Animism The term Animism is derived from the Latin anima, meaning "soul".

In its most general sense, animism is simply the belief in souls. In this general sense, animism is present in nearly all religions. In a more restrictive sense, animism is the belief that souls inhabit all or most objects; it attributes personalized souls to animals, vegetables, and minerals herein the material object is!to some degree!governed by the "ualities hich comprise its particular soul. #eligions that are animistic in this more restrictive sense generally do not accept a sharp distinction bet een spirit and matter, and they generally assume that this unification of matter and spirit plays a role in daily life. This article discusses the term animism mainly in its more restrictive sense. $rigin %ost authorities incline to the vie that the idea of a soul is the original nucleus of the animistic system, that spirits are only souls that have made themselves independent, and that the souls of animals, plants and objects ere constructed on the analogy of humans &sychiatrist 'igmund (reud thought that primitive men came up ith the animistic system by observing the phenomena of sleep )including dreams* and of death hich so much resembles it, and by attempting to e+plain those states. The chief starting,point of this theorizing must have been the problem of death. -hat primitive man regarded as the natural thing as the indefinite prolongation of life ! immortality. The idea of death as only accepted late, and ith hesitancy It has been regarded as perfectly natural for man to react to the phenomena hich aroused his speculations by forming the idea of the soul and then e+tending it to objects in the e+ternal orld. The justification for attributing life to inanimate objects as already stated by .ume in his /atural .istory of #eligion "There is an universal tendency among man0ind to conceive all beings li0e themselves, and to transfer to every object those "ualities ith hich they are familiarly ac"uainted, and of hich they are intimately conscious 1iversity Today Animists live in significant numbers in countries such as 2ambia, the 1emocratic #epublic of the 3ongo, 4angladesh, India, 5abon, the #epublic of 5uinea 4issau, Indonesia, 6apan, Laos, %yanmar, &apua /e 5uinea, &eru, the &hilippines, 3anada, #ussia, ' eden, Thailand, Timor Leste, and the 7nited 'tates. %odern /eopagans, especially 8co,&agans9:;<, sometimes describe themselves as animists, meaning that they respect the diverse community of living beings and spirits ith hom humans share the orld=cosmos9:><. %any &agans and /eopagans believe that there are spirits of nature and place, and that these spirits can sometimes be as

po erful as minor deities. &olytheist &agans may e+tend the idea of many gods and goddesses to encompass the many spirits of nature, such as those embodied in holy ells, mountains and sacred springs. -hile some of these many spirits may be seen as fitting into rough categories and sharing similarities ith one another, they are also respected as separate individuals. $n the other hand, some -iccans may use the term animist to refer to the idea that a %other 5oddess and .orned 5od consist of everything that e+ists9:?<. This &antheism, in hich 5od is e"uated ith e+istence, is different from animism because it imputes value to individual living beings and=or objects only because they might reveal a larger reality or divinity behind everything. Animists respect beings for their o n sa0e , hether because they have souls or because they are persons. 8+amples In /orth America during the early @Ath century, an urban legend e+isted that all human beings, regardless of size, lost @: grams at the moment of death, and it as believed that the departure of the soul accounted for this loss of mass. 9:@< Among the 4asutus it is held that a man al0ing by the brin0 of a river may lose his life if his shado falls on the ater, for a crocodile may seize it and dra him in.9:B< In Tasmania, /orth and 'outh America and classical 8urope is found the conception that the soul ! CDEF, umbra ! is identical ith the shado of a person.9:B< %ore familiar to 8uropeans is the connection bet een the soul and the breath. This identification is found both in Indo,8uropean and 'emitic languages. In Latin e have spiritus, in 5ree0 pneuma, in .ebre ruach. The idea is found e+tending other planes of culture in Australia, America and Asia.9:B< (or some of the /ative Americans and (irst /ations the #oman custom of receiving the breath of a dying man as no mere pious duty but a means of ensuring that his soul as transferred to a ne body.9:B< $ther familiar conceptions identify the soul ith the liver or the heart, ith the reflected figure seen in the pupil of the eye, and ith the blood. Animism, for lac0 of better terminology, can be used to describe the indigenous spiritual traditions practiced by people in the &hilippines during pre,colonial times. Today, only a handful of the indigenous tribes continue to practice it. It is a collection of beliefs and cultural mores anchored in the idea that the orld is inhabited by spirits and supernatural entities, both good and bad, and that respect be accorded to them through nature orship. These spirits all around nature are 0no n as "di atas", sho ing cultural relationship ith .induism )1evatas*. 'ome orship specific deities, such as the Tagalog supreme deity, 4athala, and his children Adla , %ayari, and Tala, or the Gisayan deity Han,Laon; hile others practice Ancestor orship )anitos*. Gariations of animistic practices occur in different ethnic groups. %agic, chants and prayers are often 0ey features. Its practitioners ere highly respected )and some feared* in the community, as they ere healers, mid ives )hilot*, shamans, itches and arloc0s )mang0u0ulam*, priests=priestesses )babaylan=catalonan*, tribal historians and izened elders that provided the spiritual and traditional life of the community. In the Gisayan regions, there is a belief in the e+istence

of itchcraft or 0ulam and mythical creatures such as the "as ang", "/uno sa &unso" and "4a0ona a", despite the e+istence of the 3hristian and Islamic faiths. In general, the spiritual and economic leadership in many pre,colonial (ilipino ethnic groups as provided by omen, as opposed to the political and military leadership according to men. 'panish occupiers during the :?th century arrived in the &hilippines noting about arrior priestesses leading tribal spiritual affairs. %any ere condemned as pagan heretics. Although suppresssed, these matriarchal tendencies run deep in (ilipino society and can still be seen in the strong leadership roles modern (ilipino omen are assuming in business, politics, academia, the arts and in religious institutions. (ol0 religion remains a deep source of comfort, belief and cultural pride among many (ilipinos. /ominally animists constitute about one percent of the population. 4ut animismIs influence pervade daily life and practice of the colonial religions that too0 root in the &hilippines. 8lements of fol0 belief melded ith 3hristian and Islamic practices to give a uni"ue perspective on these religions. Animism The ancient (ilipinos believed, li0e many animistic peoples, that all objects had spirits or ere inhabited by such. 8ven seemingly inanimate objects li0e roc0s, mountains, la0es, etc., and natural phenomena li0e ind, thunder and fire ere said to be inhabited by particular spirits, or to be governed by certain gods. Indeed, even in "organized" religions li0e .induism, Taoism, 3onfucianism, 6ainism and 4uddhism such concepts also e+ist. In India, mountains, rivers and even oceans are said to be gods li0e .imavat ).imalayas*, 5anga )5anges #iver*, and 'aras ati )'aras ati #iver*. The concept of spirits li0e the devas and ya0shas inhabiting trees, hich is found in .induism, 4uddhism and 6ainism, is also idely attested to in the &hilippines. In ancient times, (ilipinos made offerings to particular trees that ere thought to be the habitation of benevolent deities, or even certain ancestral spirits. $ther trees ere thought to house malevolent spirits, and care as ta0en to avoid sleeping under these trees. /ot surprisingly, the (ilipino belief in animism also supported idespread concept of totemism, in hich humans had certain 0indred animal spirits. The sna0e as an important totem being used fre"uently as a symbol, as among the Igorots, as also as a guardian for certain types of priest li0e the taua0 of the Tagalogs. The crocodile and a variety of omen birds li0e the balatiti )Tagalog*, batala )Hapampangan*, haya )4i0ol*, sala0sa0 )Ilo0ano, 'ambal*, etc., ere also considered sacred in certain regions. The forces of nature ere often addressed respectfully using the term, Apo. . (or e+ample, the Ilo0anos addresed the rain as Apo Tudo ILord #ain," Apo Init, "Lord 'un," and even Apo &agay "Lord &alay )the rice plant*." $f course, Apo as also used to address the 'upreme 5od, as among the Hapampangan ho use Apo 5uino "Lord 5od," or the Ilo0ano, Apo Langit "Lord .eaven." As stated early, the 'upreme 5od as often associated ith the heavens, hile the 'on of .eaven as symbolized by the 'un. In this sense, the 'on of .eaven does have a ife, as the 'un is usually said to be the husband of

the ife in &hilippine religious belief. This cosmic pair as apparently very important in the faith of (ilipinos throughout the archipelago. The union of the t o celestial bodies at the /e %oon, and their opposition at the (ull %oon had great spiritual significance, and it as from this that the (ilipinos derived their concepts of cosmic balance. A totem is any entity hich atches over or assists a group of people, such as a family, clan or tribe )%erriam,-ebster $nline 1ictionary 9:< and -ebsterIs /e -orld 3ollege 1ictionary, (ourth 8dition*. Totems support larger groups than the individual person. In 0inship and descent, if the apical ancestor of a clan is nonhuman, it is called a totem. /ormally this belief is accompanied by a totemic myth. Although the term is of $jib a origin, totemistic beliefs are not limited to /ative American Indians. 'imilar totemism,li0e beliefs have been historically found throughout much of the orld, including -estern 8urope, 8astern 8urope, Africa, Australia and the Arctic polar region. In modern times, some single individuals, not other ise involved in the practice of a tribal religion, have chosen to adopt a personal spirit animal helper, hich has special meaning to them, and refer to this as a totem. This non,traditional usage of the term is prevalent in, but not limited to, the /e Age movement. Totemism )derived from the root ,oode, in the $jib e language, hich referred to something 0inship,related, c.f. odoodem, "his totem"* is a religious belief that is fre"uently associated ith shamanistic religions. The totem is usually an animal or other naturalistic figure that spiritually represents a group of related people such as a clan. #eligion #eligion is a system of beliefs, symbols, and rituals, based on some sacred or supernatural realm, that guides human behavior, and gives meaning to life, and unites believers into a community A religion is a set of common beliefs and practices generally held by a group of people, often codified as prayer, ritual, and religious la . #eligion also encompasses ancestral or cultural traditions, ritings, history, and mythology, as ell as personal faith and mystic e+perience. The term "religion" refers to both the personal practices related to communal faith and to group rituals and communication stemming from shared conviction. #eligion see0s to ans er important "uestions such as hy e e+ist, hy people suffer and die, and hat happens hen e die. (unctionalist Gie of #eligion According to 1ur0heim, religion has the function of cohering a society by ensuring that people meet regularly to affirm common beliefs and practices The 8lementary (orms of #eligious Life ):J:@* 'tudied Aboriginal societies and the practice of totenism

The three important functions of religion in any society areK &rovides a meaning and purpose to life &romotes social cohesion and a sense of belonging &rovides social control and support for the government 3ivil religion is the set of beliefs, rituals, and practices that ma0e sacred the values of the society and place the nation in the conte+t of the ultimate system of meaning Types of Religious Organization 8cclesia 3hurch 1enomination 'ect 3ult!"ne religious movement" 8cclesia )or 800lesia* in 3hristian theology denotes both a particular body of faithful people, and the hole body of the faithful. Latin ecclesia, from 5ree0 e00lesia had an original meaning of "assembly, congregation, council", literally "convocation", see 8cclesia )ancient Athens*. #eligious movements and denominations %ore narro ly, it may signify the hole body of 3hristian faithful, including not merely the members of the church ho are alive on earth but those, too, ho have fallen asleep in 3hrist, and as such form part of the communion of saints, considered the 4ody of 3hrist. 'ome churches therefore describe the church as being composed of the 3hurch %ilitant and the 3hurch Triumphant )4eing those 3hristians on 8arth and in .eaven respectively.* In 3atholic theology, there is also the 3hurch 'uffering comprising those in purgatory. The 3hristian family, the most basic unit of church life, is sometimes called the domestic church (inally, IThe 3hurchI may sometimes be used, especially in 3atholic theology, to designate those ho e+ercise the office of teaching and ruling the faithful, the 8cclesia 1ocens, or again )more rarely* the governed as distinguished from their pastors, the 8cclesia 1iscens. 'ome theologians )e.g. 4aptists, 3ongregationalists* accept the local sense as the only valid application of the term IchurchI, in so doing rejecting holesale the notion of a universal )IcatholicI* church. These people argue that all uses of the 5ree0 ord Ie00lesiaI in the /e Testament are spea0ing of either a particular local group, or of the notion of IchurchI in the abstract, and never of a single, orld ide church. ):?LJ London 4aptist 3onfession, 'avoy 1eclaration*

'ome also note the distinction bet een the term Ie00lesiaI )or IecclesiaI* from the term IchurchI. The Ie00lesiaI represents the congregation or living body of believers in 3hrist, as compared to the IchurchI hich more represents the religious institution or organisation )eg. 3atholic 3hurch*. The Ie00lesiaI appears to be hat 3hrist as referring to in the /e Testamant hen he said I7pon this #oc0 I ill build my e00lesia, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against itI )%atthe :?K:L*, as the original 5ree0 meaning refers to the Ie00lesiaI. A form of social movement, religious movements involve groups of people ho join together to spread a ne religion or to reinterpret an old one. #eligious movements are large and typically MopenN in their memberships, especially at the beginning of the movement. 8+amples of religious movements include the early 3hristian movement, the Lutheran movement that began the &rotestant #eformation, the #eformed 6e ish movement, and, more recently, the Islamic (undamentalist movement. The agendas of many religious movements fade hen their leaders lose influence, are replaced, or die. A movement that survives, though, may become a church, or denomination. In other ords, the movement may become a formal organization of adherents ith established symbols, rituals, and methods of governance. %illennial movements periodically come on the scene, especially at the turn of centuries and millennia. &opular among some fringe 3hristian sects and cults, millennialists anticipate large,scale catastrophe, disaster, and social changes!perhaps in fulfillment of 'criptural prophecies. They may also loo0 for ard to the collective salvation for a particular group of believers!usually themselves. 1enominations are large and established religious bodies that have a hierarchy of religious leaders operating ithin a formal, bureaucratic structure. %ost denominational members are born into and gro up ithin the body. 8+amples of 3hristian denominations include the #oman 3atholic 3hurch, the 7nited %ethodist 3hurch, and the Antiochian $rthodo+ 3hurch. A religious denomination )also simply denomination* is a subgroup ithin a religion that operates under a common name, tradition, and identity. The term is fre"uently used to describe various 3hristian denominations )for e+ample, 8astern $rthodo+, 3atholicism, and the many varieties of &rotestantism or #estorationism*. It is also used to describe the four branches of 6udaism )$rthodo+, 3onservative, #eform and #econstructionist*, and )less often, though it ould not be inappropriate* to describe the t o main branches of Islam )'unni and 'hia*. 'ects and cults 'ects are smaller, less organized religious bodies of committed members. They typically arise in protest to a larger denomination, li0e the Anglicans originally did to the #oman church in the :>AAs. They may have fe or no leaders and little formal structure.

3onvinced that they have Mthe truthN and that no one else does )especially not the denomination against hich they are protesting*, sects actively see0 ne converts. &eople are more li0ely to join sects than to be born into them. As sects gro , they may mello and become an institutional religious body instead of a protesting group. If a sect survives over an e+tended period of time, it ill probably become a denomination. In contrast to sects, denominations normally recognize each other as legitimate churches )though doctrinally in error* and peacefully coe+ist. A* Iglesia ni Hristo )I/H* :. /ature and history This sect is a &hilippine version of the I%ormon sect, hose official designation is "The 3hurch of 3hrist of Latter 1ay 'aints". The sect has also copied in part the latter designation, but translated it to &ilipino as "Iglesia ni Hristo" in order to officially distinguish itself from the %ormons. .o ever, for the effect of legitimizing its claim to be the original 3hurch founded by 3hrist, the Iglesia ni Hristo )I/H* has also plagiarized the e+planation originally coined by the %ormons for the same effect, to it, that the original 3hurch of 3hrist at the time of the 8mperor 3onstantine I hen, according to historians, the #oman 8mpire as 3hristianized, 3hristianity as in reality paganized from the absorption of pagan elements, and so the true 3hurch of 3hrist disappeared from the earth until the time hen 5od sent .is messenger in the person of 6oseph 'mith, for the %ormons, or of (eli+ %analo, for the Iglesia follo ers, to restore the true 3hurch of 3hrist in their fold. The I/H as established by (eli+ %analo ):LL?,:J?B*, ho started to preach his ne religion at &unta, 'ta. Ana some time in :J:B. According to the 3hurch elders the Iglesia as born in :J:;, the year hen -orld -ar I started. It as early in that year hen (eli+ baptized the original t elve converts to his 3hurch in a river at 'ta. Ana, and admitted them into this 3hurch. I/H as officially incorporated and registered ith the government of the &hilippines on 6uly @O, :J:;. At present, the I/H is considered the foremost and strongest contender of the 3atholic 3hurch in the &hilippines. It has not been admitted to membership by the -orld 3ouncil of 3hurches, because it does not recognize the 5odhood of 3hrist. 4* &hilippine Independent 3hurch )Aglipayan* :* .istory

This 3hurch is officially 0no n as the Iglesia (ilipina Independiente, )abbreviated into I(I or &I3 in 8nglish*. Its members are commonly 0no n as Aglipayans after their local founder.and first 'upreme 4ishop, %sgr. 5regorio Aglipay. 5regorio Aghpay ):L?A, :J;A* as an ordained 3atholic &riest. .e had been persuaded by 5en. 8milio Aguinaldo and other leaders of the &hilippine #evolution to head the 3hurch in the &hilippines by appointing him %ilitary Gicar 5eneral on $ctober @A; :LJL. .e too0 charge of the diocese of /ueva 'egovia as ecclesiastical governor after persuading the 4ishop, ho at the time as in prison, to hand to him po ers to that effect. In 6anuary :JA@, follo ing the collapse of the revolution, a group of priests of /ueva 'egovia resolved to separate from #ome and to establish an autonomous &hilippine 3hurch, if the Gatican should continue to ignore the rights of (ilipino 3lergy ith regard to the appointment of (ilipino 4ishops. -hen the Gatican refused, the said group of priests designated Aglipay as their representative to carry out their resolution, and the schismatic sect as established. Isabelo de los #eyes 'r. ):L?;,:JBL*, a Trade 7nion organizer and leader too0 advantage of the first 3ongress of Laborers of the &hilippines on August B, :JA@, to proclaim the establishment of the &hilippine .cha Independent 3hurch. 5regorio Aglipay as chosen 'upreme 4ishop and had himself PconsecratedQ bishop by :@ priests. About B? (ilipino 'ecular priests joined in the schism, and some of them had themselves PconsecratedQ bishops in the same manner. This 0ind of PconsecrationQ by priests as defended on the rationalization that the essential order is the priesthood and the episcopate is just a title of ran0. #iding on the crest of nationalistic fervor and anti 'panish,friar feelings, the Aglipayans ere very successful at first. 4ut, as the nationalistic fervor aned they also gradually lost much ground. In :J:L they had :B percent of the population in their follo ing; in :J?A this as trimmed do n to > percent. $n %ay B, :J:L, Aglipay became a (reemason, and in $ctober :J@> rose to the B@nd degree. )(rom #eligious #evolution in the &hilippines, vol.: :L?A,:J;A, by (rs. &.'. de Achutegui '.6. and %.A. 4ernad, '.6., Atheneo de %anila, :J?A, pp.;@L,;@J* The original Aglipayan sect as 7nitarian. 4ut, after -orld -ar II, a bitter rivalry developed ithin the sect. $n 'eptember :, :J;?, the general assembly elected Isabelo de los #eyes 6r. as 'upreme 4ishop. $n the same day, a segment under %sgr. (onacier met at the %anila .otel and elected %sgr. 6uan 6amias as 'upreme 4ishop. 'oon after, @O?B the group of Isabelo de los #eyes 6r. became Trinitarians and had its bishops re,consecrated by 8piscopalians in :J;L. In :J?: the group entered into full communion ith the &rotestant 8piscopalian 3hurch of the 7.'., from hich it receives financial and organizational assistance. This Trinitarian group as later a arded by the 'upreme 3ourt of the &hilippines the right to the name and possessions of the original I(I. The group of (onacier remained 7nitarian, but later fragmented into other minor groups

At first cults may resemble sects, but important differences e+ist. 3ults, the most transient and informal of all religious groups, provide havens for people ho reject the norms and values of larger society. 3ultists may live separately or together in communes. Additionally, cults normally center around a charismatic leader ho focuses on bringing together people of the same turn of mind. The potential for abuse and other problems in such environments has led American society to give much negative press to cults, although not all cults are necessarily abusive. The 3atholic 5odIs 'pirit group is one among dozens of IItad,tad,II or IIchop,chop,II fanatical 3hristian groups in the southern &hilippines, so named for their practice of hac0ing their enemies to death. The cults mi+ 3hristian teaching ith fol0lore, and believe in pagan rituals and amulets that supposedly protect them from all harm, including even bullet ounds. %embersI shirts carry magical inscriptions, and they chant prayers over their machetes to ma0e them po erful. $thers steal 0neecaps from graveyards to ear as protective amulets. Tad,tad cults, 0no n for their ferocity, first rose to prominence in the :JOAs hen they ere used by the military to join offensives against %uslim separatist guerrillas in the south. %any of their original members ere 3hristian settlers from the central &hilippines ho migrated to the southern region of %indanao, coming into conflict ith the original %uslim inhabitants. The 3atholic 5odIs 'pirit sect as notorious for s"uatting on large parcels of farmland in &angantu0an and violently resisting attempts by o ners and officials to e+pel them, officials said. %any of the IItad,tadII sects have in recent years evolved into criminal gangs that engage in cattle rustling and illegal logging. %agic $mens abound in (ilipino life. A tree falling to the ground, or a ring about the moon, portends a death; certain animals crossing the trail demand the postponement of a trip; an earth"ua0e re"uires cancellation of a planned ceremony. %any omens have prescribed remedies, and certain procedures are de rigeur for the sa0e of soliciting an omen from the anitos before underta0ing major ventures such as a marriage, or arfare. $ften a form of "uestion,and,ans er is used, as ith a $uija board, and the gods respond by ma0ing a balanced stic0 fall in a certain direction. 'ince the spirits ill supposedly lend support to the ronged party in a dispute, certain types of trial by ordeal, such as placing the fists in boiling ater, are prescribed in la , although currently seldom used.

3ertain forms of divination can only have appeared in the &hilippines as a result of transmittal across long distances and times. %ost (ilipinos practice augury based on the flight patterns of birds after the fashion of $dysseus; and haruspicy, or divination by the inspection of animal entrails, can only be a reflection of an ancient %editerranean source. The 4agobo and other tribes of %indanao also practice a form of palmistry hich has many resemblances to that ith hich e are familiar, and as probably brought by the %oslems. All sacrifices and magical practices are thought to effect a certain suasion on the behavior of the spirits )anitos*, and there is no magic apart from this conte+tK it is the spirits themselves that actually help or harm human beings. The 4agobo believe that most serious diseases are caused by evil spirits called buso, ho ant to 0ill people so that they can then feast on their flesh. &roper treatment of disease, then, consists in coa+ing or compelling the buso to leave the body by various magic treatments such as earing a nec0lace of human figurines to fool the buso, or drin0ing sna0e bile. $ther diseases may be caused by brea0ing a taboo, such as inappropriate dress, laughing at oneIs reflection in ater, or selling a piece of cloth before it is completed. Afflictions can also be caused by the left hand soul injuring itself hen it goes out of the body during dreams. In these cases gods are appealed to by sacrifice or synthetic magic. The death of a loved one is occasion for a number of taboos, lest the soul of the departed be hindered in the process to the spirit orld. These generally proscribe various types or or0 or pleasure for a certain period, and are formally lifted by a ceremony. The idea of taboo is not as prevalent in the &hilippines as it is in many other places. The Tinggians recite formulaic tales called diam during rituals; these are meant to remind both spirits and humans of the manner in hich the spirit is supposed to behave as a result of the rite. &eople become priests or mediums because of a demonstrated ability to communicate ith the spirits; this generally means an ability to become possessed. $ften priests are omen. After the disposition is noticed, the person is trained in prayers and rituals by more e+perienced priests, but being one never becomes a full,time vocation. In Tagalog they are called 0atalonan; in Gisayan bailan. The Ifugao perform as a part of ceremonies something called tulud, hich involves spea0ing the names of a number of places. 4y this, and by repeatedly directing

the anitosI attention to the present situation, they hope to attract them from their fara ay homes to the ritual at hand. Anito All (ilipino religion has as its basis the idea of supernatural beings called anito, or sometimes di ata. Anito is an ancient and idespread concept in the 8ast Indies, and comprises three levels of entity arrayed in a continuum of importanceK deities or gods in the normal sense a tier of benevolent or malevolent spirits, largely animistic the souls of dead human beings The various anitos, including ones on different levels, have much the same passions and character fla s as living people. They interact ith each other in a businessli0e ay, buying, selling and trading ith each other; and human beings relate to them in this ay also, rather than being orhipful in the 6udaic sense. To obtain a good crop, it is simply ise to sacrifice to certain gods; to remain healthy it is simply prudent to avoid contact ith forest spirits; etc.. The top level of gods proper are assigned names and personalities; they may be fe in number or, as ith the Ifugao, there may be many hundreds of them. They seem to have a lot in common ith .indu deities, and may have sprung from a common origin. They live in different layers of the s0y corresponding to lineages, and tend not to be "good" or "bad" as such, but rather each is rather a mi+ed lot, as is true of the 5ree0 gods. The more important deities are less li0ely he is to be invo0ed directly, as they are thought to be impossibly remote. The second,tier spirits do not have names, but are classified by type; for e+ample there ater spirits, mountain spirits, forest spirits, etc. 'ome of these are inherently demonic, aspiring to cause harm or death or some other mischief to human beings; others can be of great help to men if propitiated. 'ince the souls of relatives are most li0ely to intercede on behalf of a living individual, a 0ind of ancestor orship is practiced, but as ith the dealings ith the other gods, this is regarded as a matter of practical necessity and Ione good turn deserves anotherI rather than the filial piety of 3hina. 'ouls 4oth humans and animals have souls; in fact, everything in the orld is said to have a soul. -hen a person dies, her soul becomes anito. The 4agobo believe in left,and right, hand souls hich become evil and good spirits, respectively, after death. #ituals 'acrifice is a major element in (ilipino religion, and as a rule, neither animial flesh nor the into+icating beverages made from rice or sugar cane are consumed outside of it. $ther valuable goods such as 0nives and te+tiles are also sacrificed. 'ince the anitos do

not have physical e+istence, they only consume the sacrifices spiritually; the physical element is left to the human participants to consume, although this must be done in a properly respectful ay. .ence a 0nife hich has been offered to the spirits can not later be sold, as that ould essentially nullify the sacrifice. $fferings are made constantly, to petition the anitos for good things such as harvests, and for the remediation of bad ones, such as illnesses. Thus, ho ever much (ilipinos may live in dread of the spirit orld, there is also a pleasant side to religion, since ceremonies tend to end in feasting and drin0ing. $f prayers there are t o typesK direct appeals to the spiritual po ers, and formulas. The latter are recitals in a ceremonial conte+ts of mythical instances in hich anitos aided their human charges, in the hope that the po er of suggestion ill again lead to a similar outcome. The vast majority of rituals are those for the cure of sic0ness; there may be different rites for each disease or type of disease, since each may be caused by a different spirit. Agricultural rites are also prevalent. The ta0ing of a head as thought by many to greatly aid the efficacy of almost any ceremony. In the barangay system of the coastal peoples, the rich man ho acts as chief of the community must present elaborate ceremonies for the general elfare in order to maintain his prestige. These are given to promote economic prosperity and the general health and longevity of the members. The 4agobo have nine heavens, each of hich has a presiding god. These gods are similar to those of .indu religion, but are of local invention. They are inaccessible to man and are not orshipped; they mainly e+ists as mythological beings. There are lo er gods hich can be prayed to, including the 3reator, &amula0 %anobo )&lant &erson*; the &rotector, Tigyama; the .ead of the -aters .ero, %ala0i tI$lu HI-aig, ho helps ith illnesses; the rice ceremony god Tarabume; the brass or0ersI god &aneyangen; the huntersI god Abog; the arriorsI god %andarangan; and a god named Tagamaling ho alternates months as god and devil.

'/ 48I/5' 'upernatural beings , they have held our fascination for hundreds of years and they have caught our fanciful imaginations just as long. 'till, one "uestion remains , are they merely e+aggerated accounts resulting from fol0lores passed on for ages or are they stories told in its truest senseR 'ome might still be confused ith the difference bet een those unbelievable stories and about reality. It depends on ho a person understands this orld ith his or her beliefs. 8verything has its o n mysterious ays of revealing secrets. %aybe you ould be the ne+t person to encounter, see for yourself and believe.

-ho doesnIt li0e an occassional story about supernatural beingsR 'urely, there ere times hen one becomes dra n to listen to such stories out of interest and curiosity. /o matter ho absurd they seem to be. &hilippine fol0lore is unli0e the 5ree0 or #oman mythologies, hich are long situational epics connected and happened to form cities and lands. &hilippine myths are timeless and they are only made up by rural to nspeople. These countless myths gave birth to &hilippine mythical creatures. These are considered fictitious yet rural to ns believe in their e+istence. It is believed that only pure and good mortals are able to see these creatures. 4elief in 'upreme 5od -hile there some hat of a trend going on in the ethnological circles claiming that idespread monotheistic beliefs found among many tribal peoples ere due to the influence of diffusion, or by forced interpretation by missionaries, the belief in a 'upreme 5od seems to be one of the most natural and simplest of beliefs. Indeed, very little evidence has been mustered in support of this theory and it remains simple conjecture. In the &hilippines, the record of the 'panish and the surviving indigenous traditions leave little doubt that the (ilipinos had a belief in a 'upreme 3reator 5od. The name of this god varied depending on hat region is discussed. Among some of the names areK 4athala, 1i ata, Habunian, %ansilatan, %a0aptan, Laon, Lumauig, %amarsua, Tuhan, etc. The 3reator 5od as almost al ays said to be invisible, or ithout form, and as such, images of the deity ere not generally made. The name as considered sacred, and very rarely uttered, usually only in sacred rituals by special initiates. This same phenomenon occurs idely throughout the %alay Archipelago. 5enerally, the 'upreme 5od as seen as distant and too involved in higher matters for direct orship. Instead, a lo er class of deities, ho, li0e humans, ere also created, ere the principle objects of prayer, supplication and ritual. .o ever, sacrifices, offerings and rituals aimed at the 'upreme 5od ere no un0no n, and they ere usually reserved for emergency,type situations as among the 4agobo, or in very special annual rites. The lo er gods ere 0no n by names li0e di a, di ata, tuhan and anito. As in many shamanistic cultures, these deities ere divided into benefic and malefic categories. A sort of cosmic dualism as ever present in hich humans and other earthly beings ere also involved. .o ever, the malefic deities ere not generally seen as enemies and ere often supplicated themselves. Their role in bringing harm to earthly beings as seen as having a special significance in the cosmic scheme of things. -hile a sort of battle bet een good and evil did e+ist, this as primarily bet een the beings of earth and the lo er realms. In this conflict, the shaman=priest acted as the primary defender in native society. .e=she sought the aid of the benefic deities against the malevolent lo er spirits, or the appeasement of the malefic deities. In special cases, the shaman=priest even appealed to the 'upreme 1eity.

&hilippine Trinity Among some of the (ilipinos, a belief e+isted that paralleled many ays the idea of the Trinity in 3hristianity, the Trimu0ha in .induism and the Tri0aya in 4uddhism. (ilipino historian, &edro &aterno, discusses these beliefs in his or0, 8l 3ristianismo en la antigua civilization tagalog; contestacion al %.#.&. (r. #. %artinez Girgil de la $rden de predicadores, obispo de $viedo. In another boo0 entitled, $ur Islands, and their &eople, &aterno statesK "-hen 3hristianity as being introduced into the islands, it as found that there ere ords in the language of the (ilipinos capable of e+pressing all the higher spiritual phases and doctrines of the 3hristian religion." In such systems, 4athala, 1i ata, Habunian, etc., ere not seen as the 'upreme 3reator, but as the son of that 5od. 7sually, the 'upreme 5od as associated ith langit or the heavens and s0y, hile 4athala, 1i ata, Habunian et al, ere connected ith the 'un, the heir of the s0y. The third component in this trinity as a type of pantheistic spirit or body that as sometimes 0no n as Laon. %any (ilipino peoples had a concept of different bodies or souls for each individual. The highest of these souls as sometimes made part of a collective universal body that pervaded all things. -hile one may be tempted to connect this ith Indian influence, hich certainly is possible, similar beliefs e+ist in $ceania, the system in .a aiIi being particularly ell, 0no n. The interesting thing concerning the ideas of the 'upreme 5od and the son of this 5od is that neither is given any form, nor or images usually made of them, and neither are given any heavenly spouses. The 'upreme 5od is not usually given any se+, and this may be one reason that investigators often received confusion ans ers hen in"uiring on this matter. 4athala, 1i ata, Habunian et al are generally seen as male, but ithout spouses. Thus, there as very little corporal conception of these deities, unli0e the lo er created gods. 4elief in 'upernatural 4eingsK &erhaps the most common and fundamental characteristic of religion is a belief in supernatural beings ! usually, but not al ays, including gods. (e religions lac0 this characteristic and most religions are founded upon it. Atheism is the absence of belief in gods and thus e+cludes belief in gods, but it does not e+clude belief in other supernatural beings. %ore important, ho ever, is that atheism does not teach the e+istence of such beings and most atheists in the -est do not believe in them. %oral 3ode -ith 'upernatural $riginsK %ost religions preach some sort of moral code hich is typically based upon its transcendental and supernatural beliefs. Thus, for e+ample, theistic religions typically claim that morality is derived from the commands of their gods. Atheists have moral codes, but they donQt believe that those codes are derived from any gods and it ould be

unusual for them to believe that their morals have a supernatural origin. %ore importantly, atheism doesnQt teach any particular moral code. &rayer and $ther (orms of 3ommunicationK 4elief in supernatural beings li0e gods doesnQt get you very far if you canQt communicate ith them, so religions hich include such beliefs naturally also teach ho to tal0 to them ! usually ith some form of prayer or other ritual &A5I5I/5 %A5ALA/5 . &agmamano o paghali0 sa Hamay , Haugaliang magmano o humali0 sa 0amay ng matatanda pagsapit ng orasyon. &agmamano sa mga magulang sa pag,alis at pagdating ng bahay ng mga ana0. Influences from the 'outh 8ast Asian %igrations and other asian migrations to the islands 0no n as the &hillipines are many fold, but one very strong influence that holds even today, is a respect for their elders. (rom youth, (ilipinos are taught to respect those ho are older than them. /ot only have the elders given birth and raised many, but in their age, they have gro n iser, more e+perienced, and have, by tradition earned the respect of younger generations. 'everal symbolic ays in hich respect is given to elders is in the use of language by calling older (ilipinos "&o" and older siblings, cousins, and family friends "Huya" and "Atee". A 'hort 'ynopsis on (ilipino .istory The most fascinating and ritualistic custom of sho ing respect to elders is of the greeting or salutation, the %ano. The &hilippines is the only country in Asia that holds this specific tradition and its origins evolved from the mi+ture of estern and eastern tradition. The %ano 9'panish for hand< evolved from the traditions of respect for ones elders hich comes from asian cultures coupled ith the respect for the clergy during the 'panish occupation of the &hilippines. In certain parts of Asia, it is respectful to bo to another person to sho your repect for them. The bo ta0es several different forms throughout Asia, and is part of the origins of the %ano. $ne of the most influential origins of the %ano began hen the 3atholic friars ho occupied, colonized, and converted many insisted that the Indios 9the native people< 0iss their hand, as a sign of po er over them. At the time, the &ope ho as held in high esteem, e+tended his hand to priests, nuns S lay people as he gave his blessings as they 0issed his signet ring. This ritual as appropriated by the 3atholic (riars and &riests, especially in the &hilippines. As a result the (ilipinos appropriated this tradition as a means to sho respect to oneIs elders by ay of the %ano. The %ano is hen one slightly bo s to oneIs elder as they ta0e the elderIs opposing hand and respectfully place it to oneIs o n forehead.

'o, the Asian custom of symbolically sho ing respect of the elders, ith a bo , coupled ith the 0issing of an honored personIs hand, is here the %ano has evolved as one of the &hilippineQs distinct rituals. Folk Catholicism is a term used to refer to varieties of 3atholicism as actually practiced in 3atholic communities around the orld. &ractices that are identified by outside observers as "fol0 3atholicism" vary from place to place, and often vary as ell from official #oman 3atholic 3hurch doctrine. 'uch practices occur every here that 3atholicism is a major religion, not only in the often,cited cases of Latin America and the -est Indies. (ol0 accommodations bet een orthodo+ 3atholicism and local beliefs can be found in 5aelic 'cotland, the &hilippines, Ireland, 'pain, &ortugal, (rance, Italy, and &oland. )'ee also fol0 religion.* %any common fol0 3atholic practices are local elaborations of 3atholic custom, and do not contradict orthodo+ 3atholic doctrine. The term used by the 3atholic hierarchy for such practices is popular piety. 8+amples of such practices include compadrazgo in modern Latin America, hich developed from standard medieval 8uropean 3atholic practices that fell out of favor in 8urope after the seventeenth century, and ritual pilgrimages in medieval and modern 8urope. %odern fol0 3atholic beliefs and practices include miracle stories about priests in Ireland, stories about apparitions of the Girgin %ary and other saints in 'pain, and fol0 practices surrounding vo s to saints in Latin America and 8urope. The church hierarchy ta0es a pragmatic stance to ards popular piety, and may often declare %arian apparitions and similar miracles " orthy of belief" )e.g. $ur Lady of (atima*, or ill confirm the cult of local saints, ithout actually endorsing or recommending belief. $ther forms of fol0 3atholic practices are based on syncretism ith non,3atholic beliefs and may involve the syncretism of 3atholic saints and non,3hristian deities. 'ome of these fol0 3atholic forms have come to be identified as separate religions, as is the case ith 3aribbean and 4razilian syncretisms bet een 3atholicism and -est African religions. The latter include .aitian Godou, 3uban 'anteria, and 4razilian 3andomblT. 7nli0e the e+amples of "popular piety," these syncretic religions are generally rejected by the 3atholic hierarchy. 3omple+ syncretisms bet een 3atholic practice and indigenous or /ative American belief systems are also common in %aya communities of 5uatemala and Uuechua communities of &eru, to give just t o of many e+amples. 7nli0e the syncretic Afro, 3atholic religions named above, these syncretisms are typically not named as separate religions. #ather, their practitioners generally regard themselves as "good 3atholics" Cultural ecology is ecology including humans. It studies the relationship bet een a given society and its natural environment , the life,forms and ecosystems that support its life ays. This may be carried out diachronically )e+amining entities that e+isted in different epochs*, or synchronically )e+amining a present system and its components*. The central argument is that the natural environment, in small scale or subsistence societies dependent in part upon it , is a major contributor to social organisation and other

human institutions. &articularly those concerned ith the distribution of ealth and po er in a society, and ho that affects such behaviour as hoarding or gifting, e.g. the .aida tradition of the potlatch on the 3anadian est,coast. In the academic realm, hen combined ith study of political economy, the study of economies as polities, it becomes political ecology , another academic subfield. It also helps interrogate historical events li0e the 8aster Island 'yndrome. 3oining the Term Anthropologist 6ulian 'te ard ):J>>* is associated ith the term. In his "Theory of 3ulture 3hange; The %ethodology of %ultilinear 8volution" , cultural ecology is theM ..study of the adaptive processes by hich the nature of society, and an unpredictable number of features of culture, are affected by the basic adjustment through hich man utilizes a given environment. N It is this assertion , that the physical environment affects culture , that had proved controversial, because it implies an element of environmental determinism over human actions. 3ultural ecology is, indeed, inflicted ith mild environmental determinism, but the approach has value in the types of situations in hich it as developed. Less so in connected and globalised societies. 'te ardIs method as toK :* document the technologies S methods used to e+ploit the environment , to get a living from it. @* loo0 at patterns of human behavior=culture associated ith using the environment. B* assess ho much these patterns of behavior influenced other aspects of culture )e.g., ho , in a drought,prone region, great concern over rainfall patterns meant this became central to everyday life, and led to the development of a religious belief system in hich rainfall and ater figured very strongly. This belief system may not appear in a society here good rainfall for crops can be ta0en for granted, or here irrigation as practiced*. 'te ardIs ideas of cultural ecology became idespread among anthropologists and archaeologists of the mid,@Ath century, though they ould later be criti"ued for their environmental determinism. 3ultural ecology as one of the central tenets and driving factors in the development of processual archaeology in the :J?As, as archaeologists understood cultural change through the frame or0 of environmental adaptation.

The 'panish missionaries arrived filled ith a zealous desire to save the animist souls of the indigenous people. The missionaries built impressive churches and preached the virtuous path to salvation.

4ut the indigenous people found that medieval 3astilian philosophy did not fit into their orldvie , so they ent on practicing animism behind the bac0s of the priests. The 'paniards may have imposed 3hristianity, but it ould be inaccurate to say that the indigenous people fully accepted the foreign religion. .istorians seem to see not the 3hristianizing of a people, but of their animistic practices. 3hristianity in the &hilippines is really a uni"ue fol0 variety, incorporating animistic beliefs. $ne can easily recognize this in the practice of 3hristianity in the &hilippines. (or e+ample, (ilipinos have a strong devotion to the Girgin %ary in many different capacitiesK as a shield against foreign invasion, as a protector during travel, and even as a fertility goddess. (ilipino children often call her %ama %ary. There are also cults devoted solely to the 3hild 6esus. -orshipers bathe images of the 'anto /iVo, or .oly 3hild. They clothe the statues in rich brocade, treating the 3hild 6esus as a princely guest in their homes. %ore than >A icons of the Girgin %ary and the 3hild 6esus in the &hilippines are said to be miraculous. Another e+ample of fol0 3hristianity in the &hilippines is the veneration of saints for prayers ans eredK for a good harvest, for rain, for the right spouse, for children. 8arly (ilipino converts may have seen features of their o n rituals in 3atholic sacraments. They may, for e+ample, have associated the sacrament of baptism ith their o n healing rituals, hich also used the symbolism of ater. The 'panish friar may have simply replaced the indigenous priestess as spiritual mediator. -hile the missionaries tried to completely destroy indigenous symbols and practices such as slavery and polygamy, some of the 8uropean 3atholic practices they introduced blended ith indigenous ritual practices. (or e+ample, they acted out biblical stories to teach indigenous people about 3hristianity. (ilipinos today act out the passion of 3hrist during .oly -ee0. A faithful people, (ilipino loo0 for religion for strength in times of trouble and attribute their accomplishments to divine guidance. -hat is important to them is that someone or something more po erful than themselves turns the heel of live and may be counted on for help. Cultural ecology in geography In geography, cultural ecology developed in response to the "landscape morphology" approach of 3arl $. 'auer. 'auerIs school as criticized for being unscientific and holding an inaccurate "superorganic" theory of culture. The first form of cultural ecology applied ideas from ecology and systems theory to understand the adaptation of humans to their environment. These cultural ecologists focused on flo s of energy and materials, e+amining ho beliefs and institutions in a culture regulated its interchanges ith the natural ecology that surrounded it. In this

perspective humans ere as much a part of the ecology as any other organism. Important practitioners of this form of cultural ecology include Harl 4utzer and 1avid 'toddard. The second form of cultural ecology introduced decision theory from agricultural economics, particularly inspired by the or0s of Ale+ander 3hayanov and 8ster 4oserup. These cultural ecologists ere concerned ith ho human groups made decisions about ho they use their natural environment. They ere particularly concerned ith the "uestion of agricultural intensification, refining the competing models of Thomas %althus and 4oserup. /otable cultural ecologists in this second tradition include .arold 4roo0field and 4. L. Turner II. 'tarting in the :JLAs, cultural ecology came under criticism from political ecology. &olitical ecologists charged that cultural ecology ignored the connections bet een the local,scale systems they studied and the global political economy. Today fe geographers self,identify as cultural ecologists, but ideas from cultural ecology have been adopted and built on by political ecology, land change science, and sustainability science. Social control refers to social mechanisms that regulate individual and group behavior, leading to conformity and compliances to the rules of a given society or social group. %any mechanisms of social control are cross,cultural, if only in the control mechanisms used to prevent the establishment of chaos or anomie. 'ome theorists, such as 8mile 1ur0heim, refer to this form of control as regulation. 'ociologists identify t o basic forms of social controlK :* Internalization of norms and values, and @* the use of sanctions, hich can be either positive )re ards* or negative )punishment*.9:< The means of social control can be either informal or formal. Informal social control denominates customs, traditions, norms and other social values inherited by the individual. It is e+ercised by a society ithout e+plicitly stating these rules and is e+pressed through customs, norms, and mores using informal sanctions such as criticism, disapproval, guilt and shaming. In e+treme cases this may even include social discrimination and e+clusion. This implied social control usually has more control over individual minds because they become ingrained in their personality. Traditional society uses mostly informal social control embedded in its customary culture relying on the socialization of its members to establish social order. %ore rigidly,structured societies may place increased reliance on formal mechanisms. (ormal social control is e+pressed through la as statutes, rules, and regulations against deviant behavior. It is conducted by government and organizations using la enforcement mechanisms and other formal sanctions such as fines and imprisonment. In democratic societies the goals and mechanisms of formal social control are determined through legislation by elected representatives and thus enjoy a measure of support from the population and voluntary compliance. According to the propaganda model theory, the leaders of modern corporate dominated societies employ indoctrination as a means of social control. 'everal intellectual figures such as /oam 3homs0y have argued that systematic bias e+ists in the modern media. The

mar0eting, advertising, and public relations industries have thus been said to utilize mass communications to aid the interests of certain business elites. &o erful economic and religious lobbyists have often used school systems and centralised electronic communications to influence public opinion. 1emocracy is restricted as the majority is not given the information necessary to ma0e rational decisions about ethical, social, environmental, or economic issues. In order to maintain control and regulate their subjects, authoritarian organizations and governments promulgate rules and issue decrees. .o ever, due to a lac0 of popular support for enforcement, these entities may rely more on force and other severe sanctions such as censorship, e+pulsion and limits on political freedom. 'ome totalitarian governments, such as the late 'oviet 7nion or the current /orth Horea and 3hina, rely on the mechanisms of the police state. 'ociologists consider informal means of social control vital in maintaining public order, but also recognize the necessity of formal means as societies become more comple+ and for responding to emergencies. The study of social control falls primarily ithin the academic disciplines of anthropology, political science, and sociology. Authority Tell a young child that they must not do something, and the inevitable response is I-hyRI In its infancy, human civilisation as no different. #ulers ascended to positions of po er, and created la s for all their people to follo . 4ut hy should they be obeyedR -hat ma0es their la s better than your o nR It is possible to compel compliance ith the la s through la enforcement alone. 'et a fe harsh e+amples, and the people ill fall in line. 4ut all this really accomplishes is to convince the people to be more careful in the brea0ing of the la s. And a la less people ill re"uire so many resources to police that the ruler ould never have the opportunity to con"uer their neighbours and put them under his rule. 3anny rulers realised this. The people needed to believe that the la s had to be obeyed, and that, regardless of secular authority, punishment in some form as inevitable. 'o many mysteries in life ere attributed to the gods, and gaining the favour of the gods as a full,time pursuit. -hat better motivation for obedience than that the gods said soR $bey the la s or your crops ill ither, your ell ill dry up, and your o+en ill become diseased. $bey the la s, and your crops ill be plentiful, your sons ill be strong, and your daughters ill marry ell and bring a rich do ry. 'uch logic as simple and effective. #eligion and Authority in the Ancient -orld

The first thing a ruler had to do as establish their authority to spea0 for their gods. The oldest e+isting legal code is that of .ammurabi of 'umer. .ammurabiIs 3ode opens and closes ith invocations to the gods, and it establishes .ammurabiIs authority to create those la s as coming directly from the gods Anu, 4el, and %ardu0. (or instanceK Anu and 4el called by name me, .ammurabi, the e+alted prince, ho feared 5od, to bring about the rule of righteousness in the land, to destroy the ic0ed and the evil,doers; so that the strong should not harm the ea0; so that I should rule over the blac0,headed people li0e 'hamash, and enlighten the land, to further the ell,being of man0ind. , .ammurabiIs 3ode In the beginning of -estern civilisation, the priests and the rulers ere often one and the same. (or e+ample, %oses climbed a mountain and sat in secluded conversation ith the god of the .ebre s before giving their la s to them. This gave him the authority to give his people simple instructions li0e I1onIt eat por0.I In the ancient times, people ould not have 0no n that you had to coo0 the meat thoroughly to 0ill contaminants in por0. 4ut after having seen people eat it and die, it as much easier to say, IItIs uncleanI than to have to e+plain that you could die from it, but nobody 0ne hy. In 8gypt, the pharaoh as the reincarnation of the god .orus, ho as given rulership over the earth, just as his father $siris ruled the dead. .is po er as perceived to influence the cyclical /ile floods, hich covered the surrounding land ith such a fertile topsoil that the 8gyptians could raise t o crops per year. It is li0ely that the accomplishments of the 5reat &yramids at 5iza are due in no small part to the profound influence that the pharaohIs immediate divinity, and his perceived connection to the life, giving /ile floods, granted him over his people. The 5ree0s had a very curious set of gods. They ere more or less human, ith human foibles and faults, and the things hich might please them or offend them ere rather arbitrary. This might have been born from the observation of the fic0le nature of natural forces. 5ood things happen sometimes to bad people, and bad things happen to good people, and their theology reflected that. &eople began to trust in their o n ability to govern themselves, and had to figure out the ho s and hys of doing so. This led to the development of philosophy, and intelligent people stood around in the to n s"uare tal0ing about things related to human behaviour, sciences, and the gods for a living. #oman Authority The #omans con"uered the 5ree0s, and ere much impressed by the 5ree0 achievements in philosophy, as ell as their religion. The #omans ere curious and accepting of foreign ideas, and as they con"uered more cultures, their religious beliefs and practices ere elcomed and incorporated into the overall #oman culture. The con"uered cultures li0e ise shared in the pre,e+isting #oman beliefs. It as an atmosphere of religious tolerance that has not been e"ualled since. -hen the #oman #epublic as replaced by the #oman 8mpire, Augustus 3aesar as faced ith the problem ane . .o to convince the 8mpire to obey his ord of la ,

rather than the old structureR .e borro ed from the 8gyptian culture and declared himself a god. In the religiously accepting empire, this didnIt pose much difficulty. .e became one of many gods, certainly not as po erful as 6upiter, but his presence here on earth and his position of rule made his authority more concrete than 6upiterIs. The citizens paid homage to the emperor on his holiday, and life in the empire ent on. In the early days of the #oman 8mpire, only one culture did not join in this religious e+change. The .ebre religion forbade participation in other religions, or even recognition of other gods. The emperor, ho relied on his divine status for authority, had to consider their failure to recognise his divinity as a challenge to his legal right to rule. The 6e s chafed at the ste ardship of the pagan #omans, and this gave rise to the messianic movements. %essianic 6e s rebelled against #oman rule time and again. $ne thing the messianic movements had in common as that they ere very e+clusive, and regional in scope. &aul changed that. As a #oman citizen, he presented the 3hristian movement in a ay that made it available to the entire empire. As it spread, its perceived threat to the #oman government also gre . 3ommon citizens ere also gro ing alarmed, as 3hristians ere ithdra ing into their o n communities and refusing to ta0e part in the many religious festivals hich held together their social fabric. The commoners began to develop a fear of the un0no n, but to the emperors, the behaviour of the 3hristians as treasonous. It as for this reason, and not religious intolerance, that the persecution of 3hristians as initiated. 1ifferent emperors handled the matter differently. (or some, it as something a0in to a itch hunt. (or others, it as a simple matter of establishing imperial authority. 8mperor Trajan, for instance, as very supportive of this procedure for handling 3hristians as implemented by the governor &liny. They ere to be brought to the magistrate and as0ed, IAre you a 3hristianRI three times, ith a reminder of the punishment if they say they are. If they said InoI at any of those times, they ere instructed to pay homage to the statue of the emperor, and then set free. 7nfortunately, the nature of the religion and the dar0 outloo0 for the common man at that time caused many to convict themselves unnecessarily. (or hile theirs as a religion that taught of forgiveness, it also loo0ed harshly upon those ho turned their bac0s on it. And the lure of eternal bliss as po erful in an impoverished and violent orld. 8mperor 3onstantine came to po er in a tragically ea0ened empire. Internal competition for po er had divided the empire in four. 3onstantine aged a successful ar to reunite the empire politically. 3onstantine then turned his attention to uniting the empire culturally, and to do this he chose to implement a state religion. Although a member of the cult of 'ol Invictus, 3onstantine cast aside his personal beliefs and e+amined each religion based solely on his political goals. .e chose 3hristianity. &aulIs internationalisation of the religion as a major selling point, as as the fact that the $ld Testament establishes Wah eh as a arrior god. 3hristianity itself, ho ever, as e+tremely divided. 'o 3onstantine called the 3ouncil of /icea in B@>38. 4ishops from the entire empire )and some from &ersia* gathered

together to settle their differences. -hen they ere finished, they had established a 3hristian orthodo+y. 4ishops ho refused to agree to that orthodo+y ere 0illed as the first heretics. 4ac0ed by the emperor, the ne 3atholic )meaning universal* 3hurch vigorously persecuted heresy herever it could be found. The Age of (eudalism 4ut eventually, e+ternal pressures became too much to bear, and in the >th 3entury, the -estern half of the empire collapsed. 4arbarian raiding parties ravaged the countryside. Isolated and terrified, common citizens sought protection, hich gave rise to the feudal lord. .is authority as based on a social contract; the peasants or0ed his fields and served him, and he in turn gave them protection from marauders. The church also came to rely on the feudal lords for protection. In e+change for this protection, the church offered a canon hich granted the lord greater po er over his subjects. 4y ma0ing virtues of mee0ness, obedience, poverty, and hard or0, the church moulded the peasantry into the most desirable or0 force for the lord. The church also enriched themselves, by emphasising charity. 4ut this arrangement placed the lord in the position of authority over the church, and the church sought to reverse that. An important step to ards that goal as made in LAA38, hen 3harlemagne as invited to #ome by &ope Leo III, and cro ned emperor of #ome. This established the precedent that cro ns ere dispensed by the church. The tradition entrenched itself gradually, to the point that a monarch ho as not cro ned in a formal ceremony by a bishop or cardinal as not legally recognised as 0ing or "ueen. The church used its unchec0ed po er to raise a esome sums of money, build churches, age ars, persecute dissenters, and engage in every form of vice 0no n to man. This gro ing abuse of po er did not go unnoticed. In :>:O %artin Luther nailed his J> theses to a church door. This first act of defiance inspired many others, and soon everyone as "uestioning the very nature of god, the orld, and the church. &hilosophy as rediscovered by estern civilization, and church influence began a slo but steady decline. /e churches sprang up every here ith ne doctrines, and 3hristianity became even more divided than it had been at the time of the 3ouncil of /icea. 1ivine #ight Though church influence in government as aning, religious influence as not. 4ishop 6ac"ues,4enigne 4ossuet proposed that his 0ing, Louis XIG of (rance, ruled by divine right. The argument is based on the presupposition that the 3hristian god is omnipotent, omnipresent, and that everything that happens on earth is in accordance ith his ill. 7nder such a god, only the person chosen to be 0ing could become 0ing, and everything that such a 0ing decreed ould also have to be according to his godIs ill. The concept of divine right passed unchec0ed po er from the church to the monarch, and it asnIt long before monarchs began abusing po er in the same ays the church had.

7nfortunately for the monarchs, their po er had been established as a secular one long before, and competition ith the aristocracy as li0e ise ell established. The 8nglish aristocracy had established the precedent of their authority to chec0 monarchic po er as early as :@:>38, ith the %agna 3arta. As 4ritish 0ings and "ueens attempted to e+ercise their divine right, the lordsI resistance gre , and a slo , painful process of reform began, hich continues to this day still. The #ise of 'ecular 5overnment If the 4ritish aristocracy cared little for divine right, their colonists in the /e -orld cared not at all. %any had fled the continent of 8urope to escape persecution of their particular brand of 3hristianity. They ac0no ledged the authority of the 0ing, but established their o n local governments, based on purely secular authority, to handle the actual administration of the colonies. -hen &arliament passed la s that ere perceived as an attempt to usurp those local governments, they appealed to the 0ing. And hen the 0ing declared them in rebellion, they responded ith full,scale rebellion. -hen they on their independence, they created the first government in -estern history ithout a direct religious influence since Augustus 3aesar. In the (irst Amendment to the 3onstitution, they e+pressly banned establishment of a state religion. The founders ere primarily 1eists, ho believe in a 3reator but do not believe he ta0es an active interest in human affairs. The ideas spread. The (rench #evolution abolished church authority. In various ays and to various degrees, direct religious authority as removed from governments throughout 8urope. Ambitious, charismatic leaders managed to ac"uire absolute po er from time to time based on their o n authority, but, from /apoleon to .itler, such governments stood for very short times. They ere brought do n by internal and=or e+ternal resistance, and none lasted longer than the natural life of the founder. Though the term IhumanismI ould not be born for some time, governments throughout -estern civilization ere being founded on humanist principles; that humans have dignity and orth, and that human reason, 0no ledge, and e+perience are the most valid sources for creation of a code of ethics and la . Individual leaders may still adhere to their old religious doctrines, but these doctrines have been heavily influenced by the rise of secularism and humanism. (or e+ample, the Levitical pronouncement on the fate of gay men, hile clearly established by religion, is rejected completely by all -estern governments as ell as all but the most rabidly fundamentalist minority of leaders and general citizens. -hat /o R In -estern culture, religion has lost its validity as a legal basis for government. .o ever, it does yet serve many individuals as a basis for personal morality and ethics. The moral and ethical systems are as diverse as the individuals ho practice them, ith influences of e+perience, environment, and interpretation added to the myriad varieties of available religions. And ne religions appear all the time.

In the @Ath 3entury, e sa that hen people ithin the same government are divided on a political issue, and that division coincides ith a religious boundary, escalation of hostilities is the inevitable result. The rise of the labour union, a class conflict, sa scattered rioting. The battle for racial e"uality in the 7' sa isolated acts of brutality and murder. 4ut the violence in these movements pale beside those hich also fell along religious differences. The /orthern Ireland conflict, for instance, is based on a political difference not unli0e that of the peaceful difference bet een Uuebecois separatists and their mostly 8nglish, descended unionist neighbours in 3anada. The current &alestinian situation has been greatly e+acerbated by religious disagreements, such as access to %ount 2ion and the Temple on the %ount. And let us not forget that a prejudice in 5ermany, hich divided the people religiously as ell as racially, produced the .olocaust. Though most of the orldIs governments have discarded religion as a basis for authority, violence associated ith religious belief continues. 4ut as humanism ta0es a greater hold on society, religious beliefs continue to splinter off in ne directions. And the more personalised religious belief becomes, the more tolerating of religious differences e can become. -hen there arenIt enough members of a particular religion to dominate a political disagreement, peaceful demonstration and reasonable discussion become realistic options for resolution. &erhaps the ne+t phase of our cultural evolution is the death of organised religion.

&hilippine mythology and fol0lore include a collection of tales and superstitions about magical creatures and entities. 'ome (ilipinos, even though heavily -esternized and 3hristianized, still believe in such entities. The prevalence of belief in the figures of &hilippine mythology is strong in the provinces. 4ecause the country has many islands and is inhabited by different ethnic groups, &hilippine mythology and superstitions are very diverse. .o ever, certain similarities e+ist among these groups, such as the belief in .eaven )0alu alhatian, 0alangitan*, .ell )impiyerno, 0asanaan*, and the human soul )0alulu a*. Ancient &hilippine mythology, hile not as idely 0no n as its 8uropean and 8ast Asian counterparts, contains similar elements to other mythologies, including deities, creation stories, mythical creatures, and beliefs. Ancient &hilippine mythology varies among the many indigenous tribes of the &hilippines. 'ome tribes during the pre,'panish con"uest era believed in a single 'upreme 4eing ho created the orld and everything in it, hile others chose to orship a multitude of tree and forest deities )di atas*. 4elo are some of the gods and goddesses of the various ancient &hilippine tribesK