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However, the Indian society was very different from the European society in its
socio-religious structure and could not, therefore, imitate the western model of
secularism. It had to evolve its own model of secularism from its own
experimental context. Since there was not any struggle against any established
religious authority, there was no question of any resentment against religion.
Also, India was rich in pluralistic traditions, and mainly relied on them for
developing its concept of secularism.
Indian pluralism is best summed up in two maxims: ekam sad vipra bahula
vadanti (i.e. That which exists is one; sages call it by various names) and sarva
dharma sambhava (All religions should be equally respected).
Thus, right from the beginning, Indian secularism drew its strength from
pluralism. It was the religious community, rather than the religious authority,
which mattered in the Indian context of secularism. The saner leaders of both the
communities emphasized justice in power-sharing, without questioning the
religious authority of either community.
In fact, the leaders of minority communities feared domination by the majority
community and interference in their religious affairs. The leaders of the majority
community, on the other hand, sought to assuage the feelings of minority
communities by assuring them they would be free to follow their own religions.
Such leaders were called secular, while those of the majority community who
resented unrestricted religious freedom for minorities were called communal. (a
loose definition) Thus, in Indian secularism an anti-religious attitude did not play a
part.
For Gandhiji, the basis of Hindu-Muslim unity was also religion. The political unity,
in his view, should also be based on one’s religious duty to unite with other
human beings. He wrote in the Harijan of July 6, 1947 that “....by trying to
befriend Muslims I have only proved myself a true Hindu and have rightly served
the Hindus and Hinduism. The essence of true religious teachings is that one
should serve and befriend all”. To strengthen his point then he goes on to quote a
couplet—from Iqbal’s famous poemNaya Shivala: "Mazhab nahin sikhata aapas
mein bayr rakhna", meaning, religion does not teach us to bear ill-will towards
one another.
Constitutional concept
Differing views of national leaders meant that the form of secularism that found
expression in the Constitution after independence was ambiguous. The result was
that the Constitution sought to do several things. It made some allowance for the
role played by religion, especially Hinduism, in Indian life. It also gave statutory
recognition to minorities, thereby implicitly accepting the existence of a majority.
It aimed to foster a common civic identity, but then compromised this by the
provision of reserved seats in legislatures to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes (initially meant to last 10 years, no Parliament has contempla-ted doing
away with this and its regular extension has become a formality).
Though our Constitution is secular, originally the word ‘secular’ found only a
single casual mention in the document of 1950. The reference was to “economic,
financial, political or other secular activity” in Article 25(2a) and the usage
followed the standard dictionary meaning. It was only during the emergency in
mid-seventies, during Congress party rule, that the words “secular and socialist”
were added. The secular objective of the State was specifically expressed by
inserting the word ‘secular’ in the Preamble of the Constitution (42nd
Amendment) Act, 1976. But the word ‘secular’ was not defined, although it was
given official (not Constitutional but operational) expression in the State practice
of maintaining equidistance from all religions, or paying equal respect to all
religions, not favouring one at the cost of another. Thus, the unity and fraternity
of the people of India, professing numerous faiths, was sought to be achieved by
enshrining the ideal of a ‘secular State’, which means that the State protects all
religions equally and does not itself uphold any religion as the State religion.
Thus, the spirit of Indian secularism is not denial of any religion or religious
practice, but religio-cultural pluralism. It is certainly better than atheistic
secularism as the latter does not admit the right of citizens to believe.
Critique
Many argue that it is not possible to do away with religion from politics in India. It
must be noted that though the Constitution provides for citizenship on individual
basis, irrespective of one’s religion or caste, one can hardly forget that our
existential reality is communitarian, rather than individual-oriented.
The Constitution had to take note of this existential reality. Thus, our Constitution
tries to imbibe elements of both as an honourable compromise. Strictly speaking,
the ruling elites do not rule in the name of religion, or for a particular religion.
However, politics of the ruling elites has always found it convenient to negotiate
with various communities, rather than individuals. Religion has firm presence
within the communities, and it is a reference point for the communities to define
themselves. The Indian State, therefore, continues to interact and deal with
communities, and in the process, constantly legitimizes and reinforces the
communities through its acts.
The meaning of religion varies from one person to another. All religious people
are not dogmatic, narrow-minded, ignorant, superstitious and intolerant.
Dogmatism and narrow-mindedness or fanaticism are psychological rather than
religious categories. In that way, even an atheist or agnostic can be dogmatic or
intolerant and even fanatic.
The role of religion has often varied, from being an instrument in the hands for
enforcing abject subjugation of the toiling masses, to that of inspiring the revolt
against tyranny or racial oppression. Religion for toilers generally steps in to
cement the strong bonds desired. It provides values and meaning to their lives. It
is their hope. Religion acts not only as a substitute to science in explaining the
universe and its laws, it also acts as a popular philosophy for even the most
ordinary person to be able to appreciate.
The ordinary or powerless need stronger, collective existence to give meaning and
purpose to their existence. The collective social existence through which the
individual seeks to compensate his or her powerlessness is to have common social
values, culture, and a world-view.
Some social scientists in India have argued that the serious threats to social
tolerance and diversity in India today come either from an anti-democratic,
majoritarian, ethnic nationalism or from a homogenising and modernising nation
State, and the imposition of alien values on Indian society. Such theorists prefer a
State which does not claim procedural neutrality and separation of State from
religion but is, instead, guided by an encompassing indigenous culture, although
they oppose the interpretations of Indian culture which are being marketed by
right-wing forces today. Minorities could be protected, they argue, by the
tolerance and modes of coexistence which have evolved in the society over time,
rather than by a modernising nation State with alien values. The State should be
prepared to devolve some of its powers and functions on to communities.