Nationalities Papers Vol. 39, No.

4, July 2011, 547 565

Embodying the nation: football, emotions and the construction of collective identity
1

Sven Ismer
t Berlin, Cluster of Excellence Languages of Emotion, Institute of Sociology, Freie Universita Germany (Received 16 June 2010; nal version received 14 April 2011) The article intends to combine contemporary debates about nations and nationalism with a sociological perspective on collective emotions in its attempt to gain a better understanding of the process of constructing national identity. It will further present interdisciplinary evidence that collective emotions evoked in rituals instigate a number of group-related sociocognitive processes that reinforce enduring feelings of belonging and an emotional priming of collective representations. I will suggest that states of collective effervescence (Durkheim) do not only tie individuals to a community, but also provide a strong frame for the creation of symbols and the embodiment of shared meanings dening a community. The second part of the article analyzes examples taken from the football media coverage of the FIFA World Cups 2006 and 1974 (both were held in Germany) in order to provide a comparative case study exemplifying the proposed theoretical approach. The sample illuminates some interesting changes that invite further hypotheses about corresponding changes of national identity in a larger context. Keywords: nationalism; emotion; football media coverage; collective emotions

Introduction de ration Internationale de Football Association Many commentators expected the 2010 Fe (FIFA) World Cup in South Africa to demonstrate the power of the worlds most popular sports event: The World Cup . . . is more than a football tournament but a change for South Africa to discover its identity in the game (Eason 1). Literally taken, it does not seem to be very likely that any country can discover a common identity on a football eld, least of all South Africa, divided by decades of violent oppression and racism. However, from previous football events we know that these expectations were somehow based on experience. Among others, the FIFA World Cup 1998 in France (Dauncey and Hare), the 2002 FIFA World Cup in Korea and Japan (Horne and Manzenreiter), the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) European Football Championship 2004 in Portugal (Marievoet), as well as the FIFA World Cup 2006 in Germany (S. Ismer, The Staging) are said to have caused signicant effects on attitudes toward national identity within the hosting countries. Only a couple of months after furia roja from Spain won the nal match in Johannesburg (see Goig for the history of the term furia roja and the development of nationalism in Spanish football) it is hard to measure any effects of the World Cup in South Africa besides the 0.4% increase in the national gross domestic product (BuaNews). The German Newspaper Die Zeit nevertheless sums

Email: s.ismer@fu-berlin.de

ISSN 0090-5992 print/ISSN 1465-3923 online # 2011 Association for the Study of Nationalities DOI: 10.1080/00905992.2011.582864 http://www.informaworld.com

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up with the words: Unity and pride are the biggest benets the World Cup gave to South Africa and its citizens (Hawkey), and the Sowetan, which in pre-democracy times was one of the most important anti-apartheid newspapers, summarized the matter as follows: What a glorious 31 days it has been! . . . Not even the release of Nelson Mandela and the rst democratic elections were as electrifying. Important and epochmaking as both these events were, they were not as unifying as this World Cup seems to have been (qtd. in S. Ismer Nationalism). It has been argued that the World Cup 2006 had a likewise unifying effect in Germany (Hebeker), and it is disputed whether such a strengthening effect on national identication also led to a rise of nationalism in Germany (see e.g., Becker, Wagner and Christ for an afrmation of this link; Kersting for its rejection). Be that as it may, the aim of this paper is not to discuss the question whether South Africa should or could replace the evils of racism and violence by the evils of nationalism. The dangers and pitfalls of the process of nation-building in a multicultural, multi-ethnic and multisectarian state like South Africa have been discussed at length elsewhere (see Bornmann for a research overview). My argument, instead, focuses on two issues. The rst, on a theoretical level approaches the question of why football is believed by many to be able to manage the enormous task of constructing or updating national identity. Why is football believed to be connected to the nation and national identities in such a powerful way? Therefore, the article will start with a brief review of various approaches to the topic of nation and nationalism, in order to highlight relevant work and also to identify possible shortcomings. In a second step, I will show that these shortcomings might be approached by integrating the issue of collective emotions into the debate. Building on this, the following part of the paper will focus on the topic of rituals, in order to show that they provide the general conditions under which nation-related collective emotions are evoked. In the second part of the paper, football will be identied as a central domain in which nation-related rituals including intense collective emotions are frequently observable. Based on this, selected examples from the FIFA World Cups 2006 and 1974 (both were held in Germany) are used to illustrate and propose empirical perspectives which result from the outlined theoretical foundations. This is done in an explorative and impressionistic way, without aiming at a comprehensive analysis of both tournaments. Therefore the examples should be seen as a starting point for further research.2 Nevertheless, the sample illuminates some interesting changes in football media coverage in Germany which, by a concluding summary, invite further hypotheses about corresponding changes of national identity in a larger context. Nationalism Current theoretical approaches to conceptualizing nations, national identity and nationalism mainly oscillate between ethnosymbolist models positing the origins of nation in pre-modern ethnic ties (Smith; Hutchinson; for a critical discussion see Guibernau) and theories building on social-constructivist arguments conceptualizing nations, for example, as imagined communities (Anderson), focusing on the construction and/ or invention of tradition (Hobsbawm), or on the discursive formation of national identity and nationalism (Calhoun; Wodak et al.; for an overview and critical reception see zkirimli). O In particular, Benedict Andersons concept of imagined communities strongly inuenced debates across disciplines and is still a point of reference for contemporary

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nation research. However, it still fails to answer an important question: How do nations move from the mind (imagined community) to the heart (loved nation) (S. Ismer, The Staging 188) of citizens, how does the idea of a nation become an embodied part of a persons identity or even a bodily experience? Or, in the words of Katherine Verdery (229): How do people become national? How is a sense of self as national developed? This problem has been worked on by many scholars in the preceding decades of nation research, for instance by Jonathan Hearn (657) who argues that national identities are rendered salient for persons when they seem to address personal issues of power over ones life. Another scholar who addressed the question was Michael Billig. He proposed the concept of banal nationalism, which explicitly focuses on national identity formation by means of daily routines and habits. Although I do agree with Billigs identication of nationalism as a daily practice of legitimizing the nation and also with his rejection of regarding nationalism as a phenomenon of the others, I think it is helpful to distinguish between a nationalistic practice and a nationalistic attitude; the former covering the means by which nation-states are reproduced (Billig 6) in a broad sense, and the latter referring to one (of many) possible ways of individual identication with the nation in a narrow sense. Rogers Brubaker (32) points out that there recently has been a cognitive turn in nation research. The interest in cognitive structures and processes as the underlying formations of national identities reects a comparable tradition within cognitive sociology, highlighting the idea of nations as social mindscapes in which individuals are embedded (e.g., Zerubavel). In these theories, individuals are assumed to belong to a multitude of imagined communities they are moving in many different social mindscapes, e.g., being a male, British, working-class vegetarian who supports the Manchester United football club and the Labour Party. In their daily lives, people are continuously facing the need to reect upon and prioritize afliational ties in order to make membership in specic collectives salient and behaviorally relevant and to solve possible conicts of loyalty. It remains unclear, however, how this prioritization is achieved. If one can also assume that national identity is not just one xed cognitive mindscape, but exists in a multitude of changing variations, some of which imply nationalistic attitudes and behavior in a narrow sense (e.g., Blank and Schmidt; Dekker, Malova and Hoogendoorn for empirical research on nationalism as an attitude), there is still an urgent need to identify the mechanisms responsible for attachment to the one or the other mindscape. Collective emotions naturalizing the nation Von Scheve and von Luede (von Scheve and von Luede) have pointed out the blind spot of cognitive sociology, which almost completely ignores the realm of emotions. I agree with their argument and suggest that emotions enable the individual to choose between different mindscapes or mental maps in case of conicting loyalties. For the argument of this article it is important to keep in mind that a large part of emotions assuming an emotion to be a highly complex bio-cultural interaction ttger-Ro ssler and Markowitsch 4) are mental scripts formed by historical, system (Ro social and cultural contexts and their values and norms. Emotions can be seen as software that is used on a powerful piece of hardware the human physiology both interacting with and shaping each other. Besides or even due to their rootedness in sociocultural backgrounds and personal history, emotions are viewed and experienced as an alternative route to discovering or constituting those commitments and attachments that we authentically care about (Salmela and Mayer 2). Gerhards (101) argued that it is partly due to

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the intense bodily experience of an emotion that it is thought to express the true and pristine subject. A similar line of thought was developed by E. Doyle McCarthy (241), stating that: Feelings and emotions are keys for unlocking who I am, my authenticity, how I perceive and how I discover my real self. It thus seems plausible that the perception of authenticity also expands to the particular trigger of that emotion: If we feel something is right, we believe it to be right. We all listen to the promptings of our hearts whenever we are unsure what to do. To summarize the argument: Emotions help the individual to choose and set priorities. We think about the choice to be right and natural as a result of how we think about emotions. Emotions are thus important for a nations people to believe in the signicance and the realness of being a part of the nation. It is emotion that certies one imagined community to be a more pristine and natural source of identity and claimant of loyalty than the other. In order to be socially effective,3 the imagined community of the nation needs to be accepted as a natural part of identity, which can only be done by the emotional experience of membership. Hence, this assumption raises another interesting question: What are the precise mechanisms underlying these processes? Shaping national identity Collective emotions are not only important for marking the nation as natural and important in a general sense, but also help to construct and shape the contents of national identity by supporting a process of updating and representing its structure, internal hierarchy, values and norms. This assumption is based on two arguments. First, the process of acquiring knowledge is in a general way fundamentally supported by emotional arousal. This point can be substantiated by looking across the disciplinary boundaries of the social sciences into psychology and neuroscience. Existing research on the cross-connections between cognition and emotion has revealed that emotion is essential for forming enduring associative links between concepts and representations of different origins. This assumption is supported, for example, by research on mood congruity, showing that the encoding and recalling of information is dependent on moods and emotions experienced while being exposed to the information (Bower 31). Joseph Forgas argues that affective states are intimately involved in the creation, use and maintenance of all cognitive representations and beliefs about the world (Forgas 108; see also Clore, Schwarz and Conway; von Scheve, Emotionen & Soziale Strukturen 145 77 for an overview). To sum up, it can be said that emotions experienced by the individual when being confronted with particular clusters of information make this information affectively salient in memory, even if this information is not the trigger of the emotion. Furthermore, salience spreads to connected concepts and representations. These processes need not be consciously accessible and might operate independently of deliberation and reexive thought. Second, it is important to point out that an analysis of the contents of the shaping process should focus on two aspects. On the one hand, it is important to investigate medialized discourses on national identity, while on the other hand the practices of embodying identity involve a range of performative acts of nationalizing the self and the body. This dialectic can be further understood by an exemplary look at norms related to the emotional perception and expression of national identity. Arlie Hochschild introduced the term feeling rules to the sociology of emotions. According to Hochschild (551), feeling rules are the side of ideology that deals with emotion and feeling and determine who should feel what, when, how long and to

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which degree of intensity. Closely related is the concept of display rules, a term coined by the American psychologist Paul Ekman (Ekman; Ekman and Friesen), which relates to the social rules of emotional expression. Display rules regulate the degree and manner to which emotions are revealed in public, whereby the expression of emotion is not necessarily identical with the emotion actually felt. We all know the saying grin and bear it. Within the paradigm of contemporary theorizing about the origin of social norms and the reason for people accepting them, feeling and display rules could, on the one hand, be considered to be identied in the way Hochschild has done. They would thus be classied as injunctive norms because they are connected to ideology and beliefs about appropriate feelings and expressions of feelings in a given social situation. On the other hand, one could draw on current debates about social norms in which several scholars pointed at the often underestimated role of descriptive norms as sources of social control (Cialdini; see von Scheve Emotionen for a detailed discussion). The concept of descriptive norms refers to ones perception of what most others actually do (Cialdini 264). It is well possible to connect both perspectives by arguing that the perception of action performed by other people might be a very powerful reason for mimicry and thus for changing ones own behavior. If this behavior feels good but leads to a conict with given norms, ideology and beliefs might be adjusted in order to frame and justify new ways of dealing with things. The mass media inherit a very powerful position in showing exemplary behavior of role models as well as constructing a visual majority which sets the standard of a descriptive norm (see e.g., Jarren for a discussion of standards, values and mass media). In summary, collective emotions are of crucial importance for the process of constructing national identity. They seem to instigate a number of group-related sociocognitive processes that reinforce enduring feelings of belonging and an emotional priming of collective representations. If we acknowledge that emotions themselves are widely constructed, both socially and culturally, it is necessary to examine the conditions under which this happens. In other words: In order to understand why more signicance is conceded to one specic cognitive mindscape than to another, we have to analyze the circumstances under which it is affectively charged. This is shown in the following section. Rituals as a frame for experiencing collective emotions One of the few scholars exploring the role of emotions in nation-building processes is Rudolf Speth. He builds upon Andersons approach and argues that nations as imagined communities need different kinds of rituals, e.g., commemorations, parades, celebrations and other forms of staging in order to be emotionally experienced. Analyzing the process of nation-building in Germany from a historical point of view, Speth points out that collective emotions are needed to transform individuals into brave soldiers or loyal citizens, mile Durkheim (158): Under the inuence of general exaltation, the or in the words of E most inoffensive burgher is transformed into a hero or an executioner. But how exactly does this work? As Durkheim argues, strong but also unspecic and non-permanent collective emotions emerge from ritualized forms of collective practice. In his classic treatise, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Durkheim analyzes the collective rituals of Australian aboriginals evoking high emotional arousal (collective effervescence). The participants interpret this arousal as the power of their religion. Durkheim argues that they actually feel the power of their society grounded in emotions, which are evoked by

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social interactions. Victor Turner later approached the phenomenon from a different angle, calling it communitas (Turner, Ritual; see Olaveson for a discussion of the similarity of both concepts). These states of collective effervescence are, according to Durkheim, crucial for the development of collective consciousness, and thus for increased group-identication, group cohesion and solidarity. Besides the domain of religion his argument also holds for other forms of social groups: For this reason all parties political, economic, or denominational deliberately hold periodic meetings in which their members may renew their common faith by some collective demonstration. To reafrm feelings that might fade if left to themselves, it is enough to bring those who share them together (157). Durkheim later also transfers it to the level of nation and national identication (173). The social practice of collective rituals enables people to transcend their individual and profane world and to construct a common world with shared meanings and symbols. The rituals also evoke intense emotions which affectively charge these symbols and meanings of the group. The emotions also establish social cohesion within the group because they make people believe in the special and supra-individual power of the group. The ritually established symbols conserve the collectively experienced emotions which otherwise would fade away after the ritual. In contemporary societies, most nation-related rituals use broadcast by the mass media. Pascal Lardelliers study on the role of the media in staging rituals shows that the media manages to grant omnipresence to the major ritualized events of society. It becomes almost impossible for the individual to evade these events, a process which Lardellier calls vectorization (75). The media creates an idealized picture of the ritual, which, according to Lardellier, serves a number of functions. Rituals get both testied and legitimized by being televised: its as much the receiving authorities as the media protagonists who accept the interruption or modication of the usual programs so that a historical event may be broadcast, which in turn becomes historical, thanks to this retransmission (75). In addition to this effect, rituals are also monumentalized by the media, in that it constructs an image according to which the ritual will become part of history and collective memory. Last but not least, Lardellier highlights the process of dramatization, in which the media charges rituals with positive emotionality: Functioning according to established codes, based on intimacy and genuine relaxation, the audiovisual media full the function of social bonds through this bias (75). While Durkheim and Lardellier concentrate on the integrating and community-afrming aspects of rituals, others emphasize their power to mask inequality and manage conict (Bourdieu; Couldry) or to stimulate updating processes or even transformations of social structures. Victor Turner even dened transformation as an essential feature that separates a ritual from a ceremony (Forest 95). Daniel Dayan and Elihu Katz (104) refer to Turner when showing how a media event, like the royal wedding in Great Britain 1981, can open a national space of liminality during which social life is characterized by the suspension of usual norms and structures and irrigated by the overowing of communitas . . . such periods are characterized by a shift from an indicative denition of reality (reality as what it is) to a subjunctive one (reality as what it could should be). This hints at the possibility of combining both perspectives that were outlined above when arguing that the creation of a subjunctive space (in the sense of Dayan and Katz) is closely connected to the experience of collective effervescence and should thus be seen as both preserving community as well as opening possibilities for change. John MacAloon also points to this relationship when he cites Barbara Babcock, Barbara Myerhoff, and Victor Turner in his denition of cultural performances which are occasions in which as a culture or society we reect upon and dene ourselves, dramatize our collective myths and

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history, present ourselves with alternatives, and eventually change in some ways while remaining the same in others (Rite 1). Durkheims notion of effervescence constitutes a starting point for subsequent social theorizing, highlighting the crucial function of collectively experienced emotions in the genesis of institutions and values of society (Joas 94 95). Joas follows Durkheim in arguing that comprehensive meaning systems can only gain power within a society by situations of collective effervescence (97). This theoretical framework allows for an integration of collective emotions into the formation of national identity, as well as for a new perspective on the affective origins of nationalism. In the following sections I will point out where the processes and mechanisms discussed above can be empirically observed in contemporary societies. Subsequently, I will present an empirical case that serves as an explorative case study for future empirical research. Football, media and the nation All across Europe, rituals encompassing large numbers of a nations members increasingly move from the sacred to the profane context, with an inherent tendency to sacralize the profane. Durkheim already indicated this using the example of the French revolution (161). Today, similar tendencies of the sacralization of the profane have repeatedly been observed within football fan cultures (Prosser; Gebauer, Fernseh- und Stadionfuball). Alkemeyer discusses the driving ideas behind the creation of the modern Olympic Games: Being a replacement for religion, which has been pushed away to the private realm, sports-related exchange has the function to (re)unite the isolated members of modern societies, to awake weary civilization from its alleged narcotization and to provide it with new values (Alkemeyer 208, authors translation). What he states about the Olympics is equally true for the Football World Cup; they form a symbolic universe where role models and values, coming from the productive groups of western industrialized societies, are performed, aesthetized and universalized (208, authors translation). As political decision-making in Europe is steadily transferred from the national level to the level of the European Union, it is sometimes said that this process leads to a loss of the nch; see Castells for an analysis importance of the nation as an object of identication (Mu of the dynamics of globalization and the nation). But still, national euphoria is frequently created by means of mass sporting events, football tournaments being the most popular of these events. In a way, sports seem to be an antipode to globalization by providing the most important area of ritualized action and collective emotion/effervescence in a predominant national frame. Several authors (Bromberger; Pornschlegel; A. Ismer; Gebauer, Fuball) suggest that football should be understood as an arena used to stage social structures, as well as developments and changes in society.4 Pornschlegel states that football takes on the character of a ritual manifesting the core values of society. He analyzes football as a cultural routine that is perpetually repeated, strongly regulated and like all rituals thereby creates social order. Pornschlegel argues that a meaning-universe (105) is created in football which cannot only be seen, but also emotionally experienced. In this sense, football can also be understood as an instrument of the socialization of values and abstract principles of society. As Pornschlegel points out, these include the principles of triangulation,5 the willingness to perform, teamwork, honor, courage, and, last but not least, the nation (106). Neil Blain and colleagues present a similar perspective on televised sports in general: The role of the individual within society, the natural division of gender activities, the legitimation given to the dominant views on law and order, and the construction of national character and

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identity through sport, are all strands which run through televisions treatment of sport (Blain, Boyle and ODonnell 38). The televising of big sports events6 has a long history, which can be traced back to 1936 when the development of technology was sped up by the Nazi regime in order to broadcast the Berlin Olympic Games (Alkemeyer 445 46). Since then a time when sports journalism in Germany was a tool to promote a racist and fascist ideology a lot has changed, but still organized sport [is] viewed by governments of all political persuasions as an important sphere in the forging of national character, with this project often serving specic political ends (Boyle and Haynes 145). However, the same authors state that it would be both simplistic and patronizing to view this use of sport as some form of simple political manipulation by powerful interest groups in society to which people readily succumb (146). Pre-event TV-coverage of German World Cup football matches The previous parts of the article developed a line of thought that helps us to understand the power of the triad of football, rituals and emotions in terms of inuencing the construction of national identity. It is neither the aim of this article to reconstruct the complex political economy of mediated sports nor to provide an in-depth historical comparison of the two events and their contexts, or to reconstruct the respective discourse on national identity by its whole complexity.7 Rather, this section will provide an exploratory empirical case study in order to show how the basic theoretical arguments relate to concrete empirical data and in order to open the empirical eld for possible future research. This will be done by contrasting examples of comparable elements in the context of the pre-match coverage of two German World Cup matches. This comparison is possible because of the ritualized structure of football, and football media coverage in general which has mostly survived the profound changes that the relationships between football and the media have passed through (for an analysis of the changing relationships of sports and the media, see Brinkmann). The sample consists of two matches that are both crucially important in German football history. The analysis stands in the tradition of qualitative interpretative social science research and is in principle based on the documentary method suggested by Bohnsack (Qualitative Bild- und Videointerpretation, The Interpretation). The rst match is the nal of the FIFA World Cup 1974 in Germany, when Germany beat the Netherlands 2:1 and thus won the World Cup for the second time since 1954. The second match is the quarternal during the World Cup in 2006, when Germany played against Argentina, winning in a penalty shootout and thus managing to overcome a long-held belief that the team was not able to beat one of the big football nations. The analysis will be carried out in four steps. It starts with a brief look at the general emotional climate (de Rivera) in Germany before the matches and at several attempts made to inuence this climate. Two key elements (introduction of teams during the broadcast; singing of the national anthem) of the pre-match reports will be compared,8 and the general style of the commentators, both before and during the matches, will be briey addressed. Emotional climate The atmosphere among the German public during the World Cup 1974 has been described as reserved (Schulze-Marmeling and Dahlkamp 228). The German team, and especially the team captain Franz Beckenbauer, were even subject to boos and whistles from the spectators during the early matches of the 74 World Cup (Schulze-Marmeling and Dahlkamp 228; see also A. Ismer 37). The team played a successful (with the exception of the lost match against

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the German Democratic Republic (GDR)), but not particularly attractive preliminary round. One reason for the reservation of the audience toward the team was probably the high expectations of the audience that the German team would play as technically ambitious a match as they had during the 1972 European Championships (see A. Ismer 36). Even after the German victory in the nal match, the public was not euphoric. Schulze-Marmeling and Dalkamp write about the reactions of the German public: Compared to winning the title in 1954, the jubilant atmosphere . . . was rather modest. The Federal Republic was indulging in wealth, and patriotism was outmoded (239, authors translation). The historian Christiane Eisenberg argues in a similar way: In 1974 there was a different atmosphere. In tente the wake of the students movement and against the background of the policy of de . . ., nationalist statements of any kind were deprecated. Just as the audience did not complain about a previous defeat against the GDR, also luckily winning the title was no reason for passionate emotions (121, authors translation; see also A. Ismer 50, for a description of public reactions on the victory). Both authors refer to a feeling rule (Hochschild) that could be termed critical distance. This norm of critical distance, dominant in the 1970s in regard to collective, nation-related emotions, was evident during the 1974 football World Cup as well. The historian Arne Ismer writes about West Germanys self-identication in the 70s as a state whose representation was only little theatricalized and was purposefully kept poor in symbols. The guiding principle of the states presentation was based on the socially integrative power of the economic upswing and social-state balancing (2, authors translation). A leading motive in the construction of a representation of Germany by means of the World Cup was to demonstrate to the world that Germany was a democratic society that had overcome its Nazi history. In the eyes of Hermann Neuberger, Vice-President of the German Football Association (DFB) and head of the organizing committee for the World Cup in 1974, the event was an opportunity to to show that the German citizen of . . . the 1970s was different from how he/she is still considered in certain places after what has happened in the recent past (in A. Ismer 13, authors translation). Unfortunately, during the World Cup in Mexico 1970 and the Euro Cup in Belgium 1972, West German fans did not exactly t into this desired image, but instead attracted undesired attention by various acts of nationalistic hooliganism (Oswald 91). Neuberger was well aware of the problem and stated to the German press: The football fans are supposed to support their team, ber-alles-mood, for [we] but no way may there happen a Deutschland-Deutschland-u Germans must be doubly careful in this respect (Neuberger in A. Ismer 23, authors translation). The fear that the World Cup might be used as a platform for nationalistic attitudes, which could counteract the intended image of Germany in the eyes of the watching world, inuenced the tournament in various ways. Neuberger encouraged cheerful TV-spots in order to put the public in the right mood. Selling alcohol during the matches was prohibited,9 and even banners were banned (Neuberger in A. Ismer 23, authors translation). Even a quick look at the World Cup in 2006 reveals a different picture in many ways.10 The German public quickly identied with the team (Hay and Joel), and did so in a rising euphoria (Hebeker). This was partly due to the fact that the football that was played was more attractive and successful than most had anticipated before the competition. Added to this, the changed prevailing conditions made the massive participation in the 2006 World Cup, and thus the profound experience of collective effervescence, easier than ever before, as the many public screening areas made it possible for a much larger number of people to experience the matches in the midst of large crowds (e.g., 250.000 on the main Fanfest in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin) rather than in comparative isolation in front of

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their living room television sets. Third, and maybe most important, were the various efforts leading up to the competition, in which an intention to make the nation and national identity more salient in the peoples minds can be identied. Several campaigns were run in the year leading up to the World Cup, propagating a self-condent, ambitious understanding of German collective identity and a resulting mass participation. This took place by, for example, the large-scale image campaign Du bist Deutschland (You are Germany). The E30 Million campaign was initiated by the chairman of Bertelsmann AG, a major media foundation and corporation, and consisted of TV and cinema spots, newspaper ads, yers and posters. The organizers claimed that the campaign was the largest social-marketing campaign (in terms of range and budget) in the history of Germany (see Ruchatz for a detailed description and discussion of the campaign). Other examples are the various commercials of World Cup sponsors, like Deutsche ten Nationalteam aller Zeiten campaign (Be part of Telekom with its Sei Teil im gro the largest national team in history), screening average-looking people in national football jerseys. Also, the organization committee was active, with posters that preached the proper (guest-friendly) behavior during the World Cup and that called upon the public to support their national team (11 + 1 campaign). The media represented the fans as the backbone of the team (see Schediwy for an analysis of the print media discourse during the World Cup) and the fans took on the image, feeling increasingly so. Team formation The introduction of the team is obviously a key moment of ritualized pre-match coverage, not only in football. It is the moment many football fans anticipate with suspense because it includes the most important information about the following match and is the main possibility for surprises. For this reason, it can on the one hand be seen as a moment of comparably high emotional arousal. On the other hand, it is a part of the pre-match coverage in which the team is the focus of attention (instead of individual players), therefore constituting the possibility of creating an emotional connection between viewers and the team. Figures 1 and 2 show the images seen by television viewers at the time the team list was made public. The 1974 broadcast by the (ARD) (Figure 1) shows a full shot of the German half of the eld. The perspective is a distanced one; no faces of the players are shown. The commentator reads the players names in a news reporter (dry, unemotional) voice. He mentions only the last names of the players. Immediately after the reading of the German formation the Dutch one is presented in the same way. There is no attempt to emotionalize the occasion, neither in the visual structure of the video footage nor in the comment. The opposite seems to be true: The broadcast is both a reproduction and an afrmation of the critical distance present in society and demanded by the organizers with regard to those of the fans who were infamous for nationalism. During the pre-match report, the construction of a stereotypical we against the others (typically found in contemporary coverage on sports, see Crolley and Hand, Football, Europe and the Press) can hardly be identied. Figure 2 is a screenshot of the ARD broadcast of the quarternal match between Germany and Argentina in 2006. During the pre-match reporting, possible changes in the formation of the team are discussed in various ways, with the reveal of the nal line-up providing an emotional highlight of the broadcast. The screenshot shows the Fanmeile in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin, that is hundreds of thousands of fans

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Figure 1. Screenshot 1974 nal (NDR)

standing in front of the main architectural symbol of national unity. The commentator announces that he will read the loudest team formation of all time. He uses a loud, elevated voice to shout: Our heroes are playing with the number one: Jens . . . The masses answer with the German goalkeepers last name, . . . Lehmann! The call and response style, which can nowadays be observed in football arenas all over Europe, suggests an emotional proximity between fans and team. Both seem to merge; the ritual evokes the impression that the team was installed by the people, having been recruited from amongst them. The scene carries on the abovementioned Deutsche Telekom campaign, in which average-looking people appear in national football jerseys. The subtext in both cases can be interpreted as suggesting that everyone has a place in the national football

Figure 2. Screenshot 2006 quarternal (BamS)

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community. The national team embodies the ideal of a nation that is united in diversity against its opponent. Anthem Additionally, another important change is apparent by the emotions expressed during explicit nation-related rituals. Figure 4 is a screenshot that was taken when the national anthem was played before the start of the quarternal in 2006. It shows the national team players, arm in arm, singing. What the picture does not show is that a large number of spectators in the stadium, representatives of the German government, and the national team coach are also singing. Unfortunately, this screenshot could not fully encapsulate the fervor with which they were singing. I am aware of the fact that such a public display of patriotism is not unusual in most countries. In a lot of places, where patriotism is considered to be a virtue, it might even be expected. In Germany, this behavior would have looked inappropriate in 1974. Figure 3 conveys an impression of the feeling rules in regard to emotions connected to national identity, and which were valid in the 1970s. None of the players was singing, neither was any of the DFB representatives, nor any the members of the government visible in the broadcast. The players kept a little distance from one another and showed almost dour faces. Some even showed an expression of mild shame during the anthem (biting on their lips and looking at their toes) (see Lewis for a discussion of bodily expressions of shame). This might not be a surprise in relation to players like Paul Breitner, who experimented with Maoism in the 1970s, but it is puzzling in relation to the defender Berti Vogts, a conservative. This reference to homogeneous behavior should make clear that, despite possibly different individual political standpoints, the players are geared to respective feeling and display rules in their emotion display. Both screenshots can be seen as examples of a performance of emotion norms related to national identity. The habitus (Bourdieu) of the players is also a result of these norms, as it is updating and dening them for the viewers. Or, in the words of John MacAloon:

Figure 3. Screenshot 1974 nal (NDR)

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Figure 4. Screenshot 2006 quarternal (BamS)

Cultural performances do not simply express human experience, they constitute it (Great Symbol 271). There is, however, an important difference between the examples. While in 1974 the displayed emotions were a clear expression of valid norms, in 2006 they have to be seen as a part of the abovementioned efforts directed at a change of norms. After the opening match, Christoph Metzelder, a defender of the national team, called on the public to imitate the behavior of the team while singing the anthem (Hermanns), and hundreds of thousands of fans did what most of them never had done before.

Commentary Match commentators occupy a crucial role in how a society mediates expected behavior. The commentaries on the two examples reect two different styles, which are partly due to the changed relationship between sports and the media (Brinkmann). Rudi Michel, the commentator at the match in 1974, demonstrates a matter-of-fact attitude and several times refers to the sportsmanlike character of the competition. In only one scene, about ve minutes before the end of the match, does Rudi Michel let out his emotions, calling out to a German player during a counterattack: Get a hold of yourself, boy! He immediately takes it back with the words Excuse me that I got so personal (NDR, authors translation), demonstrating again that the feeling and display rules demand a certain distanced attitude and emotion regulation. The commentary of the quarternal in 2006 sings a completely different tune, one that evokes images of religious events. Expressions like wonder, belief, mission are s about national used in the various programs that precede the matches. Not only are cliche features taken up or constructed in the media coverage, but the commentators mock the opponent. In one of the pre-match reports, Diego Maradona and Franz Beckenbauer are presented as representatives of national character: the Argentinian as a drug-addicted, ridiculous gure, and the German as an eternal icon whose only weakness is that he savors his alluring effect on women a bit too much. The construction of a clear opposition between

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ones own group and the others, nearly absent in the pre-match report to the nal in 1974, is very present in the 2006 broadcast. After the victory won through a penalty shootout, commentator Reinhold Beckmann comments on the changed rules in regard to the expression of national emotions. In an emotional voice he says: It was only a couple of weeks ago, dear viewers, that it was considered pretty uncool to sing the national anthem. Now Germany is a united football country, a summer dream in black, red, gold. The German team has learned to y and we enjoy taking off with them. Up and away to the stars! (in BamS, authors translation). Conclusion I have rst argued that the debate on issues of nations and nationalism should not ignore the crucial role of emotions in the process of embodying the imagined community of the nation. In a second step, I have suggested that the heightened affective arousal can support the embodiment and actualization of cognitive and affective contents of national identity. I further drew on Emile Durkheim and others to show that rituals of community provide an important frame for experiencing collective emotions and thus create feelings of belonging to the nation. In contemporary society, the FIFA Football World Cups provide frames for nation-related rituals in which, through mass media broadcasts, millions of people take part, and which therefore also provide a proper eld for an empirical investigation of the theoretical approach proposed herein. The examples mark a starting point for further analyses by pointing to different ways of using the capacities of rituals for an affective charging of national identity. Although they are exploratory, the examples given reveal profound differences in the expression of emotions connected to national identity, and thus allow a rst glance at a transformation process of the contents of national identity in the context of rituals. One must consider that the visible trend toward a general emotionalization of football coverage (see also Riedl 14) is partially connected to a commercialization of sports journalism, a commercialization of sports and a fundamental change within the German media structure which includes the creation of private television stations. The times when the media were a welcome medium of popularization and marketing are long gone. Today, broadcast rights are the main subjects of economic usage (see Brinkmann for an account of the development of sports and the media in Germany). The increase in prices to broadcast football matches has also intensied pressure on the TV networks to increase prots. Part of their strategy is that: Emotions sell; they attract larger numbers of viewers, especially for sports shows. Emotionalization ties viewers to the event, increasing the excitement and thus the attractiveness (and value) of the product football (Horky; Ludwig). There is in addition to this general trend a signicant, specic, qualitative shift taking place. The earlier reservation regarding collective nation-related emotions seems to have disappeared. Explaining this shift solely as a journalistic strategy to emotionalize sports does not adequately capture the dynamics of change relating to the nation. The 2006 World Cup has to be seen in the context of far reaching changes within German society, regarding both domestic policy (including drastic modications of the social system) and Germanys international role and foreign affairs (e.g., the German Federal Armed Forces deployment in foreign areas of conict). In Germany, social inequalities are increasing. This process implies the danger of social conicts within the country and leads to the growing need for unifying moments. In his classic study on Kabylia in Algeria, Pierre Bourdieu highlighted the power of rituals to mask inequality and to manage conict

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(Bourdieu). In a similar manner, the World Cup in 2006 can be seen as a ritual in which multistrand efforts to change the German national self-image culminate. It led to a rise of identication with the nation (Hebeker) useful for keeping the social peace while facing the given changes. For many, the obvious change of attitudes toward national identity in Germany has been celebrated as a rediscovery of a natural feeling (see e.g., Hebeker), which was said to be a tolerant and democratic kind of patriotism far from the still negatively connoted nationalism of the past or of others (Billig 5). Empirical research thus shows that the claimed emergence of a democratic and tolerant patriotism as a counter-concept to a still negatively perceived nationalism remains wishful thinking. The study by Julia Becker and her colleagues analysed data from before and after the World Cup and discovered a considerable rise in anti-foreigner sentiment and a substantial drop in positive references to the coordinates of constitutional patriotism democracy, rule of law among the general population in Germany from March to August 2006 (Becker, Wagner and Christ). The relationship between the ritualized evocation of collective emotions, national identity and nationalism is one that should be analyzed more closely in future research. Football media coverage provides a rich and promising eld for further studies. Understanding the dynamic of the nation moving from the head (imagined community) to the heart (loved nation) may be crucial to limit the well-known negative consequences of nationalism for the distance between the heart and the hands is not far. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Christian von Scheve and Nina Peter for intense discussions of the paper, Erin Forster, Emmy Williamson, and Mirko Wittwar for polishing my English and Erika von Rautenfeld for comments on earlier drafts. I also would like to thank the three anonymous reviewers of Nationalities Papers for their stimulating feedback.

Notes
1. In this article the term football is used for the sport that US readers know as soccer. 2. The author is currently working on a grounded-theory-based analysis of the 2006 pre-match coverage. 3. Of course, a nation-state also has other means to achieve acceptance by its subjects (laws, institutions, etc.). Nevertheless an emotional attachment ensures loyalty the easy way. 4. Football has already been the subject of extensive research in social sciences; see, e.g., Tomlinson and Young; for an account of the transnational European football culture, King; for a contrasting analysis of discourse on national identities in the media of different countries, Crolley and Hand, Identities; for a detailed discussion of global football and national identitysee Schwier. 5. Pornschlegel uses the term triangulation to describe the basic principle of competing parties aiming for similar ends but doing so with regard to rules that are controlled by a neutral authority. 6. For a detailed discussion of the relationship between sports and the media, see, e.g., Boyle and Haynes; or for a collection of theoretical essays on the topic, see Wenner. 7. For the German print media, this has been done by Schediwy. 8. The sample contains the last 30 minutes of the pre-match report broadcast before the match started. rstchen are essential parts of the match 9. In the German Bundesliga, drinking beer and eating Wu experience. 10. It can be claimed that there are some similarities regarding the situation in Germany during the buildup to both tournaments (bad mood, economic stagnation); see Merkel for acomparative analysis of various issues.

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