Professional Documents
Culture Documents
M. Wołoszyn (ed.)
MORAVIA MAGNA. Seria Polona, vol. III
Kraków 2009, p. 449-471.
ANDREI GÂNDILĂ
Abstract. Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border.
The author discusses the presence of early Byzantine bronze coins in the territories north of the
Lower Danube border and attempts to explain the relations between the Empire and the popula-
tions outside the border which led to the arrival of bronze coins in the area between the rivers
Tisza and Dniester. Previous interpretations pointing to intense economic relations are challen-
ged and instead the author proposes a different approach, showing that different regions outside
the border followed distinct patterns. It is suggested that except for the area close to the Danu-
be there did not exist a true monetary circulation and the face value of coins was insignificant.
Instead, coins were used for their intrinsic value, being melted to produce bronze objects such
as fibulae. It is argued that the high presence of folles in “Barbaricum” and the scarcity of small
denominations, along with the large number of molds and associated objects used to produce
bronze items are important arguments in favor of this interpretation. The author draws a compa-
rison between the Lower Danube provinces and “Barbaricum” and concludes that the presence
of coins outside the border paralleled the evolution of coin flow in the Byzantine provinces.
Based on this fact it is argued that political and military developments in “Barbaricum”, hereto-
fore considered as having the main impact on the coin flow, are mostly irrelevant, as internal
mechanisms in the provinces regulated the arrival of coins in “Barbaricum”. Without offering
any final pronouncements, the study aims to draw the line between the two characteristics, face
value and bullion value, in the territories beyond the Danube border.
Introduction
The presence of early Byzantine coins in “Barbaricum” continues to be a largely undeveloped area of
study for numismatists and historians working on the early Middle Ages. Recently, the symposium held in
Krakow brought together a number of scholars from Western, Central, and Eastern Europe in an attempt
to shed some light on this still obscure phenomenon. One conclusion drawn after this meeting was that
different regions, from the Rhine to the Dniester, have their own particularities in terms of early Byzantine
coin finds, but also common features. The explanation is neither simple nor definitive. Doubtlessly many
particularities can be ascribed to political developments in the territories outside the border. However, if
political issues could be related to the presence of gold or silver coins in “Avaria”, for instance (Somogyi
1997), copper coin finds outside the Empire should be considered a much more complex phenomenon
combining political, economic, cultural and even religious factors.
The Early Byzantine coin finds from the “Barbaricum” stretching north and east of the Danube
border (Fig. 1-2) should be approached at two distinct levels, corresponding to their intrinsic value: precio-
us and base metal issues (Fig. 3-7)1. As mentioned, the presence of gold or silver coins in these territories is
1
Figs. No. 3-7 are placed at the end of the paper.
450 Andrei Gândilă
Fig. 1. Stray finds and hoards of Byzantine bronze coins in “Barbaricum” and in the Lower Danube provinces and the
distribution of bronze objects, molds, crucibles, and ladles in “Barbaricum” (6th-7th c.).
generally ascribed to political payments sent from Constantinople to appease certain tribal warlords or to
secure the Empire’s border. Once the subsidies crossed the Danube, they were redistributed by the warlord
to his tribal military elite. Mercenary payments, looting, and prisoner ransom are also among the accepted
hypotheses for the presence of gold and silver coins in the territory beyond the border2. Unfortunately these
finds tell us little about the populations living outside the Empire and even less about the inner developments
of those societies.
The present study focuses on the second level represented by the copper coinage used in small market
transactions in the border provinces, without being subject to any kind of political payments outside the
border. The study of copper coin finds permits a closer insight into the economic and cultural relations
between the Empire and the northern populations. The question in the title “Face value or bullion value?” is
the key to understanding the presence of copper issues outside the Empire’s boundaries. Before proclaiming
the existence of a monetary economy based on a more or less intense and continuous coin circulation it
2
The scattered distribution of gold specimens, usually single finds, substantiates these hypotheses, cf. Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2002.
Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border 451
should be established whether the use of coins for exchange purposes was necessary in “Barbaricum”. Often
this issue was equated with a discussion of the internal development of the societies outside the Danube
border and whether they were able to embrace a monetary economy. The main question should not be “were
they capable” but “was it necessary” for these populations to engage in a monetary economy. Did their
economic needs require the existence of trade based on the use of bronze coins or was the natural economy
sufficient?
The structure of coin finds, where a substantial number of specimens is available, can only be under-
stood in relation with the trends in the monetary circulation of the neighboring Lower Danube provinces.
A large number of finds and a variety of denominations similar to a provincial pattern of circulation is usually
a good indicator of an incipient monetary economy. However, although the copper coin represented only a tiny
fraction of a solidus, we should not overlook the intrinsic value of the metal as raw material for a number of
items used in daily life (pins, fibulae, bracelets, crosses etc.)3. The bullion value of these issues should not be
ignored especially in the case when most of the finds are comprised of folles. Many bronze objects discussed
in the following pages were produced locally and the need for a constant supply of metal could be partly
3
For a previous discussion see Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2002, 182.
452 Andrei Gândilă
covered by melting down coins. This study does not attempt to ascribe the use of coins to certain ethnic
groups, as it is rather epiphenomenal to the questions posed here. Potential Byzantine traders would have
certainly engaged in monetary exchanges regardless of the ethnic groups if it was economically profitable for
both parties. However, a discussion of the evolution of material culture in this area is necessary to establish
whether coins were used for their face value or as raw material for bronze objects.
4
Coin hoards in the Balkans certainly testify to this fact, cf. Morrisson, Popović, Ivanisević 2006; see also Curta 2001, 238, n. 18 for a similar
discussion.
5
Morrisson, Popović, Ivanisević 2006. Out of 36 hoards containing well dated coins of Anastasius only 7 have small module specimens.
Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border 453
Most often the period Anastasius I-Justinian I is seen as a time of gradual and continuous increase in
coin finds and prosperity in the Lower Danube provinces and consequently in the northern “Barbaricum”.
Procopius’ De Aedeficis and modern scholarship have extolled the works of Justinian and presented the
reign of Justin I as a preamble to the “age of Justinian” (Vasiliev 1950). Once we move beyond this pre-defined
scheme and attempt to analyze the numismatic evidence it becomes clear that a peak is in fact reached
during the reign of Justin I, both in the Empire and in “Barbaricum”, while the first decade of his nephew’s
reign is a decline in the volume of coins arrived in the area (Gândilă 2008)6. A few specimens issued during
the short joint reign of Justin I and Justinian I (April-August 527) were found north of the Danube, at Oţeleni
(judeţul Iaşi; cf. Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2001, 316) and Ghindeni (judeţul Dolj; cf. Butnariu 1986, 219) and
could be important for understanding the rythm of the coin flow, if indeed they arrived in the respective
locations closely after they were issued. Unfortunatelly very few publications provide information about the
coins’ state of preservation, which would be crucial in reaching a conclusion in this respect. Heavily worn
specimens found in “barbaricum” had certainly circulated intensively on provincial markets and consequen-
tly the date of their issue becomes irrelevant for building any historical framework around their presence in
“barbaricum”. The fluctuations in coin finds during the early years of Justinian’s reign were most often
ascribed to the military breakdown after the death of Chilbudios in 533 (Poenaru-Bordea, Ocheşeanu, Pope-
scu 1997), a hypothesis, however, impossible to substantiate given the fact that it is a widely spread phenome-
non throughout the Empire (Gândilă, forthcoming).
During the first decade after the monetary reform of 538 coins arrived in greater numbers in “Barba-
ricum”. The heavy follis introduced by Justinian seem to have been very appealing to the communities
outside the Empire, a phenomenon discussed in the next section. The sharp decline that followed in the
second half of his reign has multiple causes and should not be considered a peculiarity of the Danube area.
The prodigal expenses on the stupendous plan of reclaiming the former Western provinces along with the
internal demographic and economic crisis caused by the great plague brought about a disruption of the
monetary system and a growing inflation. Along these lines, the issue of the settlement of early Slavic groups
in the Wallachian plain (Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2004a) or in Banat (Comşa 1974) is irrelevant because it was
not the potential change in the ethnic structure that triggered the downfall in coin supply. Moreover, a higher
peak in coin finds is reached during the reign of Justin II. An increase in coin finds, however, can be noticed
in the area lying north of the Danube Delta where the Antae, who were allies of the Empire, were supposedly
settled and were offered the fortress of Turris for defensive purposes (Madgearu 1992; 2005).
The often cited paragraph from Procopius (De bello Gothico, III, 14.6) stating that after the death of
Chilbudios the Danube was easy to cross by barbarians is hardly of any use as it is difficult to determine the
precise effects of the subsequent invasions in the following decades on the territories outside the border7. If
raids of pillage and plunder were launched from camps located north of the Danube then, on the contrary, we
should expect to find a larger number of coins, copper but especially gold8, which is not the case according to
the current information (Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2002). In the whole region between the rivers Tisza and
Dniester the number of finds decreases after 550, a period which coincides with a shift in the coin production
of the Eastern mints, Constantinople, Nicomedia, and Cyzicus which provide the bulk of the finds both in
“Barbaricum” and the Danubian provinces (Fig. 6). The production of folles and half-folles decreased in favor
of decanummia, a rare denomination in “Barbaricum” and a precious clue for answering the main question
regarding the use of bronze coins in “Barbaricum”.
Justin II took several inflationist measures decreasing the value of the follis in relation to the gold
solidus which consequently increased the number of issues struck to meet the economic and military de-
mands. Based on this fact it is interesting to note the uneven distribution of coin finds with a quite significant
number of coins from Oltenia – 113 (Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2003) and very few specimens from Muntenia –
6
V. Butnariu (1986, 205) had observed the fact that the distribution of finds on the map during the reign of Justin I covers a wider area than the
early coins of his successor but did not follow the argument any further.
7
For a chronologic list of the raiding activity in the Balkans see Curta 2001, 116-7 (Table 4).
8
In general terms the number of gold coins in Wallachia is very reduced compared to the neighboring territories of Pannonia and the areas west and
north of the Black Sea, to the west, cf. Somogyi 1997; see also Smedley 1988.
454 Andrei Gândilă
offensive initiated by the Slavs and Avars after 616 with its climax during the siege of Constantinople in 626,
marked the retreat of the Byzantine administration from the Lower Danube after a few decades of insecurity,
followed by a diminution of its influence north of the Danube (Madgearu 1997b). An interesting situation
occurs in Banat, where after two decades of virtual lack of any significant finds coins reappear in higher
numbers than the usual statistical level of this territory during the sixth century. Late and rare copper coins
dated 616-624 were found in the area along with a significant number of silver and gold issues (Oberländer-
Târnoveanu 2003). If the latter can be ascribed to political payments, the presence of copper coins is harder
to explain, although it has been suggested that Roman prisoners of war could have brought these coins
(Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2003). I believe this solution to be less probable as it does not explain the lack of
such finds in other parts of “Avaria”, unless we accept the idea that Roman prisoners were kept or “coloni-
zed” only at the border.
Three copper coins of Constans II and two issued by Tiberius III are the only finds recorded for the
remainder of the seventh century. The latter two, found at Drobeta (Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2003) and Bere-
zeni (judeţul Vaslui; cf. Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2001) are important for our understanding of the relations of
power after the arrival of Asparuh. These two finds seem to testify that the empire did not completely lose its
influence in “Barbaricum”, maintained especially with its superior fleet (Damian 2004). The presence of
western mints in “Barbaricum” as well as on the Black Sea coast (Gândilă 2008) is an important argument
in this respect. The follis from Berezeni was minted in Ravenna while a follis of Constans II from Novaci
(judeţul Ilfov) came from Carthage (Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2004a). The hoard found at Obârşeni (judeţul
Vaslui) also included two half-folles from Carthage and another two from the reign of Heraclius along with six
dodecanummia from Alexandria issued by the same emperor (Dimian 1957).
9
For a similar criticism see Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2004b, 347.
456 Andrei Gândilă
Apart from the common understanding of surviving finds as small fractions of the circulating mass in ancient
times, it is nevertheless inappropriate to substantiate the theory of a monetary economy in “Barbaricum”
based on so few specimens scattered on such a large geographical area, four times the size of the imperial
provinces adjacent to the Danube. It should also be stressed at this point that the monetary economy is
usually a characteristic of urban settings and to a lesser extent of rural areas, and here as well only through
connections with neighboring towns. Or in the territories north of the Danube urban life was non-existent, if
we disregard the few Byzantine bridge-heads on the left bank (Madgearu 2005).
The graphs provided at the end of this essay ascertain the fact that the structure of coin finds in
“Barbaricum” follows in detail, albeit at a smaller scale, the trend in the coin circulation of the Lower
Danube provinces. Peaks and falls in coin supply are shared by the two regions throughout the sixth and
the beginning of the seventh century and in both cases the presence of coins diminishes dramatically after
615 (Fig. 3-4). The same mints supplied the territories north and south of the river following the same
evolution from the preponderance of Constantinople early in the sixth century to the diversification of mints
during the reign of Justinian. Based on these arguments I think it is safe to conclude that most of the coins
found in “Barbaricum” originated in the circulating milieu of the provinces Moesia Prima, Moesia Secunda,
Dacia Ripensis, and Scythia. Against the commonly held interpretations it can be argued that the evolution of
coin flow north of the river was less related to political and military developments in “Barbaricum”; the fact
that most of the finds originate in the aforementioned provinces indicates that the presence of coins in
“Barbaricum” depended primarily on the situation south of the Danube.
Having established the source of supply we now move to the discussion of the main routes of distribu-
tion. The map clearly shows that coin finds cluster along the major rivers, Olt, Mures, Argeş, Prut, Dniester,
which were important routes of communication and trade10. Another characteristic is the great density of
finds in the territory west of the river Olt11. We should keep in mind that the unbalanced distribution of coin
finds in favor of the region west of river Olt is also due to the different evolution of the territories north of the
Danube after the province of Dacia was created by Trajan at the beginning of the second century (Opreanu
1998). Wallachia and Moldavia were never part of the Roman Empire although the great influence of the
Roman culture and civilization is undeniable (Teodor 1997; Teodor 2005). The Empire was directly interested
in establishing a direct control in the territories of its former province and the ambitious project initiated by
Constantine the Great regained momentum in the sixth century once the turmoil of the fifth century had
passed and the economic and military power of the Empire was reestablished. The control was insured
through the bridge-heads maintained on the left bank of the Danube, most important being Sucidava and
Drobeta, entertaining an urban life comparable to their counterparts on the other side of the river, at the
scale of a peripheral region. It is precisely in these locations where we can assume the existence of a small
scale monetary economy12. The urban centers were probably sustaining a local exchange system based on
small scale transactions involving copper coins within the network of settlements in Oltenia and Banat. The
strategic importance of maintaining the control of a sizeable region north of the border should not be unde-
restimated. The presence of a Romanized Christian population13 with a long tradition of contact with the
Empire could have proven valuable in time of conflict as a source of recruiting, labor force, and supplies for
the army. Regional interests, however, should not be linked only to the presence of a Romanic population.
The author of the Stategikon asserts that the descendants of the Romans were not always ready to sustain
10
This seems to be a widely spread phenomenon; Byzantine coins cluster on major river valleys in Kievian Rus’, on the Bug and Dniepr rivers,
cf. Kropotkin 2006, map 3, and Stoljarik 1993, map 2; in Austria and Slovakia on the Danube and its tributaries cf. Menghin 1985, map 28, and
Fusek 1994, map 4; in Bohemia on the Elbe, cf. Militký 2008; in Poland on the Vistula, cf. Wołoszyn 2005, map 1; in Eastern Germany on the
Oder, cf. Biermann, Dalitz, Heussner 1999, map 3; Western Germany on the Rhine, cf. Drauschke 2008; in France on major river valleys
cf. Lafaurie, Pilet-Lemière 2005.
11
Around 50% of the total number of coins were found west of the river Olt.
12
G. Williams offers a similar interpretation for early Byzantine coins in post-Roman Britain, cf. Williams 2006, 159. See also the discussion by
T.S.N Moorhead who argues that a monetary economy continued in the first half of the fifth century in areas where there was little Anglo-
Saxon control, cf. Moorhead 2006, 108.
13
For the distribution of Christian objects in “Barbaricum” see Curta 2002, Fig. 5-9.
14
According to the author of the Strategikon some Romans living north of the Danube “have given in to the times, forget their own people, and
prefer to gain the good will of the enemy” ( cf. Strategikon , XI.4.31, p. 124). For a discussion of this particular passage see Madgearu 1997a,
119-121.
Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border 457
the imperial efforts in the area14. The Empire’s policy in “Barbaricum” was certainly not based on brotherly
sentiments towards the Romanic population but on a pragmatic attitude guided by political expediency. The
scarcity of gold coins among the finds in this region, until the reign of Heraclius when gold and silver issues
appear especially in Banat, shows that the region was not used as a base for raids of plunder and neither
was it necessary for the Empire to send subsidies or “bribes” in the form of gold solidi as the population,
especially west of the river Olt, was integrated in the religious and perhaps administrative system of the
Empire (Barnea 1991; Curta 2002; Madgearu 2005).
It is difficult to envisage a similar situation in the rest of the territory between the rivers Tisza and
Dniester. Although cultures of Roman tradition following the remains of the former Sîntana de Mureş –
Chernjachov cultural horizon have been identified by archaeologists in Transylvania (Bratei culture; cf. Zaha-
ria 1971; Horedt 1975), Wallachia (Ciurel Culture; cf. Dolinescu-Ferche 1984; Teodor 2004), and Moldavia to
the Dniester (Botoşana-Hansca culture; cf. Teodor 1984; Corman 1998) they were not the only recipients of
Byzantine coins arriving in the area15, and, in fact, few can be placed in a certain archaeological context16.
The crux of the matter is to establish what exactly these populations had to offer in exchange for coins.
As many of the potential items that could attract traders from the Byzantine provinces were perishable and
thus cannot be traced in the archaeological record, we can only identify potential trading commodities
based on the natural resources in the region: especially salt, but also honey, cattle, possibly furs and skins.
Both the Empire and the political powers in “Barbaricum”, the Gepids and later the Avars and Slavs, needed
supplies for the numerous military campaigns underwent north of the Danube and the literary sources,
most important Michael the Syrian and the author of the Strategikon mention the importance of securing food
supplies for the army (Horedt 1975; Curta 2001, 188). The trade route on the river Dniester, where a signifi-
cant number of coins have been found, could be linked with the major trade route coming from the Baltic and
also with the territories north of the Black Sea. The numerous finds along the rivers Jiu, Olt, and Argeş were
important routes leading to the salt resources in Transylvania (Horedt 1975).
Even if this interpretation is correct and traders south of the Danube were genuinely interested in
certain products from “Barbaricum” we are not even near demonstrating that copper coins were used in the
transaction for their face value. In order to do that we must first bring arguments in favor of the hypothesis
that the communities in “Barbaricum” were using the coins for their monetary designation, that they were
interested in accepting the fiduciary nature of the Byzantine bronze coin (Morrisson 1979) and a market
with a range of prices connected to the Empire. It should be stressed that a coin circulation does not
presuppose only a vertical bilateral relation Empire – “Barbaricum” but also a horizontal one between
communities and settlements in “Barbaricum”, which is hard to imagine with the current knowledge. An
important number of imports, especially amphorae but also small objects, have been reported north of the
Danube (Toropu 1976; Olteanu 1997; Teodor 1981; 1997; Curta 2001). One can formulate the hypothesis that
different imports were purchased with cash by communities in “Barbaricum”. This premise presupposes that
an important number of coins were already in the possession of those communities and we should now turn
the tables and make another logical assumption, namely that Byzantine traders themselves used coins to pay
for commodities purchased from “Barbaricum”. This logical sequence raises certain questions. First, the
populations in “Barbaricum” had to accept and trust an exchange system based on a conventional value set by
a centralized economic system in which they did not officially participate. They would accept to provide com-
modities in exchange for objects (coins) less valuable considering the inner value of the metal and instead
they would have to put their faith in the fiduciary nature of the coins, hoping to return them in a similar
fashion, in exchange for imports from the Byzantine provinces. Let us make a final assumption that the
scenario presented above was possible and that constant economic relations between the empire and the
“Barbaricum” insured the necessary confidence in the fiduciary nature of the exchange. Why would these
communities need to risk anything by engaging in a monetary-based exchange with an unstable coin as the 6th
15
For a recent overview of the archaeological finds in Transylvania see Harhoiu 2003; for Wallachia see E. Teodor 2005.
16
Two folles of Justinian were found at Botoşana, cf. Teodor 1984, 31, 37. Five coins from the same emperor were unearthed during archaeological
excavations in the area of Bucharest, cf. Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2004a, 336. Two folles from Justinian I and Justin II, respectively were found in
Bessarabia during the excavation of the sites Alcedar-Odaia and Lopatna, cf. Corman 1998, 98.
458 Andrei Gândilă
century Byzantine follis when the barter trade would suffice for a small-scale exchange of goods between the
two regions? Finally, we return to the rarity of coins in sixth century settlements in Wallachia and Moldavia;
as only 9 coins have been found during archaeological excavations, meaning less than 2% of the total number
of finds in “Barbaricum”, it is hard to substantiate the existence of a monetary economy.
I have mentioned the parallel evolution of the regions on both sides of the Danube in terms of the
structure of finds during the entire time span under discussion. The only point of divergence is the structure
of denominations (Fig. 7). While in the Lower Danube provinces there is a certain balance between the four
main denominations – follis, half-follis, decanummium, and pentanummium – in “Barbaricum” above 65% of
the finds are folles (Fig. 5). Moreover, the big coins introduced by Justinian seem to have been very popular
north of the Danube as the follis covers more than 70% of the finds from this emperor. Decanummia and
pentanummia are rare finds in “Barbaricum”, only 5% of the entire batch. The map presenting the distribu-
tion of lower denominations, fractions of the follis, shows that most finds are located close to the Danube,
especially the few recorded decanummia and pentanummia (Fig. 2). The small change is the vehicle of a true
monetary economy as evinced by the finds in major urban centers of the empire (Gândilă, forthcoming).
The preponderance of heavy specimens is an important argument in favor of the hypothesis that such
communities valued coins for their intrinsic value.
Archaeological monographs drawing on a rich literature on sixth-to-seventh century settlements provi-
de evidence for a rather large array of bronze objects (mostly brooches17 but also crosses, buckles, pins,
bracelets, rings, earrings, buttons) and even more significant, the existence of molds (Fig. 1)18 and work-
shops pointing to a local production of bronze items (Preda 1967; Teodorescu 1972; Comşa 1975; Bejan 1976;
Teodor 1981; 1997; Barnea 1991; Dănilă 1983; Corman 1998; Madgearu 1997b; Velter 2002; Postică 2007;
Curta 2006). Obviously such items would have required an important quantity of bronze19 and although we
might assume that old Roman bronze objects were melted down for reuse20 (Postică 2007), early Byzantine
coins remained a more constant and reliable source of metal21. The sunken-featured dwelling No. 20 excavated
at Botoşana provided one of the rare occasions when coins were found in a clear archaeological context.
This case is even more revealing as the follis of Justinian was found in the same context with a crucible and
a ladle used to pour the metal (Teodor 1984, 36-7)22. Finally, the hoard found at Horgeşti (judeţul Bacău) is
an epitome of the structure and role played by early Byzantine bronze coins in “Barbaricum”: in a bronze
container (c. 1. 3kg) were placed 52 folles, 5 half-folles (c. 650 g), a bronze chain (c. 250 g), and broken pieces
from a bronze sheet (Căpitanu 1971; Buzdugan 1974)23.
After the “age of bronze” came to an end at the beginning of the seventh century, an “age of silver”
took its place (Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2002), and some of the coins, this time hexagramma, were probably
used to produce jewelry such as the widely spread earrings with star-shaped pendants. The hoard found at
17
For the distribution of brooches in the Lower Danube area see Curta 2001, 237.
18
Fig. 1 clearly shows that the region west of the river Olt follows a different pattern as most of the molds and the associated items used to produce
small objects of bronze were found outside this area, in Wallachia, Transylvania, Moldavia, and Bessarabia.
19
For the copper resources in Transylvania see Rusu 1975, Fig. 4.
20
Older bronze items were also reused in the Balkan provinces, as evinced by the large deposit of bronze objects found at Stara Zagora in Bulgaria
cf. Cholakov, Ilieva 2005.
21
Analyses of metal composition of Byzantine coins and bronze artifacts cannot provide definitive answers, as most of the objects as well as the
coins are made of alloys, cf. Grierson 1965; Butler, Metcalf 1967; Padfield 1972; Cooper 2000, and therefore the coins themselves are hard to
trace in the composition of bronze items. However, K. Dąbrowski (1980, 238-9) has analyzed a few dozens bow fibulae and concluded that the
metal composition matched the one observed on Roman coins (1st-3rd c.).
22
Another interesting association of artifacts was found in a dwelling at Ipoteşti (judeţul Olt) where parts of a bronze sheet were found along with
a first century bronze coin from Nerva, cf. Roman, Ferche 1978. Two hypotheses can be formulated in this case: either the coin, with a compara-
ble weight of a sixth century follis, was reaccepted in circulation, or the coin was going to be used as raw material.
23
The hoard from Horgeşti contains a Moneta Militaris Imitativa, MIB 68, Tiberius II Constantine, type Constantinople, small module (9.45 g).
The original publication (Buzdugan 1974), prior to the catalog of W. Hahn 1975, described the coin as a var. of Tiberius II, based on the standard
catalogues available (BMC; DOC). However, the coin was confusingly described as regnal year 7 (581/2 sic!), although the illustration (Buzdugan
1974, plate II, No. 8) shows quite clearly an year 2, which the author obviously could not explain for an issue of Tiberius II whose coins as sole
ruler began to be dated with year 4. Even more, the real diameter of the coin is less than 28mm as described by Buzdugan, if we compare it to a
follis on the same line on the plate (No. 9) also described as measuring 28mm. The correct attribution of the coin, unnoticed by later publications
(Butnariu 1986; Curta 1996; Morrisson, Popović, Ivanisević 2006) is Moneta Militaris Imitativa. Its presence north of the Danube raises intere-
sting issues related to the circulation of coins and possibly the movement of soldiers and mercenaries recruited from “Barbaricum”. Further
attempts to research coins from older publications might present us with a larger number of specimens of Moneta Militaris Imitativa and
contribute to our better understanding of their role at the Lower Danube.
Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border 459
Priseaca (judeţul Olt) is a relevant example in this respect: coins and earrings were found together in a hand-
made ceramic pot (Mitrea 1975). The potential use of coins and other silver objects as raw material for jewelry
is known in central and northern Europe, from hoards such as the ones found at Zemiansky Vrbovok in Slovakia
(Radoměrský 1953) and Gudme in Denmark (Vang Petersen 1994).
I deliberately left aside a thorough discussion of coin hoards because it does not seem very clear
whether they were amassed in “Barbaricum”, brought from the southern provinces, or from more distant
regions of the empire. The aforementioned hoard from Obârşeni included issues from Carthage and Alexan-
dria which probably came as a sealed group from the West24. Other hoards were found close to the Danube,
most of which outside any archaeological context, having a structure very similar to the provincial pattern,
which seems to suggests an origin outside “Barbaricum” (Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2004a). A separate group
of hoards is represented by the ones found at Râncăciov (judeţul Argeş) and Troianul (judeţul Teleorman;
cf. Oberländer-Târnoveanu 2004a), which include Roman denarii and Late Roman coppers. Analogies can be
found in the Czech Republic where several such hoards were found, having the appearance of small collec-
tions of old coins, some including silver issues and late Roman coppers (Militký 2005).
The central question – face value or bullion value – maintains its relevance as we progress farther
away, in the Upper Danube area, Moravia, the Baltic region, and as far as Britain. Several contributors to this
volume show that copper finds are reported there as well and I suggest that the concept of a monetary
circulation should be employed with great caution. Many such coins were probably brought by travelers,
missionaries, mercenaries, traders and left for different reasons, including but not limited to souvenirs,
curiosities, “Christian” amulets, objects of prestige, or simply bronze items.
Conclusions
The presence of early Byzantine bronze coins in “Barbaricum” is one of the most intriguing and unwieldy
issues of this historical period and was often employed as an ideological tool used to assert the high level
of development of autochthonous ethnic groups in relation with the newcomers25. The coins found north of
the Danube were interpreted as a natural protraction of the provincial monetary economy with disregard
to the obvious differences and problems raised by such an approach. The coin circulation in the Danubian
provinces is itself largely restricted to urban centers and fortified places hosting border garrisons (Gândilă
2008), while the rural economy is only superficially connected to the coin circulation (Oberländer-Târnove-
anu 2005).
The Roman bridge-heads north of the Danube sustained a small scale monetary economy in their area
of influence in Oltenia and the Iron Gates of the Danube, until the first decades of the seventh century. The
communities in the Wallachian Plain, Transylvania, and Moldavia to the river Dniester, regardless of their
ethnic composition, constantly received bronze coins throughout the period in exchange for goods and
services rendered to the Empire. Many of these coins were probably used as raw material for the production
of bronze items and some were perhaps kept as personal belongings or objects of prestige. The movement of
coins was most probably unidirectional, from the Empire to “Barbaricum” as it is hard to believe that the
coins ever returned to the Empire in the form of payments for imports.
Regardless of their final designation, the presence of bronze coins in “Barbaricum” during the early
Byzantine period remains important for our understanding of the politic, economic, and cultural phenomena
developed through the continuous contact between the Empire and the populations outside the border.
24
The hoard of Hrozova in Moravia is particularly interesting: it is comprised of four issues of Carthage, including a bronze of Zeugitana (241-136
BC), which certainly came as a homogeneous group from North Africa, cf. Militký 2005, 286.
25
Copper coins were found in Slavic, Longobardic, and Frankish archaeological contexts in Slovakia, Poland, Austria, and Germany, (fn. 10) and in
Avaric contexts in the lower Mureş basin. The presence of bronze coins is clearly not exclusively connected to the existence of a Romanic
community. The automatic association of coins with the Romanic population was based on the time-honored belief that the “migrating” peoples
were underdeveloped and could not possibly understand “civilized” mechanisms, cf. Niculescu 2002.
460 Andrei Gândilă
Fig. 5. Mints (CON = Constantinople; NIC = Nicomedia; CYZ = Cyzicus; ANT = Antioch; TES = Thessalonica)
and denominations (M = follis; K = half-follis; IS = 16 nummia; I = decanummium; E = pentanummium)
in “Barbaricum” and the Lower Danube provinces, c. 498-616.
Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border 463
Fig. 6. The comparative dynamics of mints in “Barbaricum” and the Lower Danube provinces.
464 Andrei Gândilă
Fig. 7. The comparative dynamics of denominations in “Barbaricum” and the Lower Danube provinces.
Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border 465
Bibliography
Abbreviations
CN Cercetări Numismatice, Bucureşti.
SCN Studii şi cercetări de numismatică, Bucureşti.
BMC W. Wroth, Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in the British Museum, London,
1908, vol. I-II.
DOC A. R. Bellinger, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and
in the Whittemore Collection, vol. I, Anastasius I to Maurice 491-602, Washington, 1966.
MIB W. Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini. Rekonstruktion des Prägeaufbaues auf synoptisch-
tabellarischer Grundlage, vol. II, Von Justinus II. bis Phocas (565-610), einschlieslich der
Prägungen der Heraclius-Revolte und mit Nachträgen zum 1. Band, Denkschriften der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, 119,
Wien 1975.
Literary sources
Strategikon Maurice’s Strategikon. Handbook of Byzantine Military Strategy, G. T. Dennis, translated
by, Philadelphia, 1984.
Studies
Barnea A.
1990 Einige Bemerkungen zur Chronologie des Limes an der unteren Donau in spätrömischer
Zeit, Dacia N. S., 34, 285-290.
Barnea I.
1991 Sur les rapports avec Byzance du territoire situe au nord du Bas Danube durant la période
Anastase Ier-Justinien Ier (491-565), Études Byzantines et Post-Byzantines, 2, 47-57.
Bejan A.
1976 Un atelier metallurgic din sec. VI e. N. De la Drobeta – Turnu Severin, Acta Musei
Napocensis, 13, 257-278.
Biermann F., Dalitz S., Heussner K. U.
1999 Der Brunnen von Schmerzke, Stadt Brandenburg a.d. Havel, und die absolute Chronologie
der frühslawischen Besiedlung im nordostdeutschen Raum, Praehistorische Zeitschrift,
74, 219-243.
Bîrzu L.
1980 Continuity of the Romanian people’s material and spiritual production in the territory of
former Dacia, Bucharest.
Butler B. C. M., Metcalf D. M.
1967 Trace elements in Byzantine copper coins, Numismatic Circular, 75, 229-233.
Butnariu V.
1986 Răspândirea monedelor bizantine din secolele VI-VII în teritoriile carpato- dunărene,
Buletinul Societăţii Numismatice Române, 77-79 (1983-1985), 199-235.
Buzdugan G.
1974 Notă suplimentară despre tezaurul bizantin de la Horgeşti (jud. Bacău), Carpica, 6, 47-
63.
Căpitanu V.
1971 Tezaurul de monede bizantine descoperit la Horgeşti, Carpica, 4, 253-269.
Chiriac C.
1993 Expediţia avară din 578-579 şi evidenţa numismatică, Arheologia Moldovei, 16, 191-203.
Cholakov I.M., Ilieva P.
2005 Ein Hortfund von Metallgegenstände der frühbyzantinischen Epoche aus Stara Zagora
(Südostbulgarien), Archaeologia Bulgarica, 9/3, 53-85.
466 Andrei Gândilă
Comşa M.
1974 Unele date cu privire la Banatul de sud în sec. IV-VII, (in:) Daicoviciu H. (ed.), In memo-
riam Constantini Daicoviciu, Cluj, 85-97.
1975 Socio-Economic Organization of the Daco-Romanic and Slav Population on the Lower Da-
nube during the 6th-8th centuries, (in:) Constantinescu M., Pascu Ş., Diaconu P. (eds.),
171-200.
Constantinescu M., Pascu Ş., Diaconu P. (eds.)
1975 Relations Between the Autochtonous Population and the Migratory Populations on the
Territory of Romania, Bibliotheca Historica Romaniae, 16, Bucharest, 123-153.
Cooper H. K.
2000 Analysis of Late Roman-Byzantine copper alloy artifacts from northern Jordan, MA thesis,
University of Arkansas.
Corman I.
1998 Contribuţii la istoria spaţiului pruto-nistrian în epoca evului mediu timpuriu (sec. V-VII d.
Chr.), Chişinău.
Curta F.
1996 Invasion or Inflation? Sixth to Seventh Century Byzantine Coin Hoards in Eastern and
Southeastern Europe, Annali di Istituto Italiano di Numismatica, 43, 65-224.
2001 The Making of the Slavs. History and Archaeology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-
700, Cambridge.
2002 Limes and cross: the religious dimension of the sixth-century Danube frontier of the early
Byzantine Empire, Starinar, 51 (2001), 45-70.
2005 Frontier ethnogenesis in the Late Antiquity: the Danube, the Tervingi, and the Slavs, (in:)
Curta F. (ed.), Borders, Barriers, and Ethnogenesis. Frontiers in Late Antiquity and the
Middle Ages, Studies in the Early Middle Ages, 12, Brepols-Turnhout, 173-204.
2006 Slavic bow fibulae? Werner’s class I D revisited, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scien-
tiarum Hungaricae, 57, 423-474.
Damian O.
2004 Despre prezenţa politică bizantină la Dunărea de Jos în secolele VII-X, (in:) Cândea I.,
Sîrbu V., Neagu M. (eds.), Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani, Istros-Brăila, 283-318.
Dąbrowski K.
1980 Nouvelles données concernant l’orfévrerie sur le territoire de la voévodie d’Olsztyn
(Pologne), Archaeologia Polona, 19, 235-241.
Dănilă N.
1983 Tipare de turnat cruci din secolele IV-VI, descoperite pe teritoriul României, Biserica
Ortodoxă Română, 101, 557-561.
Dimian I.
1957 Cîteva descoperiri monetare bizantine pe teritoriul R.P.R., SCN, 1, 189-216.
Dimitrov K.
1998 Późnorzymskie i wczesnobizantyjskie monety z odcinka IV w Novae z lat 294-612, Novaen-
sia, 11, 99-112.
Dimitrov M.
1995 Monetite ot Dionisopolis-Karvuna: Izvor za administrativnata, politicheskata i stopan-
skata istoriia na severozapadnoto Chernomorie ot IV v. pr. Xr. do sredata na XV vek,
Dobrudža, 12, 173-179.
Dochev K.
2002 Rannovizantijski moneti ot Tărnovo (V-VII v.), Izvestiia na Regionalen Istoricheski Muzei
Veliko Tărnovo, 17/18 (2002/2003), 287-298.
Dolinescu-Ferche S.
1984 La culture Ipoteşti – Ciuriel – Cîndeşti (Ve-VIIe siecles). La situation en Valachie, Dacia
N.S., 28, 117-147.
Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border 467
Drauschke J.
2009 Byzantinische Münzen des ausgehenden 5. bis beginnenden 8. Jahrhunderts in den
östlichen Regionen des Merowingerreiches, (in:) Wołoszyn M. (ed.) Byzantine Coins in
Central Europe between the 5th and 10th century, MORAVIA MAGNA. Seria Polona, 3,
Kraków, 279-323.
Fusek G.
1994 Slovensko vo včasnoslovanskom období, Archaeoloica Slovaca Monographiae, 3, Nitra.
Gândilă A.
2005 Sixth-to-seventh century coin circulation in Dobrudja, CN, 9/11 (2003-2005), 109-166.
2007 Early Byzantine Capidava: the numismatic evidence, CN, 12-13 (2006-2007), 97-122.
2008 Some Aspects of the Monetary Circulation in the Byzantine Province of Scythia during
the 6th and 7th century, Acta Musei Varnaensis, 7 (Lazarenko I. [ed.], Numismatic, Sphra-
gistic and Epigraphic Contributions to the History of the Black Sea Coast), 305-334.
The Early Byzantine Coin Circulation in the Eastern Provinces: A Statistical Aproach,
forthcoming.
Grierson P.
1965 Trace elements in Byzantine copper coins of the 6th and 7th centuries, (in:) Berghaus P.,
Hatz G. (eds.), Dona numismatica. Walter Hävernick zum 23. Januar 1965 dargebracht,
Hamburg, 29-35.
Hahn W.
1975 s. MIB
Harhoiu R.
2003 Quellenlage und Forschungsstand der Frühgeschichte Siebenbürgens im 6.-7. Jahr-
hundert, Dacia N.S., 43/45 (1999/2001), 97-158.
Horedt K.
1975 The Gepide, the Avars and the Romanic population in Transylvania, (in:) Constantinescu
M., Pascu Ş., Diaconu P. (eds.), 111-122.
Iacob M., Poenaru-Bordea Gh.
2000 Les monnaies des IVe-VIIe siecles découvertes à Argamum (Scythie Mineure), (in:) Kluge
B., Weisser B. (eds.), XII. Internationaler Numismatischer Kongress Berlin 1997, Akten-
Proceedings-Actes, vol. II, Berlin, 780-792.
Iordanov I.
1982 Moneti ot Cirakman, (in:) Vasilev V., Velev M. (eds.), Chirakman – Karvuna – Kavarna,
Sofia, 57-58.
Isvoranu T., Poenaru-Bordea Gh.
2003 Monede bizantine de la Tomis şi împrejurimi în colecţia Institutului de Arheologie Vasile
Pârvan, (in:) Simpozion de numismatică, Chişinău, 24-26 September 2002, Bucharest,
137-161.
Ivanov M.
2003 Bononia, (in:) Ivanov R. (ed.), Roman and Early Byzantine Settlements in Bulgaria, vol.
II, Ivray-Sofia, 18-22.
Ivanov R.
2003 Appiaria, (in:) Ivanov R. (ed.), Roman and Early Byzantine Settlements in Bulgaria, vol. II,
Ivray-Sofia, 63-70.
Janković Đ.
1981 Podunavski deo oblasti Akvisa u VI i pocetkom VII veka, Arheoloski institut. Gradja, 5,
Beograd.
Kropotkin V.V.
2006 Les trouvailles de monnaies Byzantines en U.R.S.S. (Georges Depeyrot [ed.]), Collection
Moneta, 61, Wetteren.
Lafaurie J., Pilet-Lemière J.
2005 Monnaies du haut Moyen Âge découvertes en France (Ve-VIIIe siecle), Paris.
468 Andrei Gândilă
Lazarenko I.
2003 Numizmatčni danni za datirane opožarjavaneto na Odesos po vremeto na imperator He-
raclji, Izvestiia na Narodniia Muzei Varna, 34/35, 150-166.
Madgearu A.
1992 The Placement of the Fortress Turris, Balkan Studies, 33/2, 203-208.
1997a About Maurikios, Strategikon, XI.4.31, Revue des études sud-est européennes, 35, 119-
121.
1997b Continuitate şi discontinuitate culturală la Dunărea de Jos în secolele VII-VIII, Bucharest.
2005 The 6th century Lower Danubian bridgeheads: location and mission, Ephemeris Napo-
censis, 13, 295-314.
Martelli F.
1984 La fine di Ratiaria in Teofilatto Symocatta, Ratiarensia, 2, 123-126.
Menghin W.
1985 Die Longobarden. Archäologie und Geschichte, Stuttgart.
Metcalf D. M.
1969 Origin of the Anastasian Currency Reform, Amsterdam.
Militký J.
2005a Nálezy mincí ze 6.-7. století v Čechách a na Moravě, (in:) Kuna M., Profantová N. (eds.),
Počátky raného středověku v Čechách. Archeologický výzkum sídelní aglomerace kultury
pražského typu v Roztokách, Praha, 275-286.
2009 Finds of the Early Byzantine Coins of the 6th and the 7th century in the Territory of the
Czech Republic, (in:) Wołoszyn M. (ed.) Byzantine Coins in Central Europe between the
5th and 10th century, MORAVIA MAGNA, Seria Polona, 3, Kraków, 357-393.
Mitrea B.
1966 Découvertes récentes et plus anciennes de monnaies antiques et byzantines en Rouma-
nie, Dacia N. S., 10, 403-414.
1975 Date noi cu privire la secolul al VII-lea. Tezaurul de hexagrame bizantine de la Priseaca
(jud. Olt), SCN, 6, 113-125.
Moisil D.
2002 The Danube Limes and the Barbaricum (294 - 498 AD) – a study in coin circulation,
Histoire & Mesure, 17(3), 79-120.
Moorhead T.S.N.
2006 Roman Bronze Coinage in Sub-Roman and Early Anglo-Saxon England, (in:) Cook B.,
Williams G. (eds.), Coinage and History in the North Dea World, c. AD 500-1250. Essays
in Honour of Marion Archibald, The Northern World, 19, Leiden, 99-109.
Morrisson C.
1979 La monnaie fiduciaire à Byzance ou “Vraie monnaie”, “monnaie fiduciaire” et “fausse
monnaie” à Byzance, Bulletin de la Société Française de Numismatique, 34, 612-616.
Morrisson C., Popović V. and Ivanisević V.
2006 Les Trésors monétaires byzantins des Balkans et d’Asie Mineure (491-713), Réalités
Byzantines, 13, Paris.
Niculescu A. Gh.
2002 Nationalism and the representation of society in Romanian archaeology, (in:) Nation and
national ideology: past, present and prospects, Bucharest, 209-234.
Nubar H.
1960 Monede bizantine de la începutul secolului al VII-lea şi sfîrşitul cetăţii Histria, SCN, 3,
183-195.
Oberländer-Târnoveanu E.
1980 Monede bizantine din secolele VII-X descoperite în nordul Dobrogei, SCN, 7, 163-165.
1996 Monnaies byzantines des VIIe-Xe siecles découvertes a Silistra dans la collection de
l’Académicien Péricle Papahagi consevées au Cabinet des Medailles du Musée National
d’Histoire de Roumanie, CN, 7, 97-127.
Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border 469
Radoměrský P.
1953 Byzantské mince z pokladu v Zemianském Vrbovku, Památky Archeologické, 44, 109-127.
Roman P., Ferche S.
1978 Cercetările de la Ipoteşti (jud. Olt). Observaţii asupra culturii materiale autohtone din
secolul al VI-lea e.n. în Muntenia, Studii şi cercetări de istorie veche şi arheologie, 29/1,
73-93.
Rusu M.
1975 Avars, Slavs, Romanic population in the 6th-8th Centuries, (in:) Constantinescu M., Pascu Ş.,
Diaconu P. (eds.), 123-153.
Smedley J.
1988 Seventh-Century Byzantine Coins in Southern Russia and the Problem of the Light
Weight Solidi, (in:) Hahn W., Metcalf W. E. (eds.), Studies in Early Byzantine Coinage,
Numismatic Studies, 17, New York, 111-130.
Somogyi P.
1997 Byzantinische Fundmünzen der Awarenzeit , Monographien zur Frühgeschichte und
Mittelalterarchäologie, 5, Innsbruck.
Stoljarik E. S.
1993 Essays on Monetary Circulation in the North-western Black Sea Region in the Late
Roman and Early Byzantine periods: Late 3rd century – Early 13th Century A.D., Odessa.
Stratulat Lăcrămioara M.
2002 Continuitate şi discontinuitate la nordul Dunării de Jos (secolele IV-VIII d.Hr.), Carpica,
31, 59-78.
Teodor D. Gh.
1981 Romanitatea carpato-dunăreană şi Bizanţul în veacurile V-XI e.n., Iaşi.
1984 Civilizaţia romanică la est de Carpaţi în secolele V-VII (aşezarea de la Botoşana-Suceava),
Bucharest.
1997 Descoperiri arheologice şi numismatice la est de Carpaţi în secolele V-XI, Bucharest.
Teodor E. S.
2004 An Update for „Ipoteşti-Cândeşti Culture”, (in:) Fusek G. (ed.), Zborník na počest’ Dariny
Bialekovej, Archaeologica Slovaca Monographie, 7, Nitra, 405-414.
2005 The shadow of a frontier: the Wallachian plain during the Justinianic Age, (in:) Curta F.
(ed.), Borders, Barriers, and Ethnogenesis. Frontiers in Late Antiquity and the Middle
Ages, Studies in the Early Middle Ages, 12, Brepols-Turnhout, 205-245.
Teodorescu V.
1972 Centre meşteşugăreşti din sec V/VI-VII în Bucureşti, Bucureşti, 9, 73-97.
Toropu O.
1976 Romanitatea târzie şi strămoşii în Dacia Traiană sudcarpatică (sec. III-XI), Craiova.
Vang Petersen P.
1994 Excavations at Sites of Treasure Trove Finds at Gudme, (in:) Nielsen P. O., Randsborg K.,
Thrane H. (eds.), The Archaeology of Gudme and Lundeborg. Papers presented at a Confe-
rence at Svendborg, October 1991, Arkæologiske Studier, 10, Copenhagen, 30-40.
Vasiliev A. A.
1950 Justin the First: An Introduction to the Epoch of Justinian the Great, Cambridge MA.
Velkov V.
1988 Antičnijat Durostorum, (in:) Christov S., Lipchev R. Atanasov G. (eds.), Durostorum-
Drastar-Silistra, Silistra, 25-31.
Velter A.-M.
2002 Transilvania în secolele V-XII, Bucharest.
Vertan A., Custurea G.
1998 Descoperiri monetare în Dobrogea (X), Pontica, 28/29, 309-321.
Vertan A., Custurea G., Talmaţchi G.
1999 Descoperiri monetare în Dobrogea (XIII), Pontica, 32, 347-365.
Face value or bullion value? Early Byzantine Coins beyond the Lower Danube Border 471
Williams G.
2006 The Circulation and Function of Coinage in Conversion-Period England, c. AD 580-675,
(in:) Cook B., Williams G. (eds.), Coinage and History in the North Dea World, c. AD
500-1250. Essays in Honour of Marion Archibald, The Northern World, 19, Leiden, 145-
192.
Whitby M.
1988 The Emperor Maurice and His Historian: Theophylact Simocatta on Persian and Balkan
Warfare, Oxford.
Wołoszyn M.
2005 Monety bizantyńskie z VI-VII w. w Polsce na tle środkowoeuropejskim, (in:) Kaczanowski
P., Parczewski M. (eds.), Archeologia o początkach Slowian, Kraków, 637-680.
Zaharia E.
1971 Données sur l’archéologie des IVe-XIe siecles sur le territoire de la Roumanie. La culture
Bratei et la culture Dridu, Dacia N. S., 15, 269-287.