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International Institute

for Comprehensive Shinshu Studies


Otani University
Rennyo and t11e Roots of
Modern Japanese
Buddhism
Edited by
Mark L. Blum and Shin'ya Yasntomi
OXFORD
UNIVERSITY I'RESS
2006
International Institute
for Comprehensive Shinshu Studies
Otani University
Rennyo and the Roots of
Moderll Japanese
Buddhism
Edited by
Mark L. Blum and Shin'ya Yasutomi
OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
2006
OXFORD
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Rcnnyo ann the Roots of 1'vlodcrrI liuudhisTrl I
ediled b)' Mark L, Blum and Shin'ya Yasulomi.
p. em.
Includes bibliographical references and inrlex,
tSBN-I,9i8-o-19'51"i5'5
ISBN CH9-513'75-{)
L Rennyo, 1415-1499, 2, Shin (Seetl-Doclrines,
BllI1I1, Laurence. II. Yasutomi, Shin'ya, 1944-
24
68
9753
1
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
Foreword
In conjllnction with the commemoration ill 1998 of Ihe 500th anni\'ersary (by
Japanese counting) of the dcath of Rennyo, a large number of memorial services
and other evenls wcre held, One of these was a series of panels on RCllnyo set up
as a spccial section on Junc 22 within Ihc 48th annual meeting of Ihe Japancse
Association for the Study of Buddhism and Indian Religion (Nihon Indogaku
Bukkyogaku Cakbi) held on the campus of Otani University, A greatmallY scholars
read informative articles, divided into two groupings: "Rcnnyo within the History
of Religious Thought" and Faith of Renllyo and the Modern World," The
Shinsha Research Institute at Otani University collected mally of these and other
essays from scholars in Japan and abroad for a volume published in Japanese under
the title Renl1)'o 110 sekai (The World of Rennyo).
The achievements of Rcnn)'o are nothing less than a "restoration of Shinshu."
Not onl), did he pull thc essence of Shin shu out from the mud, where it found itself
a century and a half after Ihc death of the founder, Shinran, but Rennyo also spoke
to a great Tllany people who had lost their direction in life during the troubled age
that was the fifteenth century in Japan, and with plain language he extended to
them the opportunity to knoll' ShinshiL In the cncl, Rennyo tllrned th<; Shinshu
religious organization into an enormous social entily, As a resull, dnrillg the
Muro1Tlachi period Shinshu acntely clcalt wilh OJ host of social issllcs, political,
economic, occupational, feminist, family-centered, and so on, giving birlh to a new
way of being human,
Olani University is an educational and research institution bearing the tradition
of the Shinshil organization and is thus founded upon the spirit of this faith,
Accordingly it Tllust be said Ihat we are also confronting the issues surrounding a
"restoration of Shinshu in today's world," In this climate of the diversification of
\'alues within the nood of information that is our society, what messagc can Shinshu
bring to people who hare similarly lost their direction in life? \\'hether it be in
societies of ad\'ancecl capitalism or in societies where people are focused on fighting
off star\'ation, wherever individuals have had their humanity taken away, \\'hat
vi Foreword
prescription can Shinshu offer them? In facing problems such as these: what we
learn from RcnllYo is that the vallie of both advantage and disadvantage IS without
limit.
I would like to express my gratitude for thc hard work of Professors Mark L.
BluIII ancl Yasutomi Shin'ya for putting together this volumc as part of the efforts
of the International Buddhist Rcscarch Unit of the Shinshu Research Inslitute at
Otani University. It is an honor for us that this volume is being published by the
renowned Oxford University Press, realizing our wish to makc rescarch on Rcnnyo
available to a wider readership.
Kurubc Teruo
Prcsidcnt, Otani University
Acknowledgments
The many events held in Kyoto in conjunction with thc celebration of the 5
00th
anniversary of Rennyo's death ranged from special religious senices 10 acaclcmic
clebates to animated feature films. For Shinshil believcrs affiliated with one of the
two Honganji, this was a time of excitement and religious renedioll. Everyone, it
seemed, nocked to the Kyoto National Museum to see the special Rennyo exhibit
jointly sponsorcd by both religious institutions. This book should bc scen properly
as part of that collection of events. Vie wish to thank all the people who have
contributed their time and energy to this project. In particular the scholars, stuclcnts,
and staff of the Shinshn Research Institutc at Otani University, where this and many
other Rennyo-related projects were conceived allcl supported, deserve special
recognition for their efforts.
Rcnnvo is one of only a handful of religious figures without whosc story
Japanese history simply could not be told, but in the West therc has been scant
appreciahon of his role. It is our sincere hope that this collection of essays will serve
to open up greater appreciation and dialogue about his impacl. .
Contents
Foreword by the President of Otani University
Abbreviations
Contriblltors
I. Introductioll: The Stud), of Rellll)'o
Mark 1. Blum
1. I-listorical Studies
2. The Life of Rellll)'o: A Stnlggie fOT the Transmission of Dharma
Yaslltomi Shin'ya
3 Leaders in all Age of Transition
Kuroda Toshio (translated by Thomas Kirchner)
4 COlltinuity and Change in the Thought o(Remz)'o
Stanley Weinstein
5 Renn)'o and the Saivati011 of\Vomell
Matsumura Naoko (translated by Maya Hara)
6. The lkko-shii as Portrayed ill lesuit Historical Documents
Kinryii Shizuka (translated by William Londo)
7 The Karlsh6 Persecution: ATI Examillatioll of Mount J-/iei's
Destrllctioll of Otani J-/ollganji
Kusano Kenshi (translated by Eisho Nasu)
8. Lale Remzyo mId the Myokonin Akao 110 Doshii
Minamoto Ryoen (translated by Mark L. Blum)
v
XI
xiii
49
59
x Contents
9. Renll)'o Shunin, Manipulator of Icons
Mark L. Blum
II. Shinshu Studies
]0. Shinran and Rell1!),o: Com(JUring Their Views of Birth ill the Pure
Lalld
Terakawa Shunsh6 (translated by Mark L. Blum)
II. Rellnyo's Position in Modem Shin Buddhist Studies: Soga
Ryoiin's Reinterpretation
Kaku Takeshi (translated by Maya Hara)
12. Rennyo and the Renaissarlce of Contemporary Shin Buddhism:
Rellnyo's Place ill the History of Shin Buddhism
Alfred Bloom
13. The Characteristic Structure of Renll),o's Letters
Ikeda Yutai (translated by Sarah Horton)
1+ The Tale of the Flesh-Adhering Mask
Yasulomi Shin'ya (translated by Mark L. Blum)
III. Comparative Religion
15. Renn)'o and Lulher: Similarities in Their Faith and
COTllmwlily Building
Kal6 Chiken (translated by Jan van Bragt)
16. Dancing into Freedom: Renn)'o and Religion
William R. LaFleur
17. Primal Vow and Its Contextualizatio/!: RemlYo's Legacy, and
Some Tasks for Our Times
Ruben L. F. Habito
A Chronology of Rennyo's Life
Glossary
Bibliography
Imlex
Photo gallery follows page 82
199
211
21
7
227
236
245
28
5
Ab breviations
CWS The Collected Works of Slzi1lTall.
Cartas que as Padres e lnlnlos Carlas que os Padres e TmlaOS da Com/JClHlzia de
Killigaki
Letters
Rogers
RSG
RSI
SSZ
SSS
T
Tesus escTeueriio dos Reynos de Tapao (5 China aos
da mesilla Com(J(Jllhi(J da Tlldia, cr EUl'OfJ(/, des do
amw de 1549 ate 0 de 1580.
Rellll)'6 ShrJllill go'ichidaiki kikigaki. References
are to edition ill SSZ, unless othefwise slated.
The collection of RCl1nyo lettcrs known various1v
as Ofirmi GOblllls/lO fffJJY:i1t, or Shobulls";i
References an; either to compete cdition
in RSI Of to traditional five-bundle compilation in
SSZ.
Minor L. Rogers and Ann T. Rogers, RemlYo: The
Second FOl/nder of Shill Buddhism.
RClm),o Shonil1 g)'o;ilsu. Inaha MasamaTu, cd.
RemlYo Shol1il1 ilnlll. Inaba rvlasamaru, cd.
ShinS/Hi shog)'o zensho.
Shins/lll shiryo slll/sei.
Taisho shins/lll daizokYrJ :icLEifJillt:::i-::JliQr&.
xi
Contributors
Allthors
Alfred Bloom: Emeritus Professor, Religious Studies, University of Hawaii
Mark L. Blum: Associate Professor, East Asian Studies, State University of New York-
Albany
Ruben L. F. Habito: Professor, Theology, Southern Methodist University
Ikeda Ylitai: Emeritus Professor, Shin Buddhist Studies, 00110 Nagoya
Kakll Takeshi: Associate Professor, Shin Buddhist Studies, Otani University, Kyoto
Kata Chiken: Professor, Religious Studies, Tokyo Polytechnic Univcrsity, Tokyo
Kinryu Shizuka: Abbot, Telllpic (Shinshu Honganji-ha), Shin Tolsugawa,
Hokkaid6
Kuroda Toshio (1926-1993): Professor, japanese History, Osaka Univcrsity, Otani Univ'crsity
Kusano Kenshi: Professor, japanese History, Otani University
William R. LaFleur: E. Dale Saunders Professor in japanese Studies, University of
Pennsylvania
IVlatsuIllUTa Naoko: Professor, Sociology, Otani University
MinBllloto Ryoen: Emcritus Profcssor, Hislory of Japan"", Thought, 'Ibhoku University,
Sendai
Terakawa Shunsh6: Emcritus Professor, Shin Buddhist Studies, Otani University
Stanley Weinstein: Emeritus Professor, Buddhist Studies, Yale University
Yasutollli Shin'ya: Professor, Shin Buddhist Studies, Otani Daigaku (Olani University),
Kyoto
Trallslators
Mark L. Blum
Maya Hara: Kyoto National Museum
xiii
xiv Contriblltors
Sara Horton: /\ssistant I'rofessDr. Religious Studies. Maealester College
Thomas Kirchner: Intcmational Research Institute for Zen Studies. Hanazono University.
Kyoto
William Londo: Assistant Professor, History. Saint Vincent Collegc
Eisho NaslI: Assistant Professor. Rc\,. Yoshitaka Tamai Professor ofJodo Shin Studies, Institute
of Buddhist Studics. Berkeley
Jan v<ln Bragt: Former Director, N<lnzan Institute For Religion <lml Culture, NagoY<I
Rennyo and the Roots of
Modern Japanese Buddhism
ABO\'I';: Rcnn)'o portrait (scroll).
ABOVE: Yoshizaki Inlet map (scroll).
1
MARK L. BLUM
Introduction
The Study of Rennyo
I
n the annals of Japanese history, Rennyo (1415-1499) is a figure of enormous
influence known primarily for fashioning the Honganji branch of Jodoshinshu
into an institution of growing strength ata time when so many others were weakened
by profound political, social, and economic disruption, including ten years of civil
war. Rennyo created or was at the forefront of new paradigms of religion, economics,
and social structure that not only enabled him and his church to survive violent
attacks but led to the accruing ~ unprecedented power and influence among all
classes of society, from peasants to courtiers. As a result Rennyo is seen by some as
a savior figure, by others as an ambitious daimyo. The more sympathetic view
regards him as the "Second Founder of Jodoshinshu," who not only saved the sect
from destruction by its enemies but also, through his energetic and inspired
leadership, united many of its disparate communities under the institutional banner
ofHonganji, put it on sound financial footing, rightly established it as the dominant
branch of the sectarian legacy of Shinshii founder Shinran (1173-1262), and in the
end ensured the survival of Shin Buddhism as a whole. The less sympathetic view
sees Rennyo as a skilled politician who distorted many of Shinran's philosophical
positions in order to create a massive feudal institution of significant wealth,
financially fueled by ignorant populations of believers in whose eyes Rennyo had
the power to determine their postmortem fate.
Rennyo has thus been of great interest to many Japanese scholars in various
fields, most commonly Buddhist studies, religious studies, political science, social
and economic history, sociology, art history, and woman's studies, among others.
But critical writing on Rennyo outside Japan did not begin until the 19705, when
Michael Solomon and Minor Rogers coincidentally completed dissertations on
Rennyo in 1972,1 and Stanley Weinstein published his groundbreaking "Rennyo
and the Shinshii Revival" in 1977.
2
James Dobbins helpfully situated Rennyo in the
context of the medieval history of Jodoshinshii in his Jodo Shinshu: Shin Buddhism
in Medieval Japan, but since Rennyo was the subject of just one chapter, the book
precluded any detailed presentation of problematic issues.
l
It was not until the
2 Introdllction
publication of Re71ll)'o by Minor and Ann Rogers in 19914 thalwc sal\' a full-length
stud\, on this man and his times. That study is an enormousl), useful guide and
coniains translations of most of Rennyo's Letters, but the concerns in this volumc
are considcrablv different from the areas wherc thal work displaycd its most critical
analyses (countering Marxist intcrpretations, defending Rennyo's me of al1ji1l as
equivalent to Shinran's term shiniill, for example). In the decade since it was
written, there has been a huge outpouring of intcrest in japan attendant upon the
celebrations commemorating the 500th anniversary of Renn)'o's death. Particularly
between 1997 and 2000 (by Japanese counting, the anniversary year was 1998),
throughout the countrj' there were a grc;lt many lectures given, ceremonies held,
art exhibited, television programs and films shown, and a amount of new
scholarship published. Since both branches of I-Ionganji are locatcd in Kyoto, this
old capital city was the centcr of much of this activit)', including an unprecedented
Rcnnl'o Exhibition at the Kyoto National MuseuTTT and a special subconference
devoted to Renn)'o at the annual meeting of the Association for Indian and Buddhist
Studies held at Otani Univcrsity that year. Forty of those papers were publishcd in
Japanese in the volume entitled Rerl1l)'o 110 sekai, and seven of thc writings in this
volume are translations or modified versions of th05c essays. If tltis number seems
large, in faet there is much more: if one includes the modern translations of
Rennyo's writings, more than sixty books about Rennyo have been published in
japan since 1997. Considering the general paucity of materials cxtant from the
Muromachi period, this much activity reflects a much broader and more creative
use of materials; in essence we have had a veritable renaissance of RcnllYo studies.
In selecting essays for this volume, the editors have tried to reAect many of these
ncw approaches to communicate the richness of this field.
We cannot presume to know who this man was, but by any reckoning he was
remarkable. Only sevcn years into his tenurc as abbot of Honganji, the temple is
attacked by warriors again and again until all buildings are burned to the ground.
Rennyo barely escapes with his life, and while in exile not only restores Honganji
but expands it into a church of national promincnce with political power that rivals
the grcatest religious institutions of his day. It is well known that Shinshu priests
have always taken wives openly after their training, but Rcnnyo married no less than
five times, fathering twenty-seven children. \Vlrile it is na'ive to presume Ihat a
pristine form of Shinshu had remaincd unchanged from the time of Shinran until
Rennyo assumed the abbotship, there is no qucstion that hc wrought many changes
within Honganji that eventually affected all branches of the sect. While critics fault
Rennyo for expanding the institution at the expense of its spirituality, the significant
number of ncll' con\'crts to the Honganji religious paradigm as redefined by Renn)'o
suggcst otherwise. Rennyo did revise and reshape both the religious institution and
its rcligious message, but how much was lost in those revisions and how much was
gained is subjective. For though we are somewhat able to grasp the form of Shinshu
and specifically Honganji culture under its prior leadcrs- indeed many of their
IVritings are extant-we can never be certain how much the differences wc perceive
today in rhetoric and inferred organizational structure under Rennyo's tenure reflect
meaningful differences in belief, practice, and perception, and how much merely
The Stud)' of Rellll)'o '3
changes in the way things were expressed in the lIIore than 200 years that separate
Shiman and Rennvo.
From om pOil{t of view today, more than fi"e centurics aftcr his death, Rennyo
thus presents hvo historical faces: one spiritually appcaling, magnetic, and humble;
the other politically savvy, powerful, anclwith rcsponsibility for the lives of tens of
thousands. Even putting aside an)' trace of the "great man" notion of history,
Rennyo nonetheless occupies a unique position in japanese history as having
transformed a relatively small religious sect in troubled times into a national
organization of wealth and power. Man), of the essays examine Rennyo's utilization
of the symbols of his church's authority, but the fact that those symbols grew
significantly in stature uncler his leadcrship t'ells llS that Rennyo's presence itself
was substantial, suggesting that in Rennyo we find bolh personal charisma and his
institutional genius. Given the Weberian dictum that the mark of a truly charismatic
leader is administrativc incompetence, Rennyo presents a real cnigma. How could
both these extremes be combined in the same individual? Is our understanding of
the man so off the mark that we havc the wrong picture entirely? Or docs the
example of Renn)'o essentially disprove VVeber's clocb-ine? How much of Rennyo's
success was actually due to his efforts, how much ercdit shoTllrl hc given to the
attractivcness of Shinran's doctrine, and how much is a rcstTlt of social, political,
and economic factors is a problematic underlying a 11 the cssays hcre.
The fact is that before thc time of Rennyo, his church, the Honganji, was only
one among many branches of Shin Buddhism, itself only one aTlTong TlTany so-
called new schools of Pure Land Buddhism that were cstablished in the previolTS
two centuries. Moreover, Shinran's institulional legacy itself was rather wcak
compared with the other nell' developments in his time; Ihat is, the branchcs of
Shinran's lineage do not appear to have becn among the more socially and politically
prosperous or prominent among the many that sprang from Honen's disciples in
the thirteenth century. The fifteenth-ccntury religious landscape of Japan into
which Rennyo was born \Vas dominated by major institutions of an earlier agc, such
as Mount Hiei, Miidera, Kofukuji, and the like, as well as the prescncc of thc ncw
Gozan orders of thc Rittzai school in the capital with its strong bakufu support.
Among the newly established Pure Land schools bascd on Honcn's legacy that
had only grown in size and inOucnce through the two ccnturics since I-Ioncn's
death, it was the Chinzei and Sci zan branchcs of the j6c1oshu, and thc jishu
founded by Ippen, that appear to have been most inAuential when Rennvo first
camc on the scene. Evcn aTTlong the various lillcs of Shinshu, most schol:Hs see
the Takac\a and Bukkoji branches as overshadowing the Hongattji before Rerlll\'o's
impact was felt. When the allegedly amoral and anti-authoritarian values mani'fest
in the behavior of Honganji followcrs in Omi Provincc caused such ire among thc
leaders of Mount Hiei as to provoke the sending of troops to suppress them (discusscd
in chapLer 7), the leaders of thc Takada school were only too quick to write to thc
abbot of Enryakuji to clarify how their inLerpretation of Shinran's teaching differecl
from that found in Honganji-affiliated communities. Indeed, the vcr)' lI'eakness in
the political presence of Honganji during this crisis carll' in Rcnnyo's leadership is
illustrated by the fact that I-Ionganji was finally able to negotiate an end to the armed
4 Introduction
attack against it by reaffirming its status as a branch temple within the Enryakuji
insWlltion of Mount Hiei, essentially making a public denial of its own autonomy.
But that was during the Onin War, when most of thc powerful military households
were engaged in open conflict, tens of thousands of troops fought on the streets of
the capital, and a general lawlessness pervaded the region.
5
It was many ycars before
Rennyo decided it was safe to return to the capital for the reconstruction ofHonganji,
and the choice of Yam ash ina outside the urban center and the fortrcsslikc structure
that was built there is ani), one manifestation of his appreciation of the need for
self-protection. That need resulted in various alliances with people and institutions
of power, most famousl), with Miidera and thc warlords Togashi Masachika and
Hosokawa Masamoto. In 1493, six years before Renn),o's death, Masamoto would
overthrow the shogun and run the bakufu through his chosen successor, in essence
becoming the most powerful man in the country. And as his power increased, so
did his role as protector of Rcnnyo and Honganji. By this time Rennyo had
administrative control over thousands of peasant soldiers, and I-Ionganji eventually
reached a position of political and religious prominence that rivaled EnrYHkuji and
Mount Hiei itself. Under his tenure many Shin communities achieved more
economic and political independence than they had evcr known, and some even
instituted democratic systems of government at the local level. Rennyo was courted
by dailllYo for the size and commitment of his community, and a major part of his
legacy was an illstitution in Honganji that seemed comlllcnsurate with that of a
feudal domain in many of its functions, prompting some to see Rennyo himself as
a daimyo. After Rennyo's death, Honganji only grew stronger, whereupon Nobunaga
sought its destruction as he had destroyed Mount Hiei, and yet it was the one
domain that he was unable to conquer.
As was already noted, these events are not in dispute; how Honganji got to this
point is disputed, however, as is the natllfc of its religious role in Rennyo's time.
For those who see the growth of a religious organization on this scale to be impossiblc
without an attwclive and fulfilling spiritual message that both captures the
imagination of its adherents and satisfies their religious needs, Renn)'o's achievement,
whatever it meant politically, is primarily in the area of formulating a coherent
religious message. For those who see the growth of any social institution as primarily
about power relations anel their managcmcnt, the key to understanding Rennyo lies
in his strategies of control over his congregations and the infrastructure he created
for his church that continued for many gencrations after his death. Indeed one of
the most satisfying aspects of this project has becn the discovery that ncarly all the
contributors do not regard these as mutually exclusive interpretations, and the
readcr will gain an appreciation of the unmistakable fact that Rennyo was a
successful religious leader and successful political leader.
The sixteen essays that follow this introduction are clivided into three parts:
historical studies that examine Rennyo in the context of the history of Japan,
Japanese religion, and Japanese Buddhism; ShinshCi studies, which consider Rennyo
and his era in terms of issues particular to the sectarian study of ShinshCi; and
comparative religion contributions that look at the legacy of Rennyo in terms of
religious issues common to Europcan traditions. II brief summary of some of the
salient points made in the each of the essays follows.
The StlJdy of I\ell11)'o 5
The biographical outline of Rennyo's life written by Yaslltomi Shin'va not onlv
presents what is currently known about the circumstances of his
to the abbotship of HOllganji, geographical movement, and approach to his
community, it also opens with the impact that the political instability of Rcnnvo's
timc had upon his outlook, an oft-repcated theme in all thc essays.' I-Icre we 'see
how the watershed IlIOlllent in Rennyo's career is probably Enryakuji's formal
anl1oyncement, on the ninth day of the first month in 1465, of its intention to dcstrov
the Otani Honganji complex in Kyoto where Rennyo resided and the subscque1;t
attack that came the next day. While that raid only partially destroyed I-Ionganji,
another attack in the third month essentially finished the job. Attacks on other
I-Ionganji communities followed, and whcn the bakufu finally persuadcd Enryakuji
to cease Its persecutIon of what was then called IkkiJ.shIi, this point did not come
until the fifth llIonth of that year. These cvcnts illustrate the frcedom of the f\ilount
Hici power brokers to move at will at that time, btlt they also highlight the fact that
when Rennyo begall his campaign to reconfigurc the I-Ionganji community he did
so under the stress of exile. Renn),o's thought then, must bc seen against this
background: he lived his entire life during a period of enormous social illStabilitv,
even after I-Ionganji was rebuilt in Yamashina on the outskirts of Kvoto, whe'n
traditional centers of power like the court and the bakufu enjoyed o'nly limited
inAuence over the nation.
Kuroda Toshio is famous for catcgorizing the "establishment" Buddhism of the
Kamakura period as kemnitsll taisei, a teml that combines the words for cxoteric
and csoteric forms of Budd his III to indicate a religious, social, anel political worldview
cOlllmon to all major forms of institutionalized BuddhisllI in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries. While Kuroda has argued that by and largc the socallcd IICIV
schools of Buddhism werc generally viewed merely as heretical forms of that
paradiglll, ane! thereby did not seriously challenge it, ill chapter 3 he recognizes the
writings of Shinran as having "aimed at sllfllIounting the shortcolllings of kenmitsll
thought." In looking at Rennyo, Kuroda reminds us that political unrcst was not
the only socially meaningful characteristic of society in the fifteenth century.
Rennyo lived also at a time whcn the sociopolitical structure of thc siliJell
system in which three centers of power-court, shognn, and religious
Illshtuhons-were belllg replaced by individllal daimyo ruling thcir clomaillS ,IS
autonomous units of power. The breakdown in the ke1l11lifslI power structure
naturally led to a loss of authority of the old, established institutions stich as MOllllt
Hiei and the subsequent rise of intercst in local cults and llewer forms of Budd his Ill.
stress:s the importance of the fact that Rennyo was speaking to a populace
III w.hlch an ll1tellcclual approach to religion was much more widespread thall in
prevIous centUrIes when a small elite of highly educated charismatic scholar-
monks determined the direction of religion. Rellnyo's message should therefore be
seen in the context of this society whcn many peoplc were seeking
morc c1nect control over then envIronment; the peasant ikki leagucs and their
uprisings are but one example. Similarly, Rennyo reinforces Shinran's assertion that
true religion nol only deserves a place separate from secular pOlVer structures but
also fundamentally nccd not define itself hy its relationship with those sccular
structures.
r __
6 Introduction
Next, Stanley Weinstein in chapter 4 providcs a useful comparison between
Shinran and Rcnnyo as leaders of Shinshu culture. Wcinstcill views Shinran as
rather pure and unbending in his refusal to sacrifice his religious intcgrity to thc
demands of society. By comparison, Rennyo was "the builder" who did what was
necessary to creatc the cdifice of I-1onganji. Weinstein frames our understanding of
Rennyo within the evolution ofjapanese scholarsh ip in the postwar period, pointing
out how Rennyo had garnished an enormolls amount of interest among historians,
both Marxist and otherwise, becallse of his apparent promotion of self-empowermcnt
movements among the populace. Vv'hen \"Ieinstein sho\\'s how, unlike Shinran,
Rcnnyo exhibits strong sectarian consciollsness and professes a doctrinc in which
resolute faith leads not only to the Pure Land in the next world but material benefits
in this one,. it calls to mind similar rhetoric from the Protestant Rcformation. It
raises the specter of a doctrinc of "predestincd salvation of the elect" in Rennyo,
an association that also emerges from the contributions of Kato Chiken (chapter
15) and William LaFlclIf (chapter 16).
Matsumura Naoko in chaptcr 5 thcn examines Rennyo's take 011 what Kasahara
Kazuo has labclcdthe Shinshu tradition of 11)'011 in shoki, a twist on the phrase akullin
s/zoki. Akwzin s/Zoki, itself a paraphrase of chaptcr 3 of the Ta111zisi1o, is Shinshu
jargon for a position attributed to Shinran that if good people are accepted into
AlIlida's Pure Land, how much more so does the Buddha welcome the bad (or the
evil). Kasahara thus understood Rennyo's ovcrt religious acceptance of women to
have followed the precedcnt ofZonkaku,6 who inferred that because women are seen
as inherentlv limited as a karmic given, one should infer that it is to womcn that the
Buddha's is directed most intCllsely. Matsumura recognizes the importance
of this issue for Rennyo, yet finds his view of wOlllcn dccidedly ambivalent. On the
one hand Rennyo is clear that his sectarian tradition does not accept any differences
between the spiritual potential of mcn and of women. On thc other he repeats the
traditional view that 1V0mcn are hindered by the infamous formula known as
the "five obstaclcs and three submissions," and he sent one of his daughters into thc
house of the shogun as a concubine, presumably to cement political ties with his
church. Citing Kyogen scripts and other contemporary sources, Matsumura shows
how women were becoming increasingly recognized for their contributions in thc
Muromachi period, yet in areas such as divorce, society's presumption of male
supcriority for the most part remained unshaken. \"Ihat. is perhaps most fascinating
herc is the fact that while traveling from commumty to eommuIlIty Rcnnyo
encouraged women to form gender-specific study groups, or ko, for lay and monastic
alike; these strike Matsumura as strikingly similar to the self-empowering soliuarity
groups that began forming in the last quarter of the twentieth century.
The essay by Kinryu ShiZllka (chapter 6) utilizes documents written by
European Catholic missionaries dating from the latter half of the sixteenth century
10 bring in new information on Shinshu in the century after Rennyo. Although
unavoidably distort cd to some degree, this material contains many things we can
learn about the immediate post-Rennyo era, not the least being the forms that
Shinshu took at the folk level, where IIlany of thcse dcscriptions are based. Hcre
we see a considerable amount of horr;i-suijaku and esoteric religious expression in
which thcre is a rich symbolic interplay behveen Amida and Kannon as wish-
The Stud)' of Reml)'o 7
granting savior figurcs anci the forms in which they manifest. The phrase /lamu-
amida-butsu itsclf was analyzed for its symbolic content, and Kinryu also shows how
many of these ideas are echoed in Edo period dallgiboll, thought to rcprcsent
popular sermons. Ever aware of the danger of losing souls to incorrect religious
teachings, the priest Valign3no, for example, declares, "No matter what sins one
has committed, [the priests] ... chant the namc of Amida or Shaka, and so long as
one truly believes in the virtue of this act, those sins will be completely cleansed.
Therefore, other atonements are complctely unnecessary ... this is thc same as the
teaching of Luther." For the missionaries, this lkko-shii was a religion of pcasants.
But it was also a religion that inspired great piety ami loyalty; their records tell of
rural doio where the members asscmble thrice daily for serviccs, and of the
decapitation of a dojo leadcr for "hercsy" by a Christian daim),o in Kumamoto.
Kenshi's contribution in chapter 7 looks at the i;litial military attack
on the Otani I-Ionganji that first drove Rennyo from the capital. By examining
documcnts produced by Mount Hiei to justify thc raid, Kusano illustrates how the
accusations Icveled against Shinshu by Enryakuji are clcarly linked to I\enn)'o's
activities, accusing the /-Ionganji of practices that slandcr both bllddlws and kami.
An interesting of criticism over name of mugeko-shti adopted by man)'
of the I-Iongan)1-affihated groups III the ami arca, which is associatcd with a
doctrine whcrcill an "unhindered" Amida Buddha empowereclllis believcrs to feel
similarly unrcstricted in their activities. Kllsano points to Rcnn),o's destruction of
Buddhist icons (also discussed in chapter 9) as one of thc most serious of the
accusations. He gives examples that show how the frequent admonition in Renn),o's
Letters against the open disdain displayeclto local kami is testimony that that kind
of thing \Vas quite prevalent among Honganji followers, for they are criticized for
ignoring pollution customs that result in desecrating shrine precincts. As Kusano
suggests, this is not only about the ancient religion we now call Shinto but also
about disrupting the political hierarchy embedded in village organizatirllls centercd
around shrines.
In chapter 8 Minamoto Ryoen offcrs an analysis of how Rcnn),0'5 thought paved
the way for the phenomenon knolVn as l11)'okollill, the name given to a Ilumber of
lay saints in this tradition. Although most pcople associatc myokonin with the Edo
and Meiji periods, in fact such individllals bcgin to emcrgc during RCllnvo's
leadership, and Minallloto on the example of Akao-no-Doshu (d.
Ml1lam?to belIeves Rennyo s nenbutsu hermencutic, coupler! with his
promotion of tlIe doetTlne known as kiho itta!, "llnificd bodv of individllal and
Dharma," changed the culture surrounding Shinshu such that it Icd to thcsc
remarkably inspired individuals. In particular, Rennyo's shift from Shandao's vicw
of ncnbutsu as a call to personal commitment and practicc to one ill which both
virtues are secn to be emanating from the Buddha himself through thc bclicvcr
clarified a point on which Shinran was nol consistcnt. Echoing the mysticism in
the An;il1ketsu;osho (and K6sai), Rennyo writes of the attained inclivi(hwl who
the Buddha: who has a "dialogue" with the Buddha, and in his later ycars
tillS IS holV he descnbed one who has attained the goal of or alljin. This
dialogic attitude is typical of the mature Rellnyo and suggests that hc himself could
well have served as a prototype for the myokonin. M inamoto's essay is thus an
8 Introduction
important reminder of the fact that Rennyo not only inspired the community-based
form of Shin shu that dominated I-longanji from the sixteenth through thc twenticth
centurr but also created a new path for the intensely spiritual individual who derives
inspiration from discipline and personal rcligious experience rather than from a
communal setting.
In chapter 9 Mark Blum looks at Rennyo's use of religious icons as a mcans of
commlmication. He asks us to considcr the production ancl distribution of hanging
scrolls under Rennyo's tenure as commensurate with the composition and
distribution of his Letters for the purpose of establishing and confirming relationships,
dictating norms of belief, and thus delineating Honganji culture as a whole.
Although Honganji had a prior tradition of bestowing sacred scrolls to its outlying
affiliated communities, dating back to the time of Shinran, Rcnnyo plunges into
this activity in a way unprecedented in its sheer volume and expcnse. But Rennro's
rclationship with visual forms of the sacrcd was a complex one, and this chapter
echoes Professor Kusano's focus on the significance of RCIll1i'0's period of burning
Buddhist icons and ils direct impact on the justification for the persecution of
Honganji during his leadership. The essay uses the example of Shinshu icons in
RcnIl)'o's day to draw our attcntion to thc societal impact of religious icons in
Japanese history as a whole, for we know that a wide freedom in iconic cxprcssion
in Shinsllll was significantly curbed under Rennyo when ritual use of the tcn-
character my6go scroll initially favored by Rennyo himself and many Shin leaders
before him, including Shinran, had to be proscribed after it was demonstrated to
provoke intense, at times violently repugnant reactions by some of the leadcrs on
Mount Hiei.
Chapter 10, the first essar in the Shinshu studies part, is lerakawa Shunsh6's
look at the Shinshu view of 6;6 or Birth in the Pure Land, usually abbrcviated here
as Birth. This key concept is of crucial importance because there has been
considerable misunderstanding of the implications of it in Japanese Pure Land
thought; it is too often reified to nothing more than postmortem rebirth ill a
paradise. Terakawa first looks at Shinran's final statements on it, in his seldom-reacl
,odo sa1lgy6 0;6 mOIlTUi and better-known Ichinen tanen mOIl'i and YuisiJillsiJo mOIl'i.
Ke)' here is the fact that Shinran directly ties the Pure Land goal of 6;6 to broader
religious issues such as the attaining of nirviil.w, the epiphanic experience of shinjin
(the "belie\'ing mind"), and the Tanluan's twofold notion of the believer's merit
transfer (huixiallg, Japanese eko). Tcrakawa stresses that our understanding of
Rennyo's statements on practice, faith, ancl rcalization must be seen within the
context of Shinran's understanding of 0;6 as being something realized in this
lifetime, not after death. The problem lics in the fact that Rennyo frequently uses
language that beseeches the Buddha to "help me in the next life." Through his
masterful understanding of Shin doctrine, Terakawa weaves an interprctivc tOllT de
force that maintains Shinran's morc radical position within Rennyo whilc finding
room for his shift in cmphasis.
Kakll Takeshi in chapter 11 provides a window into how Rennyo was resurrected
by some as an authoritative religious thinker in the Meiji period, when Buddhism
faced government persecution and criticism from many quarters as an anachronistic
institution anathema to modernization. He notes thatno less a figure than Fukuzawu
The Stud), of Rerm)'o 9
Yukichi praised Rennyo for his take on the concept of obo-bupp6, or "imperial law
and thc Buddhist law," which he read as advocating the modern legal principle
scparating church and state, an interpretation that led to Rcnnyo's Letters becoming
bctter studied than Shinran's own writings during the Meiji period, When Kiyozall'a
Manshi cmcrgcd as a leading Shinshu intellectual in the 189os, his insistence on
modern, critical sectarian studies caused a rift between conservativc and reform
movements within the church, Examining the contribution of Soga Ryojill, a
disciple of Kiyozawa, Kaku argues that Soga sought to resoh'e this conflict hi'
redefining Rennyo and his doctrines. Over the rears we see how Soga writes of
Rennyo as social reformer on the one hand and religious mystic on the other, and
it is fascinating to see how much Saga and Kiyozawa were taken with Rennyo's
embrace of both the Tannisho and the kih6 itteli doctrine, the latter also discussed
ill Professor Minamoto's essay (chapter 8). Kakl1 cbrifies for liS how the Otani
branch (Higashi Honganii) of Shinsl111 created the underpinnings of its modern
doctrinal position on the basis of a Tanllis/](}-centered philosophy running from
Shinran to Renn)'o to Kiyozall'a to Soga. In Soga's words, this attitudc is characterized
by an approach common to these thinkers such that Buddhism is not regarded as
a perfected form to be acceded to, bul something to he "understood ... through their
own experiences."
In chapter 12 Alfred Bloolll considers Rennyo's legacy in the context of the
postwar period and his potential for inspiring progressive dcvelopments within thc
Honganji institution. lIe reminds lIS that Rennyo regarded the Honganji church
itself as thc historical manifestation of the working of the Buddha's wisdom and
compassion, yet he warns against tendcncies toward rigidity and inflexihility that
may emergc from an acceptance of this view today. Bloom notes that Rennyo
himself transformed the institution significantly, even reformulating church rhetoric
to emphasize the afterlife, turning away from Shinran's foclls on the experience of
awakening. Bl.oom affirms this movie as a natural and healthy to adapt to one's
surroundmgs III ways that are inIlovative if they succced in communicating your
message. As an IllustratIon of how Rcnnyo's considcrable communication skills
were employed to this end, Bloom notes the important liturgical role in I-Ionganji
?f and Sh6shillge, a legacy of Rcnnyo's efforts, begun in
Yoshlzakl, to pnnt and dlstnhnte these texts so that Shin communities could each
have for their own services. V,Ie also knolV that Rennyo promotcd the
orgal1lzahon of small voluntary associations usually callcd ka, also discussed in
chapter 5, whose leaders he kcpt in his confidence, giviIlg thcm his imprimatur for
self-government in thc service of providing a space for religious activities. It was
local groups. that he wa.s able to tie togcther despite geographical separation
mto the broad, natIOnal orgamzahon that I-Ionganji became. Renn)'o thus promoted
a model of local democratic groups that wcre tied to a mother church that othcrwise
remained essentially feuclal in structure.
Ikeda YGtai has spent a number of years studying RCllnyo's Letters, and ill
chapter 13 he examines the observation that these are dircctly inspired by ami
therefore anothcr expression of the philosophy of the Tarlllis/zrJ. Such was the
conclusion of a commentary Oil by Ryosho in the eightecnth century
and was asserted agam by Soga RyoJln, as IS dIscussed in ehaptcr I\. Ikeda considers
10 Introduction
the implications of the text-critical findings of Miyazaki Enjun, who discovcrcd that
some twenty-five years had elapsed betwcen the writing of inclividllal scntences in
the extant text copied by Rcnnyo, meaning that Rennyo kept this book with him
over a long period of time. After discussing Rennyo's famous colophon to the
Tallllishi5: "This should not be shown indiscriminately to those who lack karmic
good roots," Ikeda provides a valuable analysis of the interprclivc "differences" so
bcmoaned by that work as understood by Rennyo, according to statements in
his Lellers. Ikeda divides Rennyo's notion of heresy into four categories: (I)
misunderstanding of nenbutsu practice, (2) secret practices and doctrines within
certain local communitics (called hiii bi5moll), (3) public pronouncemcnts of
Shinshii doctrine before nonbelievers, and (4) teaching non-Shinsllll doctrines,
I'
false cloctrines, or for money.
In chapter 14, the final chapter in the Shinshii studies part, Yasulomi Shin'ya
presents all example of the rich folklore tradition that has grown up around Rennyo
and is little known outside japan, offering a multifaceted interpretation of a folktale
associated with Rennyo's four-year residence in Yoshizaki. A kind of setstlwa tale,
this story has a clear religious message and found ils way into the normative pictorial
biographies of Rennyo but also enjoyed retelling in nonrcligiollS contexts. A story
in which women are the central characters, it concerns the tragedy of death within
a family and thc resultant acute spiritual needs of the remaining family members,
expressed in tension between a mother-in-law and her son's widow. Yasutomi offers
three interpretations of the story: as a blueprint for a Na drama, as a statement about
the traditional prejudice against women in Japanese Buddhism, and as a symbolic
representation of the regional conflict between the religio-political paradigm of
Honganji alJ(lthat of the indigenous mountain cults in the Hokuriku area such as
the one surrounding Mount Haku, or Hakusan, a mountain where ascetic, shugendo
practices continue to the present day. The story communicates a number of
important aspects for understanding Rennyo: that he was explicit in his doctrine of
equality of men and women before the Buddha, and at times even reflected
Zonkaku's earlier view, discussed in chapter 5, that Shinran's doetrine implied that
women were the precise object of thc Buddha's compassion; that he was enamored
of No drama and incorporated No elements into his own preaching style; and that
there was always some degree of social and political upheaval brought on by the
expansion of Honganji's inOuence over an cver-widening geographical area under
Rennyo's leadership, of which the ikko ikki peasant uprisings are only the most
salient example. The last point illustrates the complcx relationship between
I-Ionganji under Rennyo and the local cults today we put under the rubric
Shinto.
Chapter 15 offers a sample of Kata Chiken's extensive work comparing the lives
and religions ideas of Rennyo and Martin Luther. Kata is stmck not only by the
similarities in their religious outlook but by their personalities as well. He noles that
both were happy in domestic settings, a fact he sees as indicative of their devotion
to deepening the religious consciousness of the common people. Intrigued with
Luther's concept of an "invisible church," Kato implies that Honganji lmelcr Rennyo
probably progressed under a similar principle. At the very least, the examples shown
...
The Stllciy of Rellll)'o II
here of the parallel problems faced when leaders like Rcnnyo and Luther attempl
to realize all idcalized religions community snggest the need for furthcr inquiry into
arcas of consonance and dissonance betwccll religious visions and social rcalities,
especially for the history ofBuddhislll, where, outside of SrI Lanka, Tihet, and some
Chan studies, snch inquiry is particularly lacking. In any case, Kat6 concludes that
the many similarities between Luther and Rennyo naturally arise because both
expollnd ideologies that stand on a doctrine of "faith alone," or in modern Shin
language, "absolute Other-Power." This notion begs other questions: (1) Since
Rennyo never used eithcr expression, how woulc1we understand his response to
Klt6's analysis? (2) Is there a similar deni<II of free will in Rennyo's writings to that
seen in Luther's anti-Erasmus 1525 polemic De servo ariJitrio, for there is a glaring
tension between Rennyo's affirmation of universal access to the Purc Land and his
belicfthat Birth Ihere is Ilotopen to people born lI'ithollt the right karmic endowmcnt
from Ihcir previous lives? The tension between Luther's o\\'n commitment to
universalism and his sense of predestination thus suggcsts there may be a similar
presumption of a COllll1l1l11ity of "the elcct" lurking in Rennyo.
William LaFleur in chaptcr 16 considers an often overlooked aspect of Rcnl1Yo:
his expression of joy. In fact Rennyo frequenlly uses expressions of clation to expr'css
the experience offaith, and we err ill omitting this as an esscntial part of his message
of hope. LaFleur sees this as part of a lineage of openness that clcfincd a new
religious outlook, beginning with Honen and moving through Shinrall to Rcnnyo.
It is lIot only that these forms of Pure Land Buddhism consciously distanced
themselves from the secret, "hiddenncss" of the older Tendai forms of Japanese
Buddhism, but that they also brought a nell' message of confidence regarding karma
to the general population, lIIallY of whom feared that their occupations precludcd
them from salvation. An important aspect of this openncss is Rennyo's attitucle
of treating his followers as "fellow practitioners" rather than as disciples. This
combination of humble authority and openness in Rcnnyo suggests a clecp-scated
faith in the value of freedom for bringing people to liberation though faith. LaFleur
contrasts this attitude with that displaycd by thc Grand Inquisitor questioning jeslls
in Fyodor Dostoyevsky's novel The Brothers Karamazov. Set in sixteentil-centurl'
Europe, a time close to that of Rennyo, this priest justifies burning hcretics at h ~
stake because, as he explains to jesus, freedom of thought in rcligious mailers is 100
oppressive for tlw people who actually ye.am for "miracle, mystery, and allthority"
whdl the Cathohc Church IS able to proVide. Professor LaFleur argiles that Rermvo
consciollsl}, moves alVay from all threc of these elements of religion because of I;is
focus on experience amI openness.
In the final chapter Ruben [-Iabito brillgs us back to the twenty-first ccnturj' by
conSIderIng the Illlpact of Rennyo upon holl' the Shin sect has conccived its
international role today. Given that Shill Buddhism under I-Ionganji has become
both large and i.nAuential ~ o t h inside and outside of Japan, he asks its leadership
Important queslIons about Its future direction. Comparing I-Ionganji thought and
structure to that of the Roman Catholic Cllllrch, I-Iabito seeks to make Shin lcadcrs
more aware of the iSSllcs involved in the "trallSlation" and "contextualization" of
the religion for an international alIdience. This point is particularly important for
12 Introduction
our evaluation of the legacy of Rcnnyo because, for Habito, Rcnnyo appears to have
changed many of Shinran's core positions regarding the religious world outsidc of
ShinshQ. Focusing on the problem of altcrity, l-labito recognizes the central role
that Rcnnyo had in shaping the Shin attitude toward the non-ShinshQ world over
the last 500 rears, and this thoughtful essay fUllctions as an open call for Shin to
move beyond that history ill order to clarify once again how Honganji as an
institution can provide lcadership for its believers to see other institutions of power
in society today, such as the emperor and state power in gcncml, especially in light
of the complicity of both Higashi and Nishi Honganji during World War II. As an
examplc of how a political statement from a church Icadcr must be understood in
its original context so as to limit the scope of its normative value to latcr generations,
l-labito points to Paul's letter to Titus, which, though advocating willful submission
to political authority, was subject to varying interpretations over timc.
Although there is little to suggest that the world in which Rcnnyo Jivcd, the
fifteenth ccntury, should be considered even a premodern stage of japanese
history, the legacy of Rennyo nonetheless deserves rccognition for its contribution
to lIlany of the institutional and cultural developments that we take for granted
today as emblematic of Japanese Buddhist institutions in the modcrn period. \\le
might consider these changes undcr the rubric of innovative sectarian integration,
defined as a successful reworking of sectarian precedclIt ill ways that redefined
the relationship behveen religious idealism and institutional need. Successful in
this contcxt means growth in size and social stature of the organization, an
undeniable fact in the case of Honganji, but one not without attendant controversy
as well. But while the changes wrought by Rennyo have not pleased everyone,
modern schools of Buddhism in Japan have all been inAuenced to some degree
by his creative strategies of communication. I specfically refer to those that
successfully infuscd lay populations throughout the country with a sense of identity
to their scct as a national entity. By devoting considerable attention to the
standardization of snch things as retreats for study and practice, pilgrimage, funerary
rituals, fund-raising, norms of behavior, support for women, and the assimilation of
local dcjo into the greater church, Rennyo's integration of local, regional, and
national forces reRects an institutiollal vision that formed a prototype for what later
becamc normative in Japanese religion in the premodern and modern periods.
Having left such a deep imprint on ShillShQ culture and japanese history as a
whole, Rennyo continues to be the object of historical scrutiny today. His repeated
encounters with tragedy-the Gnin war,6 persecution and destTuction of his church,
cxile, sectarian infighting-without giving in to despair suggest the strength of his
courage and vision but also make him a compelling figure of considcrablc intcrcst.
However one imagines the experience of living at a time of such great insecurity,
Rennyo emerges as a charismatic leader who deeply understood the anxieties of his
age and fashioned a response that met with overwhelming acceptance. With the
tens of books and hundreds of articles on Rennyo published in Japan in the past
decade, the editors of this study make no claim of comprehensiveness. We only
bope that this collection makes a small contribution to the IInderstanding of this
figure and his times, and serves Lo stimulate further research.
...
The Study of Reml)'O 13
Notes
I Minor L. Rogers, "Rennyo Shonin 1415-1499: t\ Transformation in Shin Buddhist
;'icty," Ph.D. dissertation, Harvardynivcrsity, Cambridge, Mass., 1972. tra Michael Sololllon,
RCI1l1)'O and thc Rlsc of HonganplII Muromachi Japan," PhD. diss., Columbia University
Nell' York, 1972. '
2 Stanley Weinstein, "Rcnnyo and the ShinshG Revival." in Talum ill the Mllrn1l1flchi
Age, eel. john W. Hall and Toyoda Takeshi (Berkeley: of Califolllia Press, 1977),
331-358.
3 James Dobbins, TodD Shimhr1: Shill Buddhism ill [Vledieva! Tapal1 (Bloomington:
University of Indiana Press, 1989).
4 Minor L. Rogers anel Ann T. Rogers, Renn)'o: The Second Founder of Shin Buddhism
(Berkeley, Cal.: Asian Humanities Press, 1991).
5 See Mary Elizabeth Berry, Tile Culture of Civil \''flr in Kyoto (Berkelcy: University of
California Press. 1994).
. 6 Lasting a decade, the Onin lVar was a tragic saga that destroyed much of the
capllal and yet ultllllatcly deCIded nothing of consequcnce politically.
10
TERAKAWA SHUNSHO
TRANSLATED BY MARK L. BLUM
Shinran and Rennyo
Comparing Their Views of Birth in
the Pure Land
I
f you ask people to suggest an example of the formation of a powerful trilclition
over generations in Japanese Pure Land Buddhism l\Iany might point to the
lineage formed by the Honen-Shiman link ami then add Rennyo. If onc then
added what sacred writings would represent this line, we lVould perceive a continuity
of thought in the traditional line that runs through thc Se7lchakushii of HOlien
(1133-1212),' the Yuishillsho ofSeikaku (n67-1235),2 the Tmznisho ofYuien (d. 1289)/
and the Letters of Rcnn)'o (1415-1499). This tradition is based on an understanding
of the Buddhist path as a "path to Birth via ncnbutsu," an understanding that is
certainl), recognized by anyone today.
Of coursc, if ),ou ask how we should undcrstand the concept of 0;0 itself,
translated here as "Birth," then you are standing squarely within the concerns of
this tradition. As someone connected with the tradition of Shinran, I lVould first
like to inquire as to how Shinran comprehended 0;0.
At the present time, understanding of 0;0 can go in a varicty of directions and
olle cannot avoid some SCIISC of confllsion. But during Shinran's time ullderstanding
was also quite varied, and it is a mistake to assume that there was llnanilllity ofbclief
on this matter. It was within just sllch a context that Shinran examined his own
view of 0;0 at the end of his life and left an essay expressing his personal understanding
of it. That composition is called !ado sang)'o 0;0 monrui.' In the terse sentences of
this monograph Shinran explores a wide variety of views regarding the meanillg of
0;0, ultimatel)' labeling his own view the "Birth based in the Larger Sfilra." Sincc
the opinion expressed here is consistent with the views described in his main work,
the K),agyoshinsho, I believe wc can rely on this work to ascertaill Shinran's
understanding of Birth in the Pure Lam\.
111 his Jado sangyo 0;0 mOl1T1Ji, Shinran OIganizcd the variolls views of 0;0 into
three categories, the names of which he takes from the three core slltras of the Pure
Land school:
1. 0;0 as described in the Larger [Su/du/vatfvyahaj SfilTCl: Birth that is hard
to conceive of.
137
138 ShinshI' Stlldies
2. D;D as describcd in the COrllemllialion Satra: Birth beneath two trees
in the forest.
3. Diu as described in the Smaller [Sukhal'atIvyuhaj Siilra: Birth lhat is
hard to imagine.
Of these three, Shinran is most positive aboul D;D as defined by the Larger Satra
compared with Diu ill the Contemplation Satra or KangyD and DiD in the Smaller
Sfilra or Amidak),D. His label, the "Birlh that is hard to conceive of," is reminiscent
of the language he uses to describe the hongan, or Original VOl\' itself, a "covenant
inconceivable." 111 othcr words, we can make the assumption that Shinran's
description of this issue as being something hard to conceive of is prccisely so
because it is based on the "covenant incOIlceivable." Furthermore, since Shinran
also describes this as "the core teaching of the Larger Satra," we can also take this
to represent the fact thaI his understanding of Birth is based on what is preached
in the Larger Sulra. As a result, we should take this phrase 10 represent Shinran's
personal understanding of 0;0.
The Two Forms of Merit Tbll1sfer
Shinran writes:
From the two forms of merit-transfer in relation to the Tathagata, the person who
has attained "faith" [shing)'a] withoul fail resides in the stage of being among the
group of assured.
5
For that reason, we llse thc term lariki ... . This is the core
teaching of the Larger SuklzaV<l/Tv),ulza Siitra. This is also called Birth that is hard
to conceive Of6
These words come from his concluding remarks on the Larger Siitra. Here without
doubt we see two aspects of Shinran unique ullderstandiIlg of ojo according to the
Larger Salra. First is his understanding that aiD according to the Larger Sulra or
"Birth that is hard 10 conceive of" means Birth that is realized through the two
kinds of merit transfer of the Tathagata. Second is that the concretc expression of
o;u according to the Larger Salra lies in the fact that one resides in the position of
being among "the assured."
On the first point, Shinran is saying that Birth in the PlITe Land is realized by
means of the two forms of merit transfer toward the Tathagata, especially that of
the gratitude expressed in transferring merit in the aspect of going to the Pure Land
(050 eko). On the meaning of lIlerit transference in this aspect of going, Jinrei
(1749-1817), a Shinshii scholar froIll the early modern period, explained it this
\va}':
It refers to the time from when one attains the understanding of "faith" (shin;ill)
in this Sahli world, are then born in the Pure Land, and continues up to realizing
the enightcnment of nirviil)a. Transferring mcrit on our return from the Pure Land
means to return to this defiled world. Returning to this defiled world from the Pure
Land, one works for the salvation of all sentienl being'.?
The modern scholar Hoshino Genp6 wrote in his Kokai K),ogyoshillshO:
Shi'lTClIl clnd Renn)'o '39
The aspcct of going denotes the form of one's going \0 the Pure Land. Since alIT
going to the Pure Land is something that is given completely by the Buddha, it is
referred to as the merit transfercnce in the aspeel of going. The aspcct of returning
denotes the form of one who has returned to this world to save sentient beings afler
having achieved Birth in the PlITC Land. This activity, the returning aspect, is also
bestowed to us from the Buddha, and so it is called the merit transference in the
aspect of returning.
8
These two opinions reflect the COllllllon understanding of the two aspects of merit
transference, and in particular the aspect of going 10 the Pure Land. But although
it is clear frolll these explanations what these two kinds of merit transfer are,
especially the aspect directed at going to the Pure Land, slleh understanding is all
too often missing from modern treatments. VVitness, for example, the following
explanations in two highly respected modern dictionaries:
Bukk)'o iiten
This refers to the evcnt of being horn in another 1I'0rld when one's life in this worlel
is over, and in Pure Land thought came to refer to leaving behind this defiled land
and going off to a so-called "pure land." ... But even if lI'e say that the idea of Birth
has its origins in the notion of being reborn in heaven, there is a major difference
hetll'een the two notions. The concept of being rehorn in heaven does not transcend
the limits of transmigwtion, whereas achieving Birth in Ihe Pme Land means
lem'ing behind the wheel of rebirlh and reaching the realm of buddhas .... In
JocloshinshG, two forms of Birth are discussed: Spolltaneolls birth in a land of [the
Buddha in] a true reward [body], and womb birth in a land of [the Buddha in] an
cxpedient [body]. Also, when Birth in the Purc Land is detcrmincd in this 1I"OTld,
it is called "immediate Birth" [SOklltoku aia when one is bom in the
Pure Land, this is called "Birth that is hard to conceive of" [,wI1shigi aia]."
Bllkk)'agakll iiten
Leaving this world atlhe end of one's life to be born in the other world .... 111 Judo
ShinshG, there are two types of Birth exptained, immediate Birth [SOkll aiu] and
expedient Birth [ben 0;0]. Or, there may be three forms of Birth posited, where
"imlllcdiate birth" is called Birth that is difficuli to conceive of [tariki nenbntsu,
Birth of the eighteenth Vow]. "expedient Birth" is called Birth that is difficult to
imagine liiriki ncnbutsll, Birth of the twentieth Vow], and "Birth heneath two Irees
in the forest" [Birth by a variety of practices of thc nineteenth Vow]. In Shinshii,
it may also be stated that when it is confirmed through the attainmeut of slziniin
that Birth is possible, tlli, is called "immeclialc allainmcnt of Birth" fsoklliolm iiiii].
This is also Birth without losing the body [confirmation of Birth e1uring onc's
lifetimc, i.e., with a defiled body] and is contrasted with Birth witb losing the body
[Birth that occurs wizen the physical body dies]lo
Leaving aside the issue of how appropriate these explanations are, despite all the
detail about Birth in Shinshii with or without losing the body, or Birth in a womb
or spontaneously, the three types of Birth, and so on, it is notelVorthy Ihal Ihere is
no mention of the relationship between Birth and the transfer of merit loward this
goal.
The second point I would like to make eonceflls the issue of joining the "group
of the assured" while in this life, and on this point Ihe dictionary explanations clo
140 Shil1shii Studies
seem to reRect the generally held views. However, the understanding of Birth
expressed when Shinran spoke of Birlh according to the Larger Satra was of a
concept of joining the assured not seen in these discussions; namely, thc confirmation
of bcing on the path to nirviil)a. Moreover, Shinran called this the "core tcaching
of the Larger Siitra, the Birth that is difficult to conceive of." Therefore, in order
to understand what Shinran really had to say about Birth, we TIlust approach this
not with our preconccptions but with an open mind to apprcciate the discourse that
he actually used to express himself.
Shinran's View of Birth and Merit Transfer
The special characteristics of Birth that Shinran expressed when he used the phrase
"Birth according to the Larger Salra" concerns the realization of this by means of
the two forms of merit transfer. Shinran's basic position can be seen in his \'iew of
the other two forms of Birth that he does not see as having presumed the two forms
of merit transfer. That is, Birth according to the Contemplation Siitra rcfers to
yearning for the Pure Land after transferring the merit one personally has
accuTllulated in all one's good karmic action; and Birth according to Ihe Amida
Sfitra is Birth that one asks for ollly by means of the power inherenl in transferring
merit accrued from personally [evoking] the Buddha's holy name, bccause one
cannot accept the inconceil'able wisdom of the Buddha. These other forms of Birth
are the means by which one embraces the hope of reaching that 1I'0rld when facing
one's final moments; they are notions of Birth that spring from the expectation of
confirmation that one hopes lI'ill come from thc encouragement of nenbutsll
practice. By contrast, what Shinran called Birth according to the Larger S!llra is the
Birth that is naturally realized by means of the two types ofTathiigata merittramfer.
This interpretation implies, to put it more concretely, something more along the
lines of a doctrine whereby someone who engages in ncnbutsu by believing in the
Origillal Vow resides naturally and spontaneously in the "group of the assured" in
this world and then, upon his next birth, treads the path to the final goal of
unsurpassed nirl'al)a.
But what precisely is this twofold Tathagata merit transference that realizes
Birth according to the Larger Sf/Ira? To undersland Slrinran's fundamental
understanding of this, we should first note this \Vasall:
Abandoning the dubkha of the beginnillgless spin of sa1/1siira
In expectation of the ul1Sllrpassed nirv3I,lu,
Thc debt [olldoku 110IVard the Iwo forms of Tathagata IIlcrit transference
Is truly difficlllt to repayll
A ~ this verse shows, for Shinran the merit transfer directed at the objective of going
to the Pure Land and the merit transfer directed at the objective of returning from
the Pure Land are both expressions of onc/oku O @ , ~ , the feeling of indebtedness
from having received the blessing of the merit transferred from the Buddha. This
is the firsl point to keep in mind regarding Shinran's understanding of these t\\'o
forms of merit transference. The second is that the person who is able to rcalize
Slzimal1 al1d Rfilll1)'O 141
this indebtcdness arising from these two forms of merit transference will have his
life Iransformcd from being locked into transmigration to being definitively at the
stage of the group of the assurcd. Enacting the transfcr of meril directed at reaching
the Pure Land does not simply reRect a notion of Birth in the Pme Land, it also
implies residing among the group of assured that is standing on the great path to
final, complete nirvaI,la. Let us look at how Shinran expressed this.
Shinran exprcsses a most positivc altitude toward merit transference for the goal
of Birth in his Kyagyoshi1Jsha, but the most condensed presentation can he found
in the section on "Birth according to the Larger Satra" in his lodo sang)'o aja
monTui. This is the backbone of Shiman's thought on this matter. Here are the
main points of his argument:
I. There is lnle practice (shil1jitstl g)'oga) in the merit transference of the
'Illthagaia for the goal of Birth. 111 other words, it is a manifestatioll of
the compassionate vows inhercIlt in the invocation of the names of all
the buddhas. The compassionate vow [at the base of] invoking the name
is as stated in the Larger Satra (text of the Vow is then quoted here.)
The text of the accomplishment of Ihe compassionatc \'OIVS [of the
Buddha] regarding entrusting in invoking the name is as the sUlra says
(text of the confirmation of the Vow is quoted here).
2. In arlditiollthere is a tme faith (shinjilstl shinjin). This is what is m,lIl i fest
in the compassionate VOIVS [guaranteeing] Birth \'ia lIenblltsu. These
vows of compassion that one entrusts oneself to are stated titus ill the
LargeT Siifra (the eighteenth Vow is quoted here).
3 In addition there is a true realization (shinjitstl shaka). That is what is
manifest in the compassionate vows of illevitably reaching the final
annihilation (17letstldo ) [of defilements that is nirviil.w]. The Larger
Satra states the following compassionate vow [as an expression] of [the
Buddha's] realization. (Quote from the sutra of a vow that promises
everyone in his realm is assured of reaching melstldo.) The sutra
[confirms] this attainment of final annihilation, the realization of
nirvJl)a, in the texl that narrates Ihe accomplishment of this vow
(another quote from the second fascicle).
4 The persoll who has attained this true invocation and this lruc cntmsting
has been promised to be enabled to reside al the rank of the gronp of
the rightly assurcd. Residing among the grollp of rightl), assurcd has also
been described as reaching the [stage of] equivalent [to a buddha's]
enlightenment. It is also preached that this cCJuivalent enlightelllnellt
stage is the same as Ihat of Maitreya Bodhisattva, who has only one
lifetime remaining before buddhahood. That is why the Larger Siilra
says "the next one is like Maitreya."ll
From these passages we sec how individual is Shiman's unclerstanding of merit
transference directed toward Birth. Shinran states that "regarding the merit
transference of the h1thagata clirected towarcl Birth, thcre is true practice, true faith,
and true realization. What he means is that the activity of this mcritorious debt or
merit transferencc toward Birth is manifest in Ihe li;'es of senlicnt beings. The
142 Shinshu Studies
concrete form of this true practice is the action of "recitation of the name of the
Tathagata of Unhindered Light," characterized in the fascicle 011 practice (in the
Kyog)'osilinsiJo) as "the great practice." On his notion of the true siliniin, Shinran
likewise in the fascicle on faith (in the Kyogyoshinsilo) identifies this as the self-
realization of faith as confessed by Vasubandhu in the beginning of the section
entitled Gathas seeking Birth (in the lingtu lUll) in the phrase, "With a singularity
of nliml I take refuge in the Tathagata of Unhindered Light in the Ten Directions:'
This is none other than the so-called practice and faith of the selected
Original Vow, which is precisely the ground where Jodoshinshii makes its presence
known.
In addition, Shinran enthusiastically speaks of the central issue of the attainment
of true realization. We can find this discussion in tlte fascicle on attainment (in the
Kyog),oshinsho):
Ordinary beings replete with spiritual defilements [reside in a] a mass of budding
[anxieties which spring from] the sinful defilements of S<ll]ISara. But if they obtain
the mind and practice of the merit transference directed at Birth, immediately they
become countcd among the Maha)'ilna gronp of those assured. And bccause they
reside among the grollp of assured, they will reach nirviil)H without fail."
As an excellent scholar-monk of the Buddhist tradition, Shinran was well aware that
true realization meant "the ultimate attainment of unsurpassed nirviil)a." But at the
same time he also accepted positively the fact that for the individual residing in the
community of assured whose steps arc taken toward the inevitable attainment of
nirvana, this true attainment occurs in one's present condition. This is a point that
needs to be strcsscd.
Merit Transference and Religious Attainment in This Life
Thus Shinran takes the activity of "leaving behind sentient beings and crossing this
ocean of tWllSllligration,,14 (going to the Pme Land) as an indebted blessing in the
form of merit transfer for the goal of Birth that is realized within the lives of sentient
beings by means of true practice, true shil1;il1, and true attainment. These three
doctrines are each seen as having their roots in vows, that is, the VOIV of all the
budd has invoking the namc, the vow of Birth by lIenbutsu, and the vow of attaining
nirvaua without fail. From this point of view, Shinran's sense of merit transfer for
the goal of Birth is, by means of these three Original Vows which he refers to
alternately as "the selected Original Vows of Amida Buddha of merit transfer for
the goal of Birth," or as "the Tathagata's benevolence manifesting within sentient
beings to which we are indebted." Shinran's understanding of the third Vow,
Expressing confirmation of the attainment of nirviilJa without fail, is especially
important. On this he says:
The person who has attained this tflle invocation and this true entrusting have
been promised to bc cnabled to reside at the rank of the group of the rightly assured.
Residing among the group of rightly assured has also been described as reaching
the [stage] equivalent [to a buddha's] enlightenment."
Shim(//l and Hennyo 143
He thus understands the vow's intention to have been accomplished as the
individual's inevitability of reaching nirval)a, and he describes this as the state of
someone in his present situation billowing with trllc attainment. Shinran's own
comprehension of Birth in cvery instance stands lIpon this understanding of thc
merit transfer directed toward the goal of Birth. To clarify this further, let us look
at a more advanced statemcnt on this point in his /chinell ianen man';:
The 1'0\\' of attaining nirviil)a withollt fail expounded in the Larger Siitra pledges
"If in becoming a buddha, the people and devas in Ill)' world do not reside in the
cOllnnunity of the rightly assured who reach nirviil)2 without fail, may I not attain
bllddhahood." The accomplishment of this vow is explained by Siikyamllni as "The
sentient beings born in that world all reside in the commllnity of the rightly assured.
Why? Becallse in that world all forms of the [other two] groups of the communities
of the misguided and indeterlllinate are not present." ... In this IVaI' what
Dharmukara Bodhisattva vowed was explained by Sakyamuni for LIS living ';'ith the
five stains to be "Thc sentient beings born in tlwt world will all reside in
thc community of the rightly assured. Why? Because in that 1V0rid ,Ill forms of the
[other two] groups of the communities nfthe misguided and indeterminate are not
present." In the statements by these two hOllored ones, the description of Birth as
confirming the stage of the communit), of the assured is itself a statemcnt on
residing in a stagc of nonbaeksliding. Because this stage being confirmed mcans
onc is in a body that will reach nirvHI.m withont fail, this is described as reaching
the level of equivalcnce, or reaching avaivartika [thc state of nOllbacksliding]. It is
also known as immediately entering [the status of the] inevitably determinate.
16
He calls this the "practice and faith of the selected Original Vow" and also "the
mind and practice of merit transfer for the goal of Birth," (080 ekc) no shing)'o). These
terms express the realization of his faith as someone who has joined the community
of the assured in this body, in this life. Shinran identifics this state with the state
of one who stands in the inevitability of reaching as implied in the
accomplishment of the vow. I havc already cited this passage from the chapter on
Realization (in the Kyogyoshinsho), which narrates this in a way that suggests activity
rather than passivity for the indivic\t",llife, but I want to match it with an imJlortant
passage in his YuishillSho mon'i:
It is the same for ordinary people bound by restrictiom, people like l!Ieat sellers
on the bottom of society [and so forth]. If they can entrust themselves to the
inconceivable Original Vow of thc Buddha of Unhindcred Light, the holy n'"lIe
of enormous wisdom, then they will reach the highest nirv,,!)a evcl1l1'hilc thcY:Ire
filled with karmie afflictions.
17
If we follow Shinran's argument, then the 011doklt of the merit transfer for thc goal
of Birt'h which expresses Tanluan's "leaving behind senticnt beings and crossing
this ocean of transmigration" lies most fundamentally wilh "the selectcd Original
Vow of the mcrit transfer of the Tathiigata Amida directed toward [those aiming at]
Birth." Shinran understood the tTIIC reality of this achievement by means ofknowing
the vow of all the budd has reciting the Name, thc vow of Birth by nenbutslI, and
the vow of the incvitability of nirval)a. All this is realized within thc lifctillle of the
individual in a very concrete way by means of him or her personally knowing thc
reality of this achievement, by meallS of experiencing shin;in and the realizing this
144 Shinshli Studies
truth within in their own lives. Thus does the reality of this achievement of the
Buddha manifest to sentient beings via their sense of gratitude and indebtedness
toward the merit transference that makes their going to the Pure Lalld a reality.
When we think of how we know this, that is, through the process to the realization
that I myself reside among the assured who is on the path to the ultimate aim of
unsurpassed nirval)a, we see how this is w111ethillg active (rather than passive).
Thus we see how much effort Shinran put into narrating his view of realizing
the merit transfer for the goal of Birth. At the risk of sounding redundant, if we
follow Shinran's view on this, it is not as simple a matter as it seems. It is all the
more obvious thai Ihis notion of oio is not something that is realized after physical
death in the sense of a "future Birth in the Pure Land." Every time Shinran writes
of merit transfer directed to the goal of Birth, he always expresses himself in this
way. Nevertheless, it seems that we have beell saddled with a fixed understanding
of Shinran that views his notion of the two forms of merit transfer regarding Birth
(oso eko and gellso eko) as simply a round trip to the Pure Land. i cannot help but
look upon this idea in the salTle way that the Tallllisha laments the way that people
become "enlightened to their own opinions," missing the uniqueness of what
Shinran had to say by a thousand miles.
Pure Land Birth Pointillg to Nirvaoa
As has been mentioned, Shinran refers to this path to self-awareness realized by
means of the Olldoku of the merit transfer for the goal of Birth as "the core issue of
the Larger St7tra, the Birth that is difficult to conceivc of." What he also calls "Birth
according to the Larger Siifra" rellects his understanding of holV someone is able
to live on this path of self-awareness as a human resicling ill the community of the
assured in his present life, a concrete expression of the real attainment that comes
from thc gratitude and indcbtedness (ondoku) arising from experiencing both
forms of merit transfer from the Tbthagata. For another expression of Shinran's
umlerstamling of Birth, i retum to his Ichinen tanen 11l01l'j:
Because one atlains the true shilljin, one is therefore embraced by the mind of the
Buddha of Unhindered Light and never abandoned .. , .In other words, regardless
of the passage of time, when it is determined that the individual is al the stage of
the community of the assured, it can be said that he or she allains i5iii.1S
This passage appears to make Shinran's position quite clear, bnt let me pursue the
matter further in the interests of arguing that my own understanding is the correct
one.
Shinran has said in these passages that his understanding of what the Larger
Snlra means by "immediate Birth" (sokutoku aia) is the determination that by
lTleans of attaining slziniil1 one naturally and immediately attaiIlS the stage of the
communit)' of the assured. As was seen in the quotation from the Bukk)'o ii/en, that
dictionary's characterization of the Shinshii position as "when Birth is determincd
in this world, it is called 'immcdiate Birth'" seems subjective, even inaccurate.
Shinran's own realization ofimmedialc Birth is based on the Larger Siilra's statement
Shinwll and Renn)'o Lf5
that this refers to the individual "residing in the community of the assurcd, destined
to reach nirvana."
To break through the standard understanding ;lIld truly see Shiman's unique
understanding of the meaning of Birth, one should begin with the suggestion in
his statement in the lchinell tanen Tllon'j that one should "carefully, careflilly
consider" the statement in the Larger St7tra that confirms the accomplishment of
Amida's vows.
Moreover, the unclerstanding of Birth he displays whcn he labels "Birth
according to the Larger Siitra" as a "Birth difficult to conceive of" in his lodo sallg)'o
oiB monrui is one viewed from his perspective on the two forms of merit transference.
That is, the manifestation of merit transfer for the goal of reaching Birth is felt as
a blessing bestowed from the Buddha's true virtue to one self-awakened fro III
obtaining true practice and faith. At that point, one's life is tllrned away from
sall1sara toward a life that relics on this true merit, that is, a life that manifests
thc individual's position within the community of the assured. Such a life is naturally
characterized by deep feelings of gratitude.
In his ,ado sangyB aia 11l01lrui Shinran makes the following Slllllmar)':
Birth according to the Larger Salra [is possibte through} the Original Vow selected
by the 11lthagata, an inconceivable oceun of a Vow, and this is called tariki [Othcr-
Power}. This means that by means of the Vow which is the cause of Birth throngh
nenbutsu [nellblitsli iiiii]. the individual wilt inevitably reach the goal of the Vow
which is [enabling that person to realize} nin'nl)a. Residing among the group of
assured in this life, he or she knows he or she will reach the true Pure Land of the
Buddha in a reward-body. This means that because of the true cause which is
the merit transfer from Tathagata Amida for the goal of Birth, one is enlightened
to the highest nin!iil:/Q. This is precisely the core teaching of the Larger SOlra. For
this reason, this is called Birth according to the Larger Satra. [italics added}
SIdman is calling this Birth according to the Larger Stlira because it is a doctrine
that is apropos of the core teaching of that sutfa. As a final statement of Shiuran's
own position on all this, here is another quote from the chapter on Realization in
the K),agyoshillsha:
Thus do we deeply understanclthe true words of the great sages. The realizatioll
of the Great Nirval)a is by means of merit transfer from the power of the Vo\\'s [of
the Buddha}. The benefits that come from the merit tmnsfcr used for returning
from the Pure Land [gensi5 eki5] is the manifestation of true thonghts for the sake
of others
19
Rcnnyo and Shinran
In the history of Japanese PlITe Land thought, Shinran's understanding and
conception of aiB (Birth) can be considered the highest point in thc various
formulations of this doctrine. Just how difficult it has bccn to maintain this
undcrstancling over time is a crucial topic for the history of Buddhism, and seeing
how the Bukkyo ii/ell from iwanami Shoten came up with somcthing different is
just one of many such examples.
146 Shillshii Studies
Rennyo appears approximately 200 years after the death of Shinran, making
the reconstruction of Shinshu as founded by Shinran his mission in life. Rennyo
is quoted to have said, "In this generation I am definitely going to resurrect the
Buddha's Dharma." As the leader of this tradition of the Pnre Land teilchings,
Rennyo naturally inherited the Shinshu understanding of Birth and proceeded to
add his own characteristics to this position.
One phrase that Rennyo often added to his narration of Bi1th is "help me in
the next life." This takes different forms in different contcxts, but whether it be his
Letters, or in the Kikigaki, there is a definite repetition of the idea of aia as a "future
Birth in the Pure Land." In his own, idiosyncratic way, Rcnn)'o nevertheless does
display a faithful response to the calling of Shinran's legac), of Birth in the positive
sensc of joining in the present life the community of thc assured, or being on thc
pnth to nirviilJa. We can see this concept in his use of the term heizei gCliu
nX;), "the attainment of practice under normal conditions."20 Hcre are two examples
of how he uses it:
1. The position of someone who has attained shinjin is described in
thc [Larger] Sillra as "immediately attaining Birth; dwclling in a
nonbacksliding [state]." In [Tanluan's] Commentary this is also called
"with the arising of a single-thought nenbutsu [iciJillen], one enters the
COlllIllllllity of the rightly assmerl." This reflects the discourse of [Birth J
without the experience of being grccted at one's death by the Buddha
and his attendants [raigiil and signifies the attainment of practice under
normal conditions [heizei gaiii]21
2. In general, in our school we speak of this as "with the arising of a single-
thought nenbutsll, one enters the commllnity of the rightly assured."
After one realizes that it is because of the manifestatiOlI of previously
sewn good karmic activity that one is afforded the opportunity in thc
course of ordinary lifc to hear about the principle in thc Original Vow
of Amida Buddha that saves us, one then understands the origins of the
Original Vow, meaning it is not one's own power [waga chikara] but by
means of the lariki of the Buddha wisdom that has been bestowed upon
us that we comc to understand. In other words, this is the meaning
of the attainment of practice undcr normal conditions. Thus "the
attainment of practice undcr normal conditions" refers to the condition
whereby the individual has truly heard this principle and is in a stage
where he or she feels that Birth is determined, fixed, which is also
called "with the arising of a single-thought nenbutsu, one enters the
community oftbe rightly assured," or "the attainment of practicc under
normal conditiollS," or "immediately attaining Birth; dwelling in a
nonbacksliding [state ].,,22
This phrase, ."the attainment of practice under normal conditions," is something
that Rennyo IS thought to have taken from Kakllnyo's writings and is probably an
cxpression of the standpoint wherc the matter of iiiB is completed or accomplished.
Shinran would term this the identity of onc residing in his current state in the
communit)' of the assured as a result of attaining shiniill. As such this is definitely
ShillTall and Relll1)'o 147
a statement of understanding that the path to Birth has been attained, and thus
from these two letters we know that Renn)'o sought to express a position that was
in line with this tradition. We can see the same scntiment in the following well-
known letter by Rennyo:
The gist ofwhatll'c teach in this tradition of [Shinran] Sh6nin is based in sl7illjill.
For that reason, we aballdoll the other miscellaneous forms of practice, and since
we single-mindedl)' take refuge in Amidn Buddha, our Birth is confirmed by dint
of the power in the inconceivable VOIVS [of that buddha]. This position is interpreted
as meaning "with the arising of a single-thought nenbutsu, one enters lhe
comlIllmity of the rightly assured," and the recitation nenbutsu that follo\l's must
reflect an attitude of performing nenbutsu to exhaust the debt owed to the tathagata
who has determined my Birth for me.
2l
Renn)'o endeavored to resurrect the self-realization implicit in Shinran's faith, and
yet Rennyo could never meet Shinran face to facc. Instead he had to studv Shinran
through understanding displayed in the works of Kakunyo and Zonkaku' and then
succeed to a Shinshu thus conccivcd. In addition to his assuming thc leadership of
Honganji, Rennyo's position was complicatcd hy tbe fact that Japan was im!1lersed
in terrible military conAict during most of his life, which corresponds [0 the latter
Muromachi period. And those who tried to stand with him ill thc awareness he
inherited [rom Shinran as "fellow practieioners" were people living ill a chaotic
world. Such severe conditions, it seems to me, brought forth to him the question
of the sah'ation of ordinary people in a defiled world in the Latter Age and moved
him toward a role of leading the pcople closer to the salvation embodied in the
enlightenment attained by Honen.
"To attain siliniin is to comprehend thc eighteenth Vow. '10 comprehend
the eighteenth Vow is to comprehend the form of na111U amida Intlsu." In this
understanding of the Sacred Name (myiigii), Rennyo for some reason hypasses
Shinran to rely on the traditional interpretation of Shandao and Honen regarding
the six charactcrs that make lip the nenbutsll. Sha1lCbo clarified the meaning of
thc Sacred Name within this phrase by saying that "with this meaning one allains
Birth without fail." Shinran glosscs this statement to the cffect that" 'to altain
Birth without fail' is all expression dcnoting the fact that one obtains a position of
non backsliding," which unmistakably rcfcrs to his understanding of rcsiding in the
community of the assurcd in one's present life (gensho shiiiaiu).
By contrast, Rcnnyo's hermcncutic looks somewhat differe1lt, exprcssed in
phrases such as "please save me in the next life" (goslrii lasuke tamae) anel "the next
life is the single most important issue [in this one]" (goslro 1/0 iclzi-dai;i). These are
expressions of Rcnnl'o's own thoughts on the subjcct of Birth, but should we not
also considcr them as the resignation of a Rennyo accepting thc urgent supplications
of the people in an age of uphcaval? And in response to thosc nceds, Rcnn}'o
asserted the following:
For those whose ,llril1jil1 of one thollght-moment is confirmed [ichil1e1! 110 5/lil1jil1
5adamaran t011logara], each one will attain Birth in the Pure out of \eu,
one hundred out of one hundred. There is nothing further to worry abol1l.
24
148 Shinshii Stlldies
When Rennyo asserts that "each and every person will be born in the Purc Land
of a [buddha in] reward body [sa111bhogclkaycl]; there is absolutely nothing to doubt
about this," he shows us how inspired he was by Shandao's conviction in the latter's
reading of the "incvitability of attaining Birth." But one more point I would like to
elmw attention to is the fact that the attainment of this conviction is an event that
unmistakenly occurs in this life. It cannot be denied that Rennyo's statement that
"one will attain Birth" exprcsses a certain softening of the tension expressed ill the
understanding found in Shinran's similar statements. Not only that, but when "one
will attain Birth" is asserted, the lime when the realizalion of the Birlh occurs
is implied to be during one's final moments or at the moment of death itself.
When this is finally realized, Rennyo maintains Shinran's position by saying the
accomplishment of the matter of Birth happens during one's normal lifetime, and
that attainment of conviction in the confirmation of Birth occurs during the present
life, when one produces the single-thought [of shiniin]. Thus does the basic
understanding of Rennyo on the issue of Birth attempt to cxpress agreemcnt with
what he inherited from Shinran.
Notes
This chapter originally appeared as "Shinran to Rennyo: aja rikai wo megutle" t
(' -:J L, in Indogakll BlIkky5gakll Kenkyii 91 (46-1), 1997, HI.
1 T No. 2608, 83.1; SSZ 1.929. Usually pronounced Sen;akllshii in the Shinshu
tradition.
2 T No. 2675, 83.910. Seibku was another diseiplc of [-[onen, elder to Shinran, who
also exerted a deep influence on Shinran's thinking. Shilllan wrote a commentary to Seikaku's
YlIishins/zB lhal is called Yllishinshf) 11l011'i, with lwo exlant recensions at SSZ 2.621 and
639
3 T No. 2661, 83-728; SSZ 2.773.
4 ]odo sangyii 5iii mOIln/i. There are two recensions of this text, at SSZ.2.543 and
551.
5 Tralls/aior's Ilote: This is a statement of inevitability regarding one's future religions
attainment, translating the Sanskrit Tliyata-samyaktva. In a Pure Land context, il can either
refer to reaching the Pure Land or have the more general meaning of attainingenlightenmeilt.
Terakawa's argument hinges on reading a final enlightenmcnt meaning in Shinran's usage,
based on statements such the one quoted from the fascicle on attainment in the Kyogyoshinsho
where Shinran states that "they reside among the group of assured they will reach nirvana
without fail."
6 SSZ2.554-
7 limei, Kyug)'osiJinsh6 kogi shiisei, 9 \'Ols., orig. ed. in Bl1kkyo taikei (Tokyo: Bukkyo
Taikci Kanseikai, 1918; rep. Kyoto: Hi5z5kan, 1975), 1.244.
8 Hoshino Cenp6, Kokai Ky5gyoshillshu, rev. cd., 6 1'015. (Kyoto: Hazakan, 1994),
9 Nakam1lf3 Hajime et ai, eds., BlIHJ'5 iilen (Tokyo: [wanami Shoten, 1989), 86.
10 Taya Raishnn, Oeho Enichi, and Funahashi Issai, cds., Bukky5gakll iiten: shinpan
(Kyoto: H5z6kun, 1995), 44.
11 Sh5z5nwtsll wasem 49 (48), SSZ 2.521.
12 ]odo sClIlgyo 5i5 monnli, expanded version, SSZ 2.551.
Shinran and RellllYo 149
13 SSZ 2.103-
14 A quote from Tanluan's ]ing!ll /UTlZhll (Juclo TDnchii), his cOlTlmentary on the Jingtll
itm, at T No. 1819,40.8361>.
15 Todo sangyo Dio /Ilonnti, SSZ2552.
16 lchine!1 lanen /IlOlI'i, at T No. 2657, R3.h9'lC; SSZ 2.606.
17 )11isiJinshi5 mOIl'i, at T No. 2658, 83.701c-70za; SSZ 2.628.
18 SSZ 2.605.
19 Trans/ator's note: Ky6gy6s/linsiJa, at T No. 2646, 83.620C; SSZ 2.ll8. Tcrakawa stops
short here of explaining Shiman's "iew of this second type of merit transfer hut directs the
reader to his treatment of this issue in his book ShiT/TelT/ 110 shill IW dainamikkusll (Chiba:
S6k6sha, 1993)'
20 Heizei goiB is a Shinshu term which denotes the attainment of the path before death,
created to differentiate the Shinshu position from that of JBdoshu sects. The latter takes a
contrasting position called rinifi g5ia, whose goal is said to be attained at the moment of
death.
21 Letters 1:2; SSZ 344; RSI, 69.
22 Leiters "4; SSZ 3406; RSI, 88.
23 Leiters 5:\0; SSZ 3.507; RSI, 60.
24 Leiters 5:4; SSZ 3.502; RSI, 439.
11
KAKU TAKESHI
TRANSLATED BY MAYA HARA
Rennyo's Position in Modern
Shin Buddhist Studies
Soga Ryoiin's Reinterprelation
R
ennyo's impact on the religious ideas and institutional organization of Shin
Buddhism was not limited to the tllThlllent medieval period in which hc lived,
but continued on through the modern period. This clwpter will focus 011 how
Rellnyo was viewed within the Higashi I-Ionganji Otani denomination ofJodoshinshfi
in the moclcrn period through onc of its most eminent twentieth-century thinkers,
Soga Ryojin (l875-1971).1 Formcrly, the religious organization of Higashi Honganji
controlled a feudal, conservativc image of Rennyo as reflected in shl1gaku (*"J:) ,
or traditional sectari;1Il studies/ of the Otani denomination, which Soga and other
Shin reformers such as Kiyozawa Manshi (1863-1903)3 challenged. Therefore Ihcy
were, for a time, defrocked. S o g ~ who came from a fa mil)' belonging to the Otani
branch, struggled against the opposition and oppression from his religious
organization, which regarded Rennyo as its absolute ecclesiastical authority. By
challenging and redefining Renn),o's position :md significance in the modern
period, Soga camc to define and shape the course of Modern Shin Buddhist Studies
in Ihe Otani branch.
Rennyo's Positioll in Modern Shinshu Studies
In the btter part of the Edo period (1604-1867) hoth Higashi and Nishi Honganji
established ecclesiastical hierarchies thaI placed the descendants of Shinran at the
pinnacle of Iheir rcligious institutions, which by then weTe based on the Tokugawa
governmenl's religious policies that Tequircd systematic delineation of head and
branch temples.
4
Each sect also created an official and authoritative sllligaku in
accordance with the government's educational advancemenl programs. These
programs represented thc religious organization and scrved as a vehicle to carry
out the social ancl educational reforms of thc chief abbots of the respective
denominations.
5
ShJn slzl1gaktl originally referred to the general stndy of religious
doctrine. For the Otani denomination," traditional sectarian studies, thai is, the
Rell11)'O'S Positio11 ill Modem Shill Buddhi.,t Studies l51
apologetic and doctrinal study of Shin Buddhism, was the means to secure
and strengthen the organizational hicrarchy of the sect. The Letters of the Restorer
Saillt, Rennyo, as a canonical sourcc of authority, were made absolute and scrvcd
as the standard measure of orthodoxy or hcrcsy in the sect. Both the religious
organization and the shl1gaku it sponsored emphasized the importance of adherence
10 the Letters and ensured the position of the lemlers of I-Ionganji as "the good
leachers [zenchishiki], [the only true] successors in Ihe transmission [of
teaching]."i
However, with the Meiji Restoration, Japan's feudal age came to an end,
opening the way for the modern period. For I-longanji, which had cOllie under the
aegis of the religious policies of the Tokllgawa government, this was a time of crisis.
The Otani organization was confronted in the early Meiji period by the government's
promotion of Shinto as the state religion and by official anti-Buddhist activilies
(haihutsu kishakll), as well as by the spread of Christianity clne to new national
policies that allowed its proselytization throughout the country. The sect attempted
to redefine its sociopolitical role by showing complete support to the emperor
system and by establishing educational associations, such as the Dharma Preservation
Society to counter advances being made by Christianity in Japan. R
In an effort to show loyalty to t-he emperor system, RenlIYo's words weTe utilizecl
to reprcscnt a doctrine as Ihe basis for contemporary Shin discourse within Higashi
Honganji 011 the relationship between state law ancl Buddhist law (ubu blJPpu)
through the concept of the 111'0 tTulhs of "worldly truth ancl absolute truth" (shillzokll
Ilitai). ror example, in 1875 the twcntieth head pTiest oflhe Otani branch, Gonnyo,
and ill 1904 the twenty-third head priest Shonyo, each wrote declarations to their
adherents expressing the need to respond to the de1llands of thc lIat ional empeTor
system by submitting to secular order. They expounded a doctrine promising Birlh
in the Pure Limd in the afterlife if one expressed gratitude, loyally, and filial piety
to the emperor in this present life and took a position of eommitmcnt regarding the
proper tcaching of II'\lth.
9
The inOuenlial Meiji-period educator Fukuzawa Yukichi (1835-1901), who
advocated Ihe separation of state and religion, also assertedthc value of the concept
of the tlVO truths because illimiled the illller problems offaith and gave importance
to secular authority. Fukllzawa thlls praised Rennyo's Letters as being the most
appropriatc "religion" for the modern impeTial nation-state.IO In his Letlers, Rennyo
wrote:
[Tlakc the laws of the statc as your outer aspect, store OtheT-Powcr faith deep in
yom hearts, and take [the pTinciples o ~ hnlllanity and justice (iillgi) as essential.
Bear in mind that these are the mles of conduct that have I>ccn csl:1blished within
OUT tmdition.
11
Such statemcnts bl' Rennyo, which encoumged unqucstioning obcdience to thc
laws of the secular state, were attractive as :1n apologetic for l-Ionganji's political
situation, with Rennyo's words being utilized 10 justify the rcligiolls insitulion's
slanc_e toward the polity of the modern Japanese natioll-state. Sectarian studies of
the Otani denomination thus camc 10 support the inslitution's official position of
accolTllTlodation with government policy ancl, as a resull, any tendency to neglect
152 Shim/nl Studies
or criticize Rennyo was suppressed. Sectarian scholars placed such grcat importance
on the research of Rennyo's Leiters in the early Meiji period that, for somc, shiigaku
came to mean the studv of the Letters.
11
However, in the mtdst of the political and social changes taking place in Japan,
structural reform within the Otani denomination also came to the foreground. Soga
reminisced in his later years:
The traditional way the teachings have been transmitted [in our lime] within the
religiolls organization and its schools has ignored dealing directly with Shiman.
Instead, [everyone] followed the Tokugawa-period style of examining Shiman
through Rennyo.1l
By the mid-Meiji period, young aspiring intellectuals within the sect began
challenging the conservative advocates of slziigaku and urged progressivc religious
teaching. In 1895, three years before the 400th Memorial Service of Rennyo, a group
surrounding Kiyozawa Manshi, a charismatic teacher who inspired Soga and whose
ideas later became ccntral to the dcvelopment of Modem Shin Studies, submitted
a proposal to reform the temple administration in charge of doctrinal studies. In
1896 Kiyozmva's group began publishing the journal Kyakai ligen (Timely Words
for a Religious World), in which they again urged institutional change_ Fearing
conflict from within, the conservative authorities of the sect attempted to crush
outright the reform movement centered around KiyozawJ, and in 1897, they
condemned KiyozawJ and his supporters to expulsion according to sectarian
ordinances. In the same year, advocates of traditional shiigaku formed an association
called the Kanrenkai, which proclaimed an old slogan, "cherish the head temple
and protect the Buddha Dharma" (aizaTl goha). Ii also worked to oppose all ideas
on Modern Shin Studies that began with Kiyozawa. In Kyokai ligen, Kiyozawa
criticized the formation of the association saying:
The Kanrenkai attempts to determine doctrinal orthodox), and heresy on the basis
of the misconception that confuses Shiman's teachings with that of sectarian
studies, which is based on the research of later scholars. Ultimately, it is no more
than a form of partisanship whose assertions, if realized, will leave the sect in a
lamentable state.14
In the midst of this heated dispute between reformers and conservatives, Rennyo's
400th Memorial was welcollled in 1898.
Saga Ryojin's Position in Modern Shin Studies
While Soga was a student at Shinshu University, founded by Higashi Honganji, he
witnessed the oppression of the reform lllovement by the faction that advocated
sectarian studies. In 1896 he signed a written declaration by some Shinshii University
students agaiIlSI slziigaku, showing that he sympathized with Kiyozawa's movement
from an early age. Moreover, in a special issllc oHlle jOllrnal Mujinto (Inexhaustiblc
Light) commemorating Rennyo's memorial, Soga contributed a shorl article entitled
"The Highest Truth of RellllYo's Teachings," in which he criticized shllgakll as
Rel111)'O'S Position in Modem Shin Bllddhist Studies 153
being too erudite and obscure and not being true to Rennyo's original intentions."
He remarked that shiigakll distanced itselffrom Rennyo's teachings, whose purpose
was simplicity and immcdiacy. Soga first praised Rennyo by saying:
As a revivalist of Buddhism, a propagator of lo),alty to the elllperor and reformer
of social morality, [Rennyo J defined the historical basis of a national religion, and
always preached morality to reform social principles. These are what make him
great.
16
This was the general view that many inside and ontside of the sect hcld of Renn)'o
in that period.
However, Soga went on to elucidate thai' beyond this common view of Rennyo,
there was a higher truth (shilltai) which Rennyo sought. Regarding Ihe variolls
opinions on secular truth (zolwtai), Soga explained his Oll'n view of this highest
truth, referring to it as the "Master's religious doctrine" (shan in 110 shz/gi), a concept
set against secular and sectarian ideas. Saga argued that the impact of Rennyo's
teaching lay in his clear and simple language:
All the fundament'll teachings of the Mastcr [Rcnnyo] can he found ill his
approximately eighty leiters. The plain and lucid letters were the sale enterprise of
our "Restorer Saint." \Vhen someone asked peasants ancl rustics ahout the pacified
mind (alliill) in Shinsho, the)' a11l'3)'s answerecl in one scntence: "We silllpl\' entrust
ourselves to Amida to S3\'e us in thc aftcrlifc."" .
Further, Soga asserted that "Rennyo was a great social reformcr, who was thought
to be subvcrsive and disruptive in his day and age, not a consen'ative authoritarian
leader."18 In view of the circuillstances Soga faced, the so-called "conservative
authorities" that he referred to were the advocates of s/117galw, andlhc "great social
reformer" meant Ihc modern-day reformers of the tcachings of the Otani
denomination as represented by Kiyoza\\'a. Soga also assertedlhat Rcnnyo based
true religious understanding on whether or not one had faith. He showcd how
decidedly different this concept was from the approach taken by the proponents of
shiigaku, who reacted to the reform movement led by Kiyozawa by attempting to
defrock its membcrs. By presenting his views on Rennyo's teaching in this way, Soga
tacitly unfolded his critique against the views held by those running the organization's
sectarian studies. Howevcr, at this point his most radical criticism was not ycl fully
developed. Although he sympathized with the religious studies movement ccntered
around Kiyozawa, Soga did not yct touch npon the definitive core of Kiyozawa's
idea of Buddhist learning, which was a qnest fnr the understanding oflhe rclal"ionsiJip
between the Tatagatha and the self. Realizing this leaching was to bccome the
fundamental turning point in Soga's radical interpretation of Rennyo's doctrine.
For Soga, Rennyo's teaching was embodied in thc concept o( what is known
in Shin Bndclhism as kiha ittai, or "the unity of the individual's faith <lndthc Buddha
Dharma," and in Kij'ozawa's idea of the "correspondence bclwecn the finite and
infinitc" ()'z/gen to nwgen 110 taia). This critical "iew carne to life only when Soga
fully stood on Kiyozawa's doclrinal understanding, eventually leading to his full
confrontation with sectarian studies.
154 ShillS/lil Stlldies
The Transformation of Saga's Interpretation of Rcnnyo
After Kiyozawa's death, Shinshu University, founded by Kiyozawa in Sugamo,
Tukyu, was llJoved to Kyoto by Lhe authorities in charge of sectarian studies. Soga
began challenging the views ofRennyo espoused in shllgakll by focusing on Rennyo's
intcrpretation of kiho ittai, the unity of faith and the Dharma, Soga reminisced that
in his youth he was deeply moved by Rcnnyo's teaching of the uIlity of thc faith of
sentient beings and the Dharma: "In my youth, I was drawn to the Anjinketsujosho,19
in which the concept of the unity of faith and the Dharma appears, in the same
way [as I was drawn to) Tannishi5."20 In Rennyo's letter entitled "The Oneness of
the Person [to Be Saved) and the Dharma [that Saves)," there is a passage, "\Vhat
is the meaning of Namllamida-blltsu? Furthermore, how are we to entrust ourselves
to Amida and attain Birth in the fulfillcd land?"zl
Underlying the six characters of the Buddha's name (rokuji myogo), which is
believed to contain the workings that allow all sentient beings to be born into Amida's
Pure Land, is the unity of faith and the Dharma. Rennyo laid out the immediate
relationship between scntient beings and Amida and taught that one shollld "cast
away the sundry practices,,,22 thus clarif)'ing the true meaning of the pacified mind
(anjin) in Shinsho. Althollgh RcnIlYo highly vallled the concept of the unity of faith
and the Dharma, this idea was not unique Lo him. IL was introduced early on ill the
Sci zan branch of the Pure Land scct (such as in AnjiTlsho by Shi5ku (1l77-1247) and
was also incorporated by Kakllnyo (1270-1351) and Zonkakll (1290-1373) in the laying
of the fOllndations of Shin shu teaching
B
Rather than simply uncritically accepting
Rennyo's IInderstanding of the Anjillketsujosho and other interpretations, Soga
sought the practical meaning of "responsivencss" (kan'o as expressed by the
idea of unity. "Rcsponsiveness" was originally a Tendai conccpt, in which kall
(feeling) represents the awareness of the lathiigata by sentient beings ando (response)
is the Tathagata's response itself. For Soga, "responsiveness" was a spiritual awakening
that surpassed intcllcctual comprehension. He explains that through the central
theme of sh01l1)'0 nel1butsu (reciting the Buddha's Name) in Tmlllisi1o, Rennyo
clarified the actual practice of the unity of faith and the Dharma, and through the
"two aspects of deep belief' (Ilishu jillshin),24 especially the undcrst,mding of the deep
belief of faith, he clarificdthe distinction between the role of the faithful individual
and the Dhanna.
21
Soga asserted in a lecture for Rennyo's Memorial:
To clarify the rote of the faithful individual and the Dharma was one of the greatest
achievements of Master Renn),o. In other secls, the unity of faith and the Dhanna
was considered a nonollality between sentient beings and thc Buddha (s!tabutsll
/imi), but [this position] confuses it with the thought of the Tendai school at that
time. Regarding tbis and the directing virtue of the Other-Powcr (tariki eko),
RcnllYo thoroughly clarified the issue through his division of the capacity of
sentient beings to accept the Buddha's teaching from the capacity of the Buddha
to save us. For this reaSOIl, for the 450th Anniversary, our IIIOst important task is to
creale a study that elucidates these capacities
26
In this way, Soga saw that Renn),o's life work was expressed in the self-realization
of faith in the directing virtue of Other-Power through the capacities of sentient
RemlYo's Position in Modem Shin B1lddhist St1ldies 155
beings and the Buddha. Until then, Rennyo had been misinterpreted because this
point had not been f\\lIy understood. The major difference between the conservativc
advocates of shugaktl and the reformers in understanding Rennyo could be seen
through Lhis single point, and by illuminating this, Soga reshaped the understanding
of Rennyo in the modern pcriod.
The deepening of Soga's understanding of the unity of faith and the Dharma
can be seen in two phases. The first phase is through an existential appreciation
inspired by Kiyozawa; the second, through the religious quest of the bodhisattva
Dharmakara, II'ho became Amida Buddha. The definitive means by which Soga
received KiyozalVa's understanding is through the idea that the Tathagata's salvation
does not exist apart from our belief and that our salvation lies in the awakening to
our finilucle.
z
; Soga explains:
This faith (of Ki)'oza\\'a) in regards to the Tathiigata's sall'ific pOlVer is called the
unity of suhjective faith and objcctive Tathilgata. This faith is also called the L1nit)'
of the Buddha mind (which arises in oursclves as 1ith, the acti"e faith that provides
grace) amI thc ordinary mind (the evil, sinful self that is saved by this faith, a passive
faith that is accepted and received), in terms of the self existing in eternal
darkness.'s
In other words, Kiyoza\\'a's idea of the correspolldencc between the finite and
infinite is a subjective, modern expressioll of Rennyo's theory of the unity of faith
and the Dharma. Thus Soga's task was thcn to clarify this one point in Rennyo's
teaching of the unity of faith ami the Dharma as a doctrillal thcme. Soga began to
develop this idea of the "unity of faith and the Dharma" through his intcrpretation
of what he callcd "the Tathagata ancl m)'self":29
I am not limited to calling the Tathagala "Thou"; ) directly call the cl11thagata
"myself." Those who believe in "self power" (iiriki) proudly boast, ") am Thlhagata!"
Those of other Pure Land sects vainly lament this life, saying, "Tile 111thagata is
the We are surpriscd by the wonderous meaning of "tile cl1lthiigata is
me." At the same time, we are aware thai "ultimately, I am me and nol Ihe
Tathagata."lO
Saga argued that the relationship between "the Tathagata and myself" is oftcn
confusecl. Some are immersed in concepts of "owll-natlife (sl'abhova) and lviind
Only (vijiiapti-1I1otrala)" (as in self powcr-based teachings) and some arc lost in thc
self power of meditative andnonmeclitative practices (as ill other Pure Land sects).
Thus the relationship between the Tathiigata and oneself hegins with thc quest for
Dharmakara through the intuition that "the Tathagata in becoming mc lIlcallS the
birth of Dharmakara."ll Hcre, the meaning of"thc unit)' of faith and thc Dharma"
is "the six characters of the Buddha's name ill this unity, which is already manifested
without exception in the single fact of Dharmiikara's birth."12 With thc' discovcn' of
Dharmiikara, Soga is able to present the existential theme of "the Talhagat,; ill
becoming me, saves me." In this way, through Kiyozawa's rcalizatioll of the limitation
of thc capacity of sentient beings in his idea of "the correspondence betwcen the
infinite and the finite," Soga is able to find meaning in RcnllYo's leaching of "the
unity of faith and the Dharma" and further develops this ill the relationship betwccn
the Tathagata and himself through the existence of Bodhisattva Dharmiikara.
156 Shinsl111 Studies
For Soga, if lhe question of Dharmiikara was not clarified, the message of Shin
Buddhism would be reduced to prayers to Amida for salvation, which was the
orthodoxy of the Edo pcriocl. Soga worked against this interpretation of Amida as
an anthropomorphic savior and Dharmakara as his ancicnt prcclecessor.
33
VVhat
then was the essence of the self-realization oflhe relationship between the Tathagata
and myself, which is the unity oflith and the Dharma? Soga's unique understanding
is none other than deep entrusting. Deep entrusting is the "deep mind" concretely
explained by the Chinese Pure Land master Shandao (613-681), who indicated that
the tll'O aspccts of the dcepcn trusting and the Dharma are actually one, and that
self-realization via faith means realizing that one is saved by Amida.
34
Shandao wrole
in his Guonji71g shu (Commentary Drlthe C011templation Sutra): "Deep mind refers
to the deeply entrusting mind. There are two aspects, One is to believe deeply and
decidedly that you are a foolish being of karmic evil caught in birth-ancl-death [som
sara], ever sinking and ever wandering in transmigration from illIlumerablc kalpas
in the past, with never a condition that would lead to emancipation. The second is
to believe deeply and decidely that Amida Buddha's forty-eight Vows embrace
senticnt beings a]](l that allowing yourself to be carried by the power of the Vow
without any doubt or apprehension, YOIl will attain hirth.,,35
In other words, Soga confirmed the reality of "the unity of faith and the
Dharma" by means of the realization of one's finitude, expressed in the doctrine of
the deep entrusting of the self (ki 110 ii11Shil1). Whcn the sadness of the human
condition based upon this realization of thc deep suffering that accolllpanies being
born into human life is lost, the vitality of deep entrusting is lost. Soga explained
this to be the case because this realization is itself the fundamental opportunity of
a religion symbolized in thc Name of Amida.
Brought to Life by the Tannisho
Soga asserted that "Mastcr Rcnnyo was inspircd by Ta1l1zisho and through it he was
able to find his inner motive to achieve the revival of Shinshu.,,36 The oldest extant
copy of Tan71ishi5 was transcribed by Rennyo, and regardless of his seemingly
contradictory attitude towarcl it, ifhis personal copy had not survived, this text might
not have been transmilteclto later generations.
3i
Although some credil Rennyo for
thc discovery of T01llzisho, for Soga it was through Ta71llis/zo that RenllYo as the
revivalist ofShinshii was born. Soga understood Rcnnyo's Shinshu renewal through
the spirit of TamzisizB, and ill modcrn Japan it was KiyozalVa who rediscovered and
reintroduced Ta1l1lishi5 to Soga and the wider Shin community.
In 1930 Soga, then a professor at Otani University in Kyoto, a reestablishment
of the former Shinshii Ulliversity, was again accused by the highest shiigaku
authorities of scrious differences with the doctrilles of the sect. In response to
accllsations of heresy (ionjil1) levied against him, Soga submitted his resignation
andlefl the university. Although this act meant he was driven out of the sect, elel'en
years later while in the midst of World War II, and five years before the 450th
Mcmorial of Rennyo in 1946, Soga was askcdto return to Otani. At the agc of sixty-
seven, he returned, this time as a kr)shi lecturer, the highest academic position in
Renn)'o's Position in Modem Sbill Buddhist Studies '57
the Otani denomination. In the following year he lectured for a monlh on T011llisho
for the scholars of the sect in the Otani denominalion's allgo lecture series.
38
Ironically, the ango was organized by t'he Takakura Gakuryo, a sanctuary of the
same shugaku tradition that had banned Kiyozawa, closed down ShinslllJ University,
deprived Kallcko Daiei (1881-1976) of his clerical title, and labeled Soga a heretic.
The year before Soga returned to the university, he made a scathing remark against
the shugaku and its interpretation of "the unily of person and the Dharma" as "that
complicated dogmatic, metaphysical shiigaku of long ago,,,l9 In these words wc can
see that Soga's choice ofTm11lisho as the main allgo text lVas no mere coincidence.
Although there was no direct reference to Kiyozawa, Soga had in mind Kiyoz3w;j'S
efforts in bringing to light the importance of this document.
4o
This thinking is
revealed in Soga's writings, which explain that in his youth Soga tried to spread the
teaching of Tal111ishi5 among his collcagues hecause his teacher Kiyozawa "sought
the spirit of Master Rennyo's revival of Shinshii, and at the same time began to
prepare for the qllickly approaching 650th anniversary of the founding of the sect.'''l
In the modern period the Tmmishi5 became the prime textualvchicle for bringing
Shinran's thoughts beyond the sectarian context (shumon) and played an important
role in introducing these thoughts to the general public (the understandillg of
Shinran by most pcople toclay is based on TanrzisiJo). fi'ollowing Kiyozawa's lead,
then, Soga tried to discern the meaning of the Shinshii revival under Rennvo
through the Talll1ishi5. Here Soga realized the "profound historical mcaning [of
Tomzisho]" through his lectures and found rcason to affirm that "the spirit of
Rennyo's Shinshu revival lies in the spirit of lament in Tallllishi5.',H
The revolutionary idea behind IIlalIY of Soga's lectures can thus be fOllnd in
the idea that the spirit oflamcnt iTl Tamzishi5 is based essentially on the "receptivcncss
alld responsiveness" between sentient beings and the 'Dlthagata. In other words, the
circumstances descrihed in Tallllishi5 "are no different from the faith (slzil1;in {*IL,')
transmitted hy our first teacher [Shinran]." Prior to Soga, this deep entrusting was
ullClcrstood to mean the fecling of powerlessness and despair among sentient bcings,
premiscd in the profound tfllst in the teachings. For Soga, shinjin was the essence
of Tarmishi5. Thus he asserted that it was through Ta1l1zishrJ that Rcnnyo, thc
revivalist of Shinshii, came to life.
The Second Revival of Shinshu in 1949 Coinciding wilh
Rennyo's 450th Memorial
The defcat of Japan in World War II in 1945 meant thc colh1pse of the modcrn
Japanese empcror systcm, which controllcd its populace through its Statc Shinto
ideology. This collapsc became a major turnillg point for the administratil'e
operations of many religious organizations in Japan. In the midst of the confusion
of defeat, both Higashi and Nishi I-Ionganji began planning celcbrations ofRennyo's
450th I'vlemorial of 1949,43 for which many pnblications wcre produced. Especially
significant were the publications of Rel/IlYo by Hattori Shiso,44 who took a Marxist
materialistic interpretation of history, and Ren1ZYo Sh01Zin kenkyii, edited by Rvukoku
Universily,45 which held a positivistic historical view. Both proposcdllcw anc(critical
158 Shinshfi Studies
interpretations of Rennyo, which countered the views of the established shfigaku
approach. For his part, Soga did not adopt these new views and remaincd silent. In
preparation for the celebration of RCTlnyo's 450th Memorial, Soga gave a public
talk in 1948 based on the thcmc "The Nature of Receptiveness and Responsiveness.,,46
Especially noteworthy in this lecture was that Soga openly discussed Kiyozawa's
ShinshLi revival, something he was unable to do during the ango lecture series,
which was controlled by conservative sectarian scholars.
Later, in Daini nO ShillSha saik8 ("The Second Revival of Shinshu") Soga
wrote:
In rcality, wc think of Master Rennyo's endeavors to revive ShinshLi generally as
having ended with the establishment of the Meiji Restoration, which brought
about the downfall of the Tokugawa governmcnt.
47
Soga explained that in associating KiyozalVa with the modern revival of Shinshu,
however:
This second revival was different from Rennyo's revival. For Rennyo, it was limited
only to Japan, and generally within the Shinshu following. However, the extent of
this second revival is global. Instead of consolidating Shinshu, the objective is to
unify Buddhism .... Latcly I have come to realize that the culmination of this great
undertaking of the second re\'ival is Waga shinnen (My Faith) by Kiyozawa-sensei
48
I have felt this with the opportunity I had recently to visit the Unitcd States.
49
I-lis reason for indicating Kiyozawa's vVaga Shinllen as signifying the second Shinshu
revival was that "[KiyozawaJ did not start with the Tathagata; illStead, he began with
faith (shillllen), and taught that the Tathagata and faith are one." The distinction
in Kiyozawa's leaching was that he did not tTy to analyze a religious doctrine upon
the premise that it was complete; rather he lInderstood religiolls experience as the
meaning of truth. In contrast to the traditional stance of shiigaku, Soga saw Kiyozawa's
ideas as crucial to the foundation of a "Modern Shin Studies" and came to emphasize
the traditions of Shinran, Rennyo, and Kiyoz3w3, who "understood Buddhism
through their own experiences."so Saga showed that Renn)'o was significant in
clarifying the relation between the Tathagata and oneself in a certain time, thus
subjectively situating Rellnyo within this notion of the tradition of ShinshLi rather
than Ihrough a continued transmission and explanation of his teaching.
Conclusion
ror Soga, Rennyo symbolized Shinshu itself. Although Soga opposed the doctrine
of the religious organization that viewed Rennyo as the absolute authority, he deeply
sympathized with the members of the organization who respected Rennyo. Soga
neither ignored nor denied Rennyo and his importance. Although he openly
confronted the image of Renn)'o that was created and maintained b)1 the legacy of
shiigakll, which defined him as reviver of the institution on the basis of the Letters,
he continued to revere the Rennyo who sought to revive faith (shin;ill) through
Tarmisl78. For this reason, he could not be protective of an image of Rennyo upheld
Renl1)'o'g 1'0sitiol1 ill !'v/odern Shin Buddhist Studies '59
by the apologetic sectarian scholars whose doctrine was uncritically premised on
Rennyo's faith, nor could he be a mere observer like the nonsectarian scholars \\'ho
systematically ignored the importance of Rennyo's faith.
Soga's radical stance against the Otani sectarian scholars was not onlv based
on religious grounds but also had a historical epistemological hasis tllat lVas
developed over time in response to thc organizational suppression of and
his followers (including Soga himself). Through confrontration with tile religious
institution, Soga able to reevaluate Rennyo's importance both doctrinallv amI
historically. By interpreting Rennyo's teaching as the expression of faith wtbe; than
as a systcmatic presentation of doctrine, Saga criticized the absolutist image of
Rennyo that was upheld by the authoritarian aspect of his sect ancl clarified thc
practical mcalling of Rcnnyo's personal faith,
Notes
I Soga Ryojin was born the third son of Ryodo and Tatsu Tomioka in 1875, in Entokuji
Temple in Ajikata Village, Nishikanbara District, Niigata Prefecture. In 1890 Saga entered
Shinshil Daiichi Chilgakllf)'o (a Higashi Honganji Shinsho middle school); five rears later
he attended the Shinsho seminary, Shinshu Daigakuryo. The following )'em Soga entered
jo'onji Temple in NiigaLa Village, Minami-kanbam District, Niigata Prefectme. He married
Kei, the eldest daughter of En an Saga, and look her family's name. In 1902 he began teaching
Buddhisllogic at the newly opened Shinshu Uni\'crsity in Tokyo. During his Icaehing years
he published !i\'e articles, snch as "Meiji 34 ni kansha sun (In Cratitude to 190')' in which
he was largcl)' critical of Kiyozawa Manshi's spiritual movcmcnt, However,
Soga laler carne to agree with Kiyozawa's ideas, and in 1903 he joined Kiyozawa's group, and
movd to the dormitory K6k6d6 several of Kiyoza\\'a's students, though by Ihis til11e
Kiyoza\\'a returned to his temple in Ohara and did not reside with them. due to his illness.
In 1904 Soga became a professor at Shinshu University and lectured on Yogacflra
thought. When ShinshLi University moved from Tokyo to Kyoto in 1911, Soga resigned and
returned to Niigata. For the next six years he absorbed himself in Shin Buddhist Studies and
began building his own doctrinal understanding. In 1916 he became a profcssor at '10)'0
University and the editor of Seishinkai (The Spiritual World), a publication of Kiyozawa's
group. He resigned from Ioyo University in _1924 and the following year his wife passed away.
In the same year, he became a professor at Otani University and, with Kaneko Daiei, worked
to establish the f011ndation for a new phase in Shin doctrinal studies.
In 1930 Soga authored N),orai h)'iigell no hanellll 10 ghile no s(Ulshinkall (The View of
Minds as the Category of the Tathngata's Manifestation ), for which he was puhlicly
cnt1clzc:l by the academic committee (jiWr)'o) of Higashi I-Ionganji for going against
convenllOnal scholars. For tillS eqnlvalent of a public declaration of heres\' he
resigned from Otani University. In 1941, during War II, he was promoted Lo the higllCst
academic position of Shin studies in the Otani Denomination (Otaniha koshi) and
again became a professor at Otani University, where he became professor emeritns in '951.
In '959 he became the head of the academic committee of Higashi I-ionganji, and in 19
61
,
at the age of eighty-six, he became thc president of Otani Ulli\'ersity, dming which time he
worked as lec_turer and administrator for the modern education of the student hody. Soga
rel1red from Otani Ullll'CfSlty III 1967, and he passed away in 1971.
160 Shinshzl Studies
2 Hirose Nan'yu definen shugakll as understood in Higashi Hongnnji as "doctrinal
studies in which the object of study is thc infallible undcrstanding of a doctrine as established
bl' its founder, who is endowed with the spiritual authority of a particular religious
g;oup," ill ShinshugaklJshi ko (Kyoto: H6z6kan, 1980), 9 Nishi Honganji similarly has
had a formal doctrinal studies which is called ShillShiigaku or Shinsl]]! Studies. See Rogers,
10.
3 Kiyozal\'a Manshi was born as Tokugawa Munnosukc, thc eldcst son of Tokuga\\'a
Naganori, a low-ranking of Owari Province (present-day Aichi Prefecture). He was
ordaincd as a priest of the Otani denomination at the age of fifteen and had a dccp impact
on Shin Buddhism's response to the modern world.
4 Various regulations were implemented in the "premodern" Tokugawa period to
protect Buddhism, such as the organized systems of head and branch temple hierarchies
(honmatstlsei) and affiliation registration at temples (shamoll aratame). See Notto R. Thelle,
Bllddhism and Christianity in Japan: From Conflict to Dia/ogtle, 1854-1899 (Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1987); James Edward Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs ill Japan:
Bllddhism and Its Perseclltiun (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990 ).
5 Akamatsll Toshihide and Kasaham Kazuo, Shinshushi gaisetslJ (Kyoto: Heirakuji
Shoten, 1963), 390--399
6 The Nishi Honganji sect faced similar issues in the modern period. For the purposes
of this essay, however, I focns only on the problems that existed within the Higashi Honganji
seel.
7 Gaikemon, printed under the title Ryogemon at SSZ 3:529; see also Rogers._ 280.
According to Kogatsn-in Jinrei (t749-1817), who was the most prominent scholar of the Otani
denomination during the Edo period. from the time of Jitsunyo (1458-1525), Rennyo's fifth
son, suecessivc chief abbots of Honganji taught Rcnnyo's Letters to their followers (ShinS/HI
taikei, 32.218). Regarding the concepts of orthodoxy and heresy in Jodo Shinshu and in the
Letters, see James C. Dobbins, !odo Shins/Ill: Shin Buddhism in Medieval Japan (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1989),7-10 and chap. 9. See also Rogers regarding the authoritarian
nature of the Letters.
8 Higashi Honganji created the Dharma Preservation Association, GohBjo, in 1868 as
an adjunct school of the Takakura GakuryB, its main school. TJ1C association was intended
to foster commitment to the anti-Christian campaign of the Otani denomination. said to
"defend Buddhism and refute the false doctrine (bohii bo;a)." Classes such as classical
Japanese, Confucianism, astronomy, and Christianity were taught. ,!-Iowever, in time the
society helped to cducate students who became reformers within the Otani branch and who,
through their ncw education. strongly criticized the policics of their own religious organization
and school for being outdated and controlling. Nishi Honganji similarly responded to outside
pressures at this time by creating the Gakurin, which offered a parallel curriculum.
9 Regarding this idea, Honganji leader Shiinyo (1516-1554) espoused, "In this life, bc
good citizens of the emperor; in the after world, become a pure person in the Pure Land"
(SSS 6.718).
10 Fukuzmva is fa mOils for saying that religion is like tea. See Fllkllzawa Yllkichi zens/nl
(Tokyo: Iwanami Slmten, 1969-1971) 16,91-93, where he implies that the difference behl'een
religions is so insignificant as to bc like the choicc betwcen types of tea. But in fact Fukuza\\'a
frequently wrote positively about religion and specifically about Rennyo on morc than one
occasion, having been raised himself in a family affiliated with Honganji. For his views on
the importance of religion in gcneral, see Fukuzawa Yukichi, "ShukyB no hitsuj'ii naTII 0
ronzu" (The Necessity of Religion) in Fllkllzawa Yllkichi zenshzl. 19.585-587, written in 1876;
for Fukllzuwa's dcws OIl Rennyo, see "Shushi senpu no hBben" 10.52-58, where he criticizes
Christiallity's intolerance of other religions and praises Rennyo's ability to separate intend
Rellll)'o's Position ill Modem Shill flllddhisl Studies 161
faith from social obligations. See also Shigematsu Akihisa, "FukuzUlva Yukichi to BlIkkyii"
in Shigcmatsu Akihisa, e(l.. Shil1Ton. Shinshii shisoshi kenk)'ll (Kyoto: 1'16z6kan, 1990). Sce
also Fujiwara lvlasanobu. "Kinclai Shinshii to Fukuzawa Yukichi" ill Kabbi, ed. K6kakai
shtlkyo kellk)'ii ronshtl; ShinTan to Ningen, vol. 2 (Kyoto: Nagata Bunsh6d6, 1983).
H Rogcrs, 180.
12 Yasui K6do, "Otaniha gaklljishi," in 20/m Shinshii ta;kei, 1976 ed., 2o.t38.
13 Saga Ryojin, "Shinshu SaikB no Shihyo," in Saga R)'o;in kogishzl (Tokyo: Yayoi
ShobB, 1977-199), 10.130.
14 "Kanrenkai IVa ronzlI," in Kiyozawa Manshi zellshfi (Kyoto: HozBkan, 1953), 4-316--
15 Soga, "Rennyo Shonin no shintai:' Saga Ryiiiin sensho (Tokyo: Yayoi Shobo, 1970--
1972), 1.240 .
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid., p. 241.
18 Ibid . p. 242.
19 An;inketsu;o,h6 2 vols., T 89.921, is a Japanese Pure Land treatise of
unknown authorship. Some attribute this work to a priest of the Seizan branch, while others
have suggested Kakunyo. Nishi Honganji considers this work part of Shin shu canon, whereas
Higashi Honganji cloes not recognize it as such. This treatise explains the nonduality of Birth
into the Pnre Land by sentient beings and thc cnlightenmcnt of the Bllddha, and it asserts
thai the "unit)' of faith and the Dharma" (kihii ittai) and the nenbutsu itself are one and thc
same.
20 Saga R)'o;in kogishii, 1.179. The Tamtisl!ii lX!ftt1> was compiled bv a direct follower
of Shinran (probably Yuien) after Shinran's death. It bccame the most important text for
Shin Buddhism in modern-Japan through Kiyozawa's inAuence. (See CWS. \'01. 1.661-
682.)
21 Rennyo was eighty-three ycars old when he wrote this letter in 1497. See Rogers.
22 Ibid., p. 294.
23 For differences in the doctrinal understanding of the "unity of faith and the Dharma,"
see section 2 in Inaki Sen'e, Renll)'o k),6gakll no kenk)'lJ I: g),iishillran (Kyoto: Hii7.iikan, 1993).
In the Leiters, Renn)'o mentions the concept of "the unity of faith and the Dharma" in a
total of seven letters, all of which were writtcn in his later years (one at the age of sixty-one
and six at the age of seventy-six). The basis for his interest in this concept perhaps lies in his
response to the popularity of the teachings of the Chinzei branch of the PLlTe Land, which
espoLlsed that good karllIa was secured through repeated reciling of the ncnhlltsl!, where!!s
Renl1Yo emphasized the absoluteness of faith in the I1cnblltsu.
24 Shanduo interpreted the term "deep mind," jinsl!ill (iJRJl,'), the second of the "three
minds" described in the ConlemlJiatiol1 Siltra (GlIcHl;illg), as the lIlind of deep entrusting.
He explained that this deep faith has two aspects (ni,lzll ;i",hirz). The first is the awareness
of faith (ki). whereby the finite and limited self steeped in mental aftliction is the object of
Amida's vow; the second is the awareness of the Dharma (hii). which is the working of Amida's
forty-eight vows (which function solely for the sake of such heings). See T No. '743, 37.27Ja27.
CWS, 1.85.
25 Soga Ryo;irl senshIl, 6.21.
26 Ibid., 11.102.
27 In his memoir. Soga wrote: "What is the main point of Kiyozall'a's tcaehing? He
never gave us an answcr. he only provided us with thc first step in that clirection. First of all.
his studies were essential. His qnest was for the Creat Path [daido] never becoming apologclic
or assllming .... Second, his studies \\'ere practical. Third, his stndies wcrc libcrating and gm'c
162 Shinsha Studies
iltlportallce to each person's individuality." "Meiji Yonjuyonen Nota" (Notes from Meiji 44
[19UD, reproduced in Saga Ry6jin, S/l1fkyo no s/Iikatsu mandai (Tokyo: Yayoi Shabo, 1973),
120.
28 Saga Ryoiin sells/Ilf, volume 4, 1'334
29 In 1911, the year of Shinran's 6,oth Memorial, Shinshu University, which was
established in Tokyo hy Ki),ozawa in 1901, was moved to Kyoto. This 1110\'0 was due to the
strife behveen 1110dern religious studies based in Tokyo and the Takakura Gakuryo, the
authority of shugaku based in Kyoto. Saga, who was serving as professor at the university,
called the closing of the school "the death of our 1I10ther school" and left the university to
return to his horne in Niigata to lead a life of solitude and contemplation. At this point Soga
actively confronted the doctrinal suhject of "the unity of faith and the Dharma." However,
this theme 110t only was connected wtih Kiyozawa's religious theme of the "correspondence
behveen the finite and the infinite," a theme that Soga inherited, but it was also one that
shagaku took up to bring about the downfall of the "mother schoo1."
30 Saga RyBiil1 sells/Hf, 4.340.
31 Ibid., 2=408.
32 Ibid., 2.373.
33 Ibid., 2:370-375, 2'408-421.
34 Shandaa's hvofold explication of religions faith had a major impact on Japanese Pure
Land Buddhism after it \\'as featured in Honen's writings, and his terminology quickly
becamc doctrinal jargon in the Kamakura period and thereafter. See n. 24-
35 CWS 1. 85.
36 Saga Ryo;in Se/lShlf, 6.20.
37 Rcnnyo's notc affixed to Tannish6 states, "This sacred writing is an important
scripture in our tradition. It should not be indiscriminately sho\\'n to all)' who lack past karmic
good" (CWS, 682).
38 The term ango (:!em) comes from the Indian word varsa, referring to traditional
Buddhist rainy-season rc:treat, which consisted of arduous practice in a set place over a certain
period of time. In the Otani denomination, ango refers to a special lecture series held over
a period of several weeks. The record of Saga's ango was compiled in a book entitled Tannisho
choki, published by Higashi Honganji in 1970, and in vol. 6 of the Saga RyBii/l senshu.
39 Soga RyBiill senshri, 11.84- Soga's remark was made in a lecture in honor of Kaneko
Daiei's sixteenth birthday in 1941.
40 See Kan'o no dBri: Relll1)'o kyBgaku no chlishin mandai (Kyoto: Chojiya, 1952); also
contained in Soga R)'B;ill sensirii, 11.130-140.
41 In "Rennyo kyogakuno konpon mandai," in Soga Ryo;in kiigishu, 1.194-195, he wrote
that "[Rennyo 1 disseminated the Tal1nish6 and clearly and concisely taught Mastcr Shinran's
spirit."
42 Ihie!.
43 Nishi Honganji held their services April 10-17, 1948, whereas Higashi Honganji
conducted them a year latcr on April 18-25, 1949.
44 Hattori Shisii, Renl1yn ('Iokyo: Shinehi Shohii, 1948).
45 Ryukoku Daigaku, ed.,Reml)'aShonin kenk)'fj (Kyoto: Chusho DaishiYonhyakllgojukai
Onkih6yo Jilllush6, 1948). Other important warks appearing in conjunction with the
memorial included Miyazaki Enjun and Mikogallli Eryu, Renn)'o Shonin 110
shogai to shisii (Kyoto: Nagata Bunsh6do, 1948); Iwami Mumoru, RennYD Shollin (Kyoto:
Shosei'en, 1949); anel Inaba Shaken, Renn)'o S/1Onin no k),ogakll (Kyoto: Otani Shuppansha,
1949)
46 "Kan'B no dari." Llter published as Kan'o no daTi: Rennyo k)'iigakll no chlishin
mondai.
Rel1n)'o's Position in Modem Shin Buddhist Studies 103
47 "Daini no Shinshu saiko" was given in 1956. See Soga R)'o;in k6gis/llf, 10.44 and
130-131.
48 The Nature of My Faith, translated by Mark L. Blum, in lv/adem Shin Anthology
(Kyoto: Otani Uni\'crsity, 1999).
49 "Daini no Shinshu saik6," Saga H)'oiill kogishii, 10-46.
5" Ihiel., p. 138.
12
ALFRED BLOOM
Renn yo and the Renaissance of
Contemporary Shin Buddhism
Rennyo's Place in the History of
Shin Buddhism
E
lsewhere I have summarized important aspects of Renn),o's life which were the
basis for his successful effort to revitalize tire Honganji and create a major,
powerful religious movement in medieval Japan. ] have suggested that he offcrs
clues for the renaissance of contemporary Shin Buddhism. I-]onganji in Japan has
ealled his commemoration a time for innovation, which expresses the spirit of
Renn),o. The slogan for thc Hawaii Honganji mission, for example, is "Live together,
work together, in thc spirit of Rcnnyo." This chaptcr will look more dircctly into
what we can learn from the spirit of Renn)'o and his innovative propagational
activities. Both Shinran and Renn)'o responded to issues of their o\\'n time and
circumstance. Differences in their personalities amI historical situation sho\\' thal,
while there is a basic unity inlhcir thought, Rennyo adjusted Shiman's fundamental
insights to make them more accessible and understandable to the ordinary person
of his da),. Shinran unintentionall), created a more individually oriented movement.
His teaching reflects his inward, introspective and subjective, as well as more
scholarly or philosophical character. Shinran spoke pointedly of his religious
experience and his personal weakncsses or limitations. He c1earl)' rejected the idca
that he was a teacher or had disciples, though they honored him. Renn),o, on the
other hand, inherited the movement that Shinran illSpired. It had already become
institutionalized through the efforts of previous abbots of I-Ionganji and other
branches of Shinran's lincage. Rennyo was concerned with the fortunes of the
community in his time and for the future. His personality was more outgoing. He
told little about his own rcligious change or development. I-Ie consciously acccpted
the role of teacher or leader of an emerging movement. He had to deal with the
problems of religious power and authority that accompanied his status. Furlher, his
position as a teacher must be considered in the light of his enormous influence, for
whieh there is littlc comparison among other Illedievalteachers.
Renn)'o and the Renai8.8r1l1ce of Coniem/JoTaT)' Shin Buddhism 165
Perspective on Shinran's Teaching
The foundation of Relmyo's work is Shinran's teaching. Suffice it to sa)' Ilrat Slrinran
emphasized absolule Other-Powcr in all aspects of religious failh and activity. No
matter how evil a person ma), be, he or she is nevcr beyond the embrace of Amida.
Shinran had a vision of Amida Buddha's all-encompassing compassion and wisdom
in which every feature of religious life is grounded in Amida Buddha's Vows. Also
the assurance we have of final enlightenment liberatcs us from the many religious
fears and superstition common to Japanese society. Shinran's teaching involves a
transformation of the self-striving mind to the mind of rcliancc on and trust in the
Vow. Shinran calls it the "turning of the mind" (eshin) or the one moment of
entrusting (slzinjin-iclzinen). All efforts subsequent to that moment arc responses of
gratitude and commitment, supremel)' expressed in rcciting /wl1l!l-amida-btlis!l.
The sense of onencss with Amida Buddha, experienced through trust in Shinran's
thought, never overwhelms the awareness of our evils. Rather, it prevents presump-
tion or taking Amida's embrace for granted. While conducive to a deep humility,
Shiman's failh gives rise to a strong religious commitment and self-concept as a
person wlro Iras been embraced b)' Amida Buddha, never 10 be alxlIlclonccl.
Thc Fundamental Character of Rennyo's Teaching
Renn)'o shared Shinran's vision of Amida's all-encompassing compassion and
wisdom, but he believed that it manifested itself in the world through thc Honganji
tradition. Being born within an already existing institutional system, Rennyo
assumcd that it faithfully transmitted the truth of Amida's Vow as interpreled by
SIdman. Also he tried to simplify the morc eomplex teaching of Shinran, holding
to the principle that in teaching, you select a hundred from a thousand things thai
might be given, and from a hundred )'ou choosc ten. Finall), from the ten YOII select
one. As a consequence of his approach to teaching amI propagation, there lI'ere
differences from Shinran in cmphases. Rennyo's experienccs of the deaths of his
wives and several children, as lI'ell as the violence of the age, madc him keenly
aware of the impermanence, unpredictability, and violence in life. In view of t ~
brevity of life ,md the depth of our evil, the aftcrlife was of the greatesl importance
for Rennyo (gos/lO-llO-ichidaiii), in contrast to Shinran's slress on Ihe rcception of
faith and assurance of rcbirth in this life. Renn)'o drew a clear dislinclion hctwccn
this world and the next. The human realm is a place of uncertainty. The land of
utmost bliss is one of etemity and should he the object of our aspiratioll and Ihe
decisive setlling of milld.
Thc principle of karma is also strongly upheld and emphasized b)' Renn)'o as
the basis for encountering the teaching. Thc teaching is not to be discllssed with
an),one whose past good karlllic conditions have not maturcd. RenllVo uscd the idea
to restrain disciples inclined to boast about their faith and ridic;lle others. Thc
process of deliverance is outlined by Renn),o in five conditions which musl be
present in order for a person to attain truly 'settled faith. First is the unfolding of
166 Shins/lll Studies
good karma from the past. Second is the meeling with a good teacher. Third is
receiving Amida's light; fomth is attaining faith, andfiflh is saying the name of the
Buddha, vVe can view these five clements as a simultaneous moment in which we
have the good fortune to encounter a teacher who opens for us the truth concerning
our spiritual condition and the truth of the teaching.
In that moment we attain tfllSt in the Vow, reject sundry practices, and recite
na11lu-a11lida-hutsu in gratitude. It is altogether the one moment of entrusting and
attainment of truly settled faith. According to Rennyo, faith is fundamental and is
the source of nenbutsu. Faith "is granted by Amida Tathagata ... this is not faith
generated by the practicer, ... it is Amida Tathagata's Other-Power f;lith. The term
siJinjin is taken by Rennyo to be Amida's Other-Power true mind which displaces
the believer's mind of self-striving. An alternative term for faith is aniin or )'asllki
kokoro, which for Rennyo has essentially the same meaning as shin;in, but with
emphasis on the aspect of the peace or tranquility that attends reception of faith.
As a result, the recitation of the name is for gratitude only, because it flows out from
the trusting mind. It is important to note that external appearancc or people's
outward condition, status, or role in life have no relevance ill attaining trust.
Further, 011 attaining thc settled mind, one carries on a normal life, whether it
is as a huntcr, fisherman, or tradesman. Aftcr faith or settled mind is established,
nothing is taboo, though keeping "firmly to ourselves the teaching transmitted in our
tradition and not giving any outward sign of it; those who do this are said to be peoplc
of discretion." Settled faith means also to honor the laws of the state and fulfill public
obligations. The relatioll of Buddhism and the state or society is a key issuc in
Rennyo's thought, but it must bc viewed in the light of his historical situation.
Essentially he promoted the western idea of "rendering Ullto Caesar what is Caesar's
and unto Cod [Buddha] what is Cod's [Buddha's].,,1 Rennyo interprets the tcrms
/W11l11 and amida butSli in the nenbutsu to emphasize the oneness of the mind of the
person of settled faith and the Buddha. II is the action of the Tathagata that creates
the oneness of the Buddha mind and ordinary mind, guaranteeillg the ultimate
enlightenment of the person offaith. The namll-amida-hutsli is the verbal, symbolic
expression of the reality of that oneness when it is recited in trust and gratitude.
With respect to religious life, the hallmark of RcnllYo's teaching is his emphasis
that the nenbntsu is only for gratitude, arising spontancously from the settled mind
of faith. He rails against the perfunctory, mechanical, conformist recitation of the
name without understanding its essential meaning. In order to cncourage his
followers to be respectful of other religions, Rennyo exalts A111ida Buddha as the
Original teacher and Original Buddha of all buddhas and gods. That is, he is the
superior and supreme expression of Buddhahood, which includes all other gods
and Buddhas within himself. They appear as lIpaya or compassionate means to lead
people to the Buddha-Dharma. Shinran's and Rennyo's approach to faith are similar
in being subjective and requiring a definitc turn of the mind in trust in Amida's
VOlI's. It is exprcsscd in grateful recitation of the nenbutsu. There is a common
emphasis in both teachers on the absolute Othcr-Power foundation of deliverance,
They understand that Amida is a power within the heart and mind of the person,
bringing about a spiritual transformation, as well as being enshrined as the essence
oflhe nenbutsll itself. Rennyo's term alliill or)'asllki kokoro or settled mind, however,
RellllYO and the Rel1ai"saI1Ce of COl1lem/JOrar), Shill Buddhism 167
appears within an institutional setting of community and obligatory observanccs, as
wcll as a variety of rules or guidelines which he instituted to deal with problems in
his movement. An important feature of cxprcssing one's settled faith is grateful
recitation of nenhntsu while keeping one's eye on the goal of rcbirth in thc Pure
Land. The communal character of faith is expressed through obeying thc rcgulations
which Rennyo set down as a means of avoiding conAicts and obstacles to the
teaching in the general community.
Rennyo's Mission of Propagation and Education
What ultimately gives Rennyo's life significance is his work of propagation and
education which enabled Honganji to become the principal leader of Shin
Buddhism. Through his expositions of the teaching he made Shinran's tcaching
comprehensible to the masses. vVithout his consistent efforts, it is clear that Shinran's
highly personal and subtle tcaching would have remained obscure to thc ordinary
person, though Shinran himselfbec3me the object of veneralioll. Thc abbots prior
to Rennyo engaged in propagation activities, yet I-longanji remained <1 small segmcnt
of the Shin movement. Traditionally there have been tcn branches, of which the
I-Ionganji was one. In the controversy centering on Rennyo's acccptance as abbot,
his uncle, Nyoja, argued 011 his behalf that Rcnnyo had lifelong dedication, andllc
participated intimately in Zonnyo's work of copying texts for followers, as well as
occasionally representing his fathcr in relations with disciples. When Rennyo
became abbot, it was clearly the combination of his personality, his abilities and
activities, the times, and the character of his tcaching that brought about the
momentous change in the fortunes of the Honganji. I-Ie was the right man in the
right place at the right time. Rennyo's activitics included copying texts, undertaking
teaching tours, writillg objects of worship in the form of namc scrolls, granting
Dharma names, establishing temples, and writing letters, as well as frequent
interviews and meetings with individual disciples. These endeavors werc all aimed
at securing the rclationship of Rennyo anel the i-lollganji with the followcrs on a
dceply pcrsonallevel. While not all these undertakings were original with him, hc
made the most skillful and greatest usc of the varioLls methods. I-Ie also was perceptivc
in seeing how social dynamics worked in Japancse society when he devcloped the
system of kB or small, voluntary associations and described how propagation should
procccd.
2
VVe might say that RCllnyo's propagation and education depcnded on
personal relations, communication-publicaHon through copying texts or writing
lelters, and the likc, and social insight.
Copying Texts
In order to instruct followers in an agc before printing, it was nccessary to copy tcxts
meticulously. Copying was a form of publication in a prcteclll1ological age. T'he
various texts that were copied demonstrate how serious Shinran and his succcssors
were ill responding to their followers' desire for uudcrstanding the Dharma. In Shin
Buddhism the work of copying texts began as early as Shinran, who reproduced
168 Shins/lll Studies
various Pure Land works requested by his disciples. 'Ibgether with composing his
own originalwriLings, Shiman copied a variety ofrure Land texts which he thought
were useful [or understanding his teaching. Zennyo, the fourth abbot of Honganji,
is nuted fur annotating a pictorial biography of Shinran and making a seventeen-
volume copy of the Kyogyoshinsho in Japanese translation. He also copied the words
of Zonkaku (Zonkaku hiigo).l There is a record of some fourteen texts copied by
Gyonyo, the sixth abbot; 20nnyo, the seventh abbot; and Kukaku, a brother of
20nnyo. Zonnyo also initiated thc copying of Shiman's hymns (wasan), and
separated out the Shoshinge from the Kyogyoshinsho. He focused attention on that
passage because it presented the basic principles of Shin Buddhism in a condensed
form. Rennyo later wrote a synopsis of that tcxt known as Shoshinge taiL' He also
published the Shoshinge and the Wasan collections in block print at Yoshizaki in
1473. The block printillg of texts made for wider distribution of texts and broadened
the use of the Shoshinge and Wasan
5
in services in temples or at home. Even before
he became abbot, Rcnnyo made copies of texts for disciples, who often received
them when they came to study in Kyoto. At times he substituted for his father in
making and signing these texts. We are tolcl that there now exist some forty texts
copied by Renn),o. The meticulous work of copying texts undoubtedly contributed
to Rennyo's sludy and absorption of the teaching which underlay his thollght in his
letters, his major mode uf communication.
Teaching TOllrs
From the time of Kakunyo, abbots made tours around regions where Shinshu
congregations wcre locatcd. Rennyo toured to spread and strengthen the teaching.
Beforc he became abbot, he went to the Kanlo region, following the example of
other abbots who visitcd the sacred sites of Shinran's lifc at least once in their
lifetime. Rennyo, however, three times to Kanto. Immediately after
becoming abbot, he focused on ami, an area roughly corresponding to Shiga
prefecture located easl of the capital, where there were many Shin followers. He
also went to Mikawa and Settsu, as well as the north em provinces known as
Hokuriku. Rennyo's success in clrawing adherents through these activities C\'en-
tually caught the attention of the forces of Mount l-liei, who attacked Honganji in
1466. It was probably no accident that Rennyo selccted Yoshizaki in the Hokuriku
area for his base, since the l-Ionganji had had a long association with the region
bccausc of thc travcls of the various former abbots. By 147', when Rennyo moved
to Yoshizaki, there were as man)' as 119 temples known in the Echizen, Kaga, and
Etchu regions. With his arrival in Yoshizaki, the Illlmber of temples expanded
significantly as members and tcmples of othcr sects turned to Rennyo. James
Dobbins indicatcs: "Rcnnyo's presence in Yoshizaki created a mysterioLls and
powerful chemistry that sparked an unprecedented religious awakening in the
region.,,6 There were forly-nine additional templcs in Inami county in Echizen
alone, five timcs thc number that had been there over the previous two centuries.
Twenty of these forty-nine temples had previously bcen affiliated with the Tendai
order. Similar dcvelopmcnts took place in other regions near Kyoto, in Omi, lobi,
Chugoku, and Kansai.
Rellll)'o alld the Renaissance of COil temporary' S/,in BlIddhism 169
Objects of \Morship
Shinran's original object of worship was the namc Jin-jil)-Po 1l1u-ge-ko nyorai, which
means the Tathagata of Universal Unhindered Light. He granted Name (1l1)'ogo)
scrolls to leading disciples for their d6j6. In addition to the Name, pictorial
representations of Amida were also made. This practice was latcr followed by
KakullYo, Zonkaku, and sLlcceeding abbots. Zonnyo's diary indicates that he made
various types of scrolls at the request of his disciples. Rennyo gave out so many
Name scrolls that he was said to have written the Name more times than any other
person in history. Some extant scrolls were written with gold paint, a sign of the
growing prosperity and influence ofI-longanji. Ten are listed from 1460 to 1465. The
6saka-gobo or Ishiyam3 temple, where Rennyo finally retired, was financed almost
entirely through writing of Name scrolls.
Dharma Names and Temple Names
Another way in which relations with disciples was strengthened was the bestowal of
Dharma names. Thesc names bcgan to bc conferred when followers came to the
Hunganji tu study. Renll)'o followed the precedent set by 20nn)'0, and thcre arc
numcrous extant examples of Dharma names written in his own hand. Tcmple
names indicated the status of a community as a temple based on its affiliation with
the Honganji. They marked the transformation of a d6j6 to a tcmple and permitted
the members to enshrine an image of Amida rather than a name scroll.
Letter Writing
Perhaps the most striking aspect ofRennyo's activities in education and propagation
was his letter writing. However, there were also precedents in Shin Buddhism for
this mocle of communication. Shinran himsclf wrote numerous letters dealing with
doctrinal questions, disputes among his followers, and persecution. Although it is
recorded that Shimall wrote nillety leiters, there are presenlly forty-three cxisting.
RCllllYO'S letters number over 200, eighty-five of which were sclected out by Rcnnyo's
grandson Ennyo (1491-1521) at the direction of Ellnyo's fathcr, )itsunyo, thc ninth
abbot. These have become virtnally sacred tcxt for Shin Buddhists. Most famolls
among them is the l-lakko/su 110 or Leiter on White Ashes,' which is uscd
extensively in funeral services. Among these only elevcn are originals; thc remainder
are copies made by others. Renn)'o did not write complcx ductrinal analvscs such
as we find in thc K),og),oshirzsho, and so modern scholars him as
a scholar or thinker. Nevertheless, the letters wcre his ehosen mcthod for
communicating the insights of Shin Buddhism in comprehensible, clcin language
that the members of the temples eould appreciate. Undoubtedly they contributcd
to his popularity, because such Ictters as the White Ashcs touched'thc hcarts of
people with the reality of impermanence and the importance of faith amI gratitude
in spiritual1ife.
Rennyo made gratitude a central feature of Shin Buddhism. A gcncral
accounting of his letters indicates that in the collection of eighty-fivc letlers, forty-
170 Shinshii Stlldies
nine conclude with specific exhortations to gratitude, while in others it is implied.
He concluded his letters by urging his followers to recite the nenbutsll with gratitude.
This became the distinctive approach of Shin Buddhism toward practice and
religious reAection.
Rennyo demonstrated his sensitivity to women, who played a great role in his
life, by referring to women in fifty-eight letters of the 212 considered authentic.
Contrasting Shin Buddhism with other Buddhist traditions, Rennyo stressed that
the salvation of women was a primary concern for Amida Buddha. This belief is
significant because the religious status of women in traditional Buddhism was lower
than that of men. Though RCIlI1YO declared the spiritual equality of women, he did
not make clear their soci,]1 equality. This subject remains a task for our contemporary
sGligha. In almost all his letters Rennyo eIllphasized the human condition, Other-
Power faith, recitation of the nenblltslI, ,md the importance of the afterlife. He set
forth rules for social behavior in response to the anti-social attitudes of some followers
who usedlhe Shin experience of spirilualliberation to ridicule and denouncc other
religions and even oppose secular authority. Addressing contemporary Issues
confronting the cOlTllllunity, Rennyo's letters defined the content of faith.
Method of Propagation
The great expansion of Shin Buddhism uncleI' the leadership of Rennyo resulted
not only from the resonance of his ideas and personality with the people of the
lime, but also from his understanding how society worked. As Dobbins points out,
in the spread of Shin Buddhism, Rennyo benefited from the formation of
independent, self-governing villages that attended the end of the manorial economic
systcm. Rcnnyo's method of propagation consisted of approaching the thrce most
prominent people in any village; the priest, the elder, and the village headman. He
maintained that "If these three will lay the basis for Buddhism in their respective
places, then all the people below thcm will conform to the teachings and Buddhism
will flourish."" This strategy is known as the top-down principle, accepting the
hierarchical structure of a village, and has bccn followed by all religions since
ancient times. It presupposes a highly communal and kinship society in which
leaders are recognized by all members as having status by virtue of their wisdom
and qualities of leadership. Many of these leaders were formerly heads of large farm
families in the earlier, declining myoslw-estate systel1l_ It was a natural extension of
the family structure. In our more individualistic age, this strategy would have little
effect, but what is important here is Rennyo's sensitivity to the changing nature of
the society in which hc lived and his shrewdness in recognizing its usefulness.
Concurrent with Rennyo's strategy of reaching the leadership of the society, he
also developed the ko CiiIII), a voluntary religious association for the nmture and
development of personal faith. Ko isan ancient Buddhisl concept meaning discourse,
preaching, or lecture. In time it took on the meaning of a meet-ing for some religious
purpose such as studying a text or undertaking a particular practice. Shin Buddhism
today has such things as Nenbutsuk6 and Hoonk6 services. In our modern thinking,
a ko would be like a cell, a subgrouping of a larger body; We might call it a
discussion group or informal fellowship.9 Though the ko might coincide with the
Rennyo and the Re,wissQnce o( Contemporary, Shin Bllddhism 171
village, it was really the social-religious foundation of Shin Buddhism. In time
religious and political aspects overlapped, as is evident in the peasant ikko-ikki
uprisings. One important characteristic is that the ko could transcend its local
character through its connection with the broad movement of Shin Buddhism. This
connectedness was the basis for the enormous power that Shin Buddhism calTle to
hold in medieval society, leading to its struggle with ada Nobunaga and its division
under the Tokugawa. Members would open their homes for mcctings, and as these
grew into a regular occurrcncc the home wonld be called doio. The size of the kB
varied from as fell' as six people to perhaps thousands. They were supported by
members' donations. The local ko lVere afliliatec1with the Honganji through the
variolls lcvcls of SIlbtemple relations. In Lerms of governance, Rennyo had Lo
combine his democratic spirit with the need for more centralized control necessitated
by the social and religious problems that arose within thc ko. Thcsc were the major
reasons for locating his sons and daughters in major temples in order to maintain
the loyalty of the members uncler their control.
We can gain some idea of the activilies in the ko from Rcnnyo's leiters indicating
that the members meet monthly (the twentieth-eighth of the month, which was
Shinran's death day) in order to discuss their faith. Annual Hoonko sen'ices to
express gratitude for the teaching and to COlTllnemorate Shinran's dcath IHI\'e been
typically hcld for scvcn days and were greatly stressed hy Rennyo. However in his
letters he noted that the faith was not always disclISsed at the meetings as it should
be. He criticized the members for turning the meetings into social occasions,
forgetting their true purpose. He urged deep discussion and questioning in order 10
arrive at settled faith. Rennyo was very critical of the clergy who oversaw the
fellowships. We can see thai the meetings of the "'j in cl6j6 and temples provided
an opportunity for members to interact and discuss their faith in a marc personal
way.
The dissemination of the SllOshinge and Wasem suggests that part orlhe meeling
was devoted to the devotional chanting of these lexts, and members amI clergy then
discussed the teaching. Rennyo :llso wrote numcrous letters marking the anniversmy
of Shinran's death in which he cOlllmented on the meaning of the teaching, ancl
he instructed that these letters were to be read at the appropriate services, in this
case H60nk6. The meetings were clearly also social occasions, though Rellllyo
desired that" the religiollS purposc be constantly maintained. For him the spiritmlity
of the movement was uppermost. In his overall perspective he recognized that the
prosperity of the movement lies not in the prestige of great numbers, bllt ill whether
peoplc have faith, and the flourishing of the right sale practice comes abont through
the will of the disciples who follow.
Rellll),O's Personal Style
Renn),o's personal style can be sumlllarized as more opcn amI democratic than
what was often seen at lhis time. The lirst leiter in the authorizcd collection
emphasizes the camaraderie of Shin Buddhism, noting SIIiman's declaration that
he had not one disciple. Rennyo wore plain gray robcs, insisted that even highly
ranked clergy within his organization do the same, and removed lhe preaching
172 Shins/HI Stlldies
platform. Hc sat on the same level as his followers. It is said hc sat knee to knee.
He admonished his associates not to keep followers waiting and to serve them food
and sake. He did not put on airs, so when he visited followers who had little to offer
him, he warmly ate the millet gruel which they ate and spent the night discussing
religion with thclll. He advocated that No plays be performed to put people at ease
and to teach the Buddha-Dharma anew when followers have lost interest.
But though Rennyo could be solicitous for the welfare of his followers, hc was
also critical. He castigated the priests who sought more spiritual ancl financial power
over rank-and-file membcrs. He also censured the membcrs for lacking proper
religious motivation for their participation or for their lack of engagement with,
discussion of, and \lnderstanding of the doctrine.
Conclusion
We can see there are many dimensions to Rennyo's activities and style that
successfully brought Shin Buddhism to a peak level of support in the medieval
period. The determination with which all Honganji abbots have labored offers
suggestions for how we might strengthen Shin BuddhisIll ill today's age of turbu-
lence and transition, but it is with Rennyo that we particularly notice commdeship,
communication, critique, commitment or cleep religious motivation, and
understanding as keys to the future strength of Jocloshinshu.
Notes
1 For example, in a letter written from Yoshizaki dated the thirteenth day of the fifth
month, 1474, Rennyo asserts, "You 1I1ust be careful never to carelessly say 'I am who
reveres the Dharma and has attained shin;in' before the authorities in your province such
as the military governors [s/rugo] or warrior land stewards [iito]. Do not'fail to your
public duties." RSI, 192; SSZ 3.441.
2 See pp. 170-171.
3 The Zonkaku hogo is at SSZ 3353
4 The Shoshil1ge laii was written in 1460 in response to a request from Kanamori Dosai;
it is at SSZ 3.385.
5 Wasem are liturgical hymns written by Shinran in Japanesc, in contrast with his
doctrinal tlreses, which are all written in Chinese.
6 James C. Dobbins, Jade Shinshii: Shin Buddhism in MedieV<11 Japan (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1989), p. 137.
7 RS1, 182; SSZ 3513
8 Dobbins. Jude Shinshii, p. 139.
9 Ko were thc smallest social unit that supported-emotionally, politically, and
financially- both tocal dojo and the national/lOl1zan of Honganji.
IKEDA nlTAI
TRANSLATED BY SARAH HORTON
The Characteristic Structure of
Rennyo's Letters
The Spirit of "Lamenting Deviations"
RCllIl)'O'S composition of numerous leiters is said to have greatly Cascilitatccl the
rcstoratioll of Shinshu which occurred under him.
l
This chapter reconsiders thc
nature of these letters through an cxamination of their structure.
The words of Rennyo's mother, as related in the RWll)'O Sizo/lill ilolwki,2
suggest all early influence which contributed 10 his desire to restore Shinshfi:
Oei 27 [14.20]. The master [Rennj'o] ""IS six years old. On the t\\'enty-eighth day of
the twelfth month, the 1I10ther spoke to her six-year-old child, revealing what was
in her heart: "It is lily wish that during this child's lifetime, he will restore the
tradition of the master [Shinran]." With that, sire departed for an unknown
destination.
l
The Itokuki also declares:
From the age of fifteen, the masler [ReI1llYo] first began to earnestly aspire to restore
ShinshO. II grieved him to think how the school had languished in pre"iolls
generations. He conslantly prayed thai someholl' he 1V0uld be able to reveal the
teachings of the master [Shinnlll] in all places, far and near. In the end, he did
restore [Shinran's teachings].'
Thus Rennyo made his mothcr's wish his own goal. The origin of his dcsire to
restore Shinshu mLlst be sought, as previous scholars have pointed out, in his
relationship to the TaTlllisho.
The first to note tire relationship between Rennyo's Leiters and the Iil1l1lisho,
and Lo suggest the doctrinal lineage they share, was Ryosho of M)'oon'ill (1788-1842)
ill his work Tmmisho 11lollki.1 Soga Ryojin (1875-1971) went a slep fmther by
declaring in the Tmmislzo choki that the spirit of restoration is Ilone other than the
spirit of "lamenting c1eviations."r, Although the following paragraph has been widely
read, I will guok it again here:
174 Shins/nl Studies
It goes without saying that the Tarrnisho "luments that which deviates from the true
faith transmitted by the Master [Shinran]." The true faith thus transmitted is the
two types of deep belief (nis/w jinshin), found throughout the Tannishii, which
have been handed down from the tillle of Master Zenda (Shandao). It is these
two types of deep faith that overturn the two states of mind, meditative and
nonmcditative (i6san nishin), elucidating the metaphor of the two rivers [of greed
and anger] and shedding light on the faith of the Boundless Vow [Amida's
Eighteenth Vow]. This was, I believe, the way of Master Zenda's own enlightenment.
The spirit and feeling of "lamenting thaI which deviates from the true faith
transmitted" is, I strongly believe, the spirit behind the restoration of}ado Shinshii.
Perhaps because of this, Renn)'o indicated that 'This is an important scripture in
our lineage. It should not be shown indiscriminately to those who lack [sufficient]
karmic good [roots]" (mu shukuzen kilo I firmly believe that the spirit behind
Rennyo's restowtioll of Shinshii was none other than the spirit of "lamenting
deviations.'"
Our oldest extant manuscript of the Tmmisizo, copied by Rennyo himself,
provides clues to the relationship between Rennyo and this text. In November
1969 H6z6kan published a photographic reproduction of the manuscript, with a
commentary by Miyazaki Enjun.
8
Although he did not record the date of his
copying of the text, on the basis of past handwriting it had been thought that Rennyo
copied it when he was about sixty-five or sixty-six. Miyazaki explains, however, that
reexamination of the manuscript using microphotographs and other technology
indicates that Rennyo was around fort>' years old when he copied the sentence,
"The exiled persons were the above eight," which is founel in the appendix. He was
sixty-fi\'e or sixty-six, however, when he copied the next sentence, "The persons
executed were as follows," and also whcn he added the colophon.
III addition, thc covcr of this manuscript bears the title "Tarmisho, one copy"
and to the lower right of this is the note "belonging to Rennyo." The fact that
Rennyo copied the text over a period of many years as well as the existence of this
note on the cover suggest that this was his personal copy, something he used
throughout his life.
Rennyo copied a wide range of ShillSho scripturcs, beginning even before he
took over the leadership of Honganji from his father. Although their contents vary,
here is a list of seven extant Rennyo manuscripts that have Tarl1lisho-like colophons
and where they are held:
1. The KudeTlsh6, two fascieles.
9
The first fascicle is in the archives of
Fukudadera, Shiga City. The second fascicle is in the archives of Nishi
I-Ionganji, Kyoto. The text is dated Eiky6 10 (1439), copied when Rennyo
was twenty-three years old.
2. Thc RokllYOS/z6,1O ten fascicles. In the archives ofK6shoji, Kyoto. Dated
Choroku 2 (1458), copied when Rennyo was forty-four years old.
3. The Kyogyoshinsho (in rlObegaki), seventeen fascicles
H
In the archives
of Nishi Honganji. Dated Kansho 2 (1461), copied when Rennyo was
forty-seven ycars old.
4 The Kudellsho, three fascicles. In the archives ofJoshobo, Osaka. Dated
Bunsh6 2 (1467), copied when Rennyo was fifty-three years old.
The Characteristic SlmctllTe of Rerl11)'o's Letters 175
5. The K)'og)'oshinsho taii,12 one fascicle. In the archives of ShinshOji,
Sakai City. Dated F.ntoku 1 (1489), copied when Rennyo was seventy-
five years old.
6. Thcfliinen Shonin okotoba, one fascicleY In the archives of K6tokuji,
KashilVabara City. Dated Mei6 5 (1496), when RC1111YO \\';1S eighty-two
years old.
7. The Tannisho, two fascicles. In the archives of Nishi i-Ionganji, probably
copied when Rennyo was forty years 01d.
14
Despite their similarity, however, none of colophons to these other works
contains a harsh statement similar to this one in the colophon of the Talll1isho:
"This should not be shown indiscriminately to those who lack karmic good roots."
It is possible thai Rennyo intended not to ban or proscribe this work, but rather
simply to record that it should be treated with great care, as an "important sacred
text of our lineage." These points all indicate that Rennyo had the Tmmishij at his
side from the time of his difficult youth, that is before he became leader ofl-Ionganji,
to his maturity when he fulfilled his desire to restore ShillShLi.
These connectiollS between Rennyo and the Tmmisho should be explored in
light of Rennyo's Letters. Elsewhere I "have discLlssed this issue with referencc to
the first leiter, which contains the fundamental positions found in all the letters. I
would now like to go a step further, however, ancl examine the languagc and ideas
contained in Rennyo's Letters.
RectifYing Heresy (gaija
Starting from his view of "lamenting deviations" as seen ill his csteem of the
Tannisho, ho\\' did the restoration of Shinshn advance under Rcnnyo? In the past,
when analyzing Rennyo's Letters, Shinshn scholars always established the catcgory
"Purpose of the Letters," saying, for example, "They are to help foolish peoplc
achieve true faith" and "They do away with various kinds of aberrant doctrine,
taking refuge in that which is true.,,11
Such evaluations stop at simply noting that the Letters were written to corred
mistaken views. Indeed, the Leiters spcak eloquently to this point. I wOllld likc to
focus, however, on the implications of this point. Is it possible to say Ihat Rennyo
took over from Kakunyo, advancing the restoration ofShinshii by rect ifying heresies?
This is the question that I lVant to explore.
First, let us look at the aberrant doctrines discussed in the Lellers. Professor
Sumida Chiken summarizes the situation as follows:
A, has been said in the past, we can count four or six different t)'pes [of aberrant
doctrine), but I find three: the teaching in the Seizan seel that Birth in the Pure
L1nd has been assured from the time Amida achieved Buddlmhood ten kalp:ls ago
(jikko an;in); the teaching in the Chinzei seel thai Pure Land Birth cannot he
achieved without practicing the spoken nenblltsll (kllsl16 zlUlOri), and sccrcl
teachings which misrepresent such things as the wisdom of the path of the sages.
'Ieachings such as revering one's teacher as the Buddha (chishiki c/clflomi), the
176 Shinshii Studies
practice of giving gifts to Buddhist monaslics as a meritorious act for the achieve-
ment of Buddhahood (semotsll danomi), and the teaching thal those who have
achieved faith are, in this life, already one with Amida (ichi)'akll human), fall under
these three categories; I find nOlle outside these thrce,16
The letters themselves provide examples of heresy which can be classified into the
following four groups:
L "Marked differences from our tradition's basic view of alljill" (Letter
r8): There are two: belief that the "pacified mind" (alljin) was deter-
minecl for us when Dharmiikara attained bllddhahood as Amitabha ten
kalpas ago (jikko anjin, as in Lellers 1:13, 2:11, 3:8) and belief that
recitation of the sacred Name without any understanding of faith is
sufficient (71lushin sho71lJ'o, as in Letters 1:1, 1:15, r 2, 3:3, 3:+ r5,
5: 11 ).
2. Anything based in Ihe "secret teachings which are widespread in
Echizen Province ... that arc deplorable, and not to be considercd
Buddhist" (Lellers 2:14). This would include slIch things as doctrinc of
"the one benefit" wherein the attainment of shinjiTl is takcn to mean
one has attained buddhahood (ichiyaku hamon, as in Letter 1:4), the
practice of worshipping a spiritual guide as an incarnation of the
Buddha (chishiki dallomi as in Letter 2:11), a variety of nonstandard
Shinshu interpretations known as "secret doctrines" ("iii biJmon, as in
Letters 2:14), or Ihe secret tcaehing that ritual worship is unneccssary
(fuhai hiji, as in Letter B).
3. The practice of "proclaiming our doctrine before [members on other
schools and sects" (as in Letter 1:9). This [problem] can be seen in such
statements as "some see our school as polluted and loathsome" or
"something taboo" (mono imi, as in Letter 1.9), or in [admonitions
against] "acting so that one appears to later generations as a good person
or followcr of the Buddhist teachings" (as in Letter 2:2) and "going out
of one's way 10 bring attention to the fael that one is a follower of our
tradition" (as in Leller 2:13).
4- The practice of "speaking of teachings that have not been transmitted
[within our lineage] and misleading others" (as in Letter po). This
includes such unacceptable activities as asking for donations (semoisll
dallomi, as in Letter 1:11), "relying on their own abilities, some people
are interpreting texts that have not been properly transmitted and
[expound] unknown, heretical doctrines" (as in Letter}:ll), "[spreading]
unknown teachings that are not part of our lineage" (as in Letter 3:13),
"turning one's ears to hear twisted [notions] and then opening one's
mouth to spread it as slander" (as in Letter 4:1), spreading our teachings
among those "about whom it is not known if the person possesses good
karmic roots" (as in Letter 4:5), and participating in services "for one's
reputation or 10 be in stcp with everyone else" (as in Letter 4:8).
Thc discussion of heresies in the Letters sharcs much with Kakunyo's ideas
ahout destroying aberrant doctrine. Although approximately one hundrcd years
The Characteristic Structure of Ren 11)'0 's Leiters 177
passed between the time ofKakunyo (1270-1351) ancl Rennyo (1415-1499), statements
from Kakunyo's Gai;asiJo can be placed in the above four categories.
There are statements in the Gaijasho, for example, that pertain to the first
category. Article one of the Gaijash6 declares:
[Extolling] the creation of name registers is based on one's personal vicw of things
and corrupts the lineage of our founder. J)
And in article two:
It is likewise wrong to assert a personal interpretation in the usc of what are called
portmit lineages. IS
The precursor to the problem raiscd in the third catcgory is found in Article three
of the Gaijasho:
You should not promote yourself in the form of a renunciant or delight in appenring
different. Do not wear the skirtless robe (mo11ashi garomo) or use a black clerical
surplice (kesa).19
And precedents for the second category abovc can be seen in the declaration ill
Article eighteen of the Gaijasho:
Among those who arc known as adherents of the Venerable of Honganji (Shinran),
there are some who so revere their spiritual guide (chishiki) that they likcn [this
person] to the Tathagata Amida and regard his or her physical dwelling as a Imc
Pure Land of Ihe Buddha's body of glory [generated] by his unique 1'01l'S. This is
[so a bSllrd as to be] beyond all com men t
20
Finally, the following statement from the twenty-first article of Ihe Kudemizo, also
by Kakunyo, can be placed in the first category: "Asserling thai one nenh!ltsll
(ichillell) does not suffice, we Tllllst strive to practice many IlCnblltsll (/(111cn).,,1
Although there were of course differences between the eirclllllstanees
surrounding Kakunyo and Rennyo, their attitudcs regarding aberrant doctrine were
fundamenlallv the same. The situation in which Kakunyo found himselfis addressed
in Zonkaku's' (1290-1373) Haja kensizo shoo According to Ihis work, there ;Ire no
words to describe the degree of slander and violencc prcl'alent at that time among
the Tendai monks of the path 10 self-perfection based 011 MOllnt l-liei, yamabushi,
female shamans, and yin-yang masters:
These monks seem in forlll to emhody the Buddhist teachings and practices, but
at heart they are no different from people who renOllnce the Bllddhist doctrille of
callsation. Hence, they devaslale the chapels of nenbulsu followers in place after
place, and in each case wilh every occasion they deceive Ihc adherenls of Ihe Pure
Land path. They call the paintings and sculptures of Amida heretical im:1gcs, and
they trample them uncler foot. They declare the sacred writings of ShinshG doctrine
to he heretical teachings, and they spit on them and destroy them. In addition they
seize and deprive us of dozens of texts, including the three major Pure Land sutras
as well as the expositions of the five patriarchs ....
Overall their power resounds throughoul a thousand world systems, nearly
outstripping the aSllra's legions.
21
178 Shinsha Studies
This passage sholVs that in the time of KakuIlYo, there IVas a crisis situation wherein
teaching of the exclusive nenbutsu lVas in of being destroyed nol only at the
individual level but throughout all of society.
When critically reexamiIling correspondcnces between the heresies at the
time of Kankunyo and of Rennyo, it becomcs necessary to establish not only thc
relationship between Rennyo and the Tannisha but also the relationship between
Rennyo and Kakunyo, especially with regard to thc Gai;asho. Although bolh Ihe
Tannisha and the Gaijasha address problems with religious institutions, the Tmmisha
remains wilhiIl the simple framework of a group offellow believers andlllonks. The
author states that he wrote it so that "there Illay be no differences in faith among
thc practitioners in a single room.,,13 In contrast, the Gai;asha is wrillen from the
perspective of an established orthodox institution which, by Kakunj'o's time, was
based on a clear hereditary line spanning three generations, as the follo\\'ing
colophon shows:
The above text is essenlial for [the understanding on the import of the oral
handed down from the founder of Honganji, Masler Shinran, and
l'vlasler Oami Nyoshin, which contains thc kcy to the attainment of Ilirlh in the
Land of Recompense (hodo). In past days and years, by humbly receiving the
hereditary spanning Ihe Ihree generations of Kurodani (i-ioncn), Honganji
(Shinran), and Oami (Nyoshin), the carefully maintained doctrines of the t\\'o
Buddhas (AlIlid" and SakyulIluni) have servcd 'as our eyes and our feel,"
Inevitably, then, there are differences between the tlVO texts in their criticisms of
aberrant doctrine. The Tannish!) focuses on examining and rectifying one's own
faith, a faith achieved primarily through direct contact with Shinran and his
teachings. This emphasis is apparent in thc passage "[let there 1 be IlO differences
iII faith amollg fellow practitioners in a single room," which shows a critical attitude
toward one's own faith.
The Gai;ashii, on the other hand, assumes thai an orthodox institution has
already been established and attempts to destroy any heresy that is opposed to this
orthodoxy. In the same colophon, Kakunyo adds, "I record this in order to destroy
heresy and light the lantern of truth."
Kakunyo, through his emphasis on the hcreditary line spanning three
generations, sought to hold together the institution after Shinran's death. Sensing
the danger facing /-Ionganji, he felt he had a historical mission to fulfill. It was
inescapable that the inslilution thus established was unified under the authority of
orthodoxy. .
It was Rennyo who found himself in the middle of this /-Ionganji institution
which had been established by Kakunyo. In the face of this reality, how was he to
grapple with his decision to "reveal tl;e teachings of the Master' (Shinran) in all
places, far and near, during my lifetime"? This problem must have preoccupied
Rennyo during the long years before he assumed the leadership of Honganji.
Therefore, he read through KakuIl),o's KlIdensha and Gai;aslza, and then he turned
to the Tml1lisha, all of which had in common "the true faith transmitted from the
Mastcr (SIIiman)." Rennyo took as his own the spirit of "lamenting deviations"
which was the foundation of this true faith. His actions thus conformed to the
The Characteristic StnJcture of I.etters 179
rectification of heresy which he had inherited from Kakunyo, as can be seen in the
corredion of abbewnt doctrine discussed in the Letters. It was Ihis that propelled
the restoration of Shinsha.
It is Ilndeniable that Rennyo addressed the correction of these aberrant doctrines
in his Leiters frolll the standpoint of a powerful institution. The Eigellki asserts:
When Rennyo was at his temple in Yamashina, it is not thai he Ihoughl ill of
people .... He said, "There are, however, 1\\'0 of whom I think ill: one who causes
unhappiness to his parents, and one who speaks aberrant doctrine. Of these \\\'0,
I think ill." The news thai was received in Kyoto [lVas that] samurai who spoke ill
of Honganji anclwho confused [other teachings] with the teachings of the founder
lVere extreme enemies of the Dharma
25
In addition, article 243 of the Kikigaki relates:
Rennyo heard that in Ihe northern provinces. a certain person \l'as spreading
mistaken teachings, saying that they were the teachings of our tradition. Rennyo
called Joya of the northcTII provinces 10 him and said, ",ilh grcat angcr, "II is
abominable and despicable to attribllte [olher teachings] to the fOllncler [Shinran ]."
He gnashed his leelh, saying. "Even I mangle them, I stilllVill nol bc satisficd."26
Such harsh attitudes must be viewed as building on the steps Kakunyo took to rectify
heresy, to "destroy heresy and light the lantern of truth."
Conclusion
"Lamenting deviations" and rectifying heresies are, in many ways, contradictory. In
the past, this point has impeded stuclies ofRennyo. In fact, Rennyo workecl to ereate
a spirit of unily among fellow believers on the one hanel, but 011 the otilcr, he also
formed a power structure with the centralization of power in the Honganji instilution,
placing his o\\'n male dcscendants (ikke shu) at major temples:
In every generation, good spiritual tcachers (;::e'lchishiki) have succeeded Ihe
founder [Shinran]. Master Rennyo secluded himself in the hall al Osaka, andwhcn
Master jitsllnyo wenllo visit him there, Rennyo said, "[Our] relalionship as parent
and child is, for both of lIS, [like] a visit from Ihe founder [Shinrnn]." His goblet
remained on ils stand for some time.
17
These two emphases appear 10 be opposites. Although this situation essentially
places the two sicles at variance wilh eaeh other, Rel1n)'o maintainecllhe contradiction
in his own character, which was based on Ihe principle of the ccnlnllity of faith,
cnabling him to lead Honganji through the power of his personality. In this way,
Rennyo, more than anyone else, placed himself in Ihe middle of thc contradiction
while seeking to transmit the patriarchs' tradition of tTlle failh. Thc contradiction
is all the more apparent in the correction of abbcrant doclrine addressed ill thc
Letters, but for precisely this reason Rennyo always returned to his choscn focus on
the spirit of "lamenting deviation'" and of fellowship (daba). This was Rcnnyo's
fundamental position.
'fhc composition of the Gai;asho shows that the steps taken by Kakunj'o to
rectify heresy did not stop at simply an eillphasis on the orthodoxy of his own
180 Shinshii Studies
position, From among his many writings, Kakunyo's CaijaslzB, ShiijisizB, and
Kudel1shB are traditionally referred to as "The Three "Vorks of Kakunyo," Among
these three, the Caijasho and the Kudensho may be classified in the same category,
because they were composed only six years apart (the Kudens/Jo was written in 13
21
,
the Caijas/JB in 1327) and both were written at the request of disciples, including
Jasen (1295-1377).
The Haja kellsho sho, written in 1324 by Kakunyo's son Zonkaku, tells of societal
problems at that time that placcd the Honganji institution in danger. Such situations
no doubt helpcd to prompt the writing of the Caijasilo, The reasons the CaijashB
was written provide further evidence that KakuI1Yo's activities were driven by his
cOllviction thai he had a great hisloriealmissioI1 regarding Honganji. Rennyo also
fell he had this mission, but in his case the basis of this conviction was the spirit of
"lamenting deviations." Tb the extent that the correction of aberrant doctrine
developed in this way, Rennyo surpassed a simple schematic understanding of
orthodoxy and heresy. [n grasping this concept, we see Rennyo's real intention.
[ therefore propose the following metaphor: in Rennyo's Letters, which unify
the contradiction betwecn "lamenting deviations" and rectifying heresies, thc spirit
of "lamenting deviations" forms the warp, the spirit of rectifying hercsy the woof,
of the fahric of the Letters. In recent years the act of rectifyillg heresy has been
criticized as merely emphasizing the orthodoxy of one's own position. Actnally,
however, [ believe this is so because the nature of actions taken to rectifv aberrant
doctrine which occurred when the HOllganji became a fixed institution, after
Rennyo's death and particularly in modern times, ultimately came to conceal the
true mission of tlte rectification of hcresy.
That the Leiters unify the contradiction between "lamenting deviations" and
rectifying heresies tells us that by constantly returning ill his practice to his
understanding of "fellow practitioners," Rennyo became an outstanding leader of
Shinshii. At the same time, it signifies that the restoratioll of Shin shu which occurred
by means of this epistolary communication was nothing other than the revitalization
of the original meaning of Shinshii: true faith (shilljiTl).
Noles
This chapter originally appeared as "Ofumi no scikaku kozo" 1J1p)(0)'!1JIH1<jt_illt in
Ikeda YGtai ?mlIliti"fflli, afumi kangeroku Kyoto: Shinshil Otaniha Shulllusho,
1998, 29-43
I The phrase "lamenting deviations" or lallni is an allusion to the Tdllnish6,
compiled b)' Yuien (d. 1288). The first half of the Tannisha records statements of Shinran
and the second half is largely focused on pointing out improper patterns of belief and
practice. RenIl)'o was the first Shinshu leader to hold up the Tal1Tlisho as a legitimate
transmission of Shinran's ideas on a number of important topics, and his handwritten copy
is currently the oldest extant text.
2 Rel111),o Shall in itokllki, SSZ 3.89.
3 SSZ ;:870
4 SSZ ;:871.
.. '---------
The Characteristic Stnlcture of Rellll)'o's Letters 181
5 Tannisho monki is in ZOkll Silinshfi iaikei (Tokyo: ShinshQ tenseki kank6kai, 1940),
bekkal1; repr. as ZOkll Shillshl1 !"ikei (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K6hunkan, 1976), vol. 21. This
volume was also published separately by I-16z6bn, 1972.
6 Soga Ry6jin, Tamzislzo clzoki (Kyoto: Ch6jiya, 1947). Rev. ed. appears ill Soga Ry6jin
and Saga Ry6jin Scnsha Kankokai. ed., Saga R)'ojin senshu (Tokyo: Yayoi Shobo, 1970), vol.
6.
7 Saga Ryajin sells/lll, 6.19
8 Miyazaki Enjun, ed., 1clHllishi5 (Renl1)'D Shan in shosha), (Kyoto: l-Ioz6kan, 19(9).
9 A hiography of Shinran by Kakunyo, dated 133/ and originally in thrce fascicles.
IO Completed by Zonkaku in 1360, the Rokll),osho in ten fascicles is the first exegetical
commentary 011 Shinran's K)'ogyoshinsho; at SSZ 2. 205. This work was oftcn printed together
with the K)'og)'os/rins/r5 in the Edo period so the two works could be read simultaneously.
II The Kyogyoshins/Jo is the magnum opus of Shinran, containing the most detailed
exposition of his thought. Originally ill kanbll11 in six fascicles, this l10begaki version is
extended in length by essentially heing rewritten into wablHl, or Jap:lIlese syntax.
12 An essay Oil the main points in Shinran's K)'og)'oshinsha by Zonkaku, dated 1328. It
is a work in one fascicle; compare it with Zonkaku's Roktl)'osha, writtcn over thirt}' years later
and in far greater detail.
13 It's unclear what is contained in this work because it has a nonstandard title, but
probably this is another name for a group of documents known today by the rubrie /-lonen
S/1011;11 golt5go. These were collections of various ullerances of Honen froIll different contexts
compiled at the end of his life and shortly thereafter. There are two in the ShOWd shim/nl
HOllell Slt6nin zells/lIl, one elated 1201 at p. 1117, another elated 1211 at p. II'll, both also in
one fascicle.
14 See RSC 183-19.
15 Quote from Sumida Chiken .in D6h6 Daigaku Bukky6 Cakkni, eel., Rennyo Shonin
110 kenk)'tJ (Nagoya: BunkBdo Sholen, 1971), 83.
16 Sumida Chiken, 19ishi 110 kenk)'ll (Kyoto: Ch6jiya, repr. Jl)60), 381.
17 SSZ 3.66. The term "name register" or lIl),ocho refers to a variety of documents
that recorded the names of individuals who professed their faith in Shin ran's doctrine, a
practice started by Ryogen of the Bukkoji branch of Shinshu. Kakunl'o's statemcnt here is a
strong polemic against its implied promise of thereby guaranteeing Birth in the Pure Land
to the individual. In fact we know that Shinran similarly recorded the names of his
disciples.
18 SSZ 3.66. Portrait lineagcs, or ekeizlI, were another common wa)' of documcnting
lineage in the Bukk6ji branch. These recorded the abbots of temples and typically inclueled
portraits of each person in the lineage.
19 SSZ 3.6+
20 SSZ 3.8+
21 SSZ 3-33.
22 SSZ 3.158-159. TrallSlation based on James Dobbins, /lido ShilH:ill/: S/,ill Hlldelltism
ill Medieva//apan, (Bloomington, Indiana: Incliana University Press, 1989),92.
23 SSZ 2.793-
24 SSZ 3.89.
25 RSC 262. This text is also knoll'n as the Eigell kikigaki, which is how the title is givcn
at SSS 2.588.
26 This is enlry 241 in the recension at SSZ 3.593, but it is entry 24, in the Shi,1shti
kana shag),o edition.
27 From the Eigenki at RSC 264.
226 Comparative Religion
12 Kon)'o Shonin goiklln goshoshoku, at SSZ 5.771-777. See Rogers, 316-339, for an
account of the problems and issues relating to Nishi Honganji's role in the political arena.
13 This position was officially promulgated in the Council of Florence, 1442. See Don
Pittman ct aI., Ministr), and Theology in Global Perspective (Gmnel Rapids, rvlich.: Wm.
Eerdmans, 1996), 44.
14 See Pittman et aI., Ministry and Theolog)', 42-63, for developments in Christian
perspectives on the 4uestion of nonbelievers.
15 Sec cspecially the Second Vatican Council's documenl Nvstra Actate, or "Declaration
on the Relationship of the Chureh to Non-Christian Religions;' Walter tvl. Abbott, S.J.,
general editor, The Documents of Vatican II (New York: Guild Press, 1966), 656-674.
16 Sec Paul Knitter, No Olher Name? A Critical Survey of Christian AttitIldes Toward
the World Religions (New York: Orbis, 1985).
17 See Knitter, No Other Name? amI Pittman, et a1., Ministry and Theology, 55-61, for
descriptions of the spectrum of Christian positions.
18 Jacob Neusner, "Shalom: Complementarity," in Pitlimm et a!., Minislr)' and
Theology, 465-466.
19 The prohlem noted with Karl RaImer's proposed theological viewpoint, that is, of
regarding mcmbers of other traclitions who live according to their conscience as "anonymous
Christians," it is precisely this subsumption of "outsiders" in a way that obliterates their own
identity as Other. See Rahncr's excerpted article in Pittman ct aI., Minislry and Theolog)',
87-<)3
20 For an account of the possihilities of mutual transformalion of members and religinns
tradilions in and through the dialogical process, see John J. Cobb, Jr., Beyond Dia/oglle:
Toward a Mutual Transfomwtivn ofChrislianity and Buddhism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press,
1982).
21 for a detailed analysis of the religiopolitical establishment of State Shinto in
Japanese history, see Kuroda Toshio, Chiisei Niholl /10 kokka to SllllkYD (Tokyo: Iwanami
Shale]], 1975), and Kuroda, Chilsei Niholl no siIakai to slnlkyo (1bkyo: iwanami Sholen,
1990).
22 Ofll171i ]]]-10, :It SSZ 3.439; Rogers, 209, 211.
Date
14
1
5
1420
1422
1429
1431
1433
1434
1436
1438
1439
1440
1441
1442
A Chronology of Rennyo's Life
Era Year Age Event
Oei 22. 2.25. Born in Higashiyama, Kyoto, the eldesl child of Zonnyo
(age 20).1
Oei 27 6 3. l'vlother asks for his portrait to be painted (Kalloko 110 goei).
12.28. Mother Icaves Honganji.
Oei 29 8 Stepmolher, Nyoen, givcs hirth to stepsister, Nyojt1.
Eikyo I 15 Announces his determination to restore Honganji.
EikyB 3 17 Ordained at ShBre'in during Sllllllller, rcceiving Dharma
name of Rennyo.
Eikyo 5 19 Stepbrother, Ogen born, latcr given Dharma name RcnshB.
Eikyo 6 20 5.12. Copies 'Bdomonmi illSiJO, written by Shinran.
EikyB 8 22 3.28. Zonn)"o (age 41) sllcceeds GyBnyo (age 61) and becolllcs
seventh abhot of Honganji.
Mid 8. Copies SaniB wasan, written by Shinran.
EikyB 10 24 8.15. Copies TodD s"in')'os"6, compiled by ZOllkakll, postscript
added hI' Zonnyo.
12.13- Copies Klldens!lo, wrillen by Kakunyo, and gives to
SBshun, a priest in Omi.
Eiky6 11 25 7.29. Copies Gose monogatari, attributed to RyOkan.
Last days of 7. Copies Tariki shilliill kikigaki, probably written
by Ryokai T l ~ ) of BukkBji.
EikyB 12 26 10.14- Death of GyBn)"o (age 65).
Kakitsu I 27 9.7. Copies ,odo shill'yoS!JO.
Kakitsu 2 28 Birth of first child and son, Junn)"a, In Rcnnyo's first wife,
Nyoryo. Rennyo's uncle, NyojB, builds I-ionscnji at futalllata
ill Kaga province.
227
228 A Chronology of nenl1)'o's Life A Chronology of Renn)'o's Life 229
1446 Bunnan 3
32
Mid I. Copies GlJtokllsho, compiled by Shinran. 1460 Kansha 1
4
6 1.26. Death of uncle, Nyoja (age 49)'
Birth of eldest daughter, Nyokei, and second son, RenjB. 2.24- Prcscnts hanging scroll of Ihe ten-clwmeler Sacred
1447 Burman 4
33
End of 1. Copies An;illkelsll;osho (unknown authorship) for
Name (iii;i In)'iigo) 10 Haju al Katada, Omi Province.
Sashull.
3-23. Visits Kyagaku in Nara.
2. Copies Rokll),osho and Zonkaku and Maltosho, " collection
6. Composes taii at the request of Dosai of
of Shinran's letters to his disciples.
Kanegamori, Omi Province.
5. Travels to the eastern provinces with Zonnyo.
10+ Death of stepmother, Nyoen.
1448 Bunnun 5
34
10.19. Copies GellSo eko kikigaki, probably written by RyBkai.
Birth of fifth daughter, Myoi.
Birth of second daughter, Kengyoku. 14
61 KallSho 2
47
1.6. Grants another ten-character Sacrcd Namc scroll to !-Iojii
1449
J-lBtoku I
35
5.6. Copics fourth chapter of Kyog),osiIinshii.
and the followers in Katada.
5.28. Copies Sall;o wasan and gives to ShBjB, a priest in Kaga.
3. Writes the first of his Letters (rude lwjime 110 O{tlllli).
6.3. Copies An;in ketsujiisiIo.
7. Copy made of K),iig)'D!hinsho in 110begaki (Japanese) style
Mid 7. Copies Nyo"i" O;D kikigaki, writtcn by Zonbku.
and given to j 6hshB in Omi ProviIlcc.
10.1+ Copies Godensho, biograph)' of Shinran written b)'
10. Has AnjB portrait of Shinran's (A"jo god or A"io miei)
Kakunyo, and given to Shinko, a priest in Kaga.
restored.
Travels to Hokuriku with Zonnyo.
12.23. Has a clual portrait of Shinran and himself (Nison
1450 HBtoku2
3
6 8.11. Copies Kyog)'oshinsho at the request of Shoj6.
renzazo) painted for !-IBjO and the followers in Katacla.
Givcs a ten-character Sacred Name scroll 10 N)'oko of jugiiji,
Birth of third son, Renko.
lVIikaw3 Province.
145
1 Hotoku 3
37
8.16. Copy of Kyogyoshinsho completcd with Zonn)'o's
1462 KanshB 3
4
8 1.6. Receives gift of mirror from KyBkakn.
postscript, given to ShajB.
+3 Visits Kl'ogaku and brimgs him medicine as a prcsent.
1453
Kyotoku 2
39
11.22. Copies Sanio wasan and gives to the followers in Omi. Birth of sixth daughter, Nyoku.
1454
Kyotokl! 3
4
0 4-17. 0;0),08/'ii, by Genshin, and given to J6sh6, a 14
6
3 Kansh64
49
2.11. Sees a firelight performance of a NB drama (/akigi "0) in
priest in Omi. Nara.
7.8. Copies Kyog),oshinsiro, copied and given to Myochin in 6.7. jinson son ofChanccllor lchijB Kaneyoshi of the
Eehizcn. Daijoin in KBfukuji, visits Honganji and presents 300 sheets
1455
KBshBI 41 7. 19. Copies Boki kotoba (pictorial biography of Kakun),o),
of paper to Renn),o.
written by jakaku.
6.8 Rennyo visits Jinson and presents a horse ancl slI'ord in
Birth of fourth son, Rensei.
return.
11.23. Death of first wife, NyoryB.
Birth of seventh daughter, Yiishin.
145
6 KBshB 2 42 2.2. Receives gift of a fan from Kyogaku SOIl of
14
6
4 KamhB 5 50 Continues good relationship with KyBgakn.
Chancellor KujB Tsunenori und former mOllzeki of DaijBin at
Birth of sixth son, Rcnjun.
Kufukuji.
Leads the twenty-fifth memorial service of his grandfather,
1457
Churoku I
43
2.20. Copies Sai),ohi5, written by Kakunyo.
GyBnyo.
3+ Copies Ji",yobii hy Zonbkll.
1465 KanshB 6 51 1.9. Anti-Honganji monks at Enryakuji formally slale their
5.12. Receives gift of cirimaki rice-dumpling from Kyogakll.
intention to destroy it.
6.18. Death of father, Zonnyo (age 62).
1.10. partially destroyed by Ellfl'akuji. Renn)'o
12.,. Kyogakll visits l-longanji to cxprcss his condolences.
cscapes to Omi Province wilh Shiman's image.
12+ Renn)'o reillms favor and visits Kyogaku.
,.21. IIonganji demolished again hy Enryakuji
Rennyo bccomes eighth abbot of Honganji.
warrior-monks.
145
8 Clr6roku 2
44
2+ Copies K),ogyoshinsho and gives to KyBshun in Kyoto.
424 l<:nrpkuji warrior-monks attack j6doshinshu followers in
7. Monks of Kofukuji calise trouble for the followcrs of
Akanoi, Omi Province.
Shinshil.
5.10. Bakufu orders Enryakuji to stop their attacks 011
8.10. Birth of fifth son, jitsunyo, 10 second wife, Ren'yii.
JBdoshinsho (Ikkosln7) followers.
1459 Chiiroku 3
45
1.13. Rcceives gifl from Kyogaku.
9.14- Rennyo visits jinson.
1.14. Presents a fan to KyBgaku in return.
129. Rennyo visits K)'Bgaku.
Birth of fourth dallghter, MyBsho.
1466 BunshB I
52 Birth of eighth daughter, nyonin.
7.8. Copies K)'og)'oshiIlSllo in rlObegaki slyle.
230 A Chronology of Reml)'o's Life A Chronology of Rellll)'o's Life 231
8.5. Sends letter to K)'ogakll. 8. Kyokakll passes away at age 79.
11.21. Annual Haonko services held in Kanegumori, Omi 8.12. Letter 1:7.
Province. 9. Prohibils movements of followers entering andlcm'ing the
14
6
7
Oninl
53
2. Shinra.!1's image moved from Ann)'oji to I-Ionpllkuji in
dwellings of priests in Yoshizaki andlakr moves to Fujishillla.
Katada, Omi Provincc.
9. Letten 1:8-9
2.16 Copies Kudellsho for Hoen of K)'Ohaji in Kawachi
9.11. Leller 1:10.
Province.
Mid 9. Letter 1:11.
3. Enryakuji leadership issues decrec stopping the attacks
End of 9. Leiters 1:12-14.
against I-Ionganji, and Honganji agrees 10 becomc subtcmple
9.22. Letter 1:15.
of Tendai temple Sharen'in.
10.3. Rclurns to Yoshizaki.
5. Onin War breaks out.
II. Issues elel'en-article Rule (okile) for ShinshG monlo with
Birth of ninth daughter, Ryonyo.
admonishments for unacceptable belwvior.
11.21. Annual Hoonko services held at Honpukuji in Katada.
12.8. Leiter 2: 1.
1468 Onin2
54
1.9 Enryakuji plots to attack the Shinsho followers in Katada.
12.12. Leller 2:2.
3.12. Orders moving of image from Ilonpukuji to 1474
Bunmei 6 60 1.11. Leiter 2:3.
Dokakll's congregation in Otsu, Omi Province.
2.15. Letter 2=4-
3028. Signs decree authorizing Jitsunyo as his successor.
2.16. Letter 2:5.
3.29. Enryakuji warrior-monks attack Shinsho congregation in
2.17. Letter 0:6.
Kalada and many escape to Okinoshima, a small island in
3.3. Leller 2:7
Lake Biwa.
Mid 3. Letter 2:8.
From flfth to tenth month, Rennyo travels 10 the eastern
3.17. Letler 2:9.
provinces, following Slrinran's footsteps.
:p8. Fire destroys Yoshizaki.
Mid 10. Copies HOOIl-koshiki, written by Kakun),o.
5.13. Letter 2:10.
Mid 10. Travels south to Mount Kaya and Yoshino on the Kii
5.20. Leiter 2:11.
Peninsula.
6.12. Letter 2:12.
Gives scroll depicting six-character Sacred Name (rokllii
7,. Letter 2:13
myogo) to congregations in Mikawa Province.
7.5. Letter 2:1+
Birth of seventh son, Rengo. 7.9. Leller 2:15
1469
Bunmci 1
55 Spring. Builds dwellings (bo) in the southern detached
7.14. Letter 3:1.
quarters of rVliidera, Otsu, and names it Kenshoji. Shinran's
7.26. Honganji followers in Kaga Province enter into alliance
image enshrined there.
with Govemor Togashi Masaehika to fighl against his brother,
Birth of tenth daughter, Yiishin.
Yllkichiyo, who has allied with Senjuji, a rival Shinsho
branch.
1470 Bunll1ci 2 56 11.9. Shinshii folloll'ers of Katada return home from forced
85 Letter p.
retreat to Okinoshima.
8.6. Leller n.
12. ,. Sccond wife, RenyO, dies.
8.18. Letter '>=4.
1471 Bunmci 3
57
Early + Leaves Otsu and rcturns to Kyoto. 9. 6. Leller 3=5.
Mid 5. Moves from Kyoto to Yoshizaki, Echizen Province. 10.20. Leifer 3:6.
7.15. Writes Letter (Ofill1li) 1:1. ILl. Masaehika-Honganji alliance defeats Yukishiyo; tkkii
7.18. Letter 1:2. uprising in Kaga Province involved.
7.27. Builds priests' dwellings in Yoshizaki. 11.13. Jinson writes letter to Rennyo.
12.18. Leiter 1:3. 11.25. Letter 5:2.
1472 Bl1n11lci 4 58 1. Prohibits public gathcrings at Yoshizaki in order 10
Ordination of fifth son, JitSl1llYO, this year.
avoid conRicts with other temples in I-Iokuriku area.
'475
Bunmei 7 61 :!:23 Letter 37.
Death of second daughter, Kengyoku. 2:25 Leller 3=8.
9.10. Writes letter to Kyogaku. End of 3. Followers in Kaga province in conOict with Togasiri
1473 BUlllllci 5
59
2.8. Letter 1:5.
Masachika.
3. Firsl printing of Shoshinge and Sall;o wasan.
5.7. Issllcs ten-article Rule ill order to restrain followers'
4.25. Letter 1:6.
actions.
232 A Chrollology of Relll!)'o's Life A Chronology of Renn)'o's Life
233
5.28. Leiter 3:9. anniversary of the death of his father, Zonn)"o.
6.11. Jinson wriles letter to Rennyo concerning an estate in 6. Kyog5, fourteenth head priest of Bukkoji, changes
Kaga Province. allegiances to Honganji.
7.15. Letter 3:10. 12+ The shogunate returns Boki ekotaba to Honganji.
7.16. Visits Futamata in Kaga Province and Zuisenji in Eccho
1482 BUIIITlci 14 68 Construction of Hanganji continucs in Yamashina.
Province.
6.15. The altar of Amida Hall completed and main image
8.21. Leaves Yoshizaki, passes through Wabsa, Tanba, and
installed there.
Settsu Provinces and arrives in Deguehi, Kawaehi Province.
11.21. Leiter 4:5.
11.21. Letter 3:11.
A hanging scroll of Amid" Buddha, designated on hack as
1476 Blinmei S 62 1.27 Leiter 3:12. hoben-hosshin 5011Z6 (relerent icon of 1I1J<lyadhannakaya
7. 18. Letter 3'l3. [Buddha 1), is presented to Keishii, a priest in Mikawa
1477 Bunmei 9 63 1.8. Letter p.
Province.
9.17. Letter 4:2, signed with ingo name "Shinshoin"
Birth of twelfth daughter, Rensho, to fourth wife, Shl1n),o.
instead of Rennyo for the first time.
1483 Bllnmei 15 69 5.29. Death of first son, JUl1nyo.
927 Letter 4:3 8. Construction of Honganji completed in Yarnashina.
10. 27. Copies Kyogyoshinsho. II. Letter 4:6.
Early II. Writes Gozoktlshii.
14
S
4
Bunmei 16
7
0 11.21. Leiter 4:7 (includes a Six-article Rule).
12.2. Letter ++
Birth of eighth son, Rengei.
Mid 12. Copies lodo kemllonsha, written by Zonkaku.
1485 BUl1mei 17
7
1 4+ Restores a ten-character Sacred Name scroll handll'ritten
Birth of eleventh daughter, Myosh6, 10 third wife, Nyosho.
by Kakun)'o.
1478 Bunlllci 10 64 1.29. Leaves Kawaehi Province for Yarnashina, Yamashiro
7.28. Restores the Ky6s/wkll)'OIllOIl, handwrilien by Kakuoyo.
Province, after deciding it will be the site of a rebuilt
11.23. Letter +8 (includes Eight-article Rule).
Honganji.
Granls a hanging scroll of Amida Buddha to tvluryojuji in
Begins construction of priests' dwellings in Yalllashilla.
Mikawa Province.
8.IS. Death of third wife, Nyosho.
Gives scroll of his own portrait to Sh6rcnji in Mikawa
1479
Bllnmei 11 65 Construction of Honganji continues in Yamashina. Province.
12.30. Ordination of sixth son, Renjlln.
1486 Bunlllei 18
7
2 I. Admonishes followcrs against appropriating estates oll'ned
1480 Bunlllei 12 66 I. Builds a sm;Ill hall at Yumashina i-longanji. by shrines and temples.
23. Begins construction of Founcler's Hall at Yamashina. eves hanging scroll of Amida Buddha to Shogen, a priest in
2.17. Exchanges letters with Jinson cOllcerning an estale in Mikawa Province.
Kaga Province. Has a copy made of Shimall shanin edell, pictorial hiography
pS. The ridge-beam of Founder's Hall raised. of Shinran originally commissioned hy Kakun)'o and given to
3.29. Receives a gift (incense burner) from the imperial cOllrt Nyokei, a nun of JogOji in Mikawa Province.
for the construction of Yam ash ina Honganji. Grants his OIVn portrait to Jokaku, a priest in 1\likawa
8.28. Shinran's painted portrait installed in what is Founder's. Province.
Hall and temporary Amida Hall. Fourth wife, SI1\1n),0, dies.
10.14- HinD clbmiko, wife of Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimasa, visits
1487
Chokyo I
73
Ikko uprising in Kaga Province intensifies.
Yamashina I-Ionganji.
Birth of thirteenth daughler, My5yii, to fifth wife, Ren'no.
10.15. Repairs Anjo portrait of Shiman's again, and has two
1488 Chiikyo 2
74 )-26. Ikk6 uprising ill Kaga prOlincc lays siege to -Ibgashi
copies madc.
ivfasachika.
11.18. Moves statue of Shiman, saved from destruction of
6.9. T'lkao Castle falls and Togashi l'vlasachika connllils
Olain Iionganji, from Chikamatsu, Olsu, to Yamashina
suicide.
Honganji.
A dual portrait is painted of Sl0man and 2:olln)'o for Ihe
1481 Bunll1ei 13 67 2+ Begins construction of Amida Hall at Yamashina
congregation in Kanegamori, Omi Pf()vincc.
Honganji.
1489 Entoku I
75
42S. Donatioll to Honganji from the imperial court.
2.28. The ridge beam of Amida Hall raised.
6.8. Main image (!Jonzon) of Amida Hall installed in a
8.28. Enacts actual trausfer of Honganji 'lbhotship to JitSIIUYO,
temporary altar.
fifth son, and retires to southern hall ofYanwshina Honganji.
6.11. Presides over memorial service for twenty-fifth
10.28. Copies K)'ogyiishinsflii in 7wbegaki style.
234 A Chronology of Rel171)'o's Life
ll. 25- Recites I-loon ki5shiki.
Grants Iwnging scroll of Amida Buddha to Ekun and jakin,
bolh priests in Mikawa Province.
Copies Kyogyoshil1sho in l10begaki style and gives it to jagGji
in Mikawa Province.
1490 Enlokll 2
7
6 10.28. \\'ritcs a second letter of transfer of institutional
authority (yIJZlJrijo) for jitsunyo.
Death of seventh daughter, YOshino
Birth of ninth son, Jikken, to fifth wife, Ren'no.
149
1 Entoku 3
77
Gil'es his own portrait to Ekun in Mikall'a Province.
Gives his own portrait to Keijun of Jomyoji in Mikawa
Province.
1492 Meiol
7
8 6. Letter 4:9.
7.13. Restores portrait of Zonn)'o.
Birth of tenth son, Jitsugo, to fifth wife, Ren'no.
Death of sixth daughter Nyoku.
1493 Mcio 2
79
SIIae, chief priest of Kinshokuji, changes allegiance to
Honganji.
1494
Meia 3 80 Birth of eleventh son, jilsujun, to fifth wife, Ren'no.
1495
Meio4 81 Spring. Builds Gangyaji in Yamato Province.
3. Shinsei dies, founder of Shinsei branch ofTendai
that centered on monastic form of Pure Land faith and
competed with Rennyo in many areas where Honganji harl
expanded.
6.2. Copies Kudenslzo, biography of Shiman written by
Kakunyo.
Fall. Reslores Honzenji (Hakaji) in Yamalo Province.
1496 Meia 5 82 1.11. Copies Honen ShoHin onkotoba, compilation of Honen's
writings.
9.24. Designates site in Ishiyama, Settsu Province (Osaka) for
construction of new temple for himself.
9.2'). Breaks ground for priests' dwellings, in lshiyama.
10.18. Begins construction of Ishiyamu temple, later called
Ishiyama Honganji after Yamashina HOllganji is destroyed in
1532
11. Recites Godcnsho during Haonko services at YaIllHshinu
Honganji.
Birth of twelfth son, jikko, to fifth wife, Ren'no.
14')7 Meia 6 83 2.16. Leiter 5:8.
Early 4- Becomes seriously infirm and is under care of a
doctor.
5.25. Leller 4:]].
End of 11. Construction of living qllarters at Ishiyallla
completed; conducts annual Haonko services there.
\\'rites Lel/ers 4:10, 5:5, and 5:6.
Birth of fourteenth daughter, My5shu, to fifth wife, Ren'na.
1498 Meio 7 84 2.25. Leller 4:12.
1499 Mei58
Note
A Chronolog), of ReIl11)'O 's Life 235
3 Letter 5:14-
Earll' 4 Taken ill and is examined by doctors.
4-11. Letter 4:13.
4 Letter 4: 14-
,7 Visits Yamashinu I-Ionganji to pay final respects to
Shinran's image enshrined in FOllnder's Hall.
5.25. Makes another trip to Founder's Hall in Yamashina
despite illness.
Summer. Writes Summer Letters (Ge 110 Ofll 111 i).
11.19 Letter 5:').
11.21. Leller 4:15.
Birth of thirtecnth son, jitsuju, to fifth wife, Ren'na.
85 2.16. Sends Kiizen to Yamashina Honganji to prepare for his
funeral.
2.18. Leavcs Osaka once again for Yamashina Honganji.
2.20. Arrives in Yamashina.
2.21. Visits Founder's Hall.
2.25. Takes a walk along the embankment surrounding
Founder's I-Iall.
2.27 Visits Founder's Hall again and bids farewell to followers.
31. 'fulks with Jitsunyo and his other sons.
39 Gil'es parting instructions to sons jitsunyo, Renko, Rensei,
Renjun, and Rengo.
3.20. Pardons Shimotsuma Renso.
3025, Dies at noon.
1 Subject in Event is always Rennyo, unless othcrwise named. initiating lines
in El'ent column indicate month and day. Information based on Otani University, ed.,
Shinsha nen/J)'o (Kyoto: Hoz6kan, 1')73), and Minor L. Rogers and Ann T. Rogcrs, Rrnn)'o:
The Second Founder of Shill Buddhism (Berkeley, Cal.: Asian HUlllanities Press, 199
2
),
373-379
Glossary
aizan goho ifLliiiiit
Akamatsu Mitsllsuke tiFf'cmffi
Akanoi FlIkllshoji $!l!J:!t
Akao-no-Ooshii
akunin shoki
akuto
amako
ama-nyoho JI:;:];( ff}
ama-nyudo JE.AJ1l:
Amida
anagachi astJ:iJ1i;,
andojo
ango

Anjo
Annyoji
Araki JTE*
Asahara Saiichi
Asai
Asakura Takakage
asamashi l, (mit L,t,\)
Ashikaga Yoshimasa JEfViii!&
Ashikaga Yoshinori
Azuchi :t<:
bailianjiao (J. byakurenkyo)
bakufu _iN
Bando Shojun ;flU!l:'Iii.lti
ben ojo Mtl:1=.
besso sojo JlV.f1l1'I'IiJ:
Bingo #IH&
Biwa 'f13'1;
hoho boja
Bokieshi
Bukkoji
Bun'an :Sc'k
Bungo l!I1&
Bunka :Scft
Bunmei :Sc1!Jl
bupp01?1lit
bupporyo
butsumyo wasan
butteki {L,1t&
Chikamatsu JlIf'c
chingo-kokka
Chinzei .i1!l
Chion'in
chiryogami
chishiki see zenchishiki
I'
chishiki danomi Wm&t2'Cl)dj.
chishiki kimyo

chokugan fudankyo-shu ilihD::F

chokugansho J1iJJDJijf
Chokyo
Choroku -m:;fJ!;
Chosh6ji
ChOgoku 9=' 00
choko shonin 9='JJ!XA
daido :;!em:
Daigoji
Daijoin :;!e*1lft
daimyo :;!ei',
Dainichi Nyorai -}:. EI :!to*
dangibon
danka ii:* = lay parishoners of a temple
Deguchi tfj i:J
Den Shinran hitsu komy6 honzon

deshi
Dewa
dobo iSJJlJl (also doho)
dogyo iSJj7
dojo
Dokaku J1l:Jt
Dosai m:i1!l
Dosho see Akao-no-Dosho
doza iSJ.@It
eakll
Echigo M;1&
Echizen
eden
edokoro il!JjJiJT
Eiganji
Eikyo 7i<$
Eiroku
ekeizu
eko
eko hotsuga n @lioJ#;5
emaki
Ennyo PHo
Enryakuji
Entoku M1
Eshinni
Etcho Jt!tr:p

Fujishima !iih
fuja shie
fukujin :fflii$
Fukuzawa Yukichi :ffliiRilIllri5
Flitamata =
gaija i!!OfB
gan joju man !!iJj$\ifJt:Sc
Gankyoji
ganmon DX
ganshll D::t
Gattenshi Ji 7(:T
gejlln'TiD
gekan Tf
Genchi
Genshin
Glossary 237
gensho jisshu no yaku mtit+flO).fra
gensho shojojll
gensa eka
genze riyaku mt!tfVtrd
Gion :ffmJ
Goeido
goei ka
Gohojo
gojoli1l
gongo dodan no shidai
Goryo1ffiJIl$t
gasaika shanin 1&W"l!lI.A
Goshirakawa 1&:Bl"iJ
gosh01&:i.
Goshaji itJ'$!#y
gosha no ichidaiji 1&:i.0)-:;i;:$
238 Glossary
gosha no tasukaru koto :f&:i:OJ tc:"97J'{;, $
gosh a sansha
gosha tasuketamae 1&1:;\1 A J;-;\17 I.
Gozan ELlJ
gyaji fT$
Gyonen
Gyonyo
haibutsu kishaku
haja kensha
Haja kenshasha
Hakkotm no gobunsha
haku fi'l
Hakusan Bw
hassht1 A*
Hatakeyama Masanaga
Hatakeyama Yoshinari
heira Mft
Heisenji -'/'-}Jt-;f
heizei gaja
hibutsu tlH1t
Hiei
Hieizan shuto
higa bamon
Higashi Honganji **M'i'f
hiji bamon
Hino Katsumitsu
Hino Tomiko B!ij'i'f
hiraza
hisa hizoku
Hiyama 13 rlJ
Hiyam. Jihtl'tlemon B
ha j!
hoben 1Jif.
hoben hosshin
haben hosshin
hodo It
Hoen
Hojt1 i'!{1
hokan 3m:
hokke hakko
Hokuriku ::ItflE!
homyo
Hanen
Hongakubo *1t:l1.i
Honganji
honji suijaku
honmatsusei
Honpoji
Honpukuji i$::ffl!;r
Honsenji
Honzenji
honzon i$::q:
haon-ko $R.'W,iI/IJ
haryu
Hoshino Genpo JIl.!ijjf;'lf
hosha
Hosokawa Masamoto f,Wjlij])[5I;
hossu j!.:l:::
Hatoku
Huiyuan 0. Eon)
hyakusho EHi
ianjin
Iba Myarakuji
Jchijo Kanera -:$.5lItfjt
ichinen -it
ichinen hokki -it}&jJ@
ichinen no shinjin sadamaran tomogara
GIu'lli
ichiryu -ViE
ichiyaku harnon


ikka ikki
ikko senju
ikko-sht1 -r"J*
Ikkyt1 Sojun -i**i>B

Inada liB ffi
Inami #t!Ii:
inshi rijB
inujinin ::k::MIA.
Ippen -JJ!ii
Ishiyama :t'1IU
itsukie *4;;
Iwami :t'15[
jagi
jaro
jarui
jige:it!!.-r


jikko anjin +M't('L'
jimon
jinaicha or jinai machi -;fI*JIUJ
jinen
jingi
jingi ;f$:rtJ;
jingi haku ;f$:rMs
Jinrei
jinshin
Jinson
jiriki j]
Jisht1 il'f*
jito :it!!.iiJi:
jitoryo
Jitsugo
Jitsujt1
Jitsujtln
Jitsunyo
Jadoshii
Jagt1ji J:'@;-;f
Jaken
Jokenji
joro J:II
Joruri
josan nishin
Jasen .:w.
Josha
Jukakll'itt1t
jilnika hlltsu -I-=1MJ.,.
Junnyo jlWiPu

Kaga
Kai Efl3
kaisan shanin
Kakitsu
Kakunyo 1t:lm
Kakushinni
kana fl'j:g
Glossary 239
kanahogo
Kanamori-no-Dosai
kanbun $X
Kanegamori '3ll:n
Kaneko Daiei
kanji rl*
kanjincho
kanmon lix
Kannon If!1f
kan'o
Kanrenkai
Kansho JIliE
Kansha no honan JIliE OJi'!Jl
KantB
Kanzaki-gun ;f$drifil1l

kashin *g;:
Katada M83
Katada Osamu
Katada ozeme M 83fffipj\(.Ib
Kawachi 1"J1*J
keibetsu :@]t
Keicha
Keijo Sht1rin
kengyo J'!lj$J[
Kenju .5lIt%
kenmitsu m'&:
240 Glossary
kenmitsu taisei miW{;$:IM
Kennyo 111m
kenpolOR
Kellsei mw
Kenshoji
keshindo no maki 1t5t'
kill
Kibe *In (also *$)
kiho ittai mit-{;$:
kijin !lH$
kimyo 8ij!$
ki-myo-jiIl-jip-po-mu-ge-ko-nyo-rai
(DiJillffil-t.1J$.\liWt:l't.!m*)
Kinai
kindei
ki no jinshin
kinsei ili:tlt
Kinshokuji
kilO :tRW
Kiyo
Kiyozawa Manshi jl'flRfINllz

Kiifukuji J!!:fI'if
Kaken sozu
kokka 00*
komya honzon :l'tBA;ljs:_
kondei 'iiLrJE
Konoe Masaie iliiwi!&*
Konponchoda tlV/s:cp:!:
konshi uketorijo
Konyo
korai beri
koshi
koshin WtiJl
Kosho ,*iE
Koshaji (Yamashina)
Koshaji (Kyoto city)
Koshu W*
Kazen :l'G.
kue issho
kuge 0*
kuji0$
Kokai
Kiikaku
Kusatsu 1il$
kusho zunori J:l;fj;-:5 0) fJ
Kyeong-heung
Kyagaku i\W; (also Kyokaku)
kyogakusha
kyogen 11i
Kyogo
Kyogoku H,:,@
Kyokai Jigen
Kyonyo
Kyoshun
Kyotoku :$t'm
matsudai muchi no ofumi *f-t7Ct\'O)1ffl]
y.
matsuji
Matlosho
Meika SA 7't
Meialjij$
metsudo llOC1l'
Miidera
Mikawa :=:Jq
mikkyo
mikkyoteki jikunshaku
miyaza
monoimi iI'!ll,8
monotori iI'!llllR fJ
monshu
monto
monzeki
Moriyama
mugeka butsu
mugeka honzon 1!!IiWt7't;ljs:_
mugeka nyorai
mugeko-sho 1!!Ii1li:l't*
Muiinto
mujo1!!li1ll'
1-
muko kyogen lI'-ff1'i
Muromachi
mu shukuzen ki
myocho
myogo (i1%)
Myahoin !R}i'!i!fG
Myoi
myokonin $r}HA
Myoon'in
Myorakuji
Myosho :M;!m
myoshu ;,Is.:
Myosha :M;*
myoshu goji
MyoyO
na-mu a-mi-da butsu fJll (Pll;ff\Ji
Il"J%>Wi%\)
na-mu fu-ka-shi-gi-ko nyo-rai Pll1!l1i/f-1lJ ,\S',ii1'Ii
110*
Nanden ii N
nanshigi ojo
Nehangyo
nenbutsu
nenbutsuko
Nichiren B J8!
nigen heiretsuteki ronpD =:5i;!ltyU
Nihon Okokuki
nijagozanmai ko =-t1i:=:lliI<iIiIJ
ninpo Ai'!
Nishi Honganji
nishu jinshill
Nittenshi Bx-=j"-
No
nobegaki
Nodera
nokotsu tfiff
Noto flMf:
Notogawa-cho
nyoboko
nyoboza :f1: 1%
Nyoen Jm Fl
Nyoen'ni 110FlJE
Nyojo j(O*
Nyoko 1107't
nyoninko 3i:AiIiIJ
nyollin shoki :f1:AiEli
Nyoraido i!U*:i,:
Nyoryo
Nyoshin
Nyosho
Gami
Obama
Dba Ii'!
Glossary 241
oba buppo (also oho buppo)
oba iholl
Oda Nobunaga
oe fUjD
ofumi {ffIJ)c
Ggen
ojo
aka daya illiJ:t:j(
Okinoshima i!f'!ih
okite no ofumi :j;) l (ilE)O)jffIJ)C
Omi ilitI
ondaikan lff1J{-t:g-
ondoku

Onin no ran ${::O)i5L
Onjoji
anna kyogen
onna za
origami :J'JTla
Osaka-gobo :k:\&fffpJ;!j
osarai no sho G It )O)i'j[
Osha
oso eko tt1':lM1PJ
oso eko no shingyo 1;t:lM1PJ0){,\1i
Otani
Otani-ha
242 Glossary
atomo Sorin *a:7%*
otona z:.il
atsu *1$
auchi no sho *fkJJ
oya-sama ml*
raiban itti:
raigo *jfQ (also raiko)
ra iko see Taiga
reikin
Rengo iI'lft
Renjo
Renjun
Renko
Renkyo
Renno
Rennyo Jlfro
Rennyo shikiga shii
Rennyo Shonin eden
Rennyo uragaki shii
Rensei
Rensh5
Renshii JlJ1!fJ
Renso JI*
Renyii Jlt,{i
renza JimI
rinju g5jo 1:\\U**JlX;
rissatsu sakugyo J'L1lIlPfi
Rokkaku :R1fJ
rokudo :RJ1l:
rokuji myogo :R*il%
rokuji raisan
ronin ?Jj!A
rusushiki \lrJr.it
Ryogen Trl
Ryokai Tl'ilf
ryomin
Ryonin Tie,
Ryonyo TPo
Ryosh5 Tf-t
ryiia ViE!!!l
Saicho
Saigenji
Saihoshinansho W1rtltlifY
Saikoji
Saionji
saishoe
Sakai ffl.
Saky5 Tayii tr.1t. 7c:fr:.
sanbo hiho no hekiken / iG$ 3iL
sanmon kunin
Sanuki iiMJiIi
sarugaku
Sasaki 1ti:"'< *
Seichin Bizen tffiffi\'M
Seiganji
Seikaku :!!l1{1!
Seishi
Seishinkai
Seizan WLlJ
seken tl:!:F,,'
semotsu danomi nf!l4mJliJiJ}
sengoku
sengoku daimyo
Senjuji W11it'<'f
senju nenbutsu
sensei
sensho :5t1llit
sesshu
sessh u fusha 'Hl)IR/Glil'
setsuwa iiiaiS
Settsu Hlil$
Shandaa
Sbigaraki Takamaro
Shimotsnke -r!l!f
shin
Shinano {jiJl
Shinbutsu 1l:;{4
Shinetsu
shingyo
shinjin {]!jle"
shinjin ihon
shinjitsn gyogo
shinjitsu shinjin
shinjitsn shoka
shinmei no wako

Shinnenji
Shinne shojo
shin no ichinen
Shin ran mte
Shinran Shonin goshosokushii

Shinsei
Shinsho-in
Shinshii J\i;7%
Shinshii seiten 1{.7%:!!!1#f!.
Shinshii shogyo zensho
shintai J\i;Bi'1i
shinteki
shinzo
shinzoku nitai J\i;m=Bi'1i
Shirakawa Masakaneo
Shirakawa Sukeujio
Shirakawa Tadatomi BJq,\!;,'Iij
Shirutani it:a:
shisa
shoban afumi
shobntsu funi
Shoe Jm;[!;
shoen :tfmJ
shogy6
Sh6j6
sh6joju
shoki iEiI
Shokii
shomy6 nenbutsu ;ftZ;f.t14
shonin no shugi
Shonyo ffiEtw
Shorakuji
Shoren'in l'Ifli:flJt
Shorin iE;f;1\
Shoshinge tai'i
Shos6in iEtrJllt
sh6soku
Shotoku
Glossary 243
Shoz6matsu \Vasan
shu 7%
shugaku
shugo
shugo daimyo riil7ci'l
Shiijisho tft.t<H&
shiiman aratame
Shiinyo 7%:!!O
so
so do 1it1jt
Soga Ryojin
sahei
S5kenji
soku 6j5 NPtt!:t
sokushitsu 1J\ll*
sokutoku oj5 RpQ1Hi:!E

songy5 l!J%
sosha
Soshun LiH1t
so san (also so no mural
Sugamo
Sugawara no Michizane 1'!'Jjj{:i1itJ\i;
Sukeujio )1Ul2;I:
Sumoto fiRi*
taigi
taiza MmI
Takada (-ha) ii'iiffi (im)
Takakura Gakuryo ii'iif!$*
Takeda Takemaro
tanen itf.t
244 Glossary
tanni
Tannisho
tanomoshi-ko JliliilJ:::F-ilJi!:
tariki fI!1.jJ
Tateyama .lLLU
taya
teikin orai HHJlltt*
Teikyo
Tendai 3CiS'
Tendo 3Cm
tendo nenbutsu 3Cm;t{L
Tenjin 3C;f!jl
Tenman Daijizaiten :72mJj* 1:72
tenno ;R!
Togashi Kochiyo
Togashi Masachika i;1!iI&;Jl.
TIikai *tiiJ
Tokugawa 1!JII
tomogara
Tonda i;lE
toryu
Toyowaraji (also Toyoharaji)
tozan myogo1tLUil-lY
ungen beri
uragaki
um'u sangatsu
wablln
Wada Sokyu
waga chikara 'tJt:I.J'I1J
Waga shinnen
waka ;fPmx
Wakasa
Wasan
Xuanyifen
Yakllshi llifril
Yamashina Llil4
Yamashiro Lli:IJiIG
Yasuda Kazunosuke
Yodo
Yome-odoshi no ani no C [.,0)
*0)00
yoriai ;!ij:-fr
Yoshida Gen-no-shin a'B3m\z)i
Yoshimasa
Yoshizaki a'i!F.J
Yoshizakiji a'i!F.J;;'f
Yoshizawaji
Yosoji l3.:::i'X (also
yugen to mugen no taio
)it;
Yuien (Yuienbo) 1llF'3 (Il!EPlJ;lj)
Yunen
Yushin (Yushinni) ffiJL., (ffiJL.,JIl,)
zashii
Zenchin
zenchishiki (also zenjishiki,
chishiki)
Zendo see Shandao
Zenka'iifPJ
Zenkoji
Zennyo
Zeman :!!'ftc
Zhll Yuanzhang 7bIJ:/1i (). Shu Gensho)
zogyo 1Mt:rr
zokutai fit"iiij'i
Zonkaku ifJt
Zonnyo
Zuisenji
r
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J{elll/YO ShOllil1 Ze/lsha
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Shin Nihon kolen
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Shinpen Ni/lOn kolen
bllngaku zenshii
Shinshfi sosho
Shinshii taikei
Shillshfi zensho
Slzilltei Z5l1O Kokuslzi
laikei
Showa shinshfi Honen
Shonin Ze/lS/1I1
SSS
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Yomei sosho
Zoku gunsho nliiu
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INDIVIDUAL TEXTS
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B1I1110 I<)'o),osho attributed to Zonkaku. SSS 5.6'7.
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ChI! Mury5gil<)'5 by Saich6. T No. 219j, 56.203-
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257
Eizall choj51nliIJtl!li:t!\: Popular name for nexl entry.
Eizan ),oTi fliranInl kensho 1n III 3 I) ;i,;,l!!i'>t', in Kanega1110ri nikki batsll EI fil'.tlL
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Gellso eko klklgakl M!.fB;l
ri
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Gaia aflllni See Gllbllllsho.
248 BibliogralJh)'
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I-/olllmkuji atogaki by Myosci SSS 2.629.
HOllpukuji )'1Iraiki by MyoshzJ OJl?<. SSS 2.661
Ilijonki ji-lI,IttUle by ZOllkaku. SSS 1.801; SSZ 3.256.
1 160n hy Kakz1l1Yo, at SSZ 3.655.
Hoshi ga Iwlw 1t;fliljiJlHJ:, anonymous Kyiigen play. In K)'ogellshii ge T, Koyama
Hiroshi IHlI5l,iG;, eel., Nihon kuten bll1lgaku taikei, vol. 43.
by Zemni. In Yok)'oklls/zii io J::, Yokomichi Mario tffl'il'l:j[ft:j}JIlt-jt and
Omotc Akira *", eds., Ni/JOn kotell bllngakll taikei, vol. 40,
Ichincll tcmcn mon'i by Shinran. T No. 2657, 83.694; SSZ 2.604-
lezilsil kaishi nihon tSzlshin .{ EI Murakami Naojiro HJ::1i:iXtlB, trans.
and Yanagiya 111keo eel. Shin ikokll susho, vols. 1-2.
Ippm s/zollill gorokll author(s) unknown. In Honen, Ippe/! Yl;r!.\
Ohashi Toshio * liliiit' X , cd., Nilzoll shisa t<likei, 1'01. 10.
Ishikami l':,;j-I/I, 'l1l0nymol1s Kyogen play. K)'ogellshii \'01. 2 IT1"fm "F, Koyama Hiroshi INlJ
'lL,i'J;;, cd., Nihon koten bllllg<lkll t<likei, 1'01. 43.
/tokllki Sec Hellll)'o S/lOnin itokuki.
Jigo shonin sllinshi monc/o SSS 5.200.
Jim)'iislzo lifi;,Fj> by Zonkakll. SSZ 3.91.
Jingtu 11m r1'::Um) Jodoroll; full title: Wu/i(l1Jgsholljing ),oupotishe [),IUlnshellgii]
MlIT)'ajld.')'o IIpac/aisha [gallsho-ge]. By Vasubandhu. 'I' No. 1524-
26.230 .
Jillgl1l11ll1Z111l i'll:l=Mtr1f:l: Jodo TOllcilii; full title: WIIliangshoujillg )'oupotishe )'lwllshellgji :zllll.
By 'I:l11IUUll. T No. 1819, 40.826.
JinguQngmillg zuisllengwang jing T No. 665, 16.403.
JitslIgoki by Jilsugo 'IltB-. RSG 139.
BibliogralJl1)' 249
JitslIgo k)'oki by Jitsugo. Also known as Renn)'o Shonin ichigoki J!!l:!zn
J::A Mlle. SSS 2.444; RSG 69.
Jodo kenmol1shii by ZOllkaku. SSZ 3-375.
Jodo monnlijll sho by Shinran. SSZ 2.443.
Jodo sal1gyo 6io mOllnli by Shinran. SSZ 2.543 and 551.
Jodo shin'yosho by Zonkakll. SSZ 3.119.
Jodoroll: See Jingtll 11111
{odowasall ijtfO!l by Shinran. SSZ 2-485.
Jonai o{1Jmi also GObll1lsho by Rennyo. SSZ 3.402.
Kai 110 k1l11i M),ohoji ki Ej3 temple history. ZOkll gllnsho nliill, 30-1.
Kamabara anonymous Kyogen play. In K),ogerzshfi ge IE1"f:m T, Koyama Hiroshi IJ\
LlHLiG;, ed., Nihorz kotcn blmgaku taikei, vol. 43.
Kanegamori nikki balslI 3ii:n EI i'ic:J:ti:. SSS 2.701.
Kangy5: See Gua1lwlllia1lgsholl iing.
Kamenkai wo ronZl/ by Kiyoza\\'a Manshi In Ki)'ozawa J\1atlShi
zensl1l1 Kyoto, Hazakan, 1953, 4.316.
Kamin karosh!1 $iJi'.fll!IJIJ;I; by Keijo Shiirin Kamimura Kanku J::Hml.:i\:;, ed.,
Gozan bWIgakll zenshii ]iLl! Tokyo: Goz,mbllngakll Zcnshl Kankakai, 1936,
vol. 4-
Kawarataro 1"1 anonymous Kyogen play. In Okura tormnitslIbon K)'ogen shz] *JIi!i,iH,
ed. Hashimoto Asao m;zjs:\i)lQ:., Koten bllnko r!i Y)lP-, No. 540.
Kechimyaku monjz] Ifnll!Rx:*, letters of Shinran. SSZ 2.717; Nihol1 kotcn Inlllgakll taikei vol.
82.
Kenm),osho by Zonkakll. SSZ !.325.
Kenshorya gisha by Shinne T No. 2673> 83.841.
Kelchisizo r.R:rty by Zonkakll. SSZ 3.188.
Ketsubonk),o See Dacheng zizengjiao xlIepen ji1lg.
Kikigaki: See Renn)'o Shan in go'ichic/aiki kikigaki.
Kom)'o kenmitsll-sho extant text by Ezan J1ll:UI. SSS 5.129.
KOIl)'o Shonin goiklH1 goshosllOkll sclcctecllcttcrs by Konyo WH(/).
SSZ 5.771.
Koso wasan i\1Iii'i'l':fQilji: by Shinran. SSZ 2.501.
KlIdensno 1=/ {1!j; by Kakunyo. SSZ 3.1.
KlIitllrgegensatze Ellropa-Japall (1585)' Tratado em qlle se con tern rill/ito "",intae
abreviadamente algumas contradicoes e diferellcas de clIstllmes mItre a gwte de Ellrolw
e esta provincia de lapao by Luis Frois (d. 1597), with introduction and annotation bl'
Josef Franz Schutte. No. 15 in the series Monulllenta Nipponic" lIlonogmphs.
Sophia University, 1955.
Kiizenki also called KJ7zel1 nikki B We, based on a c1i,zry of Kllzcn :'2 'iN , known
as the Kaze1l kikigaki RSG 1.
Kyogyoslzinsho :rJ(f'T{B'illl' by Shinran ifJHt; full title: Ken iodo sizilljitsll kyog)'aslz5 mOIlT1li 1m
T No. 2646, 83.589, SSZ 2.1.
K)'ogyoshinsho taii by either Zonbku or Kakunyo. Kob/blll! toho IJIlkk)'cJ
505110 vol. I, eel. Washio Junkei l!Il;ffill!i1i\ll 'Ibkyo: 'Ioha Shoin,
1925-1926.
K),og),osilinsizo kogi slnlsei by Jimei in 9 fascicles ill BlIkk)'o taikei
voL 25. ' , ,
Kyogakll shi)'osho by Kyogaku ZOkll gllnsho nzijll, I'ols. 1-6.
250 Bibliography
Larger [Sukhiil'atflTiihaj Sritra; See Wuliangshou jillg
JVlaflosho *i:lHY, letters of Shiman, SSZ 2.6,6; Niholl koten btmgakll taikei vol. 82.
MikaZllki traditional Kyogen play. In K)'ogellshii ge Koyama Hiroshi, cd.,
Nihon kotell blillgaku laikei, vol. 43.
Mizllkake 11111ko traditional Kyiigen play. In K),ogenshu jii J=, Koyama
Hiroshi, ed., Nihon koten blmgakll taikei, vol. 42.
Morai 11111ko traditional Kyogen play. In K)'ogenshll Kitakawa Tadahiko
and Yasuda Akira g,:1D!i[, eds. Niholl kolen bungakll zenshii, vol. 60.
IVlukashi 111ollogalariki author unknown. RSG 249.
Mur)'ojllk)'o; See IVllliangshou jingo
Mw)'ojllkyo jlltSll1nOnsCln: See WuiiangshOlljing /ian)'i s/llIWenzall.
Nenbtltsu ojo yogisho by Honen. Shiiwa shinshzl j-lonen Shanin zenshii,
681.
Niehio blmka hikakll B@\:Jc1Utf3i:, trans. and ed. Okada Akiu IlliJ IIIjjUjE. Translation of
Tralado em que se contem 11111ilo Sllsinta e abreviada111ente algumas contradigaes e
de{erenqas de cllslumes entre a genie de Europa e esta provincia de Tapiio by Luis Fr6is.
In Daikokai jidai sosho, vol. 11.
Nostra Aetate by the Second Vatican Council. In Walter M. Abbott, S.)., ed., The Doel/ments
a{Vatiean II. New York: Guild Press, 1966, 656.
Nyonin 0;0 kikigaki by Zonkaku. SSZ l109
Nyushulsll nimOll geju by Shiman. SSZ 2-480.
Oba gel sake fi3 flJ:i:Ni!!i, traditional Kyogen play. In K),ogenshu 2 r, Koyama Hiroshi,
cd., NillOn katen bllngakll taikei 1'01. 43.
O;arais<ln 1't:1.tfHIl: See Wangsheng lizan;i
Ojoyositii by GCllshin iW,f8". T. No. 84-33.
Okada),11 1l7;J:t7;;, traditional Kyogell play. In Okura taramilsllboll K)'iigen sl111
1'01. 4, ed. Hashimoto Asao m:;;t;:ljiJl:1.. Tokyo: Katen bunko, No. 540.
Oka sako tiili:{tr:lli, ImdiLional Kyogen play. In Kyogel1shzl 2 T, ed. Koyama Hiroshi,
Nihon bllngaku taikei, vol. 43.
1\el1;lm ki illmerie by Renjun. RSG, 64-
Rel1ll)'o Shall in go'ichidaiki kikigaki compiled by KOzen ancl
RCllgU. SSZ 3.531; NillOn shiso laikei 17.111;
RelHlYo Sholl ill go'iclzigoki compiled by )itsugo. SSS 2.459.
/l..ellll,'O Shan in ose no jojii (go;Djo) mlPoJ::A{&jJ9!l-9!l-, compiled by Jitsugo. SSS 2-470.
Relll1)'o Shan in iciligoki mUmJ=A See lilsllgo
/l..elln)'o Shonil1 i/okllki recorded by Jitsugo, compiled by Rengo. SSZ
3.869.
Hellll)'Q Shollirl seiZlli de/lki lj)lOJ=Al1YI,'IHz;i'rc. Held at Eiganji in I-Iekinan :il'ITtf
eity in Aiehi Prefecture, unpublished.
Renn),,'- llragakisllli editorial name given to collection of Rcnnyo inscriptions.
SSS 2.379.
Rokll)'os/zv by Zonkakn. SSZ 2.205.
/I..)'ogemon: Sec CaikemOll
Ryiijinlzislzo compilation attribnted to Empcror Goshirakawa =1&8 j'UJ. In Slzincho
Nihon ko/ell shasei 31 B 311m, eel. Enoki KatsmD tl5\i:eA, lokyo:
Shinehosha, 1979.
l{yori /lll/ko lmclitional Kyogen play. In the 1700 ed. of K)'iigcnki reproduced
anel eel. Hashillloto Asao and Doi Yoichi ShinnillOn koten b1ll1gaku
/!likei,l'ol. 58.
Saisiziik)'ii See /illgllangming zl1ishengwang jing
Bibliography 251
Saiyosiio by Kakllnyo. SSZ 3.50.
Sakuragawa t1(}II, traditional No play, Kanzc-ryO version in Kallzer)'u, koe no lzyakllbanshzl,
vol. 50, ed. Maruoka AkiTa iLlIiiI Sjj. Tokyo: Chikllma Shabo, 1969.
Sanjii wasan by Shinran, encompasses Todo wasem rJr:Pial', Koso wasan, and
Shozomalsu1Vasan SSZ 2.485,501,516.
Semimanz traditional No play. Koyama Hiroshi et aI., erls, Y6k)'o/ws/z'-' 2, \'01. 34 in
Nihon kolen bWlgaku zensiJzI. As modified by ChikamatslI Monzaemon, Kanze-ryli
version in Kanzer),zI, koe no izyakllbanslnl, vol. 28, ed. Martloka Akira JL[!f.J BJl. Tokyo:
Chikuma Shobo, 1968.
Senchakllslnl full title: Senchakll hongan nenbll/sll slnl T No.
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Sen;llji Eclzizen no klmi matsu;i mania ciza mDsizija an
SSS 4-163.
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(3)-024-1, :It!-139), ed. Nishio Koichi .. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970.
Shichijl1ichiban shokllllill ll/aawase t+-t'IHllIiAiifJ:i5-, author unknown, orginally from
Muromachi period. Edo kagakll kotell siisllO vol. 6, c,l. Aoki Kunia
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Shicho onjllji SSS 5.177.
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Shinjikan kyo: See Daclzeng bensheng xindiglwn jingo
Shinketsl1m),akl1-sho ,L.'lUlMHY, author unknown. SSS 5.327; Shinshn taikei, vol. 36; Zoku
shinslzll taikei 19.
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Shinrall shonin eden generic name for "miolls pictorial biographies of
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ed. by Iliwl1latsll Rcizo and
Mitsumori Masashi Sizinsizz1 jz1ho sllliei vol+ Kyoto:
Dob6sha, 1988.
SizilJrml Sholl ill goshosokll sl111 ffJl:1i/:g!,!A collectiun of Shinran's letters. Extant in
two recensions, SSZ 2.695 and 2.714; Nilzon ko/en IJIIllgaku t(likei "01. 82.
Shinsei Silollin ii;iidellki l\rJl\Ll:AHl'.fz;[;c. Shinsei Shonin godenki slzl J{.llPrJ=Ajj!J{il'fe
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Silinsho YOll1e-odoslzi niklltwkill1el1 engi traditional folktale. YOllle-
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SlzillSha slzidii silo ;!'iiJ%!:jjHj.- by Zonkaku. SSS 5.355.
SllObll11sl111 collection of RellllYo's leiters. SSS 2.1'38.
SIzojin hongai slzzl by Zonkaku. SSS 1.707.
Silos/tinge IE{8"illl, full title: Slzaslzil1l1enblilsu-ge IE {8";i:iLdSl, name applied 10 verse scction
at the end of the second fascicle of Shinrall's Krog)'oshins/lo.
Shosllinge tai'i lE{a{&':;Ic:W: by RCllll),O. SSS 2.122 and 130.
ShosiJinge wasan Sce Shoslzinge.
SI10Z01llatsll wasan by Shinran. SSZ 2.516.
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Index
absolute Other-Power. 11,
afterlife (goshii 17-18, 54> 56. 128,
165, 201-203
Akamatsu Mitsusuke
Akanoi Fukushoji
Akao-no-Doshu $l'0)@* (d. 1516), 97.
101-107
Akao-no Diishii kokoroe ni;t1ichi kaio. 102-
106
akunin shoki, 6, 193
alterity,12,
Amagishi Joen, 53
amako,67
ama-nyoho. 66
ama-nyiid6, 66
Amicla (Amitahha. Amitayus) Buddha
(Tathagata), 6-7, 42, 44, 49, 53-56, n
97
esoteric understandings of, 73. 75
incarnated in Honganji leader, 78
as married to Yakushi Buddha. 73-74
reward-body of, 145, 148
triad (Amida sam:on). !II, lI5
Amida Hall (amidado), 32, 232
Amino Yoshihiko. 35n
ango,157
ani eonism. 109
anjin (pacified mind, settled mind). 2, 7.
33, 100, 154. 166
An;inketsuiiishii, 7. 21. 23, 99. 154. 16111. 228
An;inshii, 154
Anjo.229
Annyoji,25
anti-Buddhist activities in Meiji period. See
haibutsu kishaku
Aoki Kaoru, 120, 123. 126. 128
Araki branch of Shinshii, 74
Asahara Saiichi mw::;trn (1850-1932),97
clan, 25
Asakura clan, 29
Asakura Takakage (1428- 1481 ),26
Ashikaga Yoshimasa (1436-1490).
n.
6
9
Ashikaga Yoshimitsu (1358-1408).
20, 125
Ashikaga Yoshinori (1394-1441). 17
assured, community (group) of. 138-147
Aum Shimikyo. 214
kuma kagami, 120
Azuchi,78
hakllfu (MlITOInachi shogunate), v. 6. 17.
2
5. 33. 39. 45.
2
33
Banclo Sh6jun. 55
Benjutsu myotais!zli. "7
Bhaisa;).aguntvaidurya-prabha BuddiJa. See
Yakushi Buddha
hTja symbols. 13311
Bingo province. 74
Birth (in the Pure Land; oi5). 8. 44. 96-97.
99.14.128,137-139.142-145.147,167.
21
9
286 Index
Birth (conl.):
according 10 the Larger SlIklzavat1I,)'iiha
sfltra, 140-141, 144-145
expcdient (ben oio), 139
immediate (sokllisokulol:u 8i8), 139, 144,
146
occurring (or 11ot) at death, 139, 144, 146,
148,151
through refuge in Amida alone, 191
Blood Pool Sutra (Kelsubonk),8), 65-66
Bloom, Alfred, 9
B1UIIl, Mark, 8, 163n
Bakie kotaba, 20, 228, 233
'IlIe Brothers Karamazov, 214-215
buke (samurai authorities), 39
Bukkoji branch of Shinsllll, 3, 19, 33, 51, 75,
126, 227,233
Bungo region, 77
Bunrakll theater, 186
burning images. See destruction of images
and texts
Byodoin, 112
cadastral survey, 77
Calvin, John (1509-1564), 32,41
Chan, II
"cherish tile head templc and protect the
Buddha Dharma" (aizan golia), 152
Chiba joryii, 118-119
Chikamatsll region, 26
China, 105, 110
Chinzei, 3, 99, 175
Chion'in, 19,
chishiki. See zCllchishiki
chishiki danomi. See taking refuge in a
teacher
ehishiki kimyo. See taking refuge in a teacher
Christianity, 151, 214-215, 217
according to Luther, 200, 203-204, 207-
20
9
Catholic church, 11,
Catholic missionaries, 6, 72
concern for the afterlife, 222-223
Jesllit documents, 73, 75-78
killing of heretics, 214
relationship with political authority, 222
stance toward other religions, 221-222
Choanji, 82n
chokugansho (official prayer offering site),
33
Chokyo uprising, 34
Chosh6ji, 30, 92-93
church-state relations, 151, 217, 219-225
policy of defending the statc (chingo
kokka),224
commerical interests, 41
community of the elect, II
Confucianism, 53
Contemplation Sutra. See Cllanjing
cremation, 35
crown (hokan), 74
cllstodian [of the Founder's Shrine]
(msllliiki), 22, 34
Daigoji,32
Daijoin, 228, 229
daimyo, 5, 39
sll1lgo daimyo, 25, 30, 52, 191
scngoku daimyo, 77-78
Dainichi Nyorai, 54
Daitokuji,78
dangibon, 7, 74-75, 79
danka (Jay parishoners), 46, 48n
daughter-in-law, 184-188
"defend Buddhism and refute the false
doctrine" (bolza boja), 160n
"defend the nation" (clzingo-kokka) policy
and Buddhism, 224
Deguchi, 31-32, 232
dcmonic spirits (kijin), 90
Den Sizinran hitsll kOI1l)'o IlOnzon, 80
destruction of sacred images and texts, 84-
86
devil, 184-187, 192
Dewa province, 29
Dharma entertainment, 183
Dlwrmiikara Bodhisattva, 125, 143, 155-156
dl mrmakaya, 114
Dhar111a names (ho111)'o), 123, 127, 129, 169
Dharma Preservation Society, 151
dialogue between buddha und believer,
100-101
Dobbins, James, 1, '3111
dobo (also doho; fellowship), 179
doctrine, 3, 6-11, 31, 36n, 39
doj6, 7, 27, 50-51, 76-77, 115, 121, 128, 169,
17
'
Dokaku m'!i.t (15th c.), 230
D6sai @]1!j (1399-1488), 22-23, 32, SS, 96,
228
Doshu. See Akao-no-Doshu
Dostoyevsky, ryorlor, 11,214-215
dll'kha, '40
Echigo Province, 29, 50, 87
Echizen Province, 26, 112, 168, 19', 230
eden. See pictoral biography
Edo period, 102, 150, 156
edokoro, 124, 126, 129
Eiganji *!l!li'i'l\ 194n
Eigenki. See Eigen kikigaki
Eigen kikigaki, 69, 179
eighteenth vow of Amida, 53, 67, 88, '47
Eizan choia, 84, 86, 89, 93, 94
ekeizu. See portrait lineages
eko. See merit-transfer
Ekull Ji!l:!\ (15th c.), 234
elder (otona), 50
nll and reject none (sesshll f1lsha),
50
cnelJl), of the buddha, enem), of the kami,
84
El1l1i n 1'9 f.:: (794-864), 112
Ennyo 11J:f.m (1491-1521), 169
Enryakuji, 3-4, 7,24-26, 83, 229-230
EI1I)'akll;i SaiWill siJiigij8, 87-88
entrusting through donations (semotslI
darlOmi), 18, 28
equil'alcnt to a buddha's enlightenment,
141-142
esoteric buddhism, 6, 191
esoteric reading of Amida's name, 73
Eshinni Ji!l: {' IE: (b. 1182), 50
EtchO provincc, 29, 168, 191
ctoki,186
exclusive elevation to one practice (ikka
senill),84
faith, 6, 8, 11, 18,42-44, 50, 53, 67, 96, 103,
164-166, 169-171, '78, 184-185, 187-188,
'90-193, 202
bestowed by Amidn Buddha, 165-166,
201, 204-205
bestowed by God, 204-205
and cOllllllunity, 205, 207-209, 217
faith alone doctrine, '99-209
immediate bcncfits of faith, 54, 185, 187
lack of faith, 42
of Luther, 203-204, 207-208
of Rcnnyo, 165-167, 201-203
famine, 17
Fernandez, James, 130n
feudalism, 38
filial piety, 151
fishermen, 65
Index 287
five obstacles and threc submissions of
women. See women, five obstacles
and three submissions of
five stains, 143
five virtues (goja), 30
Founder's Hall (goeido, miedo), 32, 112, 232
fox spirits (koshin), 40
freedom, 5, 8, 11, 204, 207-208, 21 5
of buddhas, 99
in choice of iCOIlS, 109, 125, ]29
of Christ, 207
in nenbutsu, 44
of 1I'0men, 68, 82n
The Freedom of" Christi"", 203
rujishima, 30, 23'
rlljilVara Nohuzanc (1177?-
1266?), 115
fukujin (gods of good fortune), 40
FukuzalVa Yukichi tr'i1Riilltri" (1835-191),8,
151,160n
funeral rituals, 75, 169
Furuta Takehiko, 20
Futamata, 227, 232
Caiiashii, 116-117, 177-180
Caikemoll, 160n
Gankyoji, 183
gansllU (requesting party), 1:'7
Gcnchi,56
Ccnshill ?W,fB' (942-1017), 55, 112-113,228
Censoeko kikigaki, 21
The Cenlline Telle of fhe FleshAdhering
Mask of Oclllghfer-ill-Lml' h,timidclfirJll
(Shillsh6 )'o11le-odoshi niklltwkimen
engi), 183-193
folkloric interpretation, '90-192
viell'cd as theater, 188-189
1I'0111en'S issues, 189-190
gen]'c riyabl. See this-worldly benefits
Cion shrine, 83
CocienshfJ, 21, 234
gods of disease (),elklliJyogclmi), 40
gods of good fortunc (jilklliill), 40
gods of recol'ery (cliir),ogrJ1lli), 40
Coeido. See Founder's Hall
,
288 Index
gaeika, See Shinran. poems of
Cah6koillki.91
gaja, See five virtucs
Connyo (Otani Kasha :;k::a1tJm;
1817-1894). 151
Case mOllogatari. 21. 227
Coshirakawa f&sti1T (1127-1192). 64
Ciishiiji. 33
Coshosoku shii, See Shiman Shall in
gos/Zosoku shl1
Cozan,3
Cozakusho, See Leiters, gozokushB
gratitudc, 74. 96. 101-103, 106-107, 138, 144-
145, 151, 159n, 165-167, 169-171, 205.
208,220
Cualljing (Gllanwuiiangsholljing,
Contemplatioll SUlra), lll, 138
guru syndrome, 214
CutokushO. 21. 52,228
C),akushu sepp5, 113
Cyonen lJ'kf..!\ (1240-1321). 51
Cyanyo 15 Vri (1376-144). 19. 25, 168, 227,
229
haibutsu kishaku, 151
Haja kensho sh5. 177, 180
Hakata, 75
Hakllsan, see Mount Hakll
Hatakc)'ama Masanaga I!l wl!&ilt (1442-
1493),25
Hatakcyama Yoshihiclc (d. 1532),
45
J-MakcYHma Yoshinari Wl\8Jt (d, 1490),
25
Hattori Shiso, 49, 53, 157
Hayashima Yl1ki, 127
heavcnly son of the moon (Cattenshi), 74
heavenly son of the slln (Nittenshi), 74
Heian period (794-1192), 28
Heike mOllogatari, 120
Hciscnji, 29, 191
hcizei gajo (atlailIIllent under normal
conditions), 27, 146
heresy, 7, II, 52, 83, 156, 175
associated with establishing a new sect,
86-90
doctrines and practices of Honganji
denounced in EizGIl chojo, 84-86
doctrines denounced in KakulIYo's
Cai;asho, 176-180
doctrines denounced in Rennyo's Letters,
'75-
1
79
doctrines denounced in Zonkaku's Ha;a
kellsho shoo 177, 180
of praying to Amida for postmortem
salvation, 156
regarding Amida as anthropomorphic
savior, 156
regarding images of Amida, 177
regarding Shin wriLings, 177
of showing disdain for local deities, 84,
86,90-92
of spreading the Leachings among the
lowcr classes, 90, 92-94
Hiei, see Mount Hici
Higashi (Otani) Honganji, 5, 7, 9, 24, 32-
33. 51, 83, 150
Higashiyama, 19
hiii bomon. See secrecy
Hina Katsumitsu 13 !U!J9i:J't (1429-1476). 69
HinD Tomiko B mrij T (1440-1496), 33,
194n, 232
Hirose Nan'yu, 160n
Hitachi,5
Hiyuma, 184
Hiyama Jibu'ucmon, 184
hoben (I/paya, expedient means), 119 , 166
hiil>cn hosshin (lIpaya-dhannakaya), 75,
80-8m
Hoen i!fIJ (d. 1481), 230
Hoju yldl (1396-1479), 25, 228, 229
hokan. See crown
Hokke sect, 40
Hokurikll region, 10, 26-27, 168, 191, 228
HOIlen l*!'!.\ (1133-1212), 39,49. 51, 55, 87,
128, '37. 162n
images of, 115
Honen ShoHin gya;o eZIl, 115
HOllen Sh6nin akataba, 175, 234
Hongakubo, 194n
hongan. See Original Vow(s)
Hanganji, 1-12, 17, 19-21, 24, 27-29, 34,41-
42, 45-47, 51-52, 72 , IOt)-1I2, 116, 119,
122, 165, 191, 206, 209, 219. 227-235
as Realm of the Buddha Dharma, 41-47
HOllganji sai10 /]0 shidai, 22
honji sllijaku, 6, 54
Honpoji, 194n
Honpllkllji (in Katada), 25. 28, 118, 130n
HOllpllkllji atogaki, u8
Hallpl/kl/ji k)'llki, 45
Hon/JUkuji )'lIraiki. 19, 3511
Honscnji, 2'27
Honzenji,234
honzon. 23, 111-124, 127-130, 232
H6onki,74
I'!Bonko, 128. '70-171.230, 234
Hoo/] koshiki, 230, 234
Hoshillo Ccnpa, 138
Hosokuwa MasHmoto *.ffl}IIi!&ft (1466-
157). 4. 45
hossu (leader of I-Ionganii). 22.38.45-46,
52
as living buddha, 78
hotoke iclols, 73
Huiyuan (334-416),89, 110
hunters, 65
ianjin, See heresy
Iba My5mkuji. 74
Ichij5 Kanera (142-1481), 194n
ichil1el1 (one thought-moment, single
nenhlltsu), 17, 53-54, 96, 100, 103, 146-
147, 165, 187
Ichinen t,mell 111011';, 8, 144-145
icons, iconicit)', 7, 8, 109-113, 118, 122-124,
12
9
IeslIsll kaishi ,lihan lSI/shin, 73
Ikeda Yiitai, 9,
ikke shu, 45-46, 179
ikki, 5,25, 34,40,44-45
ikkB ikki, 10, 33,42,44-46, 51, 89, 93. 117,
214,231, 233
ikk5-shu, 5, 72, 75-79, 91, 93-94, 229
class status of, 77
absence of Shinnlll from, 78
as name for Takacla branch. 88
Ikkyu S6jun -(,t*tIll (1394-1481), 26
illuminated (komyo) honzan, 23, 74, 117,
122, 124, 126, 129
imay6 songs/poems, 64
imperial family, imperial court, 3), 39, 47,
93,232,233
imperial I a\\" (oba), 42, 47
ali(I Buddhist lalV (iiba blillPO). 9. 30,42-
43,69, 151, 224
primacy of imperiallalV (obo ilzon), 30,
43
impermanence (mlljo). 56
Inelia, \05
Inoue Toshio, 35n, 191-192
inscriptiollS
1
126
inshi. See lewd deities
Ippen -iJ1i! (1239-1289), 3, 88
(shiyama Honganji, 3+ 46, 51, 169. 234
itsllkie (food offering servicc), 23
Itsuki Hiroyuki. 49. 68
ltok1Jki. See Re,m)'o Shiinin ilok1Jki
Iwami Mamoru, 102, 104-105
Iwami province, 31
jealousy, 189-19. 192
Jesuits, See Christianity
JesLls, 11, 204, 214-215, 221
jige (lesser nobility), 90
jiin, 115, lim
jike (religious institutions), 39
Jikken (1490-1523),234
jikko (1495-1553)
lim)'osilii. 21. 228
jinni maehi or jinaicho (tcmple town), ,2.
46, 209
jinen, See spontaneil),
/ingtll lllll (attrihuted to Vasuballdhu). 1'4,
142
Jimei i?i!IJVJ (1749-1817), 148n
Jinson (d. 1508), 87, 229, 231, 232
jiriki (self-power), 98, 120, Q9. 155
Jisl1\l, 3, 18
jito (land sLewanls), 30
Jitsllgo (1492-1583), 45, 118, 2j4
/itSllgoki, 188
litSligo k)'llki. 35", 102-103, 118
Jitslljl1 '!i?:{!t (1498-1564)
jitSlljlll1 (1494-1518),234
jitsunl'o (1458-152;). 34,45,6,), lI8,
16
9. '79. 228. 231. 2". 2>4
Jiido sect (Jodoshl1). 3, 40, n 75-76
loda "oman gellnl"ho, 5'
loda kemlla,,"III/, 232
/oda monn/i;ll slio, 21, ;2. 227
/iido s<mg)'D 0;6 monmi, '37-138, '45
Joc1oshillshl1, See Shin sect
Joc1oshn. See Joclo seel
/odomonmi;lIslIa, 21
Jado sang"o 6;0 mOHrlli, 8,
/odoslIin)'oslIa, 21, 217
JiigIlji,229
J6kcnji, 194"
J6ruri rca I 111 , 74
..
290 Index
}o)'u (b. 1442), 179
}oshii (15th c), 228
jokaku 'iJt1\t (1295-1360), 228
junn)'o }i[liPD (1442-1483),227,233
just cause (laigi), 83
justice (iingi), 30, 68, 151
Kabuki theater, 186
Kai clan, 29
Kaga Province, 29-31, 33-34,42,45,87, 89,
168, 191, 227, 231-233
kago moji, 124
Kagotani Machiko, 183, 189
Kaku Thkcshi, 8
Kakuban (1095-1143), 112
Kakunyo (1270-1351), 19,23, 30, 56,
115-11 7, 122-123, 126, 147, 154, 168-169,
176-180, 227, 228,230
similar view of heretical doctrines, 177-
179
Kakllshinni JE (1224-1283), 51
Kamakura period, 5,23, 39
kami, 7, 30, 53-54, 91-92
kanahogo, 23
kanblln, 23
kunblltsll samadhi, 112
Kanegamori, 22, 24-25, 85, 233
Krl1legamori llikki balsu, 119
Kaneko Daiei ft:=r-** (1881-1976), 157
Kannon (Avalokileflvam), 6, 74, 110-Ill
as child of Amidn Buddha, 73-74
as essencc (holl;i) of Shotoku Taishi, 75
Kano Masanobll y,j'!llflE{B' (1434-1530), 126
Kanrenkai, 152
Kallrhl koroshii, 89
Kanshii Persecution (Kamila no ha/wll) of
1468, 25, 33, 83-94, 124-125, 129
Kuntii region, 50, 65
kaii (signature), 34
kanna, 11, 18,
Katada, 18, 25, 26,45,229,230
Kato Chiken, 6, 10
Kall'achi pro\'ince, 25, 31, 45, 230,232
Kechim),aku mrmil/, 115
Kcijo Shurin (1440-1518), 89
Keikakll. See Kyagaku
Kengyokll Jil.3': (1448-1472), 192-193,23
kenmitsll, 5, 39-40,42, 47, 4711
kenmon taisei (system of ruling elites), 39
Kel1lll)'osho, 74
Kennyo (1543-1592), 46, 78
Kensei Il{f (1499-157),45
Kensh6ji, 26, 230
Kcnshoryll gisiJo, 119
kiho ittai (unity of individual and Buddha
or Dharma), 7, 9, 96, lOS, 153-156
Kikigaki (/{enTl)'o Shonin go'ic!Jie/aiki
kikigaki), 24, 41-42, 66, 99, 101, 103, 213
kimya,99
ki-myo-jin-jip-p6-mu-ge-ko-nyo-rai. See
myogo, ten-character form
Kinai region, 72
kindei calligraphy style, 85
Kinryu Shizuka, 6,
Kinshokuji, 33, 13111, 234
Kirishitan, 77
ki sho ten ketsu, 186
Kitabatake clan, 25
Kitunishi Hiromu, 127
kito, See prayer-rituals
Kiyo, 184
Kiyon1izuciera, 110, ]11
Kiyozawa Manshi (1963-1903),9,
150, 152, 154-158, 160n
ka (local meelings or associations), 6, 9, 28,
50, 167, 170-171
hooTi ko, See H50nko
nenbul;'u ko, 170
niiogozanmai ko (twenty-live samiidhi
meelings), 28
tmlOmoshi k6 (lrustworthy meetings), 28
Kafukllji, 3, 20, 228
Ko(uku;i s6;0, 120
Kiikai Kyog),oshinsho, 138
Kokon dokugo, 45
komya honzon. See illuminated honzon
kondei. See kindei calligraphy slyle.
Konoe Masaie (1444-155), 91
K6nyo (1798-1871),219
korai beri pattern, 125
Kasai $[!i (1163-1247), 7, 113
k6shi (Ieclurer), 156
Kosilinroku, ,6
Koshaji (in Kyoto city), 75, 194n
Kazen (d 1520),31
Kuamidabu!su (1156--1228), 115
Kuder/sho, 21, 174, 180, 234
kue issho, 77
kuge (aristocracy), 39-40,45
Knbi,53

Kiikakll '2::liI; (15th c.), 20, 168
Kumamoto region, 77
Kuj6 Kanezane (1149-127), 120
Kuruta Momoza, 49
Kuroda Toshio (1926-1993), 5, 35"
Kurodani, 128
Kusano Kenshi, 7-8,
Kllzellki, 19, 35n, 188, 205
Kuzuryu river, 191
KyBgaku tfj: (also Kyokaku, Keikaku;
1395-1473), 20, 86-87, 228-230
Kyagen,6,
DOlldaro, 64
Hoshi ga haha, 61
Ishigami, 63
Kamabara, 63
Mikazuki, 63
Mizllkake J11llko, 63
Morai J11uko, 63
J11llko krogen, 61-62
Oko sako, 61-62
ollila krogen, 61
R)'ori 11lllko, 62
Torisashi, 188
Kyogo 1&* (1451-1492), 33, 233
Kyagoku clan, 25
K,'ogroshins/lo, 21, 23, 50-52, 55, 89, 99, 137,
141-143, 145, 168, 169, 174, 228, 229, 232,
233, 234
K),okai iigen, 152
Kyonghung HlflW (late 7th c,), 89
Kyonyo tti<o (1558-1614),46
K),oshaku),omol1,233
Kyashul1 (15th c.), 228
Kyoto (Kyoto), 5,24,30,32,50, 112
Kyolo National Museull1, 2,
KyOshu region, 72
1.1Fleur, William, 6,
Lake Bi",", 25, 124
lamenting deviations (Ianni), 177-180, 180n
Larger SHtra. See SukhavalTv),iiha sHtra
(Larger)
last age, latler age (nw/Jpo, 11l1ltsue/ai), 29,
76,147
Leiters of RennyD (O{!lIl1i, goblinS/Iii) 2, 7-9,
17-18,23-25,27-29,31,34,41,52,59-
60,65-66, 75, 91, 98, 100, 103, 106, 121,
124, 153, 169, 183, 206, 218, 229-235
ahsence of miracle or mystery in, 215
Index 291
on correcting heresies/abcrrant doctrincs,
175-176
gozokushii, 232
hakkotsu no gobunsho (lettcr on white
ashes), 169
joy expressed in, 211-213
okitc llO ofumi (rules of conduct), 30-,1,
3'l. 55, 86,231
osarai no sho (letter encouraging
repeated practice), 66
relationship with Tannishii, 173-175
similar view of aberrant doctrines in
Kakull\,o'S Gaijas/lo, 176-178
similar vi'ew of aberrant doclrines in
Zonkaku Ha;a kellSh6 sha, 177
sllkuitamae reading in maislldai muchi
no o(wni, 76
used to define orthodox)" 151-152, 158
written on the anniversary of Shiman's
death, 171
wrillen to or aboulwol11cl1, 59-60, 182,
192- 193
lewd deities (ins"i), 40
light, images of, 74
lineage, 11,20-21, 51, 125-1211
Lolus Sulra, 114
I.otus Sutra leclmes, 28
loyalty to lhe emperor, 151
Luther, Martin (1483-1546), 10--11,41,76,
199-201,203-204,207-209
Mahaparnin,aam"ifra. See Nin'<lnr1 SlIfra
Mahiisthamaprapla. See Scishi
Maitreya, 110, 141
mandala, 54, 114
Marxism, 6,
masks, 183-189
hmlll)'<l, 189
ko-alllofe, 189
Wak(l-onneJ, 189
Malsl1gi Nohuhiko, 49
Matsu111ura Naoko, 6
MattOS/Iii, 21, 23, 96, 228
Meiji Resloralion, 151
Mcikii lineage, 75
mcmorial day for Sidman, 24
1I1cril-tral1Sfcr (ek6), 8,97-99, 137-143, 154
(Onj5ji), 3-4, 26, 230
Mikawu prol'incc, 22, 168, 229, 230, 233,
234
292 Index
Minugawa Hiroko, 49, 69
Minamolo Ryocn, 7, 9
mind only doctrine (viiliapti malrata), 155
Minowu Shaho, 59
miracle, II
Miyata Naboru, 65
miyuza, 63, 92, 94
Miyazaki Enjun, 10, 125, 174
modernity and religion, 152-158, 215, 217,
223-225
monoimi (inauspicious), 30
monotori shinjin. See thieHike faith
lllonto, 50-54
lllonzeki temple, 47
momlity, 104
mother-in-law, 184-189
Mount Haku, 10, 29-30, 191
Monnl Hiei, 3-5, 7, 24, 29, 33,49, 51, liS
attack on Otani Hongullji, 24-25, 83-84,
1121 119-120
leiter of indictment against I-longanji, 84,
1Z4
lllllgcko (llnhindererl or unimpeded light),
84-85, 93, 12+ 142
as the name of Rennyo's church
(mllgekii-shii), 85-90,93-94, 124
'IS used by Honen and Ippen, 88
mugeko 11OIlZOll, 24, 85, 169
mlIgeko blltSlJ (nyorai), 89-90
ivl11jinlo, 152
lllUjO. See impermanence
Mliromachi bakllfu. See bakllfll
Muromachi period, 52, 61, 147, 182, 188,
19
lll),ocho. See sail'ation registers
My6gcnji, 115
lll)'ogii (sacred name), 8, 22-23, 27, 74-75,
114, 117, 123, 147
myogii scrolls. See scrolls
nine-character forlll (,UI-mil fll-ka-shi-gi-
ko n)'o-rai), Il7
six-character form (na-Hlll-a-mi-da-blllsll),
27, 123-124, 129-130, 154,230
ten-character forlll (ki-myo-jill-iip-po-mll-
ge-kii-l1)'o-rai), 27, 85-86, 116, 123-124,
126, 129-130,229
triad, 117
My6i (1460-1471),229
llIyBkiinill, 7, 96-97, 99-102, 105
Myorakuji, 194n
Myosh6 :!&Im (1477-1500),232
l'vI)'oshu 9')'* (also Sakyo Taya, 1459-1537),
69,228
MyBshu !I')* (1497-1518), 234
l'vI)'Byil !I')ffi (1487-1512),233
Nagarjllna, 55
NambokllchB, 23
na-mu a-mi-da butsu_ See ncnbutsll and
myiigo
Nadamoto Ari, 56
Nagano, IlO
Nunden,34
neither monk nor layman (hiso hizok(1), 50
Nehallgyii_ See Nirvana Sl1lra
nenbutsu (lIamll amida blltsll), 7, 35,42,
4+ 49, 54,96- 100, 113, 120, 137, 141,
143, 147, 184-189, 193, 205
associations (ki5), 89, 167
higan nenhlltstl, 74
himachi nenblilsu, 74
performed to exhaust debt to lhe
Buddha, 147
performed 10 express gratitude, 166, 169,
220
sallliidhi, 112
senju nenbutsu, 49-50, 84, 88
Shandao interpretation of, 75-76, 97
Shinran interpretation of, 76, 165
single. See ichinen
sh611ly6 nenhlltsu, 154
spoken versus visualized, lI3
tendo nenbutsu, 73-74
ncnblltsu associations (lIel1butsllkii), 65
Nenblltsll ojo yogisho, 21
Nichiren B (1222-1282), 50, 114, 120
Nihon k)'okai shi, 75
ninp6,89
nirvana (nirvafi), 8, 56, 138, 141-144
Nirvana Sulra, 53
Nishi (Honpa) Honganji, 150, 217
nishu jinshin_ See two aspects of deep
belief
Niwa Fllmio, 49
No theater, 10, 65, 183, 188, 229
Kanze guild, 188
Konbaru guild, 188
Kong6 guild, 188
HBsh6 guild, 188
Hyakt/llWI1, 65-66
Salruragawa,65
Seiga71ji, 183, 188
SemimanL, 65
Yorobosh i. 65
Nomura, 32
nonbacksliding, 143, 146-147, 203
Noto Province, 29, 87, 191
nyoboko. See women, co-fraternities of
Ily6b6 za. See women, co-fraternities of
Nyoen(ni) .f,(U Fl(IE) (d. 1421), 19,22,227,
229
Nyoj6 -go;t (also Senya fit,(j, 1412-1460),
22,26, 167,227,229
Nyojii (b. 1422), 227
Nyokei(ni} !-!nJii(IE) (1444-1471), 192, 228
Nyoka -goQ (1462-1492), ](.)2,234
Nl'ok6 -gnJ't (15th c_), 229
nyoninkii. See women, co-fraternities of
N),onin 0;0 kikigaki, 21
uyonin sh6ki. See women, as true object of
Amicla's I'o\\'s
Nyoryo (d. 1455),21, 35n, 192,227,228
Nyoshin -gn{fcj (1235-130), 178
Nyosh6(ni) )!olm(lE) (1448-1478), 32, 3511,
69, 192, 232
NyushutSli 1Ii111011 gejll, 52
Obama,31
6bo buppo (also 6ho buppo)_ See imperial
law, and Buddhist law
Oda Nobunaga t-li\\83{l'fft (1534-1582),46,
78, 125
ofumi. See Letters
Ogcn. See RCllsho
ojo, see Birth
Oioraisan, 29
Oioyos!zii, 21, 112, 228
OkinoshimH, 320
Omi region, 3, 7, 22, 24,26-27, 29, 34, 83,
85-86, 93. 112, 12+ 168, 182, 228-230
onclaikan, 209
ondoku (indebtedness), 140-141, 143-144
Onin War (Onin no ran), + 17, 25-26,39,
5
1
,23
Onjoji. See Miidera
onlla za. See women, gatherings at festivals
Original Vow(s) of the Buddha, 138, 142-
143, 145-146, 166, 174, 217-218,
Osaka, 34, 78, 179. 234
Osha province, 29
6so ek6. See merit-transfer
Otani section of Kyoto, 128
Index 293
Otani Honganji. See Higashi Honganji
Otani K6shin, 217
Olani University, v-vii, 156
Other-Power. See tariki
Otomo Sorin *R*Jffli (1530-1587),77-78
otona. See elder
Otsu,32
own-nature doctrine (svclhhaWl), 155
oya-sama, 112
Paul, letters of, 12, 204, 224
pacified mind. See anjin
pictoral biography (edell), 22, 123.
persecution, 151
of early Christians, 222
KanshB period persecutioll, 83-87, 89-94
Katacla suppression (Ka/ada ozeme), 26
of Shinsh'l communities, 5,8,24-26, lll,
169, 177-178, 219, 224
political authority. See church-state
relations
pollution and shrine precincls, 90-91
portmits, 19, 22, 123-126
prayer-rituals (kilO), 18, 54
precepts, 30
Protestant Reformation, 6, 3511-, 53, 41, 214
protocols (igi), 19
public obligations (kllji) in opposition to
religious concerns, 30, 55, 91, 161, 166
punishment from a buddha, 106
Pure Land (of Amida Buddha), 42
Pure Land patriarchs, 50
Pure Land scriptures, 50
raigo (,liso miko). 112-113, 146
reikin. Sec tribute
raik6. See raigo
RallSei tama),lIra, 69
Rappaport, Roy, 109
Realm of the Buddha Dhanna (/JlI/JI)iir),o),
4
1
-47
relationship hctwcclllllan and huddha, 96,
100, 105, 155, 158
relics, 73-74
religion and politics, 43
Rengei Jllif<: (1484-1523), 233
Rcngo ilM\'l- (1468-1543), 230
Renj6 Jllj* (1446-1504), 228
1
294 Index
Renjlln lIr; (1464-155), 51, 229, 232
Renko iiIlW'l ('450-'53'),3'
Renkyo J!Il$! (1451-1492)
Renno (1465-1518), 35n, 233, 234
Rcnnyo (1415-1499)
activities in Yoshizaki, 9-10, 18, 26-27,
29-31,41, 51, 86, 112, 168, 182-184
and Akao-no-Diishii, 101-107
on anjin, 166-167
and the Anjinketslljosho, 21, 23, 99, 154
attitude toward kami, 91-92, 129, 218-219
on the color of priests' robes, 171
comparison with Shinran, 52-56, 137,
146-148, 164, 179-180,220
concept of Realm of the Buddha
Dharm:1, 41-47
COllceTIJ for the afterlifc (gosh a no
ichidaiii), 147-148, 165,201-23, 219-
220,225
concern for and views on \\'OIllCn, 18-19,
59-60, 64-70, 170, 182, 187-190, 192-
193
copying and publishing texts, 20-21, 167-
168, 17+ 183, 230
doctrinal positions, 52-55, 69-70, 91-92,
165, 219-220
egalitarianism of, 172
embrace of No and Kyogen theater, 172,
183, 188-189, 229
five conditions required for faith, 165-
166
amI ikkii ikki, 53, 219
on imperial I a\\' and Buddhist la\\' (obo
burro), 55, 166
all importance of attaining shinjin, 182
as incarnation of Amid" Buddha, 105
institutional rolc atap Hanganji (hossu),
52-54,69, 129, '47, 164-165,
16
7,
21
9
interpretation of lll11geka, 88, 92
on karma, 165, 174
on the kihii ittui doctrine, 99,154-155
liturgical program of, 76
and Martin Luther, 199-201, 208-209
on morality, 153
on I1cnbIltsll, '54, 166-167
openness in, 213
on orthodoxy and the rectification of
heresies, 121-122, 126, 175-180, 218
on people of othcr faiths, 218-219
personality of, 52
and phrases on "please save me in the
next life" (gosho tasuketamae, mida wo
tdl1011l1l) , '7, 147, 203
pictorial biographies of, 186, 194f1
portrait of, 126, 227, 233, 234
proselytization efforts of, 52, 56, 66-69,
129, 167-172
on public obligations & secular
authority, 166,219
relationship with local Shin assemblies,
92, 121, 128-129, 169-171
relationship with mother, 18-20, 173, 192
and religious icons, J09, 119-130, 167,
169, 183,206,233
as reviver/rcstorer of the Shin seel (chilko
shonin), 52, 56,60,146, 15" In 179
aBd the Tdllllisha, 9-10, 154, 156-158,
173-175
travels, 167-168, 206, 228, 230, 232, 235
Renn)'o shikigo shu
Renn)'o Shan in go'ichidaiki kikigaki. See
Kikigaki
Reml)'O Shan in go'ichigoki, 21
Remlyo Shiinin itokuki, 32, 35n, 173
Renn)'o Shanin kenlc)'zl, 157
Rel1ll)'o Shonin seiZlli del1ki, 186
Rel1l1)'o Ilragaki Sllll, 22, 35f1
Rensei (1455-1521), 228
Renshii liH?, (1433-153),22,227
Renshii:liJj!() (1482-153),233
RCllsii J!Ii* (d. '499), 31
Renyu Jlt,{j (d. 1470), 35n, 192, 228, 230
responsiveness (kall'O ili!\0), 154, 157-158
retribution, 42, 46
rinju gaja, 149
rissatsu sokugya (licuo jixing), 113
Rissho Ql1kokllTOn, 120
Rogers, Minor and Ann, " 52, 211
Rokkaku clan, 25
rokudo, 212
rokuji myogo. See myiigii, six-churacter form
Rokuii raisCln, 29
Rokll)'oshii, 51, 174, 228
rusushiki. See custodian [of the Fonnclcr's
Shrine
Ryogen (1295-1336), 75, 112
R)'o;in Ilisho, 64
Ryokai TiiiJ (1239-1320),227
Ryonin T Pt,:, (1466-1472), 192, 229
Ryonyo T!m (1467-1541),23
Ryosho T:f'i" (1788-1842) of Myaon'in, 9,
173
Ryukan (1148-1227), 227
sacred name. See myogo
Saichii (767-822), 53
Saigenji, 194n
Saihoshinallshii, 95[1
Saikoji, 194n
Saionji, 194n
Saitiiin,84
Sai),osiJ6, 21, 228
region, 31-32, 76-77
Sakyamuni, 7, 73, 76, 101, 112, 143
Sakyo Tayu. See Myoshii
salvation registers (nI)'lie/lii), 19, 177, 18m
'40, 142
sambhogakaya, 100
sanb5 hiho na hekiken, 84
Sanuki,87
Sarugaku, 183
Sasaki clan, 25
Sat5 Taira, 103
scrolls, 22-23
of Amicla, 123, 125, 169
of Honen, 123
inscriptions on, 126-127, 129
mugeko, 24-25, 27
m)'ogo, 114-116, 123, 126, 129, 169
of patriarchs, 123, 125
of RCllnyo, 123, 126
rcnZ:l or taiza forms, 125-126
of Shinran, 123, 125, 129
of Shotoku, 123
tozan 111)'iigo, 26
sculpturc, 110-111
Second Vatical Council, 221
secrecy, 10-11,
hiji biiman (secret doctrilles and
practices), 10, 28, 31, 40
sectarianism, 12,84, "3
sectarian studies. See shugaku
Seikaku (1167-1235), 137
Sciryoji, 110
Seishi (ivbhiisthamaprapta), 7+ III
as child of Amida and Yakllshi Buddhas,
73-74
Seishillkai, 15911
Seishinshugi, 159n
Seizan, 3, 99, 175
Index 295
self-discipline, 105-IOG
scmotsl1 danomi. See entrusting through
donations
Senclrakushii,137
Sengoku period, 39, 44-46, 72
Senjuji, 51, 87, 115, 119-120,231
senju nenbutsu. See ncnbutsu
Sennyuji, 126
sensei, teacher-student relationship, 213
sesshu fusha. See embrace all and reject none
setsllwa, 10, 193, 212-213
Setlsu prol'ince, 22, 31, 34, 45, 168
Shabo See Sakyamuni
Shakunyo f.:')iD (135-1393), 118
Slwlldao, 7, 29, 75-76, 97, 99, 111, 113, 147-
148,174
GIlClIl;ing shu, 97
interpretation of III)'OgO, 76, 97, 147
all icons, Ill, 113
on twa aspects of deep belief (uisllll
;inshin), 156, 16111, 16211,174
Shikoku rcgion, 72
Shimotsllkc, 51, 88
Shil1>1110 provincc, 2<)
Shin'ctsl!, 27
Shingon school, 5+ 112
shingyo, 138,201
shinjin, 2, 7-8, 17, 19, 22, 3,44,67-68,92,
96, 98-99, 103, 105, 138, 143, 146-147,
157, 166, 176, 180, 182, 184, 187, 193,
201, 21 9
attaincd in a single thought-momcnt
(ichillen), 147, 165
shinjin ihon, 27, 43
shinjitsll shinjin, 53
lariki shinjin, 49-51, 55, 104
shinjilsu gyogii (trlle pmeticc), 14'
shinjitsu shoka (trlle rcalization), 141
shilljitsll shinjin (tTlle faith), 53, 141
Shill ketsIl11l),<Ikllsho, 75
shi11lnci no lI'aka, 84, 86, 90
Shinne J'JJ1( (1434-1512), 87, 119-120
Shinncnji, '9411
Shinran JEt (1173-1262), 1-6,19,20,23,
38-39, 41-42, 44, 49-55, 7+ 87, 101,
113, 128, 174
biography of, 123, 233, 234
gravcsi te, 19,
image of, 112, 115, 123, 125-126, 128,229,
230, 232,
,
.....
296 Index
Shinran (COllt.):
letters of, IG<)
poems of (goeika), 66
refusal to recogllize disciples, 50, 53, 164,
171,205,213
stance regarding icollS, 113-116
understanding of Birth (ojo), 137-140,
142-143
understanding of merit-transfer (eka),
140- 144
understood through Rennyo, 152
Shinrall Shollill goshosoku shii, 55
Shinsei (1443-1495), 234
Shinsh6in, 35, 232
Shin sect (ShinshO; Jodoshinsho), v, 17,
40 -42,49,
Shinsho educational No theater, 183, 189
Shillshfi seiten, 218
Shinshfi shido sho, 74
Shinshfi ,hog)'o zellshn, 55
Shinsho University, 152, 154
Shinto, 7, 90-93,
head officer of kami affairs (iingi hakll),
9
0
in Hokuriku region, 191
shrines, 7
Shinran's view that kami protect
ncnbulsll elevotees (m)'osll1l goji), 54
as state religion, 151
Shimkawa Masakaneo EI}IIWJIEE (15th
c),90-91
Shimkawa Sukeuji6 (IS-16th
c'),91
Shimkawa Tadatomi (IS-16th c.),
90-91
Shirutani, 19
Shoe Il*m. (1475-1557), 33
shoen (estales), 5, 39,45, 47n, 17,233
shogun, 5
shogu11ale. See bakufu
shagy1i,24
Shujill IlOngai sh1l, 74
Sh6j6 'ttW! (15th c.), 228
sh6j6ju, 50, 53, 55
Shako iilE'2 (1l77-1247), 154
Shol11utsu J!t't (1800-1872), 102
shomy6 nenbutsu. See nenbutsu, shol11Yo
Shonyo jjjUm (1516-1554),46
Shonyo (Otani KBen, 1875-1943), 151
Shos/lill Ilellbulsu-ge, 76
Shorakuji, 19411
Slioren'ill. 20. 227, 230
Shorin(ni) lE;ft(ffi) (d. 1442), 20
Shoshinge, 9, 23, 28-29,41, 52, 168, 171, 230
Shoshillge tai'i, 23, 88-89, 168, 229
Sholoku Taishi !\'!1.'m:1c'f (also Prince
Sh6toku, 574-622) 75, liS, 119-120
shugaku (sectarian studies), 150-152, 154, 157
based on Rennyo's Letters, 152
modern opposition movement, 152-158
ShllgendB, 191
shugo, shugo daimyii (provincial governor).
See daimya, shugo
ShlIjisho, 180
Shukke to SOIlO deshi (The Monk and his
Disciples),49
ShO'nyo(ni) *frO(ffi) (d. 1484-6), ,5n, 192,
233
shuto (militia-priests), 83, 215
sin, removal of, 76
single thought of nenbutsu. See ichinen
sitting egllully (doza), 011 the S3me level
(h iraza) as everyone, 22
slandering the three treasures, 84
56 (semi-autonomous unified villages), 28
social discrimination, 18
Saga Ryojin (1875-1971), 9, 150,
15
2
-
1
59,159n
efforts to overturn Edo-period doctrine,
154-159
on kiho iUai, 153-154
and the TalI11isizii, 154, 156-158, 162n,
173-174
sohei (military monks). See shllto
SBkenji, 78-79
sob Bjo. See Birth, immediate
sokutoku ojo. See Birth, immcdiate
Solomon, Michael, I
Songo shinzo meiman, 99. 116
Sorinshii, 119
S6shun IJM3l (15th c.), 227
soson (also so no lTIura), 93
spiritual advisor. See zenchishiki
spontaneity (jinen), 56
Sn Lanka, II
state of assurance of Birth (s!zojojl1), 50
stat lies, 109-114, 117
of Amida, 117
of 25, 32
of Sakyallluni, 117
SllkhavatTI)'iiha siitTel (Larger), 88, 114, 137-
138, 144-145
SllkhavatTv),iiha mitTel (Smaller), 138
Sumita Chikcnft B3"@5il. (1858-1938). 175
SUTlloto, i7
sundry practices (z6g),o), 18, 24
surprise, 106-107
Sulra of the Golden Light leclllfe, 28
Tabata Yasuko, 64
Tadalomioki, 90
taigi. See jllSt cause
taiza. See scrolls, taiza
Takada branch of Shinsho, 3, 30, 87, 115,
119, 126
Takakura Gakuryo, 157
Takamaki Minoru, 92
Takao castle, 233
taking refuge, 191
in Amida Buddha, 147
in a teacher (chishiki ki17l)'o, chisfriki
danomi), 18, 28, 17;
in one buddha alone, 191
Tanha Province, 31
tanen (multiple nClIbutsu), 177
Tanluan :!I':I (476-542?), 8, 146, 149n.
Tdlltlishi5, 6, 9-10, 20, 22-23, 51, 101, 137,
144, 154, 156-158, 173-175, 202, 220
similarity with Gaijas/zo, 177-178
TQ717lis/zo choki, 173-174
Ta11llishi5 monki, 173
tanomu, 17
Tantric Buddhism. See esoteric buddhism
tariki, 30, 43, 49, 68, 98-99, 104, 138, 145-
146,151,154, 165, 169, 29
tasuketalllae, 76
TateyalllH, 30, 191
Thlhftgata. See Amida
tara (residcncc lodging), 29-30, 182
Tedori river, 191
teiki 11 ora i, 23
Tcndai school, II, 19,26,49, 51, 112-113, 154,
191,206
tendB nenbllisu. See nenbutsll
thealer :md popular song, 172, 183, 188
thieflike faith, 18,22, 31
this-worldly benefits (genze ri)'akll), 18, 53,
7
8
-79
Tibet, 11
Tcnzkawa Shunshii, 8
Index 297
Togashi Kochi)'o (d. 1474), 30-
3
1
Togashi ]'v[asachika (1455-1488),
4, 31, '33-34, 231, 233
Toji kakocllo, 85
lOji shikko nikki, 119
'IOkllgawa period, 40, 46
lokllgall'a government's religious policies,
150
Tonda, 31
Wry'II (this lineage), 53
To),otol11i Hide)'oshi (1537-1598),
77-78, 125
devaluing women, 77
disdain for /-Ionganji, 77
mother's Pllfe Land faith, 78
lo)'owaraji (also To),ohamji), 29. 191
tribute (reikil1), 83
true 141-142-
true faith, 54, 141-142, 178, 202
tflle realization, 141-142
Tsukamoto Zellf),O, 13011
twelve lights (mctaphor for Amida), 88,
12
5
1'01'0 aspecls of eleep helief (l1ig/1ll jillShin),
154, 156. 174
two buddhas (Sftkyamulli anel t\l11itflbha),
178
two truths (s/Iinzokll nitai), 153
Uda),ana, 112
lIngen heri pattern, z25
unity of scnlicnl beings and Buddha. See
kihB illai
lIragaki (inscriptions on the back of scrolls),
13311
utilitarianism, 223
lltslloji, I24
Y.1Iigll:Jll0, 7
VaslIh:llldhu, 55, 88, 142
\'0\\'5 of the buddha. See Original \loI\'(s)
W"g" s/zill/len (My F:litir), 158, 163n
Wabsa provincc, 31
Warring Stales Jlcriod. See Scngoku period.
lI'asan ("/50 hYIlIm), 9,28-29,41,76, 168,
17Z, 183, 206
bllfsllmyi5 WelS(HJ, 74
Hm,j6 wasellZ, 21, 227. 228, 230

warrior monks. See shuto
Weber, Max, 3
Weinstein, Stanley, I, 6, 211
White Lotus Teaching (bailiarljiao), 89
women, 6, 10, 18, 59-70, 182, 188, 190
character 111i as female saints, 73
co-fratemities (ko) of (n)'oninkii, nyiibokii,
amako), 66-67
as depicted in KyBgen, 60-63. See also
Ky6gen
five obstacles and thrce submissions of
(gosh a s(/Ilsiz6), 6, 18, 59, 18C;-190
gatherings at festivals (nyobi5 za; onlla
za),63
Hideyoshi's view of, 77
Honganji's recognition of, 77
and impurity, 65
la)' renunciates (ama-ny17di5, ama-nyobo),
66-67
nyonin sh6ki doctrine, 6, 19
Rennyo's concern for, 59-60, 66,68-70,
170, 182-183, 192- 193
shaman<, '77
as true object of Amida's VOII'S (nyonil1
shiiki), 193
widow turning to Renn),o, 189
\Vorld War II, 156-157
Yakllshi (Blwisajyagllrtlvaidiil')'a-IJrabha)
Buddha, 74, 75
yamabushi, 177
Yamashirw goba no kola nambi ni S0l10
jidai 110 kola, 45, 126
YamHshina Honganji, 4-5,31-34, 51, 94,
102, 179, 232- 2 33, 235
Yamashiro, 32
YalllHz"ki Ryumy6, 56
yin-yang masters, Ii?
Yoda enstle, 45
Yodo river, 34
Yokawa, 113
Yome-odoshi 110 ani 110 men (Thc Devil
Mask of Daughter-in-Law
Intimidation), 183
yori"i, 92. See also k6
Yoshizaki region, 9-10, 18,20,26-27,29-31,
39, 4', 51, 86, 112, 168, 182-184, 188-
190, 230, 23
'
Yoshizakiji,183
Yoshizuwaji, 194n
Yosoji,184
Yuan dynasty, 89
yiigen to mugen no taiB (correspondcnce
betwecn finite and infinite), '53
Yuien(b6) U!HIJ(:I:Ji) (1222-1288), 20, 137,
202
Yuisizinsiz6,137
YllisiJillsiJ6 ])]on'i, 8, 143
Yushin f,{jJL., (1463- 1490), 229
Yiishin(ni) (1469-149), 229, 230
Zcami (1363?-1443?), 188
Zenchin (138C;-1465), 33
zenchishiki (also zenjishiki, chishiki), IOJ,
105, '5
1
ZendB. See Shandao
Zenkn,23
ZenkBji, no, 130n
Zennyo (1333-1389), 118, 168
Zeman, 114
Zen school, 40, 126
Zhu Yuanzhang *5I:l11i (1328- 1398), 89
Zonkaku 1Jt (1290-1373), 10, ;1, ;6, 74,
1l6, 122, 147, 15+ 168-169, 177, 180, 193,
227. 228
ZOl1kakll !logo, 168
Zonkakll sode nikki, "7
2011I1\'0 1:!m ('396-1457), '9,22, 1II, 121,
1'25, 127, 167, 169, 227, 228, 233, 234
Zuisenji, 22, 29, 232

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