Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 28172829

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Computers in Human Behavior

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Culture, gender and information technology use: A comparison of Chinese and US children
Linda A. Jackson *, Yong Zhao, Wei Qiu, Anthony Kolenic III, Hiram E. Fitzgerald, Rena Harold, Alexander von Eye
Michigan State University, 308 Psychology, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA

a r t i c l e

i n f o

a b s t r a c t
This research addressed four basic questions about culture, gender and information technology (IT) use. First, are there differences between Chinese and US children in their computer and Internet use? Second, are there differences between Chinese and US children in their use of other technologies, namely, videogames and cell phones? Third, does gender moderate the inuence of culture on the use of computers, the Internet and other technologies? Fourth, are there differences among subcultural groups within cultures in their IT use? Using samples of 600 Chinese and 600 US children whose average age was 12 years old, ndings indicated cultural and gender differences in technology use as well as interactions between the two. US children used computers and the Internet more than did Chinese children, with Chinese females being the least intense users. Males played videogames more than did females, with US males playing more than did Chinese males. US females lead all other groups in cell phone use, whereas Chinese females were least likely to use them. Racial and ethnic group differences indicate that diversity within cultural groups among subcultures must be considered in understanding childrens IT use. Implications of cultural, gender and subcultural group differences in technology use for equity in access to technology and educational interventions for children in the use of technology are discussed. 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Article history: Available online 19 May 2008

Keywords: Gender Culture Technology use

* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 517 353 8690; fax: +1 517 432 2476. E-mail address: Jackso67@msu.edu (L.A. Jackson). 0747-5632/$ - see front matter 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.chb.2008.04.007

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1. Introduction The information technology (IT) community has a long-standing interest in cultural differences in IT attitudes and use (Davison & Martinsons, 2002; De La Pena & Orelanna, 2006; Ford, Connelly, & Meister, 2003; Gallivan & Srite, 2005; Leonardi, 2003; Walsham, 2002). Indeed a number of special issues of professional journals have been devoted to this topic (Aladwani, 2003; Davison & Martinsons, 2003). Among the most important dimensions of culture considered in this research is the collectivism-individualism dimension (Bond, 1986; Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002; Triandis, 1996). In general, Eastern cultures, such as China, are collectivistic, valuing the group more than the individual, and humility and modesty more than self-promotion and pride. Western cultures, such as the United States, are individualistic, valuing the individual more than the group, and self-promotion and pride more than humility and modesty (Bond, 1986; Fu, Xu, Cameron, Heyman, & Lee, 2007; Wang & Leichtman, 2000). The purpose of this research was to compare the IT use of children from a collectivistic culture China, and an individualistic culture the US. Also considered were gender differences in the inuence of culture on IT use. A handful of studies have examined differences between Eastern and Western cultures in childrens attitudes and use of computers. A study of Chinese and Swedish children found that Chinese children were more optimistic about the impact of computers on society than were Swedish children (Allwood & Wang, 1990). A study of US and Kuwait children found that US children had more positive attitudes toward computers than did Kuwait children (Omar, 1992). Studies comparing other cultures generally support the view that culture inuences attitudes toward and use of computers (Brosnan & Lee, 1998; Collis & Williams, 1987; Martin, Heller, & Mahmoud, 1992). More recent research has examined Eastern and Western cultural differences in attitudes toward and use of the Internet. One study comparing Taiwanese and Japanese adolescents found that Taiwanese adolescents used the Internet more than did Japanese adolescents, despite the availability of less expensive broadband services in Japan than in Taiwan (Ishii & Wu, 2006). Japanese adolescents used cell phone text messaging more than did Taiwanese adolescents. The researchers suggested that due to the implementation of a bulletin board system in Taiwan, Taiwanese adolescents were more trusting of the Internet than were Japanese adolescents. They further suggested that Japanese adolescents tend to avoid direct communication, resulting in the promotion of a unique mobile media culture among Japanese adolescents. (p. 114). A study comparing Chinese and British college students found that Chinese students had less experience with computers and the Internet, and were less likely to own computers or have Internet access at home (Li & Kirkup, 2007). Both groups used the Internet for study and personal interests, but Chinese students used it mainly for personal interests, whereas British students used it mainly for study purposes. The researchers suggested that these differences may reect national level differences in the integration of technology, as well as differences in the educational styles in the two countries. Gender differences were also observed in this research. Males were more likely to play games and to use email and chat than were females, with Chinese males being the most avid games players. Males in both countries were more self-condent about their computer skills, and more likely to say that using computers is a male activity. With regard to gender and IT use, much of the research until the turn of the 20th century has supported three conclusions. First, males have more favorable attitudes toward computers and use computers more than do females. Second, both females and males consider computer activities to be stereotypically male activities. Third, females are less attracted to computer courses and computer-related careers than are males (Brosnan, 1998; Durndell & Thomson, 1997; Kirkup, 1995; Meredith, Helen, & Woodcock, 1998). The emergence of the Internet has prompted a reconsideration of the relationship between gender and IT attitudes and use. Indeed a growing body of research in the US, including large-scale national surveys, indicates small or no gender differences in overall Internet use, but strong and consistent gender differences in the nature of Internet use (Jackson, in press; Jackson, Ervin, Gardner, & Schmitt, 2001; Morahan-Martin, 1998; Pew Internet, 2005, 2006, 2007). In general, females use the Internet for communicating more than do males; males use the Internet to play games and search for informa-

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tion more than do females. Males know more about Internet technology and are more interested in the technical aspects of the Internet than are females. Despite a long-standing interest in cultural differences in IT attitudes and use it is not at all clear how or why culture should have an inuence. In particular, there is no theoretical or empirical basis for predicting how culturally based differences in collectivismindividualism should inuence which technologies are used and/or how intensely they are used. Thus, we adopted an exploratory approach to examining cultural differences in childrens IT use and whether gender interacted with culture to inuence IT use. In this research approximately 600 children from mainland China and 600 children from the midwestern United States (mean age, 12 years old) completed surveys that assessed their computer and Internet use and their use of two other technologies videogames and cell phones. Also considered were computer and Internet skills and enjoyment and major computer activities. Three basic questions were addressed. First, are there differences between Chinese and US children in their computer and Internet use? Second, are there differences between Chinese and US children in their use of other technologies, namely, videogames and cell phones? Third, does gender moderate the inuence of culture on the use of computers, the Internet and other technologies? 2. Methods 2.1. Participants and procedures Chinese children were recruited from four public schools in the Wuhua School District, Kunming, China. Kunming is the capital of Yunnan Province in southwestern China and has a population of over 4 million. The Wuhua School district includes both urban and rural schools that are similar in terms of student and teacher characteristics and resources. Half the participants came from rural schools and half from urban schools. Of the 602 participants, 52% were girls. Average age was 12.16 years old, with age ranging from 10 to 15 years old. Most participants were Han (n = 381, 66%), the majority ethnic group in China. The second largest group was Bai (n = 167, 29%), thought of as the more high status white group, with the remaining participants distributed among 11 other ethnic groups (e.g., Yi, Miao). Surveys were administered in the classroom in the presence of both a researcher and the homeroom teacher. The children were informed that their teachers and other school ofcials would not see their responses, that their responses would be kept strictly condential, and that we were interested in group responses only, not individual responses. Students required approximately 30 min to complete the survey. US children were recruited from 20 middle schools geographically distributed throughout the southern lower peninsula of Michigan. An additional 100 children were recruited from an after-school center in Detroit, Michigan. Rural, suburban and urban children were represented in the sample, with more urban and suburban than rural children. Of the 604 participants, 54% were girls. Average age was 12.10 years old, with age ranging from 11 to 16 years old. Racial/ethnic group membership was as follows: 57% Caucasian American; 29% African American; 5% Hispanic American; 2% Native American; 1% Asian American; 6% Other. The two groups compared later in this research where African Americans (n = 172, 28.6%) and Caucasian Americans (n = 343, 67.3%). Surveys were distributed by mail to children and parents participating in the Children and Technology Project, a 3-year longitudinal study of the impact of technology use on cognitive, social, psychological and moral development. Parent and child consent forms indicated that responses would be kept strictly condential and that we were interested in group responses only, not individual responses. 2.2. Materials The Children Survey was developed to measure computer, Internet and other technology use. Questions were based primarily on the HomeNetToo Project, a longitudinal study of home Internet use in

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low-income families in the US (HomeNetToo, 2000). The Children Survey was translated into Chinese by a bilingual graduate student. Both the Chinese translation and the English version were then checked by three bilingual speakers, one educational psychologist in the US and two psychologists in the provincial educational research institute in China. Inconsistencies were discussed and resulted in a few minor changes in the Chinese wording. Two questions assessed the extent of computer use: How long have you been using a computer?(1 = I have never used a computer, 2 = less than 1 year, 3 = about 1 year, 4 = 12 years, 5 = 25 years, 6 = more than 5 years. How often do you use a computer (1 = I do not use a computer, 2 = about once a month, 3 = a few times a month, 4 = a few times a week, 5 = everyday, for less than 1 h, 6 = everyday, for 13 h, 7 = everyday, for more than 3 h). A similar pair of questions asked about the extent of Internet use. Children were asked where they usually used a computer, given the following options: 1. I do not use the internet, 2. at home, 3. at school, 4. at work, 5. at the library, 6. at school, 6. at a friends house, 7. other (specify: ______). A similar question was asked about where they usually used the Internet. Children were asked to choose from among eight response alternatives to the question What is the main thing you do when you use a computer? The options were: 1. e-mail, 2. search the Internet/Web, 3. play games, 4. chat rooms, 5. create documents (word processing, spread sheets), 6. instant messaging, 7. other (describe: ____________________), 8. I do not use a computer. Children were asked to rate their overall computer skills (1 = no skills, 2 = poor skills, 3 = average skills, 4 = good skills, 5 = very good skills). They were also asked how much they enjoyed using a computer (1 = not very much, 2 = a little, 3 = very much). Children were asked how often they played videogames (1 = I do not play videogames, 2 = about once a month, 3 = a few times a month, 4 = a few times a week, 5 = every day, but for less than 1 h, 6 = every day, for 13 h, 7 = every day, for more than 3 h) and to name their favorite videogame. They were also asked how often they used a cell phone (1 = I do not use a cell phone, 2 = about once a month, 3 = a few times a month, 4 = a few times a week, 5 = every day, but for less than 1 h, 6 = every day, for 13 h, 7 = every day, for more than 3 h).

3. Results 3.1. Culture and gender effects Multivariate analysis of variance were used to examine the effects of culture, gender and their interaction on measures of computer, Internet, videogame playing and cell phone use. The main effects of culture, F(8, 994) = 66.00, gender, F(8, 994) = 32.88, and their interaction, F(8, 994) = 12.30, ps < .001, were signicant. Means and F-ratios for the univariate ANOVAs for each measure are presented in Tables 1 and 2, respectively. 3.1.1. Computer and Internet use As indicated in Table 1, US children had been using a computer longer than had Chinese children and used it more often than did Chinese children. There was a culture by gender interaction on the measure of how long children had been using a computer. Post hoc contrasts (Duncan procedure) indicated that US males and females did not differ in how long they had been using a computer, but Chinese males had been using it longer than had Chinese females. There was no gender difference or culture by gender interaction on the measure of how frequently children used a computer. Also as indicated in Table 1, US children had been using the Internet longer than had Chinese children and used it more often than did Chinese children. A culture by gender interaction was obtained on how long children had been using the Internet. While there was no signicant difference between US females and males, Chinese males had been using the Internet longer than had Chinese females. Consistent with this nding, a culture by gender interaction in the frequency of Internet use indicated that Chinese males used the Internet more frequently than did Chinese females. US males and females did not differ in how frequently they used the Internet.

L.A. Jackson et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 28172829 Table 1 Means for the culture by gender analyses of information technology use China How long have you been using a computer? Males 3.61 (1.62) Females 3.41 (1.59) Both sexes 3.51 (1.61) How often do you use a computer? Males Females Both sexes 3.28 (1.36) 3.13 (1.15) 3.20 (1.26) US 4.99 (1.24) 5.14 (1.06) 5.07 (1.15) 4.36 (1.42) 4.24 (1.31) 4.30 (1.36) 4.38 (1.39) 4.63 (1.31) 4.51 (1.35) 3.88 (1.52) 4.03 (1.39) 3.96 (1.45) 3.74 (0.98) 3.85 (0.87) 3.80 (0.92) 2.66 (0.53) 2.76 (0.49) 2.71 (0.51) 4.86 (1.45) 3.03 (1.53) 3.88 (1.75) 2.58 (1.77) 3.22 (1.89) 2.92 (1.86)

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Both cultures 4.32 (1.59) 4.32 (1.59) 4.32 (1.59) 3.83 (1.49) 3.72 (1.36) 3.77 (1.42) 3.47 (1.77) 3.51 (1.85) 3.49 (1.81) 3.27 (1.60) 3.18 (1.61) 3.22 (1.61) 3.41 (1.05) 3.36 (1.02) 3.38 (1.04) 2.52 (0.64) 2.45 (0.70) 2.48 (0.68) 3.96 (1.74) 2.57 (1.47) 3.23 (1.74) 2.56 (1.74) 2.75 (1.82) 2.66 (1.79)

How long have you been using the Internet? Males 2.46 (1.59) Females 2.16 (1.48) Both sexes 2.30 (1.54) How often do you use the Internet? Males Females Both sexes 2.60 (1.42) 2.18 (1.24) 2.38 (1.34)

Overall, how would you rate your computer skills? Males 3.04 (1.00) Females 2.76 (0.87) Both sexes 2.89 (0.95) How much do you enjoy using a computer? Males 2.37 (0.72) Females 2.08 (0.75) Both sexes 2.22 (0.45 How often do you play videogames? Males Females Both sexes How often do you use a cell phone? Males Females Both sexes 2.98 (1.48) 2.02 (1.18) 2.49 (1.42) 2.53 (1.72) 2.19 (1.56) 2.36 (1.65)

Numbers in parentheses are standard deviations.

Table 2 F-ratios for the culture by gender analyses of information technology use Culture How long have you been using a computer? How often do you use a computer? How long have you been using the Internet? How often do you use the Internet? Overall, how would you rate your computer skills? How much do you enjoy using a computer? How often do you play videogames? How often do you use a cell phone? Note.
***

Gender 0.08 2.80 0.12 2.75 2.23 6.68** 266.96*** 2.02

Culture gender 4.55* 0.03 10.00** 11.06** 11.72** 27.57*** 25.37*** 21.77***

356.02*** 198.22*** 637.20*** 343.11*** 252.17*** 162.04*** 286.54*** 25.88***

p < .001, **p < .01, *p < .05.

US children were more likely to use a computer at home (62%) or in the library (5.9%) than were Chinese children (42% and 1.1%, respectively), who were more likely to use it at school (40%) or not use a computer at all (9.8%) compared to US children (20% and 1.8%, respectively; v2(7) = 134.97, p < .001, v2 post hoc comparisons). Similar results were obtained for the question about where children usually used the Internet. US children were more likely to indicate that they used the Internet

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at home (58.8%) or in the library (6.0%) than were Chinese children (33.0% and 1.5%, respectively). Chinese children were no more likely than US children to use the Internet at school (22.7% and 20.4%, respectively), but were much more likely than US children not to use the Internet at all (29.5% and 4.4%, respectively; v2(7) = 183.42, p < .001). There were no gender differences in where a computer or the Internet was most likely to be used. US children were more likely than Chinese children to say that the main thing they do when they use a computer is e-mail (13.4% versus 5.1%), instant messaging (11.7% versus 3.4%) or participate in other activities (9.2% versus 5.1%). Chinese children were more likely than US children to say that their main computer activity was searching the Internet (29.6% versus 20.4%) or not using a computer at all (10% versus 1.4%; v2(7) = 102.89, p < .001). However, the most popular computer activity for both groups was playing games; 36.7% of US children and 40.8% of Chinese children said that this was the main thing they did when they used a computer. There were no differences between the two groups in chat room activity (US, 2.4%, China, 2.8%) or creating documents (US, 4.9%, China, 3.2%). Gender differences were observed in what children indicated was their main computer activity (v2(7) = 64.74, p < .001). Females were more likely than males to say it was e-mail (12.8% versus 5.3%) or instant messaging (9.2% versus 6.1%). Males were more likely than females to say it was playing games (50.8% versus 28.3%). Females and males did not differ in the likelihood of saying that their main computer activity was searching the Internet (females = 27.3%, males = 22.0%), creating documents (females = 4.9%, males = 3.5%), chat room activity (3.3% versus 1.8%), other activities (females = 8.2%, males = 6.1%) or that they did not use a computer at all (females = 6.1%, males = 4.5%). Culture by gender effects on main computer activity indicated that US females were far more likely than Chinese females to say that e-mail was their main computer activity (20% versus 5%), whereas Chinese females were more likely than US females to say that searching the Internet was their main computer activity (Chinese females, 35%, US females, 20%). Correlational analyses were used to examine relationships between IT use and age. For the US sample, none of the correlations was signicant. For the Chinese sample 5 negative correlations were observed. Younger children reported using computers and the Internet longer, using the Internet more often, using cell phones more often and having greater computer skills than did older children. 3.1.2. Computer skills and enjoyment US children rated their computer skills higher than did Chinese children. There were no gender differences. However, a culture by gender interaction indicated that Chinese females rated their skills as lowest, lower than did Chinese males, whereas US males and females did not differ in ratings of their computer skills. US children enjoyed using a computer more than did Chinese children. Males enjoyed using a computer more than did females. However, a culture by gender interaction indicated that Chinese females enjoyed using a computer less than did all other groups, whereas US males and females did not differ in their ratings of computer enjoyment. 3.1.3. Videogame playing US children played videogame more often than did Chinese children. In fact, 36.7% of Chinese children said they do not play videogames at all compared to 12.4% of US children. In contrast, 7.9% of US children said they played videogame everyday compared to 1.1% of Chinese children. There was a main effect of gender and a culture by gender interaction on how often children played videogames. Males played videogames more often than did females but it was US males who played the most. Chinese males played more than did Chinese females but not more than did US females. Chinese females were least likely to play videogames. Their responses by culture and gender are presented in Table 3. Among US children only 9% of males but 28% of females provided no response to this question, suggesting that they did not play videogames at all. Among Chinese children 38% of males and 53% of females provided no response to this question, indicating that fewer Chinese than US children played videogames. Among Chinese males the top three videogames were Counter Strike, QQ and Popcart, mentioned by 32, 14, and 11 boys, respectively. Chinese females also mentioned QQ, naming it more frequently (23), than the next two popular videogames, Shooting Mouse (11) and Popo (9). Among US males the

L.A. Jackson et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 28172829 Table 3 Means for the race by gender analyses for US children African American (n = 159) How long have you been using a computer? Males 4.70 (1.30) Females 5.18 (1.10) Both sexes 4.94 (1.23) How often do you use a computer? Males 4.06 (1.54) Females 4.23 (1.49) Both sexes 4.14 (1.51) How long have you been using the Internet? Males 4.19 (1.45) Females 4.88 (1.30) Both sexes 4.53 (1.42) How often do you use the Internet? Males 3.74 (1.61) Females 4.31 (1.44) Both sexes 4.02 (1.55) Overall, how would you rate your computer skills? Males 3.49 (1.03) Females 4.01 (0.85) Both sexes 3.75 (0.98) How much do you enjoy using a computer? Males 2.58 (0.57) Females 2.88 (0.39) Both sexes 2.73 (0.51) How often do you play videogames? Males 4.74 (1.54) Females 3.06 (1.45) Both sexes 3.92 (1.72) How often do you use a cell phone? Males 2.83 (1.95) Females 4.12 (2.10) Both sexes 3.46 (2.12) Numbers in parentheses are standard deviations. Caucasian American (n = 326) 5.22 (1.15) 5.30 (0.91) 5.26 (1.02) 4.61 (1.29) 4.27 (1.22) 4.42 (1.26) 4.54 (1.35) 4.68 (1.18) 4.61 (1.26) 4.00 (1.43) 3.97 (1.35) 3.98 (1.39) 3.92 (0.91) 3.82 (0.85) 3.87 (0.88) 2.66 (0.53) 2.74 (0.47) 2.70 (0.50) 4.83 (1.42) 2.96 (1.55) 3.81 (1.76) 2.48 (1.66) 2.94 (1.75) 2.73 (1.72)

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Both races 5.03 (1.22) 5.27 (0.97) 5.16 (1.10) 4.41 (1.40) 4.26 (1.31) 4.33 (1.35) 4.42 (1.40) 4.74 (1.22) 4.59 (1.41) 3.91 (1.50) 4.07 (1.39) 3.99 (1.44) 3.77 (0.98) 3.88 (0.85) 3.83 (0.91) 2.63 (0.54) 2.78 (0.45) 2.71 (0.50) 4.80 (1.46) 2.99 (1.52) 3.85 (1.74) 2.60 (1.77) 3.30 (1.94) 2.97 (1.89)

most popular videogames were Football, Grand theft auto and Halo, each mentioned by 18 males. Among US females the most popular videogames were Sims and Mario Brothers, mentioned by 29 and 25 females, respectively, and Driving/racing games, mentioned by 11 females. 3.1.4. Cell phone use US children used cell phones more often than did Chinese children. About half of the Chinese children (50.4%) said they did not use a cell phone at all compared to about one-third of US children (38.3%). Twice as many US than Chinese children said they used a cell phone daily, for less than 1 h (14.4% versus 7.8%). There was no gender difference in cell phone use but there was a culture by gender interaction. US females used cell phones the most. US and Chinese males did not differ in their cell phone use. Both groups used them more often than did Chinese females. 3.1.5. Differences within cultural groups by gender Sample sizes of racial groups within the US and ethnic groups within China were sufcient to address questions about subgroup differences within cultures in IT use. Specically, we compared African American and Caucasian American males and females in the US, and Han and Bai males and females in China. Han is the majority ethnic group in China. Bai is a high status minority group, often considered the white and more afuent group.

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Table 4 F-ratios for the race by gender analyses for US children Race How long have you been using a computer? How often do you use a computer? How long have you been using the Internet? How often do you use the Internet? Overall, how would you rate your computer skills? How much do you enjoy using a computer? How often do you play videogames? How often do you use a cell phone? Note.
***

Gender 7.16** 0.42 10.93*** 3.67 5.96* 16.13** 150.13*** 24.68***

Race gender 3.14* 3.81* 5.07* 4.66* 12.75** 5.43* 0.45 5.46*

9.15* 5.06* 0.39 0.09 1.87 0.59 0.01 18.55**

p < .001, **p < .01, *p < .05.

Results of the MANOVA on the eight quantitative measures of IT use for African American and Caucasian American males and females indicated main effects of race, F(6, 489) = 6.41, p < .001, gender, F(6, 489) = 34.36, p < .001, and a marginally signicant interaction, F(6, 489) = 1.98, p < .07. Means and F-ratios for the univariate analyses are presented in Tables 3 and 4, respectively. Main effects of race and gender indicated that Caucasian American children had been using computers longer than had African American children and that females had been using them longer than had males. A race by gender interaction indicated that African American males had been using computers the shortest period of time and Caucasian American males had been using them the longest period of time. Similarly, Caucasian American children had been using the Internet longer than had African American children, and females had been using it longer than males. The race by gender interaction indicated that African American females had been using the Internet longer than any other group, whereas African American males had been using it for less time than any other group. Caucasian American males and females did not differ in terms of how long they had been using the Internet. Only the race by gender interaction was signicant on the measure of how often children used the Internet. African American females used it more often than did any other group and African American males used it least often. There was no difference in how often the Internet was used by Caucasian American males and females. The gender main effect on ratings of computer skills was qualied by the race by gender interaction. African American females rated their skills highest and African American males rated their skills lowest. Caucasian males rated their skills as higher than did Caucasian females. The gender main effect on ratings of enjoyment of computers was also qualied by the race by gender interaction. African American females rated their enjoyment as highest and African American males rated their enjoyment as lowest. Caucasian males and females did not differ in their rating of enjoyment in using computers. There was a main effect of gender on ratings of frequency of videogame playing. Males, regardless of race, played videogames much more than did females. Both main effects and their interaction were signicant on ratings of cell phone use. Females used cell phones more than did males and African Americans used cell phones more than did Caucasian Americans. However, these effects were largely attributable to high usage by African American females and low usage by Caucasian American males. Results of the MANOVA on the set of quantitative measures of IT use for Han and Bai Chinese children indicated main effects of ethnicity, F(8, 474) = 5.61, p < .001, gender, F(8, 474) = 28.53, p < .001, and a signicant interaction, F(8, 474) = 2.36, p < .05. Means and F-ratios for the univariate analyses are presented in Tables 5 and 6, respectively. Differences between Han and Bai children in some ways mirrored differences between African American and Caucasian American children. Main effects of ethnicity and gender and their interaction were signicant on ratings of how long children had been using a computer. Bai children had been using computers longer than had Han children and females had been using them longer than had males. The signicant interaction effect indicated that Bai females had been using computers the longest and Han males had been using them the shortest period of time.

L.A. Jackson et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 28172829 Table 5 Means for the ethnicity by gender analyses for Chinese children Han (n = 172) How long have you been using a computer? Males 4.70 (1.30) Females 5.18 (1.10) Both sexes 4.94 (1.23) How often do you use a computer? Males 4.06 (1.54) Females 4.23 (1.49) Both sexes 4.14 (1.51) How long have you been using the Internet? Males 4.18 (1.45) Females 4.88 (1.30) Both sexes 4.53 (1.42) How often do you use the Internet? Males 3.74 (1.61) Females 4.31 (1.44) Both sexes 4.02 (1.55) Overall, how would you rate your computer skills? Males 3.49 (1.03) Females 4.01 (0.85) Both sexes 3.74 (0.98) How much do you enjoy using a computer? Males 2.58 (0.57) Females 2.88 (0.39) Both sexes 2.73 (0.51) How often do you play videogames? Males 4.74 (1.55) Females 3.06 (1.45) Both sexes 3.92 (1.72) How often do you use a cell phone? Males 2.83 (1.95) Females 4.12 (2.10) Both sexes 3.46 (2.12) Numbers in parentheses are standard deviations. Bai (n = 343) 5.22 (1.15) 5.30 (0.91) 5.26 (1.02) 4.61 (1.29) 4.27 (1.22) 4.42 (1.26) 4.55 (1.35) 4.68 (1.18) 4.62 (1.26) 4.00 (1.42) 3.97 (1.35) 3.98 (1.39) 3.92 (0.91) 3.98 (1.39) 3.87 (0.88) 2.66 (0.53) 2.74 (0.47) 2.70 (0.50) 4.83 (1.42) 2.96 (1.55) 3.81 (1.76) 2.48 (1.66) 2.94 (1.75) 2.73 (1.72)

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Both ethnicities 5.03 (1.22) 5.27 (0.97) 5.16 (1.10) 4.41 (1.40) 4.26 (1.31) 4.33 (1.35) 4.42 (1.40) 4.74 (1.22) 4.59 (1.31) 3.91 (1.50) 4.07 (1.39) 3.99 (1.44) 3.77 (0.98) 3.99 (1.44) 3.83 (0.91) 2.63 (0.54) 2.78 (0.45) 2.71 (0.50) 4.80 (1.46) 2.99 (1.52) 3.84 (1.74) 2.60 (1.77) 3.30 (1.94) 2.97 (1.89)

Table 6 F-ratios for the ethnicity by gender analyses for Chinese children Ethnicity How long have you been using a computer? How often do you use a computer? How long have you been using the Internet? How often do you use the Internet? Overall, how would you rate your computer skills? How much do you enjoy using a computer? How often do you play videogames? How often do you use a cell phone? Note.
***

Gender 7.16** 0.42 10.93** 3.68* 5.96* 16.13** 150.13*** 24.83**

Ethnicity gender 3.41* 3.87* 5.07* 4.66* 12.75** 5.45* 0.45 5.46*

9.15** 5.06* 0.39 0.09 1.87 0.59 0.02 18.55**

p < .001, **p < .01, *p < .05.

Bai children used computers more often than did Han children. The signicant ethnicity by gender interaction indicated that Han males used computers less often than did any other group and that Bai males used them more often than did any other group. Han and Bai females did not different in how often they used computers.

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Females had been using the Internet longer than had males. A signicant interaction indicated that this gender difference was greater for Bai than Han children. Females used the Internet more often than did males. A signicant interaction indicated that this effect was due entirely to Han children. There was no gender difference in how often Bai children used the Internet. Females rated their computer skills higher than did males. A signicant interaction effect indicated that this difference was greater for Han than Bai children. Females enjoyed computers more than did males. Han females enjoyed them more than did Bai females. Males played videogames more than did females, regardless of ethnicity. Females used cell phones more than did males and Han children used them more than did Bai children. However, the interaction indicated that Han females used cell phones the most and Bai males used them the least. Thus, the gender difference was greater for Han than Bai children.

4. Discussion This research compared Chinese and US children to address four basic questions: First, are there cultural differences in computer and Internet use? Second, are there cultural differences in the use of other technologies, namely, videogames and cell phones? Third, does gender moderate the inuence of culture on the use of computers, the Internet and other technologies? Fourth, are there subcultural differences within cultures in childrens IT use? We found clear evidence of cultural differences in computer and Internet use. US children have been using computers and the Internet longer than have Chinese children, and currently use them more intensely than do Chinese children. Differences in intensity of use may be attributable, at least in part, to differences in home computer and Internet access; US children were more likely to have home access than were Chinese children, whose primary access to computers and the Internet was at school. Gender differences were obtained for Chinese children only. Chinese males used computers and the Internet more intensely than did Chinese females. When asked to indicate their main computer activity both Chinese and US children said it was playing games. Beyond this similarity were cultural and gender differences in main computer activity. US children were more likely than Chinese children to say that communication was their main computer activity. Chinese children were more likely than US children to say that it was information search. Females, but especially US females, were more likely to say that communication was their main computer activity, whereas males, but especially US males, were more likely to say it was playing games. US children rated their overall computer skills more favorably and enjoyed using a computer more than did Chinese children. US males and females did not differ in their ratings of computer skills and enjoyment. In contrast, Chinese females rated themselves lower on both of these measures than did Chinese males. Childrens responses to questions about videogame playing and cell phone use provide further support for the importance of considering both culture and gender in understanding childrens IT use. With respect to videogame playing, Chinese males played no more than did US females, but both groups played less than did US males, and all groups played more than did Chinese females. Among US children a Wikipedia search for descriptions of the games played by our participants indicated that males preferred action/adventure, sports and more violent videogames, whereas females preferred more interpersonally oriented, non-violent videogames. The effects of videogame violence on subsequent aggressive cognition and behavior are now well established (Anderson, Gentile, & Buckley, 2007). Interventions by both parents and educators are needed to help child understand that what appears to be an innocent and playful use of technology can have negative social and psychological consequences ofine. US children were more likely to use cell phones than were Chinese children. However, it was US female who used cell phones the most, and the Chinese female who used cell phones the least. Comparisons between races within the US and between ethnic groups (Han and Bai) within China point to the importance of considering the heterogeneous nature of culture. In general, Caucasian

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American and Bai children used technology more intensely than did African American and Han children, respectively. Whether these differences are a consequence of differences in socioeconomic status of these groups is unclear because the children were not asked and were likely unable to report their household income. However, there were signicant exceptions to this general pattern that argue against socioeconomic status as an explanation for within-culture variation in IT use. African American females were heavy computer and Internet users, whereas African American males were light users, which accounted for many of the race differences in use favoring Caucasian American children. African American females were used cell phones more than any other group, accounting for race differences favoring African Americans on this measure. In fact, the only IT use unaffected by race was videogame playing. Males played videogames more than did females regardless of race. Comparisons between Han and Bai children in China in some ways mirrored race difference observed in the US Bai children were more intense users of the computer and Internet and Han males were the least intense users. Males played videogames more than did females regardless of ethnicity. Han females, like African American females, were the heaviest users of cell phones. Once again, whether these differences are a consequence of differences in the socioeconomic status is unclear. But the complex pattern of ndings suggests that subcultural differences also need to be considered in understanding cultural effects on childrens IT use. Culture and gender differences in childrens technology use observed in this research have a number of implications for equity of access to technology and educational interventions for children in their use of technology. First, the Internet, although a global and evolving technology, is still not equally available to all (Norris, 2001). Disparities in home Internet access in particular may disadvantage children in other cultures, especially when other issues surrounding universal access, such as language, are considered. Second, gender differences in computer and Internet use in China differences not found in the US, have implications for gender equality in that country. Chinese females were clearly less engaged with technology than were Chinese males. They were less likely to use the Internet for communication and entertainment and rated their technology skills and enjoyment lower than did Chinese males. These gender differences in technology use are likely to have implications for the educational and career prospects of Chinese females, especially in light of the importance of technology skills in the 21st century work force (enGauge, 2003). Third, gender differences in videogame playing, evident in both cultures but more pronounced in China, may likewise have implications for gender equality in education and the workplace. In addition to the well established relationship between playing violent videogames and aggressive behavior (Anderson et al., 2007) is an equally well established relationship between videogame playing and better visual skills (Green & Bavelier, 2006, 2007). Visual skills are believed to be fundamental to success in science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Thus, females may be inadvertently disadvantaged in the educational and occupational domains because they are less engaged in videogame activities in childhood. Correlations between age and IT use were insignicant for US children but revealed some interesting effects for Chinese children. The null effects for US children may be attributable to the fact that 83% of the children were 1213 years old, with only a small proportion of younger (15%) and older (3%) children. For Chinese children the relationship between age and IT use was consistently negative. Younger Chinese children reported using computers and the Internet longer, using the Internet and cell phones more often, and having better computer skills than older Chinese children. These negative relationships between age and IT use may be attributable to the relative newness of IT availability to youth in China compared to the US, where youth have had IT access for over a decade. Limitations in the present research suggest caution in generalizing our ndings. First, culture was not directly assessed but rather inferred from nation status. Thus, the extent to which our Chinese children were collectivistic and our US children were individualistic is unknown. Second, in both countries samples were obtained from limited geographic regions a southwestern province in China and midwestern state in the US National probability sampling would be needed to draw rm conclusions about Chinese and US childrens technology activities and differences between them. Our research encourages additional investigations into cultures inuence on childrens technology use. Studies of how children are introduced to new technologies, how they are encouraged to use

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them, and the consequences of cultural differences in technology use are questions for future research to address. Acknowledgments This research was supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation, Human and Social Dynamic Program. We wish to thank the 5 graduate students and 20 undergraduates who assisted in data collection and coding. References
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