Micah Saichek

Pols 2900-Special Topics

Shari Lee Sowards

Preemptive War Doctrine & the Influence of the 9/11 Terrorist Attacks
 The political and social climate of the world is growing ever-more tense.

Struggles for power, control of resources, and security are abound. The dangers posed by

terrorism have become more salient and, as some claim, inescapable. With threats of war,

terrorism, nuclear proliferation, the stakes for survival rise, and the options for countering

these threats have to be constantly revised, and all strategies considered.

With such a charged atmosphere, all options must remain on the table, and the

consequences of not acting could be too steep to warrant inaction. A policy of

preemption has been professed, and as declared by the United States government, must

be retained to sufficiently protect the security of the state, and for good reason.

The terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001wrought unmitigated destruction upon

the innocent population of the United States. A deciding factor that led to the attacks was

in-action on the part of the United States, allowing terrorist cells to operate within our

own borders without investigation, despite some warnings. The national security strategy

of the united states dictates in the introduction: “We will cooperate with other nations to

deny, contain, and curtail our enemies’ efforts to acquire dangerous technologies. And, as

a matter of common sense and self-defense, America will act against such emerging

threats before they are fully formed.”(1) The United States national security strategy

continues: “We cannot defend America and our friends by hoping for the best. So we

must be prepared to defeat our enemies’ plans, using the best intelligence and proceeding

with deliberation.“(1) This is an important statement with significant implications. Using

the language dictated by the United States government, as well as considering the U.N.

charters, and international law, we will be able to gauge whether preemption was

necessary and just.

 One prominent and increasingly used tactic is the act utilized in foreign policy

and to assure national security is preemptive war. In this new age, where information

sharing is almost instantaneous, are we able to properly gauge threats by state and non-

state actors? Is it even possible to act in the present, an attempt to counteract what could

exist only in the future? If one is to act on intelligence alone, what justifications are

considered acceptable, and what doctrine should be adhered to, to stay within the

framework of law both domestically and internationally? To investigate this issue, a clear

definition must be ascertained of the many different strategies used within foreign policy,

in the past and the present.

Words can be weighted, and often times have multiple uses and meanings. It has

become increasingly difficult in this technological age to find truth. One persons truth is

another’s farce. Attempting to even define the phrase ‘preemptive war’ proves

troublesome. As such, several different definitions will be examined and used

accordingly. Preemptive war is based in an anticipatory foundation, with some fear of an

imminent threat or attack, or reactions to war games by opposing countries. In 1841,

Secretary of State Daniel Webster described the conditions for preemptive war when the

need for them is “instant [and] overwhelming, and [leaves] no choice of means, and no

moment of deliberation."(2) Another qualifier needed for a preemptive attack is that the

attack must be in proportion to the threat, and not excessive. A similarly worded

description comes from Steven Walsh, a research analyst at the Center for Defense

Information: “The prevailing view probably is that, one way or another, anticipatory self-

defense is permissible but traditionally has required the existence of an imminent

threat”.(2) There appears to be somewhat of a consensus, resting on the basis of an

urgent, immediate, clear and present threat to national security. This will make the task of

gauging whether a war was preemptive easier. On the other hand, preventive war takes on

the flipside of preemption, and seems to discard the rules of an imminent attack.

Preventive war, as opposed to preemptive war, is a war or attack waged to actually

prevent a country from acquiring weapons, technology, territory, or some unforeseen gain

of power or influence. Preventive war is seen as unjust in some eyes because there is no

clear and present danger involved with an attack of this nature, it is truly an attack to

prevent some future loss of influence or power, without provocation. Because this form

of war does not involve a sudden, urgent need for self defense, it is not given as much

credence as preemptive war. J Warren Smith, an author from the Journal of Religious

ethics gives an ample definition of preventive war: “A preventive war, by contrast, differs

from a preemptive war in that while there may be a possible future threat, there is no

imminent threat or vulnerability. The goal of preventive war is to prevent another nation

from gaining a geopolitical advantage that would break the balance of power.”(3) This

has important implications, and is another definition that can be used to gauge, examine,

and possibly justify(or prove unjust) wars in history, more pointedly, the two most recent

conflicts waged by the United States: Afghanistan and Iraq.

There is a well-accepted definition of preemptive war in international law:

“Preemptive war is justified by an imminent threat of attack, a clear and present danger

that the country in question is about to attack you. In such a case a preemptive attack is

recognized as justifiable.”(2)

One problem with preventive war is its status being illegal under international

law. Its illegality stems from the hypothetical aspect of justification. Literally anything
could happen in the future, and almost certainly conflicts with rogue states and non-state

terrorists will occur. By using imaginative reasoning, any single state on the planet could

be construed as an enemy that needs to be stopped, before power can be consolidated. On

the other hand, preemptive war is based on a more solid ground, either by intelligence

gathering which would imply an attack is urgent, or implicit threats made by a

state/terrorist itself. In the information age where sharing and communication are

practically instant, intelligence gathering has become more reliable, and the ability of

intelligence agencies to share information with each other has become streamlined. By

these accords, preemptive war is becoming more acceptable and the ability for it to be

justified has increased.

Historical Context

Preemptive war has an interesting history. Throughout human history, from pre-

agricultural nomads to the present day, humans have waged war, for many different

reasons. Preemptive war is rooted within Just War Theory. Using the qualifications and

requirements for a just war, one is able to give a moral justification for conflict. St

Augustine originated the theory of just war, and delivered the following criteria:

1. Just Cause- A just war is apt to be described as one that avenges wrongs, when a

nation or state has to be punished, for refusing to make amends for the wrongs

inflicted by its subjects, or to restore what it has seized unjustly.

2. Proper Authority-The legitimate authority must declare the war and must be acting on

behalf of the people.

3. Right Intention- True religion looks upon as peaceful those wars that are waged not

for motives of aggrandizement or cruelty, but with the object of securing peace or
 punishing evil-doers, and of uplifting the good.

4. Last Resort-All reasonable peaceful alternatives must have been exhausted or have

been deemed impractical or ineffective.

5. Proportionality- The good that is achieved by waging war must not be outweighed by

the harm.

6. Probability of success-The achievement of the war's purpose must have a reasonable

chance of success.

These all seem to stress the importance of restraint, honor, and honesty. Relying on the

just war theory and international law will augment the strategy for discussing the legality

and morality of modern day wars. It is said that Israel’s ‘six day war’ against Jordan,

Syria and Egypt was an example of a justified preemptive war because of the threatening

stance Syria and Egypt took, amassing troops and tanks along the border with Israel. This

was seen, and declared by Israel as an imminent threat, and they attacked accordingly.

Some argue that the U.S. declaration of war against Germany in world war 2 constituted a

preemptive attack, because no German’s had actually attacked the United States

yet(notwithstanding the defense treaties made between Japan and Germany.) Conversely,

some have said that the attack on Panama to capture the drug kingpin Manuel Noriega

was more preventive in nature. It is clear that the definitions and justifications for

preemptive wars constantly change, and are partly subjective, it depends on who you ask,

and what information relied upon to make those claims. In present day history, the

arguments for and against preemptive war have become ever louder, the consequences of

action or non-action have ballooned, as we possess lethal technology which has the

capability to kill off the entire planet. The importance of restraint, rationality and reason
cannot be stressed enough with the current political atmosphere so charged, and with

such dire consequences possible.

Preemptive wars: In Theory and Use

As covered earlier, Preemptive war justification is based within the context of the

Just War Theory. The Just War Theory can be looked at in two ways: theoretical and

historical. The theoretical aspect deals with the ethics of battle, searching for the moral

justification, or the moral high ground. This is sought because the war or conflict waged

will be looked upon in a more honorable sense, and may provide leeway or leverage in

the international community. If the international consensus is that a war is justified and

moral, then there will(in theory) be less objection, and possibly having an international

peace-keeping force assist with the conflict, or help to garner support, such as the

“coalition of the willing”. If, however, the war or attack is seen as not just, the path

traveled becomes much more difficult, both in monetary and physical terms. The

historical aspect of the Just War theory looks to international norms and treaties that have

been historically applied in past wars. With the advent of the United Nations, and

agreements such as the Geneva and Hague conventions, there is a body of law to draw

upon. If the attack plan falls within these established parameters, it will hopefully be

viewed as preemptive, moral, and justified. Although there have been past actions

committed by Nations that defected from Just War Theory, it has survived as a valid

rulebook for warfare. Within the United States military, it is extremely important to

follow codes of conduct and rules of engagement, the punishment can be severe if not

adhered to. Beyond United States law, the international realm has adopted its own set of

norms. The Hague conventions, which took place at the end of the 1800’s and early
1900’s, yielded a set of international norms to follow, which deal with the technologies of

war and conduct of countries involved. One of the main aims of the Hague Conventions

was outlawing the use of damaging chemical, biological weapons, and forms of deadly

ammunition. The Geneva conventions concerned more the treatment of prisoners of war,

and non-combatants. Following these guidelines, and exhausting all diplomatic and

peaceful options will aid in the pursuit of a just conflict.

The Terrorist Attacks of September 11th

On September 11th, 2001, the United States was attacked by a group of religious

terrorists, who assumed the command of four civilian airlines and crashed them into three

strategic American targets. Many thousand innocent civilians perished that day, and

America was awestruck. In the United States, for a number of years before the attacks of

9/11, an attitude of isolationism prevailed, falsely believing that our surrounding oceans

shielded us from the world. Some experts agree that this was a false sense of security,

others point to failures of communication and intelligence gathering. But one thing was

clear, and was presented on national television for the world to see: we were attacked

unprovoked, and there would be consequences. President Bush, in a speech to the nation

on September 11th, announced “Our first priority is to get help to those who have been

injured, and to take every precaution to protect our citizens at home and around the world

from further attacks. The search is underway for those who are behind these evil acts. I've

directed the full resources of our intelligence and law enforcement communities to find

those responsible and to bring them to justice. We will make no distinction between the

terrorists who committed these acts and those who harbor them.”(4) This was a bold,

relevant and important statement. Terrorists attacks have occurred arguably throughout
history, in every corner of the world. Every country faces some kind of threat. But this

terrorist attack opened up a proverbial can of worms, and ushered in a new way of

thinking about the terrorist threat, and America’s position in the world. It was evident

from the opinion columns to the nightly news correspondents.

On December 23rd, 2003, Vice President Dick Cheney spoke to a crowd at

Mcchord Air force Base, about the threats America faces. “In a sense, 9/11 changed

everything for us. 9/11 forced us to think in new ways about threats to the United States,

about our vulnerabilities, about who our enemies were, about what kind of military

strategy we needed in order to defend ourselves. It's a combination of strategy that

involves not only going after the individuals who perpetrate terrorist attacks -- we've

done that before. We've got to mount military operations whenever that's necessary and

appropriate, in order to take out the bad guys before we can launch further attacks against

the United States.”(5) The use of preemption has been around for hundreds, if not

thousands of years. Terrorism has also always been a part of world history. But here is the

Vice President, laying out the defense strategy for the United States, using the attacks of

September 11th as justification for further preemption. Preemptive war, and anything else

in life is debatable, but there is truth in Mr. Cheney’s words. The most important job that

the United States government performs is national security. There can be no domestic

agenda, freedom, and prosperity, if the territory or sovereignty of the nation is threatened.

Cheney was also correct in pointing out that we face a new kind of threat. Historically,

war has been waged by states, which command and wield military power. But the attacks

of September 11th were a recent instance where a stateless actor commanded military

power, and used to it attack a nation state, and this could be viewed as trying to upset the
current balance of power. Whether or not one believes the United States has the moral

high ground for future attacks in the name of self-defense, and anticipatory strikes, there

is much credence given to the cause of the U.S. attacking Afghanistan in the wake of the

September 11th attacks. The United Nations in 2001 authorized the attack on Afghanistan,

which spoke of an international consensus, practically the whole world sympathized with

America’s position.

Influential Foreign Policy Figures

When examining preemption as a foreign policy instrument, it is also important

and worthwhile to note government officials involved in making such decisions. As

mentioned earlier, preemption has been around for a long time, and there are many who

subscribe to the belief that preemptive war is justified, and necessary. In the current Bush

administration, there are many self-proclaimed "neoconservatives" in high positions, and

some officials served under previous presidents as well. It would be worthwhile to

mention a few key figures, and their possible influences on foreign policy. Neo-

conservatism was born from liberals that had found a new awakening in conservatism,

led by Irving Kristol in the early 1960's. Some liberals did not relate to the radical anti-

war movement that resulted from the Vietnam conflict, and this helped to foster a

militaristic-heavy view. The tensions felt in the world during that time helped to foster

many new political and ideological movements, and this was one example. Neo

conservatives have a few main aims, concerning low taxation, unconcerned with a

burgeoning government, enforcing and improving morality and moral values, expanding

foreign policies, and defending the national interest at all costs. It is evident where these

beliefs break ranks with traditional conservatives, and it is also interesting to note that
George W. Bush, while campaigning for the 2000 elections, spoke of a humble,

conservative foreign policy, campaigned against nation building. It is thought that some

of the neo conservative thinkers in the Bush administration did not really have a foothold

on foreign policy early on, and in the first year of Bush’s tenure, the neo-con ideas were

not as influential, or so it seemed. It was with the attacks of September 11th that created a

world environment deemed suitable for some of the more radical neoconservative ideals.

Other prominent neo-conservatives include Norman Podhoretz, Paul Wolfowitz,

Douglas Feith, Richard Perle, Michael Ladeen, and many others. The amount of

influence these key figures wielded becomes clear when you examine exactly where

these figures were operating. Irving Kristol is an author, editor, lifetime member of the

Council on Foreign Relations, and now writes for the neoconservative think-tank

"American Enterprise Institute". Norman Podhoretz is an author, worked as an advisor to

the U.S. information agency, writes for another think tank, The Hudson Institute, and is

currently working as the foreign policy advisor for current presidential candidate Rudy

Giuliani. Paul Wolfowitz is arguably one of the most powerful neoconservatives, a

diplomat, policy maker, military strategist, and was working for the world bank just a few

months ago. Paul Wolfowitz has been a "major architect of President Bush’s Iraq policy

and, within the Administration, its most passionate and compelling advocate."(6) An even

more interesting development was the foundation of a group called the 'Project for a New

American Century'. In 1997, a statement was released that spoke of lofty goals that the

United States should be pursuing, and pointing out failures in current foreign and

domestic policies. The ideas presented include "Of course, the United States must be

prudent in how it exercises its power. But we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of
global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has a vital role

in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our

responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests."(7) One of the

consequences of following their policies is put forth "We need to accept responsibility for

America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our

security, our prosperity, and our principles."(7) The people who signed onto this

document reads like a laundry list of government cabinet members and prominent figures

in Washington: Jeb Bush, Dick Cheney, I. Lewis Libby, norman podhoretz, Donald

rumsfeld, Paul wolfowitz, and a number of others. This has extremely important

implications in the formation of foreign policies, especially when so many figures are

currently holding cabinet positions with the power to accomplish their stated objectives.

Although this document was written before the attacks of September 11th, it seems to

have come to fruition as a result of the tumultuous mayhem that resulted.

After the September 11th attacks, the United States immediately went on the

defensive, attacked Afghanistan, but did not stop there. The 'Bush Doctrine' seems to

follow along the same lines and mirrors the actions that neoconservatives would be

assumed to make: Drastically increased military spending, challenging countries that

don't have democratic governments to move towards freedom, and aggressively

defending our national interests, at home and abroad.

September 12th, 2001, and Beyond

Now we must examine the subsequent military actions taken after september 11th,

2001. On the day of the attacks, there were already news stories reporting the possible

terrorist act, the picture of Osama bin Laden, the suspected mastermind of the 9/11 plot,
even made its way to the big screen. President Bush's speech the night of september 11th

announced "The search is underway for those who are behind these evil acts. I've directed

the full resources for our intelligence and law enforcement communities to find those

responsible and bring them to justice. We will make no distinction between the terrorists

who committed these acts and those who harbor them."(4) This important statement

clearly lays out the defense policy to be followed, and it has been. On September 12th,

the day following the attacks, the United Nations assembled and created U.N. resolution

1368 which "Unequivocally"(8) condemned the terrorist acts, and called upon all states

to rebuke this action, and to bring justice to the perpetrators. Resolution 1373 further

condemned the actions, and " Reaffirming the inherent right of individual or collective

self-defense as recognized by the Charter of the United Nations as reiterated in resolution

1368"(8). This holds importance because it is recognized by the international community

that states have the inherent right of self defense, and this forms the legal basis for the

attack on Afghanistan.

Afghanistan cannot really be considered a preemptive war, because it was clearly

a retaliatory attack. One could say that it was a preemptive action to remove the standing

government in power, because it seems a separate issue from revenge on those who

attacked us. However, President Bush dictated clearly with his 9/11 speech, that the

United States will not differentiate between terrorists and countries that harbor them. But

this has somewhat far-reaching implications, it lays the groundwork for further

preemptive strikes that were not necessarily in response to the 9/11 attacks, or any attack

at all. The next military action taken by the United States underscores this point exactly.

Two years later, after successfully invading and occupying Afghanistan, a new
conflict emerged: The war against Iraq. This has been an absolute hotbed for the entire

world, opinions vary widely, especially once going outside the borders of the United

States. To effectively gauge whether or not Iraq was a preemptive war, we must take in

all accounts, the political atmosphere, and what led to this action. Following in the spirit

of the PNAC(project for a new American century) charter, neoconservative strategy, and

Bush's declared foreign policy objectives, Iraq became the new biggest threat to the

world, because of its pursuit of and refusal to relinquish its weapons of mass

destruction(WMD's) and nuclear-related activities. There had been several United

Nations resolutions aimed against Iraq and Saddam Hussein, who in 1991, agreed to give

up all pursuit of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, but his subsequent refusal to

comply stood in violation of those agreements with the United Nations. People in the

United States still had the attacks of september 11th in their minds, and no sane person

wanted another 9/11 to occur. So when these charges were leveled against Hussein's

regime, and fear generated by statements such as “We don't want the smoking gun to be a

mushroom cloud"(9) were presented to the American people, they were taken seriously.

President Bush made it clear that Iraq could not pursue WMD's, and called on it to submit

to U.N. resolutions that allowed Nuclear inspectors to monitor Iraq's programs. When

Iraq declined, and eventually kicked inspectors out of the country, this was seen as further

evidence that Iraq was a rogue state, intent on acquiring nuclear weapons, and the

situation seemed to bear this out. But President Bush faced problems with the United

Nations security council, and from his own intelligence agencies, who had conflicting

reports about Iraq's weapons capabilities.

In early 2003, the United States, Britain, and Spain proposed an eighteenth
resolution against Iraq, which gave a deadline for compliance to all previous resolutions.

This 'resolution' also came with a promise of military action if it was not adhered to, but

this resolution failed to garner enough support in the Security council, and was

withdrawn. In President Bush's State of the Union address(2003), he proclaimed "Some

have said we must not act until the threat is imminent. Since when have terrorists and

tyrants announced their intentions, politely putting us on notice before they strike? If this

threat is permitted to fully and suddenly emerge, all actions, all words, and all

recriminations would come too late"(10). Without the support of the United Nations

security council, the United States, leading with a coalition of 40 countries, invaded Iraq

in March, 2003. First, we should gauge this attack by comparing it to the given

definitions of a valid, preemptive war. As secretary of state Daniel describes it, was the

need for action against Iraq absolutely imminent, with no time for deliberation? It

depends on who you ask, and what intelligence you utilize. If Saddam Hussein already

had mass-produced nuclear weapons, and had them aimed directly at the U.S., this should

constitute a direct, clear and imminent threat to America. But some of the United State's

own intelligence agencies reflected the opposite conclusion. In 2005, the Iraq Study

group concluded that Iraq had not restarted its pre-1991 weapons programs, and Hans

Blix, the chief inspector for the International Atomic Energy Agency, provided supporting

evidence and took the same position months before the war started. The subsequent

invasion of Iraq yielded almost zero results of the massive quantities of chemical,

biological, and nuclear weapons that were presented to the United Nations as an

imminent threat the United States, and the world. There were also claims made that

Saddam Hussein was collaborating with Al-Queda, to try and bolster support for the
attacks, but this was found to be flawed and false as well. In a situation like this, it truly

comes down to the intelligence available to the people in power. The civilian population

will never know the full extent of intelligence and classified information, therefore we

cannot make concrete conclusions about whether the attack on America was really

imminent. If Saddam Hussein truly did have intentions on acquiring and building nuclear

weapons, then he should have been dealt with accordingly. There is no question that

Hussein was a heinous, rogue, and brutal dictator, and inflicted harm upon his own

population. There are only a small minority who actually argue that removing Hussein

was worse than leaving him in power. Especially with the heightened threat of nuclear

terrorism and proliferation, it is important to protect the United States vital security

interests, and this could be equated with deposing Hussein from power.

Was the (second) invasion of Iraq justified in the eyes of St. Augustine? We

arguably did have just cause, Hussein had inflicted harm on his own people, and

sanctions against his regime did not prove to be sufficient punishment, and did not yield

the desired results.. Did we have legitimate and proper authority, and was it enacted on

behalf of the people? This answer involves a grey area of international politics. The

international community lives with an agreement on state sovereignty and control over its

own territory. International law also has a forum to mediate disputes(U.N). But because

the United States is the lone superpower, we can sometimes break the rules, that is one

perk of hegemony. If you believe that the United Nations charter is the law of the land,

then technically we did not follow the legitimate path of procuring that last security

resolution authorizing force against Iraq. If you adhere to the hegemony camp, then the

United States did have authority, because we make the rules, and have sufficient force
behind us. Did the United States have the "right intentions", and were we fighting for

security and to punish the evil doers? I believe that the United States most vital interest is

national security, and if that is threatened, it is justified to use force to ensure security.

Did we punish the evil doers? Hussein is now cold and dead, which seems sufficient

punishment in retrospect. But did our invasion of Iraq help the civlian population ? This

is an arguable point. Removing a tyrant from power, to allow freedom for the citizens is

in the public interest. But this act is tarnished by the thousands of innocent Iraqi's,

millions of refugees that had to flee the violence, cholera tainting the water supply, and

an electricity grid that does not function properly. Was this the absolute last resort, were

all peaceful alternatives foregone? Again, this could be debated. If the United States had

pushed for and obtained that much needed resolution against Iraq authorizing force, it

would've been the justification needed, and would've been legal in the eyes of the world.

But the world community rejecting this resolution is, in a sense, the last resort, the United

States would not have been able to act without it.

Conclusions and future use of preemption

It is clear that the United States faces threats from every corner of the world. The

immense threat presented by nuclear weapons cannot be stressed enough, as a few bombs

could wipe out the entire human population. It is recognized by international law that

every nation-state has a right to rule over its territory, and cannot infringe upon the rights

of another. And it is also recognized that self defense is a right of all nation-states. In this

new, technologically advanced world, information sharing is instantaneous, people,

supplies, and weapons can be moved around the earth at will. The stakes have been raised

extremely high, and the dangers of terrorism have become more visible since the 9/11
attacks. The United States must reserve the right to act preemptively in any and all

circumstances, because it is literally life or death. As long as the most credible,

trustworthy intelligence is utilized, all other diplomatic and non-violent avenues are

attempted and exhausted, then preemptive war is justified. When an act of war is seen as

legitimate, it is to the benefit of most parties involved.

American Government and Politics Today describes preemptive war: " Some

point out that preemptive wars against other nations have traditionally been waged by

dictators and rogue states- not democratic nations. By employing such tactics, the United

States would seem to be contradicting its basic values. Others claim that launching a

preemptive wars will make it difficult for the united states to further world peace in the

future. By endorsing such a policy itself, the United States could hardly argue against the

decisions of other nations to do likewise when they feel potentially threatened"(11) These

are very important implications, and valid points raised when faced with such an

important issue. These conclusions need to be examined, discussed, and formulated to aid

in the future legitimacy of United States military action, to properly face the actions of

other states in reaction, to ensure that the United States retains the moral and ethical high

ground in conflict, and to ensure the survival of freedom, prosperity, and liberty, for

ourselves, and the international community.

 Endnotes

1. George W. Bush, "The National Security Strategy of the United States: Introduction",

September 17th 2002 http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nssintro.html

2. Steven C. Welsh "Preemptive War and International Law", International Security Law

project, December 5, 2003,December 1, 2007 http://www.cdi.org/news/law/preemptive-

war.cfm

3. J. Warren Smith, "Augustine and the Limits Of Preemptive and Preventive War",

Journal of Religious Ethics, 1999, December 1, 2007 http://www.blackwell-

synergy.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1467-9795.2007.00298.x?cookieSet=1

4. "Statement by the President in His Address to the Nation", September 11, 2001,

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2001/09/20010911-16.html

5. "Remarks by the Vice President", December 23, 2003 2001,

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/12/20031223-1.html

6. Peter J. boyer, The Believer, The New Yorker, November 1, 2004, December 2, 2007,

http://www.newyorker.com/archive/2004/11/01/041101fa_fact

7. Elliot Abrams, Jeb Bush, et al, "Statement of Principles", Project for the New

American Century, June 3, 1997, December 3, 2007,

http://www.newamericancentury.org/statementofprinciples.htm

8. United Nations Security Council, "Resolution 1368 (2001)" September 12, 2001,

December 4, 2007,

http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N01/533/82/PDF/N0153382.pdf?OpenEleme

nt

9. Roger Morris, "Condoleezza Rice at the Center of the Plame Scandal",

Afterdowningstreet, July 28, 2005, December 4, 2007,

http://www.afterdowningstreet.org/?q=node/1069

10. George W. Bush, "The President Delivers the State of the Union", January 28, 2003,

December 4, 2007, http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/01/20030128-19.html

11. Mack Bardes, Steffen Schmidt, Barbara Shelley, American Government and Politics

Today, brief edition 2004-2005

 Works Cited

1. "Preemptive War." SourceWatch. Online. 4/10/2007

<http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Preemptive_war> 6 December 2007.

2. "About the United Nations/history." United Nations. Online. 2007

<http://www.un.org/aboutun/history.htm> 6 December 2007.

3. Ackerman, David. "International Law and the Preemptive use of force against Iraq."
House of Representatives upload files. Online. 3/17/2003
<http://www.boozman.house.gov/UploadedFiles/IRAQ%20-
%20International%20Law%20and%20the%20Preemptive%20Use%20of%20Force%20A
gainst%20Iraq.pdf> 6 December 2007.

4. Boyer, Peter J. "The Believer." The New Yorker. 11/1/2004:

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