i

Gendero Conflict, nd D ex)eloWet

Tsjeard Bouta Georg Frerks an Bannon

THE \/oRLD BANK

Washington, D.C.

o 2005 The nternationa Bank fr Reconstruction and Development / The \)iorld Bank 1818 F Street, NW 'Washington, DC20433
Teephne: 202-47 3-7000 nternet: vrw\i/.,'/orldbank.org

E-mail: feedback@worldbank. org

11

rights reserved.

Contents

1.23407060504
Tre findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of the authr(s) and do not necessaiy reflect the views of the Board of Executive Directors of the ord Bank or the governments they represent. The'Word Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work, Tre boundaries, coors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not impy any judgment on the part of the )/orld Bank concerning tlre lega status of any territory or the endoSement or acceptance of such boundaries.
.---t

Preface

x1

t_
l tI

cknowedgments

xll

Rights and Permissins

bout the Authors bbreiations

Executive Summary
1.

xv

The material in this work is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work r.vithout permission may be a violation of applicable law. The

'World Bank encouages dissemir'ation of its work and will nrmally grant
I

xvii

permission prompty. Fclr permission to photocopy or reprint a'1y Part of this work, pease send a request with complete information to the Copyright Clearance Center, nc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA, telephone 978-750-8400, fax 9787 5 0 -447 0, www.copyright.com. l other queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be 'Waslrington, addressed to the office of the ublishe orld Bank, 1 81 8 H Street Ns7, DC 20433,USA, fax 202-522-2422, e-mai pubrights@worldbank.org.

xix t
2 2 6 7
B

ntroduction Oblecties nd Focus Terminology nd Concets The nk's Approcb to Gender and Conflict

ISBN 0-8213-5968-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data has been applied for.
hoto courtesy of rrternationa1 Conrmittee of the Red Cross Photographer: Didier Bregnard

Limittions The Links mong Gender, Conflict, nd Deeopment

2.

Gender and'W'arfare: Femae Combatants and Sodiers'ives oeruiel Women i Conflict Gender Roles in Armies Gender Reltions in tbe Army D eu e lopment Ch llenges : P r o i ding P o st- Co nfli ct Assistnce to Femle x-Soldiers Policy otions

9 9
11

15
22

12

17

48

GENDER, coNLCT' ND DEvLoME

protection officer, and interpreter of the Same Sex shoud See them' if possible. Male staff shold receive trainirg in how to respond to the needs of male GBV survivors (\Ho 2000). owever, psychological counselors may need to take into account that male GBV survivors are even less likely than women to report their experiences (\ro/UN-CR 2002). articlarly in societies where men are discouraged from talking abot their emotions, they may find it even more difficrlt than women to acknowledge what has happened to
them. For these reasons, there is probably considerable underreporting of sexua violence against males (1/o 2000). Moreover, doctors should investigate the specific physical harm done to males, wlricr obviolsy differs from that done to \/omen (\roruNCR 202), and lega specialists should ensure tlrat women and men have equal ega protection against GBV. Although networks and programs exist to protect females who were sexally attacked, there is rarely anything comparable for male survivrs. n sme countries, tlre lega1 definition of rape applies only to women. Finaln combating GBV will not be effective withot clranging tlre culture of violence and providing alternatives for militarized masclinities in conflict-affected countries. s long as violence is tolerated arrd social norms and values do rot condemn such violence, policy clrarrges will have nly minima impact. lthough it is a lruge clrallenge, agencies need to consider how to approach such militarized societies and attitudes and break the continum of violence.

cAPTER 4

Gender and Formal

eace rocesses
Overview
PERSPECv TA women and men can be as effective ir promoting peace aS in promoting war and conIlict, this chapter focses on women's and men's positions in forrnal peace processes throrghout conflict. t anayzes their roles in democratization processes, elections, and political processes during and after conflict. Most political institltions in conflict and nonconfict societies tend to perpetlate an exclusionary attitude and crture toward women. s a result, compared to men relativey few wmen become involved in frmal peace processes during and after conflict. Beyond this quantitatie difference, there is a qalitative difference; \/omen are likely to make a different contributior to the peace process. Y/lrerr compared to men, women are lnore likely to put gender issues on the agenda, introduce other conflict experiences, and set different priorities for peace buidirg and relrabiitation, and tley may bridge politica divides bet_ ter. omen's increased participation may also generate wider pubic Sport for tlre peace accords. owever, one sroud avoid tlre view tlrat all female poiiticians are gender-sensitive, wliie all mae politicians are not. Regarding gender-role cbnges, additional anaysis is needed to de_ termine whether lvomen's participation irr frma poitical processes increases during conflict. Suclr anaysis needs to focus on how conducive factors (i.e., a decrease in stereotypica gerrder divisions of labor and the absence of males) and ipeding factors (i.e., an increase in domestic burdens and the absence of fnctioning politica bodies) shape women's opportunities for politica participation during conflict. Since prevaiing social structures and gender divisions tend to accompany the return of peace, many tt/omen have to retreat from political ard pubic life. This dip in fenrale participation rnay be temporary

SRlc FROM TE

til
I l

50

DR) COLCT, ND DEvE-MEN

GENDER ND FoRMAL c
h.

RoqSSS

51

ll

and is often reversed due to external pressure to establish dernocratic systems and open political space for women. The political processes during conflict and post-conflict may offer possibilities for greater gender balance. eace talks, derocratization processes, and elections are looked upon as embodying and bringing psitive changes' The key deelopment cbllenge is to use tlre momentum to focus attention on gender-equality issues and to increase tlre ir-

l l

volvement of women and other marginalized groups

process.
i

in the

peace

u, '

To incorporate gender equality into peace accords, policy options

u

ncl

de:

. .
E

.
o

Organizing training and information-sharing events for politicians already in ffice or tlrose invoved in the peace talks; Developing wider processes of political consultation or representation, for example, with women's organizations; ncreasing t1re number of female politiciarrs by training women to ru1 for politica office, fronr the village to tlre parliamentary Fostering discussion within public and politica bodies about women's invovement; Settirrg legislative of party quotas to ensure a minimum rumber of female candidates; ar-d stablislring indicators to aSSeSS the influence of femae and mae politicians on poitical outcomes and tre political cuture and
process.
evel;

Gender Roles in the Peace rocess

'While wrnen are often active ir irformal peace processes, they are largely absent frorrr frmal peace processes. s defined by the UN, formal peace processes inclde early warning, preventive diplomacy,

conflict prevention, peacemaking, peace-building, and global disarmament; they involve activities such as conflict resolutior, peace negotiations, reco-ciliation, infrastructure reconstructiorr, and provision of lrumanitarian aid (adapted from Porter 203). Tlre UN argues that women need t be included in formal peace processes to build greater post-conflict gender balarrce ard a more inclusive peace. omen's par_ ticipation in the peace process and mainstreaming their involvement into the peace accords lay the groundwork for engendering postcorflict reconstruction and rehabilitation (Shecker 2002)' At the same

time, conflict may increase opportunities for more gender-baanced

politica1 participatiorr, but sutr-'port is needed to SuStail tlrese charrges after confict. Clrapter 5 discusses women'S participation in inforrr-ral peace processes. Although the Bank is precluded by its mandate from intervening or directly participating in political processes or peace negotiations, it needs to understand these pocesses ard tlreir inrplications for effective post-conflict recovery efforts. Poitics, the state, nationalisrn, and tlre army are fundamentaly masculine notions. They are characterized by patriarchal practices and valucs that are not easily charrged (\riford and Miler 998). Meirrtjes (1998) describes lrow in South frica women lrave been iderrtified as "mothers of tlre nation.'' owever, women's practical involvemert as wel as tlre ideological discourse employed in defining the splrere of their actions centered on motherhood, responsibiIity for children, and protection of tlre fanily-tlre national discolrse was franred witlrin patriarchal lroundaries. flretrer in conflict or nonconflict situations, most poitica irrstitutions tend to exclude women. As a result, many \Monen choose to work outside formal poitics, with various CSos, adlor with political parties tlrat advocate social and poitica clrange (UDP 2003). So it is not Surprising that, cornpared to men) relatively few wonen becon-e inVoved in frnra peace processes, from negotiations tlrat ofter begin in the midst of conflict and contirue tlrrouglr tlre various plrases of tlre trarsition to peace (Naraghi Arderlini 2000). Tlrese processes tend to remain rnale-dominated; wornen are underrepresented at al evels, ircluding in internatior-a agerrcies supporting peace negotiatiors, in ne_ gotiation teams representirg tlre warring parties, and in otrer institutions irvited to the negotiation table (Byrne 1996; Srenser 1998; Kvinna til Kvinna 2OOO; Porter 2003).3 Barnes (2002) refers to an "eite pact-rnaking approaclr'' by wrich those wiling to use po\/er divide the spoils witlrout tlre participation of society at arge. Porter (2003) refers to a Strong belief tlrat thse w1ro take up arms must Stop the conflict by sitting at the negotiating table. This approach may help to end violerrt confict, but it does not necessari[y provide tlre best basis for rebuildil-rg society. nclusion of all social groups fosters the pluralism tlrat is necessary to develop a more irrclsive, stable, and participatory post-confl ict poity. Because it is precisely at tre peace accords wlrere the foundatiot-s for a future society are often set, this is where important gender issues shoud be addressed and where a gender perspective on peace should be irrcorporated (Cock 2001). hereas it rnay be lrard to achieve gender equality in every conponent of the peace accords and post_conflict poitica1 recorrciliatin processes-particulary if gender balance was argely absent in the pre-corrflict phase-efforts are reeded to address

52

GDR, CoNFL1C, ND DvLoPMENI'

GDR ND FORML PECE RoCESSiS

53

gender issues to the extent possible. Gender issues trat coud be incorporated irr peace accords incude: 1runran rights provisions irr ne\/ conStitutions, eqal participation in elections, participation of women and men i-t decisionmaking, laws against GB prosecution of GBV perpetrators, special measres to set up ger-rder-sensitive poice forces and other key institutions, and greater gender balance in inheritance rights and access to ard, property, housing, and credit (UN 202). dealy, such issues wil not be addressed exclusively in tlre peace accords, but

ox 4.1 Building omen's lliances in Bururrdi, Liberia,

and Nortlrerr-r reand
Forming vlomen'S aianccs can be a difficut poccss, particularly wlren they are divided aong political and identity lines (El-}uslrra 2003).
Nevertlreess, in a number of cases women have managcd to form coalitions that bridge decp politicai, ethnic, and rciigious divides on thc basis of shared interests. n protracted conflicts suclr as in Nortrer'r reland,

tv'-

tlrey will also be elaborated in tlre politica and ega processes that reslt from the peace accords. hat difference could increased female participation make ir the peace process and politica1 reconciliation? For exampe, could it be assumed that greater participation of women at the Dayton Talks or in Sierra Leone would have put tlre equal rights and needs of women atd men more prominently on the agenda? Naraglri nderini (20) shows that women's increased participation (as politicians, informants, negotiators, or representatives) enhances the chance that major gender issues will be discussed durirg peace taks and incorporated in peace accords. omen's contribution to corrflict resolution and peace building is regarded as general1y psitive (Naraglri rrderlini 2000; UN 2002; Relrn and Sirleaf 2002). Naraghi Anderini (2000)finds that, in addition to placirg gender issues more frequenty on the peace agenda tran men, women often. introduce otlrer conflict experiences and set different priorities for peace-buiIding and rebabiitation. Tlrey ted to be the sole voices speaking out for women's rights and concerns, often forging coalitions based on ',r/omen's shared interests that transcend plitical, ethnic, and religious differences (see box 4.1), and bringing a better understandirg of social justice and gender inequality to peace negotiations. Tley are often regarded as less tlrreatening to the established order, thus having more freedom of action. ltlrough tlrere has been little systematic research, anecdotal evidence suggests tilat women may unite around such issues as motherhood or on the basis of tlreir family resporsibilities, wlereas such 'bridgirrg' elements seem 1ess important for ren. ddressing women'S concerns need not be equated with notions of feminism, bt as the primary caretakers, women tend to prioritize education, health, nutrition, childcare, and human welfare needs. \Without a voice, women's concerns are neither prioritized nor resourced (Porter 2003). 'W'omen's participation in peace talks can also widen the popular mandate for peace and lead to concrete measures' such as: ministries for gender equaliry and rvoren's affairs (fglranistan), separate units within ministries to address gender issues (Liberia), equal rights to vote and participate in political processes (Cambodia), and changed

lt/omen colaborated

peace talks and acted as monitors of commitmenrs made (Naraghi nderlini 2000). As a result of extensive advocacy, women in Burundi were able to nite across ethnic, politicai, and cass backgrounds arrd dcveoped a cear agenda and joint rccomrnerrdations, trrany of whiclr were incuded in the peace agfecment (UN 2002).

care, lrealtlr, and nricroenterprises. n Liberia, nrembers of the Liberian omcn's nitiative-whiclr was open to all women regardless of etlrnic, socia, or reigious background-became informants during the regional

on cross-community )fograms reating to child-

to women's leadership and decisionmaking capacities (Nortrern reland) (Naraghi Anderlini 200).'V?'olren's participatiot1 in the peace talks in Guatemala (199t-96) resulred in efforts ro ensure more equal access to and and credit, a special lealtlr program for wonen and girls, a family reunification program, legisation penalizing sexua harassment, and tlre creatiol1 of tlre Natioral 'Women's Forutn and tlre office for the Defese of ndigenous orrren (UN 2002). t shoud not be assumed priori, however, tlrat women's presence irr the peace process wil guarantee tlrat gender equality issues will be On the agenda. Athough nearly one-third of FMLN (Farabundl Marti National Liberatiorr Front) negotiatrs \/ere M/ollen, gerder equality \MaS ot incorporated ir ,l Salvador's peace agreenents' wlriclr even included Some discriminatory provisions against 'r/on-en (UN 2002). However; as noted in bxes 4. a-d 7.3, below, women's presence irr tlre peace process did nake a difference. Altlrouglr wonen rr-ray not al\/ays Support opportunities for other women, ir general, tlrey are stil the main pfoponents of agendas tlrat include gender (Naraghi nderini
attitudes
000). Research from Scandinavia slrows that it is mostly female poiticians who pace \/omen'S position in society issues ot the forma poitical agen'da (Dalrlerup 2001). Ensuring more balanced gender

epresentatiorr in tlre peace process is likely to increase the clrarces tlrat key gender issues wil be addressed in peace accords. Since nt all

54

GNDR' coFLCT, AND DvELoMENT

GENDER ND FoRMAk,EC

RoCESSES

J5

ox 4.2

-Women

Participated in El Salvador's Negotiations eace

igh-ranking \Momen in tlre FML and Salvadran government partic'While in the early stages ipated in all phases of the pcacc negotiations. they regarded tl-remseves as officia party negotia1615-'n91 as repre-

sentaties of a women's 169191"-their presence nonethelcss l-rad an

impotant effect on tlre outcome. n tlre words of na Guadalupc Martinez, a high-ranking FMLN official, '\i/o-en in tlre negotiations

were well respected, but "not as a woman, but as a representative of a .With hindpowerful arnred group" (Conaway and Mart(nez 2004). siglrt, rnany female FMLN figlrters reget thei lack of gender awareness during the peace process. But wrile thcy did not address concerns specific to women, their presence in tl-re negotiations made a significant difference, articularly regarding reintegration benefits. s Nidia Diaz, a former FMLN comadate, recalls: "n ncgotiating, when tlre time came to discuss the concept of beneficiaries, it was understood in our heads that v/omen would participate, but that wasn't [written] specifically. And we l-rad proberrs because when tlre ists of beneficiaries were formulated, members of the [negotiating] team did not specifically put down the nanres of '/omen. t was a very serious problenr that we lrad ater because only tlre nen \Mere thought of as beneficiaries, and we lrad to return to re-do lists. . . . " (Conaway and Martinez 2004).

\omen and men can be officially represented in tlre peace process, wider processes of societal consutation are important for: inclusive peace processes.

Dynamics: Struggling for articipation

'Women's roles in public and social life generally expand during conflict. This may be shaped, for example, by a decrease in stereotypical gender divisiorrs of abor, tlre absence of males, or \ryoen'S Support for peace processes. Kumar (2001 ) notes that during conflict a number of wmen tool< charge of political institutions in Salvador, and that 33 out of 262 mayors elected during 1985_BB \/ere twolnen. hether this represents a more general trend is difficult to judge due to the absence of comparative data, which suggests the need for additional research. t may be that existing barriers are often too Strong in tlre early phases of conflict to encourage women's political participation or that their participation may be constrained by the extra domestic burdens

fatigue tlrat grips Some \/omen eaders, or-perlraps more significartmen se eking to reassert tlreir authority ((umar 2001). t coud also be explained by tlre fact that while changes in gender roles ofte do take pace, tlre ideoogica basis underpinnirrg gender relticlns may remain largey urrchanged (El_Bushra et aL. 002).

significant impact on mairrstream poitics and decisionmaking. Greater political participation during conflict may also be temporary [Norwegian nstitute of nternationa Affairs (NUP) 2001]. s Karame roted, there seems to be n connec[ion between women's political agency durirrg conflict arrd treir participation ir national postconflict decisionmaking processes (Bouta and Frerks 2002, quoting Karame t999). T1re far-Torn Societies roject (srSP) notes that "once peace returl1s, traditional socia Strctures and gender divisions often retrn aso. Tlrese may remove \/onen from the positions of responsibility tlrey assumed during times of \/ar and return thenr to more traditional roles. This not only deals a blow to social ard econmic survival Stfategies arrd irrformal econolric tletwor<s, but becoes the source of new tetsiots.'' (S eb site.) Bop (2001) states that, despite te rights won during conflict, v/omen'S oss of opportunities to excrcise political and social leadership immediarely after conflict is among the most extfeme ard long-lasting of their losses. Sinrilarl El-Bushra (2003) irdicates tl-at women marraged to play politica roles at the community and national eves during conf]ict in countries suclr as Sudar and Uganda, but that such gender clranges at the micr eve are often not accompanied by correspondirrg clranges in poitical or organizational influence, and they do not furrdarrrentally a1ter patriarclra ideologies. n Algeria, womet1 were directly prevented from running in the 1990 elections (Srensen 1998' quoting Byrne L996)' n otlrer cases-Bosnia and erzegovina, Cambodia, and Guaternala-\/omen had to leave tlre poitica arena immediately after the conflict, altlrouglr the reasons are not fully understood. s Bop (2001) remarks in tle frican context: "No systematic anaysis lras yet explained why frican \/omen lrave lost tre leadership positiorrs they had previously won." Some factors likey include reirtroductiorr of the traditional social and political order existing before the conflicr, war

they face. n additiorr, in many conflict situations there is hardy a functioning representative governllent or parliament wlrere wonen coud become politicaly active. notlrer 1imitation may be of a qaitative nature. ven when political systems continue to fu-tction, the ',r/omen's role often remains marginal or is co-opted by political players in the name of supporting the war effort. 'Women's activities are often relegated to special women's wings of politica parties or sideined in independent vomen'S and feminist groups tlrat fail to rave a

56

GEDR, CoNFLCT, ND DEvELoPMET

GENDER ND FoRML PEc PRoCESSES

c1 J/

ox 4.3 7omen's Post-Conflict Poitical Participation

ncreases over Time

Development Chalenges: Gender-Sensitizirg the Political rocess

There is growing recognition that economic and polirical participation cannot be separated (Hamadeh-Baneriee 2000) and that effecrive development requires greater gender balance in power sharing (Kumar 2001'). Tlre poitical processes during conflict and post-cor-flict may offer possibilities to encourage greater gerder balance irr political po\/er. Peace talks, democratization processes, and eections can provide opportunities to uslrer ir positive clranges. Artice 1 f UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1325 urges srares ro ensure increased \/omen'S representation at al decisionmakirg levels in national, regiona, and internationa institutions and meclranistns for tlre pfevention, management, and resolution of conflict, whiie rticle 8 cals o-r al actors to adopt a gender perspective when negotiatirrg arrd implementing peace agreements (USC 200). though the reationsrip between corflict, peace) aird democracy is multifaceted and party contested, the "democratic peace'' thesis argues that democracies d not fight one another. Fukuyama (199s) observes that developed democracies also rend ro be more feminized than authoritarian States: "t shoud tlrerefore surprise no one that tlre historicay unprecederted shift in the sexral basis of politics slrould ead to a change in irrternational reations." This observation is in line witr findings that increased gender equality resuts ir ess beligererrt for_ eign policy behavior, as vr'omen are considered less aggressive and driven by values suclr as interdependence and egalitarianisrrr. n Caprioi's (2000) quantitative anaysis, politica, sociai, and economic teasures of gender equaity predict a state'S interational nriitarisnr, i.e., geater gender equality reduces tre likelihood tlrat a State will attac< its neighbors. r a n-loe recent anaysis urrdertaken for the \Vorld
also a tneaningfu predictor of irtrastate conflict. She hypothesizes that gender inequality should have a dua1 inrpact on intrastate corflictfirst, as a manifestation of structura and cultural violerce, it can lead to heightened socia violence, and secord, it facilitates a nationalist ca to arms. Slre finds t-lat gender inequality increases the likelirood that a State wi experience internal cnflict-states with lrigh fertiity rates, taken aS a proxy for ge-rder irrequality,3l are twice as likey to experience interna conflict as ow-fertiity ones; 88 percent of tre

Country case studies

Salvador, Georgia' Guatemaa, and Rwanda slrow row tlre retreat of

in

Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cambodia, El

women from public and political life after conflict is visible in post-

conflict elections to establish democratic governments. 1tlrough'v/omen made up at east half of the electorate, tlrey were only marginally represented initially in post-conflict nationa legislatures. Five women were eected to the National ssembly in Cambodia, representing only 6 percent of elected representatives. n Guatemala, wonren occupied only 7.5 perce nt of seats in parliament. n Bosnia and erzegovina, there was only orre wolan in the 4Z-rnember ouse of Representatives. n El Savador and Mozambique, wonen hed 11 percent and 25 percent of
the seats, respectively.

percentage of women elected in the national legislatures of Bosnia and

Aftcr an initial dip in the first post-conflict electins, howeve

the

Herzegovina, Cambodia, l Saivador, and Georgia showed an upward trend in subsequent elections, arguably influenced by donor pressure. more recent tabulation of tlre percentage of women in parliament (lower house or singe house) shows that, remarkably, Rwanda, with 49 percent'women, ranks first among 176 countries, wel ahead of Nordic countries and Tl-re Netherlands. Post-conflict countries ranked among tlre top 50 include: 4ozambique (3 percent), Timor-Leste (26 percent), Uganda (25 percent), ritrea (22 percent), Nicaragua (21 percent), and Burundi (18 percent) (nter-Pariamentary Union eb site 2004). lfomen's epresentatiot1 in national ministries and oca elections also imprved over time. Thc pcrce ntage of female city conselors in El Salvador increased from only 3 percent during the conflict o 14 percent in the 1993 elections and almost doubled by the t999 eections (Kumar 2001). n Rwanda, \r'omen lreld nine ministerial positions in t994 ad fre n 1998' but tl-e number jurnped to 26 by 2002-ir n small part because of explicit donr pressure (\feill 2003).

Bank, Caprioli (2003) seeks to deternrine wlrether gender inec1uaity is

On a more positive note, this dip in female political participation at the end of a conflict can be of a short nature (see box 4.3). The inter-

national community present in the post-confict phase increasingly advocates equal participation by women and men. The pressure to establish democratic SyStemS opens up new politica space for wonen and women's organizations ro become publicly and politically active.

fertiity rate over 3.0.

Ro/Uppsala]2-coded interna conflicts are within states with

li,

j'i

'

58

GEDR, coFLCT, AND DEvELoMENT

GF-NDR AND FoRML cE cEs.sS

r

59

Plicy options
ncorporting Gender quity into Pece Accords nd P oliticl Re b bilittion Acti ities
ddressing gerrder equality irr the politica1 arena is not exclusively the task of u/olen, but also that of men. t is rrot solely tlre responsibility of politicians, but also of poitical observers, representatives, civil servants, and otlrer political actors. Gender issues slrould lot only be addressed at the national level, but also in governance strctures at tlre regiona1 and community evels. Policy options include:

ox 4.5 Burundi's eace Process ncofporates Gender

and'Women's ssues

,]
/,,,,,,,,

,
iil!
I
1

Gender areness trinin'g. Training and information sharing with women and men in office on relevant gender issues may in'W'omen's

crease tleir gender sensitivity (OSCE 201;

organizations can be instrutnental in conducting training courses and awareness carnpaigns (see box 4.4). oweve; tlre

GT

2001').

crimes. An Al-arty Burundi \fomen's Conference was subsec1uenty held to discuss and formulate recommendations to include the protection of wocn and wotrren's riglrts in the peace accords. Recommenclations were distributcd to the parties and discusscd in -regotiations;23 of the rccomnendations were incorporated in the fina peace accords, inciuding the egaization of wonren's right to inlrerit lai-rd and property and girs' access to education (NUP 2001).

cussed issres suclr as drafting a constitution, electoral systetns' and war

high-profile delegation of female politiciars froln severa fricarr contries was ilrvitcd to the peace negotiations in ]urundi to speak abot gender and wornen's issucs. Tlre 19 parties wcre briefcd orr thc way in wlrich gender culd be related to the Peace process. They dis_

ox 4.4 "-Wonren Can D t" Campaign Unfods in Soutlreastern urope

The Stability )act for Southcastern uropc's Gcnder Task Force (GTF) irrrplementcd a "'Wmen Carr Do t" Canrpaign. Tlre Norwegian Labor )arty developed thc campaign in the early 1980s to encourage tre arty's female politicians to take gerdcr issues more seriously. l-e program was first adapte d to the necds of social democratic \/onen in transition colntrics, adjusted in1999 to tlre needs of (future) female politicians of all political parties in Blsnia arrd erzegovina, and recently _lre campaign aims to introduced in Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia.
ll
,l

to take genler issues into account. Training was devcloped to lrclp women understard tl'at thcy have dif{erent qualities and priorities fron men and tlrat ti-rey havc tlre right and tlrc drty to bring tlrcse into nrainstrealn politics. Training tried to help tlrcrrr overcomc nale clorrrinance, by focusing on skills such as lrow to work in poitics, public speaking, preparing for political work, networking, and lobbying. n 200L, the GTF determined t1at these trairiIrg sessions \ir'ere not cnougl-r. Even rlren \/omen enterecl political life, they v/ere stil a smal
\/omen

stilate womcn's participarion in poitical life and to

encourage

tions usally have a good understandi'rg :f wiricr gerrder issues slrould be addressed (see box 4.5). rternational agerrcies slrould encourage broad consultatiorrs in formal political processes dr'While ing ard after conflict. rnonitoring tlre irrrpact of sclr consltative processes on tre contelts of peace accords is importarrt, impemerrtatior of the accords is key. lr corrrbirratiorr witr rneaSures to gender serrsitize \/omen and men in political office, this

civil society organizations, particularly women's organizations, slrould be supported (Byrne 1996; UN 2002). men's organiza-

\/omell and tnen irr office. s not all womell and men, mirrrities, and parties ranage to lroid office or are irrvolved in forrnal peace tal<s, Track negotiatiols, other political processes, and/r wider processes of politica consultation are needed to ensure that tlrese groups are consulted about tl-eir needs and interests. Deuelop ider processes of oliticl consultatiol. or represel1ttion.kegarding gender equalitn wider consultation processes with

limitation of this approaclr is tlrat

it

focuses exclusivey on

will increase the

cl.rance that gender issues are seriously considered irr peace accords and the post-conflict politica processes.

minority, lacked visibility, and found it difficut to be heard. So the GTF dcvcoped a second module to empo\/er women within tlreir owrr political parties. Ln2002, tlre GF trained nearly al tre wonren's groups in parliancntary parties in Soutlreastern Europe.33 To date, no systematic evauatjon 1ras been undertaken of t-re results.

'qul P rti ci tion i nd lections

cisionmking Stru ctur es

Because ore en tlran vomen have tlre education, training, and selfconfidence to operate irr tlre political arera, edcational and training activities shold target \iiometr. To encourage well-trained and qualified

60

GEDR, CoNFLCT' ND DvLoMENT

GNDR AND FORMAL PCE RoCES-SS

61

ox 4.6 Cambodian omen's NGos Train Successful omen Politica1 Candidates

n February 2002, Cambodia held its first democratically contested

\ir'omen and men, who are probably less conditioned by gendered

arena (UN 2002). nother possibility is to focus o young

commune eections in three decades. A total of 7 5,244 candidates ran in thc 1,61' cotnmune constituencies; of these candidates, 11,853 were \/omen (16 pcrcent f al candidates). Aided by sia Foundation Bangkok staff, women's NGOs organized an initial training of trainers session. The trainers then organized 124 workshops across the country, providing training for 5,57 women,'of whom 60 percent registered as candidates; of tl-rese candidates, 900 were elected, compared to ony 10 countrywide in tlre past. n addition, the'Womcn for Prosperity NGo undertook a donor-supported media and commutrication campaigr to promote female candidates on a nonpartisan basis.3a

roles and more open to political charrge and to more balarced gender participatian in politics (amadelr-Banerjee 2000). Foster ublic d goernmental discussions on tbe inolement of onen and men in the oliticl rocess' ssues to stress include:

opening informal arrd forma poitics to men and womel (i.e., not linking women exclusively to irformal politics and men to formal politics), as they can be activ in botlr fields; Avoiding stereotyping female candidates and executive appointees tlrat marginaize tlrem to work in tlre sfter areas of
power-oriented portfolios, such as public works, trade, figoernment, such as lreatlr and education, and away from the nance, and defense; and Stressing rvomen's and mer's equal rigl-rts to register, vote, be

.
femae candidates to enter politics, affirmative action is an option (GT 2001) at rhe local, national, and regional levels for candidates, officials, voters, and political activists (NU 2001). Since there is no shortcut to irtegrating women and nen into decisionmaking pocesscs, a long-term development perspective is needed. oicy options must go beyond raw numbers to encompass the complex relationship of power, poverty, ard participation (UND 200). Policy options include the following:

Trin nd recruit Lomen nd men to std s cndidates for frml oliticl office in illge councis' proincil legisltures,
nd nationl prliaments during and fter conflict [United States Agency for nternationa1 Development (USAD) 2000]. nterna-

rl
I

tional organizatiolls can assist \/olnen to run as candidates in eections (see box 4.6), athogh finding suitable female candidates is often a chalenge. An option may be to focus on \/ome1 wlro lrave had litte pre-confict political experience or training, but have gained sonre political experience during conflict (NU 2001). Trey need training to compensate for their lack of broader political experience and to increase their knowledge on a range of plitical topics tlrat are pertinent in nonconflict situations. Such training may also reduce women's post-conflict dropout rate from poitics. Another option iS to target Women
who have substantial experience in informal processes. They may have a solid basis for entering formal processes, but their experiences are often not directy applicable to the formal political

norninated by a political party, get elected, be appointed to executive office, arrd hold arry portfolio (Srerrsen 1998; oSC 2001). Quots' Different quota Systems in egislatures or political parties can ensure more balanced gender participation. Some contries reserve parliamentary SeatS for wonren or their eectora law decrees that a percentage (say, 30 percent) of candidates must be \/omen or that 5 out of tlre first 15 names on party lists must be \/omen. Sometimes the media is used or tfansport is provided to promote voting by wonrerr. Lessns irrcude: r Quotas must be seen as tenporary and a first step otl the path to gfeater gender balance-a practica and syrnbolic easure to support women's leadership. Quotas nay need to be complemented by lclrg-term effots to address tlre socioecoromic constraints that affect lvoten'S participation in the political process (Relrr and Sirleaf 200). Quota systes slrould not disregard tl'e capacity of candidates and should consider job requirements and women's and men's capacity to match them. A drawback of quotas is that if there are insufficient female candidates, parties may cotnpromise quality for numbers. Quota systems are more effective if they are combined with

pubic a\,vareness campaigns, net'working between female politicians, edcation, and training (Kvinrra till Kvinna 2001. NUP 201) (see box 4.7). Quota systerS gerrerally aim at 30 to 33 percent representation of women to ensure a critical mass. Smaller numbers may

62

GNDR, coNFLC, D DEVELoMET

GDR ND FORM- ACE RoCSSS by parties on

63

ox 4.7 omen Played an Active oiitical Rle in Post-Conflict East Timr

n East Titror, womcn \/cre active in the liberation movement and the transition to independence. East Timorese \/omen he|d 6 percerrt o{ thc seats in tlre Constituent ssenrbln vhicl-r drafted tlre nation's new constitltion in March 2002.The new constitution contains articles confirrnin'g equal rigrts for wmen and men. Moreove women hcld tlrree of the top cabilet positions-Minister f Justicc, Ministe of Finance' and Secretary of tlre anning Commission. ast Tinorese women'S organizations played crcia political roles during and after indepcndence. Upon independence in t999, they immcdiately began lobbying for women's participation in nation building and tlre ful integratin of women's issues into tlre new constitution. on-en's groups sucl-r as FOKUPE and tlre East-Timorese \(otnen's Network pushed for initiatives to advance women's rights, sucl-r as the affirmative action capaign to cstablisr a quota of 30 percent for female ncmbers of the Corrstituent Assenbly (which became tlre national parliament lporr independence). The quota was ultirnately rejected, but wotnen's representation in the ssenbly crrded up being very close to this target. nternational organizations ard womcn's riglrts' advocates a1so played a critical surporting role. For examplc, ]N}'EM conducted works-ops to train \/olnen to participate in elections fr tlre ConStitucnt sscbl training nearly 145 participants in democratic principles of governancc, wonrcn's riglrts, and leadership (Stickland and Duvvury 2003). n the end, 26 workshop participants registered as candic{ates for the 2001 Consutative Assemby election, wlriclr was 10 percent of femae candidates;24 women (26 percent) were elected to the Constituent sserrbly (UNFEM Web site).

irnportant for women (anradelr-Banerjee 200). "Tlre oSC, {arrdbook'' refers to tlre proportion of en and women going to tlre polls, elected to pblic lrodies, or appointed to public office (OSCE 2001; Strickland and Duvvury 2003). Experiences frorn Scandinavian countries also suggest various effects: reactiorls to femae politicians may clrange as they acquire poitical legiimacy; tlre politica clture will be less forml and ess ceremonious aS wonen are usualy briefer and more to the point; and the natre of tlre politica discorse may cralge as gender issues gradually become subject to serious political debate. tlrough it is difficut to establislr causalit1,, the effccts of larger -rumbers of female politiciarrs cannot be separated from wrat lrapperrs ot_ side tlre politica arena in society at large (Dahlerup 2001). The list of policy options is -<rt exharstive, as tlre authors could rrot study tre large specialized iterarure on elections, delnocracy, ard power slraring (e.g., nternatiorra DE' 19 97' 9 9 8, 2002)' More balanced gender participation in political processes will be hard to achieve if men continue to dominate the contents, culture, and rules of poitica irrstitutions and decisionmakirrg processes. \7onrer's itlcreased pafticipation in politics wil only be trly vaed wlren there is a srift ir unc1erlying gender power relatiorrs-a long-term effort tlrat goes beyorrd tlre political dorrain.
1,

ti.i, o,vvn parry lists is preferabie. Botir cases require a Strong comnritent to gelder balance. Assessing impact. There is a need to go beyond nunllers il-r suppoting gender balance in political participatin (rternationa1 DEA 2002). t is irnportan to assess tlre gender balance irnpact at tlre decisionrnaking level irl poIitics arrd its inflrerrce on Society irr gereral. Various indicators lrave beerr used, sclr aS a gro\/ing consciousness of gender issues in society, tle inclrsiol1 Of gender isses in tre poitical agenda, and legislative clranges that are

to tl-e "masculinization" of wonen atl-er tlran tlre "feminirrization'' of politics-i.e., women adopting masculi1e attitudes and values prevailing in tlre poiticai arena instead of changing them. owever, rules for quotas are not enuglr-it is impenrentation of the quotas that counts. mplementation can benefit fron-r clear regulations, pressure from women's organizations, and sanctions for norcompiance [rrternational nstitute for
1ead

Dernocracy and lectoral ssistance (DE) 2002]. one drawback of officially irnposed quotas is that they can be considered essentially ndemocratic-voluntary adoptiorr of quotas

A4. c

* i (Df

Neuman ver, 2008, The Body of the Dipmat, in: uropen Jurn of nterntion
Reltions o Vol. 1 4 (4), pp.67 1-695.

Ruane bigae1, 2006, *Real Men" and Diplomats: nterultural Diplomati

Negotiatin and Masculinities in Chine and the United States, in nterntionl
Studies P erspe ctie, Vo1. 7 (4)' pp.342-359.