New Democracy, November 2013

NEW DEMOCRACY
Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)
Vol. 19,
No . 11 No.
No vember 2013 Nov
All India P ar ty Cong ress 2013 Par arty Congr
Gene va Deal on I ran s Nuclear Prog ramme Geneva Iran ran Programme
Fight Violence on Women
In Memory of Com. C.P. Reddy
Anti-displacement Struggles in Odisha

L ARR 2013: Land Gr ab P olic y to Contin ue Gra Polic olicy Continue Observe Dec. 6 as Anti-communalism Day
No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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All India Party Congress Held Successfully

(We are publishing here a statement issued by the Central Committee of CPI(ML)-Democracy on November 2, 2013 on the successful conclusion of the All India Party Congress.) All India Party Congress (2013) of Communist Party of India (MarxistLeninist)-New Democracy was held successfully in Com. Pyla Vasudev Rao Nagar. Delegate sessions of the Congress were conducted in Com. Paltu Sen Hall. Delegates representing Party work in twelve states participated in the Congress with great enthusiasm. Congress deliberations were marked by high level of understanding backed by long participation in building and conducting the revolutionary struggles and great optimism in the prospects of New Democratic Revolution in the country and Partys due role in it. Party Congress in particular focused on expanding and developing areas of sustained resistance and dealt with problems encountered in this course. Party Congress began its proceedings by paying homage to martyrs belonging to the Party and other communist revolutionary organizations, to those who have fallen in attacks by landlords, mafia and state forces, to Party leaders who have died in the period since last Party Congress, to martyrs of anti-displacement movements and those who died fighting imperialism and reaction in different parts of the world. Party Congress analyzed present national and international situation and formulated Partys immediate tasks. International situation has undergone significant change. Struggles of the people against aggression by imperialist countries, against reactionaries backed by imperialists in their countries and also workers struggles particularly in developed capitalist countries are intensifying. Party Congress assessed that International situation though complex, is growing favourable for growth and development of revolutionary movements and peoples struggles in the world. International situation is marked by deepening economic crisis of imperialism leading to increasing attacks on the workers in different countries, attempts by imperialist countries to seize natural resources and No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
wage wars for that leading to intensification of the contradictions among them. Owing to the national struggles of people of Iraq and Afghanistan and other countries against US led military aggression and occupation and explosion of world financial-economic crisis from 2008, US imperialisms drive for securing world hegemony has stalled. It is no longer in a position to wage wars unilaterally and to alone impose war and settle the question of peace in the world. Therefore, Party Congress concluded that unipolar world brought about by the collapse of the Soviet Union and disintegration of the camp led by it, has come to an end and the world has become multipolar. Recent developments in Syria have vindicated this position.
Party Congress also discussed development of China where capitalism had been restored decades back. With China exporting capital to many third world countries, developing zones of investment there, contending with other imperialist powers for control over backward countries and their natural resources, it has developed into a social-imperialist country.
Party Congress expressed its support and solidarity with revolutionary communist movement against imperialism and reaction, with national struggles against aggressions and subversions by imperialist powers, particularly US imperialism, with workers' struggles against attempts to shift the burden of the deepening economic crisis onto them and against their worsening conditions.
Party Congress concluded that US imperialism continues to be the main target of world peoples struggles. Party Congress resolved to build movements against imperialist wars and aggressions with forces opposed to imperialist aggressions.
Party Congress discussed in depth situation obtaining in the country. Economic crisis is deepening as exemplified by declining rate of growth, rising fiscal deficit, rising current account deficit, declining value of the currency, runaway inflation and worsening condition of the overwhelming majority of the people. Ruling classes subservience to imperialism, their policies serving the interests of corporate and landlord classes are at the root of the deepening crisis. New economic policies ushered in at the dictates of imperialist powers and financial institutions controlled by them have benefited only a small section while plunging large population into increasing poverty, destitution and unemployment. All indices of social health are low, with India having largest number of hungry, sufferers of preventable diseases, sufferers of anemia and malnutrition. Political crisis
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) and minorities. Ruling classes are facilitating propagation of decadent culture from imperialist countries while preserving anti-women and antidalit aspects of the feudal culture. Condemning increasing attacks on women, particularly on dalit and poor women, Party Congress welcomed recent upswing in the struggle of women and youth against attacks on women. Party Congress also vowed to intensify its efforts to fight caste oppression and attacks on dalits. Party Congress also noted that higher judiciary has emerged as one of the main players in implementation of new economic policies. While it acted on the concerns of upper and middle classes, it showed utter disdain in cases of lower classes as shown in acquittal in several cases of massacres of landless poor peasants in Bihar. Party Congress also expressed its concern at attacks on minorities, particularly Muslims, on their lives and property. In the context of coming elections in 2014, there is an attempt to unleash communal violence by RSS-BJP combine to come to power. Their projection of Modi and his Gujarat model is a combination of majority communalism and all out service of corporate interests. Party Congress decided that we should wage a determined struggle against all forms of communalism, taking Hindu communalism as the main at present and exposing Hindutva. Party Congress condemned the increasing attacks on democratic rights of the people of which communist revolutionaries are the main target, enactment of black laws like UAPA, strengthening the paramilitary and police forces in numbers and deadly weaponry, deployment of huge number of paramilitary personnel in Chhatisgarh and elsewhere against communist revolutionaries, particularly CPI(Maoist), operation Green Hunt & other forms of war on people. Party Congress condemned the Govt. attack on struggles of Kashmiri people for right to self-determination and expressed solidarity with their struggle. Party Congress demanded immediate tabling of Bill in Parliament for creation of Telengana and condemned the ruling class parties for trying to create hatred among Telugu people. Party Congress also supported the demand for Gorkhaland considering these demands as democratic demands. Party Congress resolved to intensify struggles of peasants, workers,
continues as shown by growing political instability and conflicts within organs of power of the state. Party Congress like the earlier one, characterized this situation as of growing political instability with policy consensus among ruling class parties. Revolutionary situation is growing favourable for the revolutionary movement though in semifeudal semicolonial India it is unevenly developed in different parts of the country.
At the root of the economic crisis is agrarian-industrial crisis. Agriculture remains stagnant with land continuing to be concentrated in the hands of a few with top 5% owning 44% of the land and bottom 60% owning practically little, less than 10% of the lands. Employment of capitalist methods to absorb the inputs of the MNCs, have only led to declining rate of growth, increasing pollution of soil, depleting water table and increasing indebtedness of the peasantry while agriculture in the vast areas continues to be carried on by backward means. Employment of rural poor is declining. While Food Security Bill, mostly a repackaging of existing schemes, admits to 75% of the rural poor being hungry, MNREGS has been mired with low wages and high corruption. On the other hand, industry is frequently suffering negative growth rate with manufacturing sector being hardest hit. Service sector contributing 56% of the GDP is slowing, hit by declining demand in western imperialist countries. Workers and peasants are suffering from attempts to further squeeze them, with no attempts to implement labour laws and further contractualization of labour, and rising cost of inputs and lack of corresponding increase in the prices of produce in agriculture.
Party Congress welcomed the upswing in the movement of tribals and other peasants against forcible displacements, expressing its full solidarity and support to these struggles. These struggles have posed a concrete challenge to the attempts of the ruling classes to further implementation of new economic policies and to sell the natural resources of the country at throwaway prices. We firmly oppose forcible acquisition of land, diversion of agricultural land for industrial purposes and any land for MNCs. The new Land Acquisition law is only an attempt to smoothen land acquisition. Party Congress demanded scrapping of Polavaram project which is aimed mainly at providing water for corporate.
While increasing unemployment is hitting the youth with fewer opportunities of employment, education is subject to increasing attempts at opening it to imperialist countries, changing its pattern to suit their entry, high cost of higher education adversely affecting girls, dalits, backwards No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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women, dalits, tribals, youth and students. Among all the struggles, Party Congress held that building and developing resistance movement is the principal task of the Party. Without building resistance movement, Party cannot play a significant role in guiding the struggles of the people in the direction of revolutionary movement. Party Congress instructed the new Central Committee to devote its full energy to advance this task.
Once Again Demonstration of Multipolar World
As an organizational preparation for this struggle, Party Congress discussed in depth a proposal to build a strong party of a particular type necessary to fulfill its principal task and approved the same. Party Congress directed all Party committees to follow the approach outlined in the document and directions issued in pursuance to it.
Gene va Ag reement on Genev Agr Ir an's Nuc lear Pr ogramme Iran's Nuclear Pro
Import of Iran Nuclear Deal is to be deciphered from the bold letters and not the fine print. The very fact of such a deal between western powers, particularly USA, and Iran, itself a culmination of the change in international situation, has sent shock waves through the middle-east. The stage for this was set by the failure or unwillingness or both of US Admn. to launch airstrikes against Syria after August 21 morning chemical attack there and an agreement, brokered by Russia, reached to bring Syrian chemical weapons under UN control and their ultimate destruction. It was followed by the phone call made by US President Obama to newly elected President of Iran, Rouhani, when he had come to participate in UN General Assembly. Fast forward to nuclear talks between Iran and P5+1 (Five permanent members of UN Security Council- USA, Russia, Britain, France, China and Germany). Meeting in early November itself almost reached an agreement. France blocked it but not for long. Ten days later the agreement was finally reached in Geneva, an interim agreement for six months to be followed by full agreement later. The deal is partial lifting of sanctions in exchange for freezing the nuclear programme by Iran at the present stage. The essential point is agreement by the western powers to Irans right to Uranium enrichment which has so long been refused by the western powers; rest of the ingredients of the deal were already there to be taken. What compelled the US Admn. to accept this deal even in face of fierce opposition of Israel, its powerful lobby in America and also its allies- Arab monarchs? And what does it signify for USA and the world situation as a whole? Unipolar world brought about by disintegration of earlier Soviet Union and collapse of social imperialist camp, was beset with deep contradictions. First Gulf War formally proclaimed it. Economic crisis of the sole surviving superpower was deepening. Its share in the world production and world trade was declining. Unipolar world was brought about not by any sharp increase in the economic or military strength of US imperialism, but by
About the various alien trends in the Party and communist revolutionary movement, Party Congress called upon all Party ranks to fight right and left deviations taking right deviation as the main danger at present. Party Congress approved a special document calling for intensifying struggle against revisionism and right deviation.
All India Party Congress reviewed the Party activities over the last nine years. Delegates offered their frank and constructive views, appreciated what was done well by the erstwhile Central Committee and pointed out what they considered were the deficiencies. There was penetrating discussion on what were the causes of these deficiencies.
All India Party Congress decided that new CC should set up separate State Committees for Party work in Telengana and Andhra Pradesh.
Having heard a report on the splittist and disruptive activities of Coms. Chandram, Tanya and SV in Andhra Pradesh, their setting up parallel Party and mass organizations there and also CCs patient pursuance of these members of erstwhile CC to stop and withdraw splittist activities and their refusal to follow CCs decisions in this regard, Party Congress expelled Coms. Chandram, Tanya and SV from the Party.
All India Party Congress elected a Central Committee to lead and guide the Partys work. New Central Committee elected Com. Yatendra Kumar as General Secretary of the Party. The concluding session outlined the Partys tasks in the immediate future and called upon all Party committees and ranks to gear up to unleash the revolutionary struggles and help the CC fulfill the tasks decided by the Party Congress. Party Congress closed with rendering of Internationale in which all the delegates participated. No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) of US imperialism also added to its economic hardships. The wars were being financed by economic bubbles while its trade deficit continued to mount. The bubble burst in 2008 and the world financial economic crisis exploded. Continuing these wars became untenable while opposition to these wars mounted. Neocons had had their day and the strategy had to be readjusted to the changing times. The evidence of declining US ability to decide the question of war and peace was not long in coming. In 2008, egged on by US imperialism, Sakshavilli Govt. in Georgia moved its Army to militarily capture Ossetia and Abkhazia regions which were under Russian influence and patronage. Russian retribution was quick and effective. Russian Army threw the Georgian Army out of these areas which also brought it close to the proposed pipeline carrying gas from Azerbaijan to western Europe through Georgia. More importantly, US remained a silent spectator to this military drubbing of Georgia and looked the other way discolouring the revolution of Georgia and undermining its lackey ruling there. It demonstrated that period of US unilateralism was over. US no longer remained able to all alone wage a war and enforce peace in different regions of the world. It was first clear demonstration of a multipolar world long developing in the womb of unipolar world, having come into existence. In the background of the explosion of world financial economic crisis and wars of aggression running aground in Afghanistan and Iraq, people of Arab countries started rising against their ruling dictatorships who were increasing burden on the people implementing neoliberal economic policies while crushing peoples resistance under military boots. Peoples upsurge termed as Arab Spring started from Tunisia, quickly spread to Egypt and other countries. These upsurges succeeded in throwing out the hated military dictators in Tunisia and Egypt while the old state structure remained in place. Uprisings in other countries opened the deep fissures in those societies and ruling classes worked to deepen these fissures to stem the tide of peoples struggles. US imperialism and is middle-east allies- Israel and Gulf monarchies- were shaken by this upsurge. They saw an opportunity in this adversity for them and sought to utilize this uprising to their advantage- regime change in some countries towards whose rulers they were not favourably disposed and suppressing with military might where it targeted their own allies utilizing fissures in their societies. Gulf monarchies led by Saudi rulers tried to turn this spring of peoples protests into chilly winter of reactionary bloodshed, tried to drown peoples struggles in Shia-
collapse of its main rival, the other superpower, Soviet social imperialism. Though US imperialism too was facing the crisis of excessive military expenditure, but due to wider economic base it could manage it better than its rival. However, the same factors which brought down social imperialist superpower were working for US imperialism too, and they had to catch up with time. Other capitalist countries undermined US monopoly in several sectors while labour intensive production was transferred to third world countries to utilize their cheap labour, natural resources and markets.
Beset with relative decline in economic power but with opportunity of being way ahead of other imperialist powers militarily, US imperialism undertook to secure its realm, the world hegemony through military means. Controlling the world energy sources, trade routes and having its military bases throughout the world, US imperialist rulers sought to fashion the world under its secure hegemony. They tried to impose world order where its large monopolies would rule the roost, their economic advantage would come into play and wherever that was inadequate, their allies and vulnerable rulers would be arm twisted, there being no alternative for them. Big military expansion was put into effect. Attack on WTC towers and Pentagon in September 2001, was utilized by the US rulers to declare war against the world people treating whosoever was not with them, as against them. Afghanistan was attacked in October 2001 with UN approval and Iraq in March 2003 without UN approval with the coalition of the willing. US imperialist rulers hoped that with Afghanistan and Iraq firmly under their occupation, Iran, with one of the biggest oil and gas reserves will fall or be occupied with ease. However, these calculations of the aggressors went awry. People of Afghanistan and Iraq waged national wars of such intensity that they did not remain mere TV spectacles. Body bags started arriving in large numbers and US Armys massacres of the people of these countries increasingly isolated the aggressors.
Riding on US wars of aggression, Zionist Israeli rulers unleashed a war of aggression on Lebanon in 2006 bombing it savagely and trying to crush Hizbullah, the organized anti-Israel resistance of people of Lebanon. The war which was supposed to deliver the new Middle-east, turned into a nightmare for Zionist aggressors and their western imperialist backers and Israel had to beat a hasty retreat. 2006 misadventure exposed the limits of power of US and its allies and their ability to impose their will on the region. These wars of aggression, besides testing and denting the military might No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) intensifying contradictions among US allies in middle-east became precipitating factors in Syria for US military intervention. However, Russia and China were this time in no mood to oblige signifying increasing contradictions among imperialist forces and their fear of totally losing any influence in the crucial region. US imperialist rulers, pressed by their allies and deterred by rising anti-war sentiments in their countries and inability or unwillingness to enter another war in the middle-east, tried to use limited air strikes to pacify their allies and also tilt the balance of forces in Syria in favour of anti-Govt. forces. However, failure to get UN approval and unwillingness of their domestic opinion with UK parliament voting against it and majority of US MPs being opposed to it, US Admn. had to clutch the straw offered by Russia to bring chemical weapons of Syria under international control and destroy them. These developments signified not only an increased role of Russia in the middle-east and world affairs, but more importantly a failure on part of US imperialism to take unilateral decisions on war and peace and to impose its will on the people of Syria, middle-east and the world at large. Failure to launch aggressive war against Syria set the stage for US imperialism to pursue its strategic goals through other means. While it is trying to keep its allies together, it is trying to broaden its reach to influence events in middle-east and there Iran is an important country. Moreover, US imperialism is also looking to Irans help in keeping its influence in Afghanistan after bringing down its military strength there. Forward movement in talks on Irans nuclear programme should be looked in this background. Coming to the deal proper, it faces domestic opposition both in USA and Iran. In America, sections of ruling classes and immensely powerful pro-Israel Jewish lobby there is exerting utmost to frustrate the deal. US Congress is embarking on considering new sanctions against Iran, a move certainly against the Geneva agreement. Sections of the US ruling imperialist bourgeoisie do not feel the need for readjustment to changing world situation and wish to continue with the old strategy and would do all to undermine Geneva agreement though some sections are also eying larger share of Iranian oil and gas. Israeli Prime Minister has termed the deal a historical mistake. Basically Israel does not want any powerful country in the middleeast which may become a rallying point for the people and may boost the Palestinian resistance. Gulf monarchies particularly Saudi Arabia are also against the deal as they fear the spread of Iranian influence and anti-
Sunni war targeting Iran as their main adversary. In order to crush this serpents head the Gulf monarchies turned what were democratic protests in Syria into sectarian war recruiting jihadis, funding and arming them and ran a worldwide campaign to portray it as a part of Arab Spring. US and western powers saw in this an opportunity to further tighten their control on middle-east and like in Libya where they overthrew Gaddafi regime with military might, they sought to impose regime change in Syria employing military might in the name of protection of civilians. But this time other powers did not cooperate as the civil war in Syria continued with Syrian Army holding out despite all sorts of help from US, other western powers, Gulf monarchies and even Turkey which saw in these events an opportunity to expand its influence in Levante. Turkish rulers gave up their avowed policy of zero problems with neighbours in favour of all out interference in Syria to affect regime change.
Protests of Arab people which resulted in dethroning of military dictators in Tunisia and Egypt brought Muslim Brotherhood (MB) to power in the elections. Muslim Brotherhood had neither initiated nor participated in the peoples upsurge but was the best organized force in these societies besides armed forces. Coming to power of Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia and more importantly Egypt, emboldened Turkish rulers who themselves belong to MB, and Qatar rulers whose TV channel Al Jazeera had played an important role in these changes while Saudi rulers were alarmed as MB has been hostile to Saudi ruling family and hundreds of MB activists are in prison in Saudi Arabia and its allied monarchies. Saudi ruling family, most important ally of US imperialism among Arab rulers, had to fight on two fronts- Iran and MB. While Syria became a crucial bone of contention between Saudi Arabia and allied Gulf monarchies and Turkey and Qatar, Saudi rulers also lent their support to Egyptian Army in overthrowing MB leader Morsis Govt. This contradiction manifested itself in growing clashes
Control over Syria has been important for US imperialism, its west European allies and Gulf monarchies for a number of reasons. West European powers, Gulf monarchies and Turkey have been eying pumping Gulf gas through a pipeline running through Syria onwards to Turkey to Western Europe to reduce dependence on Russian gas supplies. Control over Syria is also important to US, Israel and Gulf monarchies to weaken and isolate Iran and disrupt its links with Hizbullah of Lebanon. While these have been long term goals of these powers, the tilting of balance in civil war in Syria in favour of President Bashir Assads Syrian Army and No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) emerged which exercise dominating influence in other parts of the world. Africa and Latin America are witnessing deeper penetration of Chinese capital as well as Chinese military presence besides Chinese assertion in Eastern Asia. China is also second largest economic power, moreover having much surplus. Japan is also rearming itself. European countries are beset with lot of economic problems and political divisions, yet it continues to remain a big economy and position is Germany is getting increasingly strengthened. The inter-imperialist contradictions are intensifying in the backdrop of declining power of US imperialism, competition and contention among them for share of natural resources and markets is escalating. As this multipolar world has been brought about by the operation of long working factors, its emergence has been slow to be recognized. This change must be understood by the revolutionary forces as it improves the international situation facing the revolutionary movements the world over.
monarchy sentiments in their own countries. Saudi Arabia fears the most as its neighbour Baharin has overwhelming majority of Shias while it is ruled by monarchy allied to Saudi Arabia and USA. Even more importantly, eastern province of Saudi Arabia where most of the fossil fuel fields are located, has a heavy population of Shias. Saudi monarchy has a deep fear of democratic currents taking hold of their people. Hence it is doing all that is possible to divert the upswing in peoples struggles in Arab world into sectarian channels and to suppress the peoples risings with heavy hand along with distributing some doles out of huge oil wealth its rulers have amassed.
In Iran, the deal enjoys support from the dominant sections of ruling clergy while some sections of clergy and revolutionary guards are opposed to the deal. Sections of clergy have excelled in their pursuit of wealth, while sections of revolutionary guards coming from lower middle classes and even working people, are agitated. But Iranian guided democracy which stands out in face of its lack in Gulf monarchies, controlled by top echeleons of clergy would be able to sell the deal. Main threat to the deal comes from ruling circles of western imperialist powers which are loath to abandon regime change in Iran. The deal may face many stumbling blocks.
But what Geneva agreement signifies is that today imperialist world is no longer a unipolar world and tremors of this change are being felt around the world. This change, evident since Georgian War of 2008, has been demonstrated once again by the recent events. Though US imperialism continues to be the biggest economic and military power in the world, it is not in a position to unilaterally go to war and impose peace, in brief, no longer in a position to decide the question of war and peace all alone or with its coalitions of willing. However, US imperialism continues to be the main trouble maker in the world and main aggressor and plotter against countries, nations and people of the world. It obviously is the main target of world peoples struggles.
IFTU's successful entry in Aurobindo Pharmacy Limited

Aurobindo Pharma company with huge turn over of 5600 crores, is situated at PydiBheemavaram, Shrikakulam district, Andhra Pradesh. This place is a prime sector for Pharma Industry for bulk drug production along with prominent companies of DIVIs, Reddy Labaratories, Andhra Organics, Matraix Labs etc. The employees of Aurobindo Pharma Limited started their struggle few years back and finally got organized on their own against the management to achieve the basic rights like minimum wages, job security, minimum amenities. They conducted strikes on Dec. 2012, Feb. 2013 and March 2013. But the financially strong management threatened them and denied any such relief to the employees. The well educated employees of Aurobindo Pharma Limited approached IFTU after knowing thoroughly about IFTU and its core activities and successful achievements in Nellimarla Jute Mills issues along with several other jute Mills whose issues were handled successfully in the same District. The management got frightened and
As the world becomes multipolar from unipolar, it retains some of the features of the erstwhile unipolar world. US imperialism continues to be an important player in almost all parts of the world while no other single country has such a wide reach and influence. On the other hand, it may also have some features of bipolar world which preceded the unipolar world, particularly in view of the assertion of Russia in middle-east and eastern Europe. But the world is not reverting to bipolar world as many other powers have No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) unit after crossing all the hurdles for more than several months. This is a very good result, but the illegal transfer of nine employees from parent unit to Hyderbad unit had not been resolved and struggle continued. Management rejected talks with IFTU. Thereafter employees conducted Chalo Collectorate Rally, Rally to MRO office, Blockage of Deputy Commissioner of Labour etc. When the employees protested on 19.08.2013 police lathicharged IFTU leaders and filed cases against K. Sanyasi Rao and Mallik along with 54 members and arrested them, even though employees stood stubbornly to achieve their demands. APCLC, Human Rights Forum, Trade Unions expressed solidarity with this struggle and conducted several meetings under the leadership of IFTU. These solidarity meetings gave and improved employees' self confidence for achieving their goals. On 20.09.2013 IFTU conducted huge massive protest before Labour Commissioner office at Hyderabad. In this protest Aurobindo Phrama Employees numbering 900 travelled all the way of 800 Km to reach Hyderabad and participated in the protest and all the 10 trade unions expressed solidarity once again with this protest. During the process Human Rights Commission reacted and served summons to Aurobindo Pharma management. In this situation the Govt. machinery and Aurobindo Phrama management climbed down and called for negotiations before State Labour Commissioner at Hyderabad resulting in an agreement with IFTU with following conditions: 1) All the dismissed 42 employees would be taken back to work unconditionally. 2) The key members of trade union who were transferred to Hyderabad unit would be relocated to original unit of PydiBheemavaram, Shrikakulam Dist. unit after 4 months. On 02.10.2013 IFTU conducted a victory rally at Vizainagaram In Andhra Pradesh this is first entry for IFTU in multi core pharma sector and the first experience also. Aurobindo Phrama consists of 2000 employees along with 3700 contract labour with huge employees strength in nearby pharmacy sector companies. IFTU crossing the primary hurdles to enter into the big corporate den is a big milestone. In future it gives lot of hope and a message to other company employees also.
suggested to its employees to select any union other than IFTU. But employees rejected the management's advice and they selected IFTU.
Immediately Aurobindo Pharma management formed a syndicate with some other prominent pharma companies in the same belt, with the sole motive of obstructing the formation of the trade union by IFTU .At the same time the said syndicate pressurized and influenced the Dist Collector, Superintendent of Police, State Labour Minister, and Dist Ministers. Aurobindo Pharma management succeeded in delaying the registration of the union affiliated to IFTU. Then the union continued its representations and demonstration for our legal rights in formation of the union. The obstacles created by the political leaders along with State Labour Minister Mr. Danam Nagendra were openly revealed by the Labour Commissioner in the meeting held at Hyderabad with 10 Trade Union representatives.
During the process of registration, we exposed the role of State Labour Minister Mr. Danam Nagendra in several ways. IFTU also conducted a state wide demonstration in this regard. In Hyderabad IFTU state committee conducted massive Dharna also. Other trade unions expressed solidarity with this programme. Employees conducted a rally with effigy of State Labour Minister Mr. Danam Nagendra at various places.
Management even kidnapped three members listed to register the trade union by name Jagadesh, Durga and Prasad on May 20, 2013 and offered an amount of Rs.15 lakhs to withdraw from trade union. After successful escape from the management's goondas they filed a complaint in local police station but the police instead of registering a case against the management, filed a case against active trade union members. Later management understood that they could not even succeed after registering a false police case so they finally transferred nine key members of the trade union to Hyderabad unit to demoralize other employees. In protest against this, employees conducted a tool down strike and later on 12.07.2013 it led to strike. In that strike more than 75% of the employees participated. Management tried harassment from all angles like arrests, show cause notices, dismissal notices etc. Even some employees were brought from Hyderabad unit to continue the production. But the spirit of employees was to continue their protest strongly. On 06.08.2013 registration process was completed in Aurobindo Phrama No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Violence on Women : Fight , Fight Patriar chal F eudal Values triarc Feudal alues, the System Enshrining Them
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) places have been taking place in Delhi in the past few years too. But the cases that caught attention and became centres of struggles concerned working girls, usually from call centres, returning from work very late at night and becoming victims of lumpens. This was linked to the opening up of the night shift for women under the liberalization agenda of globalization. It was chiefly demanded by MNCs and big corporate running call centres, service sectors like hotels and bars and of course the export and similar industries which have been placing this demand for long. However, provisions for safe to and fro transport of women employees was not talked about by govts and rarely implemented. The recent gangrape of a Mumbai journalist was also an attack on a working girl in the course of her duty. The Amanat case was somewhat different and evoked a massive response because of the very ordinariness of the events. A girl and a boy going to see a film which almost all middle class youth were seeing those days, in the early evening in a multiplex. Coming to the bus stop early in the night and getting no buses for two hours. Boarding a private bus which said it was plying on the same route. It is the experience of just anyone of the same socioeconomic status in Delhi. That is not to say that fairly large movements did not take place in the earlier cases. The point to be noted in all these cases as well as in the recent Mumbai cases and also in the cases of rapes of minors in Delhi, is that in all of them the rapists were anonymous, alienated, mostly migrants though not all, mostly with unstable employment, living without families or with unstable social lives, outside the identification and the answerability which life with roots in the community ensures. All were prey to imperialist culture with it commodification of women being rolled out in commercials and other programmes on television, in advertisements around the city and which supervenes on the conditioning in patriarchal values. Their victims were alien to their social existence belonged to other. This is an aspect which organizations should take note of for it underlines the need to fight the policies of the rulers which are leading to unemployment, to increasing rich poor divide and to this influx of imperialist values and culture rather than targeting migrants as some ruling politicians are doing. The big landlord big bourgeoisie rulers of India, while enshrining patriarchal values, are also facilitating this inpouring as it makes Indias youth so much more desirous of their proimperialist policies. In addition of course are several cases in which the cities' lumpens, usually tied up with police and / or politicians, drawn from traditional landowning castes who have sold off their lands, or other dominant castes,
The issue of violence against women exclusively, sexual violence specifically, has come sharply on agenda since December 2012 with the huge upsurge of movement against it in Delhi. This mass movement in Delhi was around the gang rape and fight for life of Amanat or Nirbhay. The focus was pointedly on two issues failure of governance in issues of violence against women and against attitudes to women ie patriarchal values. The protestors demanded surety of convictions which almost all parliamentary political parties tried to modify to hard action, harsh action i.e. hanging. But the overwhelming opinion was that laws exist but not the will to implement them. Those who are to implement them the police, courts, judiciary, bureaucrats, the ruling polity are conditioned in the same values as the perpetrators of sexual crimes against women. The need for societys fight against patriarchy was surely the message of the movement, along with a fight against the governance which sustains this attitude and refuses to implement laws. While moans about the black blot on the victim and of her future life as a living dead emanated from Parliament, the protestors revelled in her fight for life, for justice, for being a brave heart. That all these understandings could prevail was due not a little to the consistent presence of democratic and progressive elements and organizations among the protestors. All the womens organizations were forced to stand with these positions on 8 th March, including AIDWA, though CPM stood for hanging in aggravated rapes.
Similar movements came up again and again in similar incidents in Mumbai, Calcutta and even in Delhi itself, though none were of the scale of the Amanat struggle. In Delhi, repeated movements broke out against rapes of minor girls and police apathy or inaction, with gradually the demand evolving to disbanding this colonial era police, as at a point, almost routinely action was being sought against some policeman or the other in the context of these struggles. There is however, another lesson also to be drawn. Gangrapes in public No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) judicial bodies. They are gatherings of all the males of any dominant caste group dominated by the landed sections of that caste and thus not at all democratically functioning bodies. They are repositories of backward, anti women, patriarchal values, are self appointed to maintain caste purity by absolute forbidding of intercaste marriage to their women, dictating what should be the relationship between boys and girls within the caste and also within the village, not allowing any right of choice to girls at all not even within groups acceptable for marriage. They are also the repositories of power over landless and other workers, especially dalits who are vast majority of them. The dominant castes are agriculture based. The panchayats include no women. These khaps of western UP and Haryana all areas of use of capitalist methods in agriculture superimposed on semifeudal production relations have becomes a feature in barbaric medieval killings of women of their own kin and of couples too. They have ordered and got executed summarily, murders of several young girls of their own castes for breach of patriarchal norms along with the boys they married. The state structure, expecially ruling polity, police and even judiciary who are mostly drawn from the same dominant castes supports them. The Verma Commission's Report has documented some figures. In the last six years, these murders were drawn from Jhajjar, Jind, Rohtak districts of Haryana, and Meerut, Bagpat, Muzaffarnagar and Fatehabad in UP (West). In the past four years 560 cases were reported of couples being threatened; 121 persons were killed, 48 in UP, 15 in Delhi, 41 in Haryana and 17 in other states. In Haryana 142 of such cases of threats or murders were reported of which 86% were intercaste marriages. Overall, 88% of killings were initiated by the girls family which felt violated but they killed both girl and boy. Inter religious marriages do not form a significant section of these numbers. However now these type of khap panchyats of a dominant landed caste are active in running the Bahu-Beti Izzat Andolan which has been underlying the current anti Muslim violence in Muzaffarnagar. In this case, their target is love jihad in which they allege a deliberate ploy of Muslims to marry their girls. The reality rests in education widening the girls horizons, the better educational status of Muslim boys and their city based lives as compared to boys of landed castes. In reality inter-religious marriages are very few. The real targets of such propaganda are actually the rights of the girls and women of the upper castes. The logic of the khap panchayats is that their traditional patriarchal
misbehave with and perpetuate sexual violence against women not from their own communities.
Caste violence against women, including sexual violence
In November 2012 there were a series of brutal gang rapes of Dalit girls by sons and men of landlord castes in Haryana. Ninteen rapes and gangrapes were registered over forty days. As the dalits were all landless while the police are drawn mostly from the dominant caste, the real figure may even be higher. The statistics show that this is no new phenomenon. Registered rapes were sixty per month in past two years, and fifty per month from 2006 onwards except for one year when they were forty per month. The phenomenon of violence against dalit girls and women is on in the country. Repeated cases of dalit women (older women usually) being disrobed, beaten and paraded naked in the villages are regularly reported. In the vast feudal rural areas, violence by feudals and goons target landless peasantry, is part of social infrastructure and use of their women for sexual gratification or simply to assert superiority is a feature where registration of cases does not figure in the discourse. This aspect is part and parcel of total feudal oppression.
One feature in violence on women is clearcut. Other than sporadic cases, cases of deliberate sexual violence are on women perceived to be of alien group and is also a part of assertion of power against that group because of the patriarchal perception that women are the property of those men or the honour centres' of an alien group. Thus this sexual violence is a feature of those asserting social power or in violence against dalits, or minorities or by security forces against nationality struggles and revolutionary movements. It is a feature of street rapes in cities also. Violence against women is also taking place in state violence on struggles, in antidisplacement struggles etc. but there the violence is generalized and the target just what is in front of the attackers, be they men or women.
Khap Panchayats
A sharp rise in Khap pronounced violence against women and youth has occurred over the past decade or so. It should be viewed along with the fact of increasing number of girls of dominant landed castes going for education, going away from home for higher studies, their new exposures and their breaching of traditional patriarchal dictates. Khap panchayats are collective patriarchal bodies, which use social power to act as extra No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) yet again in internal enquiry. Sexual violence at workplace also occurs against domestic workers in cities, and agricultural women workers in rural areas. It is only a part of the total violence against them as they are looked at with a feudal understanding of being almost slaves. Sexual violence against women as part of overall violence at the hands of police and paramilitary against movements in general repression of people continues. So too does landlord goonda feudal violence in the countryside which the state forces indirectly and if needed directly abet. In all cases of mass struggles of women against violence, the violence on them by police becomes an additional feature. Linked is sexual violence and violence against women and girls in state owned homes, institutions, jails, mental asylums, hostels run by govts., where women are often sexually exploited and fairly often used for prostitution. Custodial violence against women continues to be a feature of Indias state especially in areas of movements and more especially in areas led by communist revolutionaries. The heinous case of Soni Soli, who had stones inserted into her private parts after arrest on the charge of being a Maoist contact, is recent.
dictates are the law. Even where the law of the land coincides with their opinions, the time for implementation is considered too long. So they dole out their own summary justice and dole out medieval punishment. They never issue diktats against gang rapes of Dalit women, think nothing of protecting, bailing out and defending their males when they are guilty of such offences. They uphold punishing victims by both killing and social ostracism. They have no diktats against keeping women of any caste and in any number as keeps. They stand with female infanticide which is rampant in the area.
The role of police and courts is better explained by examples. The groom (Ved Pal) of a girl from these castes (Sonia) was lynched in front of the police force which did nothing. The court fined the SP Rs. 10,000 and let him go. Bhupinder Sharawat and Rajranis marriage was arranged by one of the families. But they were shot in Delhi by the other family; the accused were arrested, the victims survived. The accused were given parole by the court.
Sexual violence at work place
The sexual violence against and sexual harassment of women at workplace and repeated big struggles against the same finally forced the Govt. In the aftermath of the Delhi movement it enacted the pending Sexual Harassment at Work Place Bill. This was hanging fire facing severe criticism from womens organizations despite its passage a year earlier in one House of Parliament. However, the Act negates all the changes proposed in the Bill by womens organizations, many of which were incorporated into the Verma Report and hence will not change things. Interestingly, its Rules have still (end 2013) not been notified. It shamelessly allows conciliation in complaints of sexual violence, action against the women complainant if she either retracts her complaints (under pressure this is often so) or is proved wrong (enquiries are owner constituted). The passage of this law was preceded by a campaign by a leading business daily, outlining how corporates felt chained by the Verma Reports recommendations on this score. Even its shadow has not been incorporated in the law, thus servicing corporate interests. That this law is going to be as ineffective as Vishaka Judgements provisions in providing justice is on exhibition in a case in Delhi. An employee (Class III) of the Chemistry Dept of a govt college under Delhi University set herself on fire and died two months back when her complaint regarding sexual harassment by the Principal was rejected No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
Violence on Women of Nationality Movements

Not even the Delhi movement, where the issue of AFSPA and also that of permission being needed to prosecute govt. officers for sexual violence which was kept on agenda by womens organizations, could force even the Verma Report to agree to repeal of AFSPA, leave alone Central Govt. Thus Manorama (Manipur), Nilofer and Asea (Sopore, Kashmir) can get no justice from Indias legal system. They were all sexually violated and killed by Indias security forces Manorama because she was suspected to be a militant and the other two from a well off Kashmiri family simply because they were Kashmiris. The armed forces of India exhibit the behavior of occupation forces. The violence on nationality struggles with attendant sexual violence on its women remains steadily on. Central Govt allows no prosecution of guilty military; cases of sexual violence anyway cannot be dealt through civilian criminal courts due to AFSPA. 22 years ago, in Kupwara Dist of Kashmir, under pretext of search operations in Kunan Poshan village, 53 women were raped throughout the night by India's army (4 Rajputana Rifles). The men were kept outside the village for verification The age range of the women was 8 years to 80 years. In June 2013, Union
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) All these aspects are set against the structural violence of the system against women, especially poor women. They also operate on men of that class but due to values and also special needs of women, the heavier end of the stick is surely with them. They are denied right to adequate food, of adequate food and health support facilities in pregnancy and breast feeding, denial of health facilities, denial of educational facilities. 45% of Indias women are anaemic, a large-percentage totally illiterate. In addition modern India or globalized India has added a weapon by the name of surrogacy which is legal under Indias law. It is evidence of a society controlled by haves against the poor women of the country, giving them no living wage but enticing them to sell their bodies, their health for pecuniary gain in the name of altruism (giving happiness to another family) and in the guise of sudden more money to better the life of their children. It is a tragedy, it should be a shame to any government. But this is a country of feudal values, with those with money having power and exercising it over lesser people, with little answerability and so Govts. cater to the market by encouraging their own citizens to sell themselves. Similar is the violence on tribal and other women inherent in displacements. Here women are torn away from their social and cultural mileu, their support systems, the ecology in which they are integrated and which ecosystem gives them independence and lets them be self reliant. Domestic violence is a feature of life in semi-feudal India. The legal support systems for women in these cases are weak, the social support systems of state do not exist and those of natal families mostly break down pressurizing the women to preserve the marriage. The role of police, crime against women cells and judges in domestic violence courts is very much part of patriarchal social order. On an overview, the issues regarding violence on women include the fact that it is firstly dictated by class, but within any section violence on them includes sexual violence. The violence experience brings women up against the patriarchial order of the system including its governance, its defenders. The fight has to be by huge struggles for which struggle oriented organizations have to be built. The fight must be against governance, against patriarchy and every and any expression of the same. But it must also be directed against the system which sustains these values. Not the good leaders of Verma commission but a social system against patriarchy is the answer.
Minister Khurshid rendered the first Governmental apology for the incident it was also the first time any functionary of the Central Govt. acknowledged that such an incident had occurred. No one has ever been indicted, no cases against any accused exist. Violence against nationality struggles with sexual violence an ongoing additional aspect remains as important feature of violence against women.
In the past two years, this violence has been compounded by the War on People declared by the Central Govt against all movements, especially those led by communist revolutionaries. The tribal upsurge which heralded the start of the Lalgarh movement was triggered off by barbaric police violence especially against women tribals with one womans eye being destroyed. These tribals were considered responsible for a bomb blast at Salboni where CPMs West Bengal Chief Minister was to do stone laying for Jindals Steel plant. Physical violence on men and women in search operations with additional sexual violence especially in dominance marches, subsequent sexual violence by para military forces in Chintalnar (Chattisgarh) are all cases in point. Brutal paramilitary and police violence was also let loose on women tribals in the Narayanpatna movement in Odisha.
Any discussion on violence against women would be incomplete without reckoning with anti-minority violence, targeting specifically women in grotesque sexual violence. It is a peculiarly barbaric patriarchal outpouring which violates women as properties of the men of the community; is done to dishonour and to show power over it. This is also clear from Muzaffarnagar where Muslim women have been raped as part of the violence by dominant caste. While several reports speak of many more cases, four FIRs of gangrape at Phugana are known to have been lodged by inmates of one camp, with another woman complaining that her FIR has not been lodged. Statements have recently been taken from them. In Gujarat too, Muslim women were targets of rapes, of eviscerations, of cutting open the wombs of pregnant women and the violence included even girl children as targets. There are also two cases of fight backs of women related to that violence. Ishrat Jahans mother, Shamina Kauser, has patiently pursued a fight for justice for her 19 years old daughter killed in a fake encounter by Gujarat Police and IB and labelled a terrorist. From a different mileu but a fighter nevertheless is Zakia Jaffrey, widow of an ex Cong MP who was burnt alive in Ahmedabad despite the city having a Congress Mayor. No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) different judges is doing the rounds because so many judges have a history of such behaviour. In passing it must be recorded that the incident has helped to reveal that this Court has no sexual harassment committee even eighteen years after the Vishakha judgement. The Supreme Court committee has indicted the judge but refused to take action against him as he is an ex-judge and the girl is not an intern in Supreme Court. Both these facts were known to the committee when it was formed. The police have not registered any FIR against the judge while the Central Govt. has failed to remove him from Chairmanship of Human Rights Commission of West Bengal. The seond involved the media, one more hallowed estate. It is not just any media; stinging media, media which writes about values. The editor in chief of Tehelka involved in major sexual violence over two subsequent days with a young employee who was his daughter's friend and friend's daughter. First he apologized and announced his own 'punishment'- the Patriarch. Then he rescinds, character assassinates and sends wheeler dealers, pressurizes, alleges a political conspiracy, takes help of political connections. In this case too it comes out incidentally that no sexual harassment committee exists. The lady editor sits on the complaint of rape, does not inform the police on a cognizable offence and apparently calls on the guilty to announce self-flagellation. Her profound indignation that she tried to do what the victim wanted is misplaced; the establishments need to advise victims of their rights and support their fight for justice. Patriarchal values are so pervasive that even women in positions of power fear to be seen fighting against them. The srings of the system tie up in knots so many who always know better. A clearcut congnizable offence, but one political lady spokesperson wants the girl to have the 'option' to go before an internal committee (albeit it does not exist); she emphasizes there is no pressure on the girl even while the girl goes public about how she is being pressurized. A prominent lady writer has also expressed her opinion that the victims should "take their own decisions" whether they want to address rape "in a different way". The complaint in question amounts to rape, a heinous assault and a crime. It is not some mere gesture or suggestion, not a question of mere harassment. The third case concerns an executive director of the International Film
Afterwword
Just a month prior to what would be the first anniversary of 16th December 2012 and subsequent upsurge in Delhi against violence on women, these cases involving sexual assault/harassment of women are making headlines. All involve women professionals and are relaed to work place. They reveal the murky realities of what women face within the major estates of Indian society.
The first involves the much hallowed institution of the highest Judiciary. A law intern has revealed in her blog her sexual harassment a year ago by a recently retired Supreme Court Judge under whom she was posted for training. Another intern promptly backed her and also informed of several other similar incidents involving the same judge. She also stated that lady teachers of their law institutions were informed by them to warn all women interns being posted with this Judge.
The case was mentioned the same day before the Chief Justice of India. But he passed no direction for an FIR to be registered, no directive to the police to investigate fully and fairly. He made a three member committee of Judges of the same Court to look into the matter. The Jury and the accused are one. A private hush hush internal deal. As far as the highest court and the highest judicial office in the country are concerned, the law does not apply to them and their kind. Demands have been raised by so many sections that an FIR be lodged; so many cases of sexual violence in India eventually close down because the women fail to garner the courage or are unable to withstand the social pressures against going public. After the FIR was lodged, the judges could have met the intern to encourage her to testify. But may be there are too many skeletons in Supreme Court's cupboard for such a course of action.
After meeting the judges' team, the intern wrote that she felt humiliated, she felt she was viewed with suspicion. More prosaicly she admitted that the legal system is protracted. The police, the Govt., no one is moving as the Supreme Court has suggested inaction. What the other intern wrote is the more damning and poignant truth- she said that if the women protested they would have lost the chance to be posted with the judge and thus get good jobs, whereas the boys would continue to avail it. The girls did not envisage that their speaking up would make their institution debar this judge. And in fact it did not. Lastly in every court in Delhi the name of No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) The sexual harassment committees which women do not demand for fear of being labeled 'women' derogatorily, must be reviewed. Hardly ever set up, hardly ever taking positions against the powers that be, set up to solve issues "within the walls" where they are unsolvable. Without powerful internal movement, they are only escape routes for accused and management. Patriarchal values are pervasive, which means they inflict all, all of us who live in semifeudal India, where those in positions of power think they are laws unto themselves- they may be khap panchayats, editors, judges or ruling politicians. The task before the movement is to build up struggles, an atmosphere where every afflicted feels the courage to speak because the general women's movement empowers her. Women's organizations must join hands with revolutionary struggles to upturn the system itself which nurtures and nourishes patriarchy and is in turn nourished by it, to build a new, egilitarian, new democratic society.
Festival at Goa. It against concerns sexual harassment of a young employee, with the directorate still investigating. Though the venue was Goa, the same Goa police which is active on Tejpal has not fled an FIR in this case.
There is another case concerning a woman but its full dimensions are yet to be revealed. What is not disputed however is that the state apparatus of Gujarat- the Home Ministry, the police, the IB officers- was used by the prime ministerial candidate of the second largest all India ruling class party to mount surveillance on a lady architect. BJP maintains that it was done due to apprehensions of the father of that woman. How could the rules and procedures be sidetracked in giving security, and how could provisions of telegraph act be violated in monitoring cell records? When faced with the demand for an enquiry, BJP spokeswoman retorted that woman's father does not want it and he has the first right over her. So the issue is also that a woman is someone's possession, as in other cases.
All the incidents and the collaterals around them only emphasize how enormous is the task before women's organizations and women's struggles. One step needed is to enable the women to come forward and report such cases so that reporting becomes the norm and the consequences thus less the issue. Women who are victims fear the long, lonely legal battles, much mudslinging, harassment and scepticism from every section. Thus the hesitation to speak out, even as their mutiny against accepting injustice in silence forces them to speak.
Bhushan Steel accident has e xposed exposed ker s in Odisha the plight of w or wor ork ers
On 13th November 2013 there was a big explosion at the blast furnace -2 of the Bhushan Steel and Power Companys steel plant at Meramunduli in Dhenkanal district. As per the official report 3 workers were killed, 38 were injured and 168 among them are missing till today. A fact finding team led by IFTUs national committee member Com. Sujan Chakrabarti along with Com. Pratap Nayak from Odisha and local trade union activist Com. Bhajamana Behera visited the area on 23rd Nov. The team visited the accident site inside the factory, talked with some factory workers and met people of a village affected by Bhushans land acquisition. This was the latest in the series of industrial mishaps which have taken place in the company since it started in 2006. In the last 7 years 119 people have been killed and hundreds of workers injured in different accidents inside the plant but the actual figures are many times more. Regarding the
There is fear of prosecution at workplaces and in profession. Already there is a talk of companies and law firms saying that they would hesitate to employ women. How easy it is to further oppress the exploited, to demand compliance to decadent values. There is no 'woman's' point of view in this as the system wants to make out, there is a patriarchal viewpoint and a democratic viewpoint. This is also an issue that the women's movement has to tackle, to force an atmosphere where institutions think twice before such discrimination, to bring youth movement, movements of professional groups into this struggle. Women must fight and ensure representation at all levels in all institutions. They must not be tucked away as women's representatives but fight for positions as equals for their capabilities and when there, must keep the democratic and fair point of view alive on all issues, and not be submerged into patriarchal positions. No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) registered against the company in the local police station and 200 more cases are pending for trial in different courts against the company in the last 7 years there is no action by police. The local police is working like a private goonda gang of the company and its main work is to terrorize and intimidate the workers. This is a common feature in all the industrial areas of the state. The Govt has established three police stations within 5 km radius of that area. Apart from Bhushan there are plants of other companies like Lanco, KGR etc in that locality. The name of the Police station under which the plant falls was Bhushan police station but facing embaressment in the media the state Govt changed the name to Kantabania P.S only some days back. Deaths of workers in accidents are not new for Bhushan. It is a killer plant. The company, in order to make more profit, is importing second hand and old machines which are prone to breakage. Secondly, it is engaging many untrained workers at a very low wage to do skilled work. Thirdly, the required safety measures are not in place. Interestingly Bhushan does not figure in the list of 39 accidents prone industries of the state prepared by the states labour department. In this scenario the IFTU fact finding team demanded Immediate arrest of the Bhushan owner and the top officials of the company for their criminal negligence due to which more than three hundred workers were killed in the last 7 years, dismissal of the Labour Minister, Labour Commissioner and other concerned officers of the labour department who have connived with the company, payment of Rs. 20 lakh and a regular job to the nearest relative of all the workers who were killed in the accident and 15 lakhs for all workers who became permanently invalid and 5 lakh to all the injured workers, Registration of all the workers particularly the contractual workers engaged in different industries of the state and ensure their labour rights including minimum wage and 8 hour working day and exemplary action against all the administrative and police officers and persons responsible in the state pollution control board who have been helping the illegal activities and violations of the company all the years.
latest incident also there was confusion from the very beginning. Neither the company nor the labour department could provide any concrete data about the casualty. Only after a week passed the administration and labour officials collected some data about how many workers were engaged on that day; that too by enquiring from the contractors only. Since the majority of the workers in the plant are engaged on contractual basis through contractors engaged by the company and there is no information in the district labour office, so it was difficult to ascertain the exact figure. This shows the utter callousness of the labour department towards thousands of workers engaged in the plant.
Bhushans legacy of illegality and violations has once again exposed the true face of Naveen Patnaiks industrialization. With the protection of the Govt the company has been operating illegally violating the laws of the land. It has been running the blast furnace and boiler without permission from state Govt or labour department. It has constructed its captive power plant without getting the clearance of pollution control board. Its plant is set up illegally without the clearance of MoEF and National Highways Authority. This shows not only the lawlessness prevailing in the industrialization of the state but also the nexsus of both the Centre and state Govt with the company.
Bhushan accident also exposed the pathetic conditions of the workers particularly the contractual workers in all the industries of the state. The industries particularly the newly developed mineral based industries are engaging a majority of their workers on contractual basis through different labour contractors. These workers are forced to work for 12 hours a day instead of 8 hours. They are getting a salary of Rs. 2000 to 7000 per month. Since they are not registered they are deprived of all the labour rights like minimum wages, provident fund, ESI, bonus etc. Majority of the workers engaged here are from outside the state particularly from Bihar. The company is consciously avoiding employing the local people because it is easy to deal with the outsiders in respect of agitation. There are only handpicked local workers engaged by the company though it had promised jobs to the affected people of 7 mouzas or villages at the time of land acquition. Though there are unions from BMS and INTUC here they are basically working at the behest of the management.
Another example of the utter lawlessness in Bhushan and the illegal support provided by the state Govt is that though there are 70 cases No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
On 17th Nov there was a protest against this incident on behalf of IFTU in Berhampur town. Workers of different sectors like construction, motor workers, auto drivers protested against the Govts shielding of the killer company and demanded immediate arrest of the owner. No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) midst of these efforts. He wanted to initiate unity discussions with Com Satya Narain Singh again and started for Calcutta in the first week of October, 1984. He suffered a heart attack in the train journey. By the time he reached Calcutta it became severe. He was travelling alone. He was admitted to hospital. Com SNS and others were waiting for him at another place, there was no chance to inform them. They left after two days. Com CPs condition deteriorated and he died on November 9, 1984. Com CP was born in Velugodu village in Kurnool district in 1917. He completed his high school studies in Kurnool and did his F.A. in Madras. He started participating in student movement while in Madras. He joined Guindy engineering college in Madras. In his first year itself he objected strongly when the principal of the college ordered a scheduled caste student to sit in the last row. He mobilized students against this caste discrimination. He was rusticated from the college by the angry principal. Later CPs father took him to the principal who demanded an apology from him. He refused to apologize even though his father pleaded for it. The principal had to backtrack in the face of the student movement and admit him into the college without any apology.
Naxalbari, prior to 1967 was a remote unknown place in West Bengal. But the spring thunder of 1967 made it a part of Indian history. It is a symbol and pathfinder for the oppressed in India.
Srikakulam, in North Coastal region of Andhra Pradesh was known as a backward district plagued by recurring droughts. But the 1967-68 events made it a synonym with revolution.
Godavari valley, was known as one of the most scenic places in Andhra prior to 1968-69, now it has become the centre of resistance struggles in India.
Naxalbari, Srikakulam and Godavari Valley resonate the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist ideologies. They hail Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and proclaim the need of Peoples War as the path to liberate the Indian masses. They have been the centres of revolutionary movements. They gave birth to many more areas of struggle.
The other name for Godavari Valley movement is Com. Chandra Pulla Reddy. It might be the name of an individual at one time, but today it symbolizes peoples resistance struggles. Building more and more such areas of sustained resistance is the way to march towards armed struggle for the final liberation of Indian masses.
Areas of sustained resistance have been built with unswerving commitment and sacrifices. Com CP as he is affectionately called sacrificed his life in the jungles of Godavari Valley to clear this path for Indian revolution.
Com CP was of the view that it is the subjective element i.e. the weakness of the revolutionary organizations that is delaying the Indian revolution. He was of the view that the revolutionary situation prevailing in the country is conducive for the onward march of Indian revolution but it is the disunity and splits in the ranks of revolutionaries which is delaying the revolution. He was always emphasizing the need for the revolutionary organizations with similar views to unite and thus boost the morale of the people. Throughout his life he strived for this unity. He passed away in the No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
It was the period when the anti-British Colonial struggle was surging ahead in India, when the Russian masses having overthrown Czar were consolidating socialist revolution under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, when revolutionary struggles were upsetting the feudal establishments in China and other countries. It was at this time anti-colonial movement in India was gaining momentum. Com CP was active in this movement. He left his studies and became an active organizer in this struggle. He was arrested and sent to Alipur jail by the British. He spent six months in jail. His father brought pressure on him to go back to college but he was already taking interest in the peoples movement under the leadership of the communists. He became a part of the communist movement. The communist movement in Andhra at that time was very young. Communist party was formed in Andhra during 1933. In 1944 Com. CP became the Kurnool district secretary of the CPI. He organized many mass struggles in Kurnool district. In Nandikotkur taluq people occupied thousands of acres of land under his leadership. In 1947 he was elected to the State Committee of the party. He was also given the responsibilities of some of the mass organizations in the state.
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) national chauvinism of the ruling classes. It opposed the protracted peoples war path which alone could bring about the National Democratic Revolution. It hailed Indias ruling class as an independent class that is anti-imperialist. Com CP was one of those who staunchly and resolutely opposed these policies. The Central govt jailed those leaders who were opposed to Indias war against China with American support. Com CP wrote 'International Communist Movement and Developments while in jail with the assistance of M. Subbarao another Communist leader in jail. It was hailed as an original work by many leaders including Sundaraiah. He requested CP to write the history of Indian communist movement. Com CP was a prolific writer. He wrote many articles, booklets, books in accordance with the needs of the movement. He wrote The Russia China debate while he was in CPM to clarify the position of these two parties on important ideological issues. This book was of great help to the cadres to understand the issues involved in the debate. Till now seven volumes have been released and there are several other writings. Com CP was aware of the danger posed by the revisionist leadership in China after the demise of Com. Mao. He wrote a book Defend Mao and Mao Tse Tungs thought analyzing CPCs 1981 resolution On some problems of history. It was a clear warning of things to come. Later he wrote two articles on the creative Marxism of CPC. He explained how the CPC is following a pro- ruling class line in relation to India, how it is following a revisionist line in its internal affairs as well as external relations. He exposed CPC's deviation from Maos path. China became a capitalist country as CP has warned at that time. Taking the present developments, the recently concluded All India Party Congress of CPI (ML) New Democracy characterized China as a social imperialist state. It is exporting finance capital and is competing with other imperialist powers, mainly US imperialism. After the split with CPI, CPM also started following the policies of CPI. It became inevitable that another ideological, political struggle has to be conducted against the neo-revisionist policies of the CPM leadership as they have agreement on all the important policies of CPI. Thus, within four years another struggle came up in CPM.
He was the candidate for the Nandyal assembly constituency, he lost because of severe repression. He was arrested in 1949 and released only after the announcement of the 1952 elections. He contested from Nandikotkur assembly constituency and won against the Congress. He spoke for 6 hours on the problems of Rayalaseema people in the Madras Assembly which stunned the entire assembly. Later his speech was brought out as a book.
While the national movement sowed the seeds, it was the Great Heroic Telangana Peasant Armed struggle that inspired him. As part of the plan to extend this movement he toured Nallamala forests and made plans for the extension of this struggle. He became a part of this movement by working in the neighbouring Mahabubnagar district in Telangana region. The revisionist leadership tried to suppress him as he staunchly opposed the withdrawal of Telangana armed struggle.
It was in this period that revisionists in the international communist movement under the leadership of Khruschev, Tito and Suslov were confusing and misleading the international proletariat. Chinese Communist Party under the leadership of Com. Mao waged a principled struggle against these forces. Nine Comments were released by the CPC in the course of this struggle. As a result of this struggle the Indian Communist movement faced a serious political and organizational crisis. This crisis led to the split in the communist party in 1964. The major issues in that crisis were;
1) Whether to support the revisionist theories of Russian leaders or to support the revolutionary theory of the CPC.
2) On how to characterize the 1947 transfer of power.
3) Whether to support a section of the ruling classes or not.
4) On the question of Telangana armed struggle.
5) On the issue of Indo-China war.
The present day CPI leadership at that time was one with the ruling classes. It became a lackey of Russian revisionism. It opposed China blindly. It supported the withdrawal of Telangana armed struggle after Nehrus army marched (1948 September) into Telangana. It supported No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) by Com CP.
In April 1967, CPM leadership released New tasks for the party in the changed conditions, a draft document. Com. CP immediately submitted his criticism to the politburo in May, 1967. He criticized the pro- Russian policies as also on some other national and international policies of the party. CPM leadership released another three documents in 1967 August. 1) On some ideological issues 2) Programme 3) On left sectarianism (this was an attack on the revolutionaries in Bengal). These were draft documents. It decided that there will be no discussion on programme and path. Thus, it exhibited an unheard of dictatorial attitude. It gave up communist organizational practices to resolve differences. Com. DV presented his alternative in the CC itself but the leadership decided not to circulate it among the delegates. These dictatorial organizational practice led to revolts in the party.
The Andhra Plenum of CPM was held in Palakollu in February, 1968. The Central leaders of the party Sundaraiah and Basava Punnaiah attended to explain the CC policies. They could not give convincing replies to the questions put forth by the delegates. Instead they started admonishing the delegates. Com. CP explained the document prepared by CP and TN. It was an alternative to the CC line. Out of the 231 delegates who attended the plenum 158 supported CPTN document. Only 52 supported the CC document. 8 members remained neutral.
The struggle against the neo-revisionist policies of the CPM leadership was not a co-ordinated one at all India level. No leader of All India stature was on the side of the revolutionaries to lead or to coordinate this struggle. Comrades in some states felt the situation in their state as the general situation and this led to certain deviations in the struggle against the CPM policies. In Andhra this internal debate helped to mobilize most of the rank and file to the side of the revolutionary movement. Andhra comrades decided to stay within CPM till Burdwan plenum to polarize as many as possible with the revolutionary line. But their continuation in CPM for about 2 months after the Burdwan plenum led to many doubts about their intentions. Com. DV, TN and CP are responsible for this. Com CP announced his self-criticism about this in 1973 state conference. However, participation in state and central plenums helped to take the revolutionary line and politics into wider sections and mobilize them. It helped to mobilize the majority section in the party against neo-revisionism in Andhra. The revolutionaries in Bengal felt that to stay and struggle within CPM is meaningless as Naxalbari movement had already started and the Bengal Government was bent on suppressing the revolutionary movement. They felt that it will work to increase illusions about neo-revisionists. Communist revolutionaries in most of the states felt likewise that Naxalbari struggle had drawn a line of demarcation between revisionism and neorevisionism and revolutionary Marxism and that it was no longer a matter of inner debate but of struggle between those who were conducting revolutionary struggle and those suppressing them. Com. CP realized about the failure to advance the mass movement on the peoples war path while conducting the ideological-political struggle. He realized our failures in formulating tasks for the movement. But by this time there were good number of losses as many who took the side of the revolutionaries left their camp as they were not integrated into the movement. It gave the neo- revisionists a chance to mobilize some of them. The state committee released a circular Build areas of struggle to give direction to building the movement at village level and area level. This gave a direction to our cadres and we achieved good results wherever it was implemented. Com CP strived hard to implement it in the area for which he was responsible.
In the alternative Com. CP explained about the ideological issues in the international movement, about the August 15th transfer of power, about the comprador nature of the bourgeoisie, about the contradictions in the national plane, about the united front, about the right of self-determination to the nationalities and the path of Indian revolution. Thus, Com CP was one of the important leaders who defeated the neo-revisionist line of CPM in AP.
In April 1968, CPM held the All India Plenum of the party at Burdwan. In this plenum Com CP explained the alternative document to the CC document for about seven hours. He exposed the neo-revisionist policies of the leadership. He condemned the repression against the Naxalbari movement by the Bengal Government. CPM leadership nominated many of the CC followers to the committees in Andhra to gain majority for the CC. The state leadership had to oppose this openly'. Com DV, TN, CP, Kolla Venkaiah were removed from the state secretariat. These four comrades wrote an open letter to all party members exposing the leadership's revisionist policies and announcing the revolutionary view point. This letter was written No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) concentrated in Godavary valley to build revolutionary movement. Com. CP was a theoretician. He was a good speaker. He was a man who integrated theory with practice. He was one who could not only impress intellectuals but also the most backward and illiterate tribals. He conducted wide ranging surveys in Godavari valley to understand the socio-economic conditions of the people. He believed that we have to learn more in the beginning. However tired he might be he always listened to radio, read papers and took down notes. He mobilized the tribals on their issues. He conducted wide political propaganda among the tribals to make clear the real issues behind their problems. Many youth came forward to join the movement. As struggles sharpened, the enemy targeted the party and its leadership to suppress the movement. In 1969 April the State convention was held. Com. CP was given the task of writing the political organizational report. Com. DV prepared Immediate programme, Srikakulam tribal movement some problems. These three drafts where agreed upon unanimously with certain amendments. The convention elected a new state committee, new secretariat and a new secretary. Com. CP was in charge of the forest movement from the secretariat. New situation emerged in the forest areas. People in large numbers came forward to struggle on their issues. Enemy attacks increased .and the issue of self - defence of the cadres came to the fore. It became necessary to move in teams. Com DV Rao sent two big weapons with the party to the forest region. In Manthani our comrades seized two weapons from an American hunter. On the other hand our comrades were also being influenced by the activities of the CPI(ML) then led by Com. Charu Mazumdar. In 1969 April our comrades attacked the landlords in Pagideru and seized weapons from them. This incident led to political and organizational crisis within the organization. Com. CP made his self criticism on this incident in the 1969 July State committee meeting. He said that though there were many reasons for this incident he was mainly responsible for it. He said, This attack is against the essence of the documents of 1969 convention. In them we emphasized on the need to mobilize people for the
The new state committee gave a call in 1968 October to hold week long programmes to commemorate Telangana armed struggle. This call was given to give a direction to the peoples movement that it should follow its path. Com CP wrote The Great Heroic Telangana Armed Struggle to draw lessons from that struggle and enlighten both the ranks of the party and the masses. Com DV praised it as an inspiring book. Till that time no one wrote on Telangana armed struggle. Com DV and Sundaraih wrote later.
Com. CP was working legally till this time. He rallied thousands in Hunger Marches. He led people in land struggles. In Nalgonda two of our comrades Com. Pullaiah and Com. Ramulu were killed by landlords when the people raided the house of a landlord during the hunger marches. Com. CP attended their memorial meeting and spoke with anger and detailed the tasks before the people. This was to be the last public meeting attended by Com. CP.
Congress Government wanted to arrest CP by foisting false cases. Com CP went underground. The state committee decided to send CP to work in strategic areas in 1968 November. Com. CP went to work in Godavari Valley on November 9th. It was on the same day, 16 years later, that Com CP died.
In his 16 years of underground life he used to talk about his desires. He did not want police to even get hold of his ashes.
Com. CP who went into forests in 1968 November did not come out except for the 1969 state convention. It shows his determination to build the revolutionary struggles in Godavari valley. He again came out of the forests in 1974 when revolutionary organizations from different states wanted to discuss unity with him. He toured Maharashtra, West Bengal and Kerala. He discussed the unity of revolutionaries with them and they were totally convinced with his explanations. They wanted to work under his leadership. Com. Neelam Ramachandraiah was instrumental in bringing about these different organizations to sit together. Com. CP discussed with Maharashtra Comrades for three days and nights in small hut in a paddy field. They were taken by surprise.
Com. CP felt strongly that we have come out of CPM not simply because of political differences but as we felt that it has sold itself to the bourgeoisie and gave up the path of armed struggle. He formulated a perspective and the tasks necessary to implement Peoples War path in India. He selected strategic areas and allotted cadre to work in these areas. As part of this he No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. He was reading them not only for acquiring knowledge but to put them into practice in the concrete conditions of our country. In this period he wrote Lessons of Chinese revolution - Peoples War path, Lessons of the struggle against right and left deviations in C.P.C. Mao, Hunan Peasant Struggle and its lessons etc. During this period in 1969 December most of the state leadership attending the state committee meeting were arrested. Com CP and Com Ramanarasaiah could not attend the meeting as they did not get the information in time. Hence, they were not arrested. These arrests were a severe setback to the movement. On the advice of the leadership in jail a new state committee was elected in July 1970. Com. Rama Narasaiah was elected as the secretary of this committee which included Com. CP and Com. Rama Chandraiah. This new state committee wanted to constitute regional committees for the forest area and the plains. Com. CP was saddled with the additional burden of regrouping the organization and formulating policies and tasks. The new PC prepared a document titled The advancing revolutionary movement in Khammam, Warangal and Karimnagar districts. It detailed our work in the forest areas. The new PC prepared another document, Some problems of peoples war path and distributed it. It clarified our differences with Charu Mazumdar on strategy and tactics. It upheld our work in strategic areas and opposed Charus views on this. It also detailed how Com. Charu Mazumdars views were mistaken on the issues of Mass organizations, Peoples issues, Economic struggles and Peoples movements on partial issues. Both these documents were prepared by Com. CP. After a long time all the squads of Khammam and Warangal districts met at Bandala Gutta. They approved the formation of the three member PC and the two documents. This meeting also discussed the issues facing the forest movement and reviewed the activities and finalized the four tasks for the forest movement.
agrarian revolutionary struggle and on formulating tactics suitable to the consciousness of the people. There is only one reason behind all these mistakes. I was swayed by left adventurism while integrating peoples mobilization with peoples resistance.
Com. CP emphasized the need "To coordinate properly armed struggle, peoples movement and self-defence" and criticized failure to do so and conducting "raids unrelated to the demands of the people." Reviewing the Forest Movement in Godavari Valley Com. CP described it as a success in the face of severe suppression of the movement by the Govt. "Thus inspite of intensified repression, the squads not only defended themselves, but are able to carry on the political programme of the Party and lead peoples struggles."
Well before Pagideru happened two armed squads of our party were conducting political propaganda in the forest regions. We lost some initiative with Pagideru attack. This incident led to some misunderstandings in the comrades.
A short while after Pagideru we lost Com. Bathula Venkateswara Rao, an important young state committee member of our party and the first martyr in Telangana in this movement.
Police repression was let loose on the militant struggles of the people in the forest areas. The movement had to develop new forms and tactics to face this repression. Special measures had to be taken to defend our cadres. Defense forms based on the local conditions had to be evolved and practised safeguarding against left adventurism.
Practice cannot be perfect like a written document There will be problems in implementation. Leftist, Rightist mistakes may crop up. One should advance the revolutionary movement overcoming these mistakes. Mistakes should not be used to victimize comrades. Our discussions should help the comrades to rectify the mistakes but not to corner them. Mistakes are bound to happen when we go into practice. We should learn from them. But we cannot help those who do not go into practice and do not commit any mistakes.
Com. CP strived hard to implement the tasks in the face of many odds. He read about the revolutionary movements in different countries and their experiences. He read extensively the works of the founders of Marxism, No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) for the consolidation and expansion of the movement. He worked untiringly to give confidence to the cadre and to overcome the demoralizing effect of the split in the party. The state conference of the party was held during September 24-27 1973. Com CP was mainly instrumental in preparing party programme, peoples war path and political organizational review. The state conference adopted them after discussions. It also elected a five member new state committee. Com MNS and Com Y. Malla Reddy were the new members elected to the committee along with old members. Com PR was elected as the secretary of this PC. The conference decided to form organizations of Tribals. The state conference expanded the four point programme of Bandalagutta joint meeting of the squads to a six point programme. 1 ) Political propaganda 2) To build anti-feudal and anti-government struggles 3) To build mass organizations 4) To build village volunteer forces 5) To resist the enemy attacks 6) To build Peoples Committees in the villages. After this conference, our movement extended to the other side of the Godavari. Two squads went to work in the East Godavari forest areas. Appropriate forms of resistance were formulated for the movement in the forest areas. Vast tracts of forest land were occupied by the people. Squads got military and political training. Our movement extended to plains. Com CP worked relentlessly for the unification of revolutionaries and for the emergence of a strong CPI [ML]. Andhra State Committee held unity discussions with the CPI [ML] under the leadership of Com SNSingh. They could resolve their differences on programme, path and several other political issues. Com CP was taken into the Central Committee. Andhra was the strong base for the unified party. Andhra movement which was isolated so far from the other movements could gain from the experiences of the rest of the country. CC put the responsibility of implementing the experiences of Andhra movement in other parts of the country on Com. CP. It was during this period that congress government declared emergency [1975, June, 25 ] and ruled through fascist repression. Many important leaders of Andhra movement like Com. Neelam
1) Propagation of Peoples War politics
2) Mobilization of masses on Peoples issues.
3) Necessary actions on the enemies of the people.
4) Self defense from the enemies.
Based on these four tasks we could develop our movement both in the forest region as well as the plains. During the period Leftism surfaced in the forest areas and right deviation developed in the plains.
Our legal newspaper Janasakti could not be printed because of repression since 1969 August. Com CP used to write regularly for this paper.
It was decided in the Bandalagutta meeting to bring out Janasakti secretely. This decision was implemented.
Our leadership in jail sent a document Present situation - our tasks in September, 1970. While there were some positive directions for the movement in this document, at the same time this document expressed some wrong political views.
The gap between the jail leadership and outside state committee increased since April 1971. State Committee Meeting took place in Surampadu hillocks in July 1971. A meeting of all the squads of Khammam, Warangal districts also took place. It reviewed the movement.
A document titled Left deviation in the party written by Jail leadership reached this meeting. Some new political formulations were announced in this document. Within a few months the jail leadership released another document titled Right deviation in the party. It is strange to note that both allegations were made against the same comrades.
The party split in July, 1971. It split on the lines of those who supported the jail leadership and those who supported the outside leadership. The split was also a result of the situation in which differences could not be discussed properly. The differences that resulted in this split could have been resolved. This split should have been avoided based on the principles of democratic centralism. It resulted in setback to the movement.
During this period, Com. CP did not confine himself to ideological, political debate, he formulated tasks for the movement and actively worked No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) and organizational differences came to the fore. The party split vertically as a result of inability to resolve these differences. Forest movement also split and the split caused serious loss to the movement. Com. CP was very much affected though outwardly he appeared confident. The split in the forest movement hurt him deeply. He was in the last leg of his life. We have to learn lessons from these splits. A party that works in the light of peoples war path has to select strategic areas for its work from the very beginning. Com. CP built revolutionary movement in the forest areas with this perspective. He developed it as a fallback area. Development of the resistance struggle into armed struggle cannot be unconnected with the developments in the rest of the country. Hence, we have to safeguard these areas of resistance as well as develop other such areas till the peoples war is launched. It is very difficult for the resistance struggles in one area to develop into armed struggle without powerful movements emerging in the surrounding areas and without creating many areas of resistance. Areas of resistance struggle will emerge in strategic areas and the plains. It is easier for the enemy to suppress the movement in plains. The experience of Telangana armed struggle substantiates this. During that struggle we suffered severe losses as we had no forest cover to defend ourselves against a powerful enemy though we had a very strong peoples movement to support us. We have not seen such movement since then. We had to send our squads into forest areas to protect them. Taking all these experiences into consideration, it is necessary to concentrate in strategic areas. This does not mean that we look down on work in plain areas. Whatever may be the number of reasons for our inability to develop resistance struggle into armed struggle, the chief reason is what is stated above. Splits are sabotaging our movement. Till we are able to launch peoples war, we should not only defend our areas of resistance, but also expand them. We must intensify our struggles in the areas adjoining our resistance struggle. We must select strategic areas in other states and implement these tasks there also. We must build powerful solidarity movements in plains and cities.
Ramachandraiah, Com. Ram Narsaiah and Com. Prasad were killed in fake encounters resulting in a setback for the party. Com. CP was greatly moved by these losses, but he never lost his confidence. It became most urgent to safeguard the party from the enemy attacks.
Emergency was lifted in March, 1977. CC discussed the election boycott policy being pursued till them. The programme of election boycott throughout the period of NDR was amended based on the experience in Russia and the writings of Com. Lenin.
This issue of elections was seen as a question of tactics to be decided based on the level of the revolutionary movement. Com. CP worked hard to re-organize the party which had suffered severe losses. He worked towards expanding the movement and intensifying the peoples movement. Differences cropped up while the movement was expanding. CC decided to discuss with the central government. Right deviation came to the fore in the period after lifting of Emergency and manifested in the course of these discussions also. Com. CP made his self-criticism about attending the discussions while continuing in the underground.
Com. CP concentrated on defeating the right deviation in the party. It was during this time that Com CP was elected as the General Secretary replacing Com. SNS. It was decided to resolve the differences in the party platforms through debate. Documents were released. But those with differing views could not continue till the party conference. Com CP worked tirelessly to consolidate the party after this split. As part of this, party congress was held in 1980. A plenum was held in 1981. Party programme, peoples war path, National-International situation, Party constitution, Review of 13 years of All India Revolutionary Movement were prepared by Com. CP and released for discussions in the party.
In the All India Congress of the party a nine member CC was elected. Com. CP was elected its General Secretary. This congress inspired our rank and file to a great extent. Revolutionary movement in various states made advances. In Andhra our movement was making progress in 18 districts. Our movement had its presence in all the nine districts on either side of Godavari river. Militant struggles of the masses, resistance to the attacks on our movement were developing. Our party came to be recognized as a strong revolutionary organization both in AP and the rest of the country. But the party received a jolt in the form of a split in 1984. Sharp political No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) New Democracy recognizes Com. CP along with Com. Charu Mazumdar and Com. Satyanarayan Singh as the national leaders of CPI (ML). It owns up Com. CP. Com. CP is considered as the main leader and architect of the policies that are being pursued by CPI (ML) New Democracy. Com. CP is one of the most important leaders of the revolutionary movement in India. He was an exceptional leader who integrated both theory and practice. Com. CP was never hesitant to admit his mistakes and make self-criticism. He was very eager not only to sit in meetings and take political classes but also to visit areas of struggle and discuss with the grass root level workers. When the young comrades pressurized him to concentrate on writing, he started to write the history of the Indian Communist movement. But he died soon after. It is nearly three decades since he died. We have inherited the movement initiated by him. We have inherited his formulations to develop the movement. The real homage we can pay to this comrade is through re-dedicating ourselves to the cause of Indian revolution and lead it to its logical conclusion. He was our General Secretary. He was also a guiding light to all the Communist revolutionaries, though he was the main architect of our policies, he was the charioteer of the entire Indian revolution. He used to say that it is inevitable for all communist revolutionaries to unite into a single organization which will overthrow this system and lead the New Democratic Revolution to its successful culmination. Let us take a pledge that we shall realize this.
Lessons of history should be useful to the present movement. The continuing phenomenon of splits, and the hasty conclusions drawn during the time of splits will become a hindrance to the future unity. Everything should be objective, we can discuss all the issues, but it cannot be a precondition that we must have agreement on all issues to unite. Some issues cannot be solved immediately. Lessons of history should be broad and agreement on the basic issues is necessary. Some issues may be left for future. Some may be resolved only after the successful conclusion of the revolution.
Relations between communist revolutionaries struggling for a common goal are sometimes becoming antagonistic. Even within an organization also sometimes relations are becoming antagonistic. We can not achieve anything if we are not able to overcome this. Com. Mao called upon the communists to follow unity-struggle-unity process. Instead struggleunitystruggle is followed many a time in our party internal life and also between revolutionary organizations. We should redouble our efforts to overcome this.
There are those who are criticizing Com. CP from right and 'left' angles. Some are saying that the movement under his leadership could not move ahead because of rightist mistakes, while some others are saying that the losses suffered are due to left mistakes. Revolutionaries should not make Com. CP the culprit for all the losses suffered by the movement. Right and left deviations invariably affect the movement and the leadership should be able to rectify them and move ahead.
Under difficult conditions, leadership cannot be infallible and sometimes mistakes are committed. Lenin criticised those who stay aloof from work and proclaim themselves as infallible. In this connection he quoted Bernard Shaw, It is honourable to have a life with mistakes in practice than a life that goes on without doing anything. (Retranslated from Telugu)
To make the mistakes that occurred during the course of the movement under the leadership of Com. CP as the main is a negative trend in assessing CP. This trend is a product of the negative attitude towards the political policies and views formulated by him. The reason for such an attitude is that they themselves are mired in left & right deviations. The real issue is of following and practising the revolutionary orientation evolved and practised by Com. CP and not just claiming to be following it. CPI (ML) No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Sa ga of anti-displacement Sag str ug gles in Odisha strug ugg

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) were not fulfilled. Most of these projects were constructed in areas dominated by the tribals, leading to displacement of people not only from their homeland but also from the forest resources on which they had been depending from time immemorial. The rehabilitation measures by the project authorities have so far remained very nominal. Numerous studies have been made by scholars to point out the loopholes in the rehabilitation measures that proved beyond doubt that not more than 25 percent of those displaced during 1950- 1980 have been rehabilitated properly (Hansda,1983:23). As per the estimate of Fernandez, Das and Rao (1989) the number of people in India who have been displaced and not rehabilitated properly between 1950 and 1980 is over 11.5 million. Different studies say that more than 2.13 crore people were displaced during the period of 19471990 and the number had reached six crores by 2000 after the beginning of a neo liberal turn in our economy in 1991. Tribals have been the worst sufferers, constituting the bulk of the displaced people of our country. Though tribals constitute merely 8% of our population their percentage among the displaced is more than 40%. Even though Odisha is well known as one of the most backward states of our country, it has vast deposits of various valuable minerals like bauxite, chromite, iron ore etc. and coal. Apart from that it also has vast forest resources covering nearly 30% of its geographical area. Many perennial rivers and streams are also running through this state. These valuable resources have always tempted the big corporate and their Govts, both at the centre and the state, to exploit these resources to garner more profits. Odisha has been a victim of this pro-imperialist model of development. From the fifties itself the State has seen setting up of large development projects. Construction of Hirakud like big dams, Rourkela Steel Plant like heavy industries and large scale mining were carried out in this period. After 1991 taking opportunity from the neo-liberal policies of the Govt., number of private companies have come here and set up their projects. The state Govt. has signed more than hundred MoUs with different private companies for mineral based industries and some of them even started production. Big corporate sharks like Tata, Jindal, Birla,Mittal,Vedanta, POSCO and others have come to the state with their big ticket investments for setting up of mineral based industries, mining, ports etc in the name of development. These projects are not only intended to loot the natural resources of the state but are also causing displacement of millions of people from their home and livelihood, particularly the tribals from their
After the transfer of power of 1947, the Indian ruling classes in collaboration with imperialism carried out large scale projects in our country in the name of development. The ruling classes and their Govts. both at centre and in states created an obsession about this development and argued for large scale projects as the temples of modern India. In this process large scale dams and heavy industries were set up throughout the country. These projects were basically established with heavy investment of Govt. capital and with modern technology and capital investment by different imperialist powers. Though these projects have created some infrastructure in our country but they caused large scale displacement of the people from their natural habitat and livelihood.
In this process big irrigation projects like Hirakud, Machhkund, Rengali, Upper Kolab, Indravati dams etc. and large industries like Rourkela Steel Plant, NALCO, HAL were constructed. To cater to the increasing need of domestic and international mineral based industries large scale mining activities were also carried out in different parts of the state. Though these projects were constructed in the name of public purpose but these were used as a lucrative source of profit by the Govt. and different private companies. In the era of neo-liberalism when private capital has penetrated on a massive scale, the meaning of Development has further changed. For big corporations both Indian and multinational, development became a cover to loot our valuable resources by setting up of industries, dams, ports and carrying out mining activities in the vast areas of our state.
Continuing the legacy of the British colonialists, Indian rulers, in the name of development, carried out forcible land acquisition using the draconian Land Acquisition Act of 1894. Millions of people, particularly tribals, were deprived of their land and livelihood to fulfil the so called development dreams of the ruling classes. People were forced to accept this displacement in the name of national development with the promise of a good rehabilitation, resettlement and better living conditions. But these No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) Tatas proposed prawn cultivation project was carried out in Chilika Lake. This powerful movement of the fishermen living on the banks of Chilika Lake not only forced both the Govt and Tata to abandon the project but also saved the livelihood of lakhs of fishermen. After 1991, taking advantage of the liberal policies of the Govt., the entry of big corporate sharks to loot the mineral resources of the state again gave birth to a new phase of anti displacement struggles. In 1993 when Hindalco of Aditya Birla and Alcoa of Norway and a company of Canada started a joint venture called Utkal Alumina to set up an Alumina refinery and to mine the Bauxite reserves in Kashipur area of Odishas Rayagada district, they faced stiff resistance from the local tribal people. The anti displacement struggle of Kashipur tribals led by Prakrutika Sampad Surakshya Parishad not only resisted the project for 13 long years but also said no to the pro-imperialist devlopment model. But soon after coming to power in 2000, the Naveen Patnaik Govt. continued the legacy of its predecessors and started repressing this movement to facilitate Utkal Alumina. In December 2000 in its very first year of rule Naveen Patnaiks police had even killed three activists of the movement in Maikanch village to suppress the movement. The Kashipur movement, after withstanding repression for 13 years, at last weakened, both due to internal weakness and large scale and continuous police repression. Though this movement failed in the end it raised the banner of anti displacement struggle. In spite of all its shortcomings the Kashipur movement had been able to question the development paradigm of the ruling classes and could create an environment for more such anti displacement struggles. Around 1994-96, another powerful peoples movement led by Gana Sangrama Samiti was started in Ganjam districts Chamakhandi area against the proposed 4000 acre Gopalpur steel project of Tata. This movement, from its very beginning, said no to displacement and mobilized thousands of people from nearly 15 villages of Chamakhandi area. It also faced severe police repression by then Janaki Patnaik led Congress Govt. and its leader was detained twice under the infamous National Security Act. Since the leadership of the movement was by CPI, the party from the very beginning, instead of outrightly rejecting the project, tried for a compromise by demanding only shifting of the plant to a nearby area. Though the movement's leadership initially resisted the partys stand, but later on it compromised due to electoral aspirations. After becoming a MLA the leader of the movement became instrumental in handing over the
land and livelihood. The findings of many studies relating to displacement and resettlement present a dismal picture in this regard. However, most of them have not been able to present an accurate picture of the socioeconomic status of the affected people in the post- displacement period vis- -vis their position in the pre-displacement period. Those who have sacrificed everything in their life in the name of countrys development and whose land and resources were taken in the name of public purpose, at the end they were betrayed by our ruling classes and their Govts. The promises of a better future made by the authorities before acquiring their land were not kept. This is the historical injustice done to millions of sons and daughters of the soil who become losers in this process.
This continuous betrayal by the ruling classes of the displaced people of our country and the bitter experience of displacement in the last several decades has made them not accept this displacement any more. In the guise of development the increasing entry of private capital to loot our resources has made the public purpose a mockery and created strong suspicion about this so called development. That is why from Kalingnagar to Nandigram everywhere people are spontaneously resisting the forcible land acquisition of the Govt and saying a bold no to any displacement.
Odisha has a long history of anti displacement struggles and gave birth to many struggles of national importance. From the very beginning the people of Odisha particularly the farmers and tribals have never accepted displacement in the name of development. In '50s when Prime Minister Nehru, standing near the foundation stone of Hirakud dam, was saying, Dams are the temples of modern India at the same time more than one lakh farmers who were going to be displaced by that dam had demonstrated at Sambalpur against displacement. In the '80s when there was a strong obsession about development and there was a consensus among the political elite of ruling classes for development and particularly for big projects, at the same time there were two strong anti displacement movements in Odisha which were successful. The Gandhamardan movement in the border areas of todays Bargarh and Bolangir district not only gave a strong resistance to the proposed Bauxite mining of BALCO in the Gandhamardan mountain but also forced the then Govt. to scrap the project. Similarly the peoples movement against the then proposed Missile test range in Baliapal of Balasore district also became a successful anti displacement movement and forced both the central and state Govt to stop that project. In '90s another successful movement of fishermen against No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) of people were implicated in different false cases. Tata, with the help of state Govt, carried out large scale police repression and with different manipulative methods forced some tribals to leave their land but majority of the people are still with the movement and could save their land till today. Similarly the anti Vedanta struggle of Niyamgiri tribals also became an important struggle in recent times. This struggle against forcible acquisition of land and forest was highlighted both at national and international level. The Niyamgiri mountains, which fall in the Eastern ghat range, are situated in the border areas of Kalahandi and Rayagada districts. Besides the bauxite mines which were already allotted to different aluminium companies there are still more than 1800 million tons of high grade bauxite ore deposits under the different mountains within 50 Km radius of Niyamgiri. Vedanta (Now Sesha Sterilite) has set up a 50,000 crore Alumina project including a giant Alumina Refinery plant at Lanjigarh, situated at foot hills of Niyamagiri by forcibly acquiring the lands of local people. Though it set up the project it could not get the required raw material bauxite from Niyamgiri. The people of Niyamgiri belong to the Dangaria Kandha, one of the 14 primitive tribal groups living in the state. Fearing threat to their forest and livelihood by the proposed bauxite mining by Vedanta, the tribals of Niyamgiri have been carrying out struggle for the last 10 years under the banner of Niyamgiri Surakshya Samiti. Apart from the threat to their livelihood the issue of forest and biodiversity and of course their habitat, cultural and religious rights provided for in the Forest Rights Act of 2006 also stirred many quarters. The continuous struggle of the people, the legal interventions in the courts and the national and international concern on the issue ultimately forced the central Govt. to withdraw the forest clearance for the proposed bauxite mining project of Vedanta in Niyamgiri. This clearance was withdrawn on the ground that Niyamgiri happens to be the place of worship of Dangaria tribals and any mining activities will violate their religious right provided for in the Forest Rights Act of 2006. Soon after the withdrawal of forest clearance by the central Govt. the company appealed to the Supreme Court against the Govt. order. But since it is a test case as per the FRA and there is so much national and international propaganda on this issue, the same court which had once given permission for mining took a different stand. It ordered the Govt. to settle the individual, community and culturalreligious rights of the local people in accordance with the Forest Rights Act by conducting gramsabhas in the area. Accordingly the gramsabhas
land to Tata by evicting the farmers from the acquired land. This movement, in spite of its militant potential, became a victim of CPIs class collaborationist line. But even after its 18 years of possession of those 4000 acres of fertile land, the company has neither set up its proposed steel plant nor returned those lands to the farmers.
In the meanwhile, in the name of development, the Naveen Patnaik led Odisha Govt. with the active encouragement of central Govt. has signed a number of MoUs with different Indian and foreign corporates. These MoUs were basically for mining and mineral based industries. In this process Tata, Jindal, Bhushan, Vedanta and Mittal like corporate sharks came to extract the mineral resources of the state. They set up industries only to take the minerals to semi finished stage so that these can be exported easily, in order to cater to the needs of foreign market leaving the pollutants and waste materials here. But the local people, likely to be displaced by these projects, resisted this so called development or industrialization drive of the Govt. Mass movements started against almost all the proposed projects of different companies in different parts of the state. Though many small and big movements against forcible land acquisition and displacement have been going on in the state for the last several years, important among them are the Kalingnagar, anti-Posco and Niyamagiri movements. These militant mass movements of the tribals and farmers not only established the peoples resolve against displacement but also drew national and international attention to the question of development and displacement.
In this background the tribal peoples movement against Tatas steel project in Kalingnagar area of Jajpur district not only showed the supreme sacrifice of the farmers but also became a milestone in the history of anti displacement struggles in the country and a pioneer of the determined struggle against displacement. The heroic sacrifice of 14 tribals' lives on 2nd January 2006 caught the imagination of the whole country and was a morale booster for other similar anti-displacement movements in the country. As a form of protest against the killing and displacement the brave people of Kalingnagar blocked the adjoining National Highway for more than a year and were able to resist Tata's taking of their own land. Apart from this the movement also has been in the forefront in giving solidarity to other similar movements across the country. More than 100 activists of Kalingnagar movement were detained at Kharagapur railway station while going to express solidarity with struggling farmers of Nandigram. This anti displacement movement of Kalingnagar people has 18 martyrs and hundreds No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) is led by SUCI activists it got the support of different organizations. Recently the suo moto exit of Mittal from this project is a major victory for this anti displacement movement. Similarly a movement against the proposed steel plant of Sterilite is going on in Keonjhar district. Due to the continuous pressure of the movement the Govt. is unable to acquire the land for the project. In Similiguda area of Koraput district people are resisting the proposed bauxite mining of Aditya Birla in Mali Parbata. Facing continuous police atrocities this movement against Birla is going on resisting the mining in the hill. Besides the above mentioned struggles against mining and mineral based industries there is a series of peoples movements against thermal power plants on the banks of river Mahanadi and its tributaries. The spontaneous peoples movements against proposed thermal power plants of Sahara in Titilagarh (Bolangir dist), in Birmaharajpur (Subarnapur dist) and in Kishore Nagar in Anugul district attracted huge support of the local people particularly the farmers. These movements are not only opposing handing over of their land to the power companies but are also against the possible environmental impact of the thermal power plants on the densely populated areas. These power plants are not meant to fulfil the electricity need of the people rather they are intended to cater to the energy needs of the mineral based industries. To fulfil the huge water demand of the growing mining based industries the Govt., besides diverting the water of the existing dams, is also planning to construct new dams. In the guise of providing irrigation, these dams are really meant for the industries. So fearing large scale displacement people in different areas of Odisha are opposing the construction of these dams. In Lower Suktel area of Bolangir district and in Chheligada of Gajapati district people are continuously resisting every effort of the Govt. Odisha has a tradition of anti displacement struggles. Despite severe state repression these struggles not only exposed the anti people character of the so called development process but also fought heroically the forcible land acquisition drive of the ruling classes. These struggles have created a wide debate about the development paradigm of the ruling classes and in many cases have succeeded in halting the march of imperialist capital. These struggles are basically part of anti-imperialist struggles playing an important role in resisting the loot of our resources for private gain. No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
were conducted in 12 selectively chosen villages by the state Govt. and in all the villages people unanimously claimed their right over the mountain and rejected the mining plan of company. This became a sort of referendum on mining and created wide spread enthusiasm among the anti displacement struggles throughout the country. Due to the continuous movement of Dongaria Kandha people of Niyamagiri hills the central Govt and the Supreme Court were forced to allow the people to take a decision on mining in their hills. People have held their own against the mighty corporations. After the outcome of Gramsabhas now the company is desperately trying to pressurize the state Govt. to get mining lease in nearby mountains to cater to the bauxite needs of its Lanjigarh refinery. The struggle of Niyamagiri is an inspiration for the people fighting against displacement.
Similarly the anti displacement movement against the proposed steel project of Posco in Odishas Jagatsinghpur district also attracted national and international attention. The anti Posco movement, braving massive police repression, could resist the displacement of the people from their land and popularly known Pan-Dhan-Mina (paddy-betel vine-fish) economy. The people of Dhinkia-Govindpur are continuing their fight against the project under the leadership of Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti showing great courage and militancy. Though the Odisha Govt., with its heavy police presence, could forcibly destroy some of the betel vines of the people and has made loud declaration about successful land acquisition but in reality people have not left their land and they reconstructed their destroyed vines once the police mobilization was withdrawn. There may be more confrontations in future if the company attempts to carry out its steel project. Since the main leadership of the movement is from CPI and the party is having an electoral alliance with Naveen Patnaiks ruling BJD, there is a continuous pressure on the movement to take a compromising stand. As a ruling class party, it is difficult for CPI to oppose big foreign capital like Posco and its mega project and at the same time it has to keep the support of local people. That is why instead of demanding scrapping the project, the CPI is demanding only to shift it to a nearby area. But in spite of all these the anti Posco movement of the people is continuing to resist the Company-Odisha Govt.'s offensive.
Apart from these anti displacement movements there are many peoples movements against displacement going on in different parts of the state. The peoples movement against the proposed steel plant of Arcelor Mittal also resisted displacement in Patna in Keonjhar district. Though movement No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) there is perfect recipe for mass killings of people belonging to minorities. In fact all disturbances described as communal riots are killings of minorities organized by ruling class parties with the help of police and administrative machinery. Who can forget the wanton genocide of Sikhs in Delhi and elsewhere in 1984? Organized by the then ruling Congress, it demonstrated the total communal action of police. Who can forget the genocide of Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 organized by ruling BJP with the help of police and administration? Seelampur, Bhagalpur, Mumbai, and a number of others. And also cold blooded killing of Muslims in Malliana. About culprits being brought to book, less said the better. 1984 and 2002 victims are still fighting for illusive justice! RSS-BJP are not alone. Congress is a long time champion of cynical utilization of communal polarization, presiding over communal policeadministrative machinery killing minority people and later pretending to be caring for them. Import of all these is to give a message to minorities, particularly Muslims, that all they should forget rights as citizens, rather they should care only for their personal safety. SP Govt. of UP is following this tested Congress policy. Since its coming to power on its own in 2012, UP has witnessed a spate of violence against Muslims. Faizabad, Pratapgarh, Kosi Kalan, Mussourie (Ghaziabad), Bareilly to name a few and now Muzaffarnagar at much more massive scale while SP has gone back on its promise to release innocent Muslim youth framed in false cases. SP Govt. first allowed RSS affiliates to spread hate and fear and fan communal violence and unleashed communal police and administration with most notorious officers against Muslims and then rushed to show that it cares for Muslims. These two apparently contradictory stances are in fact complementary, SP allowing RSS-BJP campaign in an attempt to convince Muslims that they can only be saved by SP. None of these ruling class parties has any regard for the composite culture of India nor for the rights of minorities. Recent action of SP Govt. in allowing compensation to only those victims who give an affidavit that they would not go back to their villages/homes under any circumstance, that they would arrange their residence elsewhere and they would not claim any compensation for damage to their immovable property in their original villages, is self revealing. They also have to swear that they would leave the relief camps immediately after receiving compensation. SP Govt. is treating Muslims like enemies who will get compensation only if they agree to leave their area, their homes, property, everything. SP Govt. has also abdicated its responsibility to provide
Call of the Central Committee of CPI(ML)-New Democracy
OBSERVE DECEMBER 6 AS ANTI-COMMUNALISM DAY
IMMEDIATELY ARREST CULPRITS OF ATTACKS IN MUZAFFARNAGAR
ENSURE THAT DISPLACED GO BACK TO THEIR HOMES
DECOMMUNALIZE POLICE AND ADMINISTRATION
Organizing violence against minorities and deepening communal division has been an old practice of Indian ruling classes to disrupt the unity of the people to pre-empt and disrupt their struggles against the ruling classes. It has also been an instrument used by the ruling classes in their contention for power. Thus division of the people has been an instrument of state policy of the ruling classes along with repression of peoples struggles and reforms to sow illusions among the people.
Muslims in Muzaffarnagar have become the latest victims of these nefarious designs. A conflict over an alleged anti-social act of eve-teasing has been converted into a pogrom, killing over 68 people (reportedly 13 belonging to Jat community, rest Muslims), injuring hundreds of them, destroying thousands of houses and displacing tens of thousands of them (50,955 admitted by UP Govt.) In its bid for power and having nothing else to offer to people, RSS-BJP have tapped into social unrest- agrarian crisis, gross unemployment of youth, conflicts in agrarian relations and also social conflicts as the rigid caste structure is shaken by youth who are moving out of the rigid rural framework, decline of agriculture relative to other sectors of economy and resultant relative prosperity of hitherto unprivileged owing to non-agrarian sources- to create a powerful mix of social toxin to create the havoc being witnessed in Muzaffarnagar. RSS-BJP have unleashed violence against Muslims and UP has emerged as their favourite hunting ground in their bid to come to power with a spate of violence against Muslims. Add to this, gross communalization of police and administration and No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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relief to the affected people handing over this work to religious organizations.
List of the crimes of Indian ruling classes against minorities is really long. Their attacks on the minorities are part of their attacks on the people. As the economic political crisis deepens, conditions of people worsens and they move into struggle, ruling classes intensify deepening of communal divisions, in their bid to make common people enemies of each other rather than the ruling classes who rob them of the fruits of their labour, whose policies are responsible for deepening agrarian crisis and increasing unemployment. Parties representing these classes while serving their interests also unleash communal propaganda and organize communal violence for communal polarization as they have nothing to offer to the people on the basic problems affecting their daily lives. On top of these, in the name of maintaining peace, the ruling classes and their parties enact more and more draconian laws whose target remains the common people of all the communities and not the organizers and beneficiaries of these conspiracies.
Muzaffarnagar : SP Govt. not to let Muslims return to their homes
In the context of increasing drive to attract more FDI in different sectors, increasing burden of the economic crisis on workers and peasants, displacement of tribals and peasants and coming elections the attempts of ruling class parties are going to intensify. We should wage a broad and intense campaign against communalism, taking Hindu communalism as main danger at present. We should expose RSS-BJP reign of communal violence and SPs acquiescence in carving out communal division. Observe December 6 (On this day in 1992 RSS-BJP hordes in connivance with Congress led Central Govt. had demolished Babri Masjid) as AntiCommunalism Day with special focus on Muzaffarnagar, the latest victim of communal mayhem. There are a number of examples of people helping each other showing that people want communal harmony. They have problems which can only be solved with common struggle. We should work towards secularism of shared aspirations, common struggles and marching together in struggle for a new democratic India. Our struggle for common aims and struggle against the forces out to disrupt communal harmony are interconnected and one lends strength and draws strength from the other.
Mulayam Singh Yadav graced Talkatora Stadium for a Convention Against Communalism. Even though convened by parliamentary Left parties, he did not leave anybody in doubt as to who was the master of ceremonies as he rose to ask his supporters not to leave the venue after his address which was threatening to almost empty the Stadium. But more amazing was the feat of these Left parties who did not even press him for announcing the time line by which his partys Govt. would ensure that all Muslims forced out by violence orchestrated by Sangh Parivar and assisted by SP led Govt. would be able to go back to their homes. Mulayam Singh does not want to send them back to their villages at all. It is time that parties are judged by their deeds. This certification office of secular parties which is but a euphemism for doles of seats by the powerful regional satraps, should be closed. What justification could there be for the presence of AIADMK which did not and does not mince words as to where their sympathies lay in the political spectrum of the country. But let us stay with Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh. Its UP Govt. announced a compensation of Rs. 5 lakh for those who suffered damage and were displaced due to this violence. Every applicant has to give an affidavit to receive the compensation amount. The terms of this affidavit are quite eye opening. Let us see a few:
"5. That myself and members of my family have come leaving our village and home being terrorized due to violent incidents in Kutba village and we will not now return to our original village and home under any circumstances. 7. That the lumpsum financial help being given for my family by the Govt. will only be used by me to rehabilitate my family . By this money I will live with my family voluntarily arranging for residence at appropriate place elsewhere.
8. That in the condition of receiving lumpsum financial help amount, myself or members of my family will not demand compensation relating to any damage to any immovable property in my village or elsewhere . 11. That after receiving the financial help from the Govt. for making shelter/residence for myself/ my family, myself and my family shall not again live in any relief camp."
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(These are conditions in the affidavit to be submitted for receiving the aforesaid compensation, italics have been added.)
Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013
Do these conditions not make clear what SP Govt. is trying to do? It wants to rob Muslims of their property in lieu of the compensation amount. All justice loving secular people want to see the displaced Muslims return to their villages and expect the Govt. to create conditions for their safe return and safety of life and property for minority community. But SP Govt. has other designs. They want that these Muslims should never go back to their villages and homes, should arrange for their residence elsewhere and not even demand any compensation or proprietorship in case their immovable properties, lands and houses are occupied by others. Is it not clear that what SP Govt. is doing is to change the demography of these villages and rob Muslims of their property taking advantage of the dire straits in which they have been thrown by violence unleashed against them. In the process more Muslim ghettos will be created but their votes will remain, their only use for SP like parties.
Land Gr ab P olic y to contin ue Gra Polic olicy continue

Ashish Mital
Determined resistance by farmers and tribals against forcible displacement for companies and repeated killing of innocent protestors by armed police in several places all over the country, more particularly the armed resistance by tribals, despite the implementation of the Recognition of Forest Rights Act 2006 ,conditioned the need for a new political initiative by the ruling classes on this issue. Such displacement to hand over mineral rich and irrigated land is one of the life lines of current pro corporate economic reforms to invite more foreign capital, an elixir for native rulers. This initiative has found expression through the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013. It is designed to smoothen the process of acquisition of agricultural and forest land for companies.
And to show for its efforts to get the people out of relief camps, the Affidavit mandates them to leave the camps after receiving the said amount. Hence SP Govt. could claim before the Supreme Court that most of the displaced people have gone away from the camps, obviously on paper and definitely not to their villages and homes.
The Problem
Land is being acquired by the govt. for purposes of industrialization including SEZs and naked sale of mineral resources, for construction of dams and water diversion projects in the name of irrigation and for urbanization. This concept is being sold as development of the country while actually destroying livelihood (farm work, animal husbandry, fishing and forest produce), habitat and cultural identity of its working people. As noted in the Bhubaneshwar Tribal Convention resolution in 2005 Big carnival of loot and plunder is on with reactionaries of the country teaming with imperialists to defraud the people and impoverish the country. The imperialist loot has become open and subservient rulers shameless. The problems that arose with this push are sought to have been addressed in the New Act. However it addresses only some though not redressing even those. It speaks about forced displacement. This occurs by armed attacks on unarmed people by state forces and local landlord goons and under the garb of urgency for acquisition. It speaks about food security, about jobs, about public purpose, about rehabilitation and about
For how long will these communal conspiracies be tolerated in the name of secularism? Who will forget Congress contending with BJP in fomenting Hindu communalism which culminated in the destruction of Babri Masjid? Will no lessons be learnt from history or will people be forced to live it repeatedly? In fact no ruling class party is truly secular. They are only divided among themselves on whether they need Muslim votes for their power games or not. It is time that those who claim to be secular give up lure of petty parliamentary gains and stand up to the machinations of the ruling classes who are bent on foisting on this country unabashed service to corporate interests. For this they push Hindu communal agenda, their Gujarat model of development pushing the poor to the margins and minorities out of the picture.
Build a powerful movement against communal frenzy being let loose. Let the perpetual search of lesser attacker not condition this agenda. Let those who genuinely stand for composite culture and shared aspirations stand up and be counted. ( Issued by CC on November 8, 2013) No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) livelihoods depend on land being acquired. The owner interests of peasants and livelihood interests were to be protected, meaning only compensated. Thus we now get the new name Fair compensation etc. For any doubts, read further Land markets in India are imperfect. There is no symmetry of power between those wanting to acquire and those whose lands are being acquired. That is why . a role for the govt. to put in place set of rules and regulations and to ensure its enforcement. (emphasis added) Public purpose is for the gullible. The provisions of the Act in reference to public claims by rulers:
compensation. It does not speak at all about loss of habitat and culture, sale of mineral wealth, impact on environment, degradation of water resources and biodiversity, damage to environment due to industrial pollution. Its projection by ruling classes and its media is about having solved the problems which occurred with acquisition under the old Act of 1894.
Govt. diverts attention from actual problem
Claims contrary to its actual objectives made by the govt are spelt out in the introduction given to the Bill by Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh in the Rajya Sabha. If one omits the pleasantries, the statement reads it is to Ensure land acquisition for industrialization, development of essential infrastructural facilities and urbanization.. and to provide compensation .. and make adequate provisions for rehabilitation and resettlement The fill in the blanks humane, participative, informed, transparent, least disturbance, fair compensation, adequate provisions, ensuring that effected persons become partners in development leading to an improvement in their post acquisition social and economic status, etc are sugar coatings. In rural India a familys social and economic status is related to the amount of land it owns. Where is the scope for improvement while Govt. is acquiring? Even the existence and survival of displaced families becomes a problem.
1. Name - The right to fair compensation and transparency in land acquisition, rehabilitation and resettlement Bill 2013. Even the title limits the right to fairness to only compensation and transparency. Acquisition itself is unquestionable.
2. No Forced acquisitions Social Impact Assessment, Expert Group, Urgency Clause, Temporary Occupation, Leasing, etc: Old Wine in a New Bottle and more. (a) Earlier Act had only the right given under section 5A which was the right to file objections. The dispute redressal system of the new Act limits this right also.
Earlier too in 2011, a draft of the bill had been presented for discussion. The introduction of that stated Infrastructure .. must expand rapidly. Industrialization based on manufacturing has also to accelerate. Urbanization is inevitable. Land is .. essential Govt. needs to acquire land. Nothing on the problems created by forced acquisition under the old law, on developing agriculture, land reforms, food security, gainful employment, increasing peoples incomes and purchasing power to strengthen local markets, to increase local demand of necessities, stimulate manufacturing and thus improve the national economy. No concern at all for the rich culture, traditions, diversity of the people of the country, all of which would be adversely affected by forcible acquisitions. All emphasis has been on the interests of MNC led corporate control over land and related resources.
It further stated In every case land acquisition must take place in a manner that fully protects the interest of land owners, and also those whose No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
(b) The new act specifies three levels of approval prior to acquisition. The first is the Social Impact Assessment (SIA) (Chapter II Section 4) which has to be carried out with adequate representation of the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) within 6 months of its date of commencement. This has to give report on whether the acquisition serves public purpose, number of affected families, various extent of land, settlements likely to be affected, acquisition is absolutely bare minimum, other lands are not suitable, and social impacts including livelihood of affected families of the acquisition. Environment Impact Assessments are to be made separately. Notification for the SIA (separate from Notification of acquisition) and Reports are to be published in local language with a summary to be shared with the affected people. The SIA will prepare a Social Impact Management Plan, listing the ameliorative measures . and such measures shall not be less than what is provided under a scheme or programme, in operation in that area. The SIA will be prepared giving opportunity for public hearing to the affected persons. Act does not say
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) terms as it shall think fit, not exceeding three years from the commencement of such occupation. . (3) In case differ as to the sufficiency of the compensation Collector shall refer such difference to the decision of the Authority. And further in section 83 (2) Provided that, if the land has become permanently unfit to be used for the purpose for which it was used immediately before the commencement of such term, and if the persons interested shall so require, the appropriate Government shall proceed under this Act to acquire the land as if it was needed permanently for a public purpose. (h) Leasing: Section 105. Notwithstandng anything contained in this Act, the appropriate Government shall, wherever possible, be free to exercise the option of taking the land on lease, instead of acquisition, for any public purpose referred to in sub-section (1) of section 2.
what happens if a majority of the people or a significant minority rejects the proposal. All conclusions are to be drawn by the SIA team.
(c) This report will be appraised by an Expert group which will have two members of Panchayati Raj Institutions. This powerful body, not the people, can reject the project.
(d) Finally the appropriate govt can proceed with the acquisition despite rejection after Recording the reasons in writing. {section 7 (4)}. Further, the SIA may be exempted where urgency provisions under section 41 are invoked (section 9). It may also be exempted in case of irrigation projects which require an Environment Impact Assessment is to be done.
(e) After the publication of the SIA report the Collector will invite objections to be filed within 60 days. He will dispose them after hearing, with his report to the govt with his recommendations and objections. Thereafter an Administrator R&R shall be appointed, who shall undertake his survey and give his report along with the R&R scheme. It shall be published and a public hearing held. Then it shall be submitted to the Commissioner R&R for approval and after that a declaration shall be made under section 20 (1) of the Act. This declaration shall be conclusive evidence that the land is required for public purpose (section 20-6) (made within 12 months of preliminary notification) and will foreclose possibility of raising any legal dispute on this aspect.
3. Prior Consent: A requirement of prior consent (Section 2(2)b) of 70% affected families for acquisition in case of private public partnership deals and for prior consent of 80% of affected families in case of acquisition for private companies has been laid. There are a few issues here. (a) One is that 70 and 80 percent of affected families can be easily manufactured by including several non land owners who may give their consent on very easy terms. This should also include at least 70/ 80 % of land owners. (b) Secondly it is clear there is no such requirement of prior consent in cases of acquisition by the govt. for itself. This gives an opportunity to cheat the people as has been done for land acquisition in several power sector projects under the old Act. An example is the govt. body like a UPPCL (UP Power Corporation Ltd) which got incorporated a subsidiary company namely A Special Purpose Vehicle, the Sangam Power Generation Company Ltd. (SPGCL) for the project. This company requested the govt to acquire the specified land in tehsil Karchana, Allahabad, deposited an advance equivalent to 10% of the cost and the notification was issued for the acquisition. The company then deposited 80% of the total cost of land and then the notification u/s 6 of the 1894 Act was issued. After this bids were invited from private players, JP Associates was selected as the private developer, a share purchase agreement was signed between UPPCL, SGPCL, JPUL and JP Associates, a deed of conveyance was signed for the land and that is how a private company became the developer.
(f) Section 41 reads In cases of urgency, whenever the appropriate Government so directs, the Collector, though no such award has been made, may, on the expiration of thirty days from the publication of the notice mentioned in section 22, take possession of any land needed for a public purpose and such land shall thereupon vest absolutely in the Government, free from all encumbrances. This provision is restricted to the minimum area required for the defense of India or national security or for any emergencies arising out of natural calamities or any other emergency with the approval of Parliament. It has been provided for in the chapter VI on R&R instead of being provided for in the chapter (IV) on acquisition or as a separate heading.
(g) Other Clauses providing for forceful acquisition. Section 82. states ( 1) Whenever . temporary occupation and use of any waste or arable land are needed for any public purpose, the appropriate Government may direct the Collector to procure the occupation and use of the same for such No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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(c) The third issue is the experience of feudal goons and hired goons of the acquiring company moving around to influence the consent in all acquisitions, with only one exception, that of Niyamgiri, highlights the superfluity of this clause. Niyamgiri was a very special case. Here conduction of popular vote became possible only because under pressure from a determined peoples movement and wide intellectual arousal to prevent the Dongariya Kondh tribals residing there from being forced into extinction, the Supreme Court ordered conduction of a referendum in gram sabhas personally by the district judge with video coverage.
to compensation in accordance with the provisions of this Act. The Lok Sabha had approved this provision with the statement accepted for the compensation but the Rajya Sabha changed it to deposited in the account of beneficiaries. The version passed by the Lok Sabha had stated that where no award has been made under section 11 all provisions of compensation and R&R shall apply. The Rajya Sabha has struck down the Rehabilitation and Resettlement compensation.
4. Safeguard of Food Security: In Chapter III the Act says No irrigated multi-crop land shall be acquired under this Act(10-1) except under exceptional circumstances, as a demonstrable last resort(10-2). And further subject to the aggregate of such lands being acquired in a district or a state being less than the limits specified by the govt. Further An equivalent area of culturable wasteland shall be developed .. or an amount equivalent to the value of the land acquired shall be deposited with the appropriate Government to enhance food security. All this absolutely exposes the govts double speak on the issue and highlights that the govt knows it intends to acquire multi crop land, is ruining food security and has no answers to give. It is very sinister that section 10-4 conceives of the possibility of a percentage of the entire net sown area of the state being acquired. It states that In no case exceed such limits of the total net sown area of that district or State. It is clear that the law provides for entire districts to be made agriculture free. Rather than provide securities for food production to fulfill requirement of the country the law makes provision for winding up food production. The law speaks of equivalent culturable wastelands to be developed. Well, they should be developed for industry. Why ruin agriculture and legislate for developing it, unless it is deliberately to throw dust in peoples eyes?
6. Compensation at 2 to 4 times the Market Value: (i) Section 27 says The Collector shall adopt the following criteria in assessing and determining the market value of the land, namely:
(a) the market value, if any, specified in the Indian Stamp Act, 1899 .. This means the circle rate declared. Since it is agricultural land which is being acquired the circle rate for agricultural land will be operative. In Allahabad in Karchana Power Plant area for e.g., the circle rate for agricultural land is Rs 131 to Rs 172 per square metre. On the other hand the circle rate for nonagricultural land is Rs 1500 to 2000 per sqm. And the prevailing market rate is Rs 2000 to 2500 per sqm.; or (b) the average sale price for similar type of land situated in the nearest village or nearest vicinity area; or
5. Retrospective application - Where no land acquisition award has been made under LAA 1894, Where an award under the said section 11 has been made five years or more prior to the commencement of this Act but the physical possession of the land has not been taken or the compensation has not been paid the said proceedings shall be deemed to have lapsed and Where an award has been made and compensation in respect of a majority of land holdings has not been deposited in the account of the beneficiaries, then, all beneficiaries specified in the notification for acquisition under section 4 of the said Land Acquisition Act, shall be entitled No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
(c) consented amount of compensation as agreed upon in case of acquisition of lands for private companies or for public private partnership projects, whichever is higher: Provided that the date for determination of market value shall be the date on which the notification has been issued under section 11. Determination of the average sale price will be done by Taking into account the sale deeds or the agreements to sell registered for similar type of area in the nearby village or near vicinity area during immediately preceding three years and for this One-half of the total number of sale deeds or the agreements to sell in which the highest sale price has been mentioned shall be taken into account. In this the collector may exclude any transaction which in his opinion does not indicate the actual market value. In villages land prices of agricultural lands depend on the distress of the seller, size and distance from roads and a host of other factors. In any case normally the land is registered as sold at the agricultural land value which is much below the value of commercial land in the area (similar type of land), unless some commercial project or land acquisition is expected and land prices rise suddenly. Invariably after the declaration land values in the vicinity rise, but here the land value is to be taken for
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) infrastructural entitlements shall be provided within a period of eighteen months from the date of the award: Provided further that in case of acquisition of land for irrigation or hydel project, being a public purpose, the rehabilitation and resettlement shall be completed six months prior to submergence of the lands acquired. (2) The Collector shall be responsible for ensuring that the rehabilitation and resettlement process is completed in all its aspects before displacing the affected families. In view of the first part, that possession shall be taken within 6 months of the award, i.e. after ensuring that monetary part of R&R is paid within 6 months of the award and that complete implementation of R&R will be done within 18 months of the award, this clause that there will be no displacement without completing R&R becomes redundant. In fact the plan is to use the new law to acquire and displace after paying only the monetary part of the compensation and R&R. This compensation too shall be determined by the Collector and disputes shall be dealt with legally later, after displacement. The urgency clause is listed after this (section 41) and possibly points to the Collector taking possession of the land even though no award has been made.
deeds 3 years preceding the date of notification under section 11. The average will always be much below the prevailing price of non agricultural land, most of the times around 5 to 10% of the prevailing market rate. Even if a multiple of this price is given it will still be below the prevailing market rate.
(ii) The market value calculated shall be multiplied by a factor to be specified in the First Schedule which says that it will be 1 to 2 times for rural areas depending on distance from urban areas and is to be decided upon by the appropriate govt. and for urban areas it shall be a multiple of one, i.e same. In addition a solatium of an equal amount will be paid as compensation. So this will be maximum 4 times the determined market value in rural areas and twice in urban areas. As per section 29 the final compensation shall include compensation for damage to crops, trees if any, damage sustained due to an owner's land being severed from the owner's other land if any, damage to his other properties or earnings, expenses for change in business or residence, damage to his profits during the period of publication of declaration and taking possession of his land, etc. 7 On resettlement and rehabilitation of those displaced:
(a) While acquiring the land the collector shall pass a R&R award for each family which shall include R&R amount, particulars of house site and house allotted, alternative land allotted, payment for cattle sheds and petty shops, for artisans and small traders, details of mandatory employment for family members, fishing rights, annuity and other entitlements and special provisions for SCs and STs. The R&R amount may be raised by the govt considering price index. (Schedule II)
(b) The resettlement areas will be ensured to have all infrastructure facilities and minimum amenities (section 33, schedule III).
(c) Section 39. (1) The Collector shall take possession of land after ensuring that full payment of compensation as well as rehabilitation and resettlement entitlements are paid or tendered to the entitled persons within a period of three months for the compensation and a period of six months for the monetary part of rehabilitation and resettlement entitlements listed in the Second Schedule commencing from the date of the award made under section 31: Provided that the components of the Rehabilitation and Resettlement Package in the Second and Third Schedules that relate to No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
(d) The crucial issue of determining the beneficiaries for R&R. It is stated that livelihood losers will not be simply displaced. They will get compensation. Definition of affected family (section 3) includes agricultural labourers, tenants including any form of tenancy or usufruct right, sharecroppers or artisans who may be working in the affected area for three years prior to the acquisition, whose primary source of livelihood stands affected by the acquisition of land. It will include Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers who have lost any of their forest rights recognised under the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 due to acquisition of land. It will also include families whose primary source of livelihood for three years prior to the acquisition of the land is dependent on forests or water bodies and includes gatherers of forest produce, hunters, fisher folk and boatmen and such livelihood is affected due to acquisition of land. How easy it will be for such sections to obtain these certificates is a big question because normally these sections come to know about their eviction, leave alone the legal provisions, only when the state or the company comes
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to evict them. Moreover share croppers are never registered except where there is a specific law to do so and there also the implementation is faulty. The FRA has not been implemented in most areas and registration of the tribals and other forest dwellers remains a big problem. Thus the determination of affected persons is subject to the whims and fancies of local administrators and govt directives in the specific case. Even for those who lose a property, their adult lower generations are likely to be omitted as individual beneficiaries. There is no mandate to include all adults or all voters. This will also vary with the level of organization and protest against displacement.
kms, PHC, playground, community centre, places of worship, land for traditional tribal institutions, where possible forest rights and non timber forest produce and common property resources, security, veterinary services. This is a wish list. These are not provided in any existing village. Obviously this is to placate the opposition. If uninhabited land for providing so much is available, why displace existing villages. Why not use this uninhabited land for the project? (g) An administrator and a Commissioner for R&R shall be appointed and where the land to be acquired is more than 100 acres a R&R committee shall be appointed under chairmanship of Collector to oversee the R&R. If R&R is not complied with in full no land use change will be permitted (section 47-4) and private purchase will become void if R&R is not complied with. There shall also be a National Monitoring Committee for R&R (chapter VII). All this non compliance will become known after several years of the acquisition and the project having gone ahead and the displaced persons having been far removed during this period. Once land is taken possession of, till they are around the displaced persons will remain at the mercy of the Commissioner R&R. Payment for R&R costs by acquirer will be assessed by the Collector and deposited in an account (section 48) which is to be operated by the Administrator. Other than making this payment the acquiring company shall have no liability to ensure R&R.
(e) As per schedule II a house lost will be compensated by a constructed house . as per the Indira Awas Yojana specifications. If a house is lost in urban areas, a constructed house shall be provided, which will be not less than 50 sq mts in plinth area or a minimum of Rs 1.5 lacs in lieu of it if the family so prefers; in irrigation projects land for land, a minimum of 1 acre in the command area and a minimum of 2.5 acres or equal to the land lost for SC/ST families (Rajya Sabha has amended this from each family to as far as possible each family); 20% land at the developed rate in urbanization projects in proportion to the ratio of the land acquired; the option of a job at not less than the legally notified minimum wages in the area after training for one person in the family or (b) one time payment of five lakhs rupees per affected family or (c) annuity policies that shall pay not less than two thousand rupees per month per family for twenty years, with appropriate indexation to the Consumer Price Index for Agricultural Labourers; and a subsistence grant of Rs 3000 per month per family for one year; and Rs 50,000 per SC/ ST family displaced; and Rs 50,000 to each family which is displaced towards transportation charges and an equal amount, Rs 50,000 towards resettlement allowance; compensation for cattle sheds, petty shops; a self employment compensation for artisans and small shopkeepers which shall be a minimum of Rs 25,000; fishing rights; and stamp duty expenses to be borne by the acquiring body.
(h) For R&R to be applicable in private acquisitions, the limit of land acquired by private companies or in PPP is to be decided by appropriate govt. 8. Special provisions for Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes in sections 42 and 43 are : No acquisition in scheduled area as far as possible, only as a demonstrable last resort; acquisition with prior permission of Gram Sabha even in urgency acquisitions; in projects involving involuntary displacement of SCs/ STs A development plan shall be prepared laying down the procedures for settling land rights due, but not settled and restoring titles of SCs/ STs on the alienated land by undertaking a special drive along with the land acquisition; a program to Develop alternative fuel, fodder and non timber forest produce resources on non forest land within a period of five years; paying at least one third of compensation for land due as first installment, paying the rest after taking possession of land; resettlement preferably in the same block but paying
(f) The Third Schedule lists infrastructural amenities to be provided to displaced persons. Such settlements shall have roads, drainage, sanitation, safe drinking water and water for cattle, grazing land, panchayat ghar, Fair Price shops, post office, seed and fertilizer storage if needed, efforts for basic irrigation, transport facility, burial/ cremation ground, Anganwadi centres and schools, electricity connections, sub health centre within 2 No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) if the land acquired is rendered unusable for the purpose for which it was acquired then the appropriate Government may use such land for any other public purpose.
an addition of 25% of R&R dues in monetary terms in addition to Rs 50,000 if they are reallocated outside the district and statutory safeguards including those under FRA 2006 and reservation etc to continue; be given land for community and social gatherings free of cost; will be provided land equivalent to land acquired or two-and-a-half acres, whichever is lower.
Where is the possibility of separately acquiring only as a last resort for only SC/STs in villages with common populations and establishments? And when in operational villages land rights are not settled, where is the question of settling them, where due, in process of acquisition where purpose is to displace? And wherefrom will the govt. provide alternative fuel sources? The sources from which it can provide it are not listed. So all this is only to fool the people.
12 Establishment of the Land Acquisition and R&R Authority (Chapter VIII) All new rights of farmers legally subjected to the Authority and thereby undermined: (a) According to section 52 the appropriate government shall appoint The Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Authority for Speedy disposal of disputes relating to land acquisition, compensation, rehabilitation and resettlement. References may be made to it under section 65 only and this has several limitations.
9. Capital gains to original owner : If land being acquired is more than 100 acres and had been purchased prior to Sept 5, 2011 by a new owner and it is being acquired within 3 years from date of purchase, then 40% of excess value will be shared with the original owner (section 47-6). Further Section 103 states that if the acquired land is transferred, without any development, for a consideration, 40 per cent of the appreciated value shall be given to the original owner/ owners Within a period of 5 years of the acquisition and this will apply only to the first sale. So sharing of capital gains will not apply if this is done after doing some development, which can be shown on paper also. The acquirer can also keep the entire or part of the land undeveloped for more than 5 years for its value to appreciate, as is often the case, before transferring it and avoid sharing the capital gains.
10. In case land remains unutilized: Section 102 states that When any land, acquired under this Act remains unutilized for a period of five years from the date of taking over the possession, the same shall be returned to the original owner or owners or their legal heirs, as the case may be, or to the Land Bank of the appropriate Government by reversion in the manner as may be prescribed by the appropriate Government. So there is legal provision to acquire the land, displace farmers and deprive them and keep it unused for years without any clause for penalty on anyone. And here also it need not be given back to the owner.
(b) Section 61 says that (1) The Authority shall . have the same powers as are vested in a civil court under the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 and it shall have original jurisdiction to adjudicate upon every reference made to it under section 65 (Section 61-2). Section 65 states that (1 ) Any person interested who has not accepted the award may, by written application to the Collector, require that the matter be referred by the Collector for the determination of the Authority, : Provided that the Collector shall, within thirty days .. make a reference to the appropriate Authority: where the Collector fails to make such reference the applicant may apply to the Authority, . requesting it to direct the Collector to make the reference to it within a period of thirty days. The Authority is thus all powerful. Even the right to raise a dispute before it is limited by the reference through the Collector, the official against whose decisions the dispute is being raised! And the Collector has been given the power to decide whether to entertain the application of objections that a displaced farmer may have.
(c) In order to deter people from making such applications section 72 ( 2 ) provides for passing on costs to the complainant if the Authority concerned is of the opinion That the claim of the applicant was so extravagant or that he was so negligent in putting his case before the Collector that some deduction from his costs should be made or that he should pay a part of the Collectors costs.
11. Provision to permit change in land use: It is titled No change: Section 100 provides that there shall be No change from the purpose or related purposes for which the land is originally sought to be acquired but No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
(d) The powers of this Authority become clearer in Chapter X which provides for the payments to be made to the displaced farmers. Section 78 provides that (1) On making an award . the Collector shall tender payment
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML) acquisition to government. Finance Minister P Chidambaram said People will now realise land is a scarce commodity and it must be economically used. We believe that the Land Bill strikes a fair balance and renders a long-denied justice to those who are being deprived of it. Obviously he feels the corporate are deprived of land. The law was passed in the parliament with the left' parties, AIADMK and BJD members staging a walkout and the Trinamool Congress voting against the Bill. The main opposition party BJP, as also SP and BSP, supported the legislation. It was passed in the Lok Sabha by 216 votes to 19. The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013 is a pro MNC, pro corporate, anti farmer law. It has provisions to further the unbridled right of companies and contractors to eject people and control their land and related resource. It should be firmly opposed by all patriotic forces. Demands should be raised to Save Land; Save and Develop Agriculture; No Acquisition of Farm land for Industry; No Land to MNCs; Ban on industrial and commercial use of agricultural land; Protect livelihood sources, land and water of tribals, dalits, fisherfolk and farmers; Give the affected people the final say in all decisions of public purpose; Decrease land ceiling and distribute land to landless; Provide cheap and quality inputs; Expand and Regularize irrigation; and Ensure profitable marketing of agricultural products. This new Act is not in deference to the struggles of tribals and other peasants against forcible acquisition of their land. These sections struggled against forcible acquisition and not for higher compensation. But the ruling classes have a dismissive approach towards the common people and think that their submission can be bought with a few more loaves. And in any case their repressive machinery is always at hand to do the needful.
of the compensation ... ( 2) If the person entitled to compensation shall not consent to receive it, or if there be no person competent to alienate the land, or if there be any dispute as to the title .. or as to the apportionment of it, the Collector shall deposit the amount of the compensation in the Authority to which a reference under section 65 would be submitted. It further states that a person may receive such payment under protest and in case it has not been so received the person loses the right to file a protest under section 65.
These clauses put several legal hurdles in front of the persons being displaced. The acquisition shall proceed without making it necessary for the owners to even sign a transfer or sale deed with the govt, as is also in the 1894 law. The deposition of the amount of compensation with the Authority will substitute for the person who should have been there to alienate the land. And the right to object is limited by having received compensation under protest.
13. Application of these provisions to other land acquisition laws: The notifications for this to be applicable to other acquisition laws listed in Schedule IV are to be laid before the parliament for approval within a year. (Section 106)
While people had opposed the LAA 1894 as an infringement upon their livelihood and to prevent being uprooted from their traditional habitat, the new law diverts attention from this to reduce the issue to merely more compensation and some livelihood allowance. And while people used the force of their struggles to also force courts to take cognizance of this injustice, the new law creates a new legal mechanism to limit the use of courts and provide legal sanctity to arbitrary awards made and compensation paid into accounts of Authorities to forcefully displace unwilling people from their land and habitat.
This new law carries all essential features of the anti people 1894 LAA colonial law that the govt. and not the people is the real owner of the land and it has unbridled right to acquire land of people; public interest is to be decided by the govt.; govt. has a right to deny people even the right to object under emergency conditions.
Winding up the discussion the Rural Development Minister said There will be no forceful acquisition of land under this law. This legislation will provide lawful right of the farmers over their land and no right of forceful No vember , 2013 Nov ember,
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NEW DEMOCRACY

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

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All India P ar ty Cong ress 2013 Par arty Congr

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1) Propagation of Peoples War politics

2) Mobilization of masses on Peoples issues.

3) Necessary actions on the enemies of the people.

4) Self defense from the enemies.

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OBSERVE DECEMBER 6 AS ANTI-COMMUNALISM DAY

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Govt. diverts attention from actual problem