard more the grievances of the mind, feeing the Soul as much excels the body, as the outward man excels the Afs, and more ? for that animal is yet a living creature, perfect in it felfj but the body without the Soul is ordinance therefore giv'n particularly to the good both a meer fenfelefs trunk. of and man, can be urg'd upon him to his mifchief : and if they
No
For Equity is undercan hold to the deluding or making miferable of them both. ilood in every Cov'niiit, ev'n between enemies, though the terms be not expreft. But Marriage, they uie to If therefore made it, Extremity may d'.ffolve ir.
Equity
fay, is the Cov'nant of in Scripture, wherein
God.
is
Uudoubted
and
:
fo
is
any Cov'nant frequently call'd
God
David m& Jonathan, is of Zcdekiah with the King

vet in refpect of
the Cov'nant of Friendlhip between The Cov'nant call'd the Covenant of the Lord, 1 Sam. 20. of B^bel, a Cov'nant to be doubted whether lawful or no,
call'd to witnefs
God
Ezek. 17.
Marriage
alio
invok'd thereto, is call'd the Oath, and the Covenant of God, is call'd the Cov'nant of God, Prov. 2. 17. Why, but as
So that this denominabefore, becaufe God is the witnefs thereof, Mdach.?.. 14. tion adds nothing to the Cov'nant of Marriage, above any other civil and folemn
contract: nor
indiffolub'e for this reafon than any other again 11 the end of or Oath to God exacted with fuch a rigor, its own Ordination i nor is any For look how much divine the Cov'nant is, fo much where fuperftition reigns not. (o much the more to be expected that every Article thereof mould the more
is it
more
Vow
equal
no falfe dealing, or unperforming fhould be thruil upon men But Faith, they fay, mud be kept in Cov'nant be io divine. I that to our only holds true, where the other Cov'nant, though damage. anfwer, fide performs ; which failing, he is no longer bound. Again, this is true, when the
be
fairly
made good
without redrefs v
if the
Eut in Marriage, a league keeping of Faith can be of any ufe or benefit to the other. it fcarce be is worth the keepings if Faith not of Love and Willingnefs, willingly kept, nor can be any delight to a generous mind, with whom it is forcibly kept : and the of keeping it as he ought, by queftion fbll fuppofes the one brought to an impoffibility and to keep it formally, not only with a thoufand fhifts and diflithe others default mulations, but with open anguifh, perpetual fadnefs and dillurbance, no willingnefs, no cheerfulnefs, no contentment, cannot be any good to a mind not bafely poor and
,
(hallow, with to that pafs, is
whom
the contract of
fide
Love
is
on the unfaulty
without injury
(o kept. Cov'nant therefore diffolv'd.
brought
The Law is not to neglect men under Cov'nants of greateft moment faithfulleft perform'd.
Fourthly,
to that fuftain'd in a fruftrate
but to fee greateft fufferances,
And what injury comparable and falfe-dealing Marriage, to lofe, for anothers fault his fpiritual too, 3s it againft him, the beft portion of his temporal comforts, and of to proand ? It fall out was the that for man's Law, may quiet, redue'd things good were it to aflift much more Law-like were at firft in how which common ; priety, Nature in difappropriating that evil which by continuing proper becomes defiructive ? But he might have bewar'd. So he might in any other Cov'nant, wherein the Law does not conftrain Error to fo dear a forfeit. And yet in thefe matters wherein But the wifeft are apt to err, all the warinefs that can be, oft-times nothing avails.
Law can compel the offending party to be more duteous. Yes, it all thefe kind of offences were fit in pubhek to be ccmplain'd on, or being compellM were any latisfaction to a mate not fottifh, or malicious. And thefe injuries work (o vehementthe
ly,
Law remedy them not, by feparating the caufe when no way elie will or to fuch the pacify, perlon not reliev'd betakes him either to fuch diforderly courfts, a dull dejection, as renders him either infamous, or ufelefs to thefeivice of God and
that if the his
( ?47 )
his
ought to prevent as a thing pernicious to the Comand what better prevention than this which Mofes us'd ? Fifthly, The Law is to tender the liberty and the human dignity of theinthaf live under the Law, whether it be the man's right above the woman, or the woman's and fervitude. But the duties of Marriage contain in them a jult appeal againft wrong duty of Benevolence, which to do by compulfion againll the Soul, where there can be neiflier peace, nor joy, nor love, but an enthralment toone who either cannor, or wiU not be mutual in the godlielt and the civilelt ends of that fociety, is the ignobldi, and the loweit flavery that a human fhape can be put to. This Law therefore jullly and pioufly provides againlt fuch an unmanly task of bondage as this. The Civil
Country.
the
Which
Law
monwealth
Law, though
his Patron
liberty to
,
it
redue'd
favour'd the letting free of a Have, yet if he prov'd ungrateful to him to a fervile condition. If that Law did well to reduce from
bondage
Law
of
God
for an ingratitude not the greatefr, much more became it the to enact the reitorement of a free-born man from an unpurpos'd, and
a rightful liberty, for the
that can be
unworthy bondage, to committed
againlt
him.
And
if
nations, permit the giver to recall his gift him > yea, though he had fubferib'd and fign'd in the deed of his gift, not tu recall with much more equity doth Mofes It, though for this very caufc of ingratitude ;
moft unnatural fraud and ingratitude Emperour in his title of Dofrom hits who proves unthankful towards
that Civilian
injurioufly
permit here the giver to recall no petty gift, but the gift of himlelf bom one who mr>tt and deceitfully ufes him againlt the main ends and conditions of his giving himlelf, expreli in God's inlHtution. Sixthly, Although there be nothing in the plain words of this Law, that feems to regard the afflictions of a Wife, how great foever ; yet Expolitors detcrmin, and doubt
of
defermiu rightly, that God was not uncompaffionate of them alio in the framing Law. For (hould the refcripf of Antomntu in the Civil Law give releafe to lervants flying for refuge to the Emperour's ftatue, by giving leave to change their and lhould God, who in his Law alfo is good to injui'd fervants, by cruel Mailers
Jels
this
granting them their ficedom in divers cafes, not conlider the wrongs and miferies of a wife which is noferv3iit? Though herein the counter- lenfe of our Divines, to me,
I
mult confefs feems admirable ; who teach that God gave this as a merciful Law, not for Man whom he here names, and to whom by name he gives this power, buc for the wife whom he names not, and to whom by name he gives no power at all. For certainly if Man be liable to injuries in Marriage, as well as Woman, and Man be the worthier perfon, it were a pn-pofterous Law to refpeeff. only the lefs worthy i
her
whom God made
for Marriage,
and not him
at all for
whom
Marriage was
made.
Seventhly, The Law of Marriage gives place to the power of Parents : for we hold, rhat confent of Parents not had, may break the Wedlock, though elfe accomplifht. It give place to mafierly Power, for the Mafter might take away from an Hebrew ferServants
divore'd
If it be anfwer'd that the Marriage of vant the wife which he gave him, Exod. 2 1. is no Matrimony,: 'tis That this in the ancient Roman Law is true, replv'd, If it be added, fhe was a not in the Mofate. Stranger, not an Hebrew, therefore eafily
That Strangers not being Canaanitcs, and they alfo beAnd her converfion is ing Converts, might be lawfully marry'd, as Rahab was. here i for an Hebrew mailer could not lawfully give an Heathen wife to an
:
it
will be anlwtr'd,
Hebrt w
fuppos'd
lervant.
However,
the
divorcing of an
Ifraclitifh
woman was as
eafy by the
Law, as the divorcing of a (hanger, and almoft in the fame words permitted, and Deut. 2 1. Laltly, it gives place to the right of War, for a captive
fully
Woman
Deut 24. law-
marry'd, and afterward not belov'd, might be difmift, only without ranlorn, Deut. 2 1. If Marriage may be diiTolv'd by fo many exterior powers, not fuperior, as we rhink, why may not the power of Marriage it felf, for its own peace and honour,
dilTolve
it felf ? where the peifons wtddtd be free perfons,why may not a greater and more natural power complaining dilTolve Marriage ? For the ends why Matrimony was ordain'd, are certainly and by all Logic above the Ordinance it felf i why may not that dilfolve Marriage, without which that inlHtution hath no force at all ? for
the prime ends of Marriage, are the whole ftrength and validity thereof, without which Matrimony is like an Idol, nothing in the world. But thofe former allowances were all for hardnefs of heart. Be that granted, until we come where to underif the Law fufter thus far the fland it better obflinacy of a bad man, is it not more do to willingly what is but equal, to remove in feafon the extremirighteous here,
:
ties
of a good
man ?
y a
Eightly,
(?48)
deflowr'd a Virgin, or brought an ill name en his Wife that Eightly, fhe came not a Virgin to him, he was amere'd in certain (hekles of Silver, and bound never to divorce her all his days, Vent. 22. which (hews that the Law gave no liberty
If 3
man had
the abfolute ; and that forbidding to divorce, defamer. a and not fo but that the of a Yet was in part the puniihment deflowrer, this Otherwife courfc had not fo (he when wife queftionlefs might depart pleas'd. and cruel more her to as delivered This Law much righted her, ufage. fpight up therefore doth juftly diftinguifh the privilege of an honeft and blamelefs man in the
to divorce, where the injury was palpable
matter of divorce from the puniihment of a notorious offender.

that he was too rath in his choice, Ninthly, Suppofe it might be imputed to a man, and why took he not better heed, let him now fmart, and bear his folly as he may ; that terrible Law, do not thus upbraid the infirmities and although the Law of God, But fuppofe thefe and the like proud miftakes of man in his integrity
unwilling
aggravations of fome
mercileis in his mercies, than any literal be mutt Law feverity, patiently heard ; yet all Law, and Gods Law efpecially, grants every-where to error eafy remitments, even where the utmoft With great reafon therefore and mercy doth it penalty exacted were no undoing. here not torment an error, if it be fo, with the indurance of a whole life loft to all houftiold comfort and fociety, a puniihment of too vaft and huge dimenfion for an
(tern hypocrite,
more
in the vigour of
and the more unreafonable for that the like obje&ion may be oppos'd againft the plea of divorcing for adultery \ he might have lookt better before to her breeding under religious Parents why did he not then more diligently inquire into her man? every glance of her eye, every ftep of her gate ners, into what company fhe kept would have prophecy'd adultery, if the quick fcent of thefe difcerners had bin took the divination to have foretold you all this, as they have now the along-, they had As good reafon to be content, and fore'd to divinity punifh an error inhumanly. to be content with your Adultrefs, if thefe objeticrs might be the judges of human
error,
:
frailty.
liberty given
But God, mere mild and good to man, then man to his brother, in all this to divorcement, mentions not a word of our paft errors and miftakes, with all if any were, which thefe men obje&ing from their own inventions, profecute he what the look fo one be to if violence and iniquity. For narrowly takes, at the as wary what is be the other made fhould not of ever promis'd, peril keeping, why
ceeded.
the peril of lofing ? for without thofe promiies tiie treaty o( Marriage had not profhould his own error bind him, rather then the others fraud acquit
by
Why
him ? Let
Colt
:
no morehonefty, nor ingenuity
Belike then there is the buyer beware, faith the old Law-beaten termer. in the bargain of a Wedlock, then in the buying of a
on as craftily with ihofe whofe affinity we feek, as But the deceiver deceives himfelf if they were a pack of fale-men and complotters. I and is therein in the unprofperous Marriage, fufficiently punifht. anfwer, that the
mult
it
We
feems drive
it
are fuch as either underftand not, or value not the true purhave the prey they feek, not the punifhment : yet fay it of pofes Marriage^ they it tome is not equal that error and fraud fhould be linkt in the to them crofs, prove fame degree of forfeiture, but rather that error fhould be acquitted, and fraud bereav'd his morlel, if the miftake were not on both fides > for then on both tides the acquit-
mod of thofe who deceive,
bondage be intolerable ; which this Law gracioufly not unmindful of the wife, as was granted willingly to the common Expoliters, though beyond the letter of this Law, yet not beyond the fpirit of cha-
ment
will be reafonable, if the
determins,
rity.
is a folemn thing, fome fay a holy, the refemblance of Chrift* and fo indeed it is where the perfons are truly religious and we know all Sacred things not perform'd fincerely as they ought, are no way acceptable to God in their outward formality. And that wherein it differs from peribnal duties, if but Marriage to be a true and pious they be not truly done, the fault is in our felvcs the effence whereof, as of all of is not in the any ; perfon Marriage fingly -power other Covenants, is in relation to another, the making and maintaining caufes thereof If then are all mutual, and muft be a communion of fpiritual and temporal comforts. either of them cannot, or obftinately will not be anfwerable in thefe duties, fo as that the other can have no peaceful living, or enduring the want of what he juftly fceks, and fees no hope, then (trait from that dwelling love, which is the foul of wedlock, takes his flight, leaving only fome cold performances of civil and common refpedb i but the true bond of Marriage, if there were ever any there, is already burft like a
Tenthly, Marriage
,
and his Church
tott'nthred.
Then
follows diffimulation, fufpicion,
falfe
colours,
falfe
pretences,
and
( ?49 ) and wors then

annoyance, vexation, forrow, temptation ev'ri and of all action publick or domeftick ; then comes diforder, neglect, hatred, and perpetual firife, all thefe the enemies of Holinefs and Chrifiianity, and every one of thele perfifted in, a remcdiles violation to Matriin the faultles perfon,
thefc, difturbance,
weary of
himfelf,
mony.
all faith
Therefore
God who
hates
all
and
fincerenels,
and abhors to
faining and formality, where there fhould be fee inevitable difcord, where there fhould be
when through anothers default, faith and concord cannot be, counts greateft concord, it neither juft to punifh the innocent with the tranfgreffor, nor holy, nor honourable for the fandlity of Marriage, that lhould be the union of peace and love, to be made the commitment, and dole right of enmity and hate. And therefore doth in this Law, what
beft agrees with his goodnets, looming a facred thing to peace and charity, rather then binding it to hatred and contention ; loofning only the outward and formal tie of that which is already inwardly and really brok'n, or elfe was really never
joyn'd.
Eleventhly,
One
of the chief matrimonial ends
is
faid to
feek a holy feed
but
where an unfit Marriage adminifters continual caufe of hatred and diftemper, there, as was heard before, cannot choofe but much unholinefs abide. Nothing more unhallows a man, more unprepares him to the fervice of God in any duty, then a habit of wrath and perturbation, ari/ing from the importunity of troublous caufes never abfent And where the houfhold ftands in this plight, what love can there be to the unfortunate ilTue, what care of their breeding, which is of main conducement to their being holy ? God therefore knowing how unhappy it would be for children to be born in fuch a family, gives this Law either as a prevention, that being an unhappy
add to be unhappy parents, or elfe as a remedy that if there be are while children, they feweft, they may follow either parent, as fhall be agreed, or the houfe of hatred and diicord, to a place of more holy and peaceable from judg'd,
pair, they fhould not
education.
Twelfthly, All Law is available to fome good end, but the final prohibition of Divorce avails to no good end, cauiing only the endles aggravation of evil, and therefore this permiffion of divorce was giv'n to the Jews by the wifdom and fatherly pro-^
vidence of God
j
who knew
that
Law
cannot
command
love, without
which Ma-
trimony hath no true being, no good, no fblace, nothing of God's infiituting, noLaw cannot thing but fo fordid and fo low, as to be difdain'd of any generous perfon.
inable natural inability either of body, or mind, which gives the grievance j it cannot make equal thofe inequalities, if cannot make fit thole unfitnefles; and where there
is malice more then defect of nature, it cannot hinder ten thoufand injuries, and bitto deal with. And while ter actions of defpight, too futtle and too unapparent for it feeks to remedy more outward wrongs, it expofes the injur'd perfon to other more
Law
inward and more cutting. All thefe evils unavoidably will redound upon the children, It if any be, and the whole family. degenerates and diforders the beft fpirits, leaves them to unfettl'd imaginations, and degraded hopes, carelefs of themfelves, their houfhold and their friends, unadtive to all publick fervice, dead to the Commonwherein they are by one mifliap, and no willing trefpafs of theirs, outlaw'd wealth from all the benefits and comforts of married life and pofterity. It confers as little to the honour and inviolable keeping of Matrimony, but fooner ftirs up temptations, and occalions to fecret adulteries, and unchaft roaving. But it maintains publick Publick folly rather ; who fhall judg of publick honefiy ? the Law of God honefty. and of ancienteft Chriftians, and all Civil Nations, or the illegitimate Law of Monks and Canonifts, the moft malevolent, moft unexperienc't, and incompetent Judges of
,
Matrimony ?
Thefe reafons, and many more that might be alleg'd, afford us plainly to perceave^ caufe this Law had to do for good men in mifchances, and what nectflity it had to fuffer accidentally the hard-heartednels of bad men, which it could not certainly difcover, or difcovering, could not fubdue, no nor indeavour to reftrain The guiltlels without multiplying forrow to them, for whom all was indeavour'd. therefore were not depriv'd their needful redreffes, and the hard hearts of others unchaftifable in thofe judicial Courts, were fo remitted there, as bound over to the higher Sefiion of Confcience. Notwithstanding all this, there is a loud exception againft this Law of God, nor can the holy Author fave his Law from this exception, that it opens a dore to all liBut this is the rudeft, I was almoft faying the moft gracelefs cence and confufion. the leaft reverence to God and objection, and with Mofes, that could be devis'd This
both what good
""
is
(
is
?5o)
God before mans Tribunal, to arrogate a wifdom and holinefs above him. Did not God then forefee what event of licence cr confufion could follow ? did not he know how to ponder thefe abules with more prevailing reipedts, in the molt even ballance
to cite
of
Law is,
and purenefs, till thefe correctors cae up to ihew him better? The up lin any way, to Itir it up by forbidding, as one contrary excites Rom. 7. but if it once come to provoke fin, by granting licence to fin, acanother, that have no other honelt end, but only to permit the fulfilling of to Laws cording
his juttice
if it itir
belt things
not made the contradicter of himftlf? No man denies that but it is a Rule refulting from many pregnant experiendoth in the abufing, us'd rightly doth molt good. And molt what harm that ces, fuch a good to take away from honelt men, for being abus'd by fuch as abufc all
obltinate lull,
how may be
is
God
abus'd
things,
man
the greatelt abufe of all. That the whole ufesit lawfully, St. Paul teaches 1 Ttm. 1.
is
Law
And
is no furder ufeful, then as that Chriltian liberty may
be us'd for an occafion to the flefli, the fame Apoftle confeffes, GaUt. 5. yet thinks not of removing it for that, but bids us rather Stand faft in the liberty ttherwith
The very permiflion Chri/l hath feed utt and not be held again in the yoke of bondage. which Chrifi gave to Divorce for Adultery, may be louly abus'd, by any whofehardAnd nes of heart can either fain adultery, or dares commit, that he may divorce.
for this caufe the Pope,
and hitherto the Church of England, forbid
all
Divorce from
If then it be righteous to hinder the bond of Marriage, though for opened adultery. for the fear of abule, that which Gods Law, notwithftanding that caution, hath war> or do we ranted to be done, doth not our righteoulnefs come fhort of Antichrilt and undue unwife in this conform our Itlvs to his herein not rather unrighteoufnefs
fear ? For God regards more to relieve by this Law the juft complaints of good men, then to curb the licence of wicked men, to the crufhing withal, and the overwhelmwith pity upon the ing of his afflicted fervants. He loves more that his Law (hould look difficulties of his own, than with rigor upon the boundlcfs riots of them who fcrve
ties.
another Malier, and hinder'd here by Uridines, will break another way to wors enormiIt this Law therfore have many good reafons for which God gave it.and no intention
of giving (cope to lewdnes, but as abufe by accident comes in with every good Law, and us with Gods wifevery good thing, it cannot be wifdom in us, while we can content
dom, nor can

it
be purity, if his purity will
fuffice us,
foiter'd licence.
lull,
But
if
they affirm this
Law had no
to except agai nit this Law, as if other end, but to permit ob-
durat
becaufe it
would be obdurat, making
the
Law
of
God
intentionally to
or Sin fironproclame and enact Sin lawful, as if the will of God were become finful, to look well to be admonilht the men would his and then direct will, ger Law-giving do not open a it, that while they are fo eager to fhut the door againft licence, they furder (hewn their iniquity ; be here And yet they fhall wors door to blalphemy. ? and who can be ignodrunkennes foul us then and common lin what more among were drink of all if the and the ufe of that ltrong forbid, it rant, Wine, importation would both clean rid the poflibility of commiting that odious vice, and men might
afterwards live happily and healthfully, without the ufe of thofe intoxicating liquors. Yet who is there trie levereft of them all, that ever propounded to lofe his Sack, his of fo great a fin ? who is there of them, the holieft, Ale, toward the certain
that
lefs
loves his rich
Canary
aboliftiing at meals,
though
it
be fetcht from places that hazard
them who fetch it, and though it make his neighbour drunk out of thr fame Tun ? While they forbid not therefore the ufe of that liquid Marchandife,
the Religion of
not impair either the utterly remove a molt loathfom fin, and other the or refrefhment of ways: why do they forhealth, mankind, fuppli'd many bid a Law of God, the forbidding whereof brings into an exceflive bondage oft-times
which forbidden would
the belt of
men, and
betters not the

it
wors
He
to
remove a National
vice, will not
in his unnecefTary fulnts, though matter fo abftemious as to intercede with the Magiftrate that all
niflit
pardon Grape,
his
cups, nor think
concerns
him
to forbear the quaffing of that outlandifh other men abufc it never lo much i nor is he
of drunkennes be ba-
the
Common-wealth
and yet
it
for the fear of a lefs inconvenience
unpardnably
requires of his brethren, in their extream neceflity, to debar themfelves the ufe
of
Gods
permilfive Law, though might be their faving, and no mans indangering the more. Thus this peremptory ftri&ncs we may difcern of what fort it is, how unequal
and how unjuft. But it will breed confufion.
What confufion it would breed, God himfelf took the care to prevent in the fourth verfc of this Chapter, that the divorc't being married to another, might not teturn to her former Husband. And Jnffmiarts Law counfels
( l$i ) And what confufion els can thcr be in reparation, ro feparat, upon extrem urgency, t' e religious from the irreligious, the ht from the unfit, the willing from the wilful, the abus'd from the abufer ? (uch a feparation
fels
the fame in his Title of Nuptials.
is
quite contrary to confufion. But to bind and mix together holy with Atheift, heav'nly with helliQi, rimes with unhtnes, light with darknes, antipathy with antipathy, the injur'd with the injurer, and force them into the molt inward neernes of a de telled
union, this doubtles is the moft horrid, the molt unnatural mixture, the greater! confuiion that can be confus'd.
Thus by
rent and
flay at leali
this plain
unwary expolitions,
this
and Chriftian Talmud, vindicating the Law of God from irreveI trult, wher it ihall meet with intelligible peruftrs, fom
:
righteous ends of
many prudent and That it may have, for the great Authors divorcing permiilion fake,heerafter Pome competent allowance to be counted a little purer then the prerogative of a legal and public ribaldry, granted to that holy feed. So that from hence we fhall
hope
to rind the
of mens thoughts will beobtain'd, to coniider theie
way
tt ill
more open
thither
to the
matter in the
brings us.
Go (pel.
And
now
reconciling of thole places which treat this without interruption the cours of method
êtractioôtu
Matth.
^
1
V.
j i,
32.
him give her A Divorcement. of writing 2 But I Jay unto you, that whofoever Jhall put away his Wife, &c.
It bath been [aid, whofoever Jba/I put away hit Wife, let
Matth. XIX.
3
5, 4, oVc.
And the
Pharifees alfo came unto him, tempting him, &c.
IT
What hitherto hath been fpoke upon the Law of God touchhath been faid."} or he who will deny to have bin argued according to Mitnmony Divorce, ing realon, and all equity of Scripture, I cannot edirie how, or by what rule of promans vertue
calculates,
portion that
what
his
elements are, nor
what
his analytics.
Confidently to thole who have read good books, and to thofe whole reafon is not an illiterate bonk to themfelves, I appeal, whether they would not conftlsall this to be the commentary of truth and juftice, were it not forthefe recited words of our Savi-
Audit they take not back that which they thus grant, nothing (ooner might perfwadc them that Chrilt heer teaches no new precept,and nothing fonner might dired them to rind h:s meanings then to compare and meafute it by the rules of nature and eternal righteoufues, which no writt'n Law extinguifhes, and the Golpel lead of all. For what can be more oppolite and dilparagingto the cov'nant of love, of freedom, and of our manhood in grace, then to be made the yoking pedagogue of new feveriour.
ties,
different
the fcribe of lyllables and rigid letters, not only grievous to the belt of men, but and Itrange from the light of reafon in them, fave only as they are fain- to llretch and diltort their apprehenlions, for fear of difplea ring the verbal ftraitnefs of
If the a text, which our own fervil fear gives us not the leilure to undertland aright ? Law of Chriftfhill be writt'n in our hearts, as was promised to the Gofpel, fer. 31. how can this in the vulgar and fuperricial fenfe be a Law of Chrift, fo far from being
writt'n in our hearts, tha f it injures and dilallows not only the free dictates of Nature and moral Law, but ol Charity alfo and in our heart ? Our Saviours dodtrinc
is,
Religion no faith without it, of every command is charity no truth without it, no woifliip, no works pleafing to God but as they partake of chaHe himfelt lets us an example, breaking the folemneft and the ihidteft ordinance rity. of religious relt, and jutlity'd the not to cure a dying man, but fuch whole
that the end,
and the
fulfilling
',
breaking,
cure
might without danger have been deferr'd. And wherefore needs muri the lick mans bed be carried home on that day by his appointment? and why were the Difciples,
who
CttjO
who
could not forbear on that day to pluck the corn, fo induftrioufly defended, but to (hew us that if he preferi'd the flightelt occalions of Mans good before the obfeivingof he gave us much more eatie leave to break the intolehigheft and fevered ordinances,
i able
yoak of
a never
well joyn'd Wedlock for the removing of our heavielt afflictions
Therefore
moft evangelick precepts are given us in proverbial forms, the to drive us from For no other letter, though we love ever to be flicking there.
it is
that the
caufe did Chrilt aiTure us that whatfoever things we bind, or flacken on earth, are fo in heaven, but to fignifie that the chriftian arbitrement of charity is fupreme decider of all controverfie, and fupreme refolver of all Scriptures not as the Pope determines
for his
own
tyranny, but as the

far
Church ought
to determine for its
own
fiate
true
liberty.
Hence
Eufeb'iiu, not
to that of
Noah and
his Hiftory, the Patriarchs before the Law.

in the antient
from beginning
compares the
of Cbriftians
why
./fyc/rV/'cl^tradition
'
word, though it carried them at was not left to be impos'd as Law, but to be a pattern of that Chriftian prudence, and old ; which truth was fo evident, that it liberty which holy men by right alTum'd of found entrance even into the Council of Trent, when the point of Tradition came
to be difcull.
And this indeed was the reafon Church was counted nigh equal to the writt'n length awry, for want of confidering that tradition
And tîarinaro,
caufe that gave efteem to Tradition, that
learned Carmelite, for approaching too near the true is to fay, the difference between the Old and
NevvTcliament, the one punctually pre'feribing writt'n Law, the other guiding by the inward Spirir, was reprehended by Cardinal Pool as one that hadfpoken more worthy a German Colloquie, then a General Council. I omit many inftances, many this kind, which alone would compile a juft volume, and pioofs and arguments of fhall content me here to have fhew'n breifly, that the great and almoft only commandment of the Gofpel, is to command nothing againit the good of man, and much more no civil command, againft his civil good. If we underftand not this, we are but crackt cimbals, we do but tinkle, we know nothing, we do nothing, all the fweat And what we fuffer fuperftitioufly, reof our toilfomelt obedience will but mock us. Thus med'eining our eye?, we need not doubt to fee moie into turns us no thanks.
meaning of thefeour Saviours words, then many who have gone before us. hath been [aid, whnfoever Jhall put away his wife. ] Our Saviour was by the In this Chapter he Doctors of his time fufpecied of intending to diffolve the Law. his and lhews how were off this the Law-breakAccufers, afperfion upon they wipes In every Common- wealth, when it decays, Corruption makes two main (leps; ers. hrlt,\vhen men ceafe to do according to the inward and uncompell'd adfions of Vtrtue, outward conftraint of Law, and turn the fimplicity of real caring only to live by the
the
It
good
into the craft of feeming fo
by Law.
liv'd,
To
this hypocritical
it
honefty was
Rome de-
clin'd in that
Age wherein Horace
and difcover'd
to QnintiHs.
Whom
do we count a good
man, whom
but he
Who keeps the laws and flatutes of the Senate, Who judges in great fuits and controverfies,
Whofe witnefs and opinion wins the caufe ? But his own houfe, and the whole neighbourhood
Sees his foul infide through his whited skin.
The next
declining is, when Law becomes now too ftrait for the fecular Manners, and thofe too loofe for the cincture of Law. This brings in falfe and crooked Interpretations to eke out Law, and invents the futtle encroachment of obfeure Traditions hard to be difprov'd. To both thefe defcents the Pharifees themfelves were fall'n. Our Saviour therefore (hews them both where they broke the Law, in not marking the di-
vine Intent thereof, but only the Letter and where they deprav'd the Letter alfo with This Law of Divorce fophiftical Expofitions. they had deprav'd both ways : firft, by teaching that to give a bill of Divorce was all the duty which that Law required,
,
whatever the caufe were ; next by running to Divorce for any trivial, accidental caufe v whenas rhe Law evidently (lays in the grave caufes of natural and immutable diflike. It hath been faid, faith he. Chrift doth not put any contempt or difefteeni upon the fo it for in the fame manner Ood himfelf cites a LawofyW<?/, by citing briefly; Law of greateft caution, Jer. 3. They fay if a man put away his wife, fhall he return to her Nor doth he more abolilh it then the Law of fwearing, cited next again ? 8cc. with the fame brevity, and more appearance of contradicting for Divorce hath an exception left it ; but we ate charg'd there, as abfolutely as words can charge us, not
:
to
( J<? )
to
[wear at all
or one
"
yet
who denies
cafe permitted ?
Law,
tittle
And what of any Law,
the lawfulnes of an Oath, though here it be ill no (hall become of his folemn Proteftation not to abolifh one
efpecially
of thofe which he mentions
in this
Chapter?
particularly the not abolishing of Mofaic Divorce, is beyond 16. 17, 18. where thisClaufe againft abrogating is inierted all cavil immediately before the fentence againft Divorce, as if it were call'd thither on purto defend the equity of this particular Law againft the forefeet) rafhiiefs of com-
And
that he
meant more manifcli in Luke
pofe
mon
their
Textuaries,
who
aboliih
Laws,
as the
Rabble demolifh Images,
in the zeal
of
oft violating the Sepulchers of good men > like Fentheut in the Trafee that for Thebes which is not, and take that for Superiiirion, as thefe they gedies, men in the heat of their annulling perceive not how they abolifti Right, and Equal, and
hammers
And yet are confetfing all the while, that not ftand in contradiction to the Law oiMofes, but to the falfe of Chrift thefe fayings rais'd thence Pharifces from that the Law of God is perfect, not lii of the Doctrine and Partus accufes the Jefuit Maldonatm of greateft able to additions or diminutions
Jultice
under the appearance of judicial.
for limiting the perfection of that only to the rudenes of the Jews. He fallity to the the That life promifeth performers thereof, therefore needs not peradds, then fuch at bring to life , that if the correilions ofChrifl fiand oppofite, fSler precepts not to the corruptions of the Pharifees, but to the itfelfof God-, the herefie of Mines would follow, one God oftbeOldTeftament, and another oj the New. That Christ
Law
Lam
Law
exceed the righteoufnefs e/Mofts faith not here, Except your righteoufnefs
Law,
but
whether is common fenfe may Pharifees. flown afquint, if we can maintain that Chrift forbid the Mofaic Divorce utterly, and Law that permits it ? For if the Confcience only were checkt, and yet abolilht not the the Law not repeal'd, what means the Fanatic boldnels of this Age that dares tutor Chrift to be more ftrict then he thought fit ? Ye fhall have the evafion, it was a judicial Law. What could infancy and flumber have invented more childifh ? judicial or not was one of thofe laws exprefly which he forewarn'd us with proteftation, that judicial, it was not to abrogate : and if we mark the fteerage of his words, what courfc his mind we may perceive that what he protefted not to diiTolve ( that he might they hold,
tfthe Scribes
and
That
all this
be true
faithfully
and not deceitfully remove a fufpition from himftlf )was principally concern-
Law ; for of that fort are all thefe here which he vindicates, except ing the judicial Of the Ceremonial Law he told them true, that nothing of it fhould pais the laft.
until all were fulfill'd. meant to nullirie that
vanced
theirs.
Law he knew the Pharifees did not fufpecthe would foon have undone his authority, and addoing Of the judicial Law therefore chiefly this Apologie was meant For
the
Of
moral
for fo
how
be
is
is this
left
equity thereof remains in force ? And how our Saviours defence of himfelf not made fallacious, if the Pharifees chief fear
that fulfill'd longer then the
common
tention to the Moral
he fhould abolifh the judicial Law, and he to fatisfy them, protefts his good inLaw ? It is the general grant of Divines, that what in the Judicial mterly yudaical, but reaches to human equity in common, was never in the If our Saviour took away ought of Law, it was the burof being abrogated.
it,
Law is not
thought thenfome of
divine
it was the \ bondage, not the liberty of any : he this often remov'd profeft to be the end of his coming. Law, But what if the Law of Divorce be a moral Law, as moft certainly it is fundamenhath been fo prov'd in the reafons thereof? For though the giving of a Bill tally, and the act of Divorce is altogether converfant in good or evil, and be may judicial, yet
not the eafe of burden
that he
it is good, it never can be abolifht, being moral > and could be judicial, as hath been fhewn at large in tht never fo far as it is (imply evil, DoUrine of Divorce, and will be reaffum'd anon. Whence one cf thefe two neceffiThus much may ties follow, that either it was never eftablifht, or never abokfht.
fo abfolutely moral.
So
far as
it
The following Verfe will be better unfolded be enough to have faid on this place. in the 1 9th Chapter, where it meets us again, after a large debatement on the Queftion between our Saviour and his Adverfaries.
Mat. XIX. 3, 4, &c.
V.
3.
And
the Pharifees
came unto him, tempting him, and faying unto him.
him. ] The manner of thefe men coming to our Saviour, not to learn, to but TEmpting tempt him, may give us to expect that their Anfwer will be fuch as is No man, though nevci fitteft for them \ not fo much a teaching, as an intangling. or fo well enabl'd to inftruct, but if he difcern his willingnefs and candor fo
willing
made
(354)
ufe of to intrap him, will fuddenly draw in himfelf, and laying afide the facil if he be not lefs vein of perfpicuity, will know his time to utter Clouds and Riddles Our wife than that noted Fifh, when as he fhould be not iinwiier than the
made
Serpent.
Saviour
rifees
;
no time expreft any great defire to teach the obHmate and unreachable PhaAs now about the liberbut wlien they came to tempt him, then leafi of all
at
another time about the punifhment of Adultery they came to found ty of Divorce, fo what fatisfadfion him ; and got they from his anfwer, either to themfelves or to us,
fars
is
under the Gofprl new from that oiMofes^ unlefs we draw ? So about the Tribute, who is there can pick out a full Solution, what and when we mult give to Caftr, by the Anfwer which he gave the Pharifees ? If we muff give to Csfar that which is C&fors, and all be Cwhich hath his Image, we mult either new ftamp our Coin, or we may new
that
might
direct a
Law
his abfolution
of Adultery into an Edidt
go
the fuperfcription of Slaves ftamp our Foreheads with
unworthy ltumble them purpofely with contriv'J
Befides, it a general Precept, not only of Chrilt, but of all other Sages, not to inftrudt the and the conceited, who love Tradition more than Truth, but to perplex and
oblcuiitics.
inftead of Freemen.
No
wonder then
it
if
they
who
and unfatifall the Ages of the Church, as Aiiflin himielf and other fying through great Writers It is manifeft to be the of our confefs. Saviour, both here, principal fcope Lalily, and in the yh of Matthew, to convince the Pharifees of what they being evil did lictntioufly, rot to explain what others being good and blamelefs men might be perNeither was it fealOnable to talk of honeft and mitted to do in cafe of extremity. confeientious liberty among them, who had abuied legal and civil liberty to uncivil liwc fay to a Son nor was it expedient to cence. We do not fay to a Servant wh who had in Wantonnefs. to thofe When we rebuke a traiiigreft preach Freedom nor of of we admonifhhrm Thrift, Magnificence, or Bounty. Andtofchool Prodigal,
difficult,
i
',
would determine of Divorce by this place, have ever found
proud
man we
labour to
make him humble, not magnanimous.
So Chrift to
re-
tort thefe arrogant Inquifitors their own, took the courle Ito lay their Haughtinefs under a feverity which they deferv'd ; not to acquaint them, or to make them Judges
And flight and Privilege, or of he arffidh-d mans NecelTity. leave to conjedture, there is a likeiyhood offer'd us by lertullian in his /\th againft Marcion, whereby it may feem very probable that the Pharifees had
either of the juft
if
mans
we may have
a private drift of Malice againft our Saviours life in propofing this Quefiion and our Saviour had a peculiar aim in the rigor of his Anfwer, both to let them know the This 1 maft now JIiew } freedom of his fpirit,'and the fharpnefs of his difcerning. faith Tertullian, whence our Lord deduced this [entente, and which way he directed it, that he intended not to difjolve Mofes. And thereupon whereby it will more fully appear tells us, that the vehemence'bf this our Saviours fpeech was chiefly darted againft Ht,
The Story is out of Joftphw : Herod had been a long time marrirod and Herodias. ed to the Daughter of Aretas King of' Petra, till hapniug on his jortiey towards Rome to be entertaiit'd at his brother Philips houfe, he caff his eye unlawfully and
the Wife of Philip, but Daughter to Ari\hbulm their ungueftlike upon Herodias there, common Brother, and durfl make words of marrying her his Neece from his Brothers
bed. She affented
and by the
the various
upon agreement he fhould expel his former Wife. All was accomplifht, rebukt with the lofs of his head. Baftifi Though doubtles that ftaid not difcourfes of men upon the fadt, which while the Herodian flatterers, and
not a few perhaps among the Pharifees, endeavour'd to defend by wrelting the Law, it might be a means to bring the Quefiion of Divorce into a hot agitation among the
People, how far Mofes gave allowance. The Pharifees therefore, knowing our Saviour to be a friend of John the Baptist, and no doubt but having heard much of his Sermon
Mount, wherein hefpake rigidly againft the licence of Divorce, they put him Queftion, both in hope to rind him a Cohtradidter of Mofes, and a Condemner of Herod ; fo to infnare him within compafs of the fame accufation which had ended his friend ; and our Saviour fo orders his Atifwer, as that they might perceive Herod and fo lively it concern'd them both what he fpake. his Adultrefs, only not nam'd No wonder then if the Sentence of our Saviour founded ftridler then his cuftom was which his confeious Attempters doubtlefs apprehended fooner then his other AudiThus much we gain from hence to inform us, that what Chrift intends to fpeak tors. here of Divorce, will be rather the forbidding of what we may not do herein paffionatewe ly and abufively, as Herod and Herodias did, then the difeuffing of what herein and do reafonably neceffarily. may
in the
this
:
;
Is
( 355 )
Is
it
lawful for a
man to put away
his wife
;
from
the
Greek,
to loofen or tofetfree
It might be render'd more exa&Iy f\ which though it feem to have a milder ligni-
fication then the
two Hebrew words commonly

is
noted, that the Greek alio

conitraint.
read in the
us'd for divorce, yet Interpreters have Septuagint, for anadf which is not without
Pfal. 34. the
As when Acbtfh drove from his pre fence David counterfeting madnefs. Greek word is the fame with this here, to put away. And Erafmtu
it by an Whence may be doubted, expreflion not fo foft. whether the Pharifes did not Hate this queltion in the (irid right of the man, not tarryAnd if our Saviour anfwer directly according to what was ing for the wives content. askt in the term of putting away, it may be queitionable, whether the of his
quotes Hilary rendering
rigor
fentence did not
forbid only fuch putting
away
as
is
without mutual content,
in a
violent and
reafon, but will, as the Tetrarch did. Which might be the caufe that thofe Chriltian Emperours fear'd not in their conliitutions to diifolve Marriage by mutual confent ; in that our Saviour leems here, as the
cafe is molt likely, not to condemn all divorce, but all injury and violence in divorce. But no injury can be done to them who feek it, as the Ethics of Arifotle fufticiently True it is, that an unjuft thing may be done to one though willing, and fo prove. may j.u(tly be forbid'n : But divorce being in it felf no unjuft or evil thing, but onlv as if is joyn'd with injury, or luff ; injury it cannot be at law, if confent be, and
harm manner, or without any
as frequently not be, while charity hath the in a misfortun'd Wedlock, which may pardonamany piivate giirvances judgi .gof a But leek whether or not, the law cannot difcern, or examin it be bly redemption.
jdrijiotle err fo
not.
And
luli
it
may
lull,
walks from one lawful term to another, from Divorce to Marriage, indifferent. For if the Law cannot take hold to punifh many adtions app a rtilv covetous, ambitious, ingrateful, proud, how can it forbid and puniih that ior lull, .which is but only furmis'd fo, and can no more be certainly prov'u in the divorcing now, then before in the marrying? Whence if Divorce be no unjuft tiling, but through lull, a caufe not difccrnable by law, as law is wont to difcern in other cafes, and can be no injury where confent is, there can be nothing in
fo
long
as it
boih
in tlemielves
confeience, ftatutes of
the equity of law, why divorce by confent may not be lawful : leaving fecrecies to the thing which our Saviour here aims to re&ific, not to revoke the Mofs. In the mean while the word 1o put away, being in the Greek to
loofenor diffolve, utterly takes away that vain papiftical dill indt ion of divorce from bed, and divorce from bond, evincing plainly that both Chrilt and the Pharifes mean
here that divorce which finally diffolves the bond,
and
frees
both
parties to
afecond
Marriage.
For every
for every
caufe. }
This the Pharifes held, that
accidental caufe, any
Jofephfu and Phtlo,

fLter,
men
is
whole antiquity
for every caufe they might divorce, So both quarrel or difference that might happ'n. who liv'd in the fame age, explain^ and theSyndcJ^tranthought parallel to the Evang elifts themfelves, reads it con-
Divines alio generally agree that thus the formably upon any occafwn or pretence. Cameron a late Writer, much applauded, commenting this place not Phaiiles meant. undiligently, affirms that the Greek prepofition KoToc tranflated unufually (For) hath
implying thefuddenefs of thofe Pharifaic divorces > and that their queftion whether for any caufe whatever itchancd to be, Uraight as itrofe, the divorce might be lawful. This he freely gives what ever mov'd him, and 1 as If therefore we infift freely take, nor can deny his obfervation to be acute and learned. upon the word of putting away, that it imports a conftraint without confent, as might be indited, and may enjoy what Cameron bellows on us, thai for every caufe is to be undcrltood, according as any caufe may happen, with a relation to the fpeedinefs of thofe divorces, and that Herodian adf. as is already brought us, the fentence efpecially, of our Saviour will appear nothing fo ftridt a prohibition as hath been long conceiv'd, forbidding only to divorce for cafual and temporary caufes, that may be foon ended, or foon remedied , and likewife forbidding to divorce rafhly, and on the fudden heat,
a force in
it
was
to this
etfefff,
If thefe qualifications may'be admitted, as partly we offer them, partly are offer'd them by fome of their own opinion, and that where nothing is repugnant why they mould not be admitted, nothing can wreft them from us, the fevere fentence of our Saviour will flraight unbend the feeming frown into that gentlenefs and compaffion which was fo abundant in all his actions, his office and his doctrine, from all which otherwife it Hands off at no mean diftance.
except
it
be for adultery.
z 2
Verf. 4.
?50
Have ye
not read that he which
them
Vcrf. 4. Andhe anfwered andjaiduntothem, at the beginning, made them Male and female f
made
fliall
Verf. 5.
cleave to hit Wife,

Verf. 6.
Andfa%d, for this canfefba.il a man leave and they twain [hall he onefiejh. Wherefore they are no more twain, but one fiefh
let
Father and Mother, and

:
what therefore God hath
joyned together,
4. and 5.
is
no
man
under. put af
here undeniably, that the

bidd'n,
Made them Male and Female ; And faid, for this caufe, hc.~\ We fee it Law which our Saviour cites to prove that Divorce was fornot an abfoluteand tyrannical command without reafon, as now-a-days
rational cau(e not difficult to be better, but is grounded upon fome in a matter which equally concerns the meaneft and the plained
we make
it little
apprehended, being
fort of perfons in a
houfhold
,
life.
Our next way then
will be to inquire if there be
and not more reafons then one be, whether this be the belt and chiefeft. That the firft to we (hall find by turning Indication, to which Chiift refers our own readHe himfclf having to deal with treacherous aiTailants, ufeth brevity, and lighting on
if there
ing
the
firft
joyns
it
that mentions any thing tending to Marriage in the rirli chapter, place in Genejis to the 24th verfe of the 2d chapter, omitting all the prime words immediately
between, which create the inliitution, and contain the nobleft and pureft ends of Matrimony, without which attain'd.that conjundion hath nothing in it above what is common to us with beafts. So likewife beneath in this very chapter, to the young man who came not tempting him, but to learn of him, asking him which Commandments he mould keep he neither repeats the firft Table, nor all the ftcond, nor that in orIf here then being tempted, he delire to be the (horter, and der which he
,
repeats. the darker in his Conference,
and omit
to cite that
from the fecond of
Genefis,
which
Commentary to what he cites out of the firft, the making them Male and Female " what are we to do, but to fearch the inftitution our ftlvts ? and we lhall find there his own authority, giving other manner of reafons why fuch
all
Divines confefs
is
is to be in Matrimony > without which reafons, there being male and fecan be male no caufe of joyning them unfeparably : for if it be, then no Adultery can fever. Therefore the prohibition of Divorce depends not upon this ireafon here the plainer and more eminent caufes omitted here, exprell to the Pharifcs, but upon and referr'd to the inlf itution ; which caufes not being found in a particular and ca-
firm union
fual
Matrimony,
this
fentitiveand materious caufe alone can no
more hinder
a divorce
and more human reafons urging it, then it can alone without them againft thofe higher to warrant a copulation, but leaves arbitrary to thofe who in their chance of Marriage
find not
why
Divorce
is
forbid them, but
why
it is
permitted them
and
find
both here
and
in Genejis, that the forbidding is not ablolute, but according to the reafons there And that our Saviour taught them no better, but ufes the moft taught us, not here.
is firft to (hew us, that vulgar, moft animal and corporal argument to convince them, as through their licentious Divorces they made no more of Marriage then, as if to marry
were no more then to be male and female, fo he goes no higher
in his confutation
>
deeming them unworthy to be talkt with in a higher ftrain, but to be ty'd in Marriage by the meer material caufe thereof, fincc their own licence tcftify'd that nothing matriNext it might be done to monial was in their thought but to be male and female. difcover the brute ignorance of thefe carnal Doctors, who taking on them to dilpute of Marriage and Divorce, were put to lilence with fuch aflender oppofition as this, and That we may beouted from their hold with fcarce one quarter of an argument. lieve this, his entertainment of the young man foon after may perfwade us. Whom, though he came to preach eternal life by faith only, he difmifles with a falvation taught him by works only. On which place Partus notes, That this man wm to be convinced by a falfe perfwafton ; and that Chrifl is wont otherwife to anfwer hypocrites, other-
Much rather then may we think that in handling thelc wife thofe that are docible. he not to fo frame his prudent ambiguities and concealments, as was tempters, forgot to the troubling of thofe peremptory dilputants moft wholfome. When therefore we
would know what
thithtr where
may be, in ill accidents, to divorce, we muft repair teach his fervants by the prime inliitution, and not to profeiTes where we (ee him intending to dazle Sophilters: muft not read he made them Male and Female, and not underftaud he made them more intendcdly a meet help to
right there
God
We
remove
infer
the evil of being alone. muft take both thefe together, and then we the whole caufe why a man (hall cleave to his wife, compleatly as from
We
may
and
they
(?57)
they twain (hall be one flefh : but if the full and chief caufc why we may not divorce, be wanting here, this place may skirmilh with che Rabbies while it will, but to the trueGhriltian it prohibits nothing beyond the full reafon of its own prohibiting, which
is belt
known
by the inliitution.
Verf. 6. Wherefore they are no more twain, but one flefh .] This is true in the general right of Marriage, but not in the chance-medley of every particular match. For if they who were once undoubtedly one flefh, yet become twain by adultery, then furc
they who were never one flclh rightly, never helps meet for each other according to the plain prefcript of God, may with lefs ado then a volume be concluded ft ill twain.
And
his
it
foiling as
election,
we account a Magistrate no Magiltrate, if there be but a flaw why Ihould we not much rather count a Matrimony no Matrimony,
in
if
cannot be in any reafonable manner according to the words of God's

?
inliitu-
tion
therefore God hath joyned, let no man put aJunder.,] fhall we lay prudence lies to confider what God hath joyn'd
What
But here
that
the Chrillian
'>
God
hath joyn'd
,
error, fraud, unfitnefs, wrath, contention, perpetual lonelinefs, perpetual difcord what ever lull, or wine, or witchery, threat, or inticement, avarice or ambition
hath joyn'd together, faithful hate, or hate with 1< >ve, fhall Let not man put afunder."]
as
with unfaithful, Chriftian with Antichiiltian, hate with
we
That
lay this is God's joyning is to fay, what
God
hath joyn'd
for if
it
be,
may be, not of God's joyning, and his Law tells us he joynsnot unrratchable things, but hates to joyn them, as an abominable confution, then the divine law of Mfis puts them afunder, his own divine will in the inliitution puts
how
oft vve lee
it
notextajr, for which only God oidain'd their afunder when his inordinate defires, his palli^n, his vioonly puts joyninglence, his injury makes the breach: not when the utter want of that which lawfully was the end of his joyning, when wrongs and extremities, and unfupportable grie-
them
afundi-r, as oft as the reaibns be
Man
vances compel him to disjoin : when fuch as Htrod and the Pharifes divorce beiide law, or againll law, then only man feparates, and to fuch only this prohibition beIn a word, if it be unlawful for man to put afunder that which God hath longs.
joyn'd,
let
man
take heed
it
be not deteltable to joyn that by compultion which
God
hath put afunder.

to give a writing of diThey fay unto him, Why did Mofes then command ? to her and jut away vorcement, Vtrl. b. He faith unto them, Mofes becaufe of the hardnefs ofyour hearts fuffered wives ; but from the beginning it was not fo. you tu put away your
Verf. 7.
Mofes becanfe of the hardnefs of your hearts fufered you."] Hence the Divinity now But (uppofe it were fo, though it current arguts that this judicial Mofes is abohfht.
hath bin prov'd otherwile, the hrmnefs of fuch right to divorce as here pleads fetcht from the prime inliitution, does not ftand or fall with the judicial Jew, but
as moral as
is
is
have (hewn pofitively that this law cannot be our of both the words Saviour by pronouncing the contrary, and by that abrogated, unabolifhable equity which it conveies to us ; fo I fhall now bring to view thofe appearances of Itrength which are levied from this text to maintain the molt grofs and mafly
what
is
moralel).
Yet
as
paradox that ever dd violence to reafon and religion, bred only under the (hadow of thefe words, to all other piety or philofophy ftrange and infolent, that God by adt of law drew out a line of adultery almoft two thoufand years long : although to detect the prodigy of thislurmife, the former book fet forth on this argument hath already but fhall I (hall not been copiou-. repeat much though I might borrow of mine own, endeavour to add fomefhing either yet untoucht, or not largely anough explain'd. Firft it (hall be manifelt that the common expofition cannot pollibly conlilt with chri-
meaning of this our Saviours reply (hall be left in the room The is, that God, though not approving, did ena&a law to perAnd this conceit they feed with fond mit aduftery by divorcement fimply unlawful. As that the Jews learnt this that have not the halt tooting in Scripture : foppofals cultom of divorce in Egypt, and therefore God would not unteach it them till Chrift
llian doctrine
:
next
a truer
recen'd expofition
came, but let it flick as a notorious botch of deformity in the midft of his moft pericdfr And yet he faith, Levit. the 18th, after the doings of Egypt ye /hall and fever* law. rot do. 'Another while they invent a flander (.as what thing more bold then teaching he lhifts to hide his nakednes ? ) that the Jews were naturally to their Ignorance when wives
J5)
raife
wives thecruellcft men in the world ; would poifon, brain, and do I know not what, Certain, if it were a fault heavily punifht, to bring an if they might not divorce.
evil report
upon
the land
the people againlt
which
which God gave, what is it to God made choife of ? But that
a groundles
calumny
this bold interpretamenr,
how commonly fo rence to God or his

tion
ral,
:
good manners, might

but
I (hall
ever tided with, cannot (land a minute with any competent revemaxim of religion, or law, or his people, nor with any other all the heads and the Topics of argumentabe
prov'd through
as poflible. willingly be as concife
Firft the
and pure i is juft the judgments which I Mofes, Dcut.4. unto the fiat utes and unto the word which I not add &c. Te to that do them, teach you, Jliall ye may live, command you, neither fhall ye dimtnifl) ought from it, that ye may Ipep the commandments of the Lord your God which lcommandyou. And onward in the chapter, Behold^ J have taught you llatutes and judgments, even as the Lord my Cod commanded me. For what Keep therefore and do them, for this it your wijdom and your underfianding. nation hath Godfo nigh unto them, and what nation hath fiatutes and judgments fo righteous m all this law which Ifet before ye this day ? Is it imaginable therfhould be among thefe a law which God allowed not, a law giving permiihons laxative to unmarry a wife and marry a lull, a law to fuffer a kind of tribunal adultery ? Many other Scriptures might be brought to affert the purity of this judicial Law, and many 1 have allrg'd
but the
judicial
Harken
given by Mofes,
for
law, not only the mofuch is God who gave it.
Ifrael, faith
is But if it permit, if it teach, il it defend pure and juft. both unjult and impure, as by the common do&rine it doth, what think we? The three general dodtrines of fi-fiinians law, are To live in honejly, To hurt no man, To give every one his due. Shall the Roman civil law obferve thefe three
before
that
this
law therefore
which
is
'
things, as the only end of law, and fhall a flatute be found in the civil law of God, enacted limply and totally againlt all thefe three precepts of nature and morality ?
Secondly,
gifts
The
gifts
of God are
But
if
all perfct,
it
and certainly the
Law
it
is
of
all his
other
really,
one of the
perfetell.
give that outwardly
which
takes
away
and give that fecmingly, which, if a man take if, wraps him into fin and damns him j what gift of an enemy can be more dangerous and deftroying then this ? Thirdly, Mofes every-wherc commends his Laws, prefers them before all of other
Levit.
Nations, and warrants them to be the way of 1 8. But if they contain Statutes which
life
and
God approves
fafety to all that walk therein, not, and train men un-
weeting to commit injuftice and adultery under the fhelter of Law ; if thofe things be fin, and death tins wages, what is this Law but the fnare of death ? Fourthly, The Statutes and Judgments of the Lord, which, without exception,
are often told us to be fuch, as doing we may live by them, are doubtles to be counted the rule of of confeience. and For I had not known luft, faith the Apoknowlcdg
but by the law. But if the Law come down from the Hate of her incorruptible Maje/fy to grant lufl his boon, palpably it dark'ns and confounds both knowledg and it confeience goes againft the common office of all goodnefs and friendlinefs, which
file,
,
and admonifh ; it fubverts the rules of all fober education, and moft negligent and debauching Tutor. Fiftly, If the Law permit a thing unlawful, it permits that which elfe-where it hath forbid i fo that hereby it contradicts it felf, and it felf. But if the Law betranfgrefTes come a tranlgreffor, it flands guilty to it felf, and how then fhall it fave another ? it makes a confederacy with tin, how then can it jufily condemn a finner ? And thus reducing it felf to the ftate of neither faving nor condemning, it will not fail to expire
is
at leaft to counfel
is it felf
folemnly ridiculous. Sixtly, The Prophets in Scripture declare feverely againft the decreeing of that which is unjuft, Pfal. p.4. 20. Jfaiah the 10th. But it was done, they fay, for hardnefs of heart To which Objection the Apofile's rule, not to do evil that good may come thereby, gives an invincible repuls i and here efpecially, where it cannot be fhewn
:
how
any good came by doing
this evil,
how rather more
evil
did not hereon abound
for the giving way to hardnefs of heart hard*ns the more, and adds more to the numGod to an evil and adulterous generation would not grant a fign ; much lefs ber. would he for their hardnefs of heart pollute his with an adulterous permiffion. Yea, but to permit evil, is not to do evil. Yes, it is in a moft eminent manner to
Law
do evil where elfe are all our grave and faithful fayings, that he whofc office is to forbid and forbids nor, bids, exhorts, encourages ? hath God denoune'd his Mafters, Parents, Friends, anger againlt Magiflrates neglectful of forbidding what they if the common Law, ought, Father, Matter, Friend, and perpetual Magithate fhall not
:
Why
only
( 559 )
but enact, exhibit, and uphold with countenance and protection, only not forbid, If it were of thole inward videed every way dtfhoneft, whatever the pretence be. the Law cannot which outward constraint by ces, remedy, but leases to conlcience
and perfwafion, it had bin guiltlefe in being which can be no way lawful, ai\J might with
filent:
but to write a Decree of that
cafe
be hinder'd,
makes Law by the
doom
acceffory in the highcit degree. Seventhly, It makes G;:d the direct author of Sin : For although he be not the author of what he filently permits in his Providence, yet in his Law, the
ir felt
of
Law
made
of
ful
his Will,
;
when
in plain expreifion
ir,
what wants he to authorize
Eightly, To eltablilh by Law tion was never heard of before in any Law, Reafon, Philofophy, or Religion, till it And though the wasjrais'd by inconGderat Glofiilts fiom the mifiake of this Text.
Civilians have bin contented to
he constitutes and ordains a fact utterly and what wants that to be the author ? a thing wholly unlawful and difnoneit, is an affirma-
image unlaw-
yet they never could
chew this opinion, after the Canon had fubdu'd them, bung example or authority either from divine Writ, or human
Learning, or human Practice in any Nation, or well-fcrm'd Republick, but only from the culiomary abule of this text. Ufually they allege the Epifile of Cicero to Atticm \ wherein Cato is blatnM for giving tentence to the leum of Romulus, as if he were in
Plato's
Commonwealth.
j
Bribery
Cicero, as the time
Cato would have call'd fome great one into judgment for Cdto, not to endamage the Hood, advh'd againlt it.
public Treafury, would not grant to the Roman Knights, that the Afian Taxes might Cicero wilht it granted. be farm'd them at a lefs rate. Nothing in all this will be
like the ellablilhing
of
Law
if
to tin
tion of
Law
is
crav'd might be fufpended
Here are no Laws made , here only the execubetween which and our queliion is a broad
:
Law-givers have con felt thty could not frame their Laws to that perfection which they deiir'd ? we hear of no fuch confdlion from Mofti concerning the Laws of God, but rather all praife and high tellimony of perfection
difference.
And what
human
And although man's nature cannot bear exactefi Laws, yet Hill within good it may and muft, fo long as lefs good is far enough from altoevil. As for what they inftance of Ufury, let them firlt prove Ufury to gether be wholly unlawful, as the Law allows it ; which learned Men as numerous on the Or if it be altogether unlawful, why is it tolerated more other fide will deny them.
given them.
the confines of
then Divorce ? he who faid, Divorce not, faid alfo, Lend, homing for nothing again, Luk. But then they put in, that Trade could not Hand. And fo to ierve the com6. 35. infatiable of (hall be but Divorce, the only means permitted, modity trading, Ufury oft-times to right the innocent, and outragioufiy wrong'd, Ihall be utterly forbid. This Bez<t is egregious doctrine, and for which one day Charity will much thank them. not rinding how to falvc this perplexity, and Cameron fince him, would fecure us ; although the latter confelTes that to permit a wicked thing by law, is a wickednefs which God abhors : yet to limit fin, and prefcribe it a certain meafure-, is good. Full
he might put away cvalion will not help here ; for this Law bounded no man whatever found not favour in his eyes. And how could it forbid to divorce, whom If thefe be the limits of Law to i: could not forbid to diflike, or command to love? reftrain fin, who folame a finner but may hop over them more ealily then over thofe KomuUan circumfcriptions, not as Remus did with hard fucces, but with all indemSuch a limiting as this were not worth the mifchitf that accompanies it. nity ?
this
,
This
it
by permitting enlarges it, gives when Law and Sin move their have intercourfe and traftick tomix their and Land-marks, Territories, correfpond, with Law a kindred and contracts When Tranfgrellion, becomes hofpitality gether. the Godfather of fin, and names it lawful ; when fin revels and goilips within the and dandles the Artillery of Juftice that (hould be bent againtt Arcenal of Law,
enfranchifement.
Law
therefore not
bounding the fuppofed
fin.
And
never greater confufion, then
plays
her, this is a fair limitation indeed, Befides, it is an abfurdity to fay that Law can meafure fin, or moderate fin fin is not in a predicament to be meafui'd and mobut is always an excefs. The leaft fin that is, exceeds the meafure of the dify'd,
'>
largett
Law
it
that can be
fquare to the meafure or elle Law ceafes to be a fin

If
once
felf to
be not fireight,
and is as boundlefs as that vacuity beyond the world. of Law, it ceafes to be an excel-, and consequently of fin, betray- i' conforming it felf to the obliquity but crooked, and fo immediately no Law. And the trttprcpi I
good
conceit of moderating fin by Law, will appear, if we can imagin any Law-giver fo knflefs as to decree that fo far a man may Heal, and thus far be drunk, that moderately
he
may
cozen, and moderately
commit adultery.
To the fame extent
it
would
( 5<So)
be as pithily abfuid (o publifh that a man may moderately divorce, if to do that be But to end this moot, the Law of Mofcs is manifeft to fix no limit intirely naught. therein at all, or fuch at leaft as impeaches the fraudulent abufer no more then if it
were not
fet ;
cJnly requires the difmiffive
to the inner
man, and
the bar of confeience.
writing without other caution, leaves that But it Hopt other fins. This is as
: the contrary to be feai'd reli, and dangeroufly uncertain rather, that admitted courteoufly by Law, open'd the gate to another. However, evil mud not be done for good. And it were a fall to be lamented, an indignity unfpeakable, if Law fhould become tributary to fin her Have, and fore'd to yield up into his hands her awful minifter Punifhment, fhould buy out her peace with fin for fin, paying as it were her fo many Philijlian foreskins to the proud demand of Tranfgrelllon.
vain as the
fin
one
But fuppofe it any way poffible to limit fin, to put a girdle about that Chaos, iuppofc it alfo good ^ yet if to permit fin by Law be an abomination in the eyes of God, as Cameron acknowledges, the evil of permitting will eat out the good of limiting. For though lin be not limited, there can but evil come out of evil ; but if it be perfin muft proceed from the inBut if the which is a dreadful Good, thought. retraining of fin by this permiffion being good, as this author teftifies, be more good then the permiilion of more fin by the reftraint of divorce, and that God weighing both thefe, like two ingots in the perfet fcales of his Juftice and Providence found them fo, and others coming without authority from God, (hall change this counterpoife, and judg it better to let fin multiply by fetting a judicial reftraint upon divorce, which Chrift never fet > then to
finite
mitted and decreed lawful by divine Law, of force then
limit lin
by
this permiilion, as
God
them
to confult betimes
whether thefe
himfclf thought beft to permit it, it will behove their ballances be not fals and abominable s and
this their limiting that which God loofen'd, and their loofning the fins that he limited, which they confofs was good to do : and were it poflible to do by Law, doubtlefs it would be moft morally good ; and they fo believing, as we hear they do, and yet abolifhing a Law fo good and moral, the limiter of fin, what are they elfe but con*
good to Law.
trary to themfelves ? for they can never bring us to that time wherein it will not be limit fin, and they can never limit it better then fo as God prefcrib'd in his
Others conceive it a more defenfible retirement to fay this permiilion to divorce finBut furely they either know not, or atfully for hardnefs of heart was a difpenfation. tend not what a difpenfation means. A difpenfation is for no long time, is particular to fome always hath Charity the perfons rather then general to a whole people This permiilion end, is granted to necefluies and infirmities, not to oblfinate luft. is another all thofe evils and abfurdities the hath name of a diipenfollowing creature,
-,
fation, as
when
it
was nam'd
Law, and
is
the very antarCtic
pie
againft Charity,
,
fo leud nothing more advers, enfnaring and ruining thofe that truft in it, or ufe it and criminous as never durft enter into the head of any Politician, Jew, or Proielyte, till they became the apt Scholars of this Canoniftic Expofition. Ought in it, that can allude in the leaft manner to Charity, or Goodnefs, belongs with more full right to the Chriftian under Grace and Liberty, then to the Jew under Law and Bondage. To
Jewifh ignorance
it
could not be difpene'd, without a horrid imputation

}
laid
upon the
Law,
to difpence foully, inftead of teaching fairly
like that difpenfation that firir
polluted Chriftendom with Idolatry, permitting to laymen Images inftead of Books and Preaching. Sloth or malice in the Law would they have this call'd ? But what ignorance can be pretended for the Jews, who had all the fame Precepts about Marriage, that we now ? for Chrift refers all to the inftitution. It was as reasonable for them to
then as for us now, and concern'd them alike : for wherein hath the Gofpel alnature of Matrimony ? All thefe confiderations, or many of them, have bin furder amplify 'd in the doUrine of Divorce. And what Rivetm and Varxtu hath ob>
ter'd the
know
enough
Whereby it may be plain jeered, or giv'n over as paft cure, hath bin there difcufs'd. to men of eyes, that the vulgar expofition of a permittance by Law to an en-
tire fin, whatever the colour may be, is an opinion both ungodly, unpolitic, unverIt appertains therefore to every 2eatuous, and void of all honefty and civil fenfe. lous Chriftian both for the honour of God's Law, and the vindication of our Savi-
our's ter'd
Words,
that fuch an irreligious depravement

all
i
through cuftom, but with

a better explanation giv'n
room
no longer may be footh'd and flafand diligence fpeed folidly refuted, and in the which is now our next endeavour.
Moftt
( l6t )
fay, Mofes commanded, and would mainly have it a Command, in that place of Mark, fay Mofes fuffer ed, which had made againft them in their own mouths if the word of fuffering had weaken'd the command. So that fuffer'd and commanded is here taken for the fame thing on both iides of the controversy : as Cameron alfo and others on this ac-
Not commanded you, fays the common obput away, Crc.] server, and therefore car'd nor how loon it were aboliflit, being but fuffer'd ; herein For in this place comdeclaring his annotation to be flight, and nothing law prudent. manded fuffer'd are interchangeably us'd in the famefenfe both by our Saviour and the Pharifes. Our Saviour who here faith, Mofct fuffer'dyott, in rhe icth oiMark faith, Mofes wrote you thu Command. And the Rhaiifes who here
Mofes fuffer' dyo*
to
m&
knowledg. And Lawyers know that all the precepts of Law arc divided into obligatory and permiflive, containing either what we mull do, or what we may do and of this latter fore are as many prect-pts, as of the former, and all as lawful. Tutelage, an ordainment then which nothing more juft, being for the defence of Orphans, the hiftttutes of Jufiinian, fay is given and permitted by the Civil Law : and to Parents it u permitted to choofe and appoint by will the Guardians of their Children. What more equal, and yet the Civil Law calls this permiffton. So likewife to manumife, to adopt, to make a Will, and to be made an Heir is aW'd permiffton by Law. Marriage it fclf, and this which is already granted, to divorce for Adultery, obliges no man, is but a permiilion by Law, is but fuffei'd. By this we may fee how weakly it harh bin thought that all Divorce is utterly unlawful, becaufe the Law is faid to fuffer it: vvhenas to fuffer is but the legal phrafc denoting what by law a man do or not do. may Becaufe of the hard/iefs of your hearts.'} Hence they argue that therefore he allow'd it not > and therefore it mult be aboliflit. But the contrary to this will fooner follow,
,
place
that becaufe he fuffer'd
it
for a ciufe,
therefore in relation to that caufe he allow'd
it.
Next,
heart,
if
it
he in
his
wifdom, and
in the
midft of his feverity allow'd
it
for hardntfs
of
can be nothing better then arrogance and preemption to take (tricter courfes of hardnefs heart then God fet ever an againft example, and that under the Gofpel which warrants them to no judicial adl of compullion in this matter, much lefs to be more fevere againft hardnefs of extremity, then God thought good to be againfl hardnefs of heart. He fuffer'd it, rather then worfe inconveniences ; thefe men wiferas
judg bench, can be more contrary to the ways of God then thefe their doings? If they be fuch enemies tohardnes of heart, although this groundlefs rigor proclaims it to be in themfelves, they may yet learn, or confider that hardnefs of heart hath a twofold accept ion in the man One, when it is in a Gofpel.
but always difavow'd
it.
they make themfelves, will fuffer the worft and hainoufeft inconveniences to follow, rather then they will fuffer what God fuffer'd. Although they can know when they on the civil pleafe, that Chrift fpake only to the confeience, did not
What
good
taken for infirmity, and impe fedfion, which was in all the Apoftles, whofe weaknefs only, not utter want of belief is call'd hardnes of heart, Mark 16. Partly for this hardnefs of heart, the imperfection and decay of
man from
that
original righteoufnefs,
is
it
was
that
God
flay
fuffei'd
fecondary
Lam He fuffer'd his own people to waft and fpoil by War, to lead captives, to be fome mailers, fome lervants, fome to be he fuffer'd propriety to divide all things by feveral Princes, others to be Subjedts pofTeilion, trade and commerce, not without ufury ; in his Commonwealth fome to
and
,
not Divorce only, but of Nature and of Nations.
all
which by Civilians
term'd the
be undefervedly rich, others to be undefervingly poor. All which till hardnefs of heart came in, was molt unjuft ^ whenas prime Nature made us all equal, made us In the fame manner, equal coheirs by common right and dominion over all creatures. and for the fame caufe he fuffei'd Divorce as well as Marriage, our imperfedt and degenerate condition of neceffity requiring this Law among the reft, as a remedy againft intolerable wrong and fervitude above the Nor was it giv'n patience of man to bear. only becaufe our infirmity, or if it muft be fo call'd, hirdnefs of heart could not enthings, but becaufe the hardnefs of anothers heart might not inflidi all things an innocent perfon, whom far other ends upon brought into a league of love and not of bondage and indignity. If therefore we abolifh Divorce as only fuffer'd for hardnes of heart, we may as well abolifh the whole Law of Nations, as only fuffer'd for the feme caufe it being fhewn us by Saint Paul i Cor. 6. that the very feeking of a mans right by Law, and at the hands of -a worldly Magiftrate, is not without the hardnefs of For why do ye not rather take our hearts. wrong, faith he, why fuffer ye not rather to be defrauded? If your felves nothing now muft be fuffer'd for hardnes of heart, I fay the very profecution of our right by way of civil Juftice can no more be fuffei'd among
all
,
dure
a a
Chrj-
of heart Chriftians, for the hardnes
next remove
all
our
judicial
wherewith moft men perfue Laws, and this reftraint of Divorce

But
if it
it.
And
that
alfo in the
which would more then half end the controvcrfy.
be plain that Civil Power is only fuffer'd under the Gofpel, for the hardnes of our and Law juridical hearts, then wherefore mould not that which Mofes fulfer'd, be fuffer'd ft ill by the fame reafon ? In a fecond fignification hardnes of heart is tak'n for a fiubborrt refolution to do evil.
would number the whole

-,
God ever makes any Law purpofely to luch, I deny for he voutfafes not to Cov'nant with them, but as they fortune to be mixt wich good men, and pals undifcovcr'd > much lels that he mould decree an unlawful thing only to ferve their But that God fnffers this reprobate hardnes of heart I affirm, not licentioufnefs. only in this law of Divorce, but throughout all his heft and purclt Commandments. He
And
that
-,
enter
to woifhip in heart according to all his Oidinances linglenes of ; and yet man to perform all the rites of Religion hypocritically and in the He gives us general ftatutes and privileges in all civil matters, hardnes of his heart.
all
commands
fuiTers the
wicked
juft
and good of themfelves,
yet lurrirs unworthielt

t
men,
ho
to uie them, and
by them to
moti part malicioufly, 'd He allow law the dilcreet father and husby coyetoufly, rigoroully, revengefully. band to forbid, if he thought tit, the religious vows of his wife or daughter , Num.$o. and in the fame law fuffer'd the hard-heartednes of impious and covetous fathers or husbands abuling this law to forbid their wives or daughters in their offrings and deprofecute their
for the
own
right, or any colour of right,
votions of greattft zeal. If then as in this of Divorce, there can be

lilht.
I
God
fuffer
no reafon
that for this caufe this
hardnes of heart equally in the beli Laws Law mould be abo-
But other Laws, they objedt, may be well us'd, this never. How often fhall anfwer both from the inftitution of Marriage, and from other general rules in Scripture, that this Law of Divorce hath many wife and charitable ends befides the being
fuffer'd
for
hardnes of heart
through
the
whole
Law
which is indeed no end, but an accident hapning which gives to good men right, and to bad men, who abule
,
right under falfe pretences, gives only fufferance. although Chrift exprefs no ether reafons here, but only what was fuffer'd, it nothing followcs that this Law had no other reafon to be permitted but for hardnes cf heart. The Scripture feldom, or
Now
never in one place lets down all the reafonsof what it grants or commands, efpecially when it talks to enemies and tempters. St. Paul permitting Marriage, i Cor. 7. feems to permit even that alfo for hardnes of heart only, left we fhould run into fornication yet no intelligent man thence concludes Marriage allow'd in the Gofpel only to avoid an evil, becaule no other end is there expreli. Thus Mcfes of nea ffity fuffer'd
,
many to put away their wives for hardnefs of heart but enadted the law of Divorce doubtles for other good caufes, nor for this only iufferance. He permitted not Divorce by law as an evil, for that was impoflible to divine Law, but permitted by accident
the evil of
them who divorc't againlt the Laws intention undifcovtrably. This alfo be rruy thought not improbably, that Chrift, Ifirr'd up in his fpirit againlt thefe tempting Pharifes, anfwei'd them in a certain form of indignation ufual among good authors i whereby the queliion, or the truth is not direclly anfwer'd, but fome thing which is fitter for them, who ask, to hear. So in the Ecclelialtical (lories, one de-
manding how God imployM himfelf before the world was made? had anfwer i that he was making hell for curious queftioners. Another ( and Libanius the Sophift as 1 remember) asking in dcrifion ibme Chriftian, What the Carpenter, meaning our Saviour, was doing, now that Julian fo prevail'd ? had it retum'd him, that the CarSo Chrift being demanded malicioufly penter was making a coffin for the sipoftat. why Mofes made the law of Divorce, anfwers them in a vehtmtnt fcheme , not telling them the caufe why he made it, but what was fitteft to be told them, that/or the hardAnd albeit Mark, lay not he fuffer'd ntfs oftheir hearts he fuffer'd them to abufe it. he be vcrote Mark, yoiijbut toyou warrantably expounded by Matthew may thixfrectpt;
the larger. And whether he fuffer'd, or gave precept, being all one as was heard, it Next for the changes not the t rope of indignation, fitteft account for fuch askers. hardnes of your hearts toydu he rprote this precept, inters not therefore for this caufe only he wrote if, as was paralleled by other Scriptures. Laltly, It may be worth the obferving, that Chrift (peaking to the Pharifes, does not fay in general that for hardnes of heart he gave this precept, but you he /offer*d, and to thu preyou he gave hardnes of heart. It cannot be included that here Chrift cept for your eafily thought all the children of Jfratl under the perfon of thefe tempting Pharifes, but that he conceals j
wherefore he gave the better fort of them this Law, and expreffes by faying
em-
phatically
( 1*1 )
to the worfcr, fuch as the Pharifees belt reprefeiited^ gave phatically as indeed to wicked men and hardn'd that is to fay, for the hardnes of your hearts hearts he gives the whole Law and the Golpel alfo, to hard'n them the more. Thus
it
:
"to you how he
many ways
it may orthodoxally be undcrllood how God or Mofes iurTet'd fuch as Whereas the vulgar Expothe demanders were, to divorce for hardnes of heart. fitor, be(et with contradictions and abfiudities round, and refolving at any peril to
make an expolition of it, as there is nothing more violent and boilirous than a jeveicnd ignorance in fear to be convicted, rufbes brutely and impetuoufly againft all the principles both of Nature, Piety, and moral Goodnes \ and in the fury ot his literal
expounding overturns them all. But from the beginning it was not fo.~\ Not how from the beginning ? dotheyfuppofe that men might not divorce at all, not neceiTarily, not deliberatly, except for Adultery, but that lorn law, like canon law, prelently attacht them both before and after the flood,
till
Uricter
Mofes came, and with law brought
licence into the
world
that were a fancy indeed to (mile at. Undoubtedly as to point of judicial Law Divorce was more permiffive from the beginning before Mofes then under Alofes* But from the beginning, that is to fay, by the inftitution in Paradife, it was not inten-
ded But
that
that
it
Matrimony (liould difTolve for every trivial caufe, as you Pharifees accuftom, was not thus luffer'd from the beginning ever fincc the race of men corrupt-
ed, and
Laws were made, he who
will affirm, muff have found out other antiquities
then are yet known. Belides we mull confider now, what can be fo as from the beIn the beginning, had men continu'd peifet, it ginning, not only what fhould be fo.
had bin jufr that all things fhould have remain'd, as they began to AdamvaA Eve. But after that the Sons of Men grew violent and injurious, italter'd the lore ot jullice, and put the government of things into a new frame. While man and woman were both perfet each to other, there needed no Divorce i bur when they both degenerated to imperfection, and oft times grew to be an intolerable evil each fo other, then Law
it
juftly did permit the alienating of that evil which miftake made proper, did the appropriating of that good which Nature at hrft made common. if the abfence of outward good be not fo bad as the prefenccof aclofeevil, and propriety, whether by covenant or pofTeifion, be but the attainment of fome
more
then
For
that
outin-
ward good,
timat
ture.
evil,
more natural and righteous that then appropriate any outward good
it is
the
Law fhould
from
is
fever us
from an
to us
the
Community
of na-
The Gofpel indeed tending

all
ever to that
which
perfeteft,
aim'd at the re-
florement of
were
in
common
felt.
they were in the beginning, and therefore all thing9 things to thofe primitive Chriffians in the Ads, which Ananias and Sap.
as
fhira dearly
That culfom
in his
alfo continu'd
more
or
lefs
till
the time of Juftin
fecond Apology, which might be writ after that, ad of communion perhaps fome forty years above a hundt'd. But who will be the man (hall introduce this kind of Commonwealth, as ChvitUanity now goes ? If then Marriage
Martyr,
as
may
be read
mult be
marry mull be fuch as then were the inmuli make good, infom tolerable fort, what it promifes to either party. If not, it is but madnes to drag this one Ordinance back to the beginning, and draw down all other to the prelcnt ncceffity and condition, far from the beginning, even to the tolerating of extortions and opreftions. Chrift only told us that from the benot is to foas the Pharifees manur'd the bulinesv did it was not fo ; that fay, ginning
as in the beginning, the perfons that
,
fiitution
not
command
at lead in
us that
it
or fo
our intentions and
fhould be forcibly fo again in all points, as at the beginning j defires, but fo in execution, as rcalon and prefene
:
nature can bear.

firft
Although we are not to feek, that the inltitution it felf from the was never but conditional, as all cov'nants are becaufe thus and thus, beginning therefore fo and foi if not thus, then not fo. Then moreover was perfeteft to fulfil
each
fore
Law
in itfelf ,
fulfill'd
now is
:
perfeteft in this eftate
of things, to ask of charity

is
how muth
law may be
enrage and
tute to fay
els
is
the fulfilling oft times
the greateft breaking.
If any there-
demand, which
feller it
which
now moll perfection, to eafe an extremity by Divorce, or to the by grievous obfervance of a mifcrable Wedloc, I am not defliis moll perfection ( although lorn who believ they think favourably
it
of Divorce, efteem
fection
only venial to infirmity. ) Him I hold more in the way to perunfit, ungodly, and dilcordant Wedloc, to live according to peace and love, and Gods inftitution in a fitter chois, then he who debars himfelf the happy experience of all godly, which is in his family, to peaceful converfation live a contentious, and unchriftian life not to be avoided, in temptations not to be
who
forgoes
an
liv'd in, only
for the fals
no keeping of a moft unreal nullity, a Marriage that hath
Aa
a 2
affinity
(
affinity
3*4)
a
with God's intention, a daring phantafm,
mm toy
:,
of
terror
awing weak
the remedy whereof God lamentable fuperftition of ruining themfelvs fenfes, to the Which not to dare uie, lie warranting, is not our perfectiin his Law vouchfafes us.
our timorous and low conceit of Charity : and in them who masking pride and vanity, to feem holier and more So far is it that we need impute to him infirmity, who thus then God. circumfpedt divorces : fince the rule of perfection is not fo much rhar which was don in the beginThis is the the as that which now is neareft to the rule of charity.
on,
is
our infirmity, our

force us,
it
little faith,
is
their
ning,
greateft,
perfetelr,
the higheft
commandment.
Whofo jhall
put
V. 9.
And 1 fay
unto ym,
away
his wife, except it be for Fornication,

;
marry another, committeth adultery away, doth commit adultery.

andfliall
and whofo marrieth her which
is
put
And Ifty unto you.~\

refutes
That
this reftridtive
denouncement of Chrill contradicts and

Expofitors themfclves diiclaim
:
that permiffive precept of Mofts,
common
and that it does not traverfe from the Cloiet of Confcience to the Courts of Civil or Canon Law, with any ChriiHan rightly commenc't, requires not long evincing. If Chrilt then did not httr check permiffive Mofes, nor did reduce Matrimony to the
other things, as the reafon of mans condition could bear, it was which he did, and what the end was of his deprecifely For this is a confeft Oracle in Law, that he Divorce. thus aufterely againlt claring who locks not at the intention rlfa Precept, the more fuperflitious he is of the let-
beginning more then
all
we would know
what
ter,
the
more he
milinterprets.
Was
to
it
to
fhamc Mofes ?
the Permillion
that
had been monftrous

?
or
all
thofe pureft
Ages of
it
lfrael,
whom
was granted
that
were as
who came to abrogate the burden of Law, not the fhould this yoke upon a blamelefs perlon, to league himfelf in chains equity, put with a begirting mifchief, not to feparate till death ? He who taught us that no man puts a piece of new cloth upon an old garment, nor new Wine into old bottels, that
incredible.
Or was
that he
he
more
few this patch of Uridines upon the old apparel of our frailty, to make a rent incurable, whenas in all other amendments his dodhine fiill charges, that regard be had to the garment, and to the vtfTel, what it can endure i this were an irregular
fliould
and lingle peece of rigor, not only founding difproportion to the whole Gofpel, but No other end thereoutfuetching the molt rigorous nervs of Law and Rigor it felf. but bridle thofe erroneous be of this excefiive to can left fore reiiraint, imaginable and licentious poitillers the Phariiees s not by telling them what may be-done in neceffity,
had done.
but what cenlure they deferve who divorce abulively, which their Tetrarch And as the offence was in one extreme, (0 the rebuke, to bring more to a redtitude and mediocrity, Hands not in the middle way of duty, but efficaciouily
art of powerful reclaiming, wileft men have alfo taught zndGnomologies, refcmbling it, as when we bend a crooked wand the contrary way not that it (hould ftand fo bent, but that the overbending And as the Phylician cures him might reduce it to a firaitnefs by its own reludtance. who hath tak*n down poyfon, not by the middling temper of nûriflimcnr, but by
in the other extreme.
Which
,
in their ethical Precepts
the other extreme of Antidote-, (o Chrift administers heer a (harp and corrolive fentence And not to cat into the flefn, but into the fore. againft a foul and putrid licence
,
that our Divines through all their Comments make no fcruple, where they to foften the high and vehement fpeeches of our Saviour, which they call Hypleafe,
knowing
be fuch crabbed Afaforites of the letter, perbolies ; why in this one Text (hould they as not to mollifre a tranfeendence of literal rigidity, which they confefs to find often elfewhere in his manner of delivery, but mutt make their cxpofuion heer fuch an
obdurate Cyclops, to have but one eye for this Text, and that only open to cruelty and enthralment, fuch as no divine or human Law before ever heard of ? No, let the and be vendible where foppifh Canonift, with his fardel of matrimonial cafes, go
men be fo unhappy as to cheap'n him : the words of Chrilt fliall be alTerted from fuch elemental Notaries, and refolv'd by the now-only lawgiving mouth of charity , which may be done undoubtedly by underftanding them as follows.
Whofoever fliall put away his wife.~\ That is to fay, fhall fo put away as the Propounders of this queftion, the Phariiees, were wont to do, and covertly defended Herod for fo doing whom to rebuke, our Saviour heer mainly intends, and not to deall the cafes of Divorce, as appears by St. Paul. Whofoever fhall put away, termine either violently without mutual confent for urgent reafons, or confpiringly by plot of of diflull, or cunning malice, fhall put away for any fudden mood, or contingency agreemenr,
,
3*5)
agreement, which is not daily practice, but may blow foon over, and be reconcil'd, except it be Fornication ; whofoever fhall put away rafhly, as his cholcr prompts him, without due time of deliberating, and think his Conlcience difebarg'd only by
the
bill
of Divorce giv'n, and the outward
Law fatisfi'd
in
whofoever,
laltly, lhall
put
away
his
Wife, that
is
is
Wife indeed, and not
name
only, fuch a one
who both
can and
willing to be a meet help toward the chief cuds of Marriage both civil and fandtify'd, except Fornication be the cauie, that Man, or that Pair, commit Adultery. Not he who puts away by mutual content, with all the conlidcrations and re-
Not i.e who humanity and gentlenefs without malicious or luitful drift. and cool experience, and long debate within himfclf, puts away, whom though he cannot love or fuffer as a Wife, with that lincere affection that Marriage requires, yet loves at leaft with that civility and goodnels, as not to keep her under a negledted and unwelcom reiidence, where nothing can be hearty, and not being, it rnulf needs be both unjoyous, and injurious to any perceiving perlon fo detam'd, and more injurious then to be freely, and upon good terms difmill. Nor doth he put away adulteroufly who complains of caufes rooted in immutable nature, utter unritnefs, utter difconformity, not concileable, becaufe not to be amended without a miracle. Nor he who puts away an unquenchable vexation from his bofom, and flics an evil, then which a greater cannot betall human fociety. Nor he who puts away with the full fuffrage and applaufe of his conlcience, not relying on the writt'n
fpedts of
after fober
bill
of
Gods
but claiming by faith and fulnes ofperfwatjon the rights and prcmifes of infiitution, of which he finds himfelt in a millak'n wedlock defrauded* Doubt-
Law,
lefs this
man
hath
wife.~} lefs a fallacious
His
Wife, that
ceitfully
is,
to be no Adulterer, giving Divorce forthefe caufes. not to be jdle here, a meer word without a fenle, much word fignifying contrary to what it pretends i but faithfully iignihes a a comfortable help and fociety, as God infiituted i does not fignify debail
enough
is
This word
under this name, an intolerable adverfary,not a helplefs,unaffectionate and fullcn mals, whofe very company reprefents the vilible and cxadtelt figure of lonelinefs
it felf.
Such an affociate he who puts away, divorces not a wife, but disjoyns a nulwhich God never joyn'd, if (he be neither willing, nor to her proper and requifite lity duties fufficient, as the words of God inftitute her. And this alio is Bucers explication of this place. Except it be for fornication, or favingfor the caufe offornication, as Matt. 5. J This declares whit kind of caufes our Saviour meant ; fornication being no natural and perbut only accidental and temporary ; therefore (hews that head of caules petual caule, from whence it is excepted, to be meant of the fame fort. For exceptions are not logically deduc't from a divers kind, as to fay whofo puts away for any natural caule except And if they underhand it, who lb Fornication, the exception would want fair.
for
call themfelves ; granting Divorce for frigidity a natural allowing, though not heer expreil, and for defertion without infidelity, when as he who marries, as they allow him for a defertion, deferts as well as is It will with all due deltntd, and finally puts away for another caufe betides Adultery.
any caule whatever, they
caufe of their
own
reafon therefore be thus better underftood,
who
fo puts
away
for
any accidental and
temporary caufes, except one of them, which is fornication. Thus this exception finds out the caufes from whence it is excepted, to be of the fame kind, that is cafual,
not continual.
The Tefiament, though it be faid oriSaving for tloe caufe of fornication^ ginally writ in Greek, yet hath nothing neer fo many Atticifms as Hebraijms, and Syriacifms, which was the Majefty of God, not fitting the tongue of Scripture to a Gentililh Idiom, but in a princely manner oflring to them as to Gentiles and Forci.
ners grace and mercy, though not in iorein words, yet in a forehi Uile that might induce them to the fountains ; and though their calling wtre high and happy, yet ltill to acknowledg Gods ancient people their betters, and that language the Metro-
New
He therefore who thinks to ScboUaze upon the Gofpel, though politan language. Greek according to his Greek Analogies, and hath not bin Auditor to the Oriental dialedts, (hall want in the heat of his Analyfis no accommodation to humble. In this place, as the 5th of tsMatth, reads it, Saving for the caufe offornication, the Greek, fuch as it is, founds it, except for the word, report, fpeecb, or proportion of fornication.
In which regard, with other inducement":, many ancient and learned Writers have underftood this exception, as comprehending any fault equivalent and proportional to
the Evangelift heer Hcbraiz.es, taking word 01 fpeech for Ealfern phrafe, meaning perhaps no more then if he had faid for fornication, as in this 19^ chapter. And yet the word is found in the
fornication.
is,
But truth
caufe or matter in the
common
<jth
(
%lb of Exodui
their tasks,
?66 )
alfo fignifying Proportion ; where the Kraelites are commanded to do The matter of each day in his day. A task we know is a proportion of
not doing the fame thing ablblutely every day, but fo much. Whereby it may be doubtful yet, whether here be not excepted not only fornication it felf, but other Which very word alfo to undercaufes equipollent, and proportional to fornication. ftand rightly, we mult of necdlity have recours again to the Ebrew. For in the
work
Greek and Latin, fenfe by fornication is meant the common proflitution of body for fale. So that they who are fo exact for the letter, (hall be dealt with by the Lexicon, and the Etymologicon too if they pleafe, and mult be bound to forbid Divorce for adultery althat for which Claudius d.vorc't fo, until it come to open whoredom and trade, like word fornication in the common therfore take here the Since not they Mejfalina.
privateft Adultery,
figniheance, for an open exercife in the itews, but grant Divorce for one lingle act of notwithstanding that the word fpeaks a public and notorious frequency of fact, not without price i we may reafon with as godu leav, and as little draining to the text, that our Saviour on let purpofechofe this word Fornication, improperly appli'd to the lapfe of Adultery, that we might not think our felves bound from all
For the .language of that fault hath bin actually committed. fo and fornication others befides St. ( Attain expounded it ) not Scripture fignih'es by nor married of between the that only Body, perhaps perfbns, unlelb in a degree trefpas
Divorce, except
when
or quality as fhameks as the Bordello^ but lignifies alfo any notable difobedience, or intractable carriage of the Wife to the Husband, as Judg. 15?. 2. Whereof at large in the Doctrine of Divorce, 1. 2.c. 18. Secondly, iignifies the apparent alienation of
mind not
to
(which may Item to anfwer the act of Adultery) but far on this of willtide, any point worlhip, though to the true God-, fometimes it notes the love of earthly things, or worldly pleafures, though in a right Believer, fometimes As Nnm. 15. 39. wilful difobedience to the leaft fufpicion of unwitting Idolatry.
to Idolatry,
any the only

in
leaft of Gods Commandment God, and withdrawing from

is call'd
is
call'd fornication. Pfal. 73. 26, 27. A diflruft that neernes of zeal and confidence which
to be,
fornication.
We may
ought
be fure
it
could not import thus
much
lefs
than
Idolatry in the borrow'd metaphor between God arid Man, unlefs it fignify'd as much lefs than Adultery in the ordinary Add alfo, that acception between Man and Wife. there was no need our Saviour fhould grant divorce for Adultery, it being death by
Law, and Law

his betrothed
then in force.
privately,
Which was
left
Wife
he fliould
ment, as learnedeu Expounders affirm, and the Pharifees great matters of the Text, as the woman tak'n in Adultery doubtles had caufe to fear. Or if they can prove it was neglected, which they cannot do, why did our Saviour fhape his Anfwer to the corruption of that age, and not rather tell them of their neglect ? If they lay he came not to meddle with their judicatures, much lefs then was it in his thought to make them new ones, cm that Divorce fhould be judicithan Adultery judicially acally reflrain'd inaflricter manner by thefe his words, more doth no more by Law forHis fentence his to the thofe words Adultrcfs. quitted by To them therfore bid Divorce here, then by Law it doth abfolve Adultery there. who have drawn this yoke upon Chrifiians from his words thus wrefted, nothing remains but the guilt of a preemption and perverfnefs, which will be hard for them to
is to be underftood as the Language and difaffection of mind, or for the continual practice of difobedience and croffnes from the duties of love and peace-, that is in fum, when to be a tolerable Wife is either naturally not in their power, or oband this Opinion alfo is St. jtiftin's, led it fhould hap to ftinately not in their will be fufpected of novelty. Yet grant the thing heer meant were only Adultery, the reafon of things will afford more to our affertion, then did the reafon of words. For why is Divorce unlawful but only for Adultery ? becaufe, fay they, that crime only breaks
why Jofeph fought to put away make her an example or capital punifhHerod being a great zelot of the Mofaic Law,
the caufe
anfwer.
Thus much
that the
word Fornication
ofChrift underflands
it,
for a conftant alienation
the Matrimony. But this, I reply, the Inflitution it felf gainfays : for that which is moll contrary to the words and meaning of the Inflitution, that mod breaks the Matrimony ; but a perpetual unmeetnes and unwillingnes to all the duties of Help, of Love, and Tranquillity, is moll contrary to the words and meaning of the Inflitution i
that therefore
Matrimony then the act of Adultery though repeated. him who perceives it not, fb being percciv'd, nor troubles felt, be foon foon amended, foon, if it can be pardon'd, may be redeem'd may repented, with the more ardent love and duty in her who hath the pardon. But this natural Hnmeetnes both cannot be unknown long, and ever after cannot be amended, if it be
breaks
much more
not
For
this, as
it is
natural,
( ?6 7 )
gon obftinat. So that wanting ought in the infant as breach to Adultery, it gains it in the perpetuity to be greater. Next, Aher other fitnes, her other not exclude does dultery pleafingncsi (lie may be otherwifc both loving and prevalent, as many AdultrclTes be but in this general unfitnes or alieIn Adultery nothing is given from nation fhc can be nothing to him that can pleafe. the husband, which he miifes, or enjoys the lefs, as it may be iuttly but this giv'n unfitnes defrauds him of the whole contentment which is fought in Wedlock. And what benefit to him, though nothing be giv'n by the Health of Adultery to another, if that which there is to give, whether it be folace,. or be not fuch as
natural, and will not,
if it
be
lar
be as great a
fociery,
may
judly content him ? and fo not only deprives him of What it thould give him, but gives him tbrrow and afflidion, which it did not owe him. Befides, is Adultery the greattit breach of Matrimony in refped of the offence to God, or of the injury to Man ? if in the former, then other fins may offend God more, and (boner caufe him to dilunite his fervant from being one flefh with fuch an offender. If in refped of the other
latter,
injuries are
demonftrated therein more heavy to mans nature than the iterated aft of
God therefore, in his wifdom, would not fo difpofe his remedies, as to them for the lefs injuries, and not allow them for the Thus is won provide greater. both from the word Fornication, and the reafon of Adultery, that the exception of
Adultery.
Divorce
not limited to that ad, but enlarg'd to the caufes above fprcify'd. whofo rnarrieth her which is put away, doth commit adultery. 1 By this Claufe alone, if by nothing elfc, we may alTure us, that Chrift intended not to deliver heer the whole dodrine ot Divorce, but onty to condemn abufes. Othervvife to maris
And
ry after Defertion, which the Apoffle, and the reformed Churches at this day permit, Be (he never fo wrongfully deferred, or is htcr forbid, as Adultery. put away, as the Law then fuffer'd, if thus forfak'n and expulft, (he accept the refuge and protection of anv honefier man who would love her better, and give her felf in Marriage to him, by what the letter guides us, it fliall be prefent Adultery to them both. This is either harfh and cruel, or all the Churches teaching as they do the contrary, are. loos and remifs ; befides that the Apoffle himfelf Hands deeply rin'd in a contradidion What mall we make of this ? what rather the common againft our Saviour.
can make of it, for they be his own markets,let him now try let him try which way he can wind in his VertHmnian diftindions and evafions, if his canonical Gabardine of text and letter do not now fit tooclofe about him, and pinch his a&ivity, which if I err
,
interpreter
not, hath heer hamper 'd it felf in a fpring fit for thofe who put their confidence in Spanheim a writer of Evangelic doubt s, comes now and confefles that our Alphabets. Saviour's words are to be limited beyond the limitation there exprejl } and excepted beyond their own exception, as not fpeaking of what happen'd rarely, but what molt commonly. Is it fo rare, Spanheim, to be deferred ? or was it then (b rare to put away ina perfon (o hatefully expell'd, fhould to the of more be jurioufly, that
heaping
injury
turn'd like an infedious thing out of all Marriage- fruition upon pain of Adultery, as not conliderable to the brevity of this half fentence ? Of what then (peaks our Saviour ? of that collufoon, faith he which wot thertmofi frequent among the Jews of changing Wives and husbands, through inconfiancy and unchaji defires. Colluders vour (elves, as violent to this Law of God by your unmerciful binding, as the Pharifts their unbound!
by ed loofning Have thoufands of Chrillian fouls perifht as to this life, and God knows what hath betided their Conferences, for want of this healing explanation ; and is it now at laft obfeurely drawn forth, only to cure a fcratch, and leave the main wound
(pouting
?
Whofoever putteth away his wife, except for fornication, committeth adultery. be fpoke of all ages, and all men, though never fb jultly otherwifc mov'd to Divorce : In the very next breath, And whofo marrieth her vthich u put away, committed adultery : the men are new and miraculous, they tell you now you are to limit it to that age y when it was in faflnon to chop matrimonies and mufl be meant of h m ; who puts away with his wifes confent through the lightnes and leudnes of them both. But what rule of Logic, or indeed ot Reafon is our commiilion to underftand the Antece. dent one way and the Confequent another ? for in that habitude this whole vers may be
That
(hall
or at leaft to take the parts of a copulat axiom, both abfolutcly affirmative, and to fay the firft is abfolutcly true, the other not, but mu(t be limited to a certain time and cuftom which is no lefs then to fay they are both falfe ? For in this compound axiom, be the parts never fo many, if one of them do but falter, and be not equalthe relt are all fals. If therefore that he who marries her which is ly abfolute and general,
confideTed
*
put
away commits adultery, be not generally true, neither is it commits adultery who puts away for other caufe then fornication.
generally true that he
And
if
the marrying her
(568)
put away, muft be underftood limited, which they cannot but yield it muft with the fame limitation muft be underftoodthe putting away. Thus doth the common and juftity this which is heer brought ; that our Saviour as expofifion confound it felf, well in the tirft part of this fentence as in the fecond, prohibited onely (uch Divorces as
her which
is
necelfary
made through malice or through plotted licence, not thofe which are for and juft caufes ; where charity and wifdom disjoyns, that which not God, but- Error and Difafter joyn^d. And there is yet to this our expofition, a fironger (iding friend, then any can be an adverfary, unlefs St. Paul be doubted, who repeating a command concerning Divorce, l Cor. 7. which is agreed by Writers to be the fame with this of our Saviour, and appointing that the wife remain unmarried, or be reconciled to her husband, leavs it infallible that our Savidur (pake chiefly againft putting away for cafual and choleric disagreements, or any other caufe which may with human patience and wifdom be reconcif d, not hereby meaning to hale and dafti together the irreconcilable averiations of nature, nor to tie up a faultlefs perfon like a Parricide, as it were into one lack with an enemy, to be his cauflefs tormenter and executioner the length of a long life. Laftly, let this fentence of Chrift be underftood how it will, yet that it was never inthe Jews then
tended for a judicial Law, to be enfore'd by the Magiftrat, befides that the office of our Saviour had no fuch purpofe in the Gofpel, this latter part of the fentence may allure us, And vchofo marrieth her who is put away, commits adultery. Shall the ex? if not, it would be (Irange, that he ception for Adultery belong to this claule or not who marries a really divore'd lor Adultery, as Chrift permitted, (hould become an Adulterer by marrying one who is now no other mans Wife, himfelf being al-
Woman
this means reclaim her from common Whoredom. And if the exmuft belong hither, then it follows that he who marries an Adultrefs divore'd ception commits no Adultry; which would foon difcover to us what an abfurd and fenfles peece of injuftice this would be to make- a civil Statute of in penal Courts : whereby the Adultrefs put away may marry another fafely, and without a crime to him that marries her i but the innocent and wrongfully divore'd (hall not marry again without the guilt of Adultery both to her felf and to her fecond husband. This faying of Chrift Nor is it therefore cannot be made a temporal Law, were it but for this reafon.
fo free,
who might by
cafic to (ay what coherence there is at all in it from the letter, to any perfet fenfe not obnoxious to fom abfurdity, and feems much lefs agreeable to what ever elfe of the Gofpel is left us written > doubtlefs by our Saviour fpok'n in that fiercenes and abftrufc intricacy, firft to amufe his tempters, and admonifh in general the abufers of that Mo-
Herod know a fecond knower of his unlawful a6r, though the ; next to let were beheaded ; laft,that his Difciples and all good men might learn to expound Baptift him in this place, as in all other his precepts, not by the written letter, but by that unerring p araphrafe of Chriftian Love and Charity, which is the fum of all commands, and the perfection.
faic
Law
V. 10. His Difciples fay unto him, If the cafe ofthe man be fo with
not
his
Wife,
it it
good
to
marry.
:
This verfe I add, to leave no objection behind unanfwer'd for fome may think, if our Saviour's fentence be fo fair, as not commanding ought that patience or nature cannot brook, why then did the difciples murmer and fay, it is not good to marry ? I anfwer, that the Difciples had bin longer bred up under the Pharilsan Doctrine, then under that of Chrift, and fo no marvel though they yet retain'd the infection of loving old licentious cuiloms i no marvel though they thought it hard they might not for any offence that throughly anger'd them, divorce a Wife, as well as put away a Servant, lince it was but giving her a Bill, as they were taught. Secondly, it was no unwonted thing with them not to underftand our Saviour in matters far eafier. So.that be it granted their conceit of this text was the fame which is now commonly conceiv'd, according to the ufual rate of their capacity then, it will not hurt a better But why did not Chrift, feeing their error, inform them? for good interpretation. caufe i it was his profeft method not to teach them all things at all times, but each Chrill faid, Luke 22. tha f he who had no fword Jhould thing in due place and feafon. one: his and the fell Difciples took it in a manifeft wrong fenfe, yet our garment buy He told them it was eafier for a Camel to Saviour did not there inform them better. a then a rich man in at needles heav'n gate. They were amazed exceedinggo through eye,
this
ly
he explain'd himfelf to
mean of thofe who trnfi in
riches,
Mark
10.
They were amazed
( J*9> zed then out of me afore, for (o Markjthtes it ; as if his explaining had ama?ement in fucha plain cafe, and which concern'd fo neerly their
form'd
in.
increas'd their
determining, agen promis'd He had declar'd in their hearing noc long before, how diftant he was from abolilhing the Law it (elf of Divorce ; he had refcr'd them to the inliitution ; and after all this, gives them a fct anfwer, from
Spirit Ihould
realon therefore, if Chrift at that time amplifying, and tradition wherein they were, this quefticn of more difficulty, and lefs concernment to any perhaps of them in Yet did he not omit to particular. few within them the feeds of a fufficient the time that his
to the thick prejudice
Good
calling to be indid not /land
bring
all
things to their
memory.
receive all fayof receiving Marriage or lingle can life, what regard Qjculd not be had in mull neceffary Divorce ? All which intruded both them and us, that it befeem'd his Difciples to learn the deciding of this queftion, which hath nothing new in it, rirft by the inliituhere or tion, then by the general grounds of Religion, not by a
ings,
which they might

verfe
collect
what was
cleer
enough, that
all
men cannot
u.
If fuch regard be had to each arite that the fame chriftian
mans
particular faying
there,
remper'd and level'd only to an incident occafion, the riddance of a tempting affault. For what can this be but weak and (hallow apprehenfion, to forfake the ltandard
and charity ciples of inliitution, faith, rence in Scripture, and in a cold
printhen to be blank and various at every occurof fcruple, to rear peculiar doctrines Spajfm upon
\
the place, that lhall bid the gray autority of moft unchangeable and fovran Rules to Hand by and be contradicted ? Thus to this Evangelic precept of famous difficulty, which for thefe many ages weakly underftood, and violently put in practice, hath made a fhimbles rather then an ordinance of Matrimony, I am firm a truer expoficion If this or that argument heer us'd, cannot be given. pleafe not every one, there is no of half will of them fuffice. Or fhould they all fail, as Truth fcarfity arguments, any
wage thisconthe not, happier ; yet Chriftians ought to fludy earneftly what may be anothers need. But if, as mortal mifchances are, fome hap to need it, let them be fure they abufe not, and give God his thanks, who hath reviv'd this remedy, not too late for them, and fcowr'd off an in* veteratemifexpofition from the Gofpel : a work not to perilh by the vain breath or
troverlie,
it felt
can
fail
as foon,
Ihould content
to evince.
me with
If
the inliitution alone to

it
and not
diflrult
any need
doom of
this age.
what fidelity commented.
Our next induiiry (hall be, under the fame guidance, to try with that remaining paffage in the Epifilcs touching this matter, hath bin
Cor. VII. 10,
Sec.
to.
i
i .
And And
unto the married 1 command, &c. let not the husband fat away his wife.
intimates but
made, but reconcilement to be perfuaded and endevor'd, as oft as the caufe can have to do with reconcilement, 3iid is not under the dominion of blameles nature ; which may have reifon to depart, though fcldomelt and lad from charitable love, yet fometimes from friendly, and familiar, and fomething cftner irom conjugal love, which requires not only moral, but natural caufes to the making and maintaining and may be warrantably excus'd to retire from the deception of what it jultly fceks, and the ill requitals which unjullly it rinds. For Nature hath her Zcdiack alio, keeps her
,
be THis
what our Saviour taught
before, that Divorce
is
not rafhly to
great annual circuit over human things, as truly as the Sun and Planets in the firmaher anomalies, hath her obliquities in afcenlions and declinations, acccfftS and receffes, as blamelefly as they in Heaven. And lifting in her planetary Orb with
ment? hath
tivo reins in each hand, one firair, the other loos, tempers thecours of minds as well as bodies to feveral conjunctions and oppolitions, friendly or unfriendly afpects, with reafon, but never contrary. This in the effect no man of confenting ofteit
meaneit reach but daily
fees
and though to every one
it
appear not in the caufe, yet
to a clear capacity, well nurtur'd with good reading and obfervation, it cannot but be Other expolition therefore then hath bin plain and viiible. given to former places that give light to thele two fummary verfes, will not be needful: fave only that thefe precepts are meant to thofe married who differ not in Religion. Buttotherefifpeakl, not the Lord) if any brother hath a wife that bc'.icveth net, and fie be f'leafed to dwell with him, let him not put her away. follows what is to be done, if the perfons wedded be of a different faith. The
Now
common
belief
is,
that a Chriftian
is
here
Bbb
commanded
not to divorce,
if
the Infidel
picatc
(
it
37
be but to vex, or to deride, or to feduce the Chriftian. This pkafe to flay, though a The of refutation. other work ealie a Chrithat the be will dodrin opinion is, lhan is here conditionally permitted to hold Wedlock with a misbeliever only, upon
Chriftian prudence, which without much difficulty (hall be defended. hopes limited by That this here fpoken by Paul, not by the Lord, cannot be a Command, thefe reafons of Mofes, Exod. 34. 1 6. Bent. 7. 3, 6. interpreted avouch. Firft, the Law by Ezra infallible and Nehemiab, two authors, commands to divorce an Infidel not for the fear but of an irreligious ieducement, fear'd both in only of a ceremonious defilement, and of his Children in danger to be perverted by the Believer the himfelf, refped of 1 Nehem. $.2^2-6. And Peter Martyr thought this a convinmisbelieving parent, If therefore the legal pollution vanifhing, have abrogated the ceremony reafon. cing of this Law, fo that a Chriftian may be permitted to retain an Infidel without uncleanreafon of divorcing Hands to eternity, which neither Apofile nor nes, yet the moral can countermand. All that they reply to this, is their human heaven from Angel us in our obedience to this command againft the danwarrant, that God will preferve
And fo undoubtedly he will, if we underftand his commands ger of feducemenr. not this evangelick per million into a legal, and yet illegal comif we turn aright not turn mand if we hope into bondage, the charitable and free hope of gaining
,
but more of this another, into the forc't and (ervil temptation of loling our felves Thus theft words of Paul, by common dodrin made a command, are beneath. made a contradidion to the moral Law.
:
even
Law only, but the Gofpel from the Law, and from it felf, requires fame chapter, where Divorce between them of one Fveligion is fo narrowly forbid, rather then our Chriftian love mould come into danger of backfliding, to for 1'ake all relations how near fo ever, and the Wife txprefly, with promile ofa high
Secondly, not the
in the
reward, Mat. 19.

dring his
ple, Li<\e 14.
And
he
who
chriftian cours,
much more
hates not father or Mother, Wife or Children, hinif they delpife or affault it, cannot beaDifci-
How can the Apoftle then command us to love and continue in that our Saviour bids us hate, and lorfake ? They can as foon teach which matrimony, our faculty of refpiration to contrad and to dilate it felf at once, to breath and to fetch breath in the fame iniiant, as teach out minds how to do fuch contrary ads as thefe For either towards the fame objed, and as they mull be done in the fame moment. the hatred of her Religion, and her hatred to our Religion will work powerfully againit the love of her fociety, or the love of that will by degrees flatter out all our Zealous hatred mid forfaking, and foon enfnareus to unchriftianly compliances.
Thirdlv, In Marriage there ought not only to be a civil love, but fuch a love as Chrift loves his Church h but where the Religion is contrary without hope of converfion, there can be no love, no faith, no peaceful fociety, ( they of the other opinion confefs it ) nay there ought not to be, furder then in expedation of gaining a foul ; when
that ceafes,
hath put an enmity between the feed of the Woman, and Neither fhould we love them that hate the Lord, 3s the 2 Chron. 19. And this Apofile himfelf in another told place Jchofaphat, Prophet warns us that rve be not unequally yok$ with Infidels, 2 Cor. 6. tot that there can be
the
feed
we know God
of the Serpent.
no
concord between fuch. Outward commerce fellowfhip, no communion, and Civil intercours cannot perhaps be avoided , but true friendfhip and famibe none. vainly therefore, not to fay how impioufly would liarity there can
no
How
the moll inward and dear alliance of Marriage or continuance in Marriage be commanded, where true Iriendlhip is confeft impoffible ? For fay they, we are foi-
But to rob the words this bid here to marry with an Infidel, not bid to divorce. of their full fenfe, will not be allow'd them : it is not faid, enter not into yoke, but
be not unequally yokt j which plainly forbids the thing in prefent ad, as well as in purpole : and his maniteit conclufion is, not only that we fliould not touch, but that having
toucht, we fhould come out from among them, andbe feparate; with the promife of a our father, and we his fons and bleffing thereupon, that God will receive w, will be
Why we fhould Hay with an Infidel after the expence ol all our daughters, v. 17, 18. be but a can for civil relation \ but why we fhould depart from a feducer, fethopes,
tiug afide the mifconftrudion of this place, is from a religious needn't y of departing. The wors caufe therefore of flaying ( if it be any caufe at all, for civil government forces it not ) mult not overtop the religious caufe of feparating, executed with fuch
an urgent
God
zeal, and fuch a profirate humiliation by Ezra and Nehemiah. hates to joy 11, certainly he cannot love fhould continue joyn'd: it being all one in matter of ill confequence, to marry, or to continue married with an Infidel, lave
What
only
only
heer
Co a
( 37* ) wait and with a we willingly, long command of the Lord Almighty, for fo
as
fate
hope. St. Paid therefore citing he terms it, that we mould yf/w*fe>
cannot have bound us with that which he

that
calls his
own
whether
left
command
or counlel
.
we Ihould not feparate. Which is the fourth Reafon,

iiath
for
he himfelf takes care
If the Lord fpake no Lordlhip to command the confeirnce yet modern Interpreters will have it a command, maugreSt. Paul himlelf they will make him a Prophet like Caiphas, to fpeak the word of the Lord not thinking, nay denying to think i though he difavow to have leceiv'd it from the Lord, his word (hall not be tak'n, though an Apoltle, he (hill be born down in his own Epiltle, by a race of Expofiters who prefume to know from whom he fpake, better then he himfelf. Paul depofes that the Lord fpeaks not this, they, that the Lord (peaks it Can this be lefs then to brave him with a full-
[But
to the reft fpeak /, not the Lord.~\
we mould miftake him, not, then Man fpake it, and
Man
Certainly to iuch a violence as this, for I cannot call it an expounding, what a man fhould anfwer I know not, unlefs that if it be their pleafurc
fae'd contradiction
?
next to put a gag into the Apeltle's mouth, they are already furnifht with a commoBez.a would feem tolhun the dious audacity toward the attempr. contradictory, by the Lord it not in us that But perfon, as he did the former precept. fpake telling how many other Doctrines doth St. Paul deliver, which the Lord fpake not in
fon,
per-
and
yet never ufes this
preamble but
for
him
for a meffenger of
God,
him
in things indifferent ? to (land Sentences
forting
So long as we receive what the Lord fpake
in perfon, and what he, not the Lord in perfon, would be but a chill trifling, and Butfif we (hall fupply the Grammatical his Readers might catch an Ague the while.
Ellipfls regularly,
not tupply
not.
as we mull in the lame tenfe all will be then clear, for we canto the relt 1 fpeak , the Lord fpake not, but I thus, fpeak, the Lord fpeaks If then the Lord neither fpake in perfon, nor fpeaks it now, the Apofile tefti-
and
it
fying both,
left
it
follows duely, that this can be no
command.
Forfooth the fear
is
this
not being a
command, would prove an
evangelick counfel, and fo
make
way
ferent, as he
As if the Apoltle could not fpeak his mind in'things indiffor fupererogations. doth in four or five feveral places of this chapter with the like preface of
object )
not commanding, but that the doubted inconvenience of fupererogating mult needs rulh in. And how adds it to the Word of the Lord, (for this alfo they when
as the Apoltle
by his
chtiflian
?
to, without command as well as what was not
prudence guids us in the liberty which God hath left us could not the Spirit of God inftrudt us by him what was free
and
in
words
faith,
I more, when Cameron an ingenuous writer confutes the furmife of a command heer, and high efteem, folidly among other That when Paul fpeaks as an Apofile, he ufes this form, The Lord hath thefe ; ?
But what need
alfo all the
man he faith, I (peak, not the Lord. And thus Jerom, and the reft underflood this place. of the Queltion declares this to be no Command Fiftly, The very ftating ; If any Brother hath an unbelieving Wife, and {he be p leafed to dwell with him, let him not put
not
I, v.
10. hut as a private

fathers, Aufttn,
prime
For the Greek word ouvivStm does not imply only her her away. being pleas'd to but his Nor being pleas'd to let her flay j it mult be a confent of them both. ftay,
can the force of this word be render'd lefs* without either much negligence or iniquity And thus the Greek Church alio and their of him that otherwife tranflates it.
underftood
it,
Synods language meant, as ancears by Matthxta Monachtu, an Author fet forth by Lemclav'm, and of antiquity'crhaps not inferior to Balfamon, who writes upon the Canons of the Apoftles this Author in his
who
belt
knew what
their
own
chap. That Marriage is not to be made with Hereticks, thus recites the fecond Canon of the 6th Synod ; As to the Corinthians, Paul determins ; If the believing Wife
to live with the unbelieving Husband, or the believing Mark^ faith he, how the Apoftle here Wife.
choo/e
HtMand
with the unbelieving
with the tmbeliever
condefcends, if the believer pleafe to dwell that he if fo pleafe not, out of doubt the Marriage is dtjfolvd. And I am perfwaded it was fo in the beginning, and thus preacht. And thereupon gives an example of one, who though not deferted , yet by the Decree of Thcodottu the
,
Patriarch divore'd an unbelieving Wife. What therefore depends in the plain ltate of this queltion on the confent and well liking of them both, mult not be a Command. Lay next the latter end of the nth verfe to the I2th (for wherefore elfe is Logic
taught
us ) in a difcreet axiom, as
the
it
can be no other by the phrale
The Lord faith, Let^not
Hmbar.dpm away
as if
j
This founds
misbelieving
his Wife : but I fay, Let him not put away a misbelieving Wife. the oi by judgment Paul, a man might pat nway any Wife but the or elfe the parts are not difcreet, or diffentany, for both conclude net
b b a
putting
( ?7 2 )
in fuch a form the putting away, and confeq aently propofition is ridiculous. the form:r therefore part of this fentence mult be conceiv'd, as neceffity
Of
underftood,
and
that although the Lord command to divorce an infidel , filently granted, yet I, not the Lord command you? No, but give my judgment, that for fome evangelick Thus while we reduce the reafons a Chriftian may be" permitted not to divorce her. brevity of St. Paul to a p/'ainer fenfe, by the needful fupply of that which was granted between him and the Corinthians, the very logic of his fpeech extracts him con/effing that the
Lords command lay in a fee ming contrariety to this his counfel : and that he to thrult out a comtmnd of the Lord by a new one of his own, as one nail not meant drives another, but to releafe us from the rigor of it, by the right of the Gofpel, fo farr forth as a charitable caufe leads us on in the hope of winning another foul without
the peril of lollngour own. For this is the glory of the Gofpei, to teach us that the end of the commandment is charity, iTim.i. not the drudging out a poor and worthThis doctrine therelefsduty forc'd from us by the tax and tail of fo many letters. fore can be no command, but it mult contradict the moral Law, the Gofpel and the Apoflle himfelf both elie where, and here alfo even in the act of fpeaking. If then it be no command, it mult remain to be a permiffion, and that not abfolute, for (o it would be itill contrary to the law, but with fuch a caution as breaks not the Law, but as the manner of the Gofpel is, fulfils it through Charity. The Law had two reafons, the one was ceremonial, the pollution that all Gentiles were to the Jews; this the vifion of Peter had aboliiht, Atts 10. and clens'd all creatures to the ufe of a The Corinthians underltood not this, but feai'd left dwelling in matrimoChrilHan. The Apoltle difcuffes that (cruple with an ny with an unbenever, thty were dehfd. Evangelic reafon, fhewing them that although God heretofore under the Law, not intending the converfion of the Gentiles, except fome fpecial ones, held them as pol,
luted things to the Jew, yet now purpofing to call them in, he hath purify'd them from that legal unclcannels wherein they ftaod, to ufe and to be us'd in a pure manner.
For
wife
holy. fear ,
is
is fanBify'd by the wife, and the unbelieving the were fantlifi'd by husband, elfe your children unclean ; but now they are That is, they are fanctify'd to you, from that legal impurity which you fo and are brought into a neer capacity to be holy, if they believe, and to have
faith
he, The unbelieving husband
free accefs to
holy things.
to ufe
In the
hath power
to the
them according
pure are become pure.
mean time, as being God's creatures, a Chriftian to their proper ufe in as much as now, all things In this legal refpect therefore ye need not dcubt to con,
tinue in Marriage with an unbeliever. Thus others alfo expound this place, and Ca?neron efpecially. This reafon warrants us only what we may do without fear of
pollution, does not bind us that we mult. But the other reafon of the Law to divorce an inhdel was moral, the avoiding of enticement from the true Faith. This cannot but remains in as full force as ever, to fave the actual Chriftian from the fhrink fnare of a misbeliever. Yet if a Chriftian full of grace and fpiritual gifts, finding the misbeliever not frowardly affected, fears not a feducing, but hopes rather a
,
moral Reafon is not violated by not divorcing, which but better fulfill'd by the excellence of the Gotpel workFor neither the faithful is fedue'd, and the unfaithful is either ing through Charity. or all with But condifcharge of love, and evangelic duty fought to be fav'd. av'd,
gaining, the Law
fees
who
not that
this
commanded
to do,
his hope,
if the infirm Chriftian (hall be commanded here againft his mind, againft and againft his fkength, to dwell with all the fcandals, the houfhold perfections, or alluring temptations of an Infidel, how is not the Gofpel by this made harfher then the Law, and more yoaking ? Therefore the Apoltle ere he delivers this other reafon why we neel' not in all halt put away an Infidel, his mind mifgiving him, left he fhould feem to be the impofer of a new command, ftays not for method, but with an abrupt fpeed infeits the declaration of their liberty in this matter. But if the unbelieving depart, let him depart 5 a brother or afijler is not under bon-
trary-wife
dage in fuch cafes : but Godhath called us to peace. But if the unbelieving depart,T) This cannot be reftrain'd to local departure only*, for who knows not that an offenfive fociety is worfe then a forfaking. If his purpofe of cohabitation be to endanger the life, or the confeience, Bez.a himfelf is half perlwaded, that
may
purchafe to the faithful perfon the fame freedom that a delation Gerard and others whom he cites. If therefore he depart in affection i if he depart from if he diitu'rb, or feoff at Religion, giving hope of his converfion feduce, or tempt i if he rage, doubtlefs not the weak only, but the flrong may leave
this m.iy
;
and
fo
him
him
all
if
,
not for
fear,
bafe affronts, be as large as the negative of parting to being well pleas'd : that is, if he be not plcas'd for the prefent to live lovingly, quietly, inoffcnlively, fo as may give good hope , which appears well by that which follows.
yet for the dignities fake of Religion, which cannot be liable to 1 rake therefore demeerly for the worfhipping of a civil Marriage.
A brother
or
fifter
not under
bondage in fuck
cafes."]
If St.
Paul provide fc-
rioufly againft the bondage of a Chriiiian, it is not the only bondage to live unmarried for a deferring Infidel, but to endure his pretence intolerably, to bear indignities his or in words to be wearied with deeds, againlt Religion feducements, to have idolatries
and ever before his eyes, to be tormented with impure and profuperltitions phane converfation, this mult needs be bondage to a Chriftian is this left all unprovided for, without remedy, orMreedom granted ? undoubtedly no, for, the A pottle leaves it furder to be conlider'd with prudence, what bondage a brother or filter is
:
not under, not only in this cafe, but as he fpeaks himfclf plurally, in fuck cafes. But God ha'b called lis to piace.~\ To peace, not to bondage, not to brabbles and contentions with him who is not pleas'd to live peaceably, as Marriage and
Chriltiauity
And where ftrifc arifes from a caufc hopelels to be allay 'd, what betrer requires. way to peace then by feparating that which is ill joyn'd ? It is not Divorce that tirft
breaks the peace of a family, as lome fondly comment on this place, but it is peace already brok'n, which, when other cures fail, can only be reltor'd to the faultles perlon And St. Paul here warrants us to feek peace, rather then to by a hecefTary Divorce.
If God hath call'd us to remain in bondage. peace, why fheuld we not follow him ? mould we in difcord under a (ervitudc not requii'd ? why mrferably ftay perpetual For what knowejt thou, whether Wife, thoitjhalt fave thy Husband, &c] St. Paul
having thus clear'd himlelf, not to go about the mining of our Chriiiian liberty, not a fnare upon ui, which to do he fo much hated, returns now to the fecond reafon of that Law, to put away an Inridel for fear of ieducemcnf, which he does not here contradict with a Command now to venture that i but if neither the infirmity of the Chriltian, nor the ftrength of the Unbeliever be fear'd, but hopes appearing that he may be won, he judges it no breaking of that Law, though the Believer be
to cajt
permitted to forbc ar Divorce, and can abide, without the peril of (educement, to offer the charity of a falvation to Wife or Husband, which is the fulfilling, not the tranfgrefling of that Law ; and well worth the undertaking with much hazard and patience*
For what knowelt thou whether thou (halt fave thy Wrfe, that is, till all means convenient and pollible with difcretion and probability, as human things are, have bin us'd. For Chrilf himfelf fends not our hope on pilgrimage to the World's end ; but fets it bounds, beyond which we need not wait on a Brother, much lefs on an Infidel.
If after fuch a time
ter lefs
we may count a profeffing Chriftian no better then a Heathen, aftime perhaps we may ceafc to hope of a Heathen , that he will turn Chriftian. Otherwife, to bind us harder then the Law, and tell us wc are not under Bondage, is meer If till the unbeliever pleafe to part, we mockery. may not ftir from the houfe of our bondage, then certain this our liberty is not grounded in the purchas of Chrift, but in the pleafure of a Mifcreant. What knows the loyal Husband, whether he may
not fave the Adulterefs ? he is not therefore bound to receive her. Wife but (he may reclaim her Husband who hath deferted her ?
What knows
the
yet the reformed
Summons.
it
Churches do not enjoy n her to wait longer then after the contempt of an Eccleliaftical Beza himfelf here befriends us with a remarkable Speech, What could
human matters, if under pretence of expelling grace from above, And yet in other cafes not lefs rcaJhouldbe never lawful for us no feekj>iir right. fonable to obtain a molt juft and needful remedy by Divorce, he turns the innocent party to a task of prayers beyond the multitude of Beads and Rojaries, to beg the gifc of Chaftity in recompence of an injurious Marriage. But the Apoltle is evident
be firmly conftitutedin
enough, we are not under bondage, trufting that he writes to thofe who are not ignorant what Bondage is, to let f upercilious determiners cheat them 'of their freedom. God hath call'd us to peace, and fo doubtlefs hath left in our hands how to obtain it feafonably 5
if it
be not our
own choice
to
fit
ever like novices wretchedly fervile.
Thus much
little
the Apottle in this queflion between Chriftian and Pagan, to us
now of
ufei yet fuppoling it written for our inftrudiion, as it may be rightly apply'd, I doubt not but that the difference between a true believer and a heretic, or any one truely religious either deferted or feeking Divorce from any one grosfly errconeous or For St. Paul leaves us heer the folution not of this profane may be referr'd hither.
cafe only,
which
little
concernes us, but of fnch Hkf cafes, which
may
ocurr to us.
For
574
reafons diredtly fquare, who can forbid why the verdit fiiould not be But this the common Writers allow us not. And yet from this Text, the fame ? which in plain words gives liberty to none, unlefs deferted by an Infidel, they colled: the fame freedom, though the defertion be not for Religion, which, as I conceive, need not do , but may, without (training, reduce it to the caufe of Fornication.
For where the
they
For
it
is
fiilt,
they confefs that delertion is (eldom without a juft fufpition of Adultery : next a breach of Marriage in the lame kind, and in fome fort worfe : for Adultery,
it give to another, yet it bereaves not all ; but the deferter wholly denies all makes one flelh twain, which is counted the abfoluteft breach of Matriand right, and caufes the other, as much as in him lies, to commit fin, by being fo left. mony, Neverthelefs, thole reafons which they bring of eitablifhing by this place the like liand irthe thing be lawful, and can be berty from any defcrtion, are (air and fohd the fafer. Their arguments I fhall here re* prov'd fo, more ways then one, lo much not come ufe them to make good the like freedom that fliall and they may idle, cite, to Divorce for other caufes ; and that we are no more under Bondage to any hainous
though
default againft the main ends of Matrimony, then to a Defertion : Firlt they allege that to I "tint. 5.8. // any provide not for thife of his own houfe, he hath denyd the
faith,
But a deferter, fay they, can have ndcare of them and is worfe then an Infidel. who are mojl his own, therefore the deferted forty is not lefs to be righted againft fuch' With the lame evidence I argue, that Man or Wife who a one then againft an Infidel. hates in Wedlock, is perpetually unlociable, unpeaceful, or unduteous, either not being able, or not willing to perform wnat the main ends of Marriage demand in help and folace, cannot be laid to care tor who Ihould be deareft in the houfe i therefore is worfe then an infidel in both regards, either in undertaking a duty which he cannot
perform, to the undelerved and unfpeakable injury of the other party fo defrauded and betrafd, or not performing what he hath undertaken, whenas he may or might
The blamelefs perhave, to the perjury of himfelt more irreligious then heathenifm. fon therefore hath as good a plea to fue out his delivery from this bondage, as froth
the defertion ot an infidel. Since molt Writers cannot but grant that defertion is not only a local abfence, but an intolerable fociety ; or if they grant it not, the reafons of Saint Paul grant it, withall as much leave as they grant to enlarge a particular freedom from paganifm, into a general freedom from any defcrtion. Secondly, they reafon from the likenes of either fact, the fame loft redounds to the deferted byaChrifti-
And an, as by an Infidel, the fame peril of temptation. if honell -md (ree peilons may be ailow'd to know what
fame
lofs
I
is
in like
manner
affirm,
lofs,
that
mod
to their
own
the
and difcontent, but worfe diiquiet, with continual mifery and temptation, relides in the company, or better calPd the perfecution of an unfit, or an.unpeaceable For then the deferted may enjoy himfclf at leaft. Confort, then by his defertion. And he who deferts is more favourable to the party whom his prefence afflidts, then that importunate thing which is and will be ever converfant before the eyes, a loyal and individual vexation. As for thofe who (fill rudely urge it no lofs to Marriage, no Defertion, fo long as theFlefh isprefent, and offers a Benevolence that hates, or is jufily hated i I am not of that vulgar and low perfwafion, to think fuch fore'd embracements as thefe worth the honour, or the humanity of Marriage, but far beneath the foul of a rational and free-born Man. Thirdly, they fay, It is net the Infidelity the but the of defertion efthe Infidel from which the Apoftle gives this freedom y deferter, and I joyn, that the Apotile could as little require our fubjection to an unfit and injurious Bondage prefent, as to an Infidel abfent. , To free us from that which is an evil by being diftant, and not from that which is an inmate, and in the bofom evil, argues an improvident and careles Deliverer. And thus all occafions, which way foever they turn, are not unoflicious to adminilter fomething which may conduce to explain, or to defend the affertion of this book touching Divorce. I complain of nothing, but
indeed too copious to be the matter of a difpute, or a defence, rather to be What yielded, as in the beft Ages, a thing of common Reafon, not of Con trover lie. have I left to fay ? 1 fear to be more elaborat in fuch a perfpicuity as this i left I Ihould
that
it is
in
feem not to teach, but to upbraid the duines of an Age ^ not to commune with reaforii men, but to deplore the lofs of reafon from among men : this only, and not the want)
of
more
to fay,
is
the limit of
my
difcourfc.
Who
among
the leathers
;
is here interpreted
have interpreted the words of Chrift concerning Divorce, as and what the Civil Law of Chriftian Emperors in the primitive
Church determined
Although
Although teftimony be in Logic an argument rightly call'd i>iartifwial,znd doth not fetch the truth by multiplicity of Authors, nor argue athingfalfe by the few folidly that holdfo ; Net lctingmoft men Irom th;ir youth lo accullom, as not to lean reaion, nor clearly to apprehend ir, but to irufi for that the names and numbers of fuch, as have got, and many times undcfervedly, the reputation among them to know much, and becaule there is a vulgar alio of teachers? who arc as blindly by they fancy led, as they lead the people, it will not be amils lor them who had rather
whom
lift
themlelvcs under this weaker

I
opinion which
fort, and follow authorities, to take notice that this hath bin bring, favour'd, and by fome of thofe arrirm'd, who in their
time wire able to carry what they taught, had they urg'd it, through all Chrillendom ; or to have left it fuch a credit with all good men, as they who could not boldly ufe But fince by his appointment on whom the opinion, would have fcar'd to cenlure it. the times and fealons wait, every point of dochine is not fatal to be throughly fitted out in every age, it will be anough for me to find, that the thoughts of wileft heads heertofore, and hearts no lefs reverene'd for devotion have tended this way, and contributed their lot in fome good meafure towards this which hath bin here attain'd. Others of them, and modern efpecially, have bin as full in the alTertion, though not
fo full in the reafon
feli
or in the former, I (hall be nianito meet the praife or dilpraife of being fomething rirff. But 1 defer not what I undertook to fhew, that in the Church both primitive and reformed, the words of Chrilt have bin underitood to grant Divorce for other caulcs
;
fo that either in this regard,
in a middle fortune
then Adultery
and that the word for nicat ion

i
in
tl
j
Marriage hath a larger fenfe then that
commonly
fuppos'd.
fifft Apology writt'n within 50 years after St. John dy'd, rewhich Eufebius tranferibes, that a certain Matron of Rome, the Wife of a vitious Husband, her lelt alio formerly vitious, but converted to the Faith, and perfuading the fame to her Husband, at halt the amendment of his wicked life, upon his not yeilding to her daily entreaties and peifuahons in this behalf, procur'd by Law to This was neither for Adultery, nor Delertion, but as the rebedivorc'd from him. lation fay c , efteeming it an ungodly thing to be the confort of bed with him, who again{l the Law of Nature and of right fought out volitptuotuways. Suppofe he endeavoui'd fome unnatural abufe, as the Greek admits that meaning, it cannot yet be call'd Adul-
Juflin M<*riyr in his
lates a ltory
therefore could be thought-worthy of Divorce no otherwife then as equiwors j and other vices will appear in other refpects as much divorfive. Next or valent, 'tis Laid her friends advis'd her to flay a while ; and what reafon gave they ? not becaufe they held unlawful what fhepurpos'd, but becaufe they fhe might lontery
it
,
thought
his repentance. She obey'd, till the man going to Alexandria^ and ger yet hope from thence reported to grow mil more impenitent, not Tor any Adultery or Deferneither can be gather'd, but, faith the tion, wherof Martyr, and fpeaks it like one approving, left fhe Jhouldbe partaker of his unrighteous and ungodly deeds, remaining in Wedlock, the communion of bed and board with fuch aperfon, fhe lejt him by a lawThis cannot but give us the judgment of the Church in thofe ful Divorce. pure and For how els could the Woman have bin permitted, or next to Apoftolic times. here not reprehended ? and {{ a Wife might then do this without reproof, a Husband
certainly
might no
lefs,
if
not more.
'
Jertitllian in the fame Age, writing his 4th Book againft Martian, witneiTes that to the Pharifes, protetled the conjlitution o/Mofes as his own, and Chrijl by his arfwer directed the inftitution of the Creator, for I alter not his Carthaginian phraie ; he excus'd rather then deflroy'dthe conjlitution 0/ Moles / fay, he forbid conditionally, tf any one therefore put away, that he may marry another : fo that tf he prohibited condithen not wholly ; and what he forbad not he tionally, wholly, permitted otherwife, where which he the. that when a man makes it not the caule caufe ceafes for prohibited: is, of his putting away, meerly that he may marry again. Chrift teaches not contrary to Mofes, thejujlice of Divorce hath Christ the afferter : he would not have fe-,
Marriage
parate,
nor kept with ignominy, permitting then a Divorce ; and guefTes that this vehemence of our Saviour's lenience was chiefly bent againli Herod, as was cited bi fore. Which leaves it evident how Tertullian interpreted this prohibition of our Saviour : for whereas the Text is, Whofoevcr putteth away, and marruth another ; wherefore (hould Tertullian explain it, Whofoever putteth away that he may -marry another, but to fignirie his opinion, that our Saviour did not forbid Divorce from an unworhy
Yoke, but
forbid the Malice or the Lull of a needles

?'
Change, and
chiefly thole plot-
ted Divorces then in ufe
Origen
(
in the
?7)
have known certain who had the government Origen of Churches in his time, who permitted fom to marry, while yet their former hufbands liv'd, and excufes the deed, as don not without vaufo though without Scripture, which confirms that caufe not to be Adultery ; for how then was it againft Scripture 1 cite his 7. homily on Matthew, that they married again ? And a little beneath, for and then won fornication, feems a thing unreafonafaith he, To endure faults adultery it were did not Chrift that therefore fpeak by way of precept, but Ue; and difputes declares his far like the from and mind, ipeeches, Origcn By which, expounding. conhn'd all the caufes of Divorce to a&ual adultery. our Saviour that thinking LattanUm of the age that fucceeded, fpeaking of this matter in the 6th of his thefe words : But left any think he may circumfcribe divine precepts, Jnftitutions, hath or death may be relet this be added, that all mifinterpreting, and occafton of fraud divorc't the wife, and, beftdes the crime of moved, he commits adultery who marries To divorce and marry another, another. a wife that he may marry adultery, divorces and imply that two different arc things and to divorce that he may marry another, of all necelTary Divorce, but (uch onthe this not Latlantitu thought forbidding place from the wanton dtfire of a future chois, not from the burden of a as
next century
ttftifiesto
ly
proceeded
prefent affii&ion.
this time the Council of EHbtrit in Spain decreed the husband excommunian adultrefs ; hut if he left her, he might after ten years he car, If kept bis wife being be received into communion, if he retatrid her any while in h'vs houfe after the adulin the year 3 14. decreed, That if the wife The Council of known.
About
tery
Neocsfarea of any Laic were convifted of adultery, that

:
could not be admitted into the Miif not, he could to divorce her was he if after ordination it were committed, niilry feven in condemn'd Nantes Council of The years penance the not hold his Miniftry. this that other cauhow But an adultrefs. with Would reconcile proves husband that
,
man
fes
may
divorce
It
proves thus
There can be but two
caufes
why
thefe
Councils en-
the divorling of an adultrefs, either as an offender 3gainft God, or join'd fbftriclly in the latter relpecl they could not impofe on him to divorce the husband againft to hinder him pardon for every man is the matter of his own forgivnes , who (hall an adultrefs the injuries don againft himfelf? It follows therefore that the divorce of was commanded by thefe three Councils, as it was a fin againfl God ; and by all concould not but believe that other fins as hainous might with equal juftice fequence (hey be the ground of a divorce.
,
as Chamier numbers it, thus determins, Bafil in his 73d Rule, ance to a godly life. unlefs for to not adultery, or the hinder be,
That divorce ought

this
What doth
but
of divorce then adultery, proclaim aloud more caufes wife or husband, the godltnes of the better perfon
if
by other fins befides this, in may be certainly hinder'd and
endangei'd?
then expolition, and needs no comment. that all wedloc U not Godsjoyning: and to Ambrofe on the idrfcof Luke, teaches he. the iptb oiPrev. That a wife is prepaid of the Lord, as the old Latin eradiates it, to a and the vs a tempered Lord, anfwers that the Septuagint renders if, fitted by wife kind of harmony 5 and where that harmony if, there God)oyns ; where it vs not, there God is love. This he brings to prove diffention reigns, which vs not from God, for the marrying of Chritlian with Gentile to be no marriage, and conftquently divorc't without fin but he who fees not this Argument how plainly it ferves to divorce any On the itf to the Cor. 7. he grants fees little. untunable, or unatonable matrimony, and ina woman may leave her husband not for only fornication, but for Apoflacy, of dicaufes are : here the man but not marry again ; may verting nature, though God that the he of caufe And going on, affirms, vorce alhgn'd other then adultery. to hint due not vs wedloc reverence the that is of matrimony \ of greater than the caufe
is cleerer
:
therefore fhould himfelf ancient, writing againft Heretic^, and 1. not that his prilorn. in his fecond us book, be orthodoxal above others, acquaints his time Church in whole the generally thought other vate periuaiion was, but that that name : If, faith under as belides comprehended caufes of divorce lawful adultery, or any hainoiis or either adultery, fornication, he, a divorce happ'n for any caufe, nor cuts or the man either not blames again, wife marrying word of God fault, the them off from the congregation, or from life, but bears with the infirmity ; not that he may keep both wives, but that leaving the former he may be lawfully joyn'd to the th'vs man, efpecially if latter : the holy Word, and the holy Church of God commiferates law. This place Gods to he be otherwife of good converfation, and live according
Epiphanim no
lefs
(
who hates
the Author thereof
; matrimony is firm without devotion to God ; that difhonour don to Cod the other acquits being defertedfrom the bond of matrimony , that the faith of marriage is not to be kept with If thtfe contorted fentenoS fuch. be ought worth, it is not the defertion that breaks what is broken, but the impiety ;
that no
and
who
then
may
not for that caufe better divorce, than tarry to be deferttd
or thefe
grave fayings of St. Ambrtfe are but knacks. Jerom on the i$th of Matthew explains, fufpicion thereof, a man may freely divorce.
dry faults leading that way ? aiflual adultery, but for any caufe that
therof.
that) for the caufe of fornication,
or the
can breed that fufpicion, but funby Jeroms confent therfore Divorce is free not only for
What
may
incline a wife
man
to the juft fufpicion
Anftin alfo mult be remember'd
among
thofc
who
hold that this inftance of forni-
cation gives equal inference to other faults equally hateful, for which to divorce : and therfore in his books to PoBemim he difputes that Infidelity, a* being a greater fin then Adultery, ought fo much the rather And on the Sermon in caufe, a divorce.
Mount, under the name of fornication will have idolatry, or any harmful fuperfiition contain 'd, which are not thought to difturb Matrimony fo directly as fom other obliinacies and difaffe&ions, more againft the daily duties of that cov nam, and in the Eallern tongues not unfrequently call'd fornication, as hath bin (hewn. Hence is underftood, faith he, that not only for bodily fornication, but for that which draws the mind from Gods law, and foully corrupts it, a man may without fault put away bis wife, and a wife her hmband, becaufe the Lord excepts the caufe of fornication, which fornication we are conslrain'd to And in the hrit interpret in a general fenfe. book of his Ketrall ations, chap. id. he retrads not this his opinion, but commends it to ferious confideration and explains that he counted not there all fin to be forniThe caufe of Fornication therefore is not cation, but the more deteftable fort of fins.
the
-,
newly interpreted to fignify other faults infringing the duties of Wedlock, befides Adultery. Lafily, the Council of Agatha in the year 506. Can. 25. decreed, that if Lay -men who divorct without fome great fault, or giving no probable caufe, therefore dtvorc't, that they might marry fom unlawful perfon, or fom other mans, if before the provincial Bifhops were made acquainted, or judgment pail, they prefutn'd this, Excommunication was the penalty. Whence it follows, that if the caufe of Divorce were fom great offence, or that they gave probable caufes for what they did, and did not therefore divorce that they might prefume with fom unlawful perfon, or what was another mans, the cenfure of Church in thofe days did not touch them.
in this difcours
Thus having alleg'd enough to fhew, after what manner the primitive Church for above 500 years underftood our Saviours words touching Divorce, I (hall now, with a labour lefs difperft, and fooner difpatcht, bring under view what the civil Law of thofe times conftituted about this matter: I fay the civil Law, which is the honour of every
true Civilian to ftand for, rather then to count that for Law, which the Pontificial Canon had enthrall'd them to, and inftead of interpreting a generous and elegant Law,
made them
the drudges of a blockifh Rubric.
Theodofius and Valentinian, pious Emperors both, ordain'd that as by confent lawful marriages were made, fo by confent, but not without the bill of Divorce,
7night be diffolv'd ; dren. fee the
and
to
We
dijfolve
was
the
more
difficult,
Wildom and
iince Chrift,
confceiv'd
no hindrance
mutually confentcd, might dren, or if there were, careful provifion was made. And further faith that Law (fuppofing there wanted the confent of either ) We defign the caufes of Divorce by this mott wholfom Law ; for as we forbid the without of caufe,
diffolving
Piety of that age, one in the words of our Saviour, but that a Divorce be fnffer'd by the Law, efpecially if there were no chil-
they only in favour of the chilof the pureft and leatnedeft
Marriage
juft
fo
a husband or a wife dtftresl by fom advers necejfity, fhould be freed, What dram of Wildom or Religion though by an unhappy, yet a neceffary releef. (for Charity is truelt Religion) could there be in that knowing age, which is not virtually fum'd up in this molt juft Law ? As for thofe other Chrifiian Emperors, from Conftamine the firft of them, finding the Roman Law in this point fo anfweradeftre that
we
ble to the Mofaic, it might be the likelielt caufe why they altered nothing to reftrainf, but if ought, rather to liberty, for the confideration of the weaker fcx, acand help, as the Gofpel feems to make the wife more cording equal to her husband in thefe con-
Therefore if a man were abfent from his jugal refpects then the law of Mofes doth. r 'fe four years, and in that not heard of, fpace though gon to war in the fervice of lh r C c
'
( 3?S ) might divorce, and marry another by the edid of Conftantine to Dalmatim, Co. I. 5. tit. 17. And this was an Age of the Church both antient, and v the raoft flourifhing in knowledg and pious cry d up ftill for government fince the But to return to this Law Apofiles. oiTheodofw, with this obtervation by the way, that ftill as the Church corrupted, as the Clergy grew more ignorant, and yet more ufurping on the Magiftrate, who alfo now declin'd, fo itill Divorce grew more rethe Empire, (he
ftrain'd
,
ftrain'd,
it
though certainly if better times permitted the thing that worfe times rewould not weakly argue that the permillion was better, and the reftrainc
worfe.
This
Law
therefore of Theodofim, wifer in this then the molt of his fucceflbrs,
though not wifer then God and Mofes, reduc't the caufes of Divorce to a certain number, which by the judicial Law of God, and all recorded humanity were left before to the brelt of each husband, provided that the difmtfs was not without reafonEut this was a reftraint not yet come to extremes. able conditions to the Wife. For btfides Adultery, and that not only actual, but fufpedted by many ligns there fet down,
punifhable with Adultery, or equally infamous, might be the caufe of the wilelt of thofe ages underftood that place in the not the whereby, Gofpel, pilfering of a Benevolence was coniidei'd as the main and only breach of Wedloc, as is now thought, but the breach ol love and peace, a more
any
fault equally
a Divorce.
Which informs us how
holy union then rhat of the flefli ; and the dignity of an honed perfon was regarded, not to be held in bondage with one whofe ignominy was infectious. To this purpofe
was
conftitutcd Cod.
I.
5.
tit.
17.
and Antbent.
collat. 4.
tit. i.
Novell. 22. where
Jufliman added three
In the 117. Novell, molt of the fame caufes are but the of liberty alluw'd, divorcing by content is repealed: but by whom? by Juftinian, not a wifer, not a more religious Emperor then either cf the former, but noted
caufes
more.
by judicious writers for his fickle head in making and unmaking Laws ; and how Picccfitu, a good Kiltorian, and a Countellor of State then living, deciphers him in his other actions, I willingly omit. Nor was the Churfh then in better cafe, but had the corruption of a 1 00 declining years twept on it, when the ftatute of Confent was call'd in; which, as I faid, gives us every way more reafon to fufpect this reltraint, more than that liberty which therefore in the reign oijitftin, the fucceeding Emperor, was recall'd, Novell. i$o. and eftablifht with a preface more wile and chiiftianly then for thofe times, declaring theneceffity to reltorc that Theodofian Law, if no other means of reconcilement could be found. And by whom this Law was abrogated, or how long after, I do not find ; but that thofe other caufes remain'd in force as loi.g as the Greek Empire fublilted, and were aiTented by that Church, is to be read in the Canons and Edidts compared by Photius the Patriarch, with the avertiments of Balfamon and Matth&us Monachus thereon. But long before thofe days Leo, the fon of Bafilius tJWacedo, reigning about the year 88<5. and for his excellent wifdom furnam'd the Philofopher, conftituted that in cafe of madnefs the husband might divorce after three years, the wife after five. ConThis declares how he expounded our Saviour, and dcriv'd jlitut. Lepn. ill, 112. his reafons from the Infiitution, which in his Preface with great eloquence aie fet down whereof a patTage or two may give fom proof, though better not divided from the reft. There vs not, faith he, a thing more neceffary to preferve mankind, then the helpgiv'n him from his own rib; both God and Nature fo : which beteaching us ing fo, it was requtfite that the providence of Law, or if any other care be to the good
:
,
of man, fhould teach and ordain thofe things which are to the help and comfort of married, perfans, and confirm the end of marriage purposed in the beginning, not thofe which and Then anfwers the Objection things ajflicl bring perpetual mifery to them.
that they are one flefh ; if matrimony that would But if we it.
had held fo as God ordain' d it, he were wicked be contrailcd diffolve refpetl this in matrimony, that it to the how evil who /hall he, feared, pcrfwades not to for fome great good of both, marry though contracted, nor perfwade to unmarry, if after marriage a calamity befall ? Should we bid beware left any fall into an evil, and leave him helplefs who by human error isfall'n therein? This were as if we fhould ufe remedies to prevent A
difeafe, but let the ficlc die without remedy.
The
reft will
be worth reading in the
Author.
And thus we have the judgment firft of primitive fathers i next of the imperial Law not difallow'd by the univerfal Church in ages of her beft authority and lallly of the whole Greek Church and civil State, Edicts togeand their Canons incoiporating under ther f that Divorce was lawful for other caufes contain'd to Adultery, equivalent
, -
the
word
Foniica.tion.
So that the expoiitioa of our Saviour's fentence here
alleg'd
hath
C
hath
all theft-
579
would
nothing then thole teachers themfelves, and nothing more licentious then foine known to be, whofe hypocritie ya fhames not to take offence at this dodtrine for licence ; when as
indeed they
fear
it
ancient and great afferters, is therefore neither new nor licentious, as fomc is more new perfwade the commonalty ; although it be nearer truth that
would remove
licence,
and leave them but few companions.
Tliat the Popes
Canon Law incroaching upon civil Magiftracy, aboliflh all Divorce even for adultery. What the reformed Divines have recovered , and that the them have famoufesl of taught according to the affertion of this Book.
But
in thefe
wellern parts of the Empire it will appear almoft unquestionable that ot Theodofitu and Valentinian Hood in force until the blinded and corFor, that the Volumes of Juftinian never came rupted times of Popedom dilplaJt ir. into Italy, or beyond lllyricum, is the Opinion of And that only good Antiquaries.
the cited
Law
Manufcnpt thereof found

Pifa matcht.
for their aid at fea againtt the
And
Apulia by Lotharittt the Saxon,znd giv'n to the States of Normans of Sicily, was receiv'd as a rarity not to be altho the Goths,md after them the Lombards and Franks,who over-run the
in
molt of Europe except this Hand ( unlefs we make our Saxons and Normans a limb of them) brought in their own culloms, yet that they follow'd the Roman Laws in their Contracts and Marriages, Agatkiat the Hillorian is alleg'd. And other felt imonies relate that Alarktu and Theodoric their Kings writ their ltatutes out of this TheedofianCode, which hath the recited Law of Divorce. Ncverthelefs while the Monarchs of Chrifiendom were yet barbarous, and but half Chriftian, the Popes took this advantage of their weak Superftition, to raile a corpulent Law out of the Canons and Decretals of audacious Prielis; and prelum'd alfo to fet this in the front ; That the conslitittions
of Princes are mt above the conflitm ions of Clergy, but beneath them. Ufing this very inltance ot Divorce as the fir ft prop of their tyranny i by a falfe confequence drawn from a paffage of Ambrofe upon Luke, where he faith, though Mans law grant it, yet Gods law prohibits it Whence Gregory the Pope writing to Theoilijla inlers that Ecclcfialtical Courts cannot be diflblv'd by the A fair crjnclufion fr.om a Magiftratf. double error. Firlt in faying that the Divine Law prohibited Divorce, for what will
:
he make of Mofts ? next fuppoiing that it did, how will it follow, that whatever Chrilts forbids in his Evangelic precepts, (hould be hal'd into a judicial conftraint againft the pattern of a divine Law ? Certainly the Gofpcl came not to enadt fuch
ons.
here that the reftraint of Divorce was one of the firft fair feeming pleas which the Pope had, to ltep into fecular authority, and with his Antichriftian rigor to abolifh the permifftve Law of Chriftian Princes
In the
mean while we may note
compulfi-
Which if we confider, this papal and unjult reftridion of Ditoafacred Lawgiver. vorce need not be fo deer to us, fince the plaufible retraining of that was in a manner the firlt loofiiing of Antichrilt, and as it were the fubftance of his elded Horn. Nor
do we
of
lefs
conforming
remarkably
ow
that refiraint
by Henry
executed anciently in neck of Frederic Barbarojfa the Emperor, and fummond our Henry 2. into Normandy about the death of Beckft. He it was, that the worthy author may be known, who firlt a&ually repeal'd the imperial Law of Divorce, and decreed this tyrannous Decree, that Matrimony for no caufefhould be diffolv'd, though for many caufes it might feparate; as
cal
means of his fall here in Englandto the contemning whole Divorce he oppofed. Yet was not that rigour Spiritual Courts until Alexander the third, who trod upon the
the
firlt
8.
Tomes.
it
may be feen Decret The main good
Gregor. 1. 4, tit. 19. and in other places of the Canoniof which invention, wherein it coniilts who can tell ?
rill all
but that
hath one vertue incomparable, to
Chriltendom with Whoredoms and
Adulteries beyond the art of Balaams, or of Devils. Yet neither can thefe, though fo perverfe, but acknowledg that the words of Chrift under the name of fornication al-
low putting away

the bond
;
for other caufes then Adultery
both from bedandbord, but not from
their
only reafon
our Divines
who would
be a Sacrament. But is, becaufe Marriage they believe to feem long fince to have renounc't that realon, have fo for-
got themfelves, as yet to hold the abfurdity, which but for that reafon, unlefs their be fome myftery of Satan in it, perhaps the 'Tis true, we Papift would not hold. grant Divorce foradual and prov'd Adultery, and not for lefs then many tedious and
unreparable years of defertion, wherein a
maa
(hall
lofe all his

,
hope of pofte rity,
which great and holy men have bewail'd, ere he can be righted and then perhaps on the confines of his old age, when all is not worth the while. But grant this were what are thefe two cafes to many other, which 3fflidt the (hfe of feafonably don
,
Ccc
Marriage
( 3 8o )
find no redrefs ? What hath the foul of man dcferv'd, if ft Marriage as bad, and yet be in the way of falvation, that it fhould be morgag'd thus, and may not redeem it of fuch ignorant and flothful teachers as iilf according to conference out of the hands to give due tendance to that pretious cure thefe, who are neither able nor mindful them the noble goodnefs to confider thefe in have nor undertake which
diftrelTes
they rafhly and accidents of

?
mans
life,
but are bent rather to

as
fill
their
mouths with Tithe
and Oblation
I fhall
Yet
if
they can learn to follow, as well
they can feek to be follow'd,

to be their leaders,
direct
them
it
to a fair
number of renowned men, worthy
who
will
commend to them
that
not impatient,
IVickUf
formation to
all
Englifhman Europe, was not in
a doclrin in this point wifer then their own ; and if they be will be the fame do&rine which this Treatis hath defended. honor'd of God to be the firlt Preacher of a general Rethis
among
his chiefeft recoveries
of truth,
that Divorce
to teach thing better taught of God, then is lawful to the Chriftiaii for many
other caufes equal to Adultery. ries, I am forc't to cite from
This book indeed, through the poverty of our LibraArmfmi of Nalberjlad on the right of Marriage, who cites it from Corafim oiToloufe, c. 4. Cent. Set. and he from Wickhf, 1. 4. Dial.c.21. So much the forrier, for that 1 never lookt into an Author cited by his Adverfary upon
this occafion,
but found
him moie
conducible to the quell ion than his quotation ren-
dei'd him.
in his book of conjugal life quoted by great a fervant of God, the obttinate denial of conjugal duty i for Gerard out of the Dutch, allows Divorce It and a and that a man may fend away marry an Efiher in her Head. frond Kaflhi, (ball not be impertinent, that Luther meant not only the rethis if ieems, example he did fufal of benevolence, but a itubborn denial of any main conjugal duty i or if out of queilion, with men that For it will be evinc't from what he allows. not, are not barbarous, love and peace, and fitnefs, will be yielded as effential to marri-
Next Luther, how
age, as corporal benevolence.
and
to
whom
.this
body to be burnt, faith St. Paul, have not charity, it profits me nothing. So though the body profHtute it felf the mind affords no other love or peace, but conftant malice and vexation,
Though
give
my
can
a marriage between Chriftians aiid rabodily benevolence deferve to be call'd tional Creatures ?
the third great luminary of Reformation, in his -book concerning Marfor cruel ufage, and danger of life, urging the authority of that Divorce riage, grants which he eikems written with the grave deliberation of godly men 5 Theodofian Law, and that they who rejett this law, and think it difagreeing from the Gofpel, underthat the Magiflrat ought not only to ftand not the difference of Law and Gofpel; left broke with grief and indignation,^ defend life, but to fuccour the weak confetence, it and turn tofome unlawful thing. What if this heavy plight of relinquijh Prayer, which may go to the foul of a good arife from other dilcontents in
MdanUon,
than the danger of his life, or cruel ufing? which a man cannot be liable to, and difobedience, it be it be perpetual fpight, fuppofe ingrateful ufage, fuppofe free him from this dilquiet which interthe not fhall a hatred Magiflrat ; fuppofe of his fervice to God and his Country all as rupts his prayers, and difturbs the cours much, and brings him fuch a mitery, as that he more defircs to leave his life, then fears to lofe it ? fhall not this equally concern the office of civil protection, and much
defpair
Wedloc,
man more
the charity of a true Church to remedy ? of his age, both in his Notes on MatErafmns, who for Learning was the wonder and in a in the the to firft large and eloquent Difcourfe, Corinthians, thew, and on
more
his anfwer to Phimoftomta a Pap ill, maintains (and no Protehant then living contradicted him ) that the words of Chritl comprehend many other caufes of Divorce un-
der the
name of fornication.
C (whom our famous Dr. Rainolds was wont to prefer before ahin) in his the Comment on Matthew, and in his fecond book of Kingdom ofChrisl, treats of
Bucer
Divorce
at large
to the fame effedt as
is
written nrthe doclrtne

is
and difciplme of DiI
vorce lately publiftit, to have wrelted to mine
and the Translation
extant
whom
left
fhould be thought
govern want of fuch who

life, to
more out of his 49th Chapter, purpofe, take fomthing It will be the duty of pious Princes, and all who which I then for brevity omitted. Church or Commonwealth, if any, whether husband or wife, fhall ajfirm their
own
cither will,
or canjolerably
perform the necefary duties of married

5,
it appear them fuch, and marry them if they make the liv'd he This Book he wrote here in England, where that fuch they have not. Edward the fixt. dedicated to greater! admir'd man ; and this he
grant that they
may feek
Fag\m 7
famous Divines of Germany, whom Frederic, at that be the Reformer of his Dominion, and whom afterwards England fought to, and obtain'd of him to come and teach her, differs not iu this opinion from Bucer, as his Notes on the Chaldee Paraphrafl well teliify. The whole Church of Strasburgh in her moll rlourifhing time, when Zelltm, Medio, and thole two renountd Magilirates Capito, and other great Divines taught there, Farreras and Sturmius govern'd that Commonwealth and Academy to the admiration
Fagitu, rankt
among
the
time the Palatine,
fent ior to
of
voord of God,
Germany, hath thus in the 21 # Article: We teach, that if according to the yea or againft it, Divorces happen, to do according to Gods word, Dcut. 24. 1. Mat. 19. 1 Cor. 7. and the observation of the primitive Church, and
all
the Chriflian conflitution of pious Ccefars.
Peter Martyr leems in word our eafy adverfary, but is indeed for us: toward which though it be fomthing when he faith of this opinion, that it is not wicked, and can hardly be refuted, this which follows is much more > I fpeak not here,
of natural impediments which may fo happen that the matrimony can no he often wondered, how the antient and moll; chrilonger hold: but adding, that laws of Divorce, and neither Ambrofe, who had fuch flian Emperors eflablijht thofe the laws of Theodofius, nor any of thofe holy Fathers found fault, influence upon nor any of the Churches, why the Magiflrats of this day fliould be fo lotfj to conftitute the fame. Perhaps they fear an inundation of Divorces, which is not likely,
faith he,
wbenas we read not either among the Ebrews, Greeks, or Romans, that they were much frequent where they were moB permitted. If they judg chriflian men worfe than Jews or Pagans, they both injure that name, and by this reafon will be conflraind to grant Divorces the rather ; becaufe it was permitted as a remedy of
evil, for
being read both in his
we
fhall
who would remove the tnedcin, while the difeafe is yet fo rife ? This common places, and on the rirft to the Corinthians, with what Not to relate more of him yet ere the end, fetshim abfolurely on this fide.
infill
only
for defertion,
that in both thefe, and other places of his commentaries he grants Divorce not but for the feducement and fcandalous demeanour of a heretical
confort.
no obfeure fame, diftinguifhes between the religious and the ciand leaving the civil wholly to the Lawyers, pronounof Divorce vil determination ; ces a confcionable Divorce for impotence not only natural, but accidental, if it be duHis equity, it feems, can enlarge the words of Chri/i ro one caufe more then rable.
Mufcuhu,
a Divine of
Adultery
caufe ?
why may
not the reafon of another
man
as wife, enlarge
them
to another
Gualtcrol Zuric, a well known judicious commentator, in his Homilies on Matthew allows Divorce for Leprofie, or any other caufe which renders unfit for wedloc, and calls this rather a nullity of marriage then a divorce. And who, that is not himlelf a meer body, can rellrain all the unhtnes of Marriage only to a corporeal defect ? Hemingm an Author highly efteem'd, and his works printed at Geneva', writing of
Divorce, confelTes that learned
thereof,
men vary in this queflion, fame granting three caufes more ; he himfelf gives us fix, Adultery, Defermany fome five, and Impiety, ufing argument that Chrili untion, Inability, Error, Evil-ufage, der one fpecial contains the whole kind, and under the name and example of forniothers
This difcours he wrote at the rtqueit cation he includes other caufes equipollent. ol theie caufes De nmark\_ and Norway, who by all the in who had of many judging
likelyhood follow'd his advice.
Hunnius
on the 19th of
of matrimony
light caufe.
Doctor cf Wittenberg, well known both in Divinity and other Arts, Mattlo. affirms, That the exception of fornication expresJ by our Sa-
viour excludes not other caufes equalling adultery, or deftrutlive to the fubflantials was opposed to the cuflom of the Jews who made divorce for every ; but Felix
Bidenbachius, an eminent Divine in the Dutchy of Wirtemberg, affirms,
That the obflinate refufal of conjugal due, is a lawful caufe of Divorce, and gives an inftance that the confifiory of that flate fo judg'd. Gerard cites Harbardns an Author not unknown, and Arnif&us cites Wigandus,
both yeelding divorce in cafe of cruel ufage ; and another author who teftiries to have feen in a dukedom of Germany marriages disjoyn'dfor fome implacable enmities arifing. Bez.a, one of the firi&eft againft Divorce, denies
it not for danger of life from do ought againfl Religion : and counts it
Heretic, or importunat
folicitation to
all
I
(
fill
&
one whether the Heretic defert, or would flay upon intolerable conditions. But For Bez.a would be this dedfion well txamin'd will be found ot no folidity.
fo llri&ly exact our flay in any kind of Wedloc , we had and ha7aid a murdering for Religion at the hand of a wife or us to itay and venture it for all other caufes but husband, as he and others enjoyn is not as well and warrantably fav'd by a mans life and that ? from why
ask'd
why,
if
God
not better
flay
divorcing
an orthodox murderer,
lilt
as a heretical ?
Again,
if
defertion be confell
by him to con-
not only in the forlaking, but in the unlufferable conditions of flaying, a man may as well deduce the lawfulnefs of divorcing from any intolerable conditions (if his that we may divorce thereupon from a Heretic,) as he can deduce it be
grant good lawful to divorce from any delerter, by finding it lawful to divorce from a deferting For this is plain, if St. Pauls permiflion to divorce an infidel deferter, infer Infidel.
it
it
lawful for any malicious defertion, then doth Beta's definition of a deferter transfer felf with like facility from the caufe of Religion to the caufe of Malice, and proves it
from him who purpofely who him from urgently requires a wicked departs him as from who urges a heathenifh ot the fame Religion, thing, though profc fling if there be fuch For a different faith. in neceffity of our abiiuperttitious compliance
as
good
to divorce
from him
it
who
intolerably flays, as
and
leaves
as lawful to depart
utmoft for Religion than for any other caufe i feeding, we ought rather to abide the to Marriage, and the caufe of ing both the caufe of our flay is pretended our Religion to conliant Beza therefore, by his our iuffering is fuppos'd our Religion. Marriage
i
own
juliines a divorce from any wicked or intolerable condifame Religion thjn in a different. Aretius, a famous Divine of Bern, approves many caufes of Divorce in his Problems, and adds, That the laws and conftflories of Swtzxerland approve them alfo.
definition of a deferter,
tions rather in the
As
Adultery, and that not atlual only, but intentional, alleging Matthew Whofoever looketh to lust, hath committed adultery already in h'vs heart.
hrfr,
5.
Whereby,
faith he, our
ward
all, but by the heart
Saviour (hews that the breach of matrimony -may be not only by outand defire ; when that hath once poffest, it renders the con-
Other caufes to the number versation intolerable, and commonly the fail follows. of p. or 10. confentingin moll with the imperial Laws, may be read in the Author
himfelf,
vinity
,
who
all
and to
fo
ans bin
to be grave and weighty. All thefe are men of name in DiNor have the Civilineed thefe, were, might be added more. blinded by the Canon, as not to avouch the jullice of thofe old permiffi-
avers
them
if
ons touching Divorce. Alciat of Millain, a
of
man of extraordinary wifdom and learning, in the fixt book Parerga, defends thofe imperial Laws, not repugnant to the Gofpel, as the Church then interpreted. For, faith he, the antients underflood him feparat by man,
his
whom pajfwns and corrupt

the mattter, the Code he
affetlions divorc't, not if the provincial Bifhops first
heard
and judged, as the Council of Agatha declares : and on fome names Iftdorus fJifpalenfis, the firfl computer of Canons, to be
part of in the
fame mind.
And
in the
former place gives
his
opinion that Divorce might be more
among the famous Lawyers, hath been already cited of the lame judgment. Wefembechius, a much nam'd Civilian, in his Comment on this Law defends it, and affirms , That our Saviour excluded not other faults equal to adultery ; and that the word fornication than with us, comprefignifies larger among the Hebrews hending every fault which alienates from him to whom obedience is due, and that the primitive Church interpreted fo. Grotius, yet living, and of prime note among learned men, retires plainly from the Canon to the antient Civility, yea to the Mofaic Law, at being mofl and nnjufi decevablt. On the -)th of Matth. he faith, That Christ made no civil Laws, but
taught us how to ufe Law : that the Law fent not a husband to the Judg about this matter of Divorce, but left him to his own confeience ; that Christ therfore cannot be thought to fend him \ that Adultery may be judged by a vehement fufpition ; that the exception of Adultery feems an example of other like it offences; proves the manner offpeech, the maxims of Law, the reafon of Charity, and common from
than Vfury. lawfully permitted recorded by Helvicus Corafius,
Equity.
Thefe Authorities, without long fearch,
had to produce,
all
excellent
:
Men,
fom of them fuch as many ages had brought forth none greater nneaneft of them might deferve to obtain credit in a Angularity
almofl the
-,
what might
not
of them joyn'd in an opinion fo confonant to reafon ? For although this caufe, others of that, why Divorce may be, yet all agreeing in the nectiTary enlargement of that textual liraicnes, leave the matter to equity, Nor could I have wanted more nor to literal bondage, and fo the Opinion clofes. But herein the fatisteftirnonies, had the caufe needed a more lollicitous enquiry.
not then
all
fom fpeak of
fadion of others hath bin

perfwafion
:
fludied, not the gaining of
more
affurance to
mine own
although authorities contributing reafon withal], be a
good confirmation
But God, I folemnly atteft him, withheld from my knowledge the of thefe men fo late, until they could not be my intruders, but on. judgment confenting witnefTes to partial men, that in this work I had not ly my unexpected given the worft experiment of an indultry joyn'd with integrity, and the free utterance tho of an unWhich yet to the people of England may, if God fo pleafe, prove a popular truth. memorable informing i certainly a benefit which was intended them long fince by men of higheft repute for Wifdom and Piety, Bucer and Erafmtu. Only this one autoriI am not to omit which if any can ; ty more, whether in place or out of place, think a fmall one, I mult be patient, it is no fmaller then the whole affcmbl'd Autority of England both Church and State i and in thofe times which are on record for the that ever (hon yet on the reformation of this Hand, the time of Edpureft and lincereft ward the 6th. That worthy Prince having utterly abolifht the Canon Law out of
his
and a welcom.
Dominions,
as his
Committie of two and

Sir
Father did before him, appointed by full vote of Parlament, a thirty chofen men, Divines and Lawyers, of whom Cranmer
Haddon ( not without the afiiftance of John Chetke the Kings Tutor, a man at that time counted the learncdeft of Engliih-men, and for piety not inferior ) were the chief, to frame anew fom Ecckfiaftical Laws that might be inliead of what was abrogated. The work with great diligence was finifht, and with as great approbation of that reforming age was receav'd i and had bin doubtlels, as the learned Preface thereof tcftifie?, eflablifht by Ad: of Parlamenr, had not the good Kings death lo loon enfuing, arrelted the furder growth of Religion Thofe Laws, thus founded on the memorable Wifdom alfo, from that feafon to this. and Piety of that religious Parlament and Synod, allow Divorce and (econd Marriage
the Archbifhop, Peter Martyr, and Walter
life,
not only for adultery or defcrtion, but for any capital enmity or plot laid againft th: other s and likewife for evil and fierce ufage : nay the i a Chap, of that title by plain con-
fequence declares, that Itffer contentions, if they be perpetual, may chain divorce which is all one really with the pofition by me held in the former Treat ife publifht on
'
this
argument, herein only differing, that there the caufe of perpetual nrife was put for example in the unchangeable difcord of fom natures i but in thefe Laws intended us by the belt of our anceftors, the effed of continual ftrife is determined no unjuft plea of Divorce, whether the caufe be natural or wilful. Wherby the warinefs and deliberation from which thatdifcourfe proceeded, will appear, and that God hath aided us to make no bad conclufion of this point ; feeing the Opinion which of late hath undergon ili cenfures among the vulgar, hath now provM to have don no violence to Scripture, unlefs all thefe famous Authors alleg'd have dene the like i nor hath affirm'd ought more then what indeed the moll nominated Fathers of the Church both ancient and modern are unexpectedly affirming, the Laws of Gods peculiar people, and of primitive Chrilfendom found to have pradis'd, reformed Churches and States to have imitated, and eipecially the but for fad
Church-times of this Kingdom to have fram'd and publifht, and, hindrances in the fudden change of Religion, had enaded by the Parlament. Henceforth let them who condemn the alTertion of this book for new and licentious, be forry ; left, while they think to be of the graver fort, and take on them to be teachers,
they expofe themfelves rather to be pledg'd up and
mod pious
down by men who intimately know
them,
to the difcovery and
contempt of their ignorance and prefumption.
THE
( ?8 5 )
U D
GM E
o
F
NT
Martin Bucer,
DIVORCE:
Writt n to Edward the Sixt, in his Second Book of the Kingdom of Chrift ;
And now
Englifhc.
CONCERNING
Wherein
Difcipline
a late Book, -reftoring -the Dottrine and of Divorce, is here confirm'd and juftify'd by the
Authority of
Martin Bucer.
the
To
Varlament of England.
John
III.
10.
thefe
Art thou a Teacher of Ifrael, andknow'ft not
things?
Publiflit
by Authority.
Teftimomes of the high Approbation which Learned
Men
have given of
Martin Bucer.
Palm
to Bucer for Excel-
Simon Grjntut, 15$$.
A
fides
Mong
all
the Germans, I give the
lence in the Scriptures. Melanchton in human Learning is wondrous fluent ; but greater Knowledg in the Scripture I attribute to Bucer, and fpeak it unfainedly.
John Calvin,
Martin Bucer, a moft
fides his rare
1559.
faithful
Doctor of the Church of Chrift, be-
Learning, and copious Knowledg of many things, beWit, much Reading, and other many and various Vermes, wherein heisalmoft by none now living exccll'd, hath d d few
his clearnesof
( 386 ) hath this praife peculiar to himfelf, moft ; few Equals, and excels exadter diligence in the Expoikion that none i'n this Age hath us'd
of Scripture.
And
a Utile beneath.
UtUer
is
more
read by over-bufied large then to be
underftood by unattentive high to be eafily

pacity.
Men, and too of a low caand Men,
Sir John
Cheek, Tutor
to
K, Edward VI, 1551.
have loft our Matter, then whom the World fcarce held a we consider his knowledg of true Religion, or his areater, whether
We
innocence of life, or his incelTant ftudy of holy things, integrity and or his authority and amor his matchlefs labour of promoting piety, or whatever els was praife-worthy and glorious plitude of teaching, Script. Anglicana, pag. 864. in him.
John Stuymim of Stratburgh.

can be ignorant what a great and conftant opinion and Whence eftimation of Racer there is in Italy France, and England. the Saying of Qntntiltan hath oh come to my mind, that he hath well whom Cicero pleafes. The fume fay I of Bucer , in
No man
Eloquence profited that he hath made no fmall progrefs in Divinity, for in his Volumes, which he wrote very many, there
preflion to be difcern'd of
whom
Bucer pleafes; is the plain im-
many
of Diligence, of great Vertues,
Cha-
Wherein of Acutenefs of Judgment, of Learning. rity, of Truth, not only doth he hath a certain proper kind of Writing, whereby he teach the Reader, but affects him with the fweetnefs of his Sentences, and with the manner of his Arguing, Which is fo teaching, and fo that it may be perceiv'd how learnedly he feparates probalogical, how forcibly he confirms what he has ble Reafons from
neceffary,
to prove,
'
how
futtly
he refutes, not with
fliarpnes,
but with truth.
Theodore Beza on
the Portraiture of
M.
Bucer.
This is that count'nance of Bucer, the mirror of mildnes, temper'd with gravity to whom the City of Strasburgh owes the Reformation Whofe Angular Learning, and eminent Zeal, joyn'd of her Church. with excellent Wifdom, both his learned Books, and public Difputations in the general Diets of the Empire, fliall witnefs to all Ages. Him the German Perfecution drove into England; where honourably entertain'd by Edward the Sixt, he was for two years chief Profeffor of Divinity in Cambridge, with greateft frequency and applaufc of all Beza Icones. learned and pious Men until his death,
;
1^51.
Mr. Fox Book of Martyrs,

Bucer,
Vol. ?. p. 76$.
by reading and preaching openin the Word of God, he never fpar'd himly, wherein being painful brought all Men into fuch an admirafelf, nor regarded his Health, tion 6f him, that neither his Friends could fufEciently praife him, nor his Enemies in any point find fault with his Angular Life, and A moft certain tok'n whereof may be his fumpfincere Doctrine. tucus Burial at Cambridge, folemniz'd with fo great an affiftance of
what by writing, but
chiefly
all
(
all the Univerfity, that
it
*&7
was not
poffible
to devife
more
to the fet
ting out and amplifying of the lame.
Dr. Pern the
PopifJj Vice-Chancellor
o/X'ambridg, his Adverfary.
Cardinal Pool about the fourth year of Queen Mary, intending to reduce the Univerfity of Cambridg to Popery again , thought no way fb effectual, as to caufe the Bones of Martin Bucer and Paulas which had been four years in the Grave, to be tak'n up and Pagi/ts, burnt openly with their Books, as knowing that thofe two worthy Men had bin of greater! moment to the Reformation of that place from Popery, and had left fuch powerful Seeds of their Doctrine behind them, as would never die, unlefs the Men themfelves were digg'd up, and openly condemn'd for Heretics by the Univerfity it felf.
This was put

his
in execution
and Doctor Pern, Vice-Chancellor, ap-
Who, among other things, laid to pointed to preach againfl: Buccr. he held of the Marriage or Priefts, the which Opinions charge of and But of Divorcement, immediately after his Sermon, Ufbry. or fomewhat before, as the Book of Martyrs for a truth relates, Vol 3. Doctor Pern fmiting lumlelf on the Breaft, and in ^.770. the Paid manner weeping, wifht with all his heart, that God would grant his Soul might then prefently depart, and remain with Bucer\ ; for he knew his Life was fuch, that if any mans Soul were worthy of HeaHiftor. de ven, he thought Bucers in fpecial to be raoft worthy.
Combiijt. Bttccri,
&
Fagii.
Acworth
the VnivtrfttyOrator.
Soon after that Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown, this Condemnation of Bucer and Fagim by the Cardinal and his Doctors, was and the Memory of thofe two fblemnly repeal'd by the Univerfity in an Oration celebrated famous Men by Acworth the Univerfityof Martyrs, Vol. 3. p. 775. Book Orator, which is yet extant in the and in Latin, Scripta Anglic, p. 936. Walter Haddon, Mafter of the ReNicolas Carre, a learned Man Elizabeth Matthew Parker, afterwards Primate of ; quefts to Queen in their funeral Orations and SerEngland, with other eminent Men, how great a Man Martin Bucer was; what mons, exprefs abundantly and that with him in his Death fuff ain'd lofs an incredible England Reformation for that Age. Ibid. dy'd the hope of a perfet
; ; ;
Divines. Jacobus Verheiden of Grave, in his Elogies of famous
Though
the
Name
of Martin Luther be famous,

Bucer
yet thou Martin

a
Bucer, for Piety, Learning, Labour, art not to be held inferior to Luther.
Care, Vigilance, and Writing,

lingular inftruof this moft learned and
was
ment of God, fo was Luther. By the Death moil faithful Man, the Church of Chrift fuftain'd a heavy lofs, as Calvin witnefTeth ; and theyjyho are fludious of Calvin, are not ignorant
ter to
how much he afcribes to Bucer for thus he writes in What a manifold lofs befgl the Church of God Viretus
;
a Letin
the
Death of Bucer,
afiinder.
as oft as I call to
mind,
I feel
my
heart almoft rent
d d 2
Peter
'
( 388 )
Peter Martyr Epift. to Conradus Hubertus.
hath overcome in many Battels of the Lord. God lent us for a time this our Father, and our Teacher, never Death hath divided me from a moft unanimous enough prais'd. Mind is overFriend, one truly according to mine own heart. not that I have power to write more. preft with Grief, infomuch I bid thee in Chrift farewel, and with thou maiit be able to bear the lofs of Bticer, better then I can bear it.
He
is
dead,
who
My
Learned Men to Paul us Fagius, who held the Teftimonies giv^n by Martin Bucer concerning Divorce. with fame Opinion
B\z
icones.
Eagim, born in the Palatinate, became moft skilful in the Hebrew Tongue. Being call'd to the Miniftei y at Ifna, he publifht many ancient and profitable Hebrew Books, being aided in the exas Origen fometime was by a cerpences by a Senator of that City, At length invited to Stroiburgh, he tain rich man call'd Ambrofim.
Paiilui
there famoufly difcharg'd the Office of a Teacher; until the fame Perfecution drove him and Bucer into England, where he was preferr'd to a Profeffors place in Cambridge, and ibon after died.
Melchior
Adamm
/
writes his Lite
among
the famous
German Di-
vine^
S lei dan and
huanus mention
his Elogies.
him with honour
in their Hiftory.
And
Verhciden in
To
the
Parlamen t.
Book, which among other great and high Points of Reformation, conSupreme Court of Pailament, was by the famous Author Martin Bucer, dedicated to Edward whofe incomparable Youth doubtlefs had brought forth to the the iixt Church ol England '.uch a glorious Manhood, had his life reacht it, as would have left
tains as a principal part thereof, this Treatife here prefented,
:
T
jult
HE
in the affairs of Religion, nothing without an excellent pattern for us to follow. But tince thefecret purpofe of divine Appointment hath referv'd no leis perhaps then to be accomplifht in this and the halt of luch a (acred as
now
Age, principally, and Authority, religious Lords and Commons, what wonder it I feek no other, to whofe exadfetr judgment and review I may commend thefe laft and worthielt Labours of this renowned Teacher? whom living, all the pious Nobility of thole reforming Times, your trueff and bell imitated Ancellors,
we
truft,
by your
fuccesful
Work Wifdom
reverene'd and admii'd.

fclf ;
Nicol. de obit
Euceri.
was himand many Prayers Sighs dear and fatherly affedrion to the Church and Realm oi England, he tintestifying his in this his lafi Bock cerely wilht in (he hearing of many devout Men, that what he had written to King Edward concerning Vifctpline, might have place in this Kingdom. His hope was then, that no calamity, no confufion, or deformity would happen to the Comto a
Nor was he wanting
recompence as great
latt
as
when both
at
times before, and efpecially amont; his
mon-wealth; but otherwife he fear'd, left in the midji of all this ardency to know God, Thele remarkyet by the neglect of Difcipline, or goad Endeavoumyoould not fucceed. able words oi fo godly and lb eminent a Man It his death, as ihey are related by a fuftkient and well-known witnes, who heard them, and inferted by lhnantti into his grave and ferious Hiftory; fo ougflt they to be chiefly conflder'd bv that Nation for whofe fake they were uttcr'd, and more efpecially by that general Council which reprefents the Body of that Nation. If therfore the Book or this part therof, for neceffary
caufes,
be
now
reviv'd and
recommended
to the ufe of this iindifciplin'd
Age
it
hence
?s 9
Rcafons have not cn'd in the choice of a fit Patronage for a But why the whole Tractat is not here brought entire, difcourfeoffuch importance. but this matter ol Divorcement [elected in particular, to prevent the full Ipeed of fome
hence appears^ that
thfefe
mif-interpretcr,
hafien to difclole.
t.irit,
it
will be
foonmanifeft to them
what wile
wealth,
firlt
if
know, Ez.ra and Nehenuah

is
men
Ihould
that the conltitution
and reformation of a
whoknow Common-
orderly from the
what ever
did not mil-reform, is, like a building, to begin foundation thcrof, which is Manage and the Family, to fet right amifs therein. How can there els grow up a Race of warrantable
Men, while the houle and home that breeds them, is troubl'd and difquieted under a a bondage nut of God's conliraining with naturelesconliraint (if his moil righteous be our rule) but laid upon us imperioufly in the worlt and weakeft may judgments ol Knowlcdg, by a canonical tyranny ot liupid and malicious Monks: v\ho ha-
Ages
lingle lite, which they could not undergo, invented throw on Matrimony, that the Woild thereby waxing more diflblute, Next, there being yet they alio in a general loolncs might fin with more favour. and iuch a perverfnes againlt all neceiTary Divorce, ltrange iniquity among many, while they will needs expound the words oi our Saviour not duly by comparing other a hunder'd other places, as they mult do in the rtlulvmg of Scriptures, but by perfifting deafly in the abrupt and Papiihcal way ot a literal apprehenfion againlt the direct and Goipel ; it therfore may well feem more then Analogy ot Senfe, Reafon, Law and lound the time to apply holy Perlua/ions ot this Apollolic Man, to that part in us,
a ving ralhlv vow'd thcmfelves to

fitters to
new
molt that we deplore in our is not yet fully difpolTcll of an error as ablurd, as blinddl Adverlariesi and to let his Autority and unanfwerablc Reafons be vulgarly known, that either his Name, or the force of his Doctrine may work a whollbme effect. Lalily, I find it clear to be the Author's intention, that this point of Divorce-
which
ment fhould be held and receiv'd as a moil neceffary and prime part of difcipline in And therlore havingredue'd his model of Reformation every Chrillian Government.
to
all
4 Heads, he beltows almolt as much time about this one point of Divorce, as about relt ; which alfo was the judgment ot his Heirs and learned Friends in Germany, belt acquairted with his meaning:, who firft pubhthing this his Book by Oporinns at
1
the
City for Learning and Conliancy in the true Faith, honorable among the added a ipecial note in the title, that there the Reader fliould find the Doftrine and fo fid.y, as fears the like in a Writer of that of Divorce handed f- folidly, Age : and with this particular commendation hey doubted not to dedicate the Book, as a moll profitable and exquifi' Dncours, to Chriftian the 3a, a worthy and pious King of Denmu.rk^ as the Author himfeli had done before to our Edward the tixt. Yet did
a Bafil (
fitlt )
t
not Bucer
in his
in that
Volume
Comment upon Matthew,
only declare what his conliant opinion was herein, but alio written at Strasburgh divers years before, he treats
dilVmcily and cot ioufly the lame Argument in thiee leveral places ; touches it alfo upon the 7th to the Romans, and prumilcs the lame Solution more largely upon the iff to the Corinthians, omitting no occalion to weed out this lalt and deepeft mifchief of
the Canon-law, fown into the Opinions of modern Men,againll the Laws and Practice Wherin his faithfulnes both of God's chofen People, and the belt primitive Times. and powerful evidence prevail'd fo far with all the Church of Strasburg, that they this doctrine of Divorce, as an Article of their Confeiiion, after they had
publilht
all thole times, when that City flourifhr, taught fo eight and twenty years, through and excell'd moll, both in Religion, Learning, and good Government, under thofe firft reltoreis of the Gofptl there, Zelius, Hedio, Capito, Fagim, and thole who inIt thercomparably then govem'd the Common-wealth, Farrerus and Sturmim.
fore
God
in the
former
Age found
out a Servant, and by
whom he
had converted and
reform'd
him thought good to reitore the moll needful Doctrine of many Divorce from rigoious and harmful miltakes on the right hand, it can be no ltrange thing if in this age he itir up by whatfoever means whom it plcaleshim, to take in
a City, by
hand and maintain the fame affertion. Certainly if it be in man's decerning to lever Providence from Chance, I could allege many inltances, wherin there would appear caufe to elteem of me no other then a paifive inltrument under fome power and counlel higher and better then can be human, working to a general good hi the whole cours of this matter. For that I owe no light, or leading receiv'd from any man in the dif~ covery of this truth, what time I nril undertook it in the doclrtne and difcipline of ne who Divorce, and had only the infallible grounds of Scripture to be my guide tries the inmi It heart, and faw with what fevere iuduilry and examination ot mv felf, When I had almolt fin'tfht the firft Edi1 fet down every period, will be my vvitnes.
,
rioriy
( ?9 )
Notes of Hugo Grotius upon the 5th o{ Mattb. whom Hon, I chanc'd to read to reafonable terms in this Controverlie : and undetftood I (trait inclining fomething he whifpti'd rather then dilputed about the Law of Charity, and the true end ol WedGlad therfore of fuch an able Affifiant, however at much diftance, I refolv'd at loc. For God, it feems, intended length to put off into this wild and calumnious World. to prove me, whether I durft alone take up a rightful Cauie againft a World of difin the
eiteem, and found I durft. My Name 1 did not publitii, as not willing it fhould fway the Pieader either for me or againlt me. But when 1 was told, that the itile, which what it ails to be fo foon diltinguifhable, I cannot tell, w*i known by moil
Men,, and that fome of the Clergy began to inveigh and exclaim on what I was creI took it then for my proper feafon both to (hew dibly inform'd they had not read them a Name that could ealily contemn fuch an indifcreet kind of Cenfurc, and to that if any of them would be fo reinforce the Quefiion with a more accuiat diligence
,
good as to leave railing, dom, as will be ftricftly
his Learning and Chrifiian Wifanfwering to this Problem, care was had he fhould not fpend his Preparations againlt a namelefs Pamphlet. By this time 1 had learnt that Paulus Fagim, one of the chief Divines in Germany, fent for by Frederic the Palatine, to reform his Dominion, and after that invited hither in King Edward's days to be ProftlTor of Divinity in Cambridge, was of the fame Opinion
and to
let
us hear fo
much
of
demanded of him
in his
touching Divorce,
ftrted
which
thefe
Men
fo lavifhly tradue'd in
me.
What I found,
in-
where
at
lalt
place was, thinking lure they would refpedf fo grave And having now to the moderating of their odious Inferences.
ritteli
an Author, perfected a
1 referr'd the judging therof to your high and impartial Sentence, For 1 was confident, if any thing generous, any honour'd Lords and Commons. thing noble, and above the Multitude, wne left yet in the Spirit of England ^ it could
fecond Edition,
be no where (ooner found, and no where fooner underltood, then in that Houfe of Juft ice and true Liberty where ye fit in Council. Nor doth the Event hitherto, for fome reaions which I fhall not here deliver, fail me of what I conceiv'd fo highly. Neverthefar whole Proteilion ctherwife dealt with and of fome, lefs, being by (uppofed Knowof anew and and efieem'd I had better the,devifer ledg hope, pernicious Paradox, I felt no difference within me from that peace and firmnes of Mind, which is of neareft kin to Patience and Contentment both for that I knew I had divulg'd a truth hnkt infeparably with the molt fundamental Rules of Chriftianity, to ftand or fall together, and was not un- inform'd that divers learned and judicious Men teftify'd their daily Yet at length it hath pleas'd God, who had already giv'n Approbation of the Book.
:
me
fatisfa&ion in
my
felf,
to afford
alio in the eyes
of Men.
When
nigh three Months, as I belt had writt'n much concerning Divorce: whom earneftly turning over, I foon perceiv'd, but not without amazement, in the fame Opinion, conrirm'd with the fame Reafons which in that publilht Book, without the help or imitation of any precedent Writer, I had Not but that there is fome difference in the labour'd out, and laid together. the and the Number of in Order, Handling, Arguments, but fiill agreeing in the fame So as I may juftly gratulat mine own mind with due acknowledgment Conclulion. of affiftance from above, which led me, not as a Learner, but as a collateral Teacher, to a fympathy of judgment with no lefs a man then Martin Bucer. And he, if our below he to fee that point of here arrive where not him him does things is, repent which to thofe more he and with uncheckt freedom an firft, preacht Knowledg knowing times oi England, now found fo nccelTary, though what he admonifht were loll out of our memory ; yet that God doth now again create the fame doctrince in another unwritt'n Table, and raifes it up immediately out of his pure Oracle to the convincement of a pervers Age, eager in the reformation of Names and Ceremonies, but in realities as traditional and as ignorant as their forefathers. I would ask now the formoit of my profound Accufers, Whether they dare affirm that to be licentious, new and dangerous, which Martin Bucer fo often, and fo urgently avoucht to be molt lawful, moft necefTary, and moll Chrifiian, without the halt blemifh to his good
me now a means wherby 1 may be fully jultify'd Book had bin now the fecond time fct forth welremember, I then firft came to hear that Martin Bucer
the
Name, among all him? If they dare,

Churches and
the
worthy Men of
that Age, and fince,

this
they muftfhenfet up an Arrogance of their
who teftifie fo highly of own againlt all thole

:
Saints
who
honour'd him without
exception
If
they dare not,
how can
which was never blam'd, they or confuted in Bucer, or in Fagitu? The truth is, there will be due to them for this their unadvifed ratlines, the bell Donative that can be givVi them, I mean a round
that licentious Dodtrine in another,
now make
Reproof 1
(.?
where they thought to be molt Magiltcrial, they have difplay'd Reproof i their own wanr, both of reading, and of judgment. Firlt, to be fo unacquainted in the Writings <>t Bucer, which are fo obvious and fo ufeful in their own faculty y next
that
-
now
to be fo caught in a predicating weaknes, as to condemn that lor lewd, which ( whether they knew or not ) thefe elect Servants of Chrift commended for lawful 5 and for new, that which was taught by thefe almolt the hill and greatelt Authors of to Reformation, who were never taxt for fo teaching ; and dedicated without
fcruple
reforming Kings inChrilttndom, andconfelt in the public Conieffion of a mod Orthodoxal Church and State in Germany. This is alfo another fault which I mud tell them i that they have liood now almolt this whole year clamourfirft
a royal Pair of the
ing a far off, while the Book hath bin twice printed, twice bought up, and never once vouchfalt a friendly Conieience with the Author, who would be glad and thanl? f ul to be fhewn an Error, either by privat Difpute, or public Anlwer, and could retract, as well as wile men belore him ; might alio be worth the gaining, as one who Or if he heretofore, hath done good (ervice to the Church by their own confeffion.
bcobltinar, their Confutation would have render'd him without excufe, andrcclam'd others of no mean parts who incline to his Opinion. But now their work is more
then doubl'd i and how the.y will hold up their heads againft the fudden afpe ct of thele two great and reverend Saints whom they have defam'd, how they will make good
the cenfuring of that for a novelty of licence, which Bucer conltantly taught to be a For againft thele my Adpure and holy Law of Chrilfs Kingdom, let them advife.
who before the examining of a propounded truth in a fit time of Reformahave had the conscience to oppofe naught els but their blind reproaches and furtion, a lingle innocence might not be oppreft and overborn that miles, by a crew of mouths for the reltoring of a Law and Doctrin fallely and unlearnedly reputed new and fcandaverfaries,
lous,
rais'd
I may ever magnihe and record this his Goodnes, hath unexpectedly were Irom the more then one famous Light of the firft Reformadead, up tion to bear witnes with roe, and to do me honour in that very thing, wherefn thefe men thought to have blotted me And hath giv'n them the proof of a capacity which they defpis'd,running equal,and authentic with fome of their chiefett Mailers unthought of, and in a point oi fageft moment. However, if we know at all when to alcribe the Occurences of this lite to the work of a ipecial Providence, as nothing is more ufual
God,
as
that
it
good men, what an be more like to a fpecial Providence of God, then in Reformation of England, that this queftion of Divorce, as a main thing to be rdtor'd to juft freedom, was writt'n, and lerioufly commended to Edward the lixt, by a man call'd from another Country to be the inflrudter of our Nation , and now in this prelent renewing of the Church and Commonwealth, which we pray may be more lafting, that the fame Qucliion fhould be again treated and prefented to this Parlament, by one enabl'd to uie the fame realons without the lealt light or knowledg of what was done before. It were no trefpas, Lords and Commons, though fomething of this lefs note were attributed to the ordering of a heavenly Power queftion thejfore of fuch prime concernment both to Chriliian and Civil welfare, in fuch an extraordinary manner, not recover'd, but plainly twice born to thefe latter Ages, as from a divine hand I tender to your Acceptance, and moft conliderate Thoughts. Think not that God rais'd up in vain a man of greatest autority in the Church to tell a trivial and licentious Tale in the ears of that good Prince, and to bequeath it as his laft Will and Teltament, nay rather as theTeltament and Royal Law of Chrift to this Nation-, or that'it fhould of it felfafter fo many years, as it were in a new Feild wheie it was never fow'ii, grow up again as a vitious plant in the mind of another, who had (poke honefteft things to the Nation , though he knew not that what his Youth then reafon'd without a pattern, had bin heard already, and well allow'd fiom the Gravity and Worth of Martin Bucer till meeting with the envy of men ignorant in rlieir own
in the talk of
firft
the
undertak'n Calling, God directed him to the forgott'ii Writings of this faithful Evanhis defence and warrant gelilt, to be againft the grofs imputation of broaching Licence.
Ye
are now in the glorious way to high Vertue, and matchlefs Deeds, trulted with a moft ineltimable Trult, the alterting of our juft Liberties. Ye have a Nation that expects now, and from mighty fuffrings afpires to be the example of all Chrilk ndom to Dare to be as great, as ample, and as eminent in the fair proa perfeteft reforming. noble of your defigns, as the full and goodly ftature of Truth and Excellence ic grels as unlimited felf; by petty Precedents and Copies, as yourunqueltionable Calling from Heaven gives ye power to be. What are all our public Immunities and Privileges worth and how lhall it be judg'd that we fight for them with Minds worthy to enjov them,
'.
if
the mod important freedom and Nature hathgiv'nus in the family > which no wile Nation ever wanted, till the Popery and Superttition of fome former Ages attempted to remove and alter divine and molt prudent Law.s for human and moft imprudent Canons : vvncrcby good men in the belt portion of their lives, and in that Ordinance of God which entitles them from the beginning to moll juft and i+quilitc contentments, arc compell'd to civil Indignities, which by the Law of Mofts bad men were not compell'd to ? Be not bound about, and Itraitn'd in the fpatious Wifdom 01 -our free Spirits, by the udemn others for adhering fcanty and unadequat and incontinent Principles of fuch as to Traditions, and arc themfelves the proltrat Worfhippcrs of Cuftom i and of fuch deduce from no antiquiry, bat from the rudeft, and thickeft ^t tradition as thtycan But why do I anticipate the more acceptable, and Barbaiifm of Antichriltian times. that I could prevailing voice of learned Buctr himlelf, the Paftor of Nations? And in that Doctoral Chair, where once the learnedeft of tct him living before ye England
if
wefuffer our (elves in the
( 39^ ) meanwhile not to underftand
that
God
thought it no difparagement to fit at his feet He would be fuch a Pilot, and fuch a Father to ye, as ye would foon find the difference of his hand and skill upon the helm of Reformation. Nor do I forget that faithful Affociate of his Labours, Paultu Fagitu j for thefe their great Names and Merits, how pretiousfo evei, God hath now joyn'd
!
with
me neceffarily,
in the
good or
evil
report of this doctrine which

,
leave
with
writt'n earneftly, as a main It was writt'n to a religious King of this Land you. matter wherin this Kingdom needed a reform, if it purpos'd to be the Kingdom of Chriit : Writt'n by him, who if any fincc the days of Luther merits to be counted the ApolUe of our Church ; whofc unwearied pains and watching for our fakes, as they fpent him quickly here among us lo did they, during the fhortnes of his Life, in',
promote the Goipcl throughout this Realm. The Autority, the Learning, the Godlines of this Manconlultcd with, is able to out-ballance all that the lightnes of a vulgar oppofition can bring to counterpoifc. I leave him alto as my complete Surety and Telfimonial, if Truth be not the beft witnes to it felf, that what I formerly prefentcd to your reading on this fubject, was good, and juft, and honeft, not licentious. Not that I have now more confidence by the addition of thefe great Authois
credibly
to
I
my
party, for
what I wrote was not
my opinion, but my Knowledg

went
:
could trace no footftep in the
way
nor that
think to
ev'n then when win upon your ap-,
prehenfions with Numbers and with Names, rather then with Reafons, yet certainly the worft of my dttradters will not except againft to good a bail of my integrity and
for me. They muft els put in the Fame oiBucer and of Confedaats and into the fame Inditement ; they muft my Accomplices Fagitu, dig up the good Name of thefe prime Worthies ( if their Names could be ever buried ) they muft dig them up and brand them as the Papifts did their Bodies ; and thofe their pure unblamable Spirits, which live not only in Heaven, but in their Writings, ever before afpers'd them they muft attaint with new Attaintures which no Proteftant
judgment, as
as
now appears
to get our Appeachmcnt new drawn, a Writ of if perhaps we may obtain Error, not of Libertifm, that thofe two principal Leaders of Reformation may not now come to be fu'd in a Bill of Licence, to the fcandal of our Church j the brief refulr will be, that for the Error, if their own Works be not thought fufficient to defend thcm,there livs yet who will be ready, in a fair and chriftianly dilcuflive way, to debate and fift this mat-
with. Or
utmoft ounce of Learning and Religion, in him that (hall lay it as an error, If this be not or any other of his Opinion. enough to for the it more Wifdom think of thir Virulence, that they not to recant the Injuries they have befpoke me, Ifhall not for much more difturbancc then they can bring me, intermit the profecution of thofe Thoughts which may render me beft ferviceable, either to this Age, or if it fo happ'n, to Pofterity following the Lords and Commons, againft the fair path which your illuftrious Exploits, Honour'd breft of Tyranny have open'd , and depending fo on your happy fuccefTes in the hopes that I have conceiv'd either of my felf, or of the Nation, a's muft needs conclude me who moft affectionately wifhes and awaits the profperous iffue of your noble and valoter to the
upon Martin Bucer, qualitic my Traducers, and

either
rous Counfels..
THE
m)
THE
JUDGMENT
of
MARTIN BVCER
DIVORCE.
Taken out of
Qhrift
;
TOUCHING
the
Second Book
entitled
writt'n
by
Martin Bucer
King of
England.
Of the kingdom
to
of
Edward
the Sixth,
CHAP.
The yth Larv of the
fanftifying
XV.
and ordering of Marriage.
BEfidcs
and
according to
thefe things, Chrift our King, and his Churches require from your Sa- That the orof cred Majelty, that you would take upon you the juft care of Marriages. For dering behow Marriage it is many good Confciences are hereby entangl'd, afflifted, unfpeakable
in
danger, becaufe there are no juft Laws, no fpeedy way conftituted jgP^ p^ God's Word, touching this holy Society and Fountain of Mankind. For feeing Matrimony is a civil thing , Men, that they may rightly contract, inviolably keep, and not without extreme neceffity diiTolve Marriage, are not only to be taught by the Do&rine and Difcipline of the Church, but alfo are to be acquitted, aided, and
compell'd by
Laws and Judicature of the Common-wealth. Which thing pious Emperours acknowledging, and therin framing themfelves to the Law of Nations, gave Laws both of contracting and preferving, and alfo where an need
unhappy
requir*d,
of divorcing Marriages. As may be feen in the Code oijuftinian, the 5th Book, from the beginning through 24 Titles. And in the Authentic of Jujimian the 22d, and fome
others.
But the Antichrifts of Rome, to get the Imperial Power into thir own hands, firft The Popes perfuafion, afterwards by force drew to themfelves the whole autority have invaded of determining and judging as well in matrimonial caufes, as in moft other matters. b >' traud and Therfore it hath bin long believ'J, that the care and government therof doth not be- orce che or ^ Yet where the Gofpel of Chrift is receiv'd, the Laws of long to the Civil Magilhate. MarrLeJ If therfore Antichrift fhould be rejected. Kings and Governours take not this care, rellby the power of Law and Jultice to provide that Marriages be
by fraudulent
"
pioufly contracted, gioufly kept, and lawfully diffolv'd, if need require, who fees not what confufion and trouble is brought upon this holy Society and wh'at a rack is prepar'd, ev'n for many of the belt Confciences, while they have no certain Laws to follow, no
,
Jultice
to implore, if any intolerable thing happen. And how and fafety of the Common-wealth, that Marriages,
much
it
concerns the honour
according to the Will of Chrift, be made, maintain'd, and not without juft caufe diffolv'd, who underftands not? For unlets that firft and holieft Society of Man and Woman be purely conftituted, that houfhold Difcipline may be upheld by them according to God's Law, how can wc
expect a Race of good Men ? Let your Majefty therfore and in the firft place, to reaffume toyourfelf the juft
that this is your duty, of ordering Matrimony, and by firm Laws to eliablifh and defend the Religion of this firft and divine Society among Men, as all wife Law-givers of old, and Chriftian Emperours have carefully done.
know
The two next Chapters, becaufe they chiefly treat about the Degrees 0} Confanguinity and affinity, I omit ; only fet ting down a pajfage or two concerning the Judicial Laws other. p/MolcS how fit they be for Chriftians to imitate rather then
any
'
CHAP.
394)
toward the end.
CHAP.
,
XVII.
that we being free in Chrift, are not bound to the Civil Laws of Mofes in be can more Laws no circumftance and IConfefs honeft, yet feeing every juft, whclfom, then thofe which God himfelfgave, who is eternal Wifdom and Goodnefs, I fee not
why Chriftians, in things which no lefs Laws of God, rather then of any Men.
and
thofe bodily
appertain to them, ought not to follow the are not to ufe Circumcifion, Sacrifice,
We
Jews ; yet by thefe things we may rightly devotion both with what and learn, Baptifm and the Lord's Supper fhould be purity How much more is it our duty to obferve diligently what adminifter'd and receiv'd. the Lord hath commanded, and taught by the Examples of his People concerning ? Marriage, wherof we have the ufe no lefs then they And becaufe this fame worthy Author hath another fajfagt to this furfofe in his Com.
Wafhings prefcrib'd to the
mem
from p. 46. upon Matthew, Chap. 5. 19. 1 here infert Since we have need of Civil Laws and the power ot punifhing, it will be wifeft but ferioufly rather to confider what the meannot to contemn thofe giv'n by Mofes
it
,
ing of
the the
God was
in
them, what he chiefly requir'd, and

if
how much
thir
good of every Nation,
they would borrow thence
Common-wealth
Solotty
God
? enough acknowledg the Kingdom of Chrift, though they would feem mod Chriftian, in that they govern their States by Laws fo divers from thofe of Mofes. "the iSth Chapter I only mention as determining a thing not here in queftion> that
and with the Spirit ; yet freely all things or Plato, or Arijlotle, what Lawyers or Cafars could make better I,aws then And it is no light argument, that many Magiftrates at this day do not
it might be to manner of governing of Chrift. For what
Marriage without confent of Parents ought

to be fit
not to be held good
yet with
thii
qualification
known.
if
Thit
treaties,
abufe the power they have over them
Parents admit not the honeft defires of thir Children, but fhall perfift to they are to be molliffd by Admonitions, En^
firft
Elders.
and Kindred, next of the Churchought the Magiflrate to left any inttrpofe his Power by the evil mind of thir Parents be detain'd from Marin which cafe the Roman riage longer then is meet, or forc'd to an unworthy match
and Perfuafions,
of
their Friends
Whom
if flill
:
the hard Parents refufe to hear, then
Laws
alfo provided.
C. de nupt.
/. 1
1,
3, 26-
CHAP.
Whether
it
XIX.
Promife of Marriage.
may
be permitted to revoke the
HEre
foluble,
when they ought to be unContrad was not indifdecreed that the for religious Emperours changeable the and Solemnities were the until paform'd. They brought home, Spoufe
arifeth another
?
Quefiion concerning Contrads,
due conlideration thought it a thing unworthy of divine and human Equity, and the of man's infirmity in deliberating and determining, when fpace is giv'n to renounce other contrads of much lefs moment, which are not yet confirm'd before the Magicontrad of Marriage, which requires the flrate, to deny that to the moft weighty left fuch a Covenant fhould be brok'n for no juft care Yet and confutation. greatefl
was pronnVd, they decreed caufe, and to the injury of that ptrfon to whom Marriage a Fine, that he who deni'd Marriage to whom he had promise!, and for fome caufe not approv'd by the Judges, fhould pay the double of that pledg which was giv'n at making fure, or as much as the Judg (hould pronounce might fatisfie the damage, or the hinderance of either party. It being moft certain, that oft-times after contrad,
and honeft caufes of departing from promife, come to be known and found out, cannot be other then the duty of pious Princes to give men the fame liberty of unpromifing in thefe cafes, as pious Emperours granted : efpecially where there is only And as there is no true Marriage between them, a promife, and not carnal knowledg. fo it will be the part of godly Magiftrates mind who agree not in true confent of ^
juft
it
to procure that no
confent.
Matrimony be among thir Subjeds, but what is knit with love and And though your Majtflybe not bound to the Imperial Laws, yet it is the
juftly
duty of
a Chriftian
pioufly and
embrace and follow whatever he knows to be any-wherc conftituted, and to be honeft, juft, and we 11-pleafing to his People B*t
King
to
(395)
Bat why
in
God's
Law and
marvel, bend his mind to the true This is her from him, though after carnal knowledg and long dwelling together. enough to authorize a godly Prince in that indulgence which he gives to the changing both becaufe it is certainly the invention of Antichrift, that the proof a Contract mife of Marriage de prafenti, as they call it, fhould be indiffoluble, and becaufe it
'>
feeing his antient
his Saint?, nothing hereof is read ? no had People power, yea a precept, that whofo could not love of his Wife, fhould give her a Bill of Divorce, and fend
the
Examples of
fhould be a Prince's care that Matrimony be fo joyn'd, as God ordain'd i which is, that every one fhould love his Wife with fuch a love as Adam exprell to Eve : So as
we may hope
that they
who marry may become
one
flefh,
and oae
alfo in the
Lord.
CHAP.
XX.
XXI.
holy
Concerns only the Celebration of Marriage.
CHAP.
The means of preferving Marriage
and pure.
ought not to be lefs care that Marriage be religioufly kepf s be pioufly and deliberately contracted, it will be meet that to every Church be ordain'd certain grave and godly Men, who may have this care upon them, to obierve whether the Husband bear himfelf wifely toward the Wile, loving,
NO
fince there
it
then that
and inciting her to all Piety, and the other duties of this life } and whether the Wife be fubjeft to her Husband, and fiudy to be truly a meet help to him , as full to all And if they fhall find each to other failing of Godlinefs, fo to every other ufe of life. their duty, or the one long ablent from the other without and urgent caufe, or jufi giving fufpicicn of irreligious and impure life, or of living in manifelt Wickednefs, And if their autority be contemn'd, let the names let it be admonifht them in time. of fuch contemners be brought to the Magiftrate, who may ufe punifhment to compel
fuch Violaters of Marriage to their duty, that they may abfiainfrom all probable fufpicion of tranfgreffing \ and if they admit "of fufpe&ed company, the Magiftrate is to whom they not therin obeying, are to be punifht as Adulterers, accordforbid them ing to the Law of jHJiinian, Auther.t. 1 17. For if holy Wedlock, the fountain and
,
feminary of good Subjects, be not vigilantly preferv'd from all blots and difturbances, what can be hop'd, as I faid before, of the fpringing up of good Men, and a right Wc know it is not enough forChriftians to Reformation of the Common-wealth ? abftain from foul deeds, but from the appearance and fufpicion therof.
CHAP.
Of lawful
XXII.
Divorce, what the ancient Churches have thought,
NOW Roman
ces
:
fpeak about thatdiffolvingof Matrimony which may be approv'd In which thing the of God, if any grievous nectifity require. Antichnlts have knit many a pernicious entanglement to diitrelTed Confcienfor that they might here alfo exalt themielves above God, as if they would be
fhall
we
in the light
wifer and chatter then
God
in the
himfelf
is,
for
no
caufe, honeft or neceffary, will they per-
Adulteries, and worfe things then thefe, not only tolerating in themfelves and others, but cherilfiing and throwing Men headlong into thefe evils. For although they alfo disjoyn married perfons from Board and Bed, that is, from all conjugal Society and Communion, and this not only for Adultery, but for ill Ofage, and matrimonial Duties deni'd yet they forbid thole thus parted, to joyn in Wedlock with I faid before, any difhoas but, others,
a
final
mit
Divorce
mean while Whoredoms and
nelt And they pronounce the Bond of Marriage to remain affociating they permit. between thofe whom they have thus feparate. As if the Bond of Marriage, God fo and were not fuch a league as binds the married couple to all teaching pronouncing, and of communion in divine and humane things \ and fo affociated keeps life, fociety
them.
Somthing indeed out of the

,
later
Fathers they
may
pretend for this their
Ty-
ranny, efpecially out of Auftin and fome others, who were much tak'n with a prepolterous admiration of tingle life yet though thefc Fathers, from the words of
e e
Chrift
Chrift not rightly
former Wife
to marry again, while the whatever caufe there had bin either ofDefertion or Divorce, yet it we mark the cuftom of the Church, and the common judgment which both in thii times and afterward prevail'd, we (hall perceive that neither thefe Fathers elid ever calf out of the Church any one for marrying after a Divorce, approv'd by the Impe rial Laws.
liv'd,
VJ 6 ) underfiood, taught that it was unlawful

(
after
alio, only the firft Chriftian Emperours, Juftinian, and to a make tme Divorce ; certain for Caufes did by Judges, approv'd him, grant which made and confirm'd by Law, it might be lawful to marry again which if it
Nor
but the
latter
tv'n to
it would not could not have bin done without dilpleafing Chrift and his Church, winkt at thole had the Fathers then have been granted by Chriftian Emperours, nor
lure ly
fee that Jeremtifo, though 2eaIous ol fiiigle doings in the Emperours. Hence ye may of ieccnd Marriage, though alter the fuch a condemner and then life more enough, death of either party, yet forc'd by plain equity, defended Falncla, a noble Matron of Rome, who having refus'd her Husband for jufi Caufes, was married to another. For that the fending of a Divorce to her Husband was not blame-worthy, he affirms, becaufe the man was hainoufly vitious ; and that if an adulterous Wile may be dilcardcd, an adul-
terous
Husband
j
is
not to be kept.
But
that Die
maniid again, while
yet her
Husband
was
alive
he defends
and that young
Widows
in that the Apofile hath faid, It is better to marry then to burn, fhould -marry, for fuch was Fabiola, and could not remain in
Widowhood.
But fome one will object that Jerom there adds, Neither did fie know the vigor of the Gofpel, wherein all caufe ofmarrying is debarred from Women, while their husbands live ; and again, while foe avoided many wounds of Satan, [he received one ere foe was But let the equal Reader mind alfo what went before i Becaufe, iaith he aware.
is a rock, and form of flandtrtrs oppos'd agairft her, For why does he call will not praife her converted, unlefs Ifrfl ahfive her guilty. them flanderers who accus'd Fabiola of marrying again, il he did not judg it a matter
foon after the beginning, there
of Chriftian Equity and Charity, to pafs by and paidon that k&, though in his own And what can this mean ? / wijl not praife her, unhfs I opinion he held it a fault ? how could he abfolve her, but by proving that Fabiola neither in For her. firft abfolve in marrying another, had committed fuch a fin, vitious nor her Husband, rejecting as could be juftly condemn'd ? Nay, he -proves both by evident realon, and clear
teftimonies of Scripture, that fhc avoided fin. This alio is hence underftood, that Jerom by the vigour of the Gofpel, meant that be remitted to thofe that height and perfe&ion of our Saviours precept, which might
he adds, But if{he be accus'd in that fie remained not unmarried, 1 fiall ccnfifs If then he acknowledge a necellity, as he did, the fault, fo I may relate the ntceffity. becaufe (he was young , and could not live in Widowhood, certainly he could not impute her fecond Marriage to her much blame : bur when he excufes her out of the
burn
>
for
Word of God,
Fabiola
does he not openly declare his thoughts, that the fecond Marriage of her by the Holy Ghoft himfelf for the necellity which he fuffer'd, and to fhun the danger of fornication, though fhe went lemwhat aiide from the vigour of the Gofpel ? But if any urge that Fabiola did public penance for her fecond Marriage, which was not impos'd but for great faults : 'Tis anfwer'd, fhe was
was permitted
not enjoyn'd to this penance, but did it of her own accord, and not till after her fecond Husbands Death. As in the time of Cyprian we read that many were wont to do voluntary penance for fmall faults, which were not liable to excommunication.
CHAP.
That Marriage was granted
Jingle
life.
XXIII.
Vow
of
ancient Fathers, ev'n after the by the
J omit
his Teftimonies out
of Cyprian, Gelafius, Epiphanius, contented only
to relate
what he thence
colleUs to the prefent purpofe.
SOme
life,
will fay perhaps, Wherfore all this concerning Marriage after vow of fingle when as the queflion was of Marriage after Divorce? For this reafon, that
it
they
whom
fo
much moves,
becaufe fome of the Fathers
thought Marriage
after
any kind of Divorce, to be condemn'd of our Saviour, may fee that this conclufion follows not. after Divorce to be foibidd'n of our all The Fathers
thought
Marriage
Saviour,
( 397 )
Saviour, therfore they thought fuch Marriage was not to be tolerated in a Chriftian, For the fame Fathers judg'd it forbidd'n to marry after vow i yet fuch Marriages they For thefe words of our Saviour, and of the neither difTolv'd not excommunicated.
holy Ghoft,
Hood
in
their
way
All cannot receive
this
faying-,
but they to
whom it
it
Every one hath bis proper gift frim Cod, we after this manner, another after giv'n. J will that that. It is better to marry then to burn. younger Widows marry, and the
like.
So there are many Canons and Laws extant, wherby Priefts, if they married, were rtmov'd from their office, yet is it not read that their Marriage was diffolv'd, as the Papifts now-a-days do, or that they were excommunicated, nay exprefly they If the confideiation of human might communicate as Laymen. infirmity, and thofe teftimonies of divine Scripture whkh grant Marriage to every one that wants it, perfuaded thofe Fathers to bear themfelves fo humanly toward them who had mairied with breach of vow to God, as they believ'd, and with Divorce of that Marriage wherin they were in a manner joyn'd to God, who doubts but that the fame Fathers held the like humanity was to be afforded to thofe who after Divorce and Faith broken with men, as they thought, enter'd into a fecond Marriage ? for among fuch are alfo found no lefs weak, and no Itfs burning.
CHAP.
Who of the
is
i
XXIV.
ancient Fathers have granted Marriage after Divorce ?

faid,
tain Bifhops THis
and by that which Origeti relates of cer/ know fome, faith he, which art over Churches, who without Scripture have permitted the Wife to marry while her former Hmbandliv'd. And did this againft Scripture, which faith, The Wife is bound to her Husband fo long as he lives ; and flie fliali be caB'd an tub and adultrefs, if, her
clear
in his time,
both by what hath bin
fJomil.y. in Matth.
another living, flie take
Man
yet did they net per/nit
this
the infirmity of fuch as had not ccntiner.ee, they f omitted evil to avoid Ye fee worfe. and the Dcdorsof his Age, not without all caufe, after DiOrigin peimitttd vorce to marry, though their former Husbands were living writes that yet
without caufe, perhaps for
Women
But what caufe cculd they have to do fo, unlefs mitted againft Scripture. they in his precepts of Divorce had our Saviour thought foforbid'n, as willing to remit fuch perfeftion to his weaker ones, call into danger of worfe faults ? The fame thought Leo, Bifhop of Rome , f>. 85. to the African of MauriBifliops
ihty per-
tania Ctfarienfis, wherin complaining of a certain Priefi who divorcing his Wife or being divore'd by her, as other copies have it, had married another, neither diiTolves
The Fathers therhim, only unpriefls him. Matrimony, fore, as we fee, did not (imply and wholly condemn Marriage after Divorce. But as for me, this remitting of our Saviour's precepts, which thefe Ancients allow and Divorce, I can in no to the infirm in marrying after admit for
the
nor excommunicates
Vow
ways
I
what
fo ever plainly confents not with the Commandment, cannot, mitted, or fufTcr'd in any Chriftian: for heav'n and earth fhall
tittle
Commands of God among them who exptcSt life and waigh the words of our Lord concerning Marriage and Divorce which he pronounc't both by himfelf, and by his Apcftle, and let us compare them with other Oracles of God i for whatfoever is contrary to thefe, 1 fhall not perfuadc But if it can be taught to the leaft tolerating thereof. agree with the Word of God yea to be commanded that moll men may have permiffion giv'n thrm to divorce and' marry again, I muft prefer the Autority of God's Word before the of
from the
fore conlider,
be perpafs away, but not a Let us thereternal.
am certain,
Opinion
Fathers
.and Doctors, as they themfelves teach.
CHAP;
398)
CHAP.
The words of our Lord, and of
XXV.
the Holy Ghofi, by the Apoflle Paul are explained. Divorce, concerning
the words of our Lord and of the Holy Ghoft, out of which Auftin and fome others of the Fathers think it concluded that our Saviour forbids Marriage afcer any Divorce, are thefe; Mat. 5. 31, 32. It bath bin [aid, &c. And Mat. 19. 7. command? &c. And Mark^ i o. andLî6. Tbey fay unto him, why did Mofes then Rom. 7. i, 2, 3. 1 Cor. 7. 10, 1 1. Hence therfore they conclude that all Marriage after Divorce is call'd Adultery i which to commit, being no ways to be tolerated in any Chriftian, they think it follows that fecond marriage is in no cafe to be permitted
UT
The
r.
axiom
either to the Divorcer, or to the Divorced. But that it may be more fully and plainly
perceiv'd
certain
what
force
is
in this kind of
that Chrift
could not
reafoning,
for
it
will be
the belt cours

Firft,
it is
to lay
down
grounds vvherof no Chriftian
can joubj (he truth.
Adultery that for by which he diffolve, did not only permit, but alfo command ; once comwas the whole Law of God giv'n. But that by this Law of manded. mitted after any divorce, is certain by Dent. 24. 1.
Adultery, which himfelf,
in his
wickednes to fufpect that our Saviour branded that own Law which he came to fulfil and not to
him
the only Mediator,
God
Marriage was per-
CHAP.
That God in
his
XXVI.
command Div orct
Law
did not only grant, but alfo

to certain men.
the DEut.
But in Mai. 2. 1 5, 16. is read 24. 1. When a man hath taken a wife, Lord's command to put her away whom a man hates, in thefe words: Take heed to your (pirit, and let none deal injurionjly against the wife of hit youth. If he hate, let him the Lord God of Ifrael. And he ft all bide thy vio* pit away, faith the Lord of hofis ; but lence with bis garment, that marries her divorc't by thee, faith thefe of the divine Law, Teftimonies take heed to your ffiirit, and do no injury. By we fee that the Lord did not only permit, but alfo exprefly and earneftly commanded would that all holinefs and faith of Marriage-cov'nant fhould his people, by whom he be obferved, that he who could not induce his mind to love bis wife with a true condifmifs her that fhe might marry to another. jugal
love,
&c
might
CHAP.
XXVII.
to his ancient
That what the Lord permitted and commanded
people
con"
to Chriflians. cerning Divorce, belongs alfo
what the Lord permitted to his firfi-born people, that certainly he could not forbid to his own among the Gentiles, whom he made coheirs and into one body with his people ; nor could he ever permit, much lefs command ought that was not good for them, at leaft fo us'd as he commanded. For being God, he is not Which thing who feriouily confiders, how can he imagine that chang'd as Man.
NO
that wicked to them that believe, and ferv him under Grace, which he granted and commanded to them that ferv'd him under the Law ? Whenas the fame caufes require the fame permiffion. And who that knows but humane matters, and loves the truth, will deny that many Marriages hang as ill together now, as ever they did among the Jews ? So that fuch Marriages are liker to torments then true Marriages. As therfore the Lord doth always fuccor and help the oppulTid, fo he would ever have it provided for injui'd husbands and wives, that under pretence of the marriage-bond, they be not fold to perpetual vexations, inftead ot the loving And laftly, as Gcd doth always deteft hjpociilie and comfortable marriage-duties. and fraud, fo neither doth he approve that among his pecple, that fhould be counted marriage, wherin none of thofe duties remain, whuby the league of wedlock is
chiefly pieferv'd.
1
God would make
What
inconfiderate negUdt. thetiof
Gcd'sLaw
is
this, that
may not
call
( 399 ) Lord would not grant the fame remedies both of divorce and fecond marriage to the weak, or to the evil, if they will needs, have it fo, but efpecially to the innocent and wronged, whenas the fame urgent caufes remain as before, when the difcipline of the Church and Magistrate hath try*d what
call it
worfc, to hold that Chrift our
may
be try'd.
CHAP.
is
XXVIII.
That our Lord Chrift intended not to make new Laws of Marriage and Divorce, or of any civil matters.
ITholy Scriptures,
certain that
agreed by
all
who
as all
determin of the
godly
Kingdom and
Offices
of Chrilt by the Ajuoim
men ought
not on him cither to give
new Laws
to do, that our Saviour upon earth took in civil affairs, or to change the old. But it is
Matrimony and Divorce are civil things. Which the Chiiman Emperors knowing, gave conjugal Laws, and referv'd the adminiftration of them to thir own which no true ancient Biftiop ever condemn'd. Courts Our Saviour came to preach Repentance and Remiilion i feeing therfore thofe who put away thir wives without any juft cauie, were not toucht with conftienceof the fin, through mifunderftanding of the Law, he recall'd them to a right interpretation, and taught that the woman in the beginning was fo joyn'd to the man, that there mould be a perpetual union both in body and fpirit: where this is not, the matrimony is
,
already broke, before there be yet any divorce
made
or fecond marriage.
CHAP.
That
it it
XXIX.
wicked to [train the words of Chrift beyond thir purpqfe-.

third Axiom., wherof there needs no explication here.
Thin
it hvs
CHAP.
That
all
XXX.
to be
joyjftT,
places
are of Scripture about the fonts thing and compared, to avoid Contradictions.
Axiom
4.
This he demonflrates aj large out of fundry places in the Gofpel, and principally by that precept againft /wearing, which compared with many places of the Law and Kit. is aflat contradiction of them ah, if we follow fuperflitiou/ly the letter. Prophets^ "Then having repeated briefly his four Axioms^ he thus proceeds.
J.
34-
Thefe things thus preadmonifht, let us enquire what the undoubted meaning is of our Saviour's words, and enquire according to the rule which is obferv'd by all learned and good men in thir expositions ^ that praying firft to God, who is the onopener of our hearts, we may firft with fear and reverence confidcr well the of our Saviour touching this queftion. Next, that we may compare them with all other places of Scripture treating of this matter, to fee how they confent with our Saviour's words, and thofe of his Apoftle.
ly
words
CHAP.
among
Protejlants,
XXXI.
This Chapter difputes against Auftin and the Papijls, who deny fecond marriage ev'n to them who divorce in cafe of Adultery ; which becaufe it is not controverted allowed to marry , I true but that the tnnoeent ptrfon is
eafily
[pare the tranjlating.
CHAP.
4o )
CHAP.
That a manifest Jdultrefs ought
be retained in
XXXII.
divorft, and cannot lawfully marriage by any true Chrijlian.

to be
Tins though he prove fufficiently, yet I let pafs, becaufe this queftion wcus not handled in the Dottrin and Difciplin of Divorce ; to which book I bring fo much of this Treatife as runs parallel.
CHA
That Adultery
This Chapter
alfo I
is
P.
XXXIII.
punifbt by death.
to be
omit for the reafon last alleged.
CHAP.
That
it is
XXXIV.
lawful for a Wife to leav an Adulterer, and to marry another Husband.
This
is
generally granted,
and
therfore excufes
me
the writing out.
CHAP.
XXXV.
Places in the Writings of the Apoftle Paul touching Divorce explained.
LE
us confider the anlwers of the Lord giv'n by the Apoftle feverally. Concerning the firlt, which is Rom. 7, 1. Know ye not, brethren, for lfpeak[to them that know the law, &.C Vrr. 2. The woman it bound by the law to her ktuba-dfo long as he liveth. Here it is certain that the Holy Gholt had no purpofc to determin ought of marriage, or divorce, but only to bring an example from the common and ordinary law of Wedloc, to fliew that as no covenant holds either party being dead, fo now that we are not bound to the law, but to Chrift our Lord, feeing that through him we are dead to fin, and to the law and (o joyn'd to Chrilt that we may bring forth fruit in him from a willing godlines, and not by the compulfion of law, whcrby our fins are more excited, and become more violent. What therfore the holy Spirit here (peaks of matrimony, cannot be extended beyond the general rule. Befidc-> it is manifeft, that the Apoftle did allege the law of Wedloc, as it was
,
deliver'd to the
Jews
for, fairh he, I fpeak to
no law of God but

It
that of
them that know the law. They knew which Mofts, plainly grants divorce for federal reafons.
which
cannot therfore be
laid that the Apoltle cited tins general
abolifh the leveral exceptions of that law, rity to divorce.
God
example out of the law, to himfelf granted by giving auto-
Next, when the Apoltle brings an example out of God's law concerning man and wife, it mult be neceffary that we understand fuch for man and wife, as are fo indeed according to the fame law of God ; that is, who are fo difpos'd as that they are both willing and able to perform the nectffary duties of marriage ; not thofe who under a falfe title of marriage, keep themfelves mutually bound to injuries and difgraces ; for fuch twain are nothing lefs than lawful man and wife. The like anfwer is to be giv'n to all the other places both of the Gofpel and the Apolile, that whatever exception may be prov'd out of God's law, be not excluded
from thofe places. For the Spirit of God doth not condemn things formerly granted and allowed, where there is like caufe and reafon. Hence Ambrofe upon that place,
1
Cor.
7.
5.
A brother or afijler
is
is
The reverence of marriage

is
not due to
is.
not under bondage in fuch cafes, thus him who abhors the author of
expounds
;
who
Cod: he fins not therfore For the di/honour caufe, though hejoyn himfelf to another. of the Creator dijfolves the right of matrimony to him who is deferted, that he be not The faith of wedloc is not to be accused, though marrying to another. kept with him who departs, that he might not hear the God of Chriflians to be the author of wedloc. For if Ezra caused the misbelieving wives and husbands to be divorc't, that God might be appeasd, and not offended, though they took others of thir own faith, how much
without devotion to
is
that marriage ratify 'd which
marriage
nor
put
away for God's
more
( 4r )
morefhaU
For
it
marry one of our own Religion, matrimony againft the law,of God. Two things are here to be obferv'd toward the following difcourfe, which (ruth fclf, and the force of Gods word hath drawn from this holy man. For thofe words
it
be free, if the misbeliever depart to this is not to be counted which is
are very large, Matrimony is not ratiffd without devotion to God. And the diflwnour of the Creator Aijfolvs the right of matrimony. For devotion is far off, and dishonour is done to God by all who perlili in any wickedncs and hainous crime.
CHAP.
That although itfeem in
the
XXXVI.
Goffel, as if our Saviour granted, Divorce only for Adultery, yet in very deed he granted, it for other caufes alfo.
is
NOW To
to be dealt with this queft ion, Whether it be lawful to divorce and marry again for other caufes befides adultery, iince our Saviour expreft that only ? this queftion, if we retain our principles already laid, and mult acknowledg it to
be a curled blafphemy, if we fay that the words -of God do contradid one another^ of ncceflity we mult confefs that our Lord did grant divorce, and marriage after that, for other caules belides adultery, notwithstanding what he faid in Matthew. For toft, they who conlider but only, that place, i Cor. 7. which treats of believers and misbelievers matcht together, mult of force confefs, That our Lord granted juft divorce, and fecond marriage in the caufe of defertion, which is other than the caufe of And it there be one other caufe found lawful, then is it moft true that fornication.
divorce
was granted not only

it
tor fornication.
cannot be doubted, as 1 fhew'd before, by them to whom it is giv'n to know God and his judgments out of his own word, but that, what means of peace and fafety God ever granted and ordain'd to his eledted people, the fame he grants and
Next,
ordain-; to
men
of all ages
who
that
is
but a
knowing man, dares
have equally need of the ^mc remedies. And who, there be not husbands and be found wives now to fay
in fuch a hardnefs of heart,
any
that they will not perform either conjugal affc&ion, or it be molt deferv'd at thir hands ? therof, duty though requifite Neither can any one defer to confefs, but that God whofe property it is to judg
and honeft perfons themielves by lawful means of Divorce, from the bondage and iniquity of thofe who are falfly term'd thir husbands or thir wives. This is cleer out of Dent. 24. I. Malach. 2. Matth. 19. 1 Cor. 7. and out of thofe principles
the caule of
them
that furTer injury, hath provided for innocent
wedded, how
they
might
free
which the Scripture every where teaches, That God changes not his mind, not from himfelf, is no accepter of perfons j but allows the fame remedies to
diffents
all
men
oppreft with the fame neceffities and infirmities i yea, requires that we fhould ufe them. This he will eaiily perceive, who conliders thefe things in the Spirit of the Lord. Laftly, it is molt certain, that the Lord hath commanded us to obey the civil Laws
every one of his
own Commonwealth,
if
they be not againft the
Laws of God.
CHAP.
For
tvhat caufes
XXXVII.
Law ex
1.
Divorce
permitted by the civil
Confenfu
Codic. de repudiis.
Law of Thedofws and Valentinian, which begins Conand many other decrees of pious Emperours Divorce, touching agreeing herwith, are not contrary to the word of God ; and therfore may be recall'd into ufe by any Chriltian Prince or Commonwealth, nay ought to be with due refpedl had to every nation. For whatfoever is equal and juft, that in every thing is to be fought and us'd by Chriftians. Hence it is plain that Divorce is granted by divine approbais
alfo manifeft that the

Sec.
IT fenfu,
tion,
both to husbands and to wives,
if either
party can
convicfr.
the other ot
thefe
following offences before the Magiftratc. If the husbmd can prove the wife to be an Adulterefs,a Witch, a Murdrefs^ to have fold to flavery any one free or bought born, to have violated Sepulchers, committed
favor'd theevs and robbers, defjrous offeafting with ftrangers, the husband not knowing, or not willing, if (lie ibdg forth without 3 jult and probable caufe, or
facrilege,
Fff
(rt~
42 )
and fights, he forbidding, if (he be privie with thofe that plot againft frequent theaters And if the wife can deal falfly, or offer blows. fhe if or the State, prove her husband and frequent the company of lewd women in forenamed thofe of crimes, any guilty or if he beat her, fhe had the like liberty to quit herfejfi with this diffeher
fight-,
rence, that the

a year after,
left
man
fhe
after Divorce might forthwith marry again might chance to have conceav'd.
the
woman
nor
till
CHAP.
An
exposition of thofe
XXXVIII.
God declares
the nature of holyWedloc.
f laces rvherin
end it may be feen that this agtees with the divine law, the fun inof Marriage is to be confider'd, and thofe texts in which God ellaWhen blilht the joyningof male and female, and defcrib'd the duties of them both. God had dctermin'd to make woman, and give her as a wife to man, he fpake thu c ,
NO
wife,
to the
fiitution
Gen.
2. 18.
It
i*
And Adam faid,

flejh
not good for man to be alone, I will make but in the Spirit of God, v. 23, 24. This
htm a
is
help novo bone of
nttet for
him.
my
bone,
and
a of my flejh. Therefore jhall and they jl)all be one flejh.
man
leav hit father
and mother, and pall tleav
to his
To this
tuft inftitution did Chrift recal his
own
when anfwering
condemn'd
the licence of unlawful Divorce.
nrlt inllitution, therof, ought to we, according to this dctermin what kind of cov'nant Marriage is, how to be kept, and how far ; and lalily, To which decrees of God thefe alfo are to be joyn'd, for what caufes to be diffolv'd.
He taught therfoie by and what God hath fpok'n
his
the Pharifets, he example, that
which the holy Ghoft hath taught by his Apoftle, that neither the Husband nor the Wife hath power ofthir own body, but mutually each of eithers. That the h&band [liall and that the wife ought love the wife as his own body, yea as Chriji loves his Church to befubjetl to her husband, .as the Church is to Chriji. By thele things the nature of holy Wtdloc is certainly known ; wherof if only one be wanting in both or either party, and that either by obfiinate malevolence, or too deep inbred weaknes of mind, or lafHy, through incurable 'impotence of Body, it cannot then be faid that the cov'nant of matrimony holds good between fuch ; if we mean that cov'nant which God inflituted and call'd Marriage, and that whtrol
-,
only
it
muff be underftood
that
our Saviour
faid,
Thofe whom
God
hath joynd,
let
no
man feparate. And hence is
concluded, that matrimony requires continual cohabitation and living unlefs the calling of God be otherwife evident ; which union if the parties together, themfelves disjoyn either by mutual confent, or one againft the others will depart, the
Marriage
Wherin thePapifls, as in other things, oppofe themielves while they feparate for many caufes from bed and board, and yet will have the bond of matrimony Temain, as if this cov'nant could be other then the of bed and board, but of all other loving and conjunction and communion not only in thefe fee This we duties. words-, I will make him a helpmeet for may helpful him ; bone of hit bones, and flejh of his flefl} : for this caufe pall he leav father and By which words mother, and cleav to his wife, and they twain fliati be one flefh. who difcerns not, that God requires of them both fo to live together, and to be united not only in body but in mind alfo, with fuch an arledion as none may be dearer and more ardent among all the relations of Mankind, nor of more efficacy to the and loyalty. mutual offices of They mull communicate and conlent in all
is
then brok'n.
s
againft God
which have any moment to well and happy living. wife muft honour and obey her husband, as the Church honours and obeys Chrift The husband mull love and cherifh his wife, as Chrift his Church. Thus her head. be muft to each other, if they will be true man and wife in the light of God, they
love, things both divine and human,
The
whom certainly
Now the proper the Churches ought to follow in thir judgment. and ultimate end of Marriage is not copulation, or children, for then there was not true matrimony between Jofeph and Mary the mother of Chrift, nor between many and main end of Marriage, is the commuholy perfons more i but the full and proper and all both divine human, each to other with utmoft benevoduties, nicating .of
lence and affection.
CHAP.
4* )
CHAP.
XXXIX.
diflincily repeated.
The properties of a true and Chriftian Marriage more
i. That they fhould live neceffary properties to be in every true Marriage, toge2. That they fhould love ther, unlefs the calling of require otherwife for a time. one another to the height of dearnes, and that in the Lord, and in the communion cf
BY
which
definition
we may know
that
God
eftecms and reckons upon thefe foul
God
true Religion.
3all
That
inlirudting her to
the husband bear himfelf as the head and prefervcr of his wife, godlinefs and integrity of life j that the wife alfo be to her hut
band
a help,
God, and next
according to her place, efpecially furdering him in the true worfhipof in all the occaiions of civil life. And 4. That they defraud not each
other of conjugal benevolence, as the Apoftle commands, 1 Cor. 7. Hence it follows, according to thelentence of God, which all Chriftians ought to be rul'd by, that between thofe who either through obftinacy,or helples inabilitv,cannot or will not perform
thefe repeated duties,
between thofe there can be no true matrimony, nor ought they to

wife.
be counted
man and
|
Whether
thofe
C H A
P.
XL.
Crimes recited Chap. 37. out of the Civil Law, diffoh Matrimony in God's account.
NOW
Law
a husband or- wife be found guilty of any thefe crimes, which by the are made of caufes Divorce, 'tis manifeft that fuch a man cannot confenfft
if
be the head and prefervcr of his wife, nor fuch a woman be a meet help to her huffor thefe faults are punifht either by band, as the divine Law in true Wedloc requires death, or deportation, or extream infamy, which are diredly oppolite to the cov'nanf If they deferve death, as Adultery and the of Marriage. like, doubtlefs God would not that any fhould live in Wedloc with them whom he would not have to live at all. Or if it be not death, but the incurring of notorious infamy, certain it is neither jult, nor expedient, nor meet that an honeft man fhould be coupled with an infamous woman, nor an honeft matron with an infamous man. The wife Pvoman Prin',
had fo great regard to the equal honour of either wedded perfon, that they counted thofe Marriages of no force which were made between the one of good repute, and the other of evil note. How much more will all honeft regard of Chriftian expedience and comlines befeem and concern thofe who are fct free and dignify 'd in Chril't, then
ces
it
could the
Roman
head and preferver not only of his wife, but alfo of his children and family, as Chriftis of his Church, had need be one of honeft name fo like wife the wife, which is to be the meet help of an honeft and good man, the mother of an honeft offfpring and family. The glory of the man, ev'n as the man is the glory of Chrift, fhould not be tainted with ignominy ^ as neither of them can avoid to be, having bin juftly appeacht of thofe forenamed crimes j and therfore cannot be worthy to hold thir place in a Chriftian family yea they thcmfelvcs turn out themfelves and diflblv that holy covenant. And they who are true brethren and lifters in the Lord, are no mGre in bondage to fuch violaters of Marriage.
this all
And
godly men
Senate, or their fons, for whom that will foon apprehend, that he who
Law
ought
was provided
to be the
But heer the patrons of wickednefs and diffolvers of Chriftian difciplin will object, it is the part of man and wife to bear one anothers crofs, whether in calamity, or infamy, that they might gain each other, if not to a good name, yet to repentance and amendment. But they who thus object, feek the impunity of wickednes, and
that
the favour of wicked men, not the duties of true charity > which prefers public honefty before private interelt, and had rather the remedies of wholfom punifhment appointed by God fhould be in ufe, then that by remifnefs, the licence of evil doing fhould For if they who by encreafefuch offences, have made void the.holy
committing knot of Marriage, be capable of repentance, they will be fooner mov'd when due punifhment is executed on them, then when it is remitted. We mull ever beware, left in contriving what will be beft for the fouls health of
Delinquents,
we make our
felvs wifer
and
difcreeter than
God.
He
that religioufly
f f 2
waighs
( 44 )
waighs
cannot doubt that they who have committhe have loft ted the forefaid tranfgreffions, right of Matrimony, and are unworthy and Chriftian honeft an in thir hold family. to dignity But if any husband or wife fee fuch figns of repentance in thir tranfgreffor, as that them by continuing with them, and partaking of thir mifethey doubt not to regain ries and attaintures, they may be left to thu own hopes, and thir own mind, fathat it receive no fcandal by the vingever the right of Church and Commonwealth, thir children no harm by this invitation to licence, and and of due feverity, neglcd want of good education. From all thefe confiderations, if they be thought on, as in the prefcnce of God, and out of his word, any one may perceav, who defires to determine of thefe things which the molt religious Empeby the Scripture, that thofe caufes of lawful divorce, rors Theodofittf and Valentinian fet forth in the forecited place, are according to the law of God, and the prime inftitution of Marriage. And were ftill more and more more and more corrupted and deftraitnd, at the Church and State of the Empire Jtill Princes and Commonwealths both may and ought citaTherfore pious generated. blifh them again, if they have a mind to reftore the honour, fandtity, and religion of confefences from a miferable and holy wedloc to thir people, and difentangle many honeft life. and a chafte to perilous condition,
his Oracles concerning Marriage,
To
thofe recited caufes wherfore a wife
might fend
a divorce to her
husband, Jufli-
nian added four more, Conftit. 1 17. And four more, for which a man might put de repudiis, 1. Jubemm. away his wife. Three other caufes were added in the Code All which caufes are fo clearly contrary to the firft intent of marriage, that they plainJ fet them not down, being eafie to be found in the body of the civil Law. ly diffolv it. It was permitted alfo by Chriftian Emperors, that they who would divorce by mutual confent, might without impediment. Or if there were any difficulty at all
in
law exprejfes the reafon, that it was only in favour of the children ; fo that made no other difficulty of a divorce if there were none, the law of thofe godly Emperors if any were minded without confent of the other to divorce, and Or by confent. without thofe caufes which have been nam'd, the Chriftian Emperors laid no other his Wife, fhould punifhment upon them, then that the Husband wrongfully divorcing back her dowry, and the ufe of that which was call'd Donatio propter nuptias ;
it.,
the
dowry nor no donation, that he fhould then give her the fourth like penalty was inflidted on the wife departing without juft The of his part goods. caufe. But that they who were once married, fhould be compell'd to remain fo ever was not exadted. Wherin thofe pious Princes follow'd the Law againft thir wills,
and his exprefs charge by the Prophet Malachy to difmifs from For God never meant in marriage to give to man a he hates. Neither can God approve that to the violainfiead of a meet help. torment perpetual tion of this holy league ( which is violated as foon as true affe&ion ceafts and is loft ) fhould be added murder, which is already committed by cither of them who refolhateth bis brother, is a vedly hates the other, as I fhcw'd out of 1 John 15. Whofo
of God
in
give or if there were no
Deut. 24.
1.
him
the wife
whom
murderer.
CHAP.
Whether the Hutband
or
XLI.
may marry
to another.
Wife
deferted
out one night againft his will without probable caufe. But of the man : Yet if we look into the word of God, deferting his wife they did not fo determin we fhall rind, that he who though but for a year without juft caufe forfakes his wife, and neither provides for her maintenance, nor fignifies his purpofe of returning, and
fhe
THE
to be a
wifes defertion of her husband the Chriftian Emperors plainly decreed whenas they granted him the right therof , if caufe of
juft
divorce,
had but
lain
good will towards her, whenas he may, hath forfeited his right in her fo forfak'n. For the Spirit of God fpeaks plainly, that both man and wife hath fuch power over
one anothers perfon, as that they cannot deprive each other 01 living together, but by confent, and for a time. Hither may be added that the holy Spirit grants defertion to be 3 caufe of Divorce, in thofe anfwers giv'n to the Corinthians concerning a brother or filter deferted by a in mif-beleever. // he depart, let him depart, a brother or ajifier is not under bondage
fuch
( 405 )
fuch
cafes.
In
which words, who
fees
is
that the party without caufe deferted,
not that the Holy Ghoft openly pronounc% not bound for anothers wilful defertion?
But I befeech But lorn will fay, that this is fpok'n of a mif-beleever departing. the holy in his who breaks he the faith of Ghrilt not deeds, rafhly rejed ye, doth Covnant of Wedloc inftituted by God ? and befides this the holy Spirit does not make the mif-beleeving of him who departs, but the departing of him who mifthe brother or fifter. belrevs, to be the juft caufe of freedom to
that they who depart from the faith of matrimony, but of Chrift Wedloc without juft caufe, do not only deny their it is but reafon to conclude, that the with mouths, alfo, what ever they profefs not of cauflefs is bound in cafe defertion, but that he may lawfully feek party deferted another confort, it it be needful to him, toward a pure and blameles converfation.
Since therfore
it
will be agreed
among
Chriftians,
CHAP.
That impotence of Body
,
XLII.
MadngL, &c.
are juft caufe s
Leprofie,
of Divorce
OF
That
this,
becaufe
him
that
it was not difputed in the do&rin and difciplin of Divorce, would know furder I commend to the Latin original.
CHAP.
to
XLIII.
have bin hitherto brought, grant Divorce for all the caufes which notfrom the words of Chrift naming only the caufe of Adultery. difagrees
good That it is- good With regard

Ftrlt,
we muft fee how thefe things can ftand with the words of our Saviour, To the feems directly to forbid all Divorce except it be for Adultery. of our Savi: the words this That in we remember muft ever underfianding wherof, our there can be no contrariety : That his words and anfwers are not to be ftretcht beof all yond the quefiion propos'd : That our Saviour did not there purpofc to treat that then and divorce the caufes for which it might be lawful to marry again % for That not added. be could without in the Corinthians of marrying again guilt of adultery for that man to be alone, who hath not the fpecial gift from above. it is not
NO
who
for every fucruonc to be married, that he may fhun Fornication. to thefe principles, let us fee what our Lord anfwer'd to the tempting
Pharifees about Divorce, and (ccond Marriage, and
how far his anfwer doth extend. no man who is not very contentious will deny that the Pharifees askt our Lord whether it were lawful to put away fuch a wife, as was truly, and according to Gods that is, fuch a one as would dwell with her husband, and law, to be counted a wife But fhe could and wculd both perform the ncceffary duties of Wedloc tolerably. felf : her but of not with her is dwell not will who husband, goes put away by him, and fhe who denies to be a meet help, or to be fo hath made her felt unfit by open
,
mifdemeanours, or through incurable impotencics cannot be able, is not by the Law of God to be efteem'd a wife ; as hath bin (hewn both from the rirft inftitution, and Neither certainly would the Pharifees propound a quefiion other places of Scripture. had brought thir depravation of the Law concerning fuch an unconjugal wife ; for to a as to had his man that think, them to wife for any caufe, though put away right fafs,
never fo
(light.
Since therfore
it is
manifeft that Chrift anfwer'd the Pharifees con-
he forbid to divorce meet Wife according to the Law of God, cerning a tic and fees not that it is a wickednefs fo to wreft and for any caufe but Fornication :
whom
Who
extend that anfwer of

or hath
loft
his,
as
if it
forbad to divorce her
who
the place
and dignity of a Wife by deferved infamy,
hath already forfak'n, or hath uitdertak'n to
\m that which fhe hath not natural ability to be t This truth is fo powerful, that it hath mov'd the Papifts to grant thir kind of Divorce for other caufes befides adultery, as for ill ufage, and the not performing of con-
and to feparate from bed and board for thefe caufes, which is as much Dijugal duty ; as they grant for Adultery. vorce, But fom perhaps will objedt, that though it be yielded that our Lord granted Divorce not only for Adultery, yet
it is
not certain that he permitted Marriage after Divorce,
(
unlefs for that only caufe.
Ao6
I
anfwer, fiift, That the fentence of Divorce, Divorce, and fecond Marriage, is one and the fame. So that when the right of Divorce is evinc'd to belong not only to the caufe of Fornication, the power of fecond Marribe not limited to that cauleonly-, and that mod when age is alfo prov'd to
evidently,
as the
may
Cor. 7. fo frees the deferted party from Bondage, as that he not only fend a juft Divorce in cafe of Defertion, but may fcek another Mar-
Holy Ghoft,
riage.
Laftly, Seeing God will not that any fhould live in danger of Fornication and utter ruin for the default of another, and hath commanded the Husband to fend
a Bill of Divorce her whom he could not love j it is impoffible that the of fhould belong to him who for lawful caufes divorces and marries Adultery charge or to her who marries after (he hath bin unjuftly rejected, or to him who receives her without all fraud to the former wedloc. For this were a horrid blafphemy for who againft God, fo to interpret his words, as to make him diffent from himfelf
away with
contradiction in this, to enthral blamelefs men and women to miferies and injuries, under a falfe and foothing title of Marriage, and yet to declare by his Apofi !e that a brother or lifter i#iot under bondage in fuch cafes ? No lefs do thefe two
frcs
not a
flat
and
things conflict with thtmfelves, to enforce the innocent and faultles to enduie the pain and to rniiery of anothers perverfnes, or elfe to live in unavoidable temptation
,
affirm elifcwhcre that he lays on no man the burden of another ftrainany man to the endangering of his foul.
mans
fin,
nor doth con-
CHAP.
That
to
XLIV.
Marriage ought
to
thofe alfo
who are
jujlly divorced, fecotod be
permitted.
His although it be well prov'd, yet becaufe it concerns only the Offendor, him t6 fearch out his own Charter himfelf in the Author.
leave
CHAP.
That fom perfons
the
XLV.
are fo ordairPd to Marriage, as that they cannot obtain no not by earnefi Prayer ; and that therin every gift of Continence^ one is to be his own to and and not to have a left
judgment
conjeience,
burden laid upon hint by any other.
CHAP.
The Words of
the
XLVI.
the
praife of Jingle life unfolded.
I
Jpojlle concerning
fo
Hefe
ther
two Chapters not

not to
infer t.
immediatly debating the right of Divorce,
chofe ra-
CHAP.
The
XLVII.
Conflujion of this Treatife.
'Helc things, moft renowned King, I have brought together, both to explain for what caufes the unhappy, but fomtimes moft neceffary help of Divorce ought to be granted, according to God's Word, by Princes and Rulers: as alfo to explain how the words ofChrift do confent with fuch a I have bin grant. large indeed both in handling thofe Oracles of God, and in laying down thofe certain principles, whieff he who will know what the mind of God is in this matter, mull ever think on and remember. But if we confider what milt and obfeurity hath bin pour'd out by Antichrift
upon
this
queftion, and
life,
how
deep
this
admiration of fingle
ev'n in thofe
who
are not
pernicious contempt of Wedloc, and call'd therto, hath funk into
many mens
perfuafions, I fear left all that hath bin faid, be hardly enough to perfuade fuch that they would ceafe at length to make thcmfelves wifer and holier then God
himftlf,
C 407 )
being fofevere to grant lawful Marriage, and fo cafie to connive at all, not When as among the people of only whordoms, but derlowrings, and adulteries. whordom was to be no tolerated. God,
himfclf, in
Our Lord
Spirit
Jefus Chrift,
who came
and
Chriftians, and principally Commonwealth (for of the clear
upon
all
to deftroy the works of Satan, fend down his Chrillian Govemours both in Church upon
revolving the Scripture fo often as ye
againft us, when as all kind of unchaftity is tolerated, forwinkt at But holy and honourable Wedloc is oft withheld by the meer perfuafion of Antichrift, from fuch as without this remedy, cannot preferve thcmfelves from damnation For none who hath but a fpark of honefly will deny that Princes and States ought to ufe toward the of and hodiligence
provoke the anger of
God
judgment of your Royal Majclly I nothingdoubr do) that they may acknowledg how much they
nications and adulteries
ne(t
life
among
all
men, without which
all
Julliee, all fear
maintaining pure of God, and true Religion
decays.
not that chaftity and purenes of life can never be reftor'd, or conunlefs it be firfi eftablifht in private houfes, from whence the whole breed of men is to come forth ? To efTedt no wife man can
tinued in the
And who knows
Common- wealth,
this,
doubt that is isnecefTary for Princesjand Magillrates firft with dom and Adultery , next to lee that Marriages be lawfully
to punifh Whorcontradfed, and in the Lord,

feverity
then that they be faithfully kept} and la(Uy, when that unhappines urges, that they be lawfully diffolv'd, and other Marriage granted, according as the law of God, and of nature, and Conffitutions of pious Princes have decreed ; as I havefhewn both by evident autorities of Scripture, together with the and writings of the ancient
Fathers,
other teftimonieS.
Only
the
Lord grant that we may learn to

of Antichrift,
ing Word, before the
Comments
prefer his ever juft and favtoo deeply rooted in many, and the
falfeand blafphemous expofition of our Saviour's words,
Amen.
A
far
Postscript.
where
I
Martin Bucer
I
Whom
deny not to have efitomizPd > in the reft obferving a well- warranted an not to I could give Inventory of fo many words, but to weigh thir force. rule, have added that eloquent and right Chriftian difcours, written by Erafrmu on this Arto gument, not difagreeing in effeci from Bucer. But this, I hope, will be
excufe
the caufe, THus
might without injury to
either part
of
me
anough
with the meer
Engltjli/nan,
to be
no forger of new and
Others may read him
who
it
in his own phrafe on the firfi never could delight in long citations, much lefs in whole traductions be natural difpolition or education in me, or that my mother bore me a
loofc opinions. to the Corinthians, and eafe
me
Whether
fpeaker of
what
reck'n up, of no
1 could and Peter the firft ( Martyr among ) who are more then half our own in this controverfy. But this is a providence not to be flighted, that as Bucer wrote this tradht of Divorce in England and for England,
God made mine own,
and not a
tranflator.
There be others
alfo
whom
mean account
in the
Church
profelTcs he begun here among us the fame fubjedt, efpecially out of comthe need he faw this Nation had of fome charitable redrefs herin for and paffion, \ others to ufe thir belt induftry in the exhorts feriouily clearing of this point, wherin
(o
Erafmui
cuftom hath a greater fway then verity. That therfoie which came into the mind of thefe two admired ftrangers to do for England, and in a touch of higheft prudence which they took to be not yet recover'd from monaftic fuperftition, if 1 a native am found to have done for mine own Country, altogether furably and conformly to thir fo large and clear underftanding,yet without the leaft help of thirs, I fuppofe that henceforward among confcionable and judicious pcrfons, it will no more be thought to my dif And if thefe thir Books, the one (hall be credit, or at all to this Nations difhonour. with beft allowance in moll printed often religious Cities, the other with exprels auof truth be publifht and tority of Leo the tenth a Pope, (hall for the
propagating
repub-
lifhr,
againft the receiv'd opinion of that Church, and mine containing but the fame thing, fliall in a time of reformation, a time of free fpeaking, free writing, not find a permiffion to the Prefs , I refer to wil'eft men, whether truth be (ufler'd to
though
be truth, or liberty to be liberty
me now among
us,
and be not again
in
danger of new
fetters
(
fetters
4 o8)
loft: and whether Learning be not and captivity after all to be in the trodd'n down again by fear'd too profetically way ) ( which our enemies to God and the faith of out time owing Wherof while my Country, is, ignorance. not but God who hath dignify'd this ParI bid this Kingdom beware j and doubt liament already to fo many glorious degrees, will alfo give them ( which is a lingular in the midft of an unprincipl'd age ; and to inform themfelves
our hopes and labours
bleffing )
rightly
to prevent this
working my ftery of ignorance and ecclefialtical thraldom, which under new fhapes and difguifes begins afrefh to grow upon us.
col*
49
Colaftetion
A Reply
Wherin the
the
x
againft the
to a Namelefs
Difciplin
Answer
of
Do&rin and
trivial
Divorce.
Author of
with,
that
Licenfer conferr'd
Anfwer is difcover'd , and the Opinion which
they traduce, defended.
Prov.
Attfrver
XXVI.
folly, lejl
5.
to his fool according
he be
wife
in his
own
conceit.
many Rumours of Confutations and Convictions, forth-coming
againft.
the Dodtrin and Difciplin of Divorce, and now and then a by-blow from the Pulpir, feather'd with a cenfure ltridi indeed, but how true, more beit borrowed to be utholding to the Authority of that devout place which ter 'd in, then to any found reafon which it could oracle ; while I Hill hoped as lor a or learned difcretion come from them, it was bleffing to fee fome piece of diligence,
AFtcr
hap at length, lighting on a certain parcel of Queries, that feek and find not, to find not feeking, at the tail of Anabaptiflical, Antinomian, Heretical, Atheiflicai wonat pleafure: I flood awhile and Epithets, a jolly Slander, called Divorce in it finceto find or what what wc do to a Man's ufe, heart, Anatomy might dtrcd,
my
rity ; for all
our wonted Marks every day

for alter
fail
it
us,
and where
fee it is not,
and change refidence
cannot fure.
we thought it was, we And yet I fee no good of
Body or of Mind
nefs,
fecure to a
and perfeverance.
man for all his paft labours without perpetual watchfulWhenas one above others, who hath luffer'd much and long in
the defence of Truth, (hall after all this, give her caufe to leave him Co deftitute and fo vacant of her defence, as to yield his mouth to be the common road of Truth and Falfehood, and fuch falfehood as is joyned with a ra(h and hredlef; Calumny of his For wh* Book hath he ever met with, as his complaint is, Printed in
Neighbour.
the City, maintaining either in the title, or in the whole purfuance, Divorce at pleawhen through the ptrverfnels, fure ? Tis true, that to divorce upon extream nectffity,
or the apparent unritnefs of either, the continuance can be to both no good at all, but an intolerable injury and temptation to the wrong'd and the defrauded, to divorce
then there
national
is
Book
that writes
it
lawful.
Law,
not to be with-hcld from
And that this Law is a pure and wholfomc Good Men, becaufc others likely enough may
to thir pleafure, cannot be charged upon that Book, but muft be entred a bold and impious Accufation againft God himfelti who did not for this abufe with-hold It will be juft therfore', and btft for the reputation of him it from his own people. who in his Subitants hath thus cenfured, to recal his (entence. And if, out of the
abufe
it
abundance of
better
his
point, Provided he be fure not correction. willingly fubmit to his to come with thefe old and fiale Suppofitions, unlefs he can take away clearly what that Difcourfe hath urged againft them, by one who will expedt other Arguments to the health of a found Anfwer, then the Gout and Droplie of a big be
(hall
Imployments, undemanding fended in the Book,
readinefs of his Quill, and the vaftnefs of his other he can fpare us ought to the efpecially in the great Audit for Accounts, in be thankt he (hall of this publick ; and what hath of-
Volumes, and the
good perfwaded d and overlaid with crude and huddl'd Quotations. But as I ftill was Margent, litter' have done pelting at thir three waiting, when thefe light-armed Refuters would BonLines uttered with a fage delivery of no Reafon, but an impotent and worfe then a Book fair at to'a i difpute ner-Yike Cenfure, to burn that which provokes them length was brought to my hands intitl'd, An Anfwer to the Dotlrinand Difciplin of Divorce. g g Gladly
(
Gladly
I
4* )
it, attentively compofed my felf to read ; hoping that now fome good Man had vouchsafed the pains to inftruct me better, then 1 could yet learn out of all the Volumes which for this purpofe 1 had vifited. Only ih's I marvel'd,
receiv'd
and very
fince, when as I, in a fubjedt fo new to this Age, and fo hazardous to pleafe, conceal'd not my Namr, why this Author, defending that part which But ere I could enter three leaves is fo creeded by the People, would conceal his. rudenefs which by the Licencer's leave defer the into the Pamphlet, (fori pleafant came in fatisfa&ion with afterwards I met abundantly, that it could be nothing ) my
and other men have
For firit, he durft not name himfelf, but the guilt of his own wretchednefs. not to (peak of his abrupt and bald beginning, his very firit Page notorioufly bewraics him an illiterate and arrogant prefumer in that which he understands not, bearing us which had in hand as if he knew both Greek and Hebrew, and is not able to fpeli it If it be he been, it had been either written as it ought, or fcor'd upon the Printer.
why
excufcd as the carelefsnefs of his deputy, be it known, the learned Author himfelf is Whoever he inventoried, and fumm'd up to the utmofi value of his Livery. Cloak. be, though this to fome may feem a flight Confeii, I fhall yet continue to think that Man full of other -fecret injultice, and deceitful pride, who fhall offer in publick to affume the skill, though it be but of a Tongue which he hath not, and would catch his
not in him. The Licenfer indeed, as his but thefe if Greek much-, Orthographies were of Authority Nor did his Licencing, the Boys at School might reckon with him at his Grammar. I rind this his want of the pretended Languages alone, but accompanied with fuch a low and home-fpun Expreilion of his Mother-Englifh all along, without joynt or frame, as made me ere I knew further of him, often liop and conclude, that this AuNor was the fiile flat and rude, thor could for certain be no other then fome Mechanic there had been then for and the matter grave and (olid, pardon i but fo (hallow and fo
readers to believe of his ability, that
which
is
now ftands, may
licenfe
unwary was
that alfo, as gave fuffkiently the character of agrofs
and fluggilh,
yet a
contentious and ovcrwheening pretender.
For
hilt,
it
behoving him
to llnw, as he
promifes, what Divorce is, and what the true Doctrin and Dilciplin therof, and this being to do by fuch principles and proofs as are received on both lides, he performs neither of thefe \ but (hews it firft from the Judaical practice, which he himfelf difallows, and next from the practice of
fute utterly
calls
rejects ,
and
all
Canon-Law, which the Book he would conLaws depending thcron } which this puny Clark
:
as if the Laws of England, and yet pronounccth them by an Ecclefiaftical Judg on the which were to be accounted the Law of that Popery of dependcth England, or if it were, this Parliament he might know hath now damn'd that JudiEngland; cature. So that whether his meaning were to inform his own Party, or to confute his Adverfary, inflead of (hewing us the true Dodtrin and Difciplin of Divorce, he For what is the Mcfaic Law to ihews us nothing but his own contemptible Ignorance. his Opinion ? and what is the Canon, utterly now antiquated, either to that, or to mine ? Ye fee already what a faithful Defincr we have him. From fuch a wind Egg of definition as this, they who expect any of his other Arguments to be well hatchr, let
But one thing more I oblerved, a the virtue of thir worthy Champion. his Trade is not to meddle with Books, much and that lingular note of his flupidity, lefs with Confutations whenas the Dodfrin of Divorce had now a whole Year been
them enjoy
many Arguments added, and the former ones bettered and confirmed, this idle Pamphlet comes reeling forth againii the tirfr Edition only, as may appear to any by the Pages quoted. Which put me in mind of what by chance I had notice of to this purpofe the lalt Summer, as nothing fo ferious but happens ofttimes to be attended with a ridiculous accident ^ it was then told me that the Dodtrin of Divorce was anfwered, and the Anfwer halt printed againft the firit Edition, not by one, but by a pack of Heads ; of whom the chief, by circumltance, was intimated to me, and fince ratified to be no other, if any can hold laughter, and I am fure none will This Creature, for the ftory mull on, guefs him lower than an actual Serving-man. and what he be the of an lowed ( Interlude, he may deierve a canvaling) though perfon of and his Wages, and your better notice of to the tranfplanted himfelf, improvement his Capacity, turned Soliciter. And having conveifed much with a llripling Divine or two of thefe newly-fledg Probationers, that ufually come fcouting from the Univerfity, and lie here no lame Lcgers to pop into the Eethefda of fome Knights Chaplainto fhip, where they bring Grace to his good Cheer, but no Peace or Benediction tlfe his Houfe ; thefe made the Cham-party, he contributed the Law, and both joyned in the Divinity. Which made me intend, following the advice alfo of friends, to lay adde
publifhed the fecond time, with
the
(4
the
thoughtsof mifpending a Reply to the Buz of fuch a Drone's nefh But finding that it lay, whatever was the matter, half a year after unfinished in the Pre(s, and to the hearing for certain that a Divine of note, out of his had
taken
it
here and
ther,
into his Revife, and fomthing there with a claw of his own
I
faw the Stuff, faced with the commendations of a Licenfer,

the recreation, that
when
good-will Opinion, had put our, fomthing put in, and ftruck it And farCalligraphy to keep it from tainting though very coarfe and thredbare, garnifht and trimly
:
though
feen,
1
who may
foon as lcafure granted mc refolved, (hould not altogether lole his AlSoliciting. impute a (hare of the making to him whofe Name I rind in the Approbation,
I
Co
my Man
mind
of
Law
have begun, or to give it up for better reafbn. To begin then with the Licenfer and his Cenfure. For a Licenfer is not contented now to give his (ingle Imp rimat r, but brings his Chair into the Title leaf ; there fits and judges up, or judges down what Book he pleafcs if this be fuffered, what worthlefs Author, or what cunning Printer will not be ambitious of fuch a (tale to put off the heavieft gear which may in time bring in round fees to the Licenfer, and wretched > to the But to the matter: he approves the mifleading People publishing of this the Book, topreferve (trength and honour of Marriage againft thofe fad breaches and Mike then the wrongful fuffering of all thofe fad breaches dangerous abufes of it.
I
:
,
ferves him, this In the mean-while Reply. and avoid no Adverfary, either to maintain what refuffnoOccafion,
take, as his
itfhall be
Marriage to a remedilefs thraldom, is the ftrength and honour of Marand bcltial Strength, a difhonourablc Honour, an infatuated DoNext he &rin, worfe then the Salvo jure of tyranizing, which we all fight againft. faith, that common Difcontents make thefe Breaches in unflaid Minds, and Men given to change. His words may be apprehended, as if they difallowed only to divorce for common Difcontents, in unftaid minds, having no caufe, but a defire of change, and then we agree. But if he takes all Difcontents on this fide Adultery, to be common, that is to fay, not difficult to endure, and to affedt only unftaid Minds, it might admi* Comment * Mr. Caryl nifter ju(t caufe to think him the unfitteft man that could be, to offer at a upon Job ; as feeming by this to have no more true fence of a good man in his afflictions, then thefe Edomitilh friends had, of whom Job complains, and againft whom God tcllifies his anger. Shall a man of your ownCoar, who hath efpoufed his Flock, and reprefents Chrift more, in being the true Husband of his Congregation, then an ordinary man doth in being the Husband of his Wife, and this
in
and abufes
riage;
a boifterous
yet
(hall this Marriage mud be infeparable fpiritual Man ordinarily for the increafe of his maintenance, or any flight caufe, forfake that wedded Cure of Souls, that fliould be deareft to him, and marry another, and another? and (hall not a perfon wrongfully afflicted, and perfecuted even to extremity, forfake an unfit, injurious and peftilent Mate, tied only by a civil and fleftily Covenant ? If you be a man fo much hating Change, hate that other Change ; if your fdf be not of other guilty, counlel your Brethren to hate itj and leave to be
is
ment
reprefent-
thought
a chief caufe
why
',
thefupercilious
and Changes, that your own be not judged. The reafons of your licens'd Pamphlet, you fay arc good i they mull be better then your own then, I (hall wonder elfe how fuch a trivial fellow was accepted and commended, to be the confuter of fo dangerous an Opinion as ye give out mine.
Judg
mens
Miferies
Now
therfore to your Atrurncy, finceno worthier an Adverfary
makes
his
Appear-
ance, nor this neither his Appearance, but lurking under the fafety of his namelefs obfcurity ; fuch as ye turn him forth at the Poftern, I muft accept him, and in a better temper then jijax, do mean to fcourgc this for ye till I meet with his
Ram
Vlyffci.
it of him as good, cheap as any Huckfter at can as and afford, up, poffibly impertinent j but for that he hath He prefumes alfo to cite the Civil Law, which I perceive by his receiv'd his hanfel. citing never came within his Dormitory i yet what he cites, makes but againft him-
He
begins with
fet
Law, and we have
Law, newly
felf.
His fecond thing therfore
is
to refute
,
three Pages before he fets it down mind or difpofition, though
and
it
fets his
fclf in
the adverfe Pofition, and very methodically, own in the place, ThattJifagrcemcnt of
(hewing
much
fharpnefs, is not by the
Law
of
God or Man a juft caufe of Divorce. To this Pofition I anfwer That it Jays no
,
faces
it,
but tacks about long ere
it
comes
battery againft mine, no nor fo much as near, like a harmlefs and refpectful Con-
futement.
For
confefs that difagreement of
mind or
difpofition,
though
in
much
g g
fharpnefs,
( 412 )
But not always a juft caufe of Divorce ; for much may be endured. fharpnefs, ? what if the fharpnefs be much more than his much To that point it is our mifhap we will contradict the Pofition which I a!!edged, have not here his grave dccilion. He that or Difpofition can divorce, though (hewn of Mind no muft hold that difagreement and otherwife he leaves a place for Equity to appoint moft
is
in
fharpnefs
limits,
fo his
not prove following Arguments will either

firft
his
own Poiition,
is this v
or not difprove
His
ture
cafe
Argument,
all
but what hobbles to no purpofc,
Where
the Scrip-
commands
of Death,
a thing to be done, it appoints when, how, and for what, as in the But the Scripture directs not what meafure of or Excommunication.
difagreement or contrariety Divorce for difagreement.
may
divorce
Therefore the Scripture allows not any
the Scripture appoints many things, and yet Jnfvoer. Firft I deny your Major , ExMan's to difcretion, particularly, in your own Examples leaves the circumftance but what to left to the Church. for and be, is not communication when,
,
taught
could the Licenfer let pafs this childifh ignorance, and call it good ? Next, in matters of Death, the Laws of England, wherof you have intruded to be an opiniaftrous Sub-advocate, and are bound to defend them, conceive it not enjoy ned in Scrip-
How
ture,
when or for what caufe they fhall put to death, as in Adultery, Theft, and the Your Minor alfo is falfe, for the Scripture plainly fets down for what meafure like. of difagreement a Man may divorce, Dent. 24. 1. Learn better what that phrafe
in his eyes. means, // jhe find no favour more tedious fumbling, is briefly thus. If Diwithout Your (econd Argument, a breeds which greater diflike then any natural difagreement, may verfity in Religion, the not ltffer difagreement : But divcrfity of Religion then a cauie not may Divorce,
may
not
Ergo.
Firft,
I
the Major, that diverfity of Religion breeds a greater For between lfrathtt, or than natural Difagreement. Marriage-duties, love: but between them feen much to Chrifiian and Infidel, more often hath been it is clafh in natural Contrarieties, who repugnant that there fhould be
Anfwer.
deny
in
diflike to
perpetually ever any married Love or Concord. not to divorce in diverfity of Religion,
as. that
Next
if
deny your Minor, that

:
it is
commanded
Paul
the Infidel will flay
for that place in St.
Book at large affirmed, though you over-skipt it. commands nothing, If it do command, it is but with condition that the Infidel be content, Secondly,
and well-pleafed to ftay, which cuts off the fuppofal of any great hatred or difquiet between them, feeing the Infidel hath liberty to depart at pleafure ; and fo this comparifon avails nothing.
from Deut. 7J.. If a man hate his Wife, and raife an ill reno Virgin if this were falfe, he might not put her away, port, that he found her much. though hated never fo This was a malicious hatred, bent againft her Life, or to fend her out of Anfvetr. Such a Hater lofes by due punifhment that privilege, her Portion. without doors Deut. 24. 1. to divorce for a natural Diflike \ which though it could not love conjuBut doubtlefs the Wife in that fent away civilly, and with juft conditions.
Your
third
Argument
is
gally, yet
former
mortal
cafe
i
had
liberty to depart
from her
elfe
the
Law
peculiarly
made
falfe Accuftr, left his hatred fhould prove to right the Woman, had turned to her greateft
mifchief.
Your fourth Argument

but
chiefly
One
Chriftian ought fo bear the infirmities of another,
of his Wife.
I
but not outrages, not perpetual defraudments of trueft grant infirmities, Yet to endure vexations as importunate as fire. and conjugal fociety, not injuries For the SpiLaw. but not at well do Exhortation, acompulfive very much, might rit of God himfclf, by Solomon, declares that fuch a Confort the Earth cannot bear, and better dwell in a corner of the Houfe-top, or in the Wilderncfs. Burdens may be Chaborn, but ftill with confideration to the flrength of an honeft Man complaining.
Anfwtr.
our Enemies, yet doth not force us to rity indeed bids us forgive have been falfe or unworthy aud familiarity with thofe friends
who
continue friendfhip towards us ; but is

the
contented in our peace with them, at a
fair diftance.
Charity
commands not
Hus-
band to receive again into his Bofom the adulterous Wife, but thinks it enough, if more doth Charity comhe difmifs her with a beneficent and peaceful Difmiflion. mand > nor can her Rule compel, to retain in neareft Union of Wedloc, one whole
No
other groffeft faults, or difabilities to perform
what was covenanted,
are the juft
Caufes
(4i?)
as the private A& of Adultery. grievance and diiTention in a Family, Let not therfore, under the name of fulfilling Charity, fuch an unmerciful and more than legal Yoke, be pidlockt upon the Neck of any Christian. If the Husband ought to love his Wife, as Chrift his Church, Your rifth Argument then ought lhe not to be put away for contrariety of Mind. Anjwer. This Similitude turns againft him : For if the Husband mud be as Chrift If there be'a perto the Wife, then mull the Wife be as the Church to her Husband. Chrift himfelf toward the threatens to of Mind in Church Chrift, petual contrariety
fes
of
as
much
divorce fuch a Spoufe, and hath often done

1
it.
If
they urge this
was no
true
Church,
urge agiin that was no true Wile. His fixth Argument is from Matth. 5. 32. which he expounds after the old fafhion, and never takes notice of what I brought againft that Expofition , let him therfore Yet can he not leave this Argument, but he muft needs firlt feek his Anfwer there.
fhew us a curvet of
the point.
his
madnefs, holoingout an Objection, and running himfelf upon
For, faith he, if Chrilt except no Caufc but Adultery, then all other &c. are no Caufes of Divorce i and anfwers, as Caules, Frigidity, inceliuous Marriage, That the Speech of Chrift holds univerfally, as he intended it ; namely, to condemn Inch Divorce as was ground lrflypradtifcd among the Jews, for every Caufe which they thought fuffkient, not checking the Law of Confanguinities or Affinities, or forbidding other Caufe which makes Marriage void ipfo facto.
Anfrv. Look to it now you be not found taking Fees on both fides ; for if you once will do as much with as biing Limitations to the univerfal Words of Chrift, another he check did the neither Law, Dtut. 24. I. nor forgood Authority ; and affirm, that
bid the Caufes that
make Marriage void a&ually
which
if
any thing in the World
doth, Unfitnefs doth, and Contrariety of Mind ^ yea, more than Adultery, for that makes not the Marriage void, not much more unfit, but for the time, if the offended
But Unfitnefs ar.d Contrariety fruffrates and nullifies for ever, unk Party forgive. be a rare chance, all the good and peace of wedded Converfation ; and leaves nothing between them enjoyable, but a prone and favage Ncceffity, not worth the name of
it
Marriage, .unaccompanied with Love.

againft himfelf.
Thus much
his
own Objedion
hath done
7th. He infills, that Man and Wife are one flefti, therfore muft not feBut muff be lent to look again upon the * 3 5th Page of that Book, where he * Former E4U might read an Anfwer, which he ftirs not. Yet can he not abftain but he muft do us ano- An ther plealure ere he goes although I call the Common Pleas to witnefs, I have not hired his Tongue, whatever Men may think by his arguing. F r befides Adultery, he excepts other Caufes which diffblve the Union of being one flefh, either dire&ly, or by confequence. If only Adultery be excepted by our Saviour, and he voluntarily can add other Exceptions that diffblve that Union both diredfly and by confequence,
Argument
parate.
thefe
Words
of Chrilt, the main Obftacle of Divorce, are open to us by his
own
Invi-r
whatever Caufes diffblve that Union ofFlefh, either dirccSly or by Which, till he name other Caufes more likely, I affirm to be done confequence. fooneft by Unfitnefs and Contrariety of Mind j for that induces Hatred, which is the both of fpiritual and corporal Union, turning the Mind, and confegreateft Diflblver
tation, to include
quently the Body, to other Objedb, Thus our doughty Adverfary, either directly or by confequence, yields us the Queftion with his own mouth j and the next thing he does,
recants
it
again.
His 8th Argument fhivers in the uttering, and he confefleth to be not over-confident St. Paul, 1 Cor. 7, faith, that the marof it i but of the reft it may be fworn he is. ried havt trouble in the fiejh , therfore we muft bear it, though never fo intolerable.
I
anfwer.
are
If this be a true
Confequence,
is
why
are not all Troubles to be

?
born alike
why
lows
we
fuffered to divorce Adulteries, Defertions, or Frigidities
Who
knows
Folevery ftate of life ? we and muft not infupportable, therfore, though they grow avoid them? If we may in all other Conditions, and not in Marriage, the doom of our fuffering ties us not by the Trouble, but by the Bond of Marriage ; and that muft And his own Confefbe proved inleparable from other Reafons, not from this place. fion declares the weaknefs of this Argument, yet his ungovern'd Arrogance could nut be diflwaded from venting it.
not that Trouble and Affliction

it
the Decree of
God upon
that
exceflive
His
(.4H
That
a
his
I
Husband muft love his Wife &s himfelf; therfore he Hisjth Argument is, for any Difagreement, no more than he may feparate his Soul from not divorce may
as" himfelf, he muft love her fo far as he may preferve and comfortable manner, and not fo as to ruin himfelf by without any benefit to Next, if the Husband mud love his anguifli and forrow, hcr^ Wife a's himfelf, fhe mult be underftood a Wife in fome reafonable meafure,
:
Body. anlwcr
If
he love his Wife
himfelt to her in a cheerful
willing
and
perform the chief Duties of her Covenant, elfe by the hold of this to divorce either for Adultery or Delation. it would be his The great Sin Argument reft of this will run circuit with the Union of one Flefh' , which was anfwered before. And that to divorce a Relative and Metaphorical Union of two Bodies into one Flefh, can't be likened in all things to the dividing of that natural Union of Soul and Body
fufficient to
into one Perfon,
apparent of it felf. His laft Argument he fetches from the inconvenience that would follow upon this freedom of Divorce, to the corrupting of mens Minds, and the overturning of all
is
humane
But
Society.
for
me,
let
God
and Mofes anfwer
this
Blafphemer,
did
who
dares bring in fuch

this to his
a foul Indidtment againft the Divine Law.. but that the Right and Good which the
Why
God
permit
people
Jews, efteem, than the
and Evil which came would be left in thir Mothers Belly (which muft needs be good News for Chamber-maids to hear a Serving-man grown fo provident for great Belthe antient lies ) and Portions and Joyntures likely to incur imbezlemcnt hereby, Civil Law inftructs us plentifully how to award, which our profound Oppofite knew not, for it was not in his Tenures.
Wrong
diredfly therby was more in his And for thofe weak Supby accident ?
came
that poses of Infants
now follows the Chaplain with his Antiquities, wifer His Arguments are fpun he had refrained, for his very touching ought that is learned, foils it, and lays him There being both Fathers and Counfrill more and more open, a confpicuous Gull. cels more antient, wherwith to have ferved his purpofe better than with what he
-,
if
cites,
how may we do
to
know
the fubtile drift that
moved him
to begin,
rirft
with
I would not undervalue the the twelfth Councel of Toledo? depth of his Notion j heard the of Toledo had of he that Men ftore had hut perhaps good blade Mettle, and were excellent at Cutling : Who can tell but it might be the reach of his policy, that
thefe able Men of Decifion would do beft to have the prime ftroak among his Teftimonies in deciding this Caufe ? But all this craft avails him not; for lecing they allow no caufe of Divorce but Fornication, what do thefe keen Doctors here, but cut him over the Sihews with thir Toledo's, for holding in the precedent Page other Caufes of Divorce befides, both diredtly and by confequence ? As evil doth that-Saxon For if it allow Divorce precifely for no caufe Councel, next quoted, beftead him. own and if it underftand Fornication thwarts his it but Fornication, Expofition it .fides with whom he would confute. However, the Authority of that Sylargely,
:
nod can be but fmall, being under Theodoriu, the Canterbury Bifhop, a Grecian Monk What have we next ? The of Tarfus, revolted from his own Church to the Pope. Civil Law ftufft in between two Councels, as if the Code had been fome Synod \ for that he underftood himfelf in this Quotation, is incredible \ where the Law, Cod. 1. 3.
tit.
38.
leg.
11.
vers Heirs,
wherby
fpeaks not of Divorce,- but againft the dividing of Poffeflions to dithe married Servants of a great Family were divided, perhaps in;
to diftant Countries and Colonies

thir will.
Father from Son, Wife from Husband,
fore againft
Somewhat lower he confelTeth, that the Civil Law allows many Reafons >of Divorce, but the Canon Law decrees otherwife ; A fair credit to his Caufe! And I amaze me, though the fancy of this Doubt be as obtufe and fad as any Mallet, how the Licenfer could fleep out all this,, and fuffer him to uphold his Opinion by Canons
i
and Gregorial Decretals ; a Law which not only his Adverfary, but the whole Reformation of this Church and State hath branded and rejected. As ignorantly, and too ignorantly to deceive any Reader but an unlearned, he talks of Jufiin Martyr's Apology, .not telling us which of the twain ; for that pafTage in the beginning of his hrft, which I have cited elfewhere, plainly makes againft him,: So doth Tertullian, cited next, and next Eraftmu, the one againft Marciony the other in his Annotations on Matthew, And thus ye have the Lift of his choice Antiquities, as pleaand to the Corinthians. chofen as wiih from a man of his handy Vocation, purTt up with no would ye fantly lutk at all, above the flint of his capacity.
Now
(4i5
which
1
Now
man,
lit
comes
to the Pofition,
let
Barber-Surgery, and his Sleeves turned up. Wherin rirft, he denies that any Difpofition, Unfitnefs, or Contrariety of Mind, is unchangeable in Nature, but that by the help of Diet and Phylick it may be alter'd.
flics it
into four,
that he
may
the better
down whole come at it with
arid like
his
an able Text-
to But I apdifpute Philofophy with this Pork, who never read any. Experience, though there be many drugs to purge thefc redundant Humours and Circulations, that commonly impair Health, and arc not natural, whether any man can with the fafety of his life bring a healthy Conltitution into Phylick with this
I
mean not
all
peal to
How much more defign, to alter his natural temperament and dilpofition of Mind. vain and ridiculous would it be, by altering and rooting up the Grounds ot Nature, which is molt likely to produce Death or Madnefs, to hope the reducing of a Mind to
this or that fitnefs, or two difagreeing Minds to a mutual Sympathy ? Suppofe they might, and that with great danger of thir Lives and right Senles, alter one temperature, how can they know that the fucceeding Difpofition will not be as far from Fitncls and Agreement ? but They would perhaps change Melancholy into Sanguin what if Fleam and Choler in as great a meafure come inftead, the Unfitnefs will be fhll as difficult 3nd troubltfome ? But laftly, Whether thefe things be changeable or teaches our and Petition fuppofes that they (eldom do us, not, Experience change in time commenlurable to the of Man, or convenient to the Ends of MarNeceflities any and it the fault be in the one, (hall the other live all his days in Bondage and riage
,
'>
To Milery for anothers perverfnefs, or immedicable difaffcdiion ? which may feweft be Co unhappy, I have a Pvemedy, as they know,
manly
my
Friends,
of
more wife and
to prescribe; but for his Friends and Followers ( of which many may deferve to feel themfelves the jufily unhappinefs which they confider not in others ) 1 fend them by his advice to fit upon the Stool and ftraifi, till thir crofs Difpofitions and Contrarieties of
of
change to a better correfpondence, and to a quicker apprehenlion and thir own good. His fecond Reafon is as heedlels i becaufe that Grace may change the Difpofition
(ball
Mind
common
no
fenfe,
therfrre
Anfw.
it
Indilpofition may caufe Divorce. Firft, it will not be deniable that
many
perfons, gracious both,

.
happen to be very
be of thole, in
unfitly married to the great dillurbance of cither. Secondly, one have Grace, the other not, and will not alter, as the Scriptures teliirie
may yet What

there
charge, when the Blackamoor changes his or the hit J'pots, Jer. 15. 23. Shall the gracious therefore dwell in Leopard colour, Torment all his lite for the ungracious ? We ice that holieft Precepts, than which there can no better Phylick be adminiftied to the mind of Man, and let on with powerful Preaching, cannot work this cure, no not in the Family, not in the Wife of
expedt
a
whom we may
him
that preaches Day and Night to her. What an unreafonable thing it is that Men and Cleigymen clpecially, fhould exaft fuch wondrous Changes in another man's Houfe, and are (een to work (0 little in thir own ? To the fecond Point of the Petition, That this Unfitnefs hinders the main Ends and Benefits of Marriage ^ he anfwers, If I mean the Unfitnefs ofCholer, or fallen
Difpofition, that [oft words, according to Solomon, pacify xcrath. But 1 reply, That the Saying of Solomon is a Proverb frequently true, not univerfally, as both the Event (hews, and many other Sentences written by the fame
Author,
particularly of an evil Woman, Prov. 21. 9, 19. and in other Chapters, that fhe is better fhunn'd than dwelt with, and a Dcfert is preferr'd before her What Society. need the Spirit of God put this choice into our heads, it fort words could always take
effedt
with her?
let
How
frivolous?
is
thus, and
him come abroad

Anfwer
I
not only this Dilputer, but he that taught
him
To
his fecond
return this,
That although
an Antipathy, as to hate one another
like a
Toad
or Poifon
there benot eafily found fuch ; yet that there is oft fuch
a diflike in both, or either, to conjugal Love, as hinders all the comfort of Matrimony, fcarce any C3n be fo fimple as not to apprehend. And what can be that favour, found or not found, in the eyes of the Husband, but a natural who*' Liking or Difliking of the Law of God, Veut. 24. bears witnefs,. as of an ordinary Accident, and dctermins wifely and divinely therafter. And this difaffedtion hap'ning to be in the one, not without the unfpeakable difcomfort of the other, mull he be left like a thing confecrated to Calamity, and defpair without Redemption ?
:,
Again ft
( 4 i6)
of the Pofition, he denies that Solace Againfl the third Branch of Marriage. and to Difcord Variance, is the main end contrary
and Peace, which
is
What
then
>
He
will
have
it
fome Sue
Came this Do&rine out of fome School or the Solace of Male and Female. but one forfakcn of all Senfe and civil Nature, and chiefly of Chri?
Who
that Peace, contrary to Difcord, flianity, will deny
is
the Calling and the general

efpecially of Marriage,
End
of everv Ghriltian, and of is the dearefl League of Love, and the

all his
?
A&ions, and more
which
dearefi R.efemblance of that Love which in Chrift Peace and Comfort, as it is contrary to Difthen can is dearelt to his Church be the main end of Marriage ? not dwell to God hates with, Difcord cord, which far above the obfervance of a civil Coveto and to Peace, we then purfue
how
ought
fly,
And what nant already broken, and the breaking daily iterated on the other tide. better Tefiimony than the words of the IntUtution it felf, to prove that a converting Solace and peaceful Society, is the prime end of Marriage, without which no other or Office can be mutual, befceming the Dignity of reafonable Creatures, that
Help
Inch as they fhould be coupled in the Rites of Nature by the meer compulsion of Lull, without Love or Peace, worfe than wild Beaifts ? Nor was it half fo wifely fpoken as had intended other than Copulation fome it, that if God
in
deem, though Aufiin-Cpake have created a Friend, rather than a Wife, to conMarriage, he would for Adam blame him for this opinion : for which and the like own Writers our vert*: with^ and he might be juflly taxed of Rufticity in thefe affairs. concerning Marriage,
paffages,
cannot but be with eafe conceived, that there is one Society of grave Friendand another amiable and attractive Society of conjugal Love, befides thedted ship, of Procreation, which of it felf foon cloys, and is defpifed, unlefs it be cheiifht and reWhich if ignoble and fwainifh Minds cannot incited with a pleating Converfation. to be the Cenfurers of more generous and vertuapprehend, (hall fuch merit therfore
For
this
ous Sp
rirs ?
drawling
the Pofition, to prove that Contrariety of Mind is not a Againtt the lafi Point of enters into fuch a tedious and than Divorce corporal Frigidity, he greater caufe of tale of Burning, and Burning, and Lull and Burning, that the dull Argu-
and yet all this Burning is not able to expel it felf burns too for want cf fiirring the Fri?idity of his Brain. So long therfore as that Caufe in the Pofition (hall be proved a fuffkient caufe of Divorce, rather than fpend words with this flcamy Clod of an An-
ment
tagonilr,
ther
it
more than of needfity and a little merriment, be a greater Caufe than Frigidity or no.
will
not
nv
contend whe-
His next attempt is upon the Arguments which I brought to prove the Pofition. And for the firif, not finding it of that flrudure as to be fcalcd with his (hort Ladder, And I as much wonder what he retreats with a Bravado, that it deferves no Anfwer.
Book deferved, to be thus troubled and folicited by fuch a paltry Solicitor. would he had not cait the gracious Eye of his Duncery upon the fmall Deletes of a uncafes him to (corn and laughter. Pamphlet, whofe every Line medled with, That which he takes for the fecond Argument, it he look better, is no Argument,
the whole
I
but an Induction to thofe that follow. Then he ftumbles that I fhould fay, the gentleft And I believe him heartily: ends of Marriage, confeffing that he underflands it not. For how thould he, a Serving-man both by Nature and by Function, an Idiot by ever come to know or feel within himfelf Breeding, and a Solicitor by Prefumption, it for a neat blames He what the meaning is of gentle ? Phrafe, for nothing angers without Art fure he is not Yet him more than his own proper Contrary. altogether for who could have devifed to give us more briefly a better defcription of his own
,
Servility
But what will become

taken with a Lunacy of
:
now
of the bufinefs
know
not
for the
Man
is
fuddenly
Law, and fpeaks Revelations out of the Attorneys Academy a from For he fays, that where a thing is void, iffu'fatlo, there' only lying fp'irit which is falfe, for Marriage is void by needs no legal Proceeding to make it void Then asks my Adultery or Frigidity, yet not made void without legal Proceeding. anfwer that for my part, and I him, I, Opinion of Jchn-a-Noaks and John. a- Stiles the them for of both better than was a Man think John Dory ; certainly they were all our Law-books with the obtundfill'd have that ever and lived, greateft Wranglers ing Story of their Suits and Tryals. After this he tells a miraculous piece of Antiquity, how two Romans, TiVwand Rome fure, and levied Forces by the Common Law. Sempronita, made Feoffments, at But now his fit of Law pall, yet hardly ccme to himfelf, he maintains, that if Marnor Nature, there needs no legal proceeding to riage be void, as being neither of Gcd
:
*
part
(
pare
it,
and
is
tell
him
that offends not
Book, being the Dodtrin and

Difciplin
cal,
not Legal, that

Eccletiaftieal.
is
s cjuoth he, this is nothing to your But that I deny him ; lor all Divorce. of Difciplin to fay Juridical, but foil) is Perfonal, ibm Economi-
417 ) me Then,
and fom
and
Laltly, Ifl prove that contrary Difpolitions are joyned neither of God nor Nature, fo the Marriage void, Tie will give me rhe Controveriie. I have prov'd it in that to be
Book to any witeM3n, and without more ado the InMitution proves it. Where I anfwer an objection ufually made, that the Dilpoiition ought
before Marriage, and fhew how difficult it eafy tomilfakej the Servitor, would know what
his
known
is I
to choofc a
fit
Confort,,and
how
mean by Converlation,
declaring
Capacity nothing refined lince his Law-puddcring, but Hill the fame it was in the Shall 1 argue of Converlation with this Hoyd'n, to go and Pantry and at the Drtffer. ? To men of Quality I have laid enough i pratftifc at his opportunities in the Larder and Experience confirms by daily Example that wiftll, iobcrell, juflelt Men art tomtimes miferably miltaken in thir choice. Whom to leave thus without remedy, toll and tempefted in a molt unquiet Sea of Afflictions and Temptations, I fay is molt unchriliianly.
Arguments, imagining them his mailers Points, but admire the ripenefs, and the pregnanes cannot Only of his native treachery, endeavouring to be more a Fox than his wit will iufter him. Wheras I briefly mentioned certain Heads of difcourfe, which I referr'd to a place more proper according to my Method, to be treated ther at full with all thir Reafons about
But he goes on to untrufs
my
I
in the paflage following,
them,
this
Brain-worm
againlf
all
the
Laws of
difpute, will needs deal with rhenl
a Country Hind, fomtimes ambitious to fhew his betters that he is not here. fo timpleas you take him, and that he knows his advantages, will teach us a new trick to confute by. And would you think to what a pride he iwells in the Contemplation
And as
of his rare flratagem, offering to carp at the Language of a Book, which yet he confeffts to be generally commended ^ while himfelf will be acknowledged by all that read him, the bafefl and the hungrelt indighter, that could take the boldnels to look abroad. 1 had written Obferve now the Arrogance of a Groom, how it will mount. that common Adultery is a thing which the rankelt politician would think it fliame and
difworfliip,
that his
Law
fhould
countenance.
Firlf,
it
offends him, that rankeft
fhould fignifie ought but his own fmell } who that knows Enghfh, would not underlland me, when I fay a rank Serving-man, a rank Pettifogger, to mean a meer
Serving-man, a meer and arrant Pettifogger, who lately was fo hardy, as to lay alide his Buckram- wallet, and make himfclf a fool in Print, with confuting Books which are above him? Next the word Politician is not ufed to his Maw, and thcrupon he plays the .moll notorious Hobby-horfe, jelling and frisking in the Luxury of his Nonwith fuch poor fetches to cog a laughter from us, that no antic Hobnail at a Morris, but is more handfomly facetious. Concerning that place Deut. 24. 1. which he faith to be the main Pillar of my Opinion, though I rely more on the Inttitution than on that : Thefe two Pillars I do indeed confefs are to me as thofe two in the Porch of the Temple, Jachin and Boaz,, which names import Eltablilhment and Strength > nor do I fear who can fhake them. The Expolition of Dent, which 1 brought, is the received Expoiition, both anticnt and
li-nce
modern, by all Learned Men, unlefs it be a Monkifh Papift here and there and the which he and his obfeure Afliftant would perlwade us to, is meerly new and abfurd, prcfuming out of his utter ignorance in the Hebrew, to interpret thefe words of
:
Glol's
approved Writers. Sewithout limitation, fom condly, lpeaks undeannefs or any : and it had been a wife Law indeed to mean it felf particular, and not to exprefs the cale which this acute Rabbi hath all this while been hooking for 3 wherbv they who are moft partial to him may guefs that fomthing is in this Dodlriil which I alltdg, that forces the Adverfary to fuch ,a new and (trained Expolition :
the Text,
firlf,
in a
milfaken fenle cf undeannefs, againft
all
in
a limited fenle,
whenas the Original
Wherin he docs nothing
own
Objections
it
firming that
the Mofaic
for above four Pages, but founder himfelf to and fro in his one while denying that Divorce was permitted, another while afwas permitted for the Wives fake, anâfter all , diltrufis himfelf. And
,
for his llirelt retirement, betakes
him
to thofe old Suppolitions, that Chriff abolilht
Jews had not furricient knowledg in this pointj darknefs of the Difpenlation of heavenly things , that under the plenteous the through Grace of the Gofpel, we are tied by cruelleft compulfion to live in Marriage till deaths
;
Law
of Divorce
that the
with the wickedell, the worll, the moll perfecuting Mate
Thefe ignorant anddormfs

filrmiU
;
h h
(4i8
iurmifes he might have read confuted at large, even in the firft Edition, but found it fafer to pafs that part over in filence. So that they who fee not the fottifhnefs of this his new and tedious Expofition, are worthy to love it dearly.
His Explanation don, he charges
me
for faying that Chrift in teaching, meant not always to.be taken word forwor<Ji but like a wife Phyfician, adminiftring one Excefs againft another, to reduce us to a perfect mean. Certainly to teach thus, were no dithoneft method : Chrift himfelf hath
with a wicked Glofs, and almoft Blafphemy,
often ufed Hyberboles in his teaching i and graveft Authors, both Jriflotle in the fecond of hi^ Ethics t0 Nicbomachw, and Stneca in his fevenlh de Benefices, advife us to ftretch out the Line of Precept oft-times beyond meafure, that while we tend further, the mean might be the eaficr attained. And whoever comments that 5th of Matthew, when he comes to the turning of Cheek after Cheek to blows, and the parting both with Cloak and Coat, if any pleafe to be the rifler, will be forced to recommend himfelf to the fame Expofition, though this chattering Law-mongrr be bold to call it wicked. note another precious piece of him ; Chrift, faith he, doth not as if the unfay that an uaehafi look is Adultery, but the Infling after her
Now
looking
,
chaftly could be
without
lulling.
This gear
is
licenfed for
good reafon
Iwfri-
matur.
Next he would prove
that the Speech of Chrift
is
not utter'd in excefs againft the
Pharifees, firft, Becaufe he fpeaks it to his Difciples, Matth. 5. which is falfe, for he fpake it to the Multitude, as by the firft Verfc is evident, among which in all likeJyhood were many Pharifes, but out of doubt, all of them Pharifean Difciples, and bred up in thir Dodfrin \ from which extreams of Error and Falfity, Chrift throughout his whole Sermon labours to reclaim the People. Secondly, faith he, becaufe Chrift forbids not only putting away, but marrying her who is put away. Acutely, as if the Pharifes might not have offended as much in marrying the Divorc'd, as in di-
The Precept may bind all, rightly underftood vorcing the Married. vehement manner of giving if, may be occafion'd only by the Pharifes.
and yet the
Finally, he winds up his Text with much doubt and trepidation \ for it may be his Trenchers were not fcrap'd, and that which never yet afforded Coin of Savour to his Noddle, the Salt-feller was not rubb'd : and therfore in this haft eafily granting, that his Anfwers fall foul upon each other, and praying, you would not think he writes, as a but as a he runs to the Black fills his Man, Prophet, Jack, Flagon, fpreads the Table, and ferves up Dinner. After waiting and voiding, he thinks to void my ficond Argument, and the contradictions that will follow both in the Law and Gofpel, if the Mofaic Law were abrohis old gated by our Saviour, and a compulfive Prohibition rixt infttad and
:
fings
Gofpel counts unlawful that which the Law allow'cl, inflancing in CirSong, But what are thefe ceremonial things to the cumcifion, Sacrifices, Wafhings. changof a moral in houfhold ing point Duty, equally belonging to Jew and Gentile? Divorce was then right, now wrong ; then permitted in the rigorous time of Law,
that the
now forbidd'n by Law, even to the moft extreamly afflidted, in the favourable time of Grace and Freedom. But this is not for an unbutton 'd fellow to difcufs in the Garret at his Trefsle, and dimenfion of Candle by the Snuff; which brought forth his cullionly Paraphrafe on St. Paul, whom he brings in, difcourfing fuch idle ftuff to the Maids and Widows,as his own fervile Inurbanity forbears not to put into the Apoflle's mouth, of the Souls converting and this he prefumes to do, being a Bayard, who never had the foul to know what converting means, but as his Provender, and the fa:
miliarity of the Kitchin fchooPd his conceptions. Hepaffes to the third Argument, like a Boar in a Vineyard, doing naught elfe, but ftill as he and what I could mean by this Chimera of goes
champing chewing over, a fit converfmg foul, Notions and Words never made for thefe chops rous Wine, only by over- working the fettled Mud of his fancy, to
but like a gene-
make him drunk,

I
and difgorge his vilenefs the more openly. All perfons of gentle Breeding ( fay gentle, though this Barrow grunt at the word ) I know will apprehend, and be fatisfied in what I fpake, how unpleafing and difcontenting the Society of Body mull needs be between thofe whofc Minds Annot be fociable. But what fhould a Man fay more to a Snout in this pickle ? what Language can be low and degenerate enough ? The fourth Argument which 1 had, was, That Marriage being a Covenant, the very being wherof confifts in the Performance of unfained Love and Peace > if that wer not tolerably performed, the Cov'nant became broke and revocable. Which how can any, in whofc mind the principles of right Reafon and Juftice arc not canceled,
deny
?
(
deny
?
4*9
can a thing fubfift, when the true EiTencc therof is dtilblved ? Yet this he denies, and yet in iuch a manner as alters my allrrtion for he puts in, though j the main end be not attained in full mcalurc but my Politiou is, if it be not tokfor
:
how
Now is ihe main end of Communion with God, fhould he therfore break off that Communion ? I but ih anfwer, That if Heman found it not, the fault was certainly his own it far otherwile: lomtimes ihe fault is not his who fecks Marriage happ'ns plainly Divorce: fomtimes it cannot be difcern'd whole fault if is; and therfore cannot in Reafon or Equity be the matter of an ablulute Prohibition. His other infiance declare- , what a light Handicrafts-man he is of petty Cafe^ and
,
rably attained, as throughout the whole Difcourfe is apparent. for his Realons Heman found not that Peace and Solace which
how
with
unfit to be
ought
elle at
1
\ fuppoltd not therfore go from niv Bargain. How without fear might the young Chorines in Andria now cry out, What Lkrnefs can be here to a Marriage ? In this Bargain
man
it is
do
I higheff, but a Hackney of the Law. change HoufcS it for ends own I attain them not in this Houfe > my ;
I (hall
was no Capitulation, but the yielding of Poftelfion them had his feveral end apart ? in Marriage there is
lity
to
a
one another, -wham cachet folcmu Vow of Love and Fide-
change; in Marriage the one of them perform nothing tolerably, but inftead* of Love, abound in Difatfcction, Difobcdience, Fraud and Hatred ; what thing in the nature of a Covenant mail bind the other to fuch a perdurable mifchief ? Keep to your
:
each to other
this
Bargain
is
fully accomplifht in the
Covenant
full is in
performing.
If
Problems of Ten groats,

babble
in.
thefc matters ate
not for Pragmaticks,
aid
Folk-mootets to
Concerning the place of Paul, that God hath called us to peace, I Cor. 7. And thei any-where in this World, we have aright to claim it reaionably in Marriage, it is plain enough in the fenle which 1 gave, and confeft by Partem, and other Orthodox Divines, to be a good fenfe, and this Anfweier doth not wcak'n it.
fore certainly, if
The
other place, that he whohatcth,
mayphtaway, which,
is,
I
mifes to yield the whole Controverfie, Of Malachy before this, Exod. 21. 8.
fay again,
tranflate
chief.
it,
that the beft Interpreters,

as I cite
it,
all
fhew him, he proVent. 21.14. and" have fpoken more in another place-, and the Anticnt, and mod of the Modern
if I
befides Dent. 24.1.
and very few otherwife,

is
wherof perhaps Junim

myjieryofjoy.
Let
is
the
Another thing troubles him, that Marriage

trouble
called the
it
Hill
him \
for
what hath he
it
franrick Divinity to fay,
is
do cither with joy or with mylkry ? He thinks it not the outward continuance of Marriage that keeps the
to
to peace
Covenant of Marriage whole*, but whofoever doth molt according

,
and love}
If 1 (hall whether in Marriage or Divorce, he breaks Marriage .leaft. fpell it to him; for leaft is taken in he breaks Marriage leaft, is to fay, he difhonours not Marriage And a particular Marriage i the Bible, and other good Authors, for, not at all. and for a lawful not if Man may break, break, that is, not violate, or Caufe, yet
Hence thefe two Queftions that follow, arc d'fhonour the Ordinance of Marriage. and the Maids at Algate y whom he flouts, are likely to have more left ridiculous Wit than the Serving-man at AddlegtHe.
-,
Wheras he taxes me ofadding

ling of every
to the Scripture, in that
faid
Love only
is
the
fulfil-
Commandment,
collected
cited
no
particular Scripture, but ipakc a general fenfej
For feeing Love includes Faith, what is ? and I meant, as any intelliand civil Commandment, wherof gent Reader might apprehend , every pofitive It is not the formal Chrift hath taught us that Man is the Lord. Duty of Worlhip, but whofoever doth moll acor the fitting ftill, that keeps the holy Reft of Sabbath cording to Charity, whether he works or works not, he breaks the holy Reft of Sabbath So Marriage being a Civil Ordinance, made for Man, not Man for it \ he who doth leaft. that which moll accords with Charity, firft to himfelf, next to whom he next owes itj whether in Marriage or Divorce, he breaks the Ordinance of Marriage leaft. And what iri religious Prudence can be Charity to himfelf, and what*to his Wife, either in continuing, or in diflolving the Marriag-knot, hath been already oft enough difcourfed. So that what St. Paul faith of CircumcifioD, the fame I flick not to iay of a Civil Ordinance, made to the good and comfort of Man, not to his ruin i Marriage is noAnd this I truft thing, and Divorce is nothing, but Faith which worketh by Love.
which might be
from many
places.
there that can fulfil every
Commandment
but only Love
none can miftake.
h h 2
Againft
42 )
fifth Argument, That a Chriliian in a higher Order of Priefthood than Agiinfi the that Lcvitical, is a perfon dedicate to Joy and Peace i and therefore needs not in iiiba Civil Ordinance, made to no other end but for his good, ( when withjcdtion to he finds it impoffible to be decently or tolerably obferved ) to plunge his fault out himfclf into immeafurable Diftra'fHons and Temptations , above his firength j
againlt
are.
this
he proves nothing,
as
but gads into

reafon
filly
conje&uies of what Abufes

againft the beft things that
would follow, and with
good
might declaim
fixth Argument, That to force the Continuance of Marriage between Againft the Minds found utterly unfit and difproportional, is againlt Natu/e, and fcems forbid under that allegorical Precept of Mofes, not to fow a Field with divers Seeds, left both
and an Afs together, which I dtduced by be defiled ^ not to plough with an the pattern of St. Paul's realbning what was meant by not muzling the ^ he rambles over along Narration, to tell us that by the Oxen are meant the Preachers: which is not doubted. Then he demands if this my reafoning be like St.PWs ? and
Ox
Ox
anfwer him, Yes

1
And
yoking, firft how he can VVaigh, Gentlemen, and coniider, difprovc it. pofe, and fhews not whether my Affirmations, backt with Peeafon, may hold ballance againlt the bare
Denials of this ponderous Confuter, eledted by his ghoftly Patrons to be
He replys, that fure St. Paul would be afham'd to reafon thus. He grants that place which I alledged, 2 Cor. 6. of unequal tell him, No. to that of Mofes, but fays, I cannot prove it makes to my purmay allude
:
my
Copes-
mate.
in Nature, I had occafion to fit the Proceeding on to fpeak of myfterious things for the reading of this odious Fool, who thus matters not \ therafter, Language
ever
when he meets with ought above

him,
fiench of his rude Slot behind
the cogitation of his Breeding, leaves the noifom maligning that any thing fhould be fpoke or un,
and gives fentence that his confuting hath Who could been .imploytd about a frothy, immeritous and undeferving Difcourfe. have believed fo much Inlolence durlt vent it felf from out the Hide of a Varlet, as thus to cenfure that which Men of mature judgment have applauded to be writ with good Reafon ? But this contents him not, he (alls now to rave in his barbarous abuan Artificer, becaufe he faith the Book is fivenefs; and why ? a reafon befitting fuch
dcrltood above his
own
genuin bafenefs
to all human Learning ; whenas the World knows, that all, both Human and Divine Learning, till the Canon-Law, allow'd Divorce by confent, and for many Next he dooms it as contrary to Truth ; whenas it hath C3ufts without conftnt. been difputable among Learned Men ever lince it was prohibited : and is by Peter A/irtyr thought an Opinion not impious, but hard to be refuted-, and by Era/mm drun'd a Dodlrin fo charitable and pious, af, if it cannot be ufed, were to be wilhed it could ; but is by AUrtm Bucer, a nun of deareft and molt religious Mein the Church, taught and maintained to be either molt lawfully ufed, or molt
contrary
mory
lawfully permitted.
to be burnt by the
And
for this,
for
affirm
you think, Readers, he hath condemned the Book to
Hangman. Mr. Licenler, worth my Earned, and now not feafonable for my Jclt, you are reputed a Man difcreet that is, to an ordinary competence in all enough, religious enough, honelt enough, thefe. But now your turn is, to hear what your own hand hath earned ye i that when
you
luffered this
a
no more than Bucer, what cenfure do ? To a death no lefs impious than for 1 deal not now with this Caitiff, never
lumelcfs
Hangman
to call into publick fuch a defpitelul
Contumely
upon Name and Perfon one who hath done more

or difcreet.
defcrving of the Church and State equally to your felf, and to the piefent advancement of your own Tribe, than you or
fur themfelves
,
you forgot to be either honeft, religious, might do concerning ir, fuppos'd a matter to expe& Evil from, I fhould not doubt to meet among them with wile, and honourable, and knowing Men. But as to this brute Libel, fo much the more impudent and lawlsfs I abominate the Cenfure of for .me abufed xAuthority which it bears ; I fay again, that
many of them have done

Whatever
the State
Pvafcals
and thir Licenfers,
for the difdain difficulty I return to what remains of this ignoble Task, hive to change a period more with the filth and venom of this Gourmand, fwell'd into a Confute^ yet, for the fatisfadion of others, I endure all this. the feventh Argument, That if the Canon- Law and Divines allow Divorce
With
Againlt
for Confpiracy of Death, they may as wejl allow from the likelihood of natural Caufes :
it
to avoid the
fame confequencc
Firft,
(
Firft,
1
42i
he denies that the Canon fo decrees.

it
anfwer, That
I.
decrees for danger of Life, as
much
as for Adultery. Decree.
Gri-
gor.
Law,
4. tit. ip. and in other places : And the belt Civilians who cite the Ganon1 o. de Divert. And indeed, who fo collect, as Schncidevein in p. 4. InjlitHt. tit.
would have denied it, but one of a reprobate Ignorance in all he medics with r Secondly, He faith, the cafe alters j for there the Offender, who fceks the Life, doth
implicitly at halt
ad
a Divorce.
anfwer, That here Nature, though no Offender, doth the lame. But if an Offender by acting a Divorce, (hall releafe the offended, this is an ample grant againlt
I
And
himfelf.
He
no
faith,
teaches
lefs
to fave
Nature teaches to fave life from one who (ceks it. it from any other Caufe that endangers it : He
And
faith,
lay, (he thac here
Admit they were, it would not be uncharitable to pau them j fomtimes are both Actors, but the one of them molt lamentedly pallive. not yet they So he conclude^, We mult not take advantage of our own Faults and Corruptions to releafe us from our Duties. But (hall we take no advantage to lave our felvts from the faults of another, who hath annull'd his right to our Duty ? No, laith he, let them die of the Sullcns, and try who will pity them. Barbarian, the foame of all hontjl Attorneys., why do they not hoife him over the Bar, and blanket him ? Againft the eigth Argument, That they who are destitute of all marriageable Gifts, except a Bcdy not plainly unht, have not the calling to marry, and confcqucntly married and fo found, may be divorced this,, he faith, is nothing to the purpoie, and
they are both Actors.
:
not
fit
to be anfwer'd.
leave
it
therfore to the
judgment of
his Mailers.
Againft the ninth Argument, That Marriage is a human Society, and fo chiefly feated in Agreement and Unity of Mind : If therfore the Mind cannot have that due
Society by Marriage, that it may reafonably and humanly defire, it can be no human Society, and fo not without reafon divorciblc: here he lallitics, and turns what
the Pofition required of a reafonable Agreement in the main matters of Society into an Agreement in all things, which makes the Opinion not mine , and fo he leaves it.
At
tafle
laft
and
of
his
good hour, wc are come to his Jabberment in Law, the flafhieft and
in
fuftieft
farewel, which is to be a concluding that ever corrupted in fuch an
unfwill'd Hogfhead.
Againft my tenth Argument, as he calls it, but 3S I intended it, my other Pofition, That Divorce is not a thing determinable by a compulfive Law, for that all Law is for fome good that may be frequently attained without the admixture of a worie in-
convenience
But the Law forbidding Divorce, never attains to any good end of fuch but rather multiplies Evil j therfore the Prohibition of Divorce is no good Prohibition, Law. for his Attorneys prife : but firft, like 3 right cunning and fturdy Logi:
Now
cian, he denies
my Argument, not mattering whether in

for
the
major or minor
-,
and
faith
there are
yet that Good is not attained, through the defaults of the Party, but a greater inconvenience follows. But I reply, That this Anfwer builds upon a (hallow foundation, and mod unjuftly fuppofes every one in dcfaulr, who feeks Divorce from the moll injuaous Wcdloc.
many Laws made
Good, and
The
default therfore will be found hi the
Law
it
ftlf j
which
is
neither able to punifh
the Offender, but the Innocent null withal fuffer ^ nor can right the Innocent in what is chiefly fought, the obtainment of Love or Quietnefs. His Inftances out of
the
Common Law are

all
all
Warning to
Clients
how
fo quite befide the matter which he would prove, as may be they venture thir bufinefs with fuch a cockbrain'd Solici-
For being to (hew fome Law of England, attaining to no good end, and yet through no default of the party, who is therby debar'd all remedy, he (hews us only how fome do lofe the benefit of good Laws through thir own default. His rirft Example taith, it is a juft Law that every one (hall peaceably enjoy his Eftate in Lands or otherwiie. Does-this Law attain to no good end? the Bar will blulh at this moft
tor.
incogitant
If this
Woodcock.
this (hall
But
fee if a draft of Littleton will
recover
him
to his Senfes.
man having
Fee-limple in his
from another,
Lands, yet will take a Leafc of his own Lands be an Eftopple to him in an AiTize from the recovering of his
own
Land.
regifter
Mark now and
him
How many
are there of ten thoufand
who
have fuch
? *
a Fee-fimple in thir Sconfe, as to take a Leafe of thir own Lands from another So that this inconvenience lights upon fcarce one in an Age, and by his own default
and the Law of enjoying each Man
trary,
this his
own,
is
good
to
all
others.
But on
the con-
Prohibition of Divorce
lie
bers,
who
is good to none, and brings inconvenience to Numupder intolerable Grievances without thir own default, through the wicked-
( 4
wickfdntfs or
folly
22 )
and all this iniquity the Law remedies not, but in a i His other Cafes are directly to the fame purpofe, and might have been fpared, but that he is a Tradefnian of the Law, and mult be born with at his firft letting up, to lay forth hisbeft Waie, which is only gibberifh.
of another
manner maintains.
have been
have thought, could not likely Icowring and unrubbifhing the low and fordid Ignorance of (uch a prefumptuous Lozel. Yet Htrcults had the labour once impoled upon him to carry Dung out of the Augean Stable. At any hand I would
I
have
now don that, which for manyCaufcs I might my fortune, to be put to this under-work of
be
rid
of him
for
had rather, fince the
life
of Man
is
likened to a Scene, that
all
my
Entrances and Exits might mix with fuch perfons only, whole Worth erects them and thir Actions to a grave and tragic Deporune nt, and not to have to do with Clowns
and Vices. (omtimes
cannot peaceably walk into the World, but mult be infelied \ with Dorrs and Hurle-rlies, fomtimes beneath with bawling Whippets and Shin-barkers, and thtlc to be let on by Plot audConiultation with a Junto ol Clergymen and Licenfcis, commended alfo and rejoyced in by thole whole parif a
But
man
at his face
tiality cannot yet forgo old papiliical Piincip'es \ have 1 not caufe to be in fuch a manner defensive, as may procure me freedom ro pais more unmolefled hereafter by thofe Incumbrances, not fo much regaided for themfrlves, as lor thofe who incite them?
And what
defence can properly be ufed in inch adefpicablc Encounter as this, but either Spurn ? 11 they can afford me none but a ridiculous Adverfary, the blame belongs not to me, though the whole Difputc be lirew'd and fcatttr'd with Rithe Slap or the
diculous
And
if
he have fuch an ambition to
know no
better
who
are his Mates, but
among
licitor
Thoughts, which, though his two Faculties of Serving-man and Sofhould compound into one Mongrel, would be but thin and meagre, if in this
thefe needy
penury of Soul he can be poilible to have the luftinefs to think of Fame, let him but fend me how he calls himfelf, and I may chance not fail to indorfe him on the backfide of Polierity, not a golden, but a brazen Afs. Since my fate extorts from me a
Talent of Sport, which I had thought to hide in a Napkin, he fhall be my Batrachomy Bavius, my Calandrino, the common Adagy of ignorance and overNay perhaps, as the provocation may be, I may be driven to curl up this weening gliding Profe into a rough Sotadic, that (hall rime him into fuch a condition, as irillead of
Trwomachia,
:
judging good Books to be burnt by the Executioner, he Thus much to this Nuifance. Hangman.
fhall
be readier to be his
own
Subject it fell* which 1 have writ and now defend, according as the bears j if any man equal to the mattery fhall think it appertains him to take oppofition in hand this Controverfy, either excepting againli ought written, or periwaded he can (hew better how this Queftion of luch momenr, to be throughly known, may receive
But
as for the
a true determination, not leaning on the old and rott'n Suggeilions wheron it yet leans if his Intents be lincere to the publick, and fhall carry him on without bitternefs to the
',
opinion, or to the peifon diffenting, let him not, I entreat him, guefs by the handling, which meritorioufly hath bten bcltovved on this object of contempt and laughter, that
account it any dilpleafurc den me to be contradicted in Print But as it leads to the and ihall know how to attainment of any thing more true, fhall efteem it a benefit return his Civility and fair Argument in fuch a fort, as he fhall cohfefs that to do fo is
1
:
,
my Choice,
and to have don thus was
my Chance.
3toopa-
(42?)
A SPEE C H
To
the
for the Liberty
of Unlicens'd
PRINTING,
F ar
l a
me nt of
ei
EKGLA NV.
7n5Aa
'
rihivôv
t/
imvo,
eis
nc,
Mhet
't'fffl',
77 $&Kiv{a' Xpvigiv Kai thuG* d

z.iyoi t
/jAgvv cptpav, iyuv,

A<XjU7rgoc
o
5
yiAtf
Xf^v,
,3t'A&r,
ii ttc>v tpv
iminqov
tto
Aa
Euripid. Hicctid.
Tlbis
true Liberty, when free-born Men, Having to advife the Public, may [peak free, Which he who can, and will, defervs high praife
is
Who
neither can nor will,
What
hold his peace can be jxfter in a State then this ?
may
Euripid. Hicctid.
and Govtrnours of the Commonwealth direct thir of Court Parlamenf, or wanting fuch accefs in a private conSpeech, High that write which dition, they forefee may advance the publick good I fupat the them as pofe beginning of no mean endeavour, not a little alter'd and mov'd inwardly in thir minds Some with doubt of what will be the fuccefs, ^hers with fear of what will be the cenfurei fome with hope, others with confidence of what they have to fpcak. And me perhaps each of thele difpofitions, as the fubjed: was wheron Ientei'd, may have at other times varioufly arTe&ed ; and likely might in thefe formoft exprelfions, now alio difdofe which of them fway'd molt, but that
,
who
to States
THcy
the very attempt cf this Addrefs thus made, and the thought of whom it hath recourfe to, hith got the power witnin me to a paffnn, far more welcom then incidental to
a Preface.
Which though
(by not to confefs ere any ask,
(hall
be blamelefs, if it
be no other, then the joy and gratulation which it brings to all who wi(h and promote thir Countries Liberty i wherof this whole Difcourfe propos'd will be a certain Ternmony, if not a Trophy. For this is not the Liberty which we can hope, that no
.grievance
in this World expect ? and but when complaints fptedily reform'd, then To which if is the utmolt bound of civil Liberty attained, that wife men look for. I now manifelf, by the very found of this which I mail utter, that we are already in good part arriv'd, and yet from fuch a fteep difadvantage of tyranny and fuperftition a grounded into our principles, as was beyond the manhood of Roman recovery, it will be attributed firlt, as is molt due, to the rtrong alliftance of God, our Deliverer, next to your faithful guidance and undaunted Wifdom, Lords and Commons of England. Neither is it in God's efieem, the diminution of his glory, when honourable things which if I now firlt (hould begin to are fpoken of good men, and worthy Magiftrates of fair a laudable fo deeds, and fuch a long obligement upon your progrefs do, after
ever fliould arife in the
Commonwealth,
that let
no man
are freely heard, deeply confider'd,
the whole
Realm to your indefatigable vertucs, I might be jufily reckn'd among the the unwillingelt of them that praife ye. and Nevertheles there being three tardielt, which without all is but courtlhip and flattery, Fiilt, when praifing principal things, that only is prais'd which is folidly worth praife i next when greatelt likelihoods arc brought, that fuch things are truly and really in thofe perfons, to whom they are
afcrib'd
is
s
the other,
when he who
praifes,
by (hewing that fuch

:
his actual perfwalion.
of
whom
he writes, can demonllrate that he flatters hot
the former
two of
thefe
1 have heretofore endeavour'd, refcuing the employment from him who went about to impair your merits, with a trivial and malignant Encomium'3 the latter a&clong-
(
ing chiefly to mine
ferv'd
4H
)
did not flatter, hath been re-
who freely magnifies what hath been nobly opportunely not to declare as freely what might be don fears and don, better, gives ye the beft cov'nant of his fidelity j and that his loyaleit affection and his hope waits on your proHis higheft prailing is not flattery, and his plaineft advice is a kind of ceedings. praifing ; for tho I fhould affirm and hold by argument that it would fare better withTruth,
acquittal, that to this occafion. For he
own
whom I fo extoll'dl
mme, were call'd
with Learning, and the Commonwealth, if one of your publifht Orders which I fliould in, yet at the fame time it could not but much redound to the lulire of your mild and equal Government, whenas private perfons are hereby animated to think ye better pleas'd with public advice, then other Statin's have been delighted heretofore with public flattery. And men will then (ee what difference there is between the magnanimity of a triennial Parlamenf,and that jealous hautinefs of Prelats and cabin Counfellors that ufurpt of late, whenas they (hall obfervc ye in the midlt of your Victories and
Succeffcs
more gently brooking writt'n exceptions againll a voted Order, then other which had produe'd nothing worth memory but the weak o/ientation of Courts,
If wealth, would have endur'd the leaft fignih'd diflikc at any fudden Proclamation. I fhould thus far the mttk demeanour of civil and your prefume upon gentle greatnefs,
Lords and
I
Commons,
as
what your
with
eafe,
publifht
if
I
Order hath
directly laid, that to
gainfay,
might defend
but
my
(elf
any fhould accufe
me
infolent, did they
know how much
better
Norwegian wifdom and letters we ow that -we are not yet Gothes and Jutlanders, I could name him who from his private houle wrote that difcourfe to the Parlament of Athens, that perfwades them to change the form of which was then cftablifht. Such honour was in done thofe Democraty days to men
elegant humanity of Greece, then the ffatelines. And out of thole ages, to whofe" polite
find ye efleem it to imitate the old barbaric pride of a Hunmjh and
of being new or and
who
profeff the fludy of Wildom and. Eloquence, not only in thir own Country, but in other Lands, that Cities and Siniories heard them gladly, and with great refpect, if they had ought in public to admonifh the State. Thus did Dion Prnf&w, a Gran-
ger,
and a private Orator, counfel the Khodtans againft a former Edict
and
a-
bound with other like examples, which to fet heer would be fuperfluous. But if from the indultry of a life wholly dedicated to fludious labours, and thofe natural endowments haply not the woril for two and fifty degrees of northern latitude, fo
mult be derogated, as to count me not equal to any of thofe who had this privilege, I would obtain to be thought not fo inferior, as yourfclves are fuperior to the molt of .them who receiv'd thir counfel : and how far you excel them, be alTur'd, Lords and Commons, there can no greater tefumony appear, then when your
pru-
mucH
acknowledges and obeys the voice of reafon, from what quarter foever it be heard (braking ; and renders ye as willing to repeal any Act of your own fetting forth, as any fet forth by your PrcdecelTors. If ye be thus relolv'd, as it were injury to think ye were not, I know not what fliould withhold me from prefenting ye with a fit inllancc wherin to fhew both that love of truth which ye eminently profefs, and that' uprightnefs of your judgment
dent
(pirit
by judging over again that Order That no Book^ Pan.phlet, or Paper fi all be henceforth printed, nnltfs the fame be fir[I approved and licene'd by fitch, or at lealf one of luch as Miall be therto For that part which preferves juftly every mans appointed.
ielvts;
:
which is not wont to be partial to your which ye have ordain'd to regulate Printing
to himlelf, or provides for the pcor, I touch not, only wiflr they be not made pretences to abufe and prrfecute honelt and painful Men, who offend not in either of
Copy
thefc particulars.
But
dy'd with
his brother
now
that other claufe of Licencing Books, which we thought had matrimonial when the Ptelats expir'd, I (hall cjuadragefwial and
attend with fuch a Homily, as (hall lay before ye, firfi the Inventors of it to be thofe be loth to own-, next what is to be thought in general of reading, whatever Ibrt the Books be ; and that this Order avails nothing to the luppuiling of fcauda-
whom ye will
lous, feditious, and libellous Books, which were mainly intended to be (uppreft. Lafi, that it will be primely to the difcouragement of all Learning, and the Hop of Truth, not only
by difcxercilingand blunting our abilities,in what we knowa!ready,but by hindringand cropping the difcovery that might be yet further made, both in religious and civil Wildom. I deny not, but that it is of greateft concernment in the Church and Commonwealth, to have a vigilant eye how Books demean themfelves as well as Men v and therafter to confine, For imprifon, and do fharpeit juftice on them as malefactors Books are not abfolutely dead things, but do contain a potencie of life in them to be
:
as active as that foul
was whofe progeny they
are
nay thev do preferve
as in a viol
the
(
the pureft efficacy are as lively, and as vigorously
42$ )
intellect that
and extraction of that living
bred therh.
know
they
and being produ&ive, as thofe fabulous Dragons teeth (own up and down, may chance to (bring up armed Men. And yet on the other handj
j,
Image ; good Book, kill: Reafon it felf, kills the Image of God, as it were in the eye. Many a man lives a burden to the Earth ; but a good Book is the prctious life-blood of a mailer Ipiric < imbalm'd and trealur'd up on purpofe to a life beyond life. 7 Tis true, no age can reftore a life, wherot perhaps there is no great lois ; and revolutions of ages do nu oft recover the lofs of a rejected Truth, for the want of which whole Nations fare the
worfe.
unlefs warinefs be us'd, as good almolt kills a reafonable Creature, God's
kill a
Man
as kill a
good Book
deltroys a
who
kills
a Mar.
but he
who
We Ihould
,
be wary therfure what Perfecution
we
raile
againli the living
of Man, prelerv'd and lior'd in fince we fee a kind of Homicide Books be thus up may committed, fomtimes & Martyrdom ; and if it extend to the whole imprtffion, a kind ot maflaae, wheroi the execution ends not in the flaying of anelemental life, but ftrikes at that ethereal and rift effence, the breath of Reaton it felf, Hays an immortality rather then a life. But Iclt I fhould be condemn d of introducing Licenfe, while I oppole Licenliug, I retufe
ipill
Labours of publick men,
how we
that feafon'd
life
not the pains to be (o much hiftorical, as will lcrve to (hew what hath been don by ancient and famous Commonwealths, againli this dilorder, till the very time that this
was cateht up by our Prelats, and hath of fome our Presbyters. caught In Athens, where Books and Wits were ever butler then in any other part of Greece I find but only two forts of Writings which the Magiitrate car'd to take notice of
out of the Inauifition, project of Licenling crept
,
jj
Thus the. Books of Protagorv Blafphemous and Atheidical, or Libellous. were by the Judges of Areopagm, commanded to be burnt, and himlelf banilht the Territory for a diicourle, begun with his conicfiing not to know, whether there were whether not. And againli Defaming, it was decreed that none (hould be tragods, or dne'd by name, as was the manner of fetus Comadta, wherby we may rguefs how they cenfur'd Libelling And this courfe was quick enough, as Cicero writes, to quel! both thedefperate Wits of other Atheills, and the open way of Defaming, as the event Of other Sects and Opinions, though tending to VoluptuoulnelSj and the fhew'd. Therfore we do not read that ei^ of divine Providence, they took no heed. denying ther Epicurus, or that Libertine School of Cyrene, or what the CywVîmpudence utNeither is it recorded, that the Writings of ter'd, was ever queftion'd by the Laws. and that thofe old Comedians were fuppreli, though the acting of them were forbid
thofe either
:
,
Vlato
commended
the reading of Artjiophanes, the loofelt of

is
them
all,
to his
Royal
Scholar Dionyfius,
reported, nightly
rilous
commonly known, and may be excu^'d, ftudied fo much the lame Author, and had
if
holy Chryfofiom, as is the Art to cleanfe a Icur-
Vehemence, into the flile of a routing Sermon. That other leading City of Greece, Laccdtmon, confidering that Lycurgus thir Law-giver was fo addicted to ele-
as to have been the fir ft that brought out of Ionia the fcatter'd Wonts gant Learning, of Homer, and lent the Poet Thales from Crete to prepare and mollifie the 5'fart art
fuilinels
with
is
his
fmooth Songs and Odes, the
Civility, it but the feats of
to be wonder'd
how
better to plant among them Law and mulelefs and unbookiffi they were, minding nought
There needed no Licenfing of Books among them, for they diflik'd all Apothegms, and took a flight occafion to chafe Archilochut out of thir City, perhaps for compofing in a higher lirain then their own foulcould reach to Or if it were for his broad Verfes, they dierly Ballats and Roundels were not therin fo cautious, but they were as diiTolute in thir promifcuous converting j whenc Euripides affirms in Andromache, that thir Women were all unchafte, Thus much may give us light after what fort Books Were prohibited among the Greeks. The Romans alfo, tor many Ages train'd up only to a military roughnes, refembling molt the Lacedemonian guife, knew of Learning little but what thir twelve TableSj and the Pontific College with thir Augurs and Flamins taught them in Religion and Law, fo unacquainted with other Learning, that when Carneades aud Critolaus } with' the StoickJ)iogenes coming EmbalTadors to Rome, took therby occafion to give the City a talt of thir Philofophy, they were fufpetlcd for Seducers by no lefs a man then Cato theCenfor, who mov'd it in the Senat to difmifs them fpeedily, and to banilh But Scipio and others of the nobleit Senators withall fuch Attic Bablers out of Italy. Hood him and his old Sabin aulterity honour'd and admir'd the Men ; and the Genfor himlelf at lalt in his old age fell to the lludy of that wherof before he was fo fcru~ And yet at the fame time, Nasvit** and Plantw, the firlt Latin Comedian-,pulous. k*4 I i i
but thir
War.
own Lacenick
-,
(426
had
fill'd
Mcmndtr and Philemon. Then bealfo what was to be done to libellous Books and Authors there be confidei'd to gan ; for Nvm was quickly caft into Prifon for his unbridl'd Pen, and releas'd by the Trithe
City with
all
the borrow'd Scenes of
bunes
no doubt, was us'd, if ought were impioufly writt'n againlt thir eiteemed gods. Except in thefe two points, how the World went And therfore Lucretius, without imin Books, the Magiftrat kept no reck'ning. peachment, verfiries his Epicurifm to Memmittt, and had the honour to be fet forth the
like feverity,
upon his Recantation The punifht by Augufttu.
We
read alfo that Libels were burnt, and the makers
fecond time by Cicero,

putes againlt that
fo great a Opinion in his
naked plainnefs of Luciliw, or for matters of State, the ftory of Tittu Livius, though it extoll'd that part which Pompey held , was not therfore fuppreft by Oftavius Csfar, of the other Faction.
Commonwealth although himfelf difNor was the Satyrical fharpnefs, or Writings. or And Flaccus, Catullus, by any Order prohibited.
Father of the
,
own
But that Nafo was by him banifht in his Old age, for the wanton Poems of his Youth, was but a meer covert of State over fome fecret Caufe and befidcs, the Books were From hence we (hall meet with little elfc but Tyranny neither banifht nor call'd in.
:
in the
Roman
filenc'd.
were
among
were
as good Books enough, in producing what the Ancients was punifhablc to write, fave only which, ail other Arguments
I
Empire, that
(hall
therfore
we may not marvel, deem to have bin
if
not fo often bad,
large
free to treat on.
By this time the Emperors were becom Chriftians, whofe difciplin in this point I do not find to have bin more fevere then what was formerly in pra&icc. The Books
of thofe
whom
demn'd
tority
in the general
they took to be grand Heretics were examin'd, refuted, and conCouncels ; and not till then were prohibited, or burnt by au-
As for the Writings of Heathen Authors, unlets they were of the Emperor. plain inve&ives againlt Chriftianity, as thofe of Porphyrins and Proclus, they met with no interdict that can be cited, till about the Year 400, in a Carthaginian Councel , wherin Bifhops themfelves were forbid to read the Books of Gentiles , but Hcrefies
while others long before them on the contrary fcrupl'd more the Books of Heretics, then of Gentiles. And that the primitive Councels and Bilhops were wont only to declare what Books were not commendable, palling no furder, but leaving it to each ones confcience to read or to lay by, till after the Year 800, is obferv'd already by Padre Paolo the great unmasker of the Trentine Councel. After which time the Popes of Rome engroiTing what they pleas'd of Political rule into thir own hands, extended thir dominion over mens eyes, as they had before over thir judgments, burning and prohibiting to be read what they fanfied not \ yet fparing in thir ceiifures, and the Books not many which they fo dealt with till Martin the but was the Bull not firit that excommunicated the readhis 5th by only prohibited, ing of heretical Books ; for about that time Wicklef'and Hujfe growing terrible, were Which they who ririt drove the Papal Court to a fiiidter policy of prohibiting. cours Led the 10th, and his SuccefTors follow'd, until the Council of Trent, and the
they might read
: :
Spanifh Inquifition engendring together, brought forth, or perfeted thofe Catalogues,
and expurging Indexes that rake through the entrals of many an old good Author, with a violation wors then any could be orTer'd to his Tomb. Nor did they Hay in matters Heretical, but any fubject that was not to their palat, they either condemn'd in a Prohibition, or had it ftrait into the new Purgatory of an Index. To fill up the meafure of encroachment, thir laft invention was to ordain that no Book, Pamphlet or Paper, (hould be printed ( as if S. Peter had bequeath'd them the Keys of the Prefs alfo, as well as of Paradife ) unlefs it were approv'd and litens'd under the Hands of two or three gluttonous Friers. For example :
Let the Chancellor Cini be pleas'd to that may withftand the Printing ,
fee if in this prefent
Work
be contained ought
Vincent Rabbata, Vicar of Florence.
have fecn this prefent Work, and find nothing athwart the Catholic Faith and Good Manners : In witnefs wherof I have given, &c.
Nictle Cini) Chancellor of Flounce*
Attend-
(
Attending the precedent Relation,,
z.ati
4?7
it is
allow'd chat this preftnt
Woik of Davan-
may
be Printed,
Vincent Rabatt* y dec.
It
may
be Printed, July
5. in Florence.
Friar
Simon Momfei d" Amelia Chancellor of the holy Office
if he of the bottomlcfs pit had not long fince broke Exorcilm would bar him down. I fear thir next quadruple prifon will be to get into thir cuftody the Licenfing of that which they fay * Claudius * defign Quo vemam Voutfafe to fee another ofthir 'forms thedaret rheum intended, but went not through with.
Sure they have a conceit,

,
that
this
Roman
itamp:
r . It it .
Imprtmatnr,
leem good to
,_ riiir.. the Reverend Matter of the
crepitumque
veneris in con-
holy Palace,
vivioemicten<"'
Bclcaftro Vicegerent.
in
cW
Sueten.
'-
Imprimatur
Friar Nicolo Rodolphi Mailer of the holy Palace.
five Imprimaturs are feen together dialogue- wife in the Piatza of one and ducking each to other with thir fhav'n reverences, complementing Title-page, Hands who whether the Author, by in perplexity at the foot of his Epillle, (hall to
Somtimes
Thefe are the pretty Refponfories, thelc are the dear Anlate our Prelats, and thir Chaplains with the goodly Eitiphonies cho they made; and befotted us to the gay imitation of a lordly Imprimatur, one from Lambeth-houk, another from the Weft-end of Pauls i fo apifhly Romanizing,
the Prefs or to the Spunge.
rtiat fo
bewitcht of
that the
cal
or perhaps, as they thought, becaufe no vulgar tongue was worthy to exprefs the pure conceit of an Imprimatur ; but rather, asl hope, for that our Englifh, the language of Men ever famous, 2nd .formoft in the atchievments of Liberty, will not eafily find fervile Letters aiiow to
Pen
that
word of Command ftill was fet down in Latin wrote it, would caft no Ink without Latin
;
:
as if the learned
Grammati-
And thus ye have the Inventors and the drawn as lineally as any Pedigree. and We have of Book-licenfing ript up, Original it not, that can be heaid of, from any ancient State, or. Polity, or Church, nor by any Statute left us by our Anceftors elder or later y nor from the modern Cuftom of but from the moll Antichrillian Councel, and any reformed City, or Church abroad i ever Till then Books' were ever as that the moll tyrannous Inquilition inquir'd.
fpell
fuch a dilatory preemption englitht.
admitted into the World as any other birth i theiffue of the Brain was no more then the iffue bf the Womb : no envious Juno fate crofs-leg'd over the natibut if it prov'd a Monfter, who denies, but of any man's intellectual ofT-lpring vity But that a Book in wors condition that it was juftlv burnt, or funk into the Sea.
freely
ftifl'd
,
then a peccant Soul, fhould be to ftand before a Jury ere it be born to the World, and his Collegues, ere it can yet in darknefs the judgment ot Eadamanth backward into light, was never heard before, till that myfterious Iniquity, pals the ferry and troubl'd at the firft entrance of Reformation, fought out new Limbo's
and undergo
provokt and new Hells wherin they might include our Books
alfo
within the number of thir
damned.
And
like
this
imitated by our
That ye
finifter
not
rare morfel fo officioufly fnatcht up, and fo ilfavourdly and the attendant Minorites thir Chaplains. inquifiturient Bifhops, now thefe moll certain Authors of this Order, and that all
was the
Licenfing
intention
was
far diftant
palfing it, all men will clear ye readily.
who
from your thoughts, when ye were importun'd the know the integrity of your adtions, and how ye honour Truth,
the Inventors
But fom
be good
eafie for
?
will fay,
It
What though
fo ,
may
yet if that
were bad, the thing for all that may be no fuch thing deep invention, but obvious, and
any man to light on, and yet bell and wife!! Commonwealths through all and occaiions have forborn to ufe it, and falfeft feducers and opprtffors of men ages were the firft who took it up, and to no other purpofe but to obftrudt and hinder the* firft approach of Reformation ; I am of thofe who believe, it will be a harder Alchymy Yet this then Lullitu ever knew, to fublimat any good ufe out of fuch an Invention. it may be held a dangerous and only is what I rcquell to gain from this reafon, that
it deferves, for the tree that bore it, until I can dilTe& fufpicious fruit, as certainly it has. But I have firft to finifh, as was propounded, what is the one one by properties of in be to, reading Books, whatever fort they be, and whether be general thought
more
the benefit, or the
harm
that thence proceeds ?

I
i i
Not
428
Not to infill upon the examples of Mofes-, Daniel and Paul, who were skilful in all the learning of the Egyptians, Caldeans, and Greeks, which could not proBooks of all forts, in Paul efpecially, who thought it bably be without leading rhir no defilement to infert into holy Scripture the ientences o( three Greek Poets, and one of them a Tragedian, the queition was notwithstanding fomtimes controverted the Primitive Dodors, but with great odds on that fide which affirm'd it both
lawful and profitable, as was then evidently perceiv'd, when Julian the Apoiiat, and futtleft enemy to our faith, made a decree forbidding Chriltians the ftudy of heathen learning: for, faid he, they wound us with our own weapons, and with' our own arts and fciences they overcom us. And indeed the Chrifiians were put fo to
thir fhifts
among
by
this crafty
means, and
fo
that the
two Apollinani were
fain, as a
much in danger man may fay,
to decline into all ignorance, to coin all the (even liberal
the Bible, reducing it intd divers forms of Orations, Poems, DiaBut (aith the Hiitorian Chriflian Grammar. ev'n to the calculating of a new logues, the induliry of Apollinaritts then better of God The provided Socrates, providence and his Ion, away that illiterat Law with the life of him who devis'd it. So
Sciences out 6t
by taking
of Hellenic learning and thought great an injury they then held it to be depriv'd the open it a perftcution more undermining, and iecretly decaying the Church, then was the fame drift it that the And perhaps politic cruelty of Decitts or Dtoclefian.
,
Devil whipt Sr. Jercm in a lenten dream, ior reading Cicero
or
elie
it
was
a fantafm,
bied by the fever which had then unlefs it were for dwelling too
(eis'd
much
For had an Angel bin his difcipliner, upon Ciceronianilrns, and had chaftiz'd the
him.
reading, not the vanity, it had bin plainly partial ; hrit to correct him for grave Cicero, and not for fcurril Plautus, whom he confeiTes to have bin reading not long before next to corred him only, and let fo many more ancient Fathers wax old in
,
thofe pleafant
and
florid
ft
udies without the Jafh of fuch a tutoring apparition
info-
much that Eaftl teaches how fome good ufe may be made of Morgues a fportful Poem, not now extant, writ by Homer-, and why not then of Morgante 411 Italian Romance much to the fame purpole ? But if it be agreed we (hall be try'd by villous,
there
is
viiion recorded
by Eufebius
far
ancienter then this tale of Jerom, to the
Nun
Euflochium, and befides has nothing of a fever in it. Dionyfus Alexandrians was about the year 240, a peifon of great name in the Church for piety and learning, who had wont to avail himfelf much againft Heretics by being converfant in thir Books >
it fcrupuloufly to his confeience, how he durit venture among thofe defiling volumes. The worthy man loth to give offence, fell into a new debate with himfelf what was to be thought when fuddenly a Viiion fent " Read from God, it is his own Epiltle that fo avers it, confirm'd him in fhefe words " for thou art fuffkient both Books to whatever com to thy hands, any judg
until a certain Presbyter laid
himfelf
"
toexamineach matter. To this Revelation he alTented thefooner, as he it was anlwerable to that of the Apoftle to the ThelTalonians, Prove becaufe conteffes, all is hold And he might have added another remarkaaft that which good. things,
aright, and
ble faying of the
drinks, but
defile,
fame Author To the pure, all things are pure, not only meats and kind of knowledg whether of good or evil i the Knowledg cannot nor confequently the Books, if the Will and Confeience be not dchfd. For
'-,
all
Books
are as Meats
and Viands arc
fome of good, fome of
evil fubftance
and yet
God
in that unapociyphal vifion, faid without exception, Rife Peter, kill and eat, Wholefom meats to a vitiated ftonaac leaving the choice to each mans difcretion.
differ little or
nothing from unwholefom
and
bell
Books to
naughty mind are Dot
Bad meats will fcarce breed good nourilhment in the unappliable to occalions of evil. healthieft concodion ; but herein the difference is of bad Books, that they to a difcrect
and judicious Reader ferve
to illudrate.
in
many refpeds
todifcover, to confute, to forewarn, and
better witnes can ye exped I fhould produce, then one of your own now fitting in Parlament, the chief of learned men reputed in this Land, Mr. Selden, whofe volume of natural and national Laws proves, not only by great authorities brought together, but by exquifit reafons and theorems almoft maall opinions, yea errors, known, read and collated, toward the fpeedy attainment of what is trueft. I conceive therfore,. that when God did enlarge the univerfal diet of mans body, faving ever the rules of temperance, hethenalfo, as before, left arbitrary the dyeting and repafiing of our minds as wherin every mature man might have to exercifc his own leading
Wherof what
thematically demonstrative, that
are of main fervice
and
affiftance
How, great a vertue is Temperance, how much of moment through the whole life of wan ? yet God commits the managing fo great a truft, without particucapacity.
lar
( 4-9 ) larLaw or prefer ipticn, wholly to the cemeanour of every grown man. And therforr when he himfelf tabl'd the Jtws from heaven, that Omei which was every mans daily portion of Manna, is computed to have bin more then might have well fuffL'd
the heartit/i feeder thrice as
many
meals.
For thefe adtions
whkh
entei info a
man,
rather then ilTue out of him, and therfore defile nor, God ufes not to caprivat under a perpetual childhood of prefeription, but trulls him win the gift of Reafon to
own chufer there were but little work left for Preaching, if Law and Compullion mould grow fo fait upon thofe things which hertofore were govetn'd Salomon informs us that much reading is a wearines to only by exhortation.
be his
;
is
theflefh; but neither he, nor other infpir'd author tells us that fuch, or fuch reading unlawful yet certainly had God thought good to limit us herein, it had been much
:
more expedient
to have told
us
what was unlawful, then what was wearilom.
As
for the burning of thofe Ephefian Books by St. Paul's converts, 'tis reply'd, the Books were magic, the Syriac fo renders them. It was a private ad, a voluntary adf, and
leaves us to a voluntary imitation thir own i the Magiflrat by this
:
the
men
in
nmorle burnt
thole
Books which were
not appointed : thefe men pradiz'd the example Good and evil Books, another might perhaps have read them in (bmefort uftfully. we know in the field of this World grow up together almolt inseparably; and the knowledg of good is fo involv'd and interwoven with the knowledg of evil, and in fo
is
refemblar.cts hardly to be difecrn'd, that thofe confuted feeds which were impos'd on Pfyche as an incelTant labour to cull out, and fort afunder, weic not more intermix!. It was from out the rind of one apple tafied, that the knowledg of good and evil, as two twins cleaving together, leapt forth into the World. And perhaps this is that doom which Adam fell into of knowing good and evil, that is to fay of knowing good by evil. As therfore the (late ofmannowisj what wifdom can there betochoofe, what continence to forbear without the knowledg of evil ? He that can apprehend and conlider vice with all her baits and feeming pleafures, and yet ab(tain, and yet diftinguiQi, and yet prefer that which is truly better, he is the true wayI cannot faring Chriliian. praife a fugitive and cloiftcr'd vertue, unextrcis'd and unbrcath'd, that never Tallies out and fees her adverfary, but (links out of the race, where thaf immortal Garland is to be run for, not without duff and heat. AfTurcdly we bring not innocence into the world, we bring impurity much rather: that which That vertue therfore which is purihes us is trial, and tiial is by what is contrary. but a youngling in the coi*e mplation of evil, and knows not the utmoft that vice promiles to her followers, and rejecls it, is but a blank vertue, not a pure \ her whitcnefs is but an excremental whitenefs Which was the reafon why our fage and
many cunning
icrious Poet Spencer, dare be known to think a better teacher then ScoI tm or Aquinas, defcribing true temperance under the perfon of Guion, brings him in with his palmer through the cave of Mammon, and the bowr of earthly blifs, that he might fee and know, and yet abfiain. Since therfore the knowledg and
uhom
furvcy of Vice is in this world fo neceffary to the conltituting of human Vertue, and the {canning of trior to the confirmation of truth, how can we more fafely, and with left danger fcout into the regions of (in and fallity then by reading all manner of
of
Tra&ats, and hearing all manner of Reafon ? And this is the benefit which may be had Books promifcuoully read. But of the harm that may refult hence three kinds are
Firlt, is fear'd the infection that may fpread j but thcit all human learning and controverhe in religious points mull remove out of the world, yea the Bible it felt \ for that oftimes relates blafphemy not nicely, it defcribes the carnal fenfe
ulually reckon'd.
of wicked men not unelegantly, it brings in holielt men pallionately murmuring againtt Providence through all the arguments of Epicurus: in other great difpuies it anfwers dubioully and darkly to the common reader And ask a Talmudift what ails
:
the modeliy of his marginal Kcri, that Mojes and all the Prophets cannot perlwade him to pronounce the textual Chetiv. For thefe caufes we all know, the Bible it felf
The ancienteft Fathers mult Clement of Alexandria, and that Eufebian Book of Evangelic preparation, traulmitting our ears through a hoard of heathenilh Obfcenities to receive the Gofpel. Who finds not that Irenxtu, Epiphanitu, Jerom, #nd others difcover more herelies then they well confute, and that oft for herefie which is the truer opinion ? Nor boots it to fay for thele, and all the heathen Writers of greatelt infection, it it muft be thought fo, with whom is bound up the life of human learning, that they writ in an unknown tongue, fo long as we are fure thofe languages are known as well to the
put by the Papill, into the hrft rank of prohibited books.
be next remov'd,
as
wortt of men,
who
are
both mott able, and molf diligent to
infill
the poifon they
fuck,
(
firft
43
into the Courts of Princes, acquainting thcrn with the choiftft fuck, delights, and Nero call*d his Arbiter, the As perhaps did that Petronius criticilms of fin.
whom
Matter of his Revels', and that notorious ribald of jirezzo, dreaded, and yet dear to the Italian Courtiers. I name not him lor potterities lake, whom Harry the 8th merriment his Vicar of Hell. By which compendious way alf the contanam'd
gion that forein Books can lnfufc, will find a palTage to the people far eaiier and fhorter then an Indian voyage, though it could be lail'd either by the North of Cataio Eaftward, or of Canada Weftward, while our Spanifh licmfing gags the Englifh Prefs
never fo feverely.
veriie in Religion,
But on the other

is
rant; and yet thofe

in Englilh,
fide that infe&ion which is from Books of contromore doubtful and dangerous to the learned, then to the ignoBooks muil be permitted untoucht by the Licenfer. It will be
man hath bin ever fedue'd by any Papiftical Book were commended and expounded to him by fome of that Clergy : and indeed all fuch traftats whether falfe or true, are as the Prophelie of Jfaiah was to the Eunuch, not to be underload without a guide. But of our Priefts and Doctors how many have bin corrupted by ftudying the comments of Jefuits and Sorbonifls, and how fait they could transfule that corruption into the people, our experience is both late and fad. It is not forgot, fince the acute and diftin& Armimiu was perverted meeily by the" of a namelefs dikours writt'n at Deif, which at firit he took in hand to peiuling confute. .Seeing therforc that thofe Books, and thofe in-great abundance "which are likelidt to taint both life anddocl:rin, cannot be fuppreft without the fall of Learning, and of all ability in deputation, and that thefc Books of either fort are moft and fooneff catching to the learned, from whom to the common people whatever is heretical or dilTolute may quickly be convey'd, and that evil manners are as perfectly learnt without Books a thoufand other ways which cannot be ftopt, and evil deftrin not with Books can propagate, except a teacher guide, which he might alfo do without writing, and fo beyond prohibiting, I am not able to unfold, how this cautelous enterprife of Licenfing can be exempted from the number of vain and impoffible atAnd he who were pleafantlydifpni'd, cruld not well avoid to lik'n it to the tempts.
hard to inftance where any ignorant
unlefs
it
exploit of that gallant
man who
thought to pound up ihe crows by (hutting his Pjik-
gate. Bcfides another inconvenience, if learned men be the firli receivers out of Books, and difpredders both of vice and error, how (hall the Licenfers themlelves be confided
unlefs we can confer upon them, ortheyalTume to themfrlves above all otheisin the Land, the grace of infallibility, and uncorruprednefs i*And again, it it be true, that a wile man, like a good rerintr, can gather gold out ot the dnfiitft volume, and that a fool will be a fool with the belt Book, yea or without Book, there is no reafon that we (hould deprive a wife Man of any advantage to his wifdom, while we ftek
in,
to reftrain
For
if
from a fool, that which being relirain'd will be no hindrance to, his folly. there Ihould be fo much exadtnels always us'd to ketp that from him which is
unfit for his reading, we (hould in the judgment of An\\ot\e not only, but of Salomon, and of our Saviour, not voutfafe him good precepts, and by con(equence not willingly admit him to good Books ; as being certain that a wife man will make better ufeofan idle pamphlet, then a fool will do of facred Scripture. 'Tis next alledg'd we mu(t not expofe our felves to temptations without neceflity, and next to that, not imploy our time in vain things. To both thefe objections one anfwer will Terve, out of the grounds already laid, that to all men fuch Books are not temptations, nor vanities i but ufeful drugs and materials wherwith to temper and compofe The reft, as children and effect ve and ftrong med'eins, which man's life cannot want childilli men, who have not the art to qualifie and prepare thefe working Minerals, well
i
may
be exhorted to forbear, but hinder'd forcibly they cannot be by

>
all
the licenfing that
promis'd to deliver next, That this Order of Licenfing conduces nothing to the end for which it was fram'd \ and hath almoft prevented me by bejng clear already while thus much hath bin exSee the ingenuity of Truth, who when [he gets a free and willing hand, plaining. It was her felf fafter then the pace of method and difcours can overtake her. opens the task which I began with, To (hew that no Nation, or well inftitutcd State, if
is
I
Sainted Inquitition could ever yet contrive
which
what
they valu'd Books at all, did ever ufe this way of Licenfing ^ and it might be anfwer'd, To which I return, That as it was that this is a piece of prudence lately difcover'd.
a thing flight and obvious to think on, fo if it had bin difficult to find out, there wanted not among them long fince, who fuggefted fuch a cours \ which they not following, leave us a pattern of thir judgment, that it was not the not knowing, hut the not approving, which was the caufe of thir not ufingit. Plato., a man of high
auto-
(4*0
but lead of all for his Commonweal tli, in the book of his Law*, autority indeed, which no City ever yet receiv'd, fed his fancy with making many Edicts to his ayrie which they who otherwife admire him, wilh had bin rather buried and
Burgomallers,
excus'd in the genial cups of an Academic night-fitting. By which Laws he fecms no kind of Learning, but by unalterable Decree, confining moil of practical Traditions, to the attainment wherof a Library of fmaller*bulk then his own Diato tolerat
And there alfo enadts, that no Poet fliould fo much as logues would be abundant. man what he had writt'n, until the Judges and Law-keepers had read to any privat
feen
it,
and allow'd
it
But that Plato meant
this
Law
is
wealth which he had imagin'd, and to no other,
peculiarly to that Commonwas he not elfe evident.
Why
a Law-giver to himfelf, but a TranfgrefTor, and to be expel'd by his own Magiitrats, both for the wanton Epigrams and Dialogues which he made, and his perpe-
and Ariftophanes, Books of groiTtil infamy, and alfo the latter of them, though he were the malicious I ibdler of his chief friends, to be read by the Tyrant Dwnyftus, who had little need ol iuch tralh to Ipend But that he knew this Licenling of Poems had reference and depenhis time on ?
tual reading of Sophron, Mitnus, for
commending
dence to many other provifo's there fet down in his fancied Republic, which in this world could have noplace: and fo neither he himfelf, nor any Magillrat dr City ever imitated that. cours, which tak'n apart from thofe other collateral Injunctions, mull needs be vain and fruitlefs. For if they fell upon one kind of llriftneis, unlefs thir care were equal to regulat all other things of like aptnes to corrupt the mind, to (hut and lortihe that fingle endeavour they knew would be but a fond labour one gate again!! corruption, and be ncceffitated to leave others round about wide If we think to regulat Printing, therby to redtifie Manners, we mult regulat open. all Recreations and Pallimes, all that is delightful to Man. No Mufic mull be heard, no Song be fet or fung, but what is grave and Doric. There mull be licenling Dancers, that no geilure, motion, or deportment be taught our Youth but what by thir allowance fhall be thought honeft > for fuch Plato was provided of: It will ask more then the work of twenty Licenfers to examin all the Lutes, the Violins, and the Ghittarrs in every houfe ^ they mull not be fuffer*d to prattle as they do, but mull be licens'd what they may fay. And who fhall filence alHhe Airs and Madrigals that whifper The Windows alfo, and the Balconeys mult be thought on ; foftnes in Chambers ? there are fhrewd Books, with dangerous Frontifpieces, fet to iale > who (hall prohibit them, fhall twenty Licenfers ? The Villages alfo mull have their vifitors to enquire what Ledtures the Bagpipe, and thcRebbeck reads, ev'n to the Ballatrjr and the Gammuth of every municipal Fidler, for thefe are the Countrymans Arcadia's and his Monte Mayors. Next, what more National corruption, for which England hears ill abroad, then houfhold gluttony v who mall be the re&ors of our daily rioting ? and what (hall be done to inhibit the multitudes that frequent thofe houfes where drunk'nes Our garments alfo mould be referr'd to the licenling of fome is fold and harbour 'd ?
i
more
lat all the
fober work-maners, to lee them cut into a lefs wanton garb. mixt converfation of our youth, male and female together, as
Who
(hall
is
regu-
the fafhi-
on of this Country ? who fhall dill appoint what fhall be difcoursM, what prefum'd, and no furdet ? Laftly, who (hall forbid and feparat all idle refort, all evil combut how they (hall be leaft hurtful, how pany ? Thefe things will be, and mull be To lelead enticing, herein confifts the grave and governing Wifdom of a State. can be quefter out of the World into Atlantic and Etaopian Polities, which never drawn into ufe, will not mend our condition ; but to ordain wifely as in this World of evil, in the midft wherof God hath plac'd us unavoidably. Nor is it Plato's Licenling of Books will do this, which neceffarily pulls along with it fo many other kinds of Licenfing, as will make us all both ridiculous and weaiy, and yet fruftrat \
,
at leaft unconftraining Laws of vertuous education, religious nurture, which Plato there mentions, as the bonds and ligaments of the Commonwealth, the pillars and the fullainers of every writt'n Statute , thefe they be
but thofe unwritt'n, or
and
civil
iway in fuch matters as thefe, when all Licenfing will be eafily Impunity and remifsnes for certain are the bane of a Commonwealth i but here the great art lies to difcern in what the Law is to bid reftraint and punifliment, and in what things perfwafion only is to work. If every action which is good or evil in Man at ripe years, were to be under pittance, and prefcription, and compulfion, what were Vertue but a name, what praife could be then due to well-doing , what grammercy to be fober, ju(t or continent ? Many there be that complain of divine Provi-
which
will bear chief
eluded.
dence for fuffering
Adam
to tranfgrefs.
Foolifli
tongues
when God gave him
reafon,
(432
) he had bin
elfe
that obedience, or love, or gift, which is of force : God therfore left him free, fet before him a provoking objed, ever almon in his eyes ; herein confilted his merit, Whcrfore did he creat pafherein the right of his reward, the praife of his abllinence. fions within us, pleafures round about us, but that thefe rightly tempered are the vertue ? They are not skilful confiderers of human things, who very ingredients of the matter of fin for, befides that it is a huge imagin to remove fin by removing
,
he gave him freedom to choofe, for reafon is but choofings he is in the motions. artificial Adam, fuch an Adam as
We our felves elkem not
meet of
the very heap increafing under
of diminifhing, though fom part of it may for a fuch a univerfal thing fom from time be withdrawn perfons, it cannot from all, in remains entire. the fin is this when and Though ye take don, yet as Books are
,
ad
from
man all his treafure, he has yet one jewel left, ye cannot bereave him Banifh all objeds of luft, (hut up all youth into the feverelt Covetoufnefs. of his that can be exercis'd in any hermitage, ye cannot make them chafle, that difciplin care and wildom is requir'd to the right managing of not thither fo : fuch
a covetous,
came
great
this point.
Suppole
fo pel of tin,
we much we
ye
could expel fin by expel of vertue

:
this
means
for the
remove
that,
and
remove them both
alike.
look how much we thus ex, matter of them both is the lame > This juflihes the high Providence of
who though he out before us ev'n to a profufenes Why (hould we then atTed a rigor contrary wander beyond all limit and fatiety. which of and God of nature, by abridging or feanting thofe means, to the manner both to the trial of Vertue, and the exercife of Truth ? It are, Books, freely permitted, would be better done to learn that the Law mull needs be frivolous which goes to reevil. And were train uncertainly and yet equally working to good, and to God
I the
commands
us Temperance, Juftice, Continence , yet pours and gives us minds that can all defirable things,
things, choofer, a
dram of well-doing
the forcible hindrance of evil-doing.
Qjould be preferr'd before For God fure efleems the
many
times as
much
growth and cbmpleat-
more then the reilraint of ten vitious. And albeit ing of one vertuous perfon , or converting, may be or whatever thing we hear fee, fitting, Walking, travelling, the thing that are fame of the effed is and call'd our Book, Writings ; yet grant
fitly
to be prohibited ent to the end
were only Books, which it intends.
it
Do we
appears that this Oider hitherto is far inefficinot fee, not once or oftner, but weekly,
that continu'd Court-libel againlt the
Parlament and City, printed,

for all that Liceniing can do ? wherin this Order (hould give
as the
wet
(heets
can witnes, and difpers'd
among
fay.
us,
Yet
this is
the
prime fervice a man If it were executed, you*I
would think,
what
will
it
proof of
it felf.
if execution be remits or blindfold now, If then the be hereafter, and in other Books ? and in this particular, and behold a new Lords vain and be frultrat, labour, Commons, ye Older (hall not mull repeal and profcribe all fcandalous and unlicens'd Books already printed and diafter ye have drawn them up into a Lill, that all may know which are convulg'd and which not ; and ordain that no forein Books be deliver'd out of
,
But certain,
demn'd,
over. This office will require the whole time of not cullody, till they have bin read There be alfo Books which are partly a few Overfeers, and thofe no vulgar men. this work will ask as many more ufeful and excellent, culpable and pernicious
partly
,
Officials, to
ing be are found frequently ofhands, ye mull be fain to catalogue all thofe Printers who In a word, whole of thir the fufpeded Typography. Importation fending, and forbid it mult reform and be not Order perfectly acthat this your deficient, ye cxad, may Yet though do. abhor to I know which of and Trent model the Sevil, ye cording to flill would be but fruitthe Older God to which condefcend (hould forbid,
ye
this,
lefs
make expurgations and expunftions, that the Commonwealth of LearnIn fine, when the multitude of Books encreafe upon thir not damnify'd.
who
by
it. If to prevent Seds and Schifms, unread or fo uncatechis'd in (lory, that hath not heard of many Seds refuand preferving thir Dodrin unmixt for many Ages, only a ting Books as hindrance, The Chriftian Faith, for that was once a Schhm, is no unwritt'n Traditions ?
and defedive to that end wherto ye meant

is
fo
all over Afia, ere any Gofpel or Epifile was feen in writing. be aim'd at, look into Italy and Spain^ whether thofe of manners If the amendment the better, the honefler, the wifer, the chalter, fince all the inplaces be one fcruple that hath bin executed upon Books. rigor
unknown
to have fpread
quifitional
confidcr
Another reafon, wherby to make it plain that this Order will mifs the end it feeks, be deny'd but by the quality which ought to be in every Licenfer. It cannot that he who is made judg to fit upon the birth, or death of Books, whether they may be
(
be wafted-into
this
4
,
world, or not, had need to be a man above the common meano mean miliakes in fure, bothftudious, learned, and judicious j there maybe elfe of what is or not which is alfo no mean If he be of the cenfure paffable injury.
fuch worth as behoovs him, there cannot be a
more
work,
a greater lofs of time levied
upon
his head, then to be
tedious and unplcafing Journeymade the perpetual rea-
der of unchofen Books and Pamphlets, oftimes huge Volumes. There is no Book that is acceptable, unlefs at certain feafons , but to be enjoyn'd the reading of that at all times, and in a hand fears legible, wherof three pages would not down at any
time in the faireft Print, is an impolition which I cannot beleeve how he that values In time, and his own ftudies, or is but of a fenlible noftril (hould be able to endure. this one thing I crave leave of the prefent Licenfers to be pardon'd for fo thinking : who doubtlcfs took this office up, looking on it through thir obedience to the Parlament, whofe command perhaps made all things fcem eafie and unlaborious to them but
,
that this fhort
trial
hath wearied them out already, thir
own
expreffions and excufes
to them who make fo many journeys to follicit thir licenfe, are teftimony anougb. Seeing therfore thofe who now poffefs the imployment, by all evident figns wifh themfelves well rid of it, and that no man of worth, none that is not a plairt unthrift of his own hours, is ever likely to fucceed them, except he mean to gut himfelf to the forcfee wh'at kind of Licenfers we are to exfalary of a Preis-corrector, we may eafily either ignorant, imperious, and remifs, or bafely pecuniary. This is peel: hereafter,
what I had
intention.
I laftly
firft
to (hew,
wherin
this
order cannot conduce to that end, wherof

it
it
bears the
proceed from the no good
can do, to the manifeft hurt
it
caufes, in
being
the greateft difcouragement and affront that can be offer'd to Learning and to It was the complaint and lamentation of Prelats, learned Men. upon every leaft
breath of a motion to remove Pluralities, and diflribute more equally Church reveBut as for that nu's, that then all Learning would be for ever dafht and difcouragM. I never found caufe to think that the tenth of flood or fell with part learning opinion,
I ever but hold it for a fordid and unworthy fpecch of any had a competency left him. If therfore ye be loth to difhearten utterly and dilcontent, not the mercenary crew of falle pretenders to learning, but the free and ingenious fort of fuch as evidently were born to itudy and love Learning for it felf, not for lucre, or any other end, but' the fervice of God and
the Clergy
nor could
Churchman, who
of Truth, and perhaps that lafiingfame and perpetuity of praife which God and good men have confented ihall be the reward of thofe whofe publifht Labours advance the good of mankind, then know, that fo far to diftruft the judgment and the honeft y of one who hath but a common repute in Learning, and never yet offended, as not to count him fit to print his mind without a tutor and examiner, left he fhould drop a fcifm, or fomthing of corruption, is the greateft difpleafure and indignity to a free and knowing fpirit that can be put upon him. What advantage is it to be a Man over it is to be a Boy at School, if we have only fcapt the Ferular, to come under the fefcu of an Imprimatur ? if ferious and elaborat Writings, as if they were no more then the theam of a Grammar-lad under his Pedagogue, mult not be uttei'd without the curfory eyes of a temporizing and extemporizing licenfer ? He who is not trufttd with his own actions, his drift not being known to be evil, and Handing to the hazard of Law and Penalty, has no great argument to think himfelf reputed in the CommonWhen a man writes wealth wherin he was born, for other then a fool or a foreiner. he learches, to the world, he fummons up all his reafon and deliberation to affift him meditats, is induftrious, and "likely confults and confers with his judicious friends 5 after all which don he takes himfelf to be inform'd in what he writes, as well as any that writ before him j if in this the moft confummat adr. of his fidelity and ripenefs, no years, no induftry, no former proof of his abilities can bring him to that ftate of maturity, as not to be ftill miflrulkd and fufpedted, unlefs he carry all his conliderat diligence, all his midnight watchings, and exptnee of Palladium oyl, to thdtfiafty view of an unleafur'd licenfer, perhaps much his younger, perhaps far his ihferiour in judgment, perhaps one who never knew the labour of Book-writing, and if he be noc repulft, or flighted, mutt appear in print like a Punv with his Guardian, and his Cenfors hand on the back of his title to be his bayl and furety, that he is no Idiot, or Seducer, it cannot be but a difhonor and derogation to the Author, to the Book, to the And what if the author fhall be onr fo copious of privilege and dignity of Learning. well worth the adding, come into his mind alter licenas to have fancy, many things the Book is under the while fing, Prels, which not fcldom hjpp'ns to the befi and yet dozen times in one Book: The Printer dares that a and writers-, perhaps diligenteft
,
k k
4?4 )
',
muft the Author trudg to his not go beyond his licens't copy; leav-giver, be and many a jaunt will be made, ere that infertions view'd his new that thofe may liccnfer, for it muff be the fame man, can either be found, or found at leifure ^ mean
fo often then
while either the Prefs mull hand (till, which is no fmall'damage, or the author lofc his accurate!! thoughts, and ftnd the Book forth wors then he had made it, which to a
writer is thegreatell melancholy and vexation that can befal. And how can diligent how can he be a Dodor in a man teach with autority, which is the life of teaching to be, cr elfe had better be filent, whenas all he teaches, all he his Book as he
,
ought is but under the tution, under the correction of his patriarchal licenfer to blot delivers, or alter what precifely accords not with the hidebound humor which he calls bis judg-
When every acute reader upon the firfi light of a pedantic licenfe", will be with thefe like words to ding the Book acoits difiance hom him, I hate a pupil ready I endure not an inftrudter that comes to me under the teacher, wardfhipof an overfecing
ment
?
know nothing of the licenfer, but that have his own hand here for his arrogances who (hall warrant me his judgment ? The State Sir, replies the Stationer, but Ins a quick return, The State (hall be my Govemours, but not my Critics 5 they may be mihak'Vin the choice of a licenfer, as eatily as this licenfer may be miliak'n in an This is /cm common (luff-, and he might add from Sir Francis Bacon, That author.
hit.
I 1
fitch
authored Eocks
happ'n to be judicious
fucceflion,
are hut the language of the times. For though a licenfer fhould more then ordinal y, which will be a great jeopardy of the next yet his very office, and his commiffion enjoyns him to let pafs nothing but
what
receiv'd already. is Nay, which is more lamentable, if the work of vulgarly never fo famous in his life-time, and even to this day, decealecT author, though any comes to thir hands for licenle to be printed, or reprinted, it there be found in his Book onelentence of a ventrous edg, urter'd in the height of 2eal, and who knows
not futing with every low were Knox himftlf, the Reformer of a Kingdom that fpake it, they will not pardon him thirdafli: the fenfe of that great Man (hall to ail poherity be loir, for the fearfulnefs, or the prefumptuous rafhnefs of a perto And what an Licenfer. Author this violence hath bin lately done, and in functory
whether
decrepit
it
humor
might not be thedidtatof of thir own, though
a divine Spirit, yet
it
lhall forbear
what Book of greateft confequence to be faithfully publifht, I could now inffance, but till a more convenient feafon. Yet if thefe things be not refented ferioufly and timely by them who have the remedy in thir power, but that fuch iron moulds as thefe (hall have autority to knaw out the choiieft periods of exquiliteft Books, and
to
commit
after death,
it is
fuch a treacherous fraud againft the orphan remainders of worthieft men the more forrow will belong to that haples race of men, whofe misfortune to have underhand ing. Henceforth let no man care to learn, or care to be more
then worldly wife \ for certainly in higher matters to be ignorant and flothful, to be a Common (iedfali dunce, will be the only pleafant life, and only in requeff. And as it is a particular difelleem of every knowing perfon alive, and mod injurious
monuments of the dead, fo to me it feems an undervaluing and vilifying of the whole Nation. I cannot fet fo light by all the invention, the art, the wit, the grave and fblid judgment which is in England, as that it can be comprehended in any twenty capacities how good foever, much lefs that it fhould not pafs
to the writt'n labours and
except
Superintendence be over it, except it be fitted and firain'd with thir it fhould be uncurrant without thir manual Truth and Underftamp. are not fuch wares as to be monopcliz'd and traded in by tickets and fiatutes, handing and itandards. mud not think to make a fiaple commodity of all the knowlcdg
thir
ltrainers,
that
We
in the
is it
What Land, to mark and licenfe it like our broad cloth, and our woolpacks. but a fervitude like that impos'd by the Philiftims, not to be allow'd thefharp-
ningofour own taxes and coulters, but we muft repair from all quarters to twenty ? Had licenfing forges any one writt'n and divulg'd erroneous things and fcandalous to
honefl
life,
miluling and forfeiting the elteem
had of
his reafon
among men,
if af-
ter*conviction this only cenfure were adjudg'd him, an write, but what were hrft examin'd
that he fhould never henceforth
by appointed Officer, whofe hand fhould be annext to pals his credit for him, that now he might be fafely read, it could not be Whence to include the whole Nation, apprehended lefs then a difgraceful punifhment. and thofe that never yet thus offended, under fuch a diffident and
tion,
may
when
Books
fufpedtful prohibiSo much the more plainly be underftood what a difparagement it is. as dettors and delinquents may walk abroad without a keeper, but unoffenlive muft not ftir forth without a vifible jaylor in thir title. Nor is it to the comlefs
mon
people
then a reproach
for if
we
be fo jealous over them, as that
we
dare
not
not
truft
vitious,
( 455 ) them with an Englifh pamphlet, what do we but cenfure them for a gid%j and ungrounded people in fuch a lick and weak eliate of faith and du'crei
be able to take tion, That nothing down but through the pipe of a Licenler ? this is care or love of them, we cannot pretend, whenas in thole Popilh places where the Laity are moll hated and Wiidotn defpis'd, the lame ftri&nes is us'd over [hem.
as to
we cannot
call it,
becaufe
it
as thole corruptions
which
it
flops but one breach of licenfe, nor that neither fteks to prevent, break in falter at other dous
:
whenwhich
cannot be fhut.'
in conclulion it refltds to the difrepute of our Miniftcis alio, of whofe labours fhould hope better, and of the proficiency which thir flock reaps by thtm, then That after all this In- r of the Gofpel which is, and is to be, and all this continual and preaching, they fhould be (till frequented with fuch an
And
we
unprinclpl'd, uiiedify'd,
hick rabble, as that the whiff of every new pamphlet fhcfuld lbggerthem out of thir Catechifm, and Chriftian walking. This may have much reafon to dilcounge the Mitiitkis whrn Inch a low conceit is had of all thir exhortations, and the benefiting of
thir heaiers,
without
are not thought tit to be turn'd loofe to ihree fhetts of paper the Sermons, all the Lectures preachr, printed, vented in ch IttrrtabeW, and fuch vol unus, as have now well-nigh made all other Books unfalaas that rhey
;
Liccnfer
that
all
b!e, fhould
St.
Angela
of an
And
learned
I
left
not be armor enough againlt one fingle Enchiridon, without the Cufile Imprimatur. fom fhould peifwade ye, Lords and Commons, that thefe arguments of
mens dilcouragement at this your Order, are meer flourifhcs, and not real, could recount what I have fcen and heard in other Countries, where this kind of inquifition tyraimi7es i when I have fat among thir learned men, for that honour
1
to be born in fuch a place of Philvfipbic freedom, as while themfelvs did fhey fuppos'd England was, nothing but bemoan the fervil condition into which them was Learning amongft brought , that this was it which had dampt the glory of Italian wits:, that nothing hid bin there writt'n now thele
had, and bin counted
happy
many
years but flattery and fuflian. There it was that I found, and vilired the famous Galileo grown old, a prilner to the Inquilition, for thinking in Alhonomy other wife then the
Francifcan and Dominican licenfers thought.
And though
knew
that
England then
was groaning
loudeft under the Prelatical yoak, neverthelefs I took it as a pledg of future happines, that other Nations were fo Yet was it beperfvvaded of her liberty. in her who fhould be yond my hope, that thofe Worthies were then
breathing
air,
her leaders to fuch a deliverance, as (hall never be forgott'n by any revolution of time rhat this world hath to hnifb. When that was once it was as little iii
begun,
my
fear,
that
what words of complaint
heard
among
,
the Inquilition, the fame I fhould hear Parlameut againft an Order of Licenfing myfclf a companion of thir difcontent, I might fay, if without envy, that he whom an htmelt qmtftorftrip had indear'd to the Sicilians, was not more by them importun'd then the favourable 1 which had Verres, againft opinion among many who honour that ye, and are known and refpecled by ye, loaded me with entreaties and perfwafions,
men of other parts utter'd againlt by as learned men at home utier'd in time of and that (o generally,that when I had difclos'd
learned
would not delpair to lay together that which jult reafon fhould bring into my mind, toward the removal of an undeferved thraldom upon Learning. That this is not therfore the disburdning of a particular fancy, but the common grievance of all thofe who had prepar'd thir minds and fiudies above the vulgar pitch to advance truth m others, and from others to entertain it, thu? much may fatisrie. And in thir name
1
I
fhall for neither friend
nor fo, conceal what the general
murmur
isi
that
if
it
com
licenling, and that we are fo timorous of our felvs, and fo fulpicious of all men, as to fear each Book, and the fliaking of every leaf, before we know what the contents are if fom who but of late were little better then iilcnc't from preaching, (hall com now to filence us from reading, except what they pkale, it cannot be gueft what is intended by fom but a fecond tyranny over Learning : and will foon put it out of controverfie that Bilhops and Presbyters are the fame to us both name and thing. That thofe evils of Prclaty which before from rive or fix and will now twenty Sees were diliributivly charged upon the whole wholly
to inquifitioni.ng again,
and
people,
light
upon Learning, is not obfeure to us: whenas now the Pallor of a fmall unlearned Parifh, on the hidden fhall be exalted Archbilhop over a large dioces of Books, and He who but of yet not remove, but keep his other Cure too, a myltical Pluralift.
the fole ordination of every novice Batchelor of Art, and deny'd fole the limpleft over jurifdi&ion Parifhioner, fhall now afhome in his privat chair aflnme
late cry'd
down
k k z
b>h
4^
both thefe over worthieft and excellenteli Books, and ableft Authors that write them. This is not, ye Cov'nants and Protefhtions that we have made this is not to put down Prelaty ; this is but to chop an Epifcopacy ; this is but to tranflate the Palace
,
this is but an old canonical Metropolitan from one kind of dominion into another commuting our penance. To flartle thus betimes at a meer unlicensed Pamphlet, will, after a while, be afraid of every Conventicle, and a while after will make a Conventicle of every Chriltian meeting. But I am certain that a State governed by the rules of Jultice and Fortitude, or a Church built and founded the P.ock of
>
flight of
upon
Faith and true Knowledg, cannot be fo pulillanimous. While things are conltituted in Religion, that freedom of Writing fhould be rcllrain'd by a
yet not
difciplia
imitated from the Prelats, and learnt by them from the Inquifition to fhut us up all again into the breli of a Licenfer, mult needs give caufe of doubt and difcouragement
to
drift,
cannot but difcern the finenes of this politic that while Bifhops were to be baited down, then all Preffes might be open } it was the peoples birth-right and privilege in time of Parforth was the of it But now the Bifhops abrogated and voidlament, breaking light. ed out of the Church, as if our Reformation no but to make room for
all
,
learned and religious Men. and who are the contrivers
Who
others into thir Seats
fought more, under another name ^ the Epifcopal Arts begin to bud again ; the cruife of Truth mult run no more Oyl liberty of Printing muff be enthrall'd again under a Prelatical Commiffion of twenty ^ the privilege of the People nullify'd > and which is wors, the freedom of Learning mult groan again, and to her old fetters :
,
Although thir own late Arguments and Defences might remember them that this obllru&ing Violence meets for the moli part with an event utterly oppofit to the end which it drives at inftead of iuppreffing Sects and Schifms, it railes them and invelts them with a reputation: Ihe enhances thir autoriiy, faith the Vicount St. Albans punijliing ofWtts andaforbiddAi
all this
the Parlament yec litting.
againlt the Prelats
to be a certain writing is thought fpa>k of truth that flies up in the faces of them who feek to tread it out. This Or er therfore may prove a nuriing Mother to Sects, but I fhall eafily fhew how it will be a Hep-dame to Truth : and firit by dilinabling us to the
maintenance of what
is
known
already.
Well knows he who ufes toconlider, that our Faith and Knowledg thrives by ExTruth is compared in Scripture to a ercife, as well as our Limbs and Complexion.
flreaming fountain ^ if her waters flow not in a perpetual prognffion, they fick'n into a muddy pool of Conformity and Tradition. A man may be a Heretic in the truth i and if he believe things only becaufe his Paftor fays (o, or the Affembjy fo determins, without knowing other real'on, though his belief be true i yet the very" truth he holds, becomes his herelie. There is not any burden that fom would off to anogladlicr polt
There be, who knows not that there ther, then the charge and care of thir Religion. be of Protefiants and Profeffors who live and die in as errant an implicit Faith, as any Lay-Pjpiftof Loretto.. wealthy man, addicted to his pleafure and to his
finds Religion to be a traffic fo entangl'd, all mylteries he cannot skill to keep a flock
do
fain
he would have the

in that.
name
does he therfore, but refolvs to neighbours give over toyling, and to find himfelf out fom Factor, to whofe care and credit he may commit the whole mafom Divine of note and eftimation that muff be. To naging of his religious affairs
,
What
prohrs, piddling accounts, that of What fbould he going upon that trade. to be religious, fain he would bear up with his
and of
fo
many
he adheres, refigns the whole Warehoufe of his Religion, with all the Locks and Keys into his cuitody ^ and indeed makes the very Perfon of that Man his Religion , efkems his affociating with him a fufficient evidence and of his own
him
commendatory
Piety.
becom
within himfelf, but is movable, and goes and comes near him, according as that good man frequents the houfc. He entertains him, gives him gifts, fealis him, lodges him ; his Pieligion comes home at night, prays, is liberally fupt, and fumptuouily laid to fleep and betrifes, isfaluted, and after the malmfey, or fome well fpic't bruage, ter breakfafted, then he whofe would have fed on morning appetite gladly green figs between Bethany and Jerufalem ; his Religion walks abroad at eight, and Ieavs his kind entertainer in the fhop all day without his
fay his Religion is a dividual
,
So
that a
man may
now no more
trading
Religion.
Another fort there be, who when they hear that all things fball be order'd, all things regulated and fetl'd , nothing writt'n but what paffes through the Cuftom-houfe of certain Publicans that have the tunnaging and poundaging of all free-fpok'n Truth, will (trait give fhemfelvs up into your hands, mak'em and cut'em out what Religion ye pleafe ; there be delights, there be recreations and jolly paliimes that will fetch the
day
( 4*7 ) to Sun, and rock the tedious year as in a delightful dream- V\ hat from Sun about day netd they torture thir heads with that which others have tak'n fo Itridtly, and lo unThele are the fruits which a dull eale and ce (Taalterably into thir own purveying ? to will our forth tion of knowledg bring among the people. How goodly, and how be wifht were fuch an obedient unanimity as this ? what a fine conformity would it lhrch us all into ? doubtlcs a Ranch and (olid piece of frame-work, as any January could freeze together. Nor much better will be the conftquence ev'n among the Clergy themftlvs i it is no new thing never heard of before, for a Parochial Miniiter, who has his reward, and is at his Hercules Pillars in a warm Benefice, to be eatily inclinable, if he having noelfe that may route up his Itudics, to finUb his circuit in an Englifh Concordance
thing
the gatherings and livings of a fober Graduatlhip, a Harmony and a topic Folio, a Catena, treading the conltant round of certain common doctrinal Head", attended with their Hies, Motives, Marks and Means ; out of which, as out of an Alphabet or
and
Sol fa, by forming and transforming, joyning and dif-joyning varioully a little bookto the performance craft, and two hours meditation, might furnifh him unfpcakably
of more then a weekly charge of (ermoning not to reck'n up the infinit helps of interBut as for the multitude of linearies, breviaries, fympfe s, and other loitering gear. Sermons ready printed and pi I'd up, on every text that is not difficult, our London in his Veltry, and add to boot St. Martin and St. Hugh, have not trading S:.Thom within thir hallow'd limits more vendible ware of all forts ready made: lo that pe:
of Pulpit-provifion, having where fo pknteoutly to refrclh Icif his rear and flanks be not impal'd, if his back-door be not and iflue and then forth, cur'd by the rigid Licenfer, but that a bold Book may now thir Trenches, it will concern him give the affiult to fom of his old Collections in then to keep waking, to ltand in watch, fo fet good guards and fentinels about his receiv'd Opinions , to walk the round and counter-round with his fellow inlpedtors, be better inllruded, betfearing left any of his flock be ftdue'd, who alio then would ter exercis'd and And God fend that the fear of this diligence which mull nury he. never need his magazin. But,
fear
difciplin'd.
not make us affed the lazines of a licenfing Church. For if we be fure we are in the right, and do not hold the truth guiltily, which becomes not, if we our (elves condemn not our own weak and frivolous teaching , and the people for an untaught and irreligious gadding rout, whai can be more fair, then when a man judicious, learned, and of a confdence, for ought we know, as what we know, (hall not privily from houfe to houle, good as thirs that taught us what his Opibut which is more by writing publifh to the World
then be us'd,
do
nion
is
is,
what
it
his
openly dangerous, Rcafons, and wherfore that which
is
now
thought cannot be found.
Chritt urg'd
as
wherwith
more
if
public then preaching

bufinefs
to juttirie himfelf, that he preacht in publico yet writing and more eafic to refutation, if need be, there being ;
and profeffion meerly it is to be the champions of Truth ; what can be imputed but thir floth or unability ? they negled, Thus much we are hinder'd and dif-inui'd by this cours of licenling toward the true and hinders the Liknowledg of what we feem to know. For how much it hurts more then cenfers themfelves in the calling of thir Miniftery, any fecular employment,
fo
many whofe
which
mu(i neglect they will difcharge that office as they' ought, fo that of neceflity they but leave it to is a I becaufe it or infift the other the one duty either not, ; particular,
if
they will decide it there. behind of what I purpos'd to lay open, the incredible lofs and detriment that this plot of Licenfing puts u? to, more then if fom enemy at Sea fliould Hop retards the Importation ot up all our Hav'ns, and Ports, and Creeks ; it hinders and our richeft Merchandize, Truths nay it was rirft ettablifnt and put in practice by Antichriltian malice and myltery on fet purpofe to extinguifh, if it were poflible, the light
thir
own confeience, how

is yet
There
fettle falfhood ; little differing from that policy wberwith 'Tis not deny'd, but his Alcoran, by the prohibition of Printing. of to we are to (end our Thanks and Vows, Heav'n, louder then moft gladly confelt, thole main for that meafurc of Truth which we efpecially in
of Reformation, and to
the
Turk upholds
enjoy, Nations, great but he who thinks Points between us and the Pope, with his appertinences the Prelats we are to pitch our Tent here, and have attain'd the utmolt profped of Preformation, that the mortal glaN wherin we contemplac can fhew us, till we com to beatific that he is yet far fhort of the Vifion, that nun by this very Opinion declares,
:
Truth.
k k 3
Truth
(4*8)
Truth indeed came once
fhape
into the
mod glorious to look on : laid afleep, then firait arofe a wicked race of deceivers, who as that ftory goes of the with his confpirators, how they dealt with the good OJiris, took
Epyptian Typhon
the virgin Truth, the four winds.
world with her divine Matter, and was a perfect but when he afcended, and his Apollles alter him were
hew'd her
From
lovely form into a thouland pieces, that time ever fince, the fad friends of
and
fcatter'd
them
to
Truth, fuch as durlt
made for the mangld body of Ofiris 1 Ifts went up and down gathering up limb by limb mil as they could find them. We have not yet found them all, Lords and Commons, nor ever fhall do, till her Mailers he fhall bring together every joynt and member, and (hall mould them fecond coming
that appear, imitating the careful fearch
,
Suffer not thefe licenfiiig prointo an immortal feature of lovelines and perfection. hibitions to fland at every place of opportunity forbidding and difturbing them that
continue feeking, that continue to do our obfequies to the torn body of our martyr'd Saint. We boad our light 5 but if we look not wifely on the Sun it felf, it fmites us
into darknes.
1
Who
brighten magnitude orbs bring them to fuch a place in the firmament, where they may be feen evning or morning? The light which we have gain'd, was giv'nus, not to be ever flaring on,
that
can difcern thofe planets that arc oft combuft, and thofe flats of rife and fet with the Sun, until the oppolit motion of tbir
It is not the but by it to difcovcr onward things more remote from our knowledg. unfrocking of a Prielf, the unmitring of a Bifhop, and the removing him from off the Presbyterian moulders, that will make us a happy Nation; no, if other things as great in the Church, and in the rule of life both economical and political be not lookt into
and reform'd,
we
have lookt
that
lo
long upon the blaze that Zuinghus and Calvin hath
There be who perpetually complain of fchifms and feds, and make it fuch a calamity, that any man diffents from thir maxims. 'Tis thir own pride and ignorance which caufes the difturbing, who neither will hear
beacoifd up to
us,
we
are (lark blind.
with meeknes, nor can convince, yet all mult be fuppreft which is not found in thir They are the troublers, rhey are the dividers of unity, who neglect and Syntagma. to unite thofe diffever'd pieces which are yet wanting to the body of not others permit To be (fill fearching what we know not, by what we know, ftill doling Truth. up truth to truth as we rind it ( for all her body is homogeneal, and proportional ) this
is
in a
the golden rule in Jhelogy as well as in Arithmetic, and Church ; not the fore d and outward union of cold,
makes up the beit'harmony and neutral, and inwardly-
divided minds.
Lords and Commons of England, confider what Nation it is wherof ye are, and wherof ye are the Governours: a Nation not flow and dull, but of a quick, ingenious, and piercing fpirit, acute to invent, futtle and finewy to difcours, not beneath the
Therforc the fiureach of any point the higheft that human capacity can foar to. dies of Learning in her deeped Sciences have bin fo ancient, and (0 eminent among us, that Writers of good antiquity, and able judgment, have bin perfwaded that ev'n the
fchool of Pythagoras, and the Perfian wifdom, took beginning from the old PLiloAnd that wife and civil Roman, Julitu Agricola, who govern'd fophy of this Hand. before the labour'd fludies once here for preferr'd the natural Wits of Britain,
C<efar,
nothing that the grave and frugal Tran/ilvanian fends out Rajfia, and beyond the Hercynian thir thir but not wildernes, fiay'd men, to learn our language, and uur youth, which Yet that is above all this, the favour and the love of Heav'n, we arts. Iheologk have to think in a peculiar manner propitious and propending towards
of the French.
yearly from
Nor
is it
for
as
far as the
mountanous borders of
argument was this Nation chos'n before any other, that out of her as out of Sian fhould be proclaim d and founded forth the firft tidings and trumpet of Reformation to all Europ ? And had it not bin the obfiinat perverlnes of our Prelats againft the divine and admirable fpirit of Wicklef, to fupprefs him as a fchifmatic and innovator, of Luther, or of Calperhaps neither the Bohemian Huffe and Jerom, no nor the name vin had bin ever known the glory of a reforming all our neighbours had bin comBut now, as our obdurat Clergy have with violence demeanM the matpleatly ours. ter, we are become hitherto the lateft and the backwardeft Scholers, of whom God offer'd to have made us the Teachers. Now once again by all concurrence of figns, and by the general inftinct of holy and devout men, as they daiVy and folemnly exprefs thir thoughts, God is decreeing to begin fome new and great period in his Church, ev'n to the reforming of Reformation it felf ; what does he then but reveal Himfrlf ro his ? I fay as his manner is, firlt ;o fervants, and as his manner is, firft to his Englifh-men and are method his mark not the of we unworthy. Behold now counfels, us, though
great
us.
Why elfe
this
(
van City, a City of refuge, rounded with his protections the mers waking, to fafhion out the of beleaguer 'd Truth, then there
this
439
the manfion-houfe of liberty, encompaft and furfhop of War hath not there more anvils and hamplates
and inllruments of armed JufHce in defence be pens and heads there, luting by thir liudioui lamps, muting, fearching, revolving new notions and idea's wherwith to prtfent as
thir
approaching Reformation others as fait reading, the ofrcafon and convincemenf. to force What could a trying things, affenting man require more from a Nation (b pliant and lb prone to (eek alttr knowledg ? What
with
homage and
thir fealty the
all
wants there to fuch a towardly and pregnant foil, but wile and faithful Labourers, to make a knowing People, a Nation of Prophets, of Sages, and of Worthies ? We reck'n more then five months yet toharvett', there need not be rive weeks, had we but Where there is much defire to learn, eyes to lift up, the fields are white already.
much arguing, much writing, many opinions ; for opinion but men is good knowledg in the making. Under thele fantafiic terrors of (et and fchifm, we wrong the earneit and zealous thirlt alter knowledg and undemanding which God hath ftirr'd up in this City. What fom lament of, we rather mould rejoyce at, fhould rather praife this pious forwardnes among men, to reaffume the ill deA little generous prudence, puted care of thir Religion into thir own hands again.
there of nccelfity will be
in
forbearance of one another, and fom grain of charity might win all thefe diligences tojoyn, and unite into one general and brotherly fearch after Truth; could we but forgo this Prtlatical tradition of crowding free Confciences and Giriltian Libera
little
ties
fhould
high hopes obferving thoughts and reafonings in the purluance of truth and freedom, but that he would cry out as Pirrbm did, admiring the Roman docility and courage i if luch were my Efirots,
I
to govern
I doubt not, if fom into canons and precepts of men. great and worthy Hunger com among us, wife todilcern the mould and temper of a people, and how and aims, the diligent alacrity of our extended the it,
that could be attempted to make a Church or defpair the greateft defign the men Yet thefe are cry'd out againlt for fchifmaticks and ftdtaries , Kingdom happy. as if, while the Temple of the Lord was building, fome cutting, fome fquaring the
would not
Marble, others hewing the Cedars, there fhould be a fort of irrational men who could not confider there mull be many fchifms and many dilTediions made in the quarry and in the timber, ere the Houfe of God can be built. And when every ftone is laid art-
one form nay rather the permoderat varieties of and that out in confifts fection many this, brotherly diffimilitudes that are not vaftly difproportional, arifes the goodly and the graceful fymmetry that commends the whole pile and ftrudture. Let us therfore be more conliderat Builders, more wife in fpiritual Architecture, when great Reformation is expeded. For now the time feems come, wherin Mofes the great Prophet may fit in Heav'n rejoycing to fee that memorable and glorious wifh of his fulfill'd, when not only our fev'nty Elders, but No marvel then though fome men, and all the Lords people are become Prophets. but in too fome good men young goodnefs, as Jojhua then was, envy them. perhaps, in agony, left thefe divifions and fub-diweaknesare thir own out of and They fret, vifions will undo us. The adverfary again applauds, and waits the hour, when they have brancht themfelves out, faith he, fmall anough into parties and partitions, then Fool he fees not the firm root, out of which we all grow, though will be our time. into branches ; nor will beware until he fee our fmall divided maniples cutting through And that we are to hope better at every angle of his ill united and unweildy brigade. of all thefe fuppofed fedts and fchifms, and that we fhall not need that folicitude, honeft of them that vex in this behalf, but fhall laugh in perhaps, though over-timorous, the end at thofe malicious applauders of our differences, I have thefe reafons to
world
',
fully together, it cannot be united into a continuity, : neither can every piece of the Building be of
it
can but be contiguous in
this
perfwade me.
and blockt about, her navigable riFirlt, when a City fhall be3t it werebefieg'd ver infefted, inrodes and incurfions round, defiance and battel oft rumor'd to be marchor the greater ing up ev'n to her walls and fuburb trenches, that then the people,
wholly tak'n up with the Rudy of higheft and moft be to reform'd, fhould be difputing, realoning, reading, inventing, important matters to a ev'n rarity, and admiration, things not before difcourlt or writt'n difcourling, and confidence in your prudent a firft of, argues fingular good will, contcntednefs
part,
more then
at other times,
felf
forelight, and fafe government, to a gallant bravery and well
no
fmall
number of as
great
Commons and from thence derives it of thir enemies, as if there were contempt grounded as his was, who when Rome was nigh fpirits among us,
Lords and
,
belieg'd
(
in the City, befieg'd bv Hanibd, being wheron Hanibal himfelf encampt his
44 )
bought that
piece of
ground
it is
at
a lively and cheerful and fuccefs For as our in a of when the blood is frdh viclory. happy body, prefage the fpirits pure and vigorous, not only to vital, but to rational faculties, and thofe in
own regiment.
no cheap
rate,
Next
the acutefl, and the peitelt operations of wit and futtlety, it argues in what good the body is ; fo when the cheerfulnefs of the plight and conltitution people is fo fprightly as that it has not only wherwith to guard well its own freedom and but
up,
fafety,
to fpare, and to beftow upon the folidefl and fublimeft points of controveifie, and new invention, it betok'ns us not degenerated, nor drooping to a fatal decay, but wrincl'd skin of corruption to outlive thefe pangs, and wax cafting off the old and
young
again, entring the glorious ways of Truth and profperous Vertue, deftin'd to becom thefe latter ages. Methinks 1 fee in my mind a noble and great and honourable in her felf like a man after fleep, and Nation ftrong roufing puiflant fhaking her invincible locks : Methinks I fee her as an Eagle muing her mighty youth, and kindling her un-
dazPd eyes
at the full
it (elf
at the fountain
mid-day beam ; purging and unfcaling her long-abufed fight of heav'nly radiance; while the whole noife of timorous and
fhe
flocking birds, with thofe alfo that love the twilight, flutter about, amaz'd at what means, and in thir envious gabble would prognoflicat a year of Sedts and
Schifms.
tl.ui, fhould ye fupprefs all this flowry crop of knowledg and and yet lpringing daily in this City ? fhould ye fet an Oligarchy light fprung up of twenty ingroffers over it, to bring a famin upon our minds again, when we (hall
VVhatfhould ye do
new
us by thir bufhcl ? Believe it, Lords and a fuppreffing, do as good as bid ye fupprels and 1 will foon (hew how. If it be detir'd to know the immediat cau(e your felves of all this free writing and tree fpeaking, there cannot be affign'd a truer then
,
know nothing but what is meafur'd to Commons, they who counfel ye to fuch
your
human government ; it is the liberty, Lords and Commild, and free, and and happy Counfels have purchalt us, Liberty which valorous own which your mons, Wits: this is that which hath rarity'd and is the nurfc of all great enlightn'd our
own
fpi-
which hath tnfranchis'd, enlarg'd and lifted up our apprehenfions degrees above themfelves. Ye cannot make us now lefs capable, lefs knowing, lefs eagerly purfuing of-jthe truth, unlcfs ye firfl make your felves, that made us fo, lefs the lovers, lefs the founders of our true liberty. We can grow ignorant again, brutifh, formal, and flavi(h, as yc- found us ; but you then mult rirlt becom that which ye cannot be, oppreffive, arbitrary, and tyrannous, as they weie
rits like the influence
of Heav'n
this is that
That our hearts are now more capacious, our thoughts expe&ation of greatefl and exadrefl things, is the iffue of your own vertu propagated in us i ye cannot fupprels that, unlefs yc reinforce an that Fathers may dilpatch at will thir own Children. abrogated and mercilefs Law, And who (hall then flick clofeft to ye, and excite others ? not he who takes up arms for Cote and Condu6f, and his four nobles of Danegelr. Although 1 difpraife not the defence of juft immunities, yet love my peace better, if that were all. Give me the and to argue freely according to confeience, above all liberliberty to know, to utter,
from
whom
more
ye have free'd us. eredled to the fearch and
tKS '
What would
prefs
Opinions
for the
be beft advis'd then, if it be found fo hurtful and fo unequal to fupnewnes, or the unfutablenes to a cuflomary acceptance, will not
task to fay \ I only (hall repeat what I have learnt from one of your own honourable number, a right noble and pious Lord, who had he not facrifie'd his life and fortunes to the Church and Commonwealth, we had not now miff and bewail'd a
be
my
Ye know him 1 am lure-, yet I for worthy and undoubted Patron of this argument. name it be eternal to fliall and fake, him, the Lord Brooke He may him, Se&s and and the of of Schifms, left Ye his Vote, writing by way treating Epifcopacy, or rather now the lafl Words of his dying Charge, which I know will ever be of dear and honout'd regard with Ye, fo full of Meeknes and breathing Charity, that next to his laft Teflament, who bequeath'd Love and Peace to his Difciples, I cannot call to mind where I have read or heard words more mild and peaceful. He there exhorts us to hear with patience and humility thofe, however they be miicall'd, that defire to live purely, in fuch a ufe of God's Ordinances, as the befl guidance of thir confeience gives them, and to tolerat them, though in fome difconformity to our felves. The Book it felf will tell us more at large, being publifht to the World, and dedicated to the Parlament by him who both for his life and for his death deferves, that what advice he left, be not laid by without perufal.
honours
And
44i )
And now
the time in fpecial
is,
the furdef difcufling of matters in And though all the controverfal faces, might now not insignificantly be fet open. winds of dodrin were let loo(e to play upon the earth, (o Truth be in the held, we do and prohibiting to mildoubt her Let her and Falfinjurioully by liccnling
lirength.
by privilege to write and fpeak what may help to, The Temple of Janw, with his two agitation.
hood gupple Her confuting
who
the
ever
knew Truth put
to the
wors,
in a free
is
bed and
furcfl lupprelling.
He who
hears
for light and dearer knowledg to be lent down among us, ters to be conllituted beyond the difciplin of Geneva, fram'd and fabric't already to our hands. Yet when the new light which we beg for, (hines in upon us, there be
and open encounter ? what praying there is would think of other mat-
who
this,
to ufe diligence, to feck, for xvifdom as and that another hidden Order (hall enjoyn us, to know late, for treafwres early nothing When a man hath bin labouring the hardelt labour in the but by Itatute ? mines
envy and oppile, if it coin not fir ft whtnas we are exhorted by the wife
in at thir cafements.
What a
collufionis
man
deep
findings in all thir equipage, drawn forth his rea(cattei'd and defeated all objections in his way, calls out his adverlaty into the plain, offers him the advantage of wind and fun, if he pleafe only that he may try the matter by dint of arguments for his opponents then to fculk, to lay ambufhments, to keep a narrow bridg of licenling where the challenger fhould it be valour enough in fouldierlhip, is but weaknes and cowardife in the pifs, though wars of Truth. For who knows not that Truth is next to the
his
of Knowledg, hath furnifht out fons as it were a battel tang'd,
(hong,
Almighty
(he needs
no
policies,
nor firatagems, nor licuilings to

fhe fleeps, for
make
power
are the fhifts and the defences that error ules againlt her
her vi&oriou<, thole give her but room,
then (he fpeaks not true, as the old Protens when he was caught and bound, but then rather fhe turns did, who fpake Oracles only herfclf into all fliapes, except her own, and perhaps tunes her voice according to the Yet is time, as Micaiah drd before j4bub, until fhe be adjur'd into her own likents. What elfe is all that rank it not importable that (he may have more fhapes then one ?
indifferent, wherin Truth may be on this fide, or on the other, without beher felf ? What but a vain lhadow elfe is the abolition of thofe ordinances, unlike ing that hand-writing naifd to the croft } what great purchafe is this Chriltian liberty which Paul lb often boa lis of. His dotffiin is, that he who cats or eats not, regards How many other things might a day or regards it not, may do either to the Lord.
and do not bind her when
of things
We Humble and are impatient at the lealt diviof a linen decency yet haunts us. one vilible Congregation from another, though it be not in fundamentals of ding and through our forwardnes to fupprefs, and our backvvardnes to recover any We
be tolerated in peace, and left to confeience, had we but charity, and were it not the chief Itrong hold of our hypocrilie to be ever judging one another \ I fear yet this iron yoke of outward conformity hath left a flavifh print upon our necks the
,
ghoft
cnthral'd piece of truth out of the gripe of cultom, we care not to keep truth feparado not fee that while tedfrom truth, which is the riercelt rent and dif union of all. weftill affe<ft by all means a rigid external formality, we may as foon fall again into
a grofs conforming ltupidity, a liark and dead congealment of wood and hay and flubhie fore'd and frozen together, which is more to the fudden degenerating of a Church Not that I can think well of every then fcfnb dichotomies of petty fchifms.
many
\
paration
it is
or that
all in
Church
not poilible for man that mult be the Angels miniltery at the end of mortal things. Yet if all ; cannot be of one mind, as who looks they fhould be? this doubtles is more whollom, more prudent, and more chriltian, that many be tolerated, rather then all compcl'd. I mean not tolerated Popery, and open Superllition, which as it extirpats all Religions and civil Supremacies, fo it felf fhould be extirpat, provided tirft that all charitable and
other hie
light to be expected gold and fiver andpreciom (tones t to fever the wheat from the tares, the good filh from the
is
be us'd to win and regain the compatfionat means
weak and
the
milled: that alfo
which
is
permit,
impious or evil abfolutely either againlt Faith or Manners, no Law can poflibl y that intends not to unlaw it felf but thole neighboring differences, or rather
:
fpeak of, whether in fome point of dodtrin or of difciplin. which though they may be many, yet need not interrupt the unity of Spirit, if we In the mean while if any one would write, could but hnd among us the bond of peace. hand to the flowhis and bring helpful moving Reformation which we labour under,
indifferences, are
I
what
if
fo bejeluited us that
Truth have fpok'n to him before others, or but feem'd at lealt to fpeak, who hath we fhould trouble that man with asking licence to do (o worthy a
;
deed
and not contidcr
this,
that if
it
com
to prohibiting, there
is
not ought more

likely
(
then likely fo be prohibited
difliai'd
\o\ c-,
)
whofe
firft
Truth
itielf:
is
appearance to our eyes, bkai'd and
what
untightly and unplaulible then many erAnd is a man of many great ev'n as the perfon flight and contemtible to fee to. of when this of us new tell do they very opinion thirs, that vainly opinions,
with prejudice and cuftom,
more
none mull be heard but whom they like, is the worft and newett opinion of all others ; and is the chief caufe why feds and fchifms do fo much abound, and true which is in it ? knowledg is kept at dillance from us ; befides yet a greater danger For when God (hakes a Kingdom, with (hong and healthful commotions, to a general falfe Teacheis are then bufieli in fereforming, 'as not untrue that many Sectaries and God then raifes to his own work men of rare duciug ? but yet more true it i=, that not only to lookback and revife what hath abilities, and more then common indulhy,
bin taught lurtofore, but to gain furder and go on, fom new enhghtn'd lteps in the For fuch is the order of God's enlightning hisChurch, to dilpenfe di!>ovtry of Truth. Neither and deal out by degrees his beam, fo as our earthly eyes may bell fiifiain if.
is
firli
and out of what place thelc his Chofen (hall be appointed and confin'd, where heaid to fpeak s for he fees not as man fees, choofes not as man chooles, leit we fhould devote our felves again to (et places, and afTembhes, and outward callings of men planting our faith one while in the old Convocation-houfe, and another while when all the faith and religion that fhall be there at Weflminfler; in the
God
Chappel
and the charity of patient incanonized, isnot fufricient without plain convincement, the meane(t Chriltian, who to edine of bruife the leaft firuction to fupple confeience,
defires to walk in the Spirit, and not in the letter of human truft, for all the number of voices that can be there made no though Harry the 7th himfelf there, with all his about him, fhould lend them voices from the dead, to fwdl thir number. leige tombs And if the men be erroneous who appear to be the leading Schilmaticks, what withholds us but our floth, our felf-will, and diftrull in the right caufe, that we do not we debate not and cxamin the give them gentle meetings and gentle difmillions, that matter throughly with liberal and frequent audience-, if not for thir fakes, yet for our own ? feeing no man who hath tailed Learning, but will conHs the many way> of by thofe who, not contented with hale receits, are able to manage and (ft
'>
profiting forth new pofitionsto the world.

fo
And were
they but as the dull and cinders of our
Iter, may yet ferve to polifh and brighten the armory long But if they be of Trurh, ev'n for that refptct rhey were not utterly to be caft away. of thofe God hath fitted for the fpecial life of thele times with eminent and am-
as in that notion they
whom
the Prielts, nor among the Pharifees, and ple gifts, and thofe perhaps neither among we in the hade of a precipitant zeal (hall make no dilljnction, but refolve to (top thir
mouths, becaufe we fear they com with new and dangerous opinions, as we commonly foie-)udg them ere we underfiand them, no lels then wo to u% while thinking thus to defend the Gofpel, we are found the pcrfecutors. There havrbin not a few fince the beginning of this Parlamenr, both of the Presof an Imprimatur hrit bytery and others, who by thir unlicensed Books to the contempt broke that triple ice clung about our hearts, and taught the people to fee day 1 hope that none of thofe were the peilwaders to renew upon us this bondage which they
:
But if neither the check that wrought io much good by contemning. which our Saviour gave to young f:s iave to young Joflma, nor the countermand he whom who was fo to thole ready John, thought unlicens'd, be not aprohibit to God thir telly mood of prohibiting to our how adnvnifh Elders notigh unacceptable in the Church by this evil hath abounded if what neither thir own remembrance is; have lett of and thernftlves what by tranfgreffing ir, be begun licenfing, good they not anough, but that thev will perfwade, and execute ih*aft Dominican part ot
thernftlves have
-t
the Inquitirion over us, and are already with one foot in the liirrup fo active at fupprefling, it would be no unequal dilinbution in the hill place to fiipprefs the fuppreflbis themielves ; whom the change of thir condition hath puft up, more then thir
late
And
experience of harcjer times hath as for regulating the Piefs,

felves
made
let
wife.
no
man
think tohave the honour of adviling ye
have done in that Order publilht next before this, that no your Book be printed, unit fs the Printers and the Authors name, or at leaft the Piinttis be Thofe which otherwile com forth, if they be found mifchievous and liregifiei'd.
better then
bellous, the fire and the executioner will be the timelieit and the molt effectual remeFor this authentic Spanilh policy of licenfing dy that mans prevention can ufe. Books, if I have faid ought, will prove the moll unlicenc'd Book it felf within a fhort
while
and was the immediat image of
Star-chamber decree to that purpofe
made
in
(
in thofe very times
442
Court did the reft of thofe her pious works, for which fall'n from the Stars with Lucifer, now is (he Wherby ye may guefs what kind of State prudence, what love of the people, what care of Religion, or good manners there was at the contriving, although with lingular hypocrilie it pretended to bind Books to thir good behaviour. And how it got the upper hand of your precedent Order fo well conllituted before, if we may believe thole men whofe profefiion gives them caufe to enquire moft, it may be doubted there was in it the fraud of fom old Patentees and MonopMz.ers in the Trade of Book-felling ^ who under pretence of the
that
when
poor in thir Company not to be dcfrauded,and the juft retaining of each man his feveral copy, which God forbid (hould be gainfaid, brought divers glofling colours to the Houfe, which were indeed but colours, and ierving to no end except it be toexercife a fuperiority over thir neighbours
^
Men who do
that they
at
not therfore labour in an honeft profeffion to
which Learning
ther end
is
is
indetted,
fhould be
made
other
mens
vaiTals.
Ano-
by fom of them in procuring by petition this Order, that having power in thir hands, malignant Books might the eafier fcape abroad, as the event fhews. But of rhele Ssphifms and Elenchs of marchandize 1 skill not: This I know, that errors in a good Government and in a bad are equally almoft incident i for what Magiftrate may not be mil-inform'd, and much the fooner, if liberty of Printing be redue'd into the power of a few ? but to redrefs willingly and fpeedily what hath bin err'd, and in higheft autority to efieera a plain Advertifement more then others have done a fumptuous Bride, is a Vertue (honour'd Lords and Commons^ anfwerable to Your higheti Adtions, and wherof none can participat, but greateft and wifeft men.
thought was aim'd
OH
John JViutntB
3fibrari),
IN
THE CUSTODY OF THE BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY.
SHELF N
ADAMS & a/. 3

vJ.
I
?''")-'
!UV'

A Complete Collection of The Historical, Political, and Miscellaneous Works of John Milton, Both English and Latin - Vol 2

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A Complete Collection of The Historical, Political, and Miscellaneous Works of John Milton, Both English and Latin - Vol 2

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v5

With fom Papers

Befides the Hiftory

Several Extraordinary Characters

fore related Milton

Obligation to himfelf, and that I

The Life of John Milton.

Wife, who what I could

thor's excellent Sheets.

for her Liberality to the Poor,

who makes the Subject of

the bleft Seed of Terak's faithful Son,

The Life of John Milton.

flory we (hall in lines for the fatisfa&ion

due place demonftrat, and of the curious.

arundiftrum mihi cura reviferc

O utinam vates nunquam graviora tuliffet

Homero, tibi prima, Maro.

Etvocat ad plaufus gamila fcena fuos.

quoque lucus habet vicino confitus ulmo^

Joanni Miltoni Londinenfi,

& virtutibus eximio.

qui mult A peregrinaiione , fl udlo cunila

ut admirationes jure ea ptrcallet,

plaufus populorum ab propria fapientia excitatos,

Mi, cujus animi

dotes corporifque ftnfus

numflupor in laudandis fatia mirations tributum ojfert

& amoris ergo hoc ejus tmritis debitum admirtut'vs

Carolus Datus Patricias Florentinus,

Tanto homini Servus, tantx

Vavezx.a giovinetta paftorella

in colic a [pro, al imbrunir di fera,

bagr.ando L'herbetta ftrana

infu la lingua fnella il fior nuovo di ftrania favella

Life of John Milton.

Canto dal mio buon

non intefo, col bel arno :

volfe, ed to a Yaltrui pefo clfamor cofa mai volfe indctrno. Seppi

A cbi pianta dal ciel ft buon terreno.

in the following Tetraftich extols

for writing fo correctly in Latin, Greec,

Cede Meles, cedat depreffa Mincius urna,

Taffum defmat ufque

norable mention of him

the Princes of Campania in the twentieth

made his fecond unfuccefsful Expedition Complements of Friends or Acquaintance were

againft the Scots. over, he hir'd a

Dardanias Rutupina per aquora puppes

& Pandrafidos regnv.m vetus Inogenia,

referv'd for the celebrated

Som few lines

Pen of Sir Richard BlackAmbition of performing fomthing in his

they are wonderfully

& mihi grande

Mihi fat is ampla

& & &

& extremis me difcant Orcades undis.

The Life of John Milton.

Arturumque etiam fub

Dioxyfuis Periegetes, Oppian, fguintus Calaber, Apollon'uis Rhodius, Plua

The Life of John Milton.

The Life of John Milton.