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Participatory diagramming in social work research: Utilizing visual timelines to interpret the complexities of the lived multiracial experience
Kelly F. Jackson Qualitative Social Work 2013 12: 414 originally published online 30 April 2012 DOI: 10.1177/1473325011435258 The online version of this article can be found at: http://qsw.sagepub.com/content/12/4/414
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Participatory diagramming in social work research: Utilizing visual timelines to interpret the complexities of the lived multiracial experience
Kelly F. Jackson
Arizona State University, USA
Qualitative Social Work 12(4) 414432 ! The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1473325011435258 qsw.sagepub.com
Abstract The purpose of this article is to present an illustrative example of the analytic potential of image-based research in social work. Insight gained from a qualitative research study that used a novel form of participatory diagramming to examine the racial identity development of ten multiracial individuals is referenced and critiqued. Utilizing a critical visual methodological framework to analyze visual timelines, this article offers insight into the contextually rich and dynamic processes comprising the multiracial experience. This article concludes with an informative discussion of how visual methods support key social work values, including commitment to clients and understanding the person-in-environment, and how participatory diagramming in particular can enhance culturally sensitive and responsible research and practice with multiracial individuals. Keywords Multiracial identity, participatory diagramming, visual social research, visual timelines
Image-based social research examines visual manifestations of human behavior and products of culture in order to generate scientic knowledge of intricate social phenomena that may be dicult to uncover through verbal exchanges alone (Bagnoli, 2009; Gauntlett, 2007). In social work, contemporary visual methodologies are utilized to deepen our ways of understanding the social world of the clients we serve (Stzo et al., 2005). For example, a recent study by Bentley (2010) used color drawings in conjunction with interviews of persons with severe mental illness
Corresponding author: Kelly F. Jackson, School of Social Work, 411 North Central Avenue, Suite 800, Phoenix, AZ, 85004, USA. Email: Kelly.f.jackson@asu.edu
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to better understand the meaning and impact of taking psychiatric medications. Another study by Phillips and Bellinger (2011) examined how photographs of asylum seeking processes can encourage reection and education of social work students and practitioners about issues of dierence. Specically, when experienced by social workers, visual images attune us to the inherent dierences that exist between ourselves and the persons we serve (Phillips and Bellinger, 2011: 91). It is through this reective process that we become humanized to our clients diverse experiences and perspectives, which can help us interface more equally and eectively with clients in practice (Phillips and Bellinger, 2011). According to Pauwels (2010), Integrated Framework for Visual Social Research, there are two intrinsic forms of data utilized in visual social research: pre-existing visual images and artifacts produced without researcher eort (e.g. artwork, lm, website content, cartoons, photographs), and respondent generated imagery. The latter focuses on highly contextualized visual materials produced by respondents within the connes of a research study. Respondent generated research techniques, consider study participants experts on the topic or subject at hand. Currently, the most frequently used data collection technique of respondent generated imagery is photography (Bagnoli, 2009; Crilly et al., 2006). One opportunistic, but less explored technique used in visual elicitation research is participatory diagramming. Diagrams are drawings, sketches or outlines demonstrating or explaining a social phenomenon. In social science research, participatory diagramming encourages respondents to deconstruct or reconstruct the meaning and structure of their lives, and to convey this meaning and structure to others (Kesby, 2000). According to Pain (2004), this particular approach is adaptable to any setting and ecient at including persons normally excluded from typical research study due to cultural, ability, and/or linguistic barriers. In addition, participatory diagramming is facilitative of the creative process of both the participant and the researcher, and exible to the topic and connes of a research study (Crilly et al., 2006). Finally, similar to other mediums of visual elicitation research (i.e. photography), diagramming can encourage a holistic narration of self, which includes aspects of self that some may nd dicult to put into words (Bagnoli, 2009). Common forms of diagrammatic techniques used in research studies include: timelines, owcharts, network maps, and matrixes. Data from participatory diagrams can include written and/or visual texts as decided by the participant and the researcher (Kesby, 2000; Pain and Francis, 2003; Umoquit et al., 2008). Participatory diagramming has been most frequently used with focus groups (see Kesby, 2000), children and adolescents (see Bagnoli, 2009), or in cross cultural research where there are assumptions of barriers to verbal or written communication (see Mayoux, 2003). In social work practice, diagrams are frequently used to assess client emotional needs and generate understanding of ones environment and social support systems (i.e. eco-maps, social networks) to gain insights and indications for intervention (Hill, 2002). According to Martinez-Brawley and Zorita (1998), creative forms of artistic expression are considered an intrinsic part of engagement in social work practice. In every encounter, client and social worker
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share in performing, narrating, composing and interpreting experiences, transforming them into complex creations (p. 205). Though social research using visual data is currently expanding in social work and other elds like anthropology and sociology, there remains a lack of explicit and transparent methodologies guiding this form of study (Guillemin and Drew, 2010; Pauwels, 2010). Therefore, social work researchers may be unfamiliar with participatory diagramming and other methods of visual social research, and the usefulness of examining complex social phenomenon through visual imagery. The purpose of this article is to present an illustrative example of the analytic potential of participatory diagramming in social work research. Insight gained from a qualitative research study that used visual timelines to examine the racial identity development of ten multiracial individuals is referenced and critiqued. I discuss how this approach supports key social work values of commitment to clients and understanding the person-in-environment, which can translate into culturally sensitive and responsible practice with multiracial individuals. This article is organized into ve sections: an overview of multiracial identity theory and research; a description of the participatory diagrammatic method utilized in this study (visual timelines); an interpretive analysis of the visual images across three critical sites (production, image, and audience); a discussion of the strengths and limitations of visual methodology in social work; and nally a section describing the applicability of visual timelines in practice with multiracial clients. I will begin with a brief overview of multiracial identity research and theory.
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evidence that persons of mixed heritage may be more susceptible to certain psychosocial risks including increased substance use, engagement in violent behaviors, and reduced self-esteem (Bolland et al., 2007; Brackett et al., 2006; Chavez and Sanchez, 2010; Choi et al., 2006; Jackson and LeCroy, 2009; Sanchez and Garcia, 2009; Udry et al., 2003). This emerging evidence heightens the need for social workers to understand multiracial identity development and, in particular, the social circumstances that may present challenges for this growing population (Fong et al., 1995; Hall, 2001; Jackson and Samuels, 2011). Historically, social scientists have denigrated the identity of multiracial persons as psychologically damaged and confused (Rockquemore and Brunsma, 2002). Initial conceptualizations of multiracial identity, including the rule of hypo-descent (the one-drop rule) and the tragic mulatto (Stonequist, 1937), were based on biological constructions of race, and the false belief in the existence of a racial hierarchal continuum where persons of White ethnic heritages were considered superior to those of dark skinned minority heritages (Brown, 2001; Wilson, 1987). Within this racialized system, persons from a mixed racial background were forced to choose and ascribe to a minority status; never to be considered nor gain the privileges and resources ascribed to White status (Kerwin et al., 1993). Fortunately social perceptions of persons of mixed racial heritage have shifted over the last 20 years due to an inux of multiracial advocates and scholars who use their own experiential lens to expand research on multiracial identity (see Rockquemore et al., 2009). Their eorts have contributed to the legitimization of an identity that, for the most part, has been ignored and/or denied in the US and many European countries. Over the last decade, there has been an emergence in multiracial specic identity research, which has led to newer conceptualizations of multiracial identity theory. For instance, unlike past theoretical perspectives that pathologized the mixed race experience, research has contributed new evidence that multiracial persons: (1) shift their racial identication over time and in dierent contexts (see Doyle and Kao, 2007; Harris and Sim, 2002; Herman, 2004; Jackson, 2012; Renn, 2003); (2) feel comfortable in multiple ethnic communities and social relationships with multiple ethnic groups (see Doyle and Kao, 2007; Guevarra, 2007; Miville et al., 2005; Roberts-Clarke et al., 2004; Shih et al., 2007); and (3) do not struggle psychologically with their identity (see Binning et al., 2009; Campbell and Eggerling-Boeck, 2006; Cooney and Radina, 2000; Phinney and Alipuria, 1996). This new evidence has contributed to the placement of multiracial identity theory within an ecological system (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) and life-course framework (Elder, 1998). According to newer theories, multiracial identity, unlike monoracial identity (one race) is uid and can change depending on community attitudes and racial socialization, family functioning, and historical events that occur throughout an individuals lifetime. For example, Halls (2005) Biracial Identity Across the Lifespan theory and Roots (2003) Ecological Framework of Racial Identity Development both accentuate the impact of social context, including historical events and local and regional perceptions of race and race relations, on the process of identity formation over the course of a multiracial persons lifetime (Root, 2003).
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Unfortunately extracting research evidence that expands and/or legitimizes newer, more complex conceptualizations of multiracial identity is challenging (see Jackson, 2010). For example, Rockquemore and colleagues (2009) note that although multiracial research is expanding and incorporating more sophisticated methodologies to examine identity, current quantitative and qualitative designs fail to capture the complexity of the multiracial experience, including how social context, interpersonal relationships, and major life transitions inuence the identity experiences and development of multiracial people.
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were not the focus of the research study. Participants were left alone in a private university oce to complete their visual narrative timelines, after which, they were asked to join me in an adjacent oce to begin the formal tape-recorded portion of the interview. On average, participants spent between 2025 minutes completing their timelines.
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Researcher: Anything on here that jumps out at you as something that was, like, really impactful that you wanna talk about rst? Anything on here that as you thought about it, it was like, Wo, that really did have a lot to do with my identity development? Annie: Mmmm. I think, I think my mother had, like, a lot to do with it.
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Researcher: (Looking at the timeline) Oh, I see here, ok. Annie: So, yeah. So, like, shes somewhat obsessed about I guess, how people, like perceive things . . . I think I actually wrote that down somewhere that one comment my mother made was like, and I dont know why, but like the only reason people were interested [in my art] was cause they thought I was White. Researcher: Interesting. Only people that, the only reason people like your art was because they thought you were White. Explain. Annie: So, cause Im light-skinned, so thats what she, she made that comment, so thats probably part of that lovely phase she went through about me. Its takin her a while to get out of that . . . On the ip side of that, shes, like, been very supportive in saying you can, you can pretty much be, like, youre multiracial or multiethnic, so, I mean, theres a ip side to all of that. Researcher: Looking at your timeline, is there any particular place, any particular event or time in your life that really jumps out or stands out to you that you wanna kinda mention rst? Anything that was like, really, like, Oh, my gosh, this was really huge.
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Lee: Um, well middle school really. The entire period of middle school. I think middle school is just a hard time for a lot of kids because theres a lot of hormone changes and youre trying to gure out what group of friends do I t into and all that kind of stu, but that was the rst time in my life that I really started to notice that Im dierent from the other kids and when I look back on my timeline, I can see before middle school when I was in early childhood, daycare through second grade, I was living a lot closer to New York City, and so the community in that area was really, really mixed racially so I never really noticed. I think also just because I was young, I never really noticed that I was similar or dierent from any of the other kids. Then when we moved to a rich, White suburb thats when I started to realize that I looked dierent from the other kids and that other kids realized that I looked dierent from them and that changed how they interacted with me.
Where and how participants began their verbal stories of experience oered critical information to their interpretations of identity. Specically, interpersonal relationships with parental caregivers and peers in grade-school settings were central starting points in interview discussions with participants. These experiences were often negative, leaving participants feeling confused about their mixed identities. For Annie, her caregiver and biological Aunt played a central role in her identity construction, which often led to feelings of ambivalence toward both her mother and her mixed race identity (see Figure 1). For other participants, school was the site for memorable encounters with discrimination and prejudice, which markedly shaped their conceptualizations of race and identity. For example, Lee credits the experiences in middle school, particularly in schools where she was one of the only persons of Asian heritage, as most critical to her identity formation (see Figure 2). Embedded within these particular environments and interpersonal exchanges were themes of racial discrimination and prejudice directed at ones appearance and presentation of race (i.e. phenotype).
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Figure 3. Jacks timeline. Researcher: Now, I noticed you have green and red boxes. What do those symbolize? Jack: Uh, red obviously is like radical. Like, you know, but nowadays represents Republican stu and I got the idea for green because green is sort of like, you know, with the Green Party and everything Researcher: The Green Party like the naturalists kind of? Jack: Yeah and watermelon. Researcher: Watermelon? That came to your mind? Jack: Yeah. Well, I got an idea from the article, like, describing people who are green, green on the outside and red on the inside. So, and the green if anyone knows, like, the history of Socialism, um, its sort of like mine have changed to green. Hannah: Like, after 9-1-1, I mean, stu changed. Thats why this goes down, and it gets darker. Its like stu just changed, like, it built up slowly and then it just goes downhill. Researcher: And tell me, like, because thats such a prominent thing. You even, like, have a squiggly line around it, like, 9-1-1 and then you write your rainbow starts to go down.
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Hannah: Yeah, well, I used to say when I was little, my favorite color was rainbow. Thats why I chose it, like, you know, its not so much that Im two dierent colors or nothing. Its more.
Asking participants to explain their choice and use of color during interviews, revealed how some participants used color in a symbolic way. For instance, through the strategic use of two primary colors (red and green), Jacks timeline makes visual the complex phenomenon of exing and shifting ones philosophical positions and racial identity status over time (see Figure 3). By examining verbal interview texts we discover the concealed symbolism Jack assigns to these two particular colors and the hidden complexity of his own multiracial identity, which encompasses spiritual and political beliefs. Examining the symbolism of color also oers insight into the participants emotional state of being. For example, Hannah shares how she strategically uses color in her timeline to represent positive and negative experiences before and after the historic events of 9/11. Examining Hannahs rainbow further we see that her use and positioning of colors (ascending versus descending) serves as a visual metaphor for her internal sense of well-being over time (see Figure 4). Specically, ascending her rainbow she uses brighter colors (i.e. red, orange, purple) to signify positive feelings of pride and accomplishment, while the descending colors on the right side are labeled with negative experiences that instilled feelings of fear, loss, and anger following the events of 9/11. By examining the composition and content of participant timelines we become observers to the hidden complexities of the multiracial experience. For example, through Jacks purposeful use of a red and green color key we witness the complexities of a changing self, which can vary from shifting how one thinks about
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race, to changing how one identies racially. In addition, further examining the content we learn how identity shifts or changes over time are contextualized by major sociopolitical events, changing attitudes and social circumstances. For example, as observers we experience the emotional change in Hannah following the events of 9/11 that cause her to question her identity and loyalties to both her American and Muslim cultures.
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R: Mmm, mmm. And I was, like, real angry all the time, like, wear my black eyeliner and my dirt clothes, (Laughing.) skateboarding, and playing rock music, and my mother would be like, Turn o that hate music. Youre not playing that in my house. Id turn it up louder. It was just really confusing.
As a mixed race individual, I generally found myself drawn to experiences that closely represented my own. For instance, I felt a personal connection to the confusion and anger so emphatically labeled in Miles timeline (see Figure 5). The experienced pressure to t in with peers versus the urge to dierentiate oneself from others was an internal battle I too struggled with as a teenager and young adult. Similar to the social work observers in Phillips and Bellingers study (2011), drawing personal connections to the visual images challenged me to take a deeper look at my own life and to the numerous dierences between my mixed experience and that of the participants. By engaging in this reective process, I became more aware of myself as a multiracial person, and the vast diversity within the multiracial experience. I acknowledge that as a social worker whose research is centered on understanding culture to enhance our practice with diverse clients (NASW Code of Ethics, 1999), my interpretation and experience of the visual timelines will be quite dierent from those who are less familiar with the inuential role of culture on human behavior. In addition, I bring to my interpretation my personal experiences as a multiracial individual and my professional understanding of multiracial identity development, which may inhibit my ability to understand the participants own construction of their identities. For instance, I am naturally inclined to see the interaction of dierent social and environmental systems on a multiracial individuals identity development. For example, when observing Miles timeline, I notice how certain negative identity experiences were constructed within homogeneous school and social settings where she and other participants alike were one of the only persons of color. Yet in conversation with Miles, her stories of experience are less centered around inuential environmental circumstances, and more around how she navigated internalized feelings of confusion related to her identity (kiss up and be quiet and rened and a good Christian Black girl versus . . . wear my black eyeliner and my dirt clothes, skateboarding, and playing rock music) (Figure 5). Therefore, as an insider, I must be conscious of and reliant on the meaning participants attach to their visual timelines, instead of my own interpretations as a multiracial person and social work researcher.
Discussion
My experience using participatory diagramming to examine multiracial identity development provides certain avenues of consideration for researchers seeking to incorporate visual methods in their studies. First, visual methodologies may oer a more comprehensive picture of a particular social phenomenon by attending to the feelings and experiences of the participants, which may not be accessible in
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verbal exchanges alone (Guillemin and Drew, 2010). For instance, the use of visual narrative timelines in this study provided visual imagery of the hidden complexities of multiracial identity development, including the uidity and shifting of identity, and the impact of interpersonal relationships and environmental context on ones sense of self. Unlike reading texts of the multiracial experience, we experience this complex phenomenon visually through the compilation of colors, symbols, and unscripted text on participant timelines. Second, the images produced in this study demonstrate how this approach can facilitate a creative, self-expressive process that can help stimulate respondent memory (Bagnoli, 2009). The visual timelines utilized in this study prompted participants to recall and discuss personal experiences related to their mixed identity occurring throughout their lifetimes. Though a formal evaluation of this technique was not conducted, several of the participants commented, before the onset of the interview, how fun it was to create a timeline. In addition, during formal interviews the visual timelines prompted participants to recall additional experiences that originally were not presented on their timelines. Third, as mentioned by other scholars (see Kesby, 2000 and Umoquit et al., 2008) I believe visual methodologies can create a participant-centered and empowering platform. By utilizing respondent elicited diagrams to guide the formal interview, multiracial participants had more control over the interview process and the content shared. This may have created a more trusting atmosphere that enhanced participant sharing (see Guillemin and Drew, 2010). Researchers interested in employing visual timelines in research should bear in mind several limitations associated with participatory diagramming and visual social research in general. First, as Bagnoli (2009) points out, the forward facing trajectory of timelines may prove problematic for some participants who view their life experiences in a non-linear fashion. To avoid this complication, researchers should encourage participants to construct their own meaning of time and placement of life-events. Second, researchers considering using participatory diagramming should recognize that some participants may be apprehensive to draw or create a diagram for research study purposes. For instance, in an evaluative study of participatory diagramming, Umoquit and colleagues (2008) found that some participants expressed concern about thinking on the spot and feeling that they were being tested. Keeping in mind that visual methods may have their own unique forms of interviewer reactivity (see Harrison, 2002), participants should be reassured that their drawing or diagrammatic skills are not the focus of analysis in the study, and that there is no right or wrong way to create a diagram, or in this case a timeline. There are also limitations associated with visual social research in general that should be mentioned. Despite the expansion of visual methods in social science research, limited attention is being paid to the development of more rigorous methodology associated with the collection, production, and analysis of visual media (Pauwels, 2010). For instance, a static framework for evaluating visual images is lacking, and there is limited agreement on how to communicate the important aspects and insights of visual imagery (Pauwels, 2010). In this study, I found it imperative to rely on existing frameworks of visual interpretation and
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analysis (see Banks, 2001; Rose, 2001; Guillemin, 2004) to critically examine not only the image itself, but the production of the image and my position as observer of the respondent-generated images. In addition, researchers lacking a grounded theoretical framework may encounter complications deciphering the meaning of visual imagery; therefore researchers should have a solid theoretical foundation guiding their visual research methodology (Pauwels, 2010). For instance, in this study I relied on existing theoretical frameworks of multiracial identity development, ecological systems, and life-course perspectives to guide the selection of the visual method and subsequent analysis of the visual timelines.
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Acknowledgements
This research project was supported in part by the Mark Diamond Research Fund (MDRF). The MDRF oers grants to graduate students for research expenses related to their thesis or dissertation. An earlier version of this article was presented at the 2008 annual program meeting of the Council on Social Work Education in Philadelphia, PA. The author is deeply grateful to the multiracial men and women who participated in this study.
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