1

Work Notes on Empirical Research in Black Psychology*

A . W ade B o y k in , A n d e rso n J. F ranklin, and J. Frank Yates

Introduction

T his ch ap ter exam ines the extent and the n atu re of the current participation by Black psychologists in the em pirical research enterprise. P rio r to this decade, program s of em pirical research im plem ented by Black psycholo gists w ere extrem ely rare. O nly in the past six years have B lack psycholo gists organized conferences exclusively devoted to the presentation and discussion of em pirical research. In recent years the num ber of B lack re searchers has grown steadily but not dram atically. T here is still now here near a critical mass. W hen we consider how recent is the influx of Black psychologists into the research field and how few their num ber, it becom es obvious th at the contem porary relatio n of B lack psychologists to em pirical research cannot be u nderstood w ithout reference to the historical factors th at have shaped the curren t situation and to the continuing dem ands and dilem m as th at confront Black psychologists in their scholarly pursuits. C onsequently, in this ch ap ter it seems timely, ap propriate, and significant to address several distinct b u t interlocking questions. W hat historical circum stances have shaped the professional p articipation of Black people in psychology? W hat is the historical context fo r the paucity of research by B lack psychologists? W hat is p o rtended by the advent of increased partici pation by B lack psychologists in the research enterprise? F o r w hat reasons and tow ard w hat ends is B lack psychological research conducted? W hat
* The authors gratefully acknowledge W alter Wallace of Princeton University, whose cogent criticisms, perspicacity, and unswerving support goaded and inspired us through the several drafts of this chapter. We also greatly appreciate the editorial comments of Ms. Muriel Bell. As each author contributed equally, this chapter is a collective effort in every sense of the term. The final draft was completed while A. Wade Boykin was a fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, California. He was supported in part by G rant No. 5T32 MH14581-03 from the National Institute of Mental Health and by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.

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im pedim ents continue to h am p er th e research endeavors of B lack psy chologists? O bviously there are n o definitive answ ers to these questions. A ny careful social observer w ho has th o u g h t deeply ab o u t the issues can offer defensi ble hunches. T his essay presents one set of such inform ed opinions, those of a group of B lack psychologists w ho fo r several years have conducted race-relevant research. W e realize th at in form ulating such a set of answers we are inevitably providing a state of th e a rt com m entary on em pirical research by B lack psychologists.

Som e H isto rical Issues

T he professional p articip atio n of B lack p eo p le in psychology dates back to 1920 w hen F ran cis S um ner received his doctorate from C lark University. T hrough 1950 th irty -o n e o th e r B lack persons received doctorates in psychology (G u th rie 1 9 7 6 ). In light of the circum stances of B lack life in the U nited States at the tim e, it is h ardly surprising th a t highly train ed Black psychologists w ere so rare during this period. N o r is it h ard to explain why so few of this sm all n u m b er w ere truly oriented tow ard em pirical research. T his is n o t th e ap p ro p riate place for an exhaustive analysis of all the reasons fo r B lack underrep resentation. Instead, we w ould like to focus on som e of the m ost salient considerations. F o r m uch of this century A m erican psychology was dom inated by the behaviorist school of thought. A s a resu lt m uch research and scholar ship w ere devoted to proving, elaborating, o r disproving m odels and postulates dealing w ith the allegedly fundam ental learning and m otiva tional processes involved in th e strengthening of the neural bonds th a t intervene betw een im pinging stim ulation an d the organism s response (H u ll 1 9 4 3 ). It was believed th a t since th e psychological processes involved were so basic, it w ould be m o re econom ical to investigate them using infrahum an organism s (A llp o rt 1 9 5 5 ). C onsequently, am ong the central problem s for inquiry w ere (H arlo w 1 9 5 3 ): W hat determ ines the n u m ber of tim es a ra t will press a b a r for food w hen none is forthcom ing? W hat factors dictate th e speed w ith w hich a ra t will run down a straight alley? H ow do we predict w hich direction a ra t will tu rn in a T-m aze? T h e prevailing outlook was reflected in m ethodology as well. Of prim ary im portance was th e constructing of tightly controlled laboratory research in w hich th e relevant variables w ere operationalized in the m ost nonm entalistic term s possible. T his excessively positivistic orientation, along

Work Notes on Empirical Research

with its concep tu al cou n terp art, was characteristic of psychology in general (K och 1964, M ischel 1 9 6 9 ), but in p articu lar it precluded study of the m ost pressing concerns of B lack A m ericans. IQ testing and racial attitudes and stereotypes, two problem areas vir tually untarnished by behaviorist dogm a, w ere essentially the only areas in w hich psychological research on race w as conducted (Jones 19 7 3 ). M ainstream (th a t is, b eh av io rist) psychology was n o t am enable to inves tigating such issues as racism and oppression, the psychosocial reality of B lack people, o r the consequences of being an A fro-A m erican. Thus, it is readily a p p aren t w hy so few educated B lack A m ericans saw psychology as an attractive occupation. It was seen generally as a narrow , stifling field and in p articu lar as insensitive to the them es m ost directly pertinent to B lack A m ericans. O f course this is n o t to say that the num ber of Black professionals in o th e r fields was large. O ur aim, rath er, is to explain why the paucity of B lack professionals was even m ore p ronounced in psychology than in other fields. Sociology, fo r exam ple, was seen as a m ore appropriate vehicle for both Blacks an d W hites interested in investigating the burning social issues of the day. Small w onder, then, th at the few Black psychologists w ho acquired advanced training tended to gravitate tow ard applied psychology. T heir inclinations w ere reinforced by a realistic assessm ent of the job m arket. U ntil very recently Black psychologists could n o t hope to gain em ploym ent at the m ore research-oriented W hite universities. W hat few opportunities there were for Black psychologists w ere either in applied settings o r at the m ore teaching-oriented B lack colleges. E ven at the latter prospects were lim ited, fo r w ith few exceptions these colleges lagged behind their W hite counterp arts in em bracing the relatively new discipline of psychology. This also m ean t th a t Black students h ad few er opportunities to study psychology than they did such subjects as biology o r history. * T h e preceding account helps set the historical context for the pattern of B lack professional p articip atio n in psychology. F rom the inform ation in G u thries b o o k ( 1 9 7 6 ), we have determ ined th at of the initial thirty-tw o B lack docto rates in psychology, all b u t one w orked prim arily on social or educational problem s. O ver 90 percent of the thirty-tw o were principally concerned, in their professional w ork, w ith the affairs of B lack A m ericans. N early 75 percen t could be classified as clinical or educational psycholo gists. M ost of their dissertations are concerned w ith IQ o r w ith racial atti tudes. O nly fo u r actually established program s of em pirical research.
* O. W. Eagleson 1977: personal communication. In 1935 D r. Oran Wendle Eagleson became the eighth Black person to receive a doctorate in psychology in the United States. He is now the Callaway Professor of Psychology, Spellman College, Atlanta, Georgia.

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As we entered the 1960s, several factors interacted to m ake psychology a m ore attractive alternative. T h ere was a relaxing of the behaviorist dogm a. T h e enactm ent of crucial social legislation lifted som e of the m ore overt form s of racial oppression and discrim ination. W ith the advent of the B lack consciousness m ovem ent and helped along by governm ent inter vention, professional and educational opp o rtu nities for Blacks in psychol ogy increased. T h e w ar on poverty stirred psychologists to m ore active involvem ent in solving extant social and educational problem s. M illions of dollars w ere m ade available to psychologists pursuing relevant applied and basic research. N ot surprisingly, the num b er of Blacks in psychology increased substantially. But we are describing a recent phenom enon. R ela tively large num bers of B lacks did n o t begin entering graduate program s until the very late 1960s and early 1970s. Indeed, the N ational A ssociation of B lack Psychologists was n o t established until 1968. In large m easure, the m ajo r responsibilities and priorities of B lack psy chologists in the late 1960s and early 1970s w ere to eradicate and explode w hat w ere perceived as m yths with regard to the psychological reality of Black people; to counter negative im ages and form ulations; and to organize politically fo r reasons of professional survival and in an effort to foster the entry of enough Black people into the field to create a critical mass (K ing 1977, W illiams 1 9 7 4 ). In addition, m any B lack psychologists believed they should serve as w atchdogs for the Black com m unity, shielding it from exploitative research, protecting it from insensitive and counterproductive social action, and flushing out existing program s detrim ental to the com m unitys interests (G o rd o n 1 9 7 3 ). T hus m any Black psychologists assum ed service and advisory responsibilities for the m ore vulnerable Black com m unities striving to solve practical problem s and protect themselves. C om m unity leaders such as clergym en and school adm inistrators often sought the inform al advice of Black psychologists on the desirability of perm itting researchers to solicit subjects from their organizations. B lack psychologists helped organize and participated in com m unity research re view com m ittees. In addition, B lack psychologists provided technical advice to B lack com m unity organizations such as schools and m ental health centers. In the academ ic arena during this p eriod, Black psychologists directed their scholarship principally tow ard providing critiques of traditional re search and theory th at p u rp o rted to deal w ith psychological aspects of the B lack experience (e.g., W hite 1 9 7 0 ). T h e logical inconsistencies and experiential insensitivities of traditional scholarship w ere am ply docu m ented. T h e call for de-em phasis of A nglocentric perspectives in regard to A fro-A m erican psychological processes and behavior was highly com pelling. T he suggestions fo r alternative approaches w ere often liberating

Work Notes on Empirical Research

and inspirational (e.g., Jones 1 9 7 2 ). T hus, the notion th a t the psychology of the B lack experience could be studied in a m uch m ore satisfactory m anner gained considerable credibility. H ow ever, there were few attem pts at elaborating the alternative perspectives to the point of proposing specific directions for research, and even few er instances in which research projects were actually carried out. F u rth erm o re, other theories of B lack psycho logical processes and behavior often w ere based on phenom enological and intuitive grounds, unsupported by system atically com piled data. A ll in all, little em pirical research was initiated, let alone propagated, during the late 1960s and early 1970s. N o t only was there no historical precedent fo r research careers am ong B lack psychologists, but em pirical research w as viewed as an instrum ent of exploitation by m any Black social scientists along with th e Black com m unity at large (T hom as 1 9 7 3 ). Thus, research was seen as irrelevant, w hen not dow nright detrim ental, to the real needs of B lack people. T his response was in p a rt a function of the general anti-intellectualism of the tim es and in p a rt an adaptive, his torically ap p ro p riate response by B lack people. By the m id-1970s the im p o rtan t tasks of political organizing and con sciousness raising am ong B lack psychologists had been reasonably accom plished. M any, if not m ost, educational and occupational barriers appeared to have been lifted. M oreover, the B lack com m unity had becom e m ore aw are of th e need to counter exploitative psychological research with alternative concepts. G reater num bers of Black psychologists w ere com pleting their training at research -o rien ted universities. Thus, the stage was set fo r increasing num bers of B lack psychologists to launch em pirical re search program s program s th a t w ould be m ethodologically sound yet sensitive to and supportive of the cultural and adaptive experiences of Black people.

T he Significance of B lack Psychological Research

Increased participation in scientific research by a p articular ethnic group does not necessarily influence th e course of psychological inquiry. F u rth e r m ore, it can be persuasively argued that, taken individually, the concerns of B lack psychologists are not unique. H ow ever, we believe th a t the p a r ticular cluster of concerns and em phases of todays B lack psychologists, coupled w ith th e advantage of experience, puts them in a position to m ake a unique research co ntribution to psychology. T h eir concerns are the sam e as those of earlier B lack psychologists. It is just recently, how ever, th at it

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has seem ed feasible to articu late and act on these concerns through p ro gram s of em pirical research. P erhaps the co rn ersto n e concern of B lack psychological research is race. W hite p eople often express am azem ent at Black peoples preoccupation with race: Is th a t all you ever think ab o u t? Such statem ents are in p art reflections of an illusion, b u t they are on target in o ther ways. W henever W hite people find them selves in the presence of large num bers of B lack people, th eir thoughts, too, tend to be dom inated by race. So apparently are their subsequent actions, given the persistence of discrim ination and de facto segregation in schools, neighborhoods, and jobs. A nd these actions are w hat lead to the illusion. Since they so rarely com e in contact with B lack people, m any (m o st? ) W hite people are seldom in situations w here they have to think ab o u t race. B lack people do n o t enjoy that option. As a m em ber of a racial m inority th a t is discrim inated against, the typical B lack p erson is forced to be aw are of race alm ost tw enty-four hours a day. T hus, it is hardly surprising th at so m any B lack psychologists think about psychology in racial term s, in term s of its im plications fo r them not m erely as people b u t as B lack people. Som e additional special concerns ap p ear to be inextricably interw oven w ith this racial aw areness. First, B lack people are especially sensitive to the significance of psychology-related research fo r social policy. T he sensi tivity derives from the enorm ous im pact governm ent actions segregation and voting laws, social w elfare program s, even such local services as schools and police forces have h ad on th e day-to-day lives of B lack people. T hose w ho m ake the laws an d carry them out m ust som ehow justify their actions. W hile consistency w ith com m on sense, th e general w elfare, and the C o n stitution still govern, it has n o t been lost on B lack people th at the results of social research have also influenced governm ent policy m akers. W itness, fo r exam ple, the testim ony of K enneth C lark in the B row n v. Board o f E ducation case, the legislative reaction to Jam es C olem ans reports on the effects of school desegregation, and D aniel P atrick M oynihans advice to R ich ard N ixon th at a policy of benign neglect tow ard the Black com m unity w ould serve the n atio n s interests. T he research orientations of B lack psychologists are often characterized by explicit o r im plicit utilitarianism , w hich generally reflects B lack psy chologists experience and u nderstanding of B lack problem s. It does not follow th a t the research of B lack psychologists is necessarily applied re search. R ath er, regardless of setting, paradigm , issue, o r obviousness of the application, they endeavor to som e degree to address a real need of B lack people. T o cite one exam ple (a m ore detailed typology of B lack psychologists research is discussed later in this c h a p te r), a seemingly esoteric lab o rato ry study of selective attention m ight be engaged in by a

Work Notes on Empirical Research

B lack research er in p art because he thinks it m ay eventually lead to im proved teaching m ethods for Black children in city schools. It takes little im agination to u n derstand why Black psychological re searchers are often concerned w ith the im pact of racism and oppression. T he life conditions of B lack people will not be significantly im proved u n less the origins and the consequences of discrim ination are effectively addressed. It is crucial to poin t out th a t this concern of B lack researchers is n o t academ ic, not spaw ned by m ere scientific curiosity n o r is it an outlet fo r guilty consciences. Instead, it is inspired by a very real desire for survival in a harsh and often hostile environm ent. In recent years there has been an upsurge of B lack interest in distinctive B lack psychological characteristics, a shift in em phasis ushered in by a refocusing of the collective B lack sense of self. T he desire fo r psychological self-determ ination and self-definition is a natural extension of collective B lack pride o r Black consciousness. Such an o rientation clearly conflicts with th e prevailing pejorative views of Black behavior. Thus Black research psychologists are often concerned w ith rejecting the w idespread inferiority m odels and giving system atic atten tio n to th e cultural predilections, adap tive strategies, and coping styles th at set B lack people apart from others in a positive way. Y et th e desire to establish distinctiveness is secondary to the desire to p o rtra y B lack p eople in a m ore positive light. In large m easure, the infusion of a collective B lack sense of self sets the concerns of presentday B lack psychologists ap art from their predecessors (see C anady 19 4 3 ). M ost of the race-relevant research betw een the 1930s and the 1950s seems to have been predicated on the assum ption th at if conditions w ere to im prove substantially for B lack people, it w ould be through the changing of W hite attitudes. M oreover, im provem ent cam e to m ean integration. T he recent w ork of B lack psychologists has neither em phasized m ass W hite attitude change n o r concentrated on the psychological issues im plicit in an integrationist approach to social change. Given this constellation of concerns, it seems appropriate to posit a com m on them e that winds through th e research offerings of m ost Black psychologists. This them e is th a t each psychological investigation o f B lack people should em anate directly fro m the experiences and perspectives o f Black people. The explicit ultim ate aim of the scholarship is to have im plications for, or to be applied to, the psychological, social, eco nom ic, and political well-being o f B la ck com m unities. These im plications and applications can be direct or indirect, short-run or long-run. W e offer this them e as a viable alternative to traditional them es involv ing the study of B lack people; we believe it constitutes a w orking, researchoriented definition of w hat is com m only referred to as Black psychology. E ven in positing a unifying them e, however, we do n o t w ant to obscure

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im portant differences of opinion as to ap p ro p riate m ethods, problem areas, philosophical underpinnings, and conceptual and m etaconceptual em phases. M oreover, we do not w ant to im ply that all Black research psychologists w ork from the sam e p o in t of view. U nanim ity of opinion o r identical life experience is not essential. W e recognize that B lack psychology is an em bryonic field and thus represents only the budding interests of psycholo gists who are B lack and w ho have the w elfare of B lack people as their p rim ary professional com m itm ent. T hus w hen we talk about Black psy chology, B lack psychologists, o r Black psychological research, we are pre senting the special interests of Blacks trained in psychology who, out of know ledge and experience, are seeking to in terpret the behavioral conse quences of the life conditions of B lack people. W e do n o t wish to im ply th at research by non-B lack social scientists can n o t relate to the Black psychological them e we have outlined. In fact, im portant contributions have been m ade by non-B lacks and will, we hope, continue to be m ade. We acknow ledge such im portant and sensitive con tributions (see, am ong o thers, C ole and Scribner 1975; R ap p ap o rt 1977; G insburg 1972; L abov 1 9 7 0 ). W hile there are certainly sincere and in tellectually com m itted non-B lack researchers, it seems naive to expect th at significant num bers can fully appreciate th e conditions of Black life. Simply put, B lack psychologists are m ore likely to share the Black publics p a r ticu lar interests w ithin psychology. A nd, indeed, the non-B lack researchers w ho share o u r them atic o rien tatio n are relatively rare. W ill this orien tatio n have any significant social value? This question is in p a rt em pirical, b u t surely also sociopolitical: the vantage point of B lack psychologists is a unique com bination of ethnographic base and overt advocacy. Since their o rien tatio n is ethnographic ra th er th an ethnocentric, th ere is reason to h ope it will result in a deeper understanding of B lack people as we define o u r psychological reality. In being advocates th a t is, in taking the interests of B lack people as a given Black psychologists should at least p roduce research less likely than previous endeavors to precipitate blatantly detrim ental social action. M oreover, as B oykin has said, the research of folks who are perpetually conscious of its impact on Black people, is more apt to be conducted in light of the larger social-political realities. Research which is conducted in light of the larger social-political realities is more apt to give at least as much investigative emphasis to systemicinstitutional-centered variables as it does to person-centered variables. A more balanced blend of emphases would tend also to mitigate against a proclivity for what Ryan [1971] calls exceptionalistic explanations for universalistic problems. A social issue that is clearly systemic in nature but treated as though it were a unique aberration, will not only be explained inadequately but the ensuing social action implications will be woefully insufficient. Moreover, re

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Work Notes on Empirical Research

search which attempts to emanate from the perceptions and experiences of those under study is more apt to illuminate the fact that psychological and behavioral processes are inextricably linked to their social, cultural and situational contexts. (Boykin 1977, p. 50) A t the very least, this represents a fresh slant on race-related issues. A lthough we realize no prom ises can be m ade, we gain considerable satis faction just from offering a potentially viable alternative, and we feel con fident th at it w ould be virtually im possible fo r this orientation to be any less fruitful than its m ore traditional contem poraries and predecessors. Motives for the Research of Black Psychologists T he m otives underlying p articu lar research choices by B lack psycholo gists are as varied as the psychologists them selves. N onetheless, discussions with colleagues have elicited a m ajo r underlying them e: nam ely, the desire to elucidate em pirically the consequences of being Black in a racist society. W hat constitutes a contribution tow ard th at end cannot be narrow ly de fined, but one w ay to begin is to classify research efforts and their im plicit rationales. In doing so, we hope to facilitate the focusing of research goals and the establishm ent of priorities. Traditionally, research endeavors are classified as either basic o r applied. T he form er refers to w hat m any feel is th e p u re scientific approach of exploring theoretical and m ethodological questions, w hereas the latter is m ore concerned with finding solutions to practical problem s. H ow ever, research endeavors m ay also be classified by the way data from both these avenues are interpreted an d used th at is, by their im plications fo r social policy. It is in recognition of the duality of this process the collection of inform ation on the one hand, its use on the other which prom pts us to form a typology th at considers these inherent com plexities. Since Black psychologists always tend to view their research within a context of social realities, the delineation of types of research m ust reflect the im plications of ou r em pirical endeavors, and there is often confusion am ong us about the precise ultim ate purpose of our w ork. M oreover, there is the classic debate w hether o u r research adequately focuses on the problem s at hand. Therefore, we conceived of o u r typology as a w ay to clarify and assess the legitim acy of the m any m eans to accom plish the collective end of im prov ing the life conditions of B lack people. Figure 1.1 sum m arizes th e dim ensions along w hich distinctions am ong B lack research program s can be m ade. T he first dim ension, application, contrasts protectionist and grow th research. P rotectionist research focuses on correcting or inhibiting social attitudes detrim ental to the welfare of Black people. In m any cases, such attitudes are fed by m isdirected W hite research fo r exam ple, the Jensen (1 9 6 9 ) and Shockley (1 9 7 1 ) findings

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on race and intelligence. B ecause of the social and public policy ram ifica tions of such racist attitudes, research supporting such attitudes m ust be refu ted by d a ta supporting alternative explanations. G row th research, on the o th er h and, concerns the developm ent of approaches, form ulations, and program s th at w ould positively enhance Black well-being in this country.
F I G U R E 1.1

Research Type Dimensions

Dimension A pplication Level o f explanation sought Mode

Strata
Protectionist vs. G row th F undam ental vs. G eneralization vs. Program assessment Data generation vs. Integrative

E xam ples include the ap plication of psychological principles to com m u nity organization efforts o r the effective teaching of B lack children, given their p articu lar cultural o r adaptive background. T h e second dim ension distinguishing research types contrasts, fo r fu nda m ental, generalization, and p rogram assessm ent research, the level of ex p lan atio n sought. By fundam ental research we m ean inquiry into the foundations of psychological phenom ena and processes. Such inquiry re quires th e tight controls usually associated w ith the laboratory. G eneraliza tion research exam ines the vicissitudes of psychological phenom ena and processes not as functions of isolated factors, b u t rath er in their natural states, subject to the m yriad effects of n atu ral influences. T he difference betw een fundam ental and generalization research is illustrated by the com parison betw een a study of selective attention conducted in a reaction tim e lab o rato ry and an analogous study of distraction during w ork perform ance un d er norm al classroom conditions. Program assessm ent research exam ines w hether a specific technique fo r accom plishing an objective does indeed accom plish th a t objective. T h ere is usually also som e coexisting interest in w hy th e technique w orks, b u t it is n o t overriding. F o r instance, one m ight sim ply w ant to know w hether a day care center fosters cooperative attitudes am ong the p articipating children, and n o t how and why it does so. T he th ird distinction betw een research types contrasts d ata generation and integrative research. T he investigator seeking to generate d ata m akes direct observations th a t will be taken as evidence supporting or refuting a claim o r as a basis fo r arriving at a judgm ent about a phenom enon. In a sense, th e alternative m ode, integrative research, occurs on a higher plane.

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Work Notes on Empirical Research

Integrative research involves constructing general m odels of psychological phenom ena th at can integrate the pertinent d ata already gathered about the phenom ena. Integrative research also often leads to prediction of related p h enom ena and to suggestions of specific data-generating o r hy pothesis-testing studies and ways of carrying them out. It should be ap p ar ent th at d ata generation and integrative research go hand in hand, at least ideally. A ttem pts at integration are vacuous if th ere are neither reliable observations to integrate n o r d ata to confirm o r contest a proposed integra tive m odel. Similarly, d ata collected w ithout reference to an integrative fram ew ork are typically wasted. Few serious scholars pay attention to them. T he question of w here Black psychological research is headed is largely one of objectives. T o pose the question is to ask w hat Black psychologists and their self-defined constituencies consider the optim al mix of the research types just described.

Personal and Professional Dem ands

The B lack psychologist in this country is the new professional. As we have said, only in recent years have a significant nu m b er of us gained access to training and certification. A survey by the A m erican Psychological A sso ciation rep o rted th at B lack psychologists constitute about 2 percent of the faculty in psychology program s as of 1976 (S uber 19 7 7 ). A s we pursue our chosen profession, m any of us are acutely aw are of the com plexities inherent in the use of o u r skills. O ne aspect is the realization that by virtue of our position, we b ear a certain responsibility to our com m unity. T h a t over three-quarters of the B lack people in this country have not com pleted a secondary education, are unem ployed, o r are in low-skill jobs w ith below -average incom es is a fact too distasteful to ignore. T hose of us who partially escape from the bondage im plicit in such statistics through educa tional achievem ent m ust decide either to ignore social realities o r to struggle to change conditions. In m any cases we represent the first generation of professionals in o u r fam ilies (h ard ly ever m ore than the second). M any of our relatives still live in the throes of social and econom ic hardship. O ur own families, in consequence, will becom e the direct beneficiaries of any contributions we m ake, o r they will be victim s of our neglect. In general, these are the circum stances bearing upon the life course of any B lack professional, even those w ho elect to deny them . R acism rem ains a scial fact; only self-deception perm its any o th er conclusion. T herefore, as a Black professional, each of us m ust com e to grips with his o r her

I n t r o d u c t io n

identity as a Black p erso n w ithin a racist, predom inantly W hite society. T he significance of th at resolution as a basic first step cannot be o v e r em phasized; clarity of resolve is central to the realistic setting of goals and priorities. Secondly, we are psychologists, m em bers of a profession that is co n cerned principally with hum an behavior. This concern itself generates ex pectations-expectations on o u r p art and on th at of our own com m unity. Finally, there is the need to survive professionally, which brings w ith it expectations from o u r colleagues. H ence, each of us as a Black psychologist m ust com e to term s w ith his identity as a Black person, with his p ro fe s sional role, and w ith the expectations of his indigenous and professional com m unities. T he dem ands all this puts on us can be overwhelm ing, p a r ticularly when ex acerbated by the actuality of racism . Somehow, w e m ust achieve an am algam ated identity subsum ed under the label B lack psy chologist. This achievem ent is fraught with m any personal struggles. H e re we will focus on three m ajo r concerns of the B lack psychologist w ho pursues a career in scholarly research: B lack identity, academ ic dem ands, and payoffs from research. The Issue of Black Identity Identity is a protean but indispensable concept. The question of B lack identity o r self-concept has been thoroughly and widely debated. H e re we wish m erely to point out that the Black person who chooses psychology as a profession and chooses fu rth er to direct his expertise tow ard issues of interest to the B lack com m unity should have a strong sense of self if his efforts are to b ear fruit. By this we m ean th at the Black psychologist m ust have self-assurance, professional com petence, com passion for hum anity, and, m ost certainly, a genuine desire to im prove the life conditions of B lack people. H e must consciously accept the need to reinvest his skills in his com m unity so th at its resources (political, econom ic, social) can be m obilized and m ade to w ork for us. T hrough his w ork he m ust be a staunch ad v o cate fo r the betterm ent of the B lack com m unity in the face of racism . T he pressures on such an advocate are burdensom e. Self-doubt and co n stan t redefinition are by-products of the stress inherent in the role (S taples 1 9 7 2 ). This is why the m ore consolidated ones identity and goals are, the greater is the probability of m aking a contribution. T h e consolidation of o n e s identity as a Black person is im portant fo r the establishm ent of an identity as a credible professional psychologist. W e experience an im m ediate need to handle the unique dem ands of this role th a t of a B lack psychologist in contrast to a psychologist who considers his Blackness incidental to his life and career. In fact, such a psychologist

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Work Notes on Empirical Research

may find m uch of this article largely irrelevant. B ut for o u r purposes we are assum ing th at the B lack psychologists role is an internalized am algam of a com m itm ent to im proving the w elfare of Black people and an interest in continuous refinem ent of professional skills. This role often involves being a m averick: th at is, because there have been so few professionally trained B lack psychologists in the past (G u th rie 1 9 7 6 ), we w ho assum e this role today are pioneers. O ur B lack predecessors are rarely m entioned to us in o u r training. T h e com m unity at large, both Black and W hite, has not yet com e to accept o u r w orth despite o u r sense of professional legiti macy. C onsequently, we, as professional B lack psychologists, are still on the proving ground and m ust navigate its uncertainties. T o do so requires a strong sense of self and purpose in life. Demands of Academia The w ork setting context for those of us w ho choose teaching and re search as a career is principally the research university. F o r reasons given earlier, opportunities at B lack colleges are lim ited, and the constraints have been tightened fu rth er by the extrem ely serious financial predicam ent in which B lack colleges today find them selves. T hey cannot com pete w ith the larger and w ealthier W hite universities in supporting research program s. Consequently m any graduating Black psychologists are draw n to W hite universities. O nce there, how ever, th eir feelings are not unm ixed. O ften Blacks are offered university positions, n o t because they have professional com petence in an area the d epartm ent needs to cover, b u t to satisfy affirmative action requirem ents. T he result is th at m any Blacks, at least initially, have basic insecurities about their scholarly w orth owing to the implicit o r explicit standards espoused by the rest of the faculty. T his insecurity is com pounded by doubts about the way o ther faculty m em bers view the academ ic legitimacy of B lack psychologists teaching and the scientific credibility of their research. This is all the m ore true w hen issues of race are taught or investigated. A nxieties are heightened by dw indling job openings and opportunities for prom otion through tenure, a situation that has grim im plications for o u r hopes o f developing a senior-level cadre of Black psychologists. Periods of no grow th or retrenchm ent bode ill for Black professionals, for during them the innovative takes a backseat to the known and the orthodox. Black professors in W hite universities therefore have essentially three options, each w ith its own risks and lim itations. Some o p t for an accom m odative posture, allowing the standards of scholarly excellence to be almost entirely dictated by their W hite colleagues fram e of reference. The probability of continuing trad itio n al scholarship is, of course, quite high. Others opt to forge out on their own tow ard new frontiers of scholarship

I n t r o d u c t io n

o n th e Black experience. H ere the risk of academ ic alienation is high. T heir W hite colleagues m ay view their w o rk as discordant, incom prehensible, even threatening o r describe it as m isdirected, unscientific, o r generally of low quality. Still o th e r professors o p t for com bining new them es and per spectives with trad itio n al m ethodology. Problem s arise here as well. O ften the scope of the research issue o r the novelty of the research m ethod does n o t lend itself, at least initially, to the conventions of psychological research. T o get aro u n d this obstacle, som e Black psychologists have pursued a bifurcated research p ro g ram : p art trad itional experim entation, p a rt Blacko riented research. T he rationale for this is fairly straightforw ard. E ven if those who sit in evaluative positions deprecate the m ethodology and form u lations of the B lack perspective, trad itio nal experim ents will dem onstrate th a t a p articu lar psychologist is capable of doing com petent work. M o re over, the evaluators m ay by association ascribe legitim acy to the Blackoriented scholarship, concluding th at they do not understand it com pletely, rath er than dism issing it as p o o r scholarship. But dual research program s m ean tw ice th e work. A n o th er dim ension of research is finding funds. G iven the present eco nom ic situation, the am ount of m oney available fo r research is dwindling. It is und er conditions of intensifying com petition for shrinking funds that the em erging cadre of B lack research psychologists m ust launch their work. In addition, we suffer from general naivete about the grantsm anship gam e. L ike m ost g raduate students, we had no training in proposal w rit ing o r grant solicitation. M ost researchers acquire such inform ation on the job o r through advice from interested colleagues. B oth instances, how ever, p resum e exposure and m entorship th a t often are n o t available to us. F u r therm ore, less th an 30 percent of all research proposals are funded. If a p roposal is controversial o r u northodox, its probability of acceptance is low ered accordingly. T he review panels of m any funding agencies overlap in m em bership, creating w hat is com m only described as an old boy n e t w o rk w here o rientation often determ ines w ho gets grants. T hese are som e of the factors th at can affect o u r success at securing m oney for research. In developing a viable research program , B lack faculty m em bers are h am pered by a p leth o ra of responsibilities unknow n to our W hite col leagues. As affirmative action ap pointees m any of us are expected to fill num erous roles that exceed those of W hite faculty. T hey entail providing the m inority in p u t on com m ittees, m aintaining vigilance over discrim i n a to ry institutional practices, counseling B lack students, and so forth. E ach of us juggles these num erous and varied dem ands as best w e can. W hether w e accept or reject these responsibilities, the pressures are serious dem ands o n o u r tim e and allegiance. C om m ittee w ork w ithin the university can be extrem ely im p o rtan t in effecting change fo r B lack faculty and students. O ther

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Work Notes on Empirical Research

im portant com m ittee assignm ents deal with th e university's program m atic involvem ent in the B lack com m unity. Since the university is a reflection of our society, B lack faculty are invariably confronted with issues of alleged racial discrim ination on cam pus. T he pressures in this regard are no dif ferent from those on m inority residents of any com m unity. R equests for assistance from Black students are num erous if one is even slightly recep tive to such approaches. T h ere are also the inevitable requests from the com m unity and from service agencies for the B lack professional point of view. This is by no m eans an exhaustive list of the ways in which we are asked to contribute. F requently the dem ands are com peting. T here are those based on duty and those based on personal need. M anaging these dem ands is exhausting and frequently frustrating. M ost of us have had no preparation for o u r unique roles (fo r exam ple, as the only Black in the dep artm en t). C onsequently, on assum ing the professional m antle, we are confronted not only w ith the responsibilities of all faculty b u t with those additional burdens of o u r racial m inority status. Payoffs from Research W hile Black students an d professionals m ay now regard research as inher ently praisew orthy, too often they dism iss it as a career because the finan cial rew ards seem inadequate. A s m any young people are frank to say, the years of sacrifice for a professional degree m ust result in com m ensurate payoffs w hich in m ost cases m eans m oney and job security. O ver half of all Black psychology students still enter clinical o r counseling psychology, which offer lucrative consulting options. If one elects basic research in the university tradition, such options are com paratively few and the rew ards are frequently delayed. F u rth erm o re, research dem ands technical skills (for exam ple, experim ental design and statistics) from w hich B lack students too often shy away. W e feel this is due prim arily to im proper professional nurturance and apprehension about com petence. B ut the need for such skills discourages m any. F u rth erm o re, the payoff from research is often purely subjective the satisfaction of nudging know ledge ahead by em pirical discoveries and theoretical form ulations. F o r those bent on m aterial re w ards, applied research has m ore allure. T he skills involved are central to m arketing the results of research (fo r exam ple, m arket research, test de velopm ent, program ev alu atio n ). F o r B lack psychologists, how ever, o p p o r tunities for developing skills and clientele in the lucrative dom ains of applied research are lim ited. T h e professional payoffs in the clinical, hum an service areas are still the m ost easily attainable. H ence the research th at is essential for the advancem ent of any group is still attracting insufficient num bers of young B lack psychologists because it conflicts w ith their professional goals. W e m ust find ways to enhance the

I n t r o d u c t io n

appeal of research for B lack students. It is significantly through system atic investigation of factors im pinging on o u r life conditions th a t we as a people will purposefully advance. A cad re of researchers is an integral p art of any professional field. T his is the h eart of o u r advocacy. If we as B lack psy chologists are to com prehend and am eliorate the life conditions of Black people, w e m ust have a contingent of B lack researchers m aking a contri bution.

Conclusion

In conclusion, before research goals em bracing the them es and orientation of B lack psychology can be realized, m any obstacles, both professional and p ersonal in nature, m ust be overcom e. A central need is tim e tim e to conceptualize theoretical and m ethodological directions, tim e to sort out professional and personal identity. Initiatives have been taken on m any fronts. Still needed, how ever, are su p p o rt structures (fo r exam ple, funds, colleagues, atm osphere, com m unity and institutional resources) th a t will nourish the seeds of o u r interests. S up p o rt structures are essential to estab lish the relevance of o u r w ork fo r com m itted B lack students, fo r training th at nurtu res an ideology, and fo r the developm ent of professional settings th a t allow skills to m ature unencum bered. W ithout these basic ingredients, efforts to solidify the perspectives of B lack psychologists will m eander and dissipate in the quest for sheer survival. T his exposition, therefore, is in p a rt m eant as an adm onition th at the potential contribution of B lack psychologists to scientific know ledge and hum an service can, if u n supported, be lost to the ravages of racism and elitism. R egardless of the dem ands on o u r lives as B lack professionals, we m ust never ab andon the role of advo cate. T ow ard this end we m ust deal w ith the inequities not only in o u r chosen field of psychology b u t also in o u r daily lives as B lack people.

REFERENCES

Allport, G. Becoming: Basic Considerations in a Psychology o f Personality. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955. Boykin, A. W. Black Psychology and the Research Process: Keeping the Baby but Throwing out the Bathwater. Journal o f Black Psychology (1977) 4:43-64.

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Work Notes on Empirical Research

Canady, H. The Problem of Equating the Environment of Negro-White Groups for Intelligence Testing in Com parative Studies. Journal o f Social Psychology (1943) 17:3-15. Cole, M.; and Scribner, S. Theorizing about Socialization of Cognition. E thos (1975) 3:249-68. Ginsburg, H . The M yth o f the Deprived Child. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972. Gordon, T. N otes on Black and White Psychology. In The White Researcher in Black Society. Edited by C. C lark [Cedric X], Journal o f Social Issues (1973) 29:87-96. Guthrie, R. Even the Rat Was White: A Historical View o f Psychology. New Y ork: Harper & Row, 1976. Harlow, H. Mice, Monkeys, Men and Motives. Psychological Review (1953) 60: 23-32. Hull, C. Principles o f Behavior. New Y ork: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1943. Jensen, A. How M uch Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement. Harvard E du cational Review (1969) 39:1. Jones, Reginald. Black Psychology. New Y ork: Harper & Row, 1972. Jones, Rhett. Proving Blacks Inferior: The Sociology of Knowledge." In The Death of White Sociology. Edited by J. Ladner. New York: Vintage Books, 1973. King, R. Highlights in the Development of A B Psi. Journal o f Black Psychology (1977) 4:9-24. Koch, S. Psychology and Emerging Conceptions of Knowledge as Unitary. In Beha viorism and Phenomenology. Edited by T. Wann. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964. Labov, W. The Logic of Non-standard English. In Language and Poverty. Edited by F. Williams. Chicago: M arkham , 1970. Mischel, T. Scientific and Philosophical Psychology: A Historical Introduction. In Human Action: Conceptual and Empirical Issues. Edited by T. Mischel. New York: Acadcmic Press, 1969. Rappaport, J. Com m unity Psychology: Values, Research and Action. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1977. Kyan, W. Blaming the Victim. New York: Vintage Books, 1971. Shockley, W. Models, M athem atics and the M oral Obligation to Diagnose the Origin of Negro IQ Deficits. Review o f Educational Research (1971) 41:369-77. Staples, R. The Black Scholar in Academe. Change (November 1972) 42-48. Suber, C. Minority Graduate Enrollm ent: Looking up or Peaking Out? A P A M onitor (January 1977) 16. Thomas, C. The System-Maintenance Role of the W hite Psychologist. In The White Researcher in B lack Society. Edited by C. C lark [Cedric X], Journal of Social Issues (1973) 29:57 66. White, J. Toward a Black Psychology. Ebony (1970) 25:44-52. Williams, R. H istory of the Association of Black Psychologists: Early Form ation and Development. Journal o f Black Psychology (1974) 1:9-24.

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