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A Medieval Catalan Noble Family: the Montcadas, 1000-1230 John C. Shideler 2 Establishin a !atri"on#
$%2& The material condition of the Montcada family during the eleventh century was profoundly affected by social and political changes in Catalonia. Before 1000 the wealth of the aristocracy derived from war waged in Muslim Spain under the count's direction or from largesse freely dispensed at his palace. But the flow of gold to Barcelona diminished suddenly when a wea count succeeded !amon Borrell in 101"# and the ruling elite became restive. Magnates loo ing for profits found them closer to home# in the holdings of peasants whose prosperity had increased through technological improvements and much hard wor . $n the tumultuous years 10%0 to 10&0# magnates established themselves as masters of the land where they once '' as viscounts and vicars '' had been agents of a public authority. !amon Berenguer $ only restored comital leadership in Catalonia during the 10&0s and 10(0s by ac nowledging the gains these magnates had made. To a Catalonia which until the early eleventh century had respected traditional sources of order and law# magnates brought arbitrary territorial lordship. Castles were its symbol. )rom them families too their names and derived their power. )amilies became lineages# strengthened through agnate transmission of social status and primogeniture. *ssisted by a new class of nights subordinated to them# noble castle lords completed this transformation of the social order by imposing servitude upon the peasantry. +easants who had been free under the law now fell under the yo e of their lord. The Montcadas were beneficiaries of these eleventh'century developments# though they were not leaders in producing them. *s allies of the counts of Barcelona in the first half of the century# they were perhaps slow to emulate the actions of others that were $%'& perceived as a threat to comital order and authority. But when the count proved unable to prevent the creation of territorial lordships# ,uillem de Montcada was not left behind. -e increased the number of castle districts under his control# married the heiress to others# and established the castle of Montcada as the seat of his authority. The castle gave the family its name for centuries to come. $t became the centerpiece of a territorial lordship that was refounded in the early twelfth century through the marriage of its heiress# Beatriu# to her father's prot.g.# ,uillem !amon /$$0 Seneschal.

The -eritage
The most important element of ,uillem de Montcada's heritage was his descent from a family whose members had served Catalonia's ninth' and tenth'century counts as viscounts and vicars. -is public career as vicar at Muntanyola and 1acarisses suggests continuity in this tradition. The career of !amon as archdeacon of Barcelona# and the prominence of Bernat in the count's entourage corroborate the 2udgment that the ancestors of the first Montcada were securely rooted in Barcelona's court aristocracy. This impression may never be confirmed# because the lac of patronymic and toponymic names before the eleventh century allows clues to the career and family origins of Seniofred '' father of ,uillem de

Montcada and his brothers !amon *rchdeacon and Bernat '' to disappear without a trace in the documents of the tenth century. 3nly a handful of eleventh century records permit some supposition. They reveal that ,uillem# !amon# and Bernat inherited property in the castle district of S4ria 5Manresa6. That legacy may lin the ancestors of the first Montcada to officials who oversaw# for successive counts of Barcelona# the progressive resettlement of the lower slopes and valleys of 3ld Catalonia.516 The castle district of S4ria# situated between protective mountain ridges that branch from the pre' +yrenean chain# had been resettled during the late ninth and tenth centuries because of the encouragement of ,uifred 7the -airy#7 count of Barcelona. 8espite $%%& its sheltered setting# this alluvial basin and its ad2acent vales# li e many others accessible from the south# had been abandoned by Christians for a surer refuge in higher +yrenean valleys. +easants who were an9ious to escape overcrowded conditions in the upper regions became the new settlers. They were directed by agents of the counts# appointed as vicars in districts of restored or newly founded agricultural communities. The vicar selected a site for the construction of a castle# supervised its erection# and designated empty lands as comital lands '' called terra de feo# fisc or fiefs '' to assure his material support.5%6 $n addition# as the count's delegate# he e9acted tribute and service from the community.5:6 The lands be;ueathed by Seniofred to his sons in S4ria may have originated as fiefs of the vicar. Their possession could lin Seniofred or his ancestors to a role in the tenth'century southward e9pansion. $f so# this career was continued at least by his eldest son# ,uillem# who became vicar of 1acarisses and Muntanyola. The castle districts of 1acarisses and Muntanyola lie nestled on opposite flan s of mountains separating the valleys of the <lobregat and Congost in Manresa and 3sona counties. -ad they come to ,uillem from the count by grant or sale# or from ancestors as part of his inheritance=5>6 The evidence is mute on this point. But it does identify him as a vicar# and in that office and as holder of the fisc or terra de feo# ,uillem derived incomes there. These were payments of tribute and ta9es paid to the representative of public authority by community members and rents paid by tenants of the fiscal land set aside for the vicar during resettlement.5&6 ,rants from this $%(& land '' which clearly would have been in greater demand as re'population of the districts progressed '' undoubtedly sub2ected an increasing number of peasants to fi9ed or proportional rents for the land they wor ed.5(6 These levies# though modest# were sufficient to maintain ,uillem and other nights associated with him and perhaps to provide a surplus. The e9tent of the lands assigned to ,uillem as vicar of 1acarisses and Muntanyola is not nown# though perhaps it was similar to the property that he and his brothers inherited at S4ria. There the domain's holdings# augmented by purchases# included by 10:: a tower with houses located on the hill of Sant +ere# mills# mill sites# and appurtenances on the Cardona !iver# and the churches 7named in the honor of Santa Maria and Sant +ere.7 *lso included in this allod 5property owned independently6 were 7many other houses# that is houses# outbuildings# gardens# vines in cultivation and uncultivated# fields# pastures# woods and wastelands with all inds of trees there# viaducts and canals# all in all everything that we have there or ought to have.75"6 The si?e of a vicar's domain can be estimated from the case of 1acarisses. The vicar's lands in the <lobregat valley could not have ranged far from the village center in 1acarisses# since other neighboring vegueries were as close as 3lesa 5eight ilometers south6 and +ierola 5fourteen ilometers southwest6. This suggests that his holdings might normally e9tend in a radius of four or five ilometers from the castle. The situation at Muntanyola# only a few ilometers from the castle districts of Tona and Malla# was similar. @ithin that area were interspersed the vicar's fiefs# his allods# and allods belonging to others# often the peasant cultivators themselves.

*lthough rents were moderate in Catalonia at the time# ,uillem and others found their accumulation worthwhile. The domain $%)& at S4ria had been partly ac;uired by purchase# and in 101A ,uillem added to his holdings in Muntanyola some houses# yards# lands# trellises 5for vines=6# and fruit'bearing and other trees. )or one ounce of gold# ,uillem received into his 7power and dominion7 all that was included within the property's boundaries e9cept for a one'tenth interest that belonged to a woman named Brmeiardis.5C6 -is ob2ect in the transaction was to ac;uire the rents paid to the landlord by established tenants. $n this particular case# only nine'tenths of the rights could be sold# presumably because the former owner's wife 5Brmeiardis6 held rights to the other tenth. Dot all vicars were so scrupulous. *t about the same time# the vicar of 3lesa tried to pressure a landholder into recogni?ing that his 7allods# houses# lands# and possessions7 were fiefs of the vicar. The attempt failed when the landholder proved that he had held his allods freely for thirty years 5the re;uired term for ac;uiring title by aprisio6# that he had bought them from Count Borrell# and that he had not been bothered in the past by vicars of 3lesa.5A6 3ther landholders# including those who could not prove thirty years' occupation of their lands# may not have been so fortunate. $t is possible that ,uillem collected his rents directly at S4ria# 1acarisses# and Muntanyola# though it is more li ely that subordinates collected revenues in his name. They would have been other nights attached to the castles# locally recruited agents or clerics# or lesser comital officials.5106 $n any case# vicars did not act alone in local affairs# as is shown by the number of men who attended a 2udicial hearing held in 101> in 1acarisses to settle the claim of the vicar of 3lesa. *lthough some may have attended because the bishop of 1ic was there to dedicate the church altar# it is li ely that a number of them were ,uillem's companions or agents. Si9 names following ,uillem's subscription appear to form a subgroupE 7SigFnum ,uillelmus vicarius# sigFnum $ndalecius# sigFnum Barone# sigFnum ,eriberto# sigFnum ,uillelmo *tG# $%*& sigFnum *rnaldo Sayoni# sigFnum Marcucius nos et alii ;uam plurimi ;ui adpresens adfuimus.7 This group is distinct from a second group of subscriptionsE 7SigFnum Sanfredus levita ;ui et iude9# sigFnum Bels# sigFnum Borrellus gratia 8ei episcopus ac si indignus# Salla sigFnum# sigFnum !aimundus archilevita# sigFnum !oderandus sacerdos# sigFnum ,aucerfredus presbiter# sigFnum 3liva Sa2o# ,uislara presbiter epanavit die et anno ;uo supra.75116 8id the first group represent followers of the vicar# as opposed to those whose attendance was prompted by the presence of the bishop of 1ic= $n any event# ,uillem probably held the most prestige within the first group# for his name headed the list.51%6 3f the si9 whose names followed# one was a saio 52udicial bailiff6 and five bore no titles. 3ne of them# ,uillem *tG# who appeared in later documents with ,uillem de Montcada and who by 10>A was called a 7 night#7 may by then have discharged some administrative functions.51:6 The other four were possibly vicarial agents from 1acarisses or from the neighboring castle districts of 3lesa and +ierola.

The +atrimony of ,uillem de Montcada

$n his early career# ,uillem was a vicar of 1acarisses and Muntanyola who e9ercised comital authority in the localities under his charge. By the time of his death in 10>0 he had assembled a patrimony that was becoming a territorial lordship. This was centered around the castle of Montcada '' the namesa e of the lineage for centuries to come 5see Map 16. The castle of Montcada# perched on a mountain top# overloo ed $%+& loo ed settlements located near the confluence of the Beses and its tributaries as they funneled through a narrow pass from the 1allHs into the territory of Barcelona. The castle's strategic location made it especially important to Countess Brmessenda of Barcelona who probably established her prot.g. '' ,uillem 7de Muntanyola7 '' there in the mid 10%0s. * document of 10:% attests his possession of the castle# the first recorded time that

,uillem is called 7de Montcada.751>6 ,uillem's ac;uisition of Montcada followed his marriage to *delaida# an heiress whose parents# Bonucio de Claramunt and Senegundis# had controlled important domains in the western 1allHs. These included the castle district of Castellar# which Senegundis# a widow in fall 101"# sold to Count !amon Borrell and Countess Brmessenda for 1&0 ounces of gold.51&6 But it did not remain in comital hands for long# for *delaida soon brought the Castellar domain to ,uillem de Montcada as a wedding gift. *nother important property fell to the couple in 10:&# when ,uillem de Montcada brought suit against Senegundis before Iudge Bonfill March. $n this action ,uillem accused his mother'in'law of mismanaging *delaida's inheritance. The 2udge found for ,uillem# and in Iuly 10:& he awarded the castle of Jllastrell to *delaida as compensation.51(6 ,uillem's marriage to *delaida in effect merged two vicarial lineages into one. -is ac;uisition of Montcada strengthened his position in the 1allHs and brought him closer to Barcelona and $(,& its politics. -e already had a connection to the church# of Barcelona through his brother !amon *rchdeacon# with whom he had bought land around Montcada in 10%A.51"6 *s the father of several sons# ,uillem envisaged furnishing a successor to the archdeaconate# thereby maintaining the lin between his new noble house at Montcada and the See of Barcelona. )urther connections with the city and territory emerged after ,uillem's death in 10>0# through the relations maintained by his widow# *delaida# with the counts and countesses of Barcelona. The favor that Count !amon Berenguer and Countess Blisabet showed to *delaida de Montcada through gifts of land and gold was not new to the lineage in the 10>0s.51C6 Bver since the countship of !amon Borrell# ,uillem and his brothers had benefitted from ties to Barcelona's ruling dynasty. ,uillem in particular maintained close relations with Countess Brmessenda in the 10%0s. This continued after ,uillem's marriage to *delaida and their installation at Montcada. )or Brmessenda later bought bac the domains of Castellar and Jllastrell# which she offered as a pious gift in 10:A to the monastery of Sant <lorenK del Munt.51A6 The counts probably also had a hand in the family's ac;uisition of mills at Montcada# the source of the Barcelona water supply# and at Clot# also a comital property.5%06 $(-& The transition from veguerie to banal lordship '' that is to the rule of local landlords whose authority for imposing arbitrary e9actions upon peasants derived solely from their power to command5%16 '' cannot be charted with precision. $t occurred throughout Catalonia during the eleventh century# though perhaps at different times in different areas# for some viscounts and vicars were leaders in these developmentsL the others simply followed. The Montcadas were probably among the followers# as they were close supporters of a count who saw his authority endangered by competition from magnates. ,uillem was a peaceful neighbor of the monastery of Sant Cugat del 1allHs# which as early as the 10%0s had to resist encroachments upon its rights by the vice'comital family of Barcelona.5%%6 Moreover# he showed a certain respect for private allodial property in the district of Montcada when in 10%A he did not ob2ect to the terms by which a mill site was developed '' the act specifically barred the lessee from alienating the mill wor s to a 7greater person than7 himself.5%:6 But ,uillem did move cautiously with the times# as is evidenced by his participation in 10>0 in a 2udgment upholding the claims of a noblewoman who based her right to collect church tithes primarily on the reasoning that the church lay within her castle district. The decision# which was rendered by ,uerau# viscount of ,irona# ,uillem de Montcada# and eight other nobles and clerics# reflected the aggressive tactics employed by the castellan class.5%>6 )ollowing ,uillem's death in 10>0# however# the pace toward the seigneuriali?ation of the Montcada domains undoubtedly ;uic ened. This was precisely the period '' that of !amon ,uillem de Montcada

5circa 10%>'circa 10C06 '' in which documents illuminate least well the management of the Montcada patrimony. $t was during !amon ,uillem's lifetime# as a few indirect references from his son's lifespan attest# that feudal relations and banal lordship began to reach Montcada lands. $(2&

The Structure of Territorial <ordship

3ne of the first indications of the emergence of banal lordship was the introduction into castle districts of castlans. These men# who were probably originally armed followers of viscounts and vicars# in effect acted as agents for the greater men who controlled the castle districts.5%&6 *t each castle a castl headed the lord's contingent of nights and ensured the collection of domain revenues and e9actions. The first castl in a Montcada holding may have been Mir ,uillem de Muntanyola# who appeared as a 2udicial assessor 5presumably on the Montcada side6 in 10>A at 1ic.5%(6 The first certain reference dates from 10C&# when Berenguer !amon de Montcada commended 5committed in vassalic dependency6 to his uncles Bernat *rchdeacon and !enard ,uillem de <a !oca his castl at 1acarisses# 7who holds the aforesaid castle.75%"6 The institution was certainly well established by that date# and it even e9tended to the castle of Montcada# which in 110: received a second'generation castl.5%C6 Castlans in Montcada 2urisdictions# as elsewhere# were supported by grants of fiefs. The term fief# adapted from its former meaning of fiscal land held by a public official# came to designate lands or rights in a lordship conferred upon a person who derived income from them and who in return owed service and fidelity to the lord of the castle.5%A6 The first nown Montcada fief was the grant by !amon ,uillem and his brother Berenguer *rchdeacon# sometime between 10>> and 10(:# of half of the church of Sant +ere de !ei9ac to Bernat *dalbert de !ei9ac.5:06 !amon ,uillem $('& subse;uently ceded a church at 1alldorei9 to the castl of Banyeres#5:16 and fiefs to Mir *mairic# the castl of Montcada.5:%6 $n 111" Berenguer !amon de Montcada enfeoffed another night# Bernat ,uillem de Santa Coloma# with a horse and a caballaria of land at 1acarisses.5::6 * caballaria designated a fief with ade;uate income to support a single night.5:>6 The fiefs re;uired to support a castl were much more e9tensive# because as garrison chief the castl was e9pected to increase the number of nights ready for service whenever the castle lord re;uired it. 5:&6 Moreover# his social status was higher than that of a simple night attached to the castle. Thus# when Berenguer !amon de Montcada confided the castle of 1acarisses to Carbonell de Castellet# he gave him e9tensive fiefs in the castle district. These were the fiefs that *rbert Mir had held before his death# including the church of !ellinars and one'fourth of the church of Sant )eliu de 1acarisses# the fief of Bonastre and the church of Santa BngrMcia# the tenths of Munts and the tasca 5a one'eleventh share of crops6 that *rbert Mir had in all these places# and one'third of the revenues from local 2ustice and levies on hams# mutton# lamb# hens# and capons. )urthermore# he gave him three fifth'shares of feed grains produced by o9'drovers and one and one'half fifth'shares from those who wor ed with a hoe. )rom those who wor ed in 1acarisses but had no land of their own#5:(6 the castl could e9act feed grain 7as it is fit7 and proper labor services 5estatge6#5:"6 2ust as *rbert Mir had.5:C6 The services re;uired of castlans and nights soon became standardi?ed in Catalonia# and documents from the Montcada family domain show little deviation from the norm. The first obligation in the act designating !amon Mir as castl of Montcada in 110: was fidelityL this was followed by a promise to help Berenguer !amon defend his honor# to follow him in military campaigns and displays of force 5hostes et cavalcatas6# to be present with him at receptions $(%& for barons 5corts6# and to escort him in his movements5seguiments6.5:A6 )urther# the castl promised to deliver fiefs of the castellania '' that is# the lands and rights of a castle district destined for nights' support '' to nights approved by Berenguer

!amon.5>06 These nights lodged with the castl and were re;uired to perform the same service as he. )inally# the document prescribed the same re;uirements of fidelity and service for nights who did not yet hold a fief# but who were eligible for vacancies.5>16 $n the convention# or agreement# of Berenguer !amon and Carbonell de Castellet# the castl promised to be Berenguer !amon's 7'solid' /man0# 2ust as a man should be for his best lord.7 -e promised to perform the services of 7court# cavalcades# placitos# 5>%6 suite# and others7 within the patria 5Catalonia=6. )urther# he promised to help his lord defend his present honor and any future ac;uisitions made with Carbonell's counsel.5>:6 Berenguer !amon de Montcada described the principal elements of his patrimony in 111" when he handed over allods# fiefs# and wardships to his daughter# Beatriu# and her husband# ,uillem !amon /$$0 Seneschal.5>>6 The administration of wardships could temporarily swell a lord's revenues and manpower# but they were the least significant element of the Montcada patrimony. There were none# in any case# as important as that held by ,uillem !amon /$$0 Seneschal# who in 11%: received in baiulia the viscounty of Bas from the will of the late 1iscount JdalardL5>&6 or as that held by ,uillem !amon /$0 Seneschal# with whom Bernat de !ocafort left the defense of his inheritance when he departed in 111% on a pilgrimage to Ierusalem.5>(6 Berenguer !amon's patrimony included some allodial property. $t consisted of lands that he inherited or purchased. Though allods were probably ac;uired as investments# they seem to have been used most fre;uently as pious donations.5>"6 *llods mentioned during his lifetime included two manses 5peasant agricultural holdings6 $((& in the district of MuntanyolaL the allod of Casanova# which was 7held with the allod of Sant +ere de les +uelles7L the allod of Roturensis# ac;uired by !amon ,uillem de MontcadaL a manse in CerdanyolaL5>C6 the mills and their appurtenances at the foot of MontcadaL5>A6 and an allod in Berga.5&06 $ncluded in this list may have been some 7feudal allods7 such as the mills at Montcada# if they were comital installations# and the honor in the county of Berga# if this indeed referred to former fiscal lands ac;uired near S4ria.5&16 The most important component of the Montcada patrimony by the end of the eleventh century were castle districts held in fief from the count of Barcelona. This was Berenguer !amon's honor fevalis -' his castles of Montcada and 1acarisses plus one'third of Muntanyola# with their banal rights '' a testament to the passage from veguerie to territorial lordship. The power of Berenguer !amon within his castle districts was greatL his castlans and nights# who bolstered his prestige through force of arms and numerical strength# served at his pleasure.5&%6 -is lordships# though nominally fiefs of the count# in practice could be divided# be;ueathed or alienated. They were# moreover a source of income. @ithin his lands Berenguer !amon collected tithes from churches# revenues from the e9ercise of local 2ustice# land rents# and payments of the mals usos or 7evil customs7 '' all of which were common institutions in Catalonia by the end of the eleventh century.5&:6 5Mals usos were arbitrary e9actions suffered by peasants at the hand of territorial lords and their agents.6 There is no reason to believe that the lordships of Berenguer !amon were e9ceptional. Dot only was the institutionali?ed hierarchy of repression 5castlans and nights6 firmly in place in the domain of the lord of Montcada# $()& but he personally defended the e9action of un2ust dues on some of his landE in 111> he was forced at a 2udicial hearing to stop ta9ing an allod belonging to the monastery of Sant Cugat.5&>6 $n spite of fre;uent discreet silences in the documentation# it is apparent that between the lifetimes of ,uillem de Montcada and his grandson 5fl. 10C&'11:>6# banal lordship had come to Montcada lands.

)amily# )riendship# and $nheritance

The development of territorial lordships in Catalonia during the eleventh century was matched by changes in family structure that can be attributed to the pursuit of a dynastic strategy. Marriage practices were shaped to provide heirs at opportune moments# and inheritance patterns were modified to favor eldest sons. +rimogeniture helped ensure that the family would maintain its stature and influence in succeeding generations. ,uillem de Montcada's choice of primogeniture represented an apparent departure from the practice followed by his father# Seniofred# who had left patrimony in S4ria 2ointly to his three sons. $n turning away from e;ual division# ,uillem set a precedent for primogeniture that influenced the shape of the Montcada family patrimony for more than a century.5&&6 The emphasis on male succession in the Montcada family from the time of ,uillem de Montcada has obscured the destiny of daughters born to the lineage. 3nly one daughter besides Beatriu de Montcada can be attested before the second half of the twelfth century. Though it is possible that out of fourteen children born to four Montcada couples before 11&0 only two were daughters# this seems highly improbable. The meagerness of citations implies at the least that Montcada daughters made few if any claims on the $(*& family's assets# or that they received only movable goods.5&(6 The role of daughters in succession practices becomes clearer after 11&0# when daughters were mentioned by name in wills and when instances multiply in which fathers provided endowments for their marriages.5&"6 3ne of the first conse;uences of the practice of primogeniture was that the primary heir became head of the family. This role fell in 10>0 to !amon ,uillem de Montcada# whose name preceded that of his brother !enard ,uillem when they appeared before the bishop of 1ic in 10>A to protest a donation of property by their uncle Bernat.5&C6 !amon ,uillem maintained during his lifetime an unchallenged leadership of all the Montcada patrimony '' e9cept Muntanyola# which he may have shared with his brothers Bernat *rchdeacon and !enard ,uillem. -is immediate successor was not so fortunate. The early death of !amon ,uillem's eldest son prompted discord between the younger son# Berenguer !amon de Montcada# and his uncles Bernat *rchdeacon and !enard ,uillem de <a !oca concerning succession to the patrimony. The ;uarrels terminated in accords that seem more typical of settlements reached between lineages than of those between close relatives. 3n % )ebruary 10C& Bernat *rchdeacon and !enard ,uillem returned to Berenguer !amon one'third of the castle and district of Muntanyola# proposing a division of the territory and e;ual time shares of one'third year's residence in the castle. The ne9t day Berenguer !amon pledged to his uncles the castle of 1acarisses and its castl# one'third of Muntanyola# and an allod in Berga as a guarantee that he would be their faithful friend and help them defend their honors.5&A6 These two conventions attest to a feudali?ation of family relations during the eleventh century. $nstead of sharing the castle district 2ointly 5as ,uillem# Bernat# and !amon had done at S4ria until 10::6# a division was arranged and vassalic ties were established '' 2ust as they would have been for persons outside the family. The ordering of family relations by feudal alliance continued $(.& after Berenguer !amon's uncles died in 10CC and 10A&. $n 1101# Berenguer !amon# still childless# reached an accord with his first cousins# !amon !enard and ,uillem !enard de <a !oca# that designated them as possible heirs and bound them in fidelity to the lord of Montcada. The pact was duly sealed by an e9change of rights in their respective lordships and by the commending to one another of designated castlans. The arrangement# which balanced concessions and promises# established the Montcada lord as the feudal superior of !amon !enard and ,uillem !enard de <a !oca and also provided for a succession to the patrimony in the absence of direct heirs.5(06

The Montcada patrimony remained cohesive in the eleventh century largely because the chiefs of the lineage administered their lordships directly or with the carefully circumscribed participation of collateral members of the family. )or nearly a hundred years after ,uillem's ac;uisition of Montcada# the patrimony remained safe from internal or e9ternal encroachments. This apparent tran;uillity may have resulted from the sparsity of other ma2or landlords near Montcada. The Montcadas appear to have had the territory to themselves# apart from the holdings in the 1allHs of the monasteries of Sant Cugat and Sant <lorenK del Munt and the cathedral chapter of Barcelona.5(16 But there was one e9ception# and it was full of portent for the future of the lineage. The first mention of dealings by the lord of Montcada with another important castellan family came in 111"# when Berenguer !amon married his daughter Beatriu to ,uillem !amon /$$0 Seneschal and gave the couple his Montcada inheritance. The document reveals that ,uillem !amon# who as heir to the lordship of Sentmenat had interests close to those of the Montcadas in the 1allHs# would retain the inheritance after Beatriu's death even if they had no heirs# 7because of the missions which he has done there /in the Montcada lordships0 and because of the service which he has done for us so far and ought to do in the future.75(%6 This implies $(+& that ,uillem !amon /$$0 had earlier assisted Berenguer !amon de Montcada as a friend and ally. -is marriage to Beatriu grew out of this relationship# providing Berenguer !amon with an heir whose patrimony and political importance nearly matched his own. @ith the marriage of Beatriu de Montcada to ,uillem !amon /$$0 came a brea in the Montcada pattern of direct male descent. Jntil this time the patrimony had passed only to mature sons. +revious Montcada lords seem to have consciously chosen to marry late in life# generally between the age of thirty and forty. This practice# lin ed to life e9pectancies of si9ty years or more# caused a spacing of generations that helped forestall competition between fathers and sons for dominance in administering the family lands.5(:6 ,uillem# for e9ample# was probably born in the AC0s# 2udging from the earliest ages at which he could have appeared as an official of the count and given testimony before tribunals. 5(>6 Thus he was probably between thirty and forty years old during the years 101"'10%&# when he too *delaida as his bride# and between fifty and si9ty at his death in 10>0. $n that year his eldest son# !amon ,uillem# was probably about fifteen. !amon ,uillem in turn seems to have been about forty when his son Berenguer !amon was born 5circa 10(&6. The custom of late marriage was continued by Berenguer !amon# who was childless in 1101 when he destined his patrimony $),& for his cousins. -is marriage to Brmessenda must have occurred soon after# because by 111" his daughter Beatriu was of marriageable age. Berenguer !amon died in his si9ties# in 11:>. $t is more difficult to chart the ages of Montcada women# who# with the e9ception of *delaida# are virtually un nown historical personalities. *delaida had come of age by 101"# when she agreed to the sale of her family's patrimony. She died sometime after 10(:# the last nown year in which she made a donation to an ecclesiastical establishment.5(&6 $f she was near twenty in 101"# she would have been in her si9ties in 10(:. !amon ,uillem's wife is completely un nownL even her name is a mystery. But she bore !amon ,uillem at least two children. Brmessenda# the wife of Berenguer !amon# is nown only obli;uely through two appearances with her husband# whom she apparently did not survive. Though the three eleventh'century Montcada wives offer little information upon which to base firm conclusions# it can be inferred from the date of *delaida's death# fifteen years after her husband# and from Beatriu's youth at the time of her marriage to ,uillem !amon /$$0 that noblewomen married at prime child' bearing ages. This practice offered a good chance of producing heirs# and the male custom of marrying late added stability to a patriarchal family. *nother way of limiting competition among heirs for a share in the patrimony was to restrict the number of sons allowed to marry. This was done as early as the beginning of the eleventh century#

when ,uillem de Montcada /$0 was the only one of three brothers to marryL one other entered the church and the last remained single until his death in 10>0. $n the ne9t generation# only two of si9 sons married '' the eldest# !amon ,uillem# and the third son# !enard ,uillem 5whose marriage did not occur until he had received the castle of <a !oca and perhaps that of CastellolN6. These developments had the effect of establishing a collateral line rather than dividing the Montcada patrimony. This new house was then transmitted undivided to !enard ,uillem's sons !amon and ,uillemL but only !amon married. Two other brothers of !amon ,uillem de Montcada were archdeacons of Barcelona# and $)-& another two almost certainly did not marry. 3ne of !amon ,uillem's sons died young# enabling the second to ta e a wife. Two children were born to Berenguer !amon# the daughter and heiress# Beatriu# and a son# ,uillem# perhaps illegitimate or handicapped# who was entrusted as a child in Berenguer !amon's will to the care of the monastery of Santa Maria de l'Bstany.5((6

The +atrimony of ,uillem !amon /$$0 Seneschal

Through the heritage of ,uillem !amon /$0 Seneschal# the ascendance of a new lineage of magnates can be traced.5("6 The Seneschal achieved prominence in the late eleventh century by accumulating fiefs and influence with counts of Barcelona and bishops of 1ic rather than by e9ploiting an inherited aristocratic patrimony. But by the year 1100# the result was much the sameE lordship e9ercised in castle districts held as fiefs was hardly distinguishable from that practiced by a territorial lord li e Berenguer !amon de Montcada. @hen ,uillem !amon /$0 died in 11%0# he left to his sons a patrimony ac;uired during his lifetime in the counties of Barcelona# ,irona# and 3sona.5(C6 The chief possessions of ,uillem !amon /$0 in the county of Barcelona was the castle district of Sentmenat and the seneschalcy of Barcelona. -is connection to Sentmenat is attested as early as 10C:# when he and a brother# *rbert !amon# lent 1#000 mancusos from their property to Mahalta# widow of the assassinated Cap d'Bstopes. $n return# the countess pledged to them the 7tenths# usages and services7 in the franchedas 5lands in theory e9empt from banal dues6 that fell within ,uillem !amon's and *rbert !amon's $)2& parts of the castle district.5(A6 This alienation suggests that the counts of Barcelona still had some control over SentmenatL it is possible that ,uillem !amon's and *rbert !amon's rights there were of recent origin and came from the count. By 11%0 ,uillem !amon also held in the western 1allHs rights to the lord's tenth from vines and other revenues in the 7castle and monastery7 of Sant Cugat# rights probably granted him by the count of Barcelona. <ess tangible was the office of seneschal. The title first appeared in apposition to ,uillem !amon's name in 10(C. *s far as can be determined by charter evidence# the title conferred only prestige# and there is no reason to believe that ,uillem !amon's role as a vassal of the count differed significantly from that of others who belonged to !amon Berenguer's inner circle. @ithin the space of a lifetime# however# this title# li e the fiefs granted by counts and bishops# was assimilated into the patrimony of ,uillem !amon /$0. Before 10C:# however# ,uillem !amon /$0 also had lin s to the county of ,irona# which may have been his birthplace. There he held rights to the castles of CartellM# BescanG# -ostoles# and possibly also to the castle of Bstella in the valley of *mer.5"06 -is relation to the church is documented at an even earlier date. $n a convention of 10"" the abbot of Sant )eliu de ,uN9ols recalled that *rnau !amon de ,irona's land had been given to Mir )oguet and to ,uillem !amon and his brother Bernat !amon in e9change for their promise of military service.5"16 The three men had actually received this land prior to the agreement '' the principal ob2ective of which was to ratify ,uillem !amon's donation of his portion to his brother Bernat !amon.5"%6 +ossession of the former lands of *rnau !amon de ,irona was still in dispute a decade later. $n 10C( ,uillem !amon and his brother *rbert !amon accepted the renunciation by a Bernat ,uillem and his wife# ,uisle# of that honor. $)'& The document was witnessed by 1iscount

+onK ,uerau# an ally of ,uillem !amon Seneschal in the wa e of the assassination of the Cap d'Bstopes.5":6 ,uillem !amon's will of 11%0 reveals other ties to the county of ,irona. -e held allods at ,inestar and at +rat and the manse of !iu at Santa Maria de )ornells. -is fiefs indicated several ties to the churchE properties and wardships held from Sant )eliu de ,uN9ols and from the archdeacon of Roadons# and a manse at +alomer held from the sacristan of ,irona.5">6 ,uillem !amon had at an early date also held property in the city of ,irona.5"&6 -e may have had some rights# too# at the city fortifications of Sobreporta and ,erundella. These and the castle of Bstella were included among fiefs that !amon Berenguer $1 restored to ,uillem !amon /$$0 at the conclusion of their dispute in 11:(.5"(6 )inally# ,uillem !amon /$0 chose to be buried at the monastery of Santa Maria d'*mer. This indicates an attachment to the region '' ;uite possibly that of a native son. $n 3sona# ,uillem !amon /$0 had been invested with castles and fiefs. By 11%0 he could leave to his heirs fiefs held from ,auceran de +inGsL castles# lords' reserves# and fiefs held from Berenguer de OueraltL a pledge made by Berenguer de Oueralt worth >0 morabetinsL and a fourth of the church of Sant *ndreu de ,urb# held by +ere !amon de Tarradel as a pledge for one caballaria of land.5""6 More important were the castles that he obtained as fiefs# especially during the episcopate of Berenguer Seniofred de <luKM 510"C'10AA6. Barly ac;uisitions were the castles of 1oltrega# 3rNs# Solterra 5from 10CC6# and Besora 5before 10CA6. *s intermediate lord in these properties# ,uillem !amon served the bishop of 1ic directly when re;uired but appointed a castl to remain in each castle.5"C6 By 11%0 he also commanded the castles of Malla# Tord# and Tornamira.5"A6 But the centerpiece of ,uillem !amon's lordship in $)%& 3sona was the 7comital tower7 or castle of 1ic# at the summit of the city# which he had ac;uired by 10AA. Through his possession of this citadel he could pressure the bishop for an increased share of the profits of the lordship in 1ic. ,uillem !amon's command of castles in 3sona and ,irona contributed to his importance during his fifty years as seneschal of the count of Barcelona. But# unli e some magnates# his rights to castles and lands came mostly through infeodations from lay or ecclesiastical lords. $t is thus unli ely that ,uillem !amon /$0 was the heir of a powerful territorial magnate. But he probably belonged to that level of the Catalan ruling class from which such lords claimed descent. -e was# in the language of the late eleventh century# a comitor# though a modest one# perhaps a younger son or nephew of the head of a lineage.5C06 *dmitted to the innermost councils of the count# and astute in his relations with other magnates# ,uillem !amon converted the emoluments and even the title of his office into a personal patrimony that could be transmitted to his sons# ,uillem !amon /$$0 and 3t. The legacy was divided between them in his will# though the rights of ,uillem !amon /$$0 apparently had priority. -e was the one who marriedL 3t received the right to succeed to his father's domains only if his brother died without legitimate heirs.5C16 But ,uillem !amon's marriage to the heiress of the Montcada lordship was fruitful and his life long# and 3t's chance to succeed never materiali?ed. Though he sometimes appeared as 7seneschal7 or 7dapifer7 in twelfth'century documents# 3t's career was overshadowed by that of his brother# who became a leader among the magnates of Catalonia.

Dotes for Chapter Two 1. See !amon d'*badal i de 1inyals# Els primers comtes catalans# %nd ed. 5Barcelona# 1A(&6# pp. ":' 11>. %. The agents of the count received rents for its use. )or e9ample# in 100: a peasant's third of an orchard produced a revenue of three deniers 5see Catalogne# p.%106. :. This may have been the meaning in 10%% of a donation of 7servitia at;ue obse;uia hominum7 along with the 7fiscos7 in the castle district of Sallent 5*C* B! $E>06. >. There is evidence to show that in this period some vicars were purchasing castles 5Catalogne# p. 1">6. Bonnassie also cites evidence for the heritability of the vice'comital office in the late tenth century 5ibid.# pp. 1"0'"16. The vicar's office might well have followed the same pattern. &. *ccording to Bonnassie 5ibid.# pp. 1&&'(06# all residents of castle districts# whether they wor ed their own lands held in free allod 5mostly ac;uired by aprisio# a medieval e;uivalent of homesteading6 or land held from the fisc# were liable for the functio 5military service# fortress construction# maintenance# and guardL and aid for certain public wor s6# a census or tribute 5rights of hospitality and levies in ind on produce# livestoc # and cured meats6# and usage ta9es such as pasturage fees. !egarding the pasturage fees# a document of A&" showed them as a royal right 5res regalis6 shared between the church of 1ic 5one'third6 and the count 5andPor his vicars=6. (. Both e9isted in Catalonia. )or a discussion of land rents# see Catalogne# pp. %>C'&>. ". *C1 <ib. dot. 1:Cr'v. This domain probably became allodial through alienation by the count to one of his agents. C. *CB 8iv. CPbP::1% 5formerly capsa "6. This document is classified according to the date of ::11# which is 10C&. A. +as;ual# 7Sacra#7 :E1&. 10. 8ocuments of the tenth and early eleventh centuries attest to the e9istence of persons with titles such as centenarius, tribunus, and ministerialis# but their role in the comital administration is difficult to determine. Their place in the hierarchy of officials was clearly lower than that of vicars# however 5e9amples for the centenarius are in Glossarium mediae latinitatis Cataloniae# col. >"C6. 11. +as;ual# 7Sacra#7 :E1&. 1%. The fact that the bishop's signature does not head the list in the second group does not wea en the argument that ,uillem's name in the first was most prominent# because bishops often signed conspicuously in the middle of blan spaces# leaving space above and below for other signatures or subscriptions that in transcriptions would be placed ahead of theirs. 1:. Though the designation of ,uillem *tG as a night and thus as a member of a 7nouvelle couche nobiliaire7 5Catalogne# p. "A"6 did not appear until 10>A# ,uillem *tG appears to have been in ,uillem de Montcada's service from 101> or earlier. The problem of his place in society remains unsolved# however. @as he primarily a cultivator of land '' a rich peasant 5see ibid.# pp. C00'016 '' or did service to the vicar or lord of a castle relieve him from manual labor= 1>. *C* S. <lorenKE 10&. This mar s an important turning point in ,uillem's family# which from this moment was endowed with a 7noble house.7 7The house of a noble becomes a noble house when it becomes the center and the independent and durable point of crystalli?ation of a lineage to which it confers power7 5Qarl Schmid# 7Rur +roblemati von )amilie# Sippe und ,eschlecht# -aus und 8ynastie beim mittelalterhichen *del#7 in Zeitschrift fr die Geschichte des Oberrheins /1A&"0# 10& E

see also ,eorges 8uby# 7<a noblesse dans la )rance m.di.valeE Jne en;uSte M poursuivre#7 in Revue histori ue /1A(10# %%(E 11.6 ,uillem's family was lin ed by name to this castle within a few years of its ac;uisition# and the identification was so strong that it survived the e9tinction of the line in direct male descent. 1&. *C* S. <lorenKE">. See also Map 1. 1(. Mond.2ar# 7-istoria#7 fols. "%v'":r. 1". *C* B! $E(C. ,uillem's policy of investing in land in the region surrounding Montcada was continued by his widow *delaida in the 10>0s. She made a purchase and resale of land in !ei9ac in 10>1 or 10>% 5*CB <ib. ant. %E%0AvE(&0 /Mas AE%>"E&%C0 and %E1C:vE&>0 /Mas AE%&1'&%E&:C06L a purchase in Sant *ndreu de +alomar in 10>> 5*CB <ib. ant. %E&1vE1:" /Mas AE%(%E&(%06L a purchase in Sant *ndreu de +alomar in 10>C 5*CB <ib. ant. %E&1rE1:& /Mas AE%C0E(0&06L and a sale in Matabous before 10&& 5*CB <ib. ant. %E%%Ar'vE"%A /Mas AE:1"E(A:06. $n 10>C she was cited as holding mills at Clot 5*C* !B $EAA6 and in 10>A on the Beses at Montcada 5*CB <ib. ant. :EC&rE%%& /not registered in Mas06. 1C. $n 10&( *delaida donated to the church of Barcelona land at Sant *ndreu de +alomar that she had ac;uired as a gift from 7the prince of Barcelona# lord !amon7 5*CB 8iv. *E%C"6. *n accounting of the be;uests of Countess Blisabet from the late 10>0s 5*C* s.f. !B $E>># published by Ios. B. !ui? 8omenec in 7Bl sentido de la ri;ue?a en el condado de Barcelona en el siglo T$#7 in Miscellanea !arcinonensia /1A"&0# >E&A'(06 includes a donation to *delaida of &0 mancusos. 1A. *C*S. <lorenKE1%&. %0. $n a convention of 10>C !amon Berenguer envisaged 7delivering /to Mir "uniello0 the mill that *delaida de Montcada holds at Clotum mellis or ma ing for him /her=0 another mill beyond the )enestrelas pass7 5*C* !B $EAA6. The language suggests that all the mills were held by comital concession. %1. See Marc Bloch# #eudal "ociet$# trans. <.*. Manyon 5Chicago and <ondon# 1A(16# p. %&1# and Catalogne# pp. &C0'C>. %%. See C"C %E1(1'(:E&0A for the first of many records of litigation. %:. *CB 8iv. CPbPC% 5formerly carpeta 16. %>. *C* !B $E>:. %&. )or Bonnassie# castlans were 7adventurers# upon occasion bounty'hunters# warring from day to day in the service of one /lord0 or another depending on the conflicts# /who0 constituted the scum of a society that had started down a path of violence from which there was no return7 5Catalogne# p. &":6. %(. *C1 <ib. dot. 1>%v'>>r. %". *C* B! $$E1A. 3n the practice of commending one's vassals to other lords# see +oly and Bourna?el# Mutation f%odale# pp. 1>%'>:. %C. Berenguer !amon entrusted the castle to !amon Mir and gave him the fief held by his father# Mir *malric# from !amon ,uillem de Montcada 5*C* !B $$$E"A6. !amon Mir's father was perhaps a brother of !amon *mairic 7de Montcada#7 who witnessed a donation of an allod in Mollet 5near Montcada6 in 10C0 5*CB <ib. ant. :E%r':rE( /Mas 10E1>1EACA06. %A. Catalogne# pp. %0A'11 and ">('>C. :0. *C* !B $$$E1>:.

:1. *8+'3 S.rie B# liasse A:# n. 1&. :%. *C* !B $$$E"A. ::. *C* !B $$$E%01. :>. Catalogne# pp. ">A'&1. :&. $bid. :(. The te9t reads 7;ui non abent ibi mansum.7 -ere the term mansum apparently refers to an agricultural e9ploitation# not 2ust a house. :". The peasant estatge# according to Bonnassie# evolved from the military service that was due from all free men into servile labor 5Catalogne# p. &CC6. :C. *C* !B $$$E%0(. :A. See Catalogne# pp. "(>'"1. >0. See ibid.# pp. "&1'&%. >1. *C* !B $$$E"A. >%. 7+rofit from 2urisdiction#7 according to I. ). Diermeyer# Mediae latinitatis le&icon minus 5<eiden# 1A"(6# p. C0># citing a Catalonian source of 10(". >:. *C* !B $$$E%0(. >>. *C* !B $$$E 1AA. >&. *C* !B $$$E%&(. >(. *CB 8iv. CPcP>C" 5formerly carpeta %6. >". Bernat !uvira donated allods from the domain at S4ria to the See of 1ic in 10>0. *delaida left her ac;uisitions in Sant *ndreu de +alomar to the See of Barcelona in 10&(# and Berenguer !amon de Montcada left allods in Muntanyola and the allod of Casanova to a monastery and a church at his death in 11:>. >C. *C* !B $$$E1AA. >A. *C* B! $$E%0. &0. *C* B! $$E1A. &1. <ands of the public domain treated as allods could be called 7feudal allods7L see Catalogne# p. %1>. &%. * castle lord's influence could e9tend to the city as well. $n 111& the wealthy Barcelona burgher !icard ,uillem be;ueathed to his son Bernat !icard a fief at Montcada# to his son +ere !icard a fief held from ,uillem !amon Seneschal# and to his son ,auceran !icard a fief he held at <a !oca 5*C* !B $$$E1C"6. &:. See Catalogne# pp. C0A'1%. &>. C"C :E%&'%(EC%%. &&. Bonnassie# e9amining the nature of the family in Catalonia around the year 1000 5Catalogne# pp. %&C'C%6# found evidence of a society perhaps turning from a system of e;ual status in agnate and cognate filiation to a primarily patriarchal system that tended# at least in the aristocratic layers# to favor one male heir# though e;ual division among all heirs 5male and female6 remained fre;uent.

&(. The only nown eleventh'century will of a Montcada descendant is that of !enard ,uillem de <a !oca 5*BC C"%: %'1$$$'16. $t mentions no daughters and leaves most movable goods to !enard ,uillem's wife. &". 7Casa#7 pp. 1:"':CL *-D SS Creus# carpetas %""(E1> and %"C&E&# 1&. &C. *C1 <ib. dot. 1>%v'>>r. &A. *C* B! $$E 1C# 1A. (0. *C* !B $$$E((. (1. *lienations to these ecclesiastical institutions were constant throughout the eleventh century. 8onations ranging from small pieces of land to whole castle districts were made by all classes# especially as pious testamentary legacies. The castle district of Castellar# once sold by ,uillem de Montcada and *delaida to the counts of Barcelona# became a gift to Sant <lorenK del Munt in this way. (%. *C* !B $$$E1AA. (:. These findings# so far as they go# contradict Bonnassie's 2udgment that 7la briHvet. de la vie humaine provo;ue '' ph.nomHne bien connu '' un .crasement des g.n.rations 5bien ;u'aucun indice ne permette de se prononcer sur ce point# on peut penser ;ue les .carts d'Uge entre parents et enfants sont trHs r.duits67 5Catalogne# p. %"16. 8ata from Montcada family show that three successive fathers were aged thirty or over at the births of their first sons. * late marriage 5at thirty'five6 was also made by *rnau Mir de Tost# an important castellan in the county of Jrgell 5Iosep <ladonosa# 'rnau Mir de (ost# Bpisodis de la historia# no. 1C: /Barcelona# 1A">0# p. "6. $t is therefore not surprising that grandparents were rarely mentioned in the charters# a finding that Bonnassie uses to strengthen his hypothesis of short life'spans and close generations. (>. The legal age in eleventh'century Catalonia is open to ;uestion. Bonnassie believes it was fourteen and# in e9ceptions# earlier 5Catalogne# p. %"16L there is some evidence for this# especially related to the succession of counts. But $ believe that# more generally# noble families viewed twenty as the age of ma2ority for their sons. This is suggested by probable ages of birth and transmission of patrimony in the Montcada family and confirmed by the fact that +ere *mat# son of *mat Bldric# became a ward of !amon Mir d'*guda 7us;ue ad 99 annos7 5)#M 1E>>0'>1E>1A6. (&. C"C %E%A>E(:0. This capped a series of donations of property in the territory of Barcelona to the See. Barlier donations date from 10(% 5*CB <ib. ant. %E&1r'vE1:( /Mas 10E>(E"C:0 and 10(% 5*CB 8iv. *E%C"6. ((. Ioseph -. <ynch# "imoniacal Entr$ into Religious )ife from *+++ to *,-+ 5Columbus# 3hio# 1A"(6# pp. >1'>&# has assembled evidence for the practice of placing physically or mentally handicapped children in monasteries. (". There are few clues to ,uillem !amon /$0's inheritance from his forebears. The absence of a patronymic may indicate modest social originsL in any case# it ma es the ;uest for ancestors very difficult. (C. The badly damaged original of the testament is preserved as *C* *merE 1>. )or a reconstituted version# see *ntoni M. *ragG# 7Bl monestir d'*mer i els seus promoters#7 in 'nnals# +atronat d'estudis histerics d'3lot i comarca 51A"C /1A"A06# pp. :>&'>C. (A. *C* B! $$E%. Compare comment by Bonnassie 5Catalogne# p. C106.

"0. -e is attested as lord of CartellM in 10C& 5*C* B! $$E%16 and of BescanG and -ostoles in 11%0 5*C* *merE 1>6L his son as lord of Bstella in 11:( 5)#M 1E>C0'C1E>&"6. 3n the location of Bstella# see Iaime Mar;u.s Casanovas# 7<os castillos de Bstela y !ocasalva# vigNas del valle de *mer#7 in Revista de Gerona 51A(A6# >CE%>'%". "1. *C* !B $$E%1. "%. The land must originally have been commended sometime between 10(" or 10(C 5when +ere ,auKfred was abbot6 and 10"". See .) 1&EC'A. ":. *C* B! $$E%(. ">. *C* *merE 1>. "&. * donation of 10C% revealed that a house near the church of Santa Maria de la +uella was held in fief from ,uillem !amon Seneschal and his brother *rbert 5!amon6 5*C, <libre gran de sacristia maior# fV&>r'v6. "(. )#M 1E>C0'C1E>&". "". *C* *merE1>. "C. See *C* B! $$E&C# a convention that established ,uadal SanK and his nephew Bernat ,ondebal as castlans of Besora. "A. ,uillem !amon's ties to Malla are documented in *C1 <ib. dot. 1%:v'1%>r 5111(6 and to Tord in *C1 <ib. 8ot. 11(r'v 5111C6. -is rights to Tornamira are first attested in his will of 11%0 5*C* *merE1>6. C0. <i e !enard ,uillem de <a !oca# younger brother of !amon ,uillem de Montcada. 3n comitors# see Catalogne# pp. "C&'CC. C1. *C* *merE1>.