The process by which people experiencing dissatisfaction over status issues prepare for action may be lengthy.

Central to the process are those key individuals who initially experience a transformation of consciousness regarding status issues and then, through leadership and organization, draw others to the cause -Susan J. Pharr, Losing Face (1992)

Fidel Castro himself was the most powerful political resource of the revolution. He had an exceptional ability to interpret and address the reality of Cuba, as well as an extraordinary capacity to impress upon his followers the magnitude of their mission Fidel had proven his talents in the opposition to Batista and did so once again in 1959-1961 as weather vane to the revolution. The first few months of 1959 crafted what the newspaper Revolucion called a "Fidel-pueblo binomial," which became the crux of revolutionary politics. One of the editorials noted that Fidel used a clear and new language: he explained, the people understood Fidel infused them with the purpose to conclude the task so often frustrated: the constitution of Cuba as a nation Centralization of power quickly became a concomitant of the revolution. The spectre of 1933 hovered ominously in the rebelde memory of history Then, the revolutionaries fragmented, the United States mediated, and the Grau-Guiteras government vacillated in uniting supporters and could not withstand opposition Divisions and lack of resolve had turned the revolution into a jugarreta (a bad play) Accommodation to local capitalists and foreign interests compromised a social revolution. So that the Cuban revolution would not be compromised, decisive and effective central authority was mandatory Fidel Castro never hesitated to exercise it After 1959, a social revolution momentously unfolded in Cuba "The 26th of July is the revolution of the humildes, for the humildes, and by the humildes," Fidel Castro affirmed in March of 1960 Commitment to remedying the social injustices of the past radicalized the Cuban Revolution. Intransigence polarized the clases econmicas and antagonized the United States Never before in Cuban history had those in power been so defiant and so insistent "Cuba is not a simple geographical reference," proclaimed a Revolucion editorial

Indeed, in 1959-1961, radicalization, polarization, and centralization consolidated the revolution around Fidel Castro. The new Cuba embarked on a quest of historic proportions with tangible rewards in rising standards of living for the clases populares, as well as with more delicate endowment of dignity and honor In June 1960, Fidel exclaimed: The revolution shows that ideals are more powerful than gold! If gold were more powerful than ideals, those large foreign interests would have swept us off the map; if gold had more power than ideals, our patria would be lost because our enemies have plenty of gold to buy conciencia and yet all our enemies' gold is not enough to buy the conciencia of a revolutionary Workers, peasants, Cubans of dignity have conquered their revolutionary conciencia... They will not trade their revolution, their patria for gold

Over the next three decades, the Cuban government would grapple with the consequences of victory. Confronting the challenges of governance was now the question. National affirmation against the United States would be the overriding consideration, and, therefore, survival would subsume all other concerns. For the sake of la patria, ironhanded unity behind Fidel Castro would be enforced. Thus, politics acquired a sense of military discipline contrary to political diversity and independent organizations Centralization of power and curtailment of autonomy accompanied the politics of survival Formal democracythe processes of contestation and rotationhad decidedly limited vistas. The new politics did, however, allow the state to direct the national economy and partially relieve the sense of insufficiency that had permeated the old Cuba.