Maria V. Stanyukovich.

Epic as a Means to Control Memory and Emotions of Gods and Humans: Ritual Implications of Hudhud Among the Yattuka and Tuwali Ifugao. In: Nicole Revel, ed. Songs of Memory in Islands of Southeast Asia. Cambridge Scholars publications, 2013, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, pp. 167-204

Epic as a Means to Control the Memory and Emotions of Gods and Humans: Ritual Implications of the Hudhud Epics Among the Ifugao and 1 the Kalanguya
Maria V. Stanyukovich Strong ritual ties are characteristic of archaic epics in general and of Philippine epics in particular. Early Spanish missionaries defined epics as a vital part of the local religious system (see Manuel 1963, Nues 1978, and Scott 1994 for summaries). It was those ritual implications, defined in surviving highland epic performances till now, that caused the elimination of the pre-Spanish epic traditions of the lowlanders in the course of Christianization (Stanyukovich 1981:83). As early as 1963, in his survey of Philippine folk epics, a Philippine folklorist Arsenio Manuel gave them the following definition:
1

I am grateful to the Dean of Ifugao studies, Dr. Harold C. Conklin, for his precious support, sharing literature and valuable advice, especially at times when I had no opportunity for fieldwork in Ifugao; to one of Dr. Conklins prominent former students, Dr. Patricia Afable, for the most fruitful discussions that we have had on the hudhud over the past decades. I am grateful to Karl Reichl for sharing his works on epics, including those not yet published. I am grateful to the Wenner-Gren Anthropological Foundation for the Small Grant that enabled me to start my field work in Ifugao (January-August 1995), to the Asian Branch of the Summer Institute of Linguistics and Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (St.Petersburg, Russia), for the grants that enabled me to carry out my field work in Ifugao, the Philippines, as well to the Evans Foundation, UK, the University of Hawaii, to the International Exchange Program between the Russian Academy of Science, the British Academy of Science and the Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities, that enabled me to work in the museums and libraries of Western Europe and the US in subsequent years. Some aspects of the present paper were touched upon in my unpublished lecture "Ifugao oral epics: Reflections on living traditions and cultural heritage in the Philippines", given on October 13, 2009 at McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge, UK, within The World Oral Literature Project Occasional Lecture Series. I am grateful to Caroline Stone and Mark Turin of Cambridge University, who introduced me to the World Oral Literature Project; to Caroline Stone and Paul Lunde for their valuable comments on that paper. I would like to thank Minpaku, National Museum of Ethnology (Osaka, Japan) for the most favourable conditions of work over the project on anthropological and linguistic aspects of the study of Ifugao hudhud, that I conducted as a visiting professor (August 1 2010 January 31 2011). I am grateful to my host professor Dr. Ritsuko Kikusawa, who invited me to Minpaku, and to Dr. Laurence Reid, who kindly consulted me on the matters of Cordillera historical linguistics during my stay in Japan. I appreciate greatly the generosity of Lou Hohulin and Richard Hohulin (SIL) who kindly allowed me to use their unpublished databases on Tuwali Ifugao and Kelei-i Kallahan great work that cannot be overestimated. I am grateful to my adoptive parents, farmers Ester and Jose Tayaban from Bangawwan, Duit, Kiangan, who taught me Tuwali Ifugao, all my Ifugao relatives, long-time friends, the hudhud singers of Kiangan and Asipulo, who generously shared their knowledge with me. Also, my long-term contacts and language-helpers in Kiangan - Josephine Pataueg, Marilyn Guimbatan, and the prominent Ifugao intellectuals Manuel Dulawan and the late Lourdes Dulawan. I would also like to acknowledge the help and hospitality of my friends and colleagues, primarily Bion Griffin, Rosario de Santos, Cecilia Hofmann, Armi Garcia and Regalado T. Jose, that enabled me to work in the archives, libraries and museums in the Philippines outside the Ifugao.

ethnoepics are (a) narratives of sustained length, (b) based on oral tradition, (c) revolving around supernatural events or heroic deeds, (d) in the form of verse, (e) which is either chanted or sung, (f) with a certain seriousness of purpose, embodying or validating the beliefs, customs, ideals, or life-values of the people (Manuel 1963:3). The present paper will define the point (f), i.e., what is the serious purpose of epi c singing, on the basis of Ifugao oral tradition, popularly defined as a non-ritual one. The paper continues a series of publications on the structure of hudhud epics and ritual functions of the hudhud performance started by the author in the late 1970s, primarily on the basis of analysis of texts and early sources, and further developed during fieldwork in Ifugao since 1995. Having no possibility to conduct fieldwork in Ifugao in Soviet times, I concentrated on analyzing published texts and archival materials (R.F. Barton archive is deposited in St.Petesburg). I also did quite a bit of field research with ritual specialists and epic singers of Central Asia and Kazakhstan. It helped a lot when I finally started my fieldwork in Ifugao. I already knew what to look for, and had experience of talking to all kinds of ritual specialists. My fieldwork in the hudhud-singing areas with mixed Kalanguya-Ifugao population, as well as in the proper Kalanguya barrio of Amduntug, Asipulo municipality, revealed two new kinds of hudhud narratives with direct ritual implications. One of them is hudhud di kolot (hudhud of the haircut), part of the lifecycle ritual. The other, bearing the name of hudhud di nate (hudhud of the dead), just like those performed in Kiangan proper and in Central Ifugao, is the shamanistic ritual chant that pushes (tulud) the soul of the dead to the Underworld. The discovery of these additional hudhud genres became crucial for defining ritual ties of the hudhud genre in general. I will start with some considerations on art and function in regard to folklore, give basic data about the hudhud epic tradition and discuss the popular views on it, then proceed to some theoretical points on the nature of folklore, ritual and art, and define the role of epics in various non-industrial traditional societies. The main body of the paper will treat the ritual implications of hudhud, with an emphasis on the function of interaction between gods and humans, the living and the dead, and the issue of the control of memory and the emotions of gods and humans by the means of epic singing. In conclusion, I will briefly discuss the venue of Philippine epics in transition and will try to give a broader picture of the fate of traditional epic in transition from a local tradition to a national one, which might be of interest for a theory of epic studies in general.

I. Introduction I.1. Art and function

Any manifestation of culture is perceived by the outer world in a simplified way. The general pattern of positive perception categorizes a given phenomenon as art. A shrine, a mosque or a church would fit into the category of art of architecture, tattoo is perceived as an art of body decoration, epic as verbal art. The art element is there, but it is complementary and does not constitute the essence of any object/tradition mentioned above. Real understanding, the only one that can be a serious basis of research, comes with defining the functions of a phenomenon inside the culture that brought it to life. Epic/shamanistic performances, especially those connected with conducting souls to the nonhuman worlds, with their elaborate metaphoric system and sacred (secret) lexicon the language of spirits are much more complex phenomena than the verbal art of individual poetry of later epochs where the art element per se is fundamental (cf. Bogoraz 1913, 1919; Zelenin 1929-1930; Revunenkova 1980, 1989). The epic singer in traditional Philippine

society performs the function of a ritual specialist that is responsible for the equilibrium of natural and supernatural forces, the world of the living and the world of ancestors. The phenomenon of epic singing is based on the shamanistic ideas of interaction between the singer and the spirits (Stanyukovich 1981, 1982, 1998; Revel, Stanyukovich 2004; Revel 2005). The perception of epics as art is characteristic of modern industrial society, not of the traditional rural one. The archaic epic is positioned in-between rituals and classic heroic epics. There is no such thing as pure entertainment in traditional culture. The difference between traditional epic singing and its modern understanding can be equated to the difference between a ritual and a recreational entertainment. Almost every ritual has recreational elements. However, what actually matters is that a ritual is always performed with a serious aim that constitutes its function. The more vital and significant the ritual, the more esoteric it is. A child, a stranger, a person that belongs to the community but was brought up in a non-traditional way, will only see the recreational side in most performances. Just as language uses multiple ways to confer one and the same category of meaning to ensure that information is not lost (i.e. in Roman or Slavonic languages the category of grammatical gender would be repeatedly conveyed in one and the same phrase in nouns, pronouns and adjectives) traditional society tends to ensure the desired aim by duplicating rituals performed differently by different categories of its members. The whole entity of purpose or function of a certain performance is only understandable to a limited group of persons inside a traditional society, defined by age, gender and other finer distinctions. In other words, even in a most traditional society the deep sacred meaning of a certain performance, epic singing included, has never been evident to the majority of its members.

1.2. The Gender aspect

In many cases the majority can only use a special exoteric versions fed to the uninitiated by those who know, that is, by the bearers of esoteric knowledge. The rites of intimidating women in Amazonia and New Guinea are a classic example, with sounds of certain musical instruments represented by men to women as the voices of dangerous monstrous spirits that are going to devour them. The profane versions with exaggerating and horrifying effects are typical of male rituals, universally endowed with major importance by the society. As to female rituals, they are ordinarily performed in a modest way and generally lack the grandeur of male performances. Their influence is more subtle which does not actually diminish their importance to the life of the community. In comparison to other cultures of Asia and the Pacific, the Philippines, even nowadays, is a much more gender-balanced society. It is the ancient heritage of the nation. In the pre-contact culture of the archipelago female ritual specialists played an important, if not the leading, role in traditional communities. They were the principle shamans and epic singers - that is, they largely dominated the intellectual/ritual sphere, whereas the men prevailed in civil and warlike activities. The institution of the binukot (binokot) the enclosed maidens, the bearers of oral epic tradition and other sacred ritual information lasted among the Sulod of Panay until recently (Magos 1990, 1995; Javier, Lucero, Manuel 1994; Abrera 2009). Contrary to the popular view, colonization and Westernization resulted in worsening the position of woman in Philippine society. At present, the less influenced the culture of an ethnic minority, the higher the position of woman. The Cordillera women of Northern Luzon still enjoy the gender equality of which their lowland sisters can only dream (cf. Prill-Brett 2004, 2008).

However, even in Cordillera cultures, animals are sacrificed by male priests. As a sacrificial animal is a major expense, as well as the major source of free protein for the community, male ritual activities are much more visible in village life. In Ifugao, the female shamans, even dealing with cases of insanity (i.e., supporting the mental health of the community), never sacrificed animals only bayah (rice wine) and momma (ingredients of a betel-quid: areca nuts, betel leaves and lime). If needed, a chicken would be sacrificed by a male priest in the course of a healing ritual performed by a woman.

I.3.The Basic Hudhud characteristics

I.3.1. Hudhud: geography and linguistics
The first ever epic tradition, proclaimed as an Intangible Heritage of Mankind by UNESCO (2001), the hudhud is performed in a limited number of municipalities in the Central and Southern parts of the Ifugao province of Northern Luzon. I shall refer to these localities as hudhud-singing area.
Figure 1. Ifugao Province.

One of the most fascinating features of the hudhud tradition is the fact that it is shared by the speakers of two different language groups: Ifugao and Kalanguya. The Ifugao language belongs to Central Cordilleran group alongside Bontok, Kankanae-y, Kalinga, Itneg and Balangaw. Kalanguya is one of the Southern Cordilleran languages. Pangasinan, Ilongot, Ibaloy and Karaw are other SC languages, the latter two being closest to Kalanguya (cf. Reid 1974, Himes 1998). All the published hudhud texts2, as well as those deposited in the Philippine Epics and Ballads Archive of Ateneo, were recorded in Tuwali-speaking territories, either in Lagawe or in Kiangan.
Figure 2. The hudhud-singing area. Cropped from: Lambrecht 1967:311, Fig. 3, The Ifugaw and their Souther n neighbors .

Most of Ifugao-speakers live within the boundaries of the Ifugao province (cf. Figure 3), although the substantial out-migration has recently formed big Ifugao communities in Sierra Madre (Ifugao migrants 2007). Kiangan is highly valued by all the population of the Ifugao province as an ancient cultural and ritual center; in mythology it is the place of origin of humans, as well as the origin of wet-rice cultivation and ritual. The geographical boundaries of Kalanguya speech are much wider - they extend from the Northern boundary of Pangasinan and Nueva Ecija to the Southern part of Ifugao. Most of Kalanguya consider Tinoc municipality in southwestern Ifugao to be their Tinek homeland3.
Figure 3. The Ifugao-speaking area (From Walrod 1978:8) Figure 4. The Kalanguya-speaking area in and outside the Ifugao Province (From Afable 2004)

In the main Ifugao-speaking territory hudhud is performed by the speakers of Tuwali and Amganad dialects, cf. the areas depicted in the upper left corner of dialect map (see Figure 5).
Figure 5. Dialect boundaries of the Ifugao language (From Walrod 1978:11)

The speakers of Ayangan and Mayawyaw, defined as two different dialects by Ifugaospeakers, but grouped together in Walrod (see Figure 4, the major part of the Ifugao territory,
2
3

Daguio 1983; Lambrecht 1957, 1960, 1961, 1967 for many people outside of Ifugao and who live far from this homeland, Tinek is the name of a generalized, ritual, and almost mythological region in the far north that is known only from genealogies and old peoples stories (Afable 2004).

defined by dots) do not have the hudhud epic tradition. Nor is it known in the territory of Banaue, famous for their rice terraces that received a UNESCO nomination as a unique agricultural landscape in 1995. In other words, all the Ifugao territories, better known to the outside world because of their touristic attractions (including the spectacular village of Batad) or due to the works of Henry O. Beyer and Harold C. Conklin4, are outside the hudhudsinging area. At the same time hudhud flourishes among the Kalanguya (also known as Kallahan), the forest people of the Asipulo municipality of the Ifugao province, former dry-rice cultivators who started building wet-rice terraces much later than the Ifugaos. Local groups that practice hudhud-singing in Asipulo use the Yattuka and Keley-i dialects of Kalanguya (defined as such by their speakers), and are also known to outsiders under a number of other names: Hanglulu, Kamankeley, Atipulo Ifugao, Asipulo Ifugao. Until recently (1995) Asipulo was a part of the Kiangan municipality; most of the Kalanguya speakers of Asipulo are fluent in Tuwali Ifugao. All the named kinds of speech belong to the northernmost branch of Kalanguya/Kallahan languages that in turn belong to the Southern Cordilleran group. The Kianganites always had a patronizing attitude towards the Kalanguya-speaking part of the Ifugao province population that actually preserved the ritual side of hudhud-singing much better than the Tuwali-speaking population of Kiangan. Other Kalanguya-speakers, in or outside Ifugao province, do not have the hudhud.

I.3.2.Hudhud: performance and plot structure

Traditionally, the main occasions of hudhud singing were weeding and harvesting (in the rice fields, in daytime) and funeral wakes (at night, the singers sitting next to the corpse). The epics sung during agricultural activities are named hudhud di ani/di page (hudhud of the harvest/rice), funeral ones are referred to as hudhud di nate (hudhud of the dead). Additional occasions for the performance existed, but were far less frequent. At present, funerals are almost the only traditional occasion for hudhud singing. The hudhud is sung by a soloist, who leads the story, and the chorus, that finishes the music phrase with formulas mostly the names of heroes and places5. The poetic structure, based on stanzas composed of three verses (to use Lambrechts terminology), is very rigid and hardly leaves any place for improvisation. The language of the hudhud is Tuwali Ifugao, richly flavored by loan-words from Kalanguya and metaphorical expressions that it largely shares with other ritual Ifugao chants. Composition of the plot is based on interaction between the heroes belonging to two family groups, positioned as being in a hereditary feud at the beginning of the story. The battles between these blood enemies, always three in number, end with a double marriage feast: the heroes marry each others sisters. One of the sisters character often acts as a female warrior, leads the vengeance and actually becomes the main engine of the story. In many plot variations one or two members of the third family group, sister and/or brother, represent the unworthy rivals/unworthy wives who try to interfere but always lose (See Stanyukovich 1982 for structural analysis of schematic variations of the plot, from the simplest to the most complicated; (Stanyukovich 1997, 2008 for analysis of space in hudhud). No one is ever killed or wounded in the hudhud. The peacemaking ideology of the hudhud epic, formed in a

Cf. H.C. Conklin, 1980. The musical structure of the hudhud with notes transcribed first appeared in (Lambrecht, 1967), and in more detail in (Revel & Tourny 2003, Revel 2006, Revel & Tourny, 2007). For the analysis of hudhud anthroponyms and toponyms see (Stanyukovich 2008).
5

headhunting society, is another striking characteristic of that tradition, so rarely to be met in warlike epic genre (cf. Stanyukovich 1982, 1994, 2000). I.4. Popular views on hudhud: Pure entertainment The definition of hudhud as a non-ritual epic dates back to the works of Belgian Father Fr. Lambrecht, CICM, the pioneer of hudhud research (Lambrecht 1957, 1960, 1961, 1965, 1967), and has been repeated ever since (cf. UNESCO documents, NCCA documents, M. Dulawan 2000, Peralta 2001, 2007, L.S. Dulawan 2005, Acabado 2010, Blench, Campos 2010). There are but few researchers that agree with me on the ritual character of hudhud epics, Harold C. Conklin, Patricia Afable, Nicole Revel and Tyana Pyer-Pereira (Pyer-Pereira 2007) among them. On one hand, perceiving hudhud as pure entertainment reveals the weakness of anthropological tradition in the study of this epic. On the other hand it is largely caused by the gender of the few researchers that studied this female epic tradition (A. Daguio, Fr. Lambrecht, L. Dulawan, M. Dulawan) and their main informants. The only woman among them, the late Lourdes Saquing Dulawan, to whom we owe so much, had mixed feelings on the matter. She approved of my work and referred to my publications on hudhud without any polemic notes (cf. L. Dulawan 2005). At the same time, she adhered to the prevailing nonritual definition of hudhud. We met repeatedly in 1995, during my first 9-months-long field study in Ifugao, and talked about the hudhud, but Lourdes refused to discuss materials collected in the area south of Kiangan, populated by mixed Tuwali Ifugao and Kalanguya/Kallahan-speakers (How can you listen to them? They are wild, they can invent anything!). That reflects the divided loyalties and mixed feelings that Lourdes, a prominent Ifugao intellectual and a strong political figure, had of her own origin; it is also connected with her religious and political views. Mrs Dulawan, who played the crucial role in Fr. Lambrechts study of the hudhud, belongs to the crme de la crme of Ifugao society. The Saquing family of Kiangan was one of the first converts to Catholicism in 1867 (Tejn 1982:178). At the same time, on her maternal side Lourdes had generations of Kalanguyaspeaking ancestors. P. Afable defines that ancestry as of major importance in L.S. Dulawans interest and understanding of hudhud (Afable 2006). L.S. Dulawan combined the pride of belonging to the culture of Kiangan, universally regarded in Ifugao as the central place, most prominent culturally and ritually, with deep Catholic religiosity. She authored a Catholic pasyon based on hudhud (deposited in the Philippine Epics and Ballads Archives, Ateneo de Manila University). Lourdess idea of the compatibility of local folklore tradition with Christianity left no place for the ritual pagan implications of the epic, which she denied with an unscholarly passion. Anyway, treating the hudhud as pure entertainment is a step back to an outdated simplifying approach to epics and away from the anthropological one, well-developed in Philippine folklore studies of the second part of the 20th c. [cf. Manuel 1963; Jocano 1964; Magos 1990 et al.]. I feel, in a way, responsible for that: having largely published on ritual implications of the hudhud in Russian, I have authored just a few English-language papers on the matter (Stanyukovich 1994, 1998, 2000, 2003a,b, 2006, 2007). As I have stated above, the esoteric meaning of a performance is always clear only to a limited group within a traditional society. In the case of the Ifugao hudhud, this knowledgeable group usually consists of women who have passed childbearing age that is, women over 40, primarily those who have participated in hudhud chanting as mun-abbuy (chorus singers) since childhood, did not attend school and had but little indoctrination in Christianity. The most knowledgeable among them are not just the hudhud-soloists (munhawe), but the ones who, in addition to hudhud di ani/di page (hudhud of the harvest/of rice),

can sing the special shamanistic funeral chants in hudhud form, which I was lucky to discover in the areas to the South of Kiangan in 1995. Such a chant bears the same name of hudhud di nate hudhud of the dead, known from previous publications. It also uses the epic poetic form, but is principally different in content. It is a poetically organized act for conducting the soul of the deceased to the abode of the dead. I say act, because the chant is not just the depiction, it is the instrument of conducting the soul, the movement of which is led by the song. Not being practiced in Kiangan and other hudhud-singing localities to the North of Kiangan, this shamanistic chant is a clue to the function of proper epic singing at funerals in these areas, and explains acts of possession that occur at funerals in Kiangan and the vicinity. The aim of singing funeral epic and epic-shaped variants of funeral chants all over the territory where the hudhud are sung is to bring the soul to the underworld, which is done with the help of a special spirit, Domia, the conductor of souls. In the Southern areas the prominent singers also perform hudhud di kolot epic of the haircut, now almost extinct, another hudhud-shaped oral tradition which I was lucky to discover and record for the first time in 1995, then repeatedly in 2006 and 2011 from three different epic singers6. At the same time, there has always been, and are today, few male singers, often (but not always) of transferred gender (either transvestites or homosexuals), who are usually at the top of the hudhud-singing profession (if we can say so about the society where singers are not professional) and among the most knowledgeable. I was privileged to record repeatedly the hudhud singing and to discuss at length its ritual implications with Manuel (Ngayaw) Dulnuwan, a straight married man, my neighbor at the sitio of Bangawwan, Duit, Kiangan, one of the best hudhud soloists of the Ifugao province, in 1995-2006 (see Fig. 6).
Figure 6. Late Manuel (Ngayaw) Dulnuwan, one of the best munhaw-e (hudhud soloists) of the Ifugao province, sings hudhud di kolot for recording. Bangawwan, Duit, Kiangan municipality, Ifugao Province. January 2006. Photo by Maria V. Stanyukovich.

Male priests are usually neither knowledgeable nor interested in hudhud singing, but are a good source of data on the Ifugao pantheon, including the gods who are treated in the hudhud.

II.Epic as an instrument of communication between human and spirit worlds: general perspective
There is a universal idea shared by traditional peoples round the globe that the spirits are fond of folk narratives, of epic in particular. Epic singing is a way to please the spirits in order to gain something from them. There are different aspects of this attitude, wellresearched by Russian specialists on the basis of hundreds of different ethnic cultures since the pioneering works of Potanin (Potanin 1883) and Radloff (Radloff 1885)7. Epic singing is a part of exchange process between spirits and humans. While performing, humans give epics to the spirits in order to please them and gain something from them in exchange.

I was happy to find out in 2011, that samples of this rare hudhud genre, of which the experts on local culture of Kiangan deny the existence, were recently found (quite independently from me) and partially recorded in Asipulo by young Ifugao researchers from the group of Mr. Pedro Dulawan. This group, based in Lagawe, collected short samples of the hudhud in 2010 by the US embassy grant. 7 See (Zhirmunsky 1979, 1985; Reichl 1992; Putilov 1997; Nekludov 2003) for recent summaries and interpretations.

To give a few well-documented examples8: The Khakas people of the Altai mountains (Southern Siberia) would begin their storytelling by addressing the lord-spirit of the mountain with the words: Listen and give us more animals, and we will tell you more tales. In order to ensure success in hunting, a singer would be taken on the hunting expedition (Alekseev 1980). In the Russian North, the area near the White Sea where most Russian epics were recorded, the bylina (starina) epic singers were invited to seasonal fishing expeditions just to sing the epics. They would receive a share equal to every other participant who was really engaged in fishing (Astahova 1935, Krinichnaya 1954). According to the Yakut (Central Siberia), the owners of spectacular Olonho epics, the lordspirit of the woods and animals was so fond of tales that if pleased by a good performance in the night before a hunt, that would ensure the hunting partys success (Alekseev 1980, Troyakov 1969). The Ifugao concept of singing the hudhud epics during rice-weeding and rice-harvesting to please the gods and spirit of rice fits well into the general Austronesian concept of interaction with the soul of rice (mother/goddess of rice in Indonesia). To ensure a good harvest, the gentle soul of rice must be taken care of, pleased, and never be frightened by knives (general explanation of the traditional form of a tiny rice-cutter largely covered in the palm of a harvester) or loud and ungentle sounds (cf. Revunenkova 1990, 1992). In Ifugao this is only true in regard to local varieties of rice, which dominated the traditional agricultural calendar. Notably enough, lowland varieties of rice, that give two harvests a year and therefore are widely introduced for economic reasons, are of no ritual value, and therefore are not hudhuded. There is also another important aspect of this exchange. When the humans give epics to spirits, they actually return them their property. Heroic tales are believed to be initially received from spirits, and epic performance brings them back to the spirit world. The concept that epics have once been received from an ancestor, who combines the features of a shaman, an epic singer and an epic hero, are very widespread. For instance, Dede (Grandfather) Korkut, a crucial figure in many Turkic epics, known in the vast territory of Central Asia, is regarded as the source and keeper of the epic, as well as the first baksy (shaman and epic singer), who taught other baksy to play kobus, the music instrument that is as important for epic singing and shamanistic performance among the Kazakh, Kirghyz and others as the drum is for the Siberian shaman (cf. the works of Zhirmunsky, Neklyudov, Novik). The existence of similar concepts are documented for a number of Philippine epics. The term binukot (binokot) was applicable both to the epic singers and the main female characters (see Scott 1984 for the early Visayan epics; cf. also Revel 2008 for corresponding views in the epics of Palawan, Mindanao and Tawi-Tawi). The Ifugaos are no exception to the rule. Here is the myth about the origin of the Ifugao hudhud, recorded in many variations in different areas of the hudhud-singing area: The Kiangan version tells of a certain Pumbakhayon who, handh wand, long ago, emerged from the bagwol, "large rice terrace," of the fields at Kuto, adjacent to the terrace system at Libliban, where a group of women were busy harvesting and singing. The women saw Pumbakhayon swing his spear up and down, saw him dance to and fro on the dike of the
8

Cf. Reichl 1992: 94-95

terrace and nimbly move toward a big stone that blocked his path. There he stopped, vigorously stuck the butt of his spear into the stone, and squatted upon it. He took from his hip bag half a betel nut, enveloped it in a chewing leaf, and began to chew. After a while, he spat and shouted: "Hayooo! Dakayken binabin munhudhd hi bannu ad Liblban," "ye women storytellers <> in the rice fields at Libliban," "nailng di ngak hi nangngnangngolk hi ngdanku," "my ears are weary of hearing and hearing my name. Listen! I shall teach you to sing about other ancestors of yours." And then, he told them his stories about Aliguyun and Bugan, Dinulawan and Aginaya, Guminigin, Daulayan, and many other Ifugaw who fought the Ifugaw battles and celebrated the Ifugaw feasts. As the sun sank behind the mountains of the Upstream Region, Pumbakhayon finished his last hudhd. Then he arose, seized his spear, and plunged into the paddy. As he disappeared, all those who had seen him dancing and sitting on the stone fell dead on the spot. Only two young girls who had been harvesting in the halpat, "narrow terraces," whence they could not see Pumbakhayon, did not die. But they had heard him tell his hudhd tales. These two survivors taught Pumbakhayon's tales to their people, their children, their grandchildren." We, their descendants," the myth narrator concludes, "love to sing the many wonderful hudhud of Pumbakhayon." (Lambrecht 1967:309-310)
Figure 7. Singing hudhud di ani in the rice fields. Amduntug, Asipulo municipality, Ifugao Province, 1995. Photo by Maria V. Stanyukovich

This is a classical scheme of depicting how sacred knowledge was received from the spirit world. The hudhud is believed to be received from the spirit under the circumstances typical for the transmission of sacred knowledge. The women, who have seen the spirit, that is, who crossed the border between the world of spirits and humans, fall dead. And, noteworthy, the hudhud is given by the first epic hero to women, during rice harvesting. On the other hand, epic singing is believed to perform the function of distracting the spirits so that the people can steal from them. Summarizing Russian studies of that aspect of epic singing, Karl Reichl puts it as follows: The telling of tales, the singing of songs, and the performance of epic poetry during the hunting season is characteristic of a great number of Siberian peoples. [This custom is found among the speakers of Uralic languages like the Mordvinians, of Tungusic languages like the Nanay or the Evenki, of Mongolian languages like the Buryats, and of Turkic languages like the Yakuts, the Khakas, the Shors, and other Turks of the Altai.] The telling of tales is here connected to the hunting-ritual: by singing and storytelling the tutelary spirits of the animals to be hunted are either soothed or even distracted so that they will no longer pay attention to their charges. (Reichl 1992:94-95). This tie between the spirits and epic performance is a cause of multiple restrictions. Epics are performed only in certain periods of the year and of the day (usually at night), under special circumstances that vary from culture to culture. Breaking these restrictions may cause loss of game, loss of crops, illness and even death of the singer or someone from the audience, or of their relatives.

III.Ritual implications of hudhud

III.1. Hudhud Epic Heroes: Gods and Prayables In Ifugao, hudhud epic performance is primarily the process of interaction between humans and epic heroes. Evidence of interactive character is abundant in the hudhud texts. Often the

hudhud characters are directly addressed (see the analyses of the linguistic indicators of hudhud performance as a dialogic and dramatic genre in (Afable 2005, 2006, 2011). The heroes are not just personages of oral literature. They are mabaki prayables and halupe maule benevolent gods. L. Dulawan defines the mabaki in the following way: The Mabaki are the deified culture heroes, powerful supermen who lived in the past and whose exploits are recounted in the Ifugao Hudhud epics. They are invoked in the Hagoho (Curse and Counter-curse Ritual) and in the Ngayo (Head Hunting Ritual) (Dulawan 19841985:101). The halupe form a class of social-relations deities in the Ifugao pantheon. The specialization of these suggesting and harassing deities is to control mens minds and to suggest courses of conduct, the line of behavior. They are believed to be maule, kind, i.e. benevolently disposed towards humans. They act on behalf of humans in their interactions with other deities, thus performing the function of controlling the emotions and memories of other gods. The halupe deities form the core of halag, so-called womens religion (Barton 1946). They are also addressed in rituals performed by men. Halupe deities were reported by the earliest source on Ifugao mythology (Villaverde 1912). My field materials show that halupe, primarily the epic characters, are widely resorted to in the present-day life of the Ifugaos, including such modern spheres as political rivalry during the elections. In the spring of 1995, I was working in Amganad, Ifugao with a prominent ritual specialist. It was the time of great political activity because of coming elections. My informant refrained from political issues and took no sides in campaigning. In the night before the elections he had to hide from his neighbors and relatives, who belonged to different parties they all wanted him to perform rituals to halupe deities, that is, epic heroes, to ensure the victory of their candidates during the elections (Stanyukovich 1999, 2001). The halupe class of deities is one of the biggest in Ifugao pantheon. It is outnumbered only by the makalun, messenger-deities. Some of the knowledge is already lost, but general characteristics of this class are still well-known to the Ifugao munbaki priests. The detailed description of the halupe class of deities can be found in early sources. The halupe are believed to bend men's wills to that of the invoker, to convince, which implies persuading as well as bullying, scaring, bluffing etc.: The halupe are a class of deities that keep an idea constantly before the mind of one whom they are sent to harass. They are most frequently used against debtors; but they may be sent to soften the wrath of an enemy or the stubbornness of a pretty girl, or for other purposes. They are induced to serve the end of him who invokes them by the sacrifice of a pig or chicken and by offerings of betels and rice wine. (Barton 1919:114). Other deities of that class beside hudhud epic heroes are deified emotion and states of mind.

III.2. Overview of hudhud varieties

III.2.1. It is all about rice: hudhud di ani/page When asked what makes the hudhud of rice different from hudhud of the dead, all my informants always give one and the same answer: It is all about rice. If you put a more specific question, you will get a list of names of hudhud heroes or indications that they are benevolent gods halupe maule. However, an answer to a generalized question is always the same, regardless of the region, gender of the informant, soloist or mun-abbuy those who sing in chorus: It is all about rice. The hudhud-singing area is within the geographic

boundaries where female agricultural rites were defined (but not documented) in the early 20th century (Barton 1946). It is the function of the epic performance that makes these heroic tales about feud, battles and reconciliation by intermarriage be all about rice. Hudhud singing while harvesting reminds the epic heroes, benevolent gods, of the needs of humans, pleases them and returns them the epics that they gave to Ifugaos handi wandi, in time immemorial. In exchange, the epic heroes ensure the miraculous increase of rice, the basis of life and the sacred plant par excellence of the Ifugaos. Multiplication of rice - actually multiplication of life - is the principal function of hudhud performance. We can suggest that in earlier times there used to be an additional function - that of ensuring the safety of harvesters. In a headhunting society a group of women working at the fields constitutes a potential target. Acquiring the attention of epic heroes, who are halupe maule, kind peacemaking deities, would diminish risk of being attacked.
Figure 8. Singing hudhud di ani in the rice fields. Munhaw-e, the soloist. Amduntug, Asipulo municipality, Ifugao province, 1995. Photo by Maria V. Stanyukovich

To ensure the safety of rice harvesters, men priests would perform hanglag rituals with sacrifices to gods, including the halupe epic heroes. A multifunctional rite of binudbud tying up - constituted the core of that ritual. The function of binudbud was to tie up the new rice (that is, to ensure its safety and miraculous increase), to tie up the appetites of the harvesters in rice consuming, so that they will be satisfied having eaten just a little. The immediate effect would result in diminishing the expenses of the owner of the field for feeding the group of harvesters, but a general effect is believed to last for the whole year, till the new harvest. And last, but not least, the rite was supposed to tie up enmity, anger and bloodshed implements knives and spears. The women ensured the same effect by singing hudhud epics while harvesting. Let me remind you that Ifugao hudhud is a unique example of a heroic tale where no one ever gets killed or even wounded, an expression of a peacemaking ideology that developed in a headhunting society (cf. Stanyukovich 1982, 1994, 2000).

III.2.2. Manipulating the memory of the dead: hudhud di nate

The main functions of hudhud singing during the funeral wakes and at bogwa, the second burial, are as follows: - to notify linnawa the soul of the deceased of its new status and to make it admit it; - to achieve reconciliation between the soul of the dead and the living relatives (i.e., making both sides forget ill feelings, if there were any); - to loosen emotional ties between the dead and the living but to keep the intellectual ties between two sides; - to ensure that linnawa forgets the way back home.
Figure 9. Singing hudhud at the funeral wake. Anao, Ifugao province, 1995. Photo by Maria V. Stanyukovich.

In other words, the aim is to restore the territorial boundary between the dead and the living that has been jeopardized by a recent death. The soul of the deceased, led by a spirit conductor Domia by means of hudhud singing, must be convinced to forget the way back and to cool its emotions towards its living kin, in that intense positive emotions towards those left on earth are just as dangerous for the living as are the negative ones. Traditionally, the male priests were simultaneously working on resolving the problem of recent death by their own instruments: singing alim at the funeral wakes (see Rosario 2003,

2005 for the alim characteristics, text with translation and gender discourse). As Manuel Dulawan puts it, In the early years, hudhud chanting was done only by women. Gradually, men began to participate in the hudhud sessions starting during wakes. <> The reason for the men in joining hudhud chanting is the fact that there have been no ritual performances during which alim and baltung, both exclusively mens ritual chants, are performed (M. Dulawan 2000).

In order to forget, one needs to refresh remembrances first

Traditional cultures require strong demonstration of grief at funerals; when the official lamentation period comes to an end these demonstrations are to be stopped. In Ifugao immediately after death the women start alage lamentations pleading for the soul of the dead to return to the dead body. Female relatives mungngulngul wail, men wound themselves to demonstrate their grief. Emotional ties are not easy to break. In Ifugao it is the intense love of the deceased towards the living that is believed to constitute a danger. Moving the dead body from place to place in daytime, and the soul of the deceased by the means of hudhud epic or hudhud-shaped narratives are aimed to break these ties. Hence all the localities that were most important for the deceased are visited physically or by hudhud song. The possibilities of moving the corpse are understandably limited, whereas in a song the linnawa di nate covers very big distances.
Figure 10. Moving the dead body from Anao to Hingyon. Ifugao province, 1995. Photo by Maria V. Stanyukovich

After visiting the places crucial for the deceased person, the soul is led downstream, first in real geography, then into the mythological area to Kadungayan. Before the soul reaches that place, it talks to the hudhud-singing group, usually through one of the mun-abbuy (chorus members). Possession is painful, people try to avoid it, shake off the spirit, when they feel that it approaches. Once caught by the spirit, the possessed talks on behalf of the deceased. The soloist answers, explaining that the soul is dead (the soul does not know it), all the funeral rites and sacrifices are duly performed, and asks for awil the farewell gift. This awil, received from the border between the mythological downstream region and Kadungayan, consists of the unborn souls of children, pigs, chickens and rice (that is, rice that will appear during next harvest). The underworld is the source of fertility; a deceased relative endows the kin left behind with fertility.
Figure 11. Singing a hudhud-shaped funeral chant. Amduntug, Asipulo municipality, Ifugao. 1995. Photo by MariaV. Stanyukovich.

Epic singer and Domia the conductor of souls

To do it, the munhaw-e - the soloist resorts to the help of Domia, a specialized conductor of souls. Domia leads linnawan nan nakatte - the soul of the dead along the dalan, the path, suggested to her by a soloist by the means of an epic chant. Only women know about the existence of Domia. Most Ifugao men do not, apart from a few male hudhud soloists. No wonder that Domia is unknown to the researchers as well it is never mentioned in the books of Villaverde, Barton or Lambrecht. My female informants including Apo Caridad, whose hudhud was recorded by Lourdes Dulawan and Nicole Revel and deposited at the Ateneo archive explain, that Domia is a banig a ghost. It belongs to the category of adi matibon those who can not be seen, therefore no one can tell what Domia looks like. Gender is also unknown. Domias functions

are restricted to conducting the souls of the dead to Dungay, or Kadungayan abode of the dead. The banig ghosts is a rather big category with subdivisions that are not sufficiently researched for obvious reasons. There are temporary and permanent ghosts. The souls of the dead right after the death, before they get to Dungay, belong to temporary ghosts. They are classified according to the cause of death. The list of permanent ghosts falls into 10 categories: ghosts of rats, cats, dogs, pythons, civet cats, wild boars, pigs, cobras and our Human Companions. They can cause illness (Barton 1946). Some banig are attached to particular places: Waday banig kediyen bale There is a banig in this house. They are more dangerous during the night: Adika ume gawwan di hilong te mabanig ka man Do not go out of the house in the middle of the night, you can meet a banig. People cannot see them, but can hear their voices, whereas dogs can see the banig: Mungkulul nan ahu te wadan tiniboy banig The dog wails, probably it has seen the banig9. In Lambrechts dictionary we find an entry on a special kind of rice called imbanigan. It is grown on border terraces especially for the banig , who are believed to like these places 10. A kind of banig called Domia leads linnawan nan nakatte by the means of an epic or epicshaped song during the night time, when the body is kept under the house. Local variations in hudhud epic singing in Tuwali-Ifugao and Hanglulu\Yattuka-speaking areas of Ifugao province result in the distribution of ritual functions between different genres within the frame of one ritual situation. All the hudhud epics documented so far in the Ateneo archive were recorded in TuwaliIfugao- speaking localities: Kiangan, Ibulaw, Lagawe. My fieldwork shows that these areas, as well as Anao and Hingyon, are characterized by the use of proper epic hudhud forms at funeral wakes. Hudhud-shaped ritual songs seem to be limited to the South of these territories, on the boundary with Asipulo and inside Asipulo municipalities. However, the belief in Domia the conductor of souls by means of funeral hudhud singing is shared all over the hudhudsinging area. That explains possessions, that occur during the funeral hudhud-singing in the territories, where proper epic hudhud varieties are used to bid the deceased farewell.

III.3. Summoning supernatural help for procreation in other lifecycle rituals: hudhud at uyauy, hudhud di kolot
Epic or epic fragments are often sung during important rituals. In the Philippines, Labaw Donggon epic fragments used to be performed at weddings (Jocano 1964) among the Sulod of Panay, Ullalim epics as a part of Kalinga (Northern Luzon) headhunting rites in the past, and, more recently, at peace pact celebrations that partially inherited the headhunting ritual (Billiet, Lambrecht 1970). The examples can be easily multiplied with cases from all over the world. Elena Novic, a prominent researcher of folklore and ritual, defines two main ways of interaction of ritual and storytelling. The first is the incorporation of fragments or even entire stories with completed plot into the fabric of the ritual, and the second is the reproduction or, at very least, an intention of reproduction of parts of it in the course of a ritual (Novik 1989:22). Hudhud-singing while harvesting and proper hudhud epics sung at funeral wakes can be regarded as a variant of the former case, where hudhud is used as as a fabric, a plan
9

Examples taken from Hohulin, Hohulin 2011a Inggahal-rice is also called imbanigan [cf. under banig], as if it were also cultivated for phantoms which are believed to roam about near the border terraces of a rice field system; such terraces are sometimes gravelly (Lambrecht 1978).
10

of expression (along with other nonverbal means) of contact established with the spirits (to apply Noviks definition made on Siberian materials). As to hudhud-singing during the uyauy and during the haircut ritual, it seems that they can be classified as the latter case. I have never witnessed hudhud performance at uyauy, of which we know from early records. This ritual belongs to lifecycle ceremonies (weddings); at the same time it is a prestige feast, connected with the traditional system of ranks. It requires demonstration and sharing of wealth (a potlatch) in the form of sacrificing large numbers of animals and distributing meat among the community, to confirm the kadangyan status (higher rank) of the marrying couple. This expensive ritual is no longer performed. We do not know, if the whole hudhud story was sung during the uyauy, or perhaps the episodes of the epic, depicting the uyauy marriage feast of the hudhud heroes. Anyway, there is neither evidence in early literature, nor any reminiscences of a special hudhud genre for the uyauy among the knowledgeable old people nowadays. It is different in the case of hudhud di kolot epics of the haircut. It is defined as a separate genre in the Kalanguya-speaking part of hudhud-singing area, and seems to be completely non-existent in the Tuwali-speaking part of it. The haircut ritual also belongs to prestige cycle and is no longer performed for the same reasons as the uyauy11.
Figure 12. Ruben Gumangan, a young munhaw-e (hudhud soloist) helps the author interviewing Appin Gumangan, one of the best hudhud singers of Asipulo municipality, before performing hudhud di kolot (see them both in 1995 on Figure 11). Amduntug, January 2011. Photo by Maria V. Stanyukovich

More investigations, recording and interviewing are needed in regard to these two forms. We can only state now that the function of epics in both cases was to summon the help of hudhud heroes, the halupe maule, to endow those to whom the ritual was performed with the help of these benevolent gods. Traditionally both the uyauy marriage ceremony and the kolot rituals were performed for young children who were to grow up in the capacity of gaowa, the centre of the kin group. Once the married couple and the nakoltan (the boy being kolotted, that is, the boy for whom the ritual of kolot, haircut, was performed) are grown up, they will be already endowed with fertility and supernatural help, ensured by the rituals performed for them in childhood.

Conclusion: Philippine epics in transition***

The Philippines, a treasury of oral folk epics, gives us a precious opportunity to research epics in transition. Transition implies documenting epics and introducing them to a wider audience; it also implies numerous losses suffered by a living epic tradition when it attracts national and international attention, and becomes a concern of the state and the educational system. At such a time an oral tradition, imbedded in a local culture, beliefs and rituals, inevitably starts being turned into a piece of ethnic literature. The method of transmission is another crucial point. Folklore survives only if it is transmitted in the traditional oral way. It is not a question of how widespread literacy is. There are folklore genres that are specific to urban communities with 100% literate population - they flourish in the heart of urban society, being transmitted orally. Living epics survive within societies that have had systems of writing for many centuries but only if they are transmitted orally. The only way folklore can survive is within the frame of stability and
11

I was able to record hudhud di kolot in Duit in 1995 and 2006, and in Amduntug in 2011, from different singers. Regretfully, these are performances done on my request, not at the genuine ritual. They are still worth being transcribed and published, as there is little hope of making a recording of that rare genre during the ritual.

variability. Once either of these two components is lost, folklore dies. Substituting school training based on printed normative hudhud texts for the traditional oral way of epics transmission violates the very principles of folklore and undermines the living tradition12, as well as forming the insambels performing groups that represent Ifugao culture with neither knowledge nor respect for the real tradition13. W. Radloff, one of the founders of the Russian school of epic studies, wrote as early as 1885: Every singer with some ability always improvises his songs according to the inspiration of the moment, so that he is incapable of reciting his poem twice in an absolutely identical manner. <> Because of his extensive experience in performing he has, if I may say so, a number of narrative units (Vortragstheile) at his disposal, which he puts together in a manner appropriate to the course of the narrative. Such units are descriptions of certain events and situations <> The singer is able to use the elements listed above in different ways. He can sketch one and the same picture with a few short strokes, he can give a fuller description or he can, in epic breadth, paint a very detailed picture. The more different narrative units at a singers disposal, the more varied will be his song and the longer he will be able to recite without tiring his audience by the monotony of his descriptions. The number of units a singer knows and the skill with which he can put them together are the measure of his artistry (Radloff 1885: xvi-xvii) (sited from English translation in Reichl 2010:2). Since that time the mechanisms of traditional schools of singers that really work were wellresearched in Russian epic studies. They are all based on apprenticeship and oral communication14.

Here is the description of the way hudhud is being taught: Typically, teaching aids were simple: handwritten hudhud texts on poster paper (in some cases, the reverse side of old calendars), handdrawn illustrations of the episode being taught. In several cases each student had her own text to read (either photocopied or handwritten), but in most cases they read together from the board. Hudhud entails a responsorial performance, in which one singerthe munhaw-esings a phrase and then the other singers respond in chorus. In the performances, one girl took on this role. In the classes, the teacher might divide the class into halves and one half would take the munhaw-e role (singing in chorus) while the other half responded (Terminal report 2008:5). 13 The results are already there: The insambel performances are largely by rote, with the chanters having almost no idea as to the meaning of the texts; these would be difficult even for older, more competent, Ifugao speakers. When we suggested that four minutes of hudhud was somewhat abbreviated for a narrative that can last more than twenty-four hours, they offered to sing for longer, provided the women could read out their lines from a printed sheet (Blench, Campus 2011:13). 14 If transmission is oral-traditional, the apprentice singer generally learns his (or her) repertoire from a master singer. Maurice Bowra, in his Heroic Poetry, quotes some Russian performers of byliny on how they learned their epic songs, and in bylina studies, the concept of regional schools of singers has been developed by a number of scholars (Bowra 1952:443-51; Chicherov 1982). Bowra also mentions the oral tradition of Uzbek epic singers, a subject more closely analysed by Viktor Zhirmunsky, particularly in his monograph on Uzbek oral epic poetry, which he wrote together with the Uzbek folklorist Hdi Zarif (Zhirmunsky and Zarifov 1947). It was usual for a singer -to-be to stay with a master singer for a certain period. Generally, teaching and board were free in exchange for help in the household and on the farm. Learning an epic consisted in repeatedly listening to the performance of the teacher and in imitating what was heard by repeating the poems in smaller portions. These units were then composed into a larger whole. When the young singer was sufficiently trained, a public first performance was organized, where he received his teachers blessing (called fatia, an Arabic loan-word) and was released (from his articles). (Reichl 2010:16-17).
12

The greatest problem faced by traditional societies worldwide is a problem of cultural loss under the pressure of political changes, dominant state ideology, development and globalization. In the Philippines we still find a vast variety of epic genres and plots, different ways of narrating, the use of various music instruments for the accompaniment as well as a capella singing, individually or in chorus. These luxurious oral traditions are all endangered. They belong to small minority groups that are losing their languages and culture. Most, if not all the Philippine oral epics have important ritual functions which put them in conflict with the rapid Christianization of highland areas. The Catholic Church is quite tolerant of traditional culture nowadays. In fact, we owe the major part of our knowledge about the lost treasures of Philippine traditional culture, including epics, to missionaries Catholic missionaries from Spain in the 16th- 19th c., from Belgium in the 20th c., as well as to SIL missionaries and dictionary-makers during the last 60 years. However, the areas where oral epics are preserved are today battlefields of militant fundamentalist sects. Some of them are exceptionally hostile to traditional culture. In the barrios of the Kiangan/Asipulo boundary of the Ifugao province hudhud epic performances ad payo, at the rice fields, were forcefully stopped by Pentecostals in the 1980s. It happened not long before the UNESCO nomination of hudhud as intangible heritage. Since the nomination the hudhud singing contests are being organized, support and propaganda for hudhud singing is conducted by the School of Living Traditions, as well as in ordinary elementary schools. However, the real traditional hudhud singing ad payo in the fields - have not resumed, because Pentecostals and Saksi ni Iegova - Jehovah's Witnesses are still there and still against it. Oral epics are fragile. Modern changes cause all kinds of deformations in plot, elimination of certain themes, change of duration and ritual restrictions for epic singing, and total loss of the most sacred parts and ritual implications of an epic tradition (Cf. Stanyukovich 2006). In any culture knowledge is distributed unevenly. There are elements of specialization even in a simple society, all the members of which are engaged in hunting/gathering or agricultural activities. One person is knowledgeable in plants, another in rituals of a certain nature, the third in blacksmithing. As Patricia Afable stated almost 50 years ago in her early work on other Kalanguya-speaking people, the Ibaloy, "While the local priest may be able to come up with a neat classification of the functions of various spirits and deities, this knowledge is by no means universal in the society. Moreover, there is little interest among most people in acquiring whatever spirit lore exists today" (Afable 1975:107). The Ifugao and Kalanguya cultures still belong to those blessed with distinct regional variations. A death of just one expert, who did not have a successor, can results in a permanent loss of an entire area of his expertise in traditional knowledge. Kohau rongo-rongo, the talking tablets of Easter Island is perhaps the most drastic example. The Easter islanders have lost their experts in the local hieroglyphic system due to an epidemic. After that the native population was still there, and the talking tablets were there, but no one among the survivals could read them any more. In some areas of the Ifugao, where hudhud singing is still preserved, epic is already perceived as those talking tablets, the real meaning of which is lost to a great extent. The growth of popularity of hudhud tradition due to the UNESCO nomination results in the process of replacement of real experts (in our case, mostly illiterate old women) by more active and powerful members of the society, who represent the hudhud outside the province and have louder voices to explain the tradition for researchers and educators. They are mostly middleaged men, often good experts in male Ifugao culture, who can grasp the tune and the wording

of the womens tradition, but are unaware of its ritual functions, even of the existence of Domia, a special spirit, who play the leading role in funeral epic chants. Fortunately, there are still areas where genuine hudhud varieties are preserved, and the living experts. To conclude, Id like to come back to the point of epic as art. Epic develops as a genre in a simple society. Later, in a process of formation of a complex society, local oral epics undergo transformations. If the changes come gradually, they allow the epic tradition to adjust to a new environment step by step. Although epic is a flexible genre, local traditions are very much rooted in local culture; if the changes are rapid, the tradition exceeds the limits of flexibility and collapses. As a result, most local epic traditions are lost; those few that survive, spread out beyond the borders of their original territory. The cost paid by an epic tradition for proliferation in space is a loss of its deep inner self. In the process of transformation, the epic tradition loses its original ritual ties and functions, which are valid only for the territory native to it. Having lost its sacred functions, the epic tradition is not limited any more by multiple ritual restrictions that control time, place, manner and circumstances required previously for performing, the right to be a performer and to be a recipient - the one who listens to the performance. Epic singing is endowed with new functions ideological (often nationalistic) and those of entertainment. Epic singers are invited to the courts of the rulers. The rulers interfere with the contents of the epic song and define what is appropriate and what is not. In a simple society an epic singer and a shaman (often these functions are combined in one person) are key figures. They are go-betweens, intermediates between the world of gods (spirits) and the world of humans. They are responsible for keeping these two worlds well-balanced, thus ensuring the well-being of the local community. Functions of epic singers in a complex society are far less important. They must comply with the tastes of humans, not gods and spirits: a singer at the court must satisfy the expectations of the ruler, whereas professional bards who travel in search of new audiences and financial support have to be in tune with their democratic audience. The language of the epic also undergoes changes towards transparency. Whence a part of ritual cycle (life cycle, agricultural cycle etc.), epic performance, just like any ritual text performance, is addressed primarily to gods and spirits. The ritual specialist (epic singer in our case) uses sacred language in order to be well-understood by gods. This special language, known as the language of spirits or shamanic language is largely unknown by those who are not ritual specialists15. In the time of transformation, the incomprehensibility of language of the epic stops being a merit and becomes an obstacle in performing epics new function of entertainment per se. The further the epic tradition from its initial archaic state, the more ritual and magic functions are replaced by aesthetic ones. This is precisely what we witness nowadays in the process of globalization of Ifugao hudhud. Gradual loss of intimate connection between a hudhud singer and her traditional audience that shares the knowledge of epic tradition and its ritual implications results in progressive desacralization of the hudhud and its transaction into a piece of ethnic art that will survive predominantly in textbooks.

Bibliography
Abrera 2009 Abrera, Maria Bernadette L. Seclusion and Veiling of Women: A historical and cultural approach. Philippine Social Sciences Review, Vol. 60, No 1. Pp. 33-56.
15

Understanding the language of spirits requires elaborate work. The task being so hard, these texts are often regarded as glossolalia. Gregory Maskarinecs book of Nepalese shaman oral texts with translations shows beautifully that shaman texts are thoroughly meaningful (Maskarinec 1998).

Acabado 2010 - Acabado, Stephen. The Archaeology of the Ifugao Agricultural Terraces: Antiquity and Social Organization. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Hawaii. Ms., 281 p. Afable 1975 - Afable, Patricia O. Mortuary Ritual Among The Ibaluy. Asian Folklore Studies, Vol. 34, No. 2. Pp. 103-126. Afable 2004 - Afable, Patricia O. Notes for an Ethnohistory of the Southern Cordillera, Northern Luzon: A Focus on Kalanguya. The Journal of History, Vol. 50, No 1-4 (2004). Pp. 152-174. (Reprinted in translation into Russian in: Stanyukovich, Maria, ed. Indonesians and their neighbores. Festschrift for Elena V. Revunenkova and Alexander K. Ogloblin. Maclay Publications, Issue 1, St.Petersburg, MAE RAS, 2008. Pp. 277-302) Afable 2005 - Afable, Patricia O. An Ethnopoetic Study of the Ifugao Epic Bugan nak Pangaiwan. // Maria V. Stanyukovich, Dmitry A. Funk. Panel Epic hero and Epic Singer in Traditional Society. // VI Russian Congress of Anthropologists. Conference book. St.Petersburg, p. 194; http://web1.kunstkamera.ru/science/congress2005/08_2.pdf Afable 2006 - Afable, Patricia O. An Ethnopoetic Study of the Ifugao Epic Bugan nak Pangaiwan. // 10-International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Puerto Princesa, Philippines, 2006. Retrieved January 10, 2012, from http://www.sil.org/asia/philippines/ical/abstracts/Afable_Ifugao%20epic.pdf. Afable 2011 - Afable, Patricia O. Linguistic Performance in Ifugao Hudhud: an Ethnohistorical and Ethnopoetic Study. Songs of memory. An international conference on Epics and Ballads. Ateneo de Manila University, January 20-22, 2011. Abstract. Retrieved January 10, 2012, from http://ateneo.edu/songsofmemory/paper-presentations-day-3.htm Barton 1938 - Barton, Roy Franklin. Philippine pagans Autobiographies of three Ifugaos. London, 1938. Reprinted with a change of title: Barton R.F. Autobiographies of Three Pagans in the Philippines. New York, 1963 Barton 1946 - Barton, Roy Franklin. The Religion of the Ifugaos. Menasha, WI, 1946. American Anthropologist, N.C., vol. 48, No 4, 1946, pt. 2, pp. 1-219. (American Anthropological Association Memoir; No. 65). Barton 1955 - Barton, Roy Franklin. The Mythology of the Ifugaos. Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, vol. 46, pp. 1-244. Baiburin 2003 Baiburin, Albert K. Nekotoriye predstavleniya o pamyati v traditsionnoy kulture. [Some concepts of memory in traditional culture] // B.N. Putolov. Folklor i narodnaya kultura [Folklore and traditional culture]. In memoriam. St. Petersburg. Pp. 252-258. Billiet & Lambrecht 1970 - Billiet, Francisco & Lambrecht, Francis H. Studies on Kalinga Ullalim and Ifugaw Orthography. Baguio City, The Catholic School Press, 1970, pp. 1-287. Bogatyryov & Yacobson 1929 - Bogatyryov, Pyotr G. [and] Yacobson, Roman. Die Folklore al seine besondere Form des Schaffens // Verzameling van Opstellen door Outleerlingen en Bevriende Vakgenooten Donum natalicium Schrijnen, 2. Nijmegen; Utrecht, 1929. S. 900-913 Bogoraz 1913 - Bogoraz, Vladimir (Waldemar) G. The Eskimo of Siberia. Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 12, Pt. 3. [Reprint from Vol. VIII, Pt. III, of the Jessup North Pacific Expedition]. Leiden & New York.

Bogoraz 1919 - Bogoraz, Vladimir (Waldemar) G. O tak nazyvayemom yazyke dukhov (shamanskom) u razlichnykh vetvey eskimosskogo plemeni [On the so-called Language of Spirits (Shamanistic language) Among Some Branches of Eskimo Tribe]. Izvestiya Akademii Nauk, Seria VI, Vol. XIII, pp. 489-495. Blench, Campos 2010 Blench, Roger & Campos, Fredeliza. Recording Oral Literature in a Literate Society: A Case Study from the Northern Philippines. Language Documentation and Description, Vol. 8, Special issue: Oral Literature and Language Endangerment, ed. by Mark Turin and Imogen Gunn. London: Hans Rausing Endangered Languages Project, Department of Linguistics, School of Oriental and African Studies. 16 pp. Conklin 1980 - Conklin, Harold C. Ethnographic Atlas of Ifugao: A Study of Environment, Culture, and Society in Northern Luzon. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 116 p. Daguio 1952 Daguio, Amador Taguinod. Hudhud Hi Aliguyon: a translation of an Ifugao harvest song with introduction and notes. MA Thesis, Stanford University. Daguio 1983 - Daguio, Amador Taguinod. Hudhud hi Aliguyun. In: J.V.Castro, A.T. Antonio et al. Epics of the Philippines. Anthology of the ASEAN literatures, vol.1, Quezon City, pp.17-66. Dulawan 2000 - Dulawan, Manuel. Oral literature of the Ifugao. NCCA, Manila. Dulawan 2005 Dulawan, Lourdes S. Singing Hudhud in Ifugao. In: Literature of Voice. Epics in the Philippines, Revel Nicole, ed., Ateneo de Manila University, pp. 115- 124. Hohulin, Hohulin 2011 Hohulin, Lou, Hohulin, Richard. Ifugao Tuwali database. Javier, Lucero, Manuel 1994- D. Javier with R. C. Lucero and E. A. Manuel. Kinaray-a. Encyclopedia of Philippine Art, Cultural Center of the Philippines, 1994. Ifugao migrants 2007 - Ifugao migrants in and around the Northern Sierra Madre Natural Park. Jan van der Ploeg, Gerard A. Persoon and Mercedes D. Masipiquena, eds. CML student report no. 225, Leiden, 262 p. Himes 1998, - Himes Ronald. S. The Southern Cordilleran Group of Philippine languages, Oceanic Linguistics, vol. 37, No 1. 1998. Pp. 120-177. Jocano 1964 - Jocano, F. Landa. The epic of Labaw Donggon. PSSHR, March, 1964, v. XXIX, pp. 1103. Lambrecht 1957 Lambrecht Fr. Ifugao epic story: Hudhud of Aliguyun at Hananga. University of Manila Journal of East Asiatic Studies, vol. 6, No. 34, pp. 1-203. Lambrecht Fr. 1960. Ifugaw hu'dhud. Hu'dhud of Aliguyun who was bored by the rustle of the palm tree at Aladugen. Folklore Studies, Tokyo, vol. 19, pp. 1-174. Lambrecht Fr. 1961 Ifugaw hu'dhud (continued). Hu'dhud of Bugan with whom the ravens flew away, at Gonhadan. Folklore Studies, Tokyo, vol. 20, pp. 136-273. Lambrecht Fr. 1965 Ifugao Hu'dhud literature. Saint Louis Quarterly, Baguio, vol. 3, No. 2, pp. 191-214.

Lambrecht Fr. 1967 Lambrecht Fr. The Hu'dhud of Dinulawan and Bugan at Gonhadan. Saint Louis Quarterly, vol. 5, No. 34, pp. 267-713. Lambrecht Fr. 1978 Ifugaw-English Dictionary. Quezon City, Philippines. Magos 1990 - Magos, Alicia P. The Bisayan Babaylan: From Prehistoric to Contemporary Times. In Papers on the First Local Conference on Ilonggo Culture and History. Monograph. Iloilo:University of the Philippines in the Visayas. Magos 1995 - Magos, Alicia. The Binukot (Well-Kept Maiden) in a Changing Socio-Political Perspective (ca. 1850s-1994) // Edukasyon (Gender Issues). Diliman, Quezon City: Center for Integrative and Development Studies UP-ERP Monograph Series, Vol. I, No.4, October-December 1995. pp. 61-77. Manuel 1963 - Manuel E. A. A Survey of Philippine Folk Epics. Asian Folklore Studies. Tokyo, 1963, v. 22. pp. 1-76. Maskarinec 1998 - Maskarinec G.G. Nepalese Shaman Oral Texts. Harvard University Press, 1998. Nekludov 2003 Nekludov, Sergey Yu. Spetsifika slova I teksta v ustnoy traditsii [The Specifics of the Word and of the Text in Oral Tradition] // Vyach. Vs. Ivanov, ed. Evraziyskoye prostranstvo: Zvuk, Slovo, Obraz [Eurasian Space: Sound, Word, Image]. Yaziki Slavyanskoy kultury Publishing House, Moscow. pp. 108-119. Novik 1989 - Novik Elena S. The Archaic Epic and Its Relationship to Ritual // Soviet Anthropology and Archeology, Fall 1989, Vol. 28, No. 2, pp. 20-100.

Nues 1972 - Nues E. H. Some epic laws of Labaw Danggon. Unitas, 1972. pp. 39-52. Nues 1978 - Nues E. H. Oral perfomances in some traditional narratives. Unpublished MS,
1978, 8 pp. Berezkin 2011 - Berezkin Yuri E. Chetyre folklornykh motiva iz tryokh epoch v istorii Filippin I Indonezii [Four Folklore Motifs Related to Three Epochs in History of Indonesia and the Philippines] // Pilipinas muna! The Philippines is a Priority! In honor of Gennediy Yevgenyevich Rachkov. Edited and compiled by Maria V. Stanyukovich. Maclay Publications, Issue 4, St.Petersburg. pp. 138-174. Potanin 1893 G.N. Potanin. Tangutsko-tibetskaja okraina Kitaja i Central'naja Mongolija [The Tangut-Tibetan Border Area of China and Central Mongolia]. St.Petersburg: A.S. Suvorin. Prill-Brett 2004 - Prill-Brett, June. Gender Relations and Gender Issues on Resource Management in the Central Cordillera, Northern Philippines. Review of Women's Studies, Vol. XIV No. 1 (JanuaryJune 2004). Prill-Brett 2008 - Prill-Brett, June. Sexual and Reproductive Health in the Context of Cordillera Cultural Communities Through Time. Conference Book, First Cordillera Studies Conference, UP Baguio, Baguio City. Pyer-Pereira 2007 - Pyer-Pereira, Tiana. Telling Tales: Memory, Culture, and the Hudhud Chants. Swarthmore College, Department of Linguistics, pp. 1-36. Retrieved January 10, 2012, from http://www.swarthmore.edu/SocSci/Linguistics/xling131-2007.html. 13 2010 .

Putilov 1997 Putilov, Boris N. Epicheskoye skazitelsvvo. Tipologiya I etnicheskaya spetsifika [Epic Singing. Typology and Ethnic Variations]. Moscow, Nauka, 1997. 295 p. Radloff 1885 - Radloff, W., ed. and trans. Proben der Volkslitteratur der nordlichen turkischen Stamme. V. Der Dialect der Kara-Kirgisen. St. Petersburg. Reichl 1992 Reichl, Karl. Turkic Oral Epic Poetry: Traditions, Forms, Poetic Structure. 1992. Reichl 2010 Reichl, Karl. Oral Epics: Problems of Memory, Performance, and Transmission. Beijing, 18 October 2010 (MS). Reichl in print Reichl, Karl. Viktor irmunskij und die oral-formulaic theory // Festschrift for Prof. Helmut Keipert. Bonn. 10 pp. Reid 1971 - Reid L. Philippine minor Languages: Word lists and Phonologies. Oceanic Linguistics Special Publication No. 8. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Reid 1974 - Reid L. A. The Central Cordilleran Subgroup of Philippine Languages. // Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 13, No. 1974: Pp. 511-560. Revel & Stanyukovich 2004 - Revel, Nicole and Stanyukovich, Maria V. The Role of the Epic Singer and Epic Hero in Traditional Power Structures of the Philippines// Hierarchy and Power in the History of Civilizations: Third Intern. Conf. (Moscow, June 18-21, 2004), p.151. Revel 2005 -. Revel, Nicole. Silungan Baltapa. A Sama Kata-Kata from Tawi-Tawi (Philippines). The Narrative, Words and Music, In: // M.V.Stanyukovich, D.A.Funk Panel Epic Hero and Epic Singer in Traditional Society. // VI Russian Congress of Anthropologists. Conference book. St.Petersburg. P. 194; http://web1.kunstkamera.ru/science/congress2005/08_2.pdf Revel 2005 The Narrative, Words and Music, in The Voyage to Heaven of a Sama Hero. Silungan Baltapa, Nicole Revel ed., Geuthner 251p. & 1 DVDrom. Revel 2005-The Teaching of the Ancestors in Literature of Voice. Epics in the Philippines, Revel Nicole , ed., [Proceedings of the 2000 Conference in Ateneo de Manila University], Office of the President Publication, 236 p., 32 photos, 1 video-disk of the performances, pp. 1-22. Revel 2006 -.Memory of Voice: Archiving and Analyzing Oral Compositions, 10th (ICAL), International Conference on Austronesian Languages (Part 1), vol. 37, n1, Philippine Journal of Linguistics, pp.1-33. http://www.sil.org/asia/philippines/ical/papers.html Revel 2008 - Heroic Characters as Models of Leader in Philippines Oral Epics. In Indonesians and their neighbours. Festcshrift for Elena V. Revunenkova and Alexander K. Ogloblin Stanyukovich, Maria, ed.. Maklay Publications, Issue 1, St.-Petersburg, MAE RAS, 2008. pp. 186208. Revel, in collaboration with Tourny, 2003 - Revel, Nicole and Olivier Tourny. A Poetic and Musical Approach to Sung Narratives. In A Search in Asia for a New Theory of Music. Edited by Jose Buenconsejo. Quezon City: UP Center for Ethnomusicology, pp. 271-290. Revel, in collaboration with Tourny, 2007 Singing Hudhud, the Words and the Music, in Hudhud and Noh. A Dialogue of Cultures, Colloquia and Performances, Amparo Adelina C. Umali, Naohiko Umewaka & Rosario del Rosario (eds.), University of the Philippines Center for International Studies, Japan Foundation, Manila, pp. 52-61.

Revunenkova 1980 - Revunenkova, Elena V. Narody Malazii i Zapadnoi Indonezii (nekotorye aspekty dukhovnoi kul'tury). [The Peoples of Malaysia and Western Indonesia (Some Aspects of Spiritual Culture)]. Moscow: Nauka. 274 pp. Revunenkova 1989 - Shamanism and Poetry // Shamanism: Past and Present. Ed by M. Hopal, O. Von Sadovsky. Budapest, 1989, pp. 393-398. Revunenkova 1990 - Obraz indoneziyskoy risovoy bogini [The Indonesian Goddess of Rice] // Boris N. Putilov, ed. Folklor i Etnografiya. Leningrad, 1990, pp. 180-191. Revunenkova 1992 Mif, obryad, religiya. Nekotoriye aspekty problem na material narodov Indonezii. [Myth, Ritual, Religion. Some aspects of issues on the material of peoples of Indonesia]. Moscow, 1992, 216 p. Scott 1994 Scott, William Henry. Barangay. Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society, Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1994. Rosario 2003 - Rosario del Rosario (de Santos). The Ifugao Alim as Gendered Discourse. Ph.D. MS. 200 p.+ 5 appendixes. UP Diliman. (Unpublished MS). Rosario 2005 - Rosario S. del Rosario (de Santos). Alim, Chanted Narrative Among Ifugaos (Philippines): Manhumaldot the Way to be Renown. // M.V.Stanyukovich, D.A.Funk Panel Epic hero and Epic Singer in Traditional Society. // VI Russian Congress of Anthropologists. Conference book. St.Petersburg. p. 194. Retrieved January 10, 2012, from http://web1.kunstkamera.ru/science/congress2005/08_2.pdf Saquing, Adriana 1991. Hudhud da Aliguyun ke Dinoyagan. (Hudhud of Aliguyun and Dinoyagan). A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Nueva Vizcaya State Polytechnic College.(Unpublished MS). Stanyukovich 1979 - Stanyukovich, Maria V. Neobychnaya biografiya (Roy Franklin Barton, 18831947 [Unusual Biography) (Roy Franklin Barton, 1883-1947)]. Sovetskaya Etnografiya, 1979, No 1, pp. 76-83. Stanyukovich 1981 - Epos I obryad u gornikh narodov Filippin [Epic and ritual among the mountain groups of the Philippines]. // Sovyetskaya Etnografiya, 1981, No. 5, pp.72-83. Stanyukovich 1982 -. Istoricheskaya tipologiya I etnokulturniye svyazi geroicheskogo eposa Ifugao, Filippiny [Historical typology and ethno cultural ties of the heroic epic of the Ifugao, the Philippines] Ph.D. Thesis. MS. Leningrad. 207 p. Stanyukovich 1994 - Transforming violence: headhunting and the womens epics among the Ifugao // Proceedings of the 7th International Conference on Hunting and Gathering Societies / Ed. by V. Shnirelman, L. Ellana. Moscow, 1994. Pp. 644-656. Stanyukovich 1997 - Kadaklan bolshaya reka v epose I mifologii Ifugao (Filippiny) [Kadaklan The Big River in Ifugao Epics and Mythology (the Philippines) ]. // V. Dyachenko, L. Pavlinskaya, eds. Priroda i tsevilizatsiya: reki I kultury [Nature and Civilization: Rivers and Cultures], European House Publishers, St.Petersburg, pp. 45-49. Stanyukovich 1998 - Paths of the Soul among the Ifugao, the Philippines. // Conference Book, International Conference Concepts of Humans and Behavior Patterns in the Cultures of the East and West: Interdisciplinary Approach, pp. 53-54. Moscow: State Russian University for Humanities Publications.

Stanyukovich 1999 - Love Charms and National Elections: The use of female shamanistic epic heroes/guardian spirits by Ifugao male priests (the Philippines) // Shamanism and Other Indigenous Spiritual Beliefs and Practices: Proceedings of the Intern. Congr.: In memoreum A.V.Anokhin, N.P.Dyrenkova, S.M.Shirokogorov, oscow, Ethnological Studies of Shamanism and Other Indigenous Spiritual Beliefs and Practices, vol.5, Pt. 2. P. 271. Stanyukovich 2000 - Peacemaking Ideology in a Headhunting Society: Hudhud, Womens Epic of the Ifugao' // Hunters and Gatherers in the Modern World. Conflict, Resistance, and SelfDetermination / Editers Peter P.Schweitzer, Megan Biesele and Robert Hitchcock. New York; Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2000. pp. 399-409. Stanyukovich 2001 - Kogda muzhchiny-zhretsi obrashayutsya k dukham-pomoshnikam shamanok: lyubovnaya magiya i natsionalniye vybory na Filippinakh [When male priests address the female shamans spirit helpers: love magic and national elections in the Philippines] // Shamanism and Other Indegenous Spiritual Beliefs and Practices: Proceedings of the Intern. Congr.: In memoreum A.V.Anokhin, N.P.Dyrenkova, S.M.Shirokogorov. oscow. Ethnological Studies of Shamanism and Other Indigenous Spiritual Beliefs and Practices, vol. 5, Pt. 3. pp. 177-192. Stanyukovich 2003a. The Wording of Gender: Ifugao Womens Epics and Male Ritual Performances. // A.K. Ogloblin et al, eds. Languages and Literature of Nusantara. State University of St.Petersburg, Faculty of Oriental Studies. Academic Session 24-25 April 2003 (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, East Timor). pp. 68-73. Stanyukovich 2003b - Stanyukovich, Maria V. A living shamanistic oral tradition: Ifugao hudhud '// Oral Tradition: Center for Studies in Oral Tradition (CSOT), John Miles Foley ed. University of Missouri-Columbia. 2003. Vol.18, 2. P. 249-251 Stanyukovich 2004 R.F. Barton, an outstanding American Anthropologist, as a Research Fellow of the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography, Leningrad, 1930-1940. // Yu.P. Tretyakov, N.A. Alexandrova, eds. Russian-American Links: 300 Years of Cooperation. The Proceedings of the International Conference (26-27 March 2003) organized by The Sankt-Petersburg Department of Foreign Languages, Russian Academy of Sciences, Saint-Petersburg, Academic Project Publishing House. pp. 34-49. Stanyukovich 2006 - Factors affecting stability/variability of the Ifugao hudhud' // 10-International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Puerto Princesa, Philippines. http://www.sil.org/asia/philippines/ical/papers/stanyukovich-hudhud.pdf, 15 pp. Stanyukovich 2007 - Poetics, Stylistics and Ritual Functions of Hudhud and Noh // A. A. Umali, ed. Hudhud and Noh. A Dialogue of Cultures. University of the Philippines Center for International Studies. Palabas. Japan Foundation. Manila, 2007, pp. 62-67. Stanyukovich 2008 - Epicheskoye skazaniye ifugao Aliguyon, nak of Binenwahen: syuzhet, personazhi i toponimy [Ifugao Epic Story "Aliguyon nak Binenwahen": Plot Structure, Anthroponyms and Toponyms] // Maria V. Stanyukovich, editor and compilor. Indonesians and their Neighbors. Festschrift of Elena V. Revunenkova and Alexander K. Ogloblin. St.Petersburg. Maclay Publications, Issue 1. MAE RAS Publication, 2008, pp. 217-238 Stanyukovich 2010 Syn betelnogo orekha i lista betelya: symvolika Areca catechu i Piper betle v folklore I traditsionnoy kulture ifugao I drugikh narodov Filippin [Son of Betel Nut and Betel Leaf: the Symbolism of Areca catechu and Piper betle in Oral Literature and Traditional Culture of the Ifugao and Other Peoples of the Philippines] // Acta Linguistica Petropolitana. Vol. VI, part 1. Ethnobotany, St.Petersburg, Nauka, 2010. pp. 306-340.

Stanyukovich 2011 - Stanyukovich, Maria V. Epos i pamyat zhivykh i myortvykh([Epics and Memory of the Living and the Dead] // Ivanova T.G., ed. Klassicheskiy folklor segodnya. Materialy konferentsii, posvyashcennoy 90-letiyu so dna rozhdeniya B.N. Putilova // [Classic Folklore Today. The proceedings of the Conference dedicated to the 90th anniversary of Boris N. Putilov]. St.Petersburg, September 14-17, 2009 / St.Petersburg, Dmitri Bulanin Publ. House, 2011. pp. 472491. Tejn 1982 - Tejn, Guillermo 1982. Juan Villaverde, O.P., Missionary and Road-builder, 18411897: a History of the Dominican Missions in Ifugao. Manila, UST Press. 379 p. Terminal report 2008 - Terminal report. Japanese Funds-in-Trust for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. Project: Safeguarding and Transmission of the Hudhud Chants of the Ifugao. 6 p. http://www.ncca.gov.ph/downloads/Hudhud%202009%20terminal%20report.pdf Villaverde 1912 Villaverde J. Supersticiones de los Igorrotes Ifugaos // El Correo Sino-Annamita. 1912. Vol. 38. , pp. 279462. UNESCO. 2001a. Hudhud Chants of the Ifugao: Proclamation of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity, 18 May 2001. http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?cp=PH UNESCO. 2001b. UNESCO Issues First ever Proclamation of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage. http://www.unesco.org/bpi/eng/unescopress/2001/01-71e.shtml Walrod 1978 Walrod, Michael Ross. Three criteria for establishing dialect boundaries, Studies in Philippine Linguistics, Casilda Edrial-Luzares and Austin Hale, series eds., Volume 2 No. 1, pp. 1-35. Zelenin 1929-1930 - Zelenin, Dmitri K. Tabu slov u narodov Vostochnoi Evropy i Severnoi Azii [Taboo on Words among the Peoples of Eastern Europe and Northern Asia]. // Sbornik muzeia antropologii i etnografii Akademii nauk SSSR [Publications of the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography], 1929, vol. 8, 151 p.; 1930, vol. 9, 166 p. Leningrad, Nauka. 151 Zelenin 1934 - Zelenin, Dmitri K. Magicheski-religioznaia funktsiia folklornykh skazok [Magicreligious Functions of Folklore Tales]. Sbornik v chest' 70-letiia Ol'denburga. [Festschrift to 70th anniversary of Oldenburg]. Moscow-Leningrad, Nauka, pp. 27 - 41 Zhirmunskiy 1979 - Zhirmunskii, Viktor M. Legenda o prizyvanii pevtsa [Legend of the Quest of a Singer]. // V. M. Zhirmunskii. Sravnitel'noe literaturovedenie Vostoka i Zapada [Comparative Studies of Literature of the East and the West], Leningrad, 1979, pp. 397-407. Zhirmunskij [Zhirmunskiy] 1985 Zhirmunskiy, Viktor M. Selected Writings: Linguistics, Poetics. Moskow, Progress Publishers, 1985, 413 pp.

_______________________