Professional Documents
Culture Documents
by Earl Doherty
Personal copies of this article may be made as long as author identification is preserved.
That Jesus was a man who lived and preached in Palestine during the early first century, who gave rise
to a faith movement centered upon himself which would go on to become one of the worlds great religions, might seem to be a fairly straightforward proposition. The idea lies at the base of nearly 2000 years of Christian belief and remains the starting point for almost all scholarly study of Christian origins. And yet, accommodating such a simple assumption to the documentary evidence is an exceedingly difficult task, a puzzle whose solution has proven stubbornly, perplexingly, maddeningly elusive. If we could reduce the complexity of the evidence to a number of identifiable elements, including the wider setting of the times in which Christianity arose, we might come up with a list of ten puzzle pieces:
in person is never mentioned, his appointment of apostles or his directive to carry the message to the nations of the world is never appealed to. No one looks back to Jesus life and ministry as the genesis of the Christian movement, or as the pivot point of salvation history. The great characters of the Jesus story, Mary his mother, Joseph his father, John his herald, Judas his betrayer, Pilate his executioner: none of them receive a mention in all the Christian correspondence of the first century. As for holy places, there are none to be found, for not a single epistle writer breathes a word about any of the sites of Jesus career, not even Calvary where he died for the worlds sins, or the empty tomb where he rose from the dead to guarantee a universal resurrection. The one clear placement of Christ in recent times, the accusation in 1 Thessalonians 2:15-16 that Jews in Judea had killed the Lord Jesus, has been rejected as an interpolation by most of todays liberal scholars,1 while the one Gospel episode Paul seems to allude to, Jesus words over the bread and wine at what he calls "the Lords Supper" in 1 Corinthians 11:23f, can be interpreted as a mythical scene Paul has himself developed through perceived revelation (see Piece No. 5). Otherwise, no non-Gospel writer of the first century makes any statement which would link the divine spiritual Son and Christ they all worship and look to for salvation, with a man who had recently walked the sands of Palestine, taught and prophecied and performed miracles, a man executed by Pontius Pilate on Good Friday outside Jerusalem, to rise from a nearby tomb on Easter Sunday morning. This "conspiracy of silence" is as pervasive as it is astonishing. [See Part One: A Conspiracy of Silence in the Main Articles.] The Gospel Jesus and his story is equally missing from the non-Christian record of the time. Philo of Alexandria, the Jewish historian Justus of Tiberias, Pliny the Elder as collector of reputed natural phenomena, early Roman satirists and philosophers: all are silent. Pliny the Younger, in his letter to Trajan from Bithynia c.112, does not speak of Christ in historical terms. Josephus famous passage in Antiquities 18 is acknowledged to be, as it stands, a Christian interpolation, and arguments that an original reference to Jesus either stood there or can be distilled from the present one, founder on the universal silence about such a reference on the part of Christian commentators until the 4th century.2 As for the reference in Antiquities 20 to James as "brother of Jesus, the one called (the) Christ", this passage also bears the marks of Christian interference.3 The phrase originally used by Josephus may have been the same designation which Paul gives to James (Galatians 1:19), namely "brother of the Lord," which would have referred not to a sibling relationship with Jesus, but to James position in the Jerusalem brotherhood, something which was probably widely known. A Christian copyist could later have altered the phrase (under the influence of Matthew 1:16) to render it more "historical" after Jesus of Nazareth was developed. [For a complete examination (and partial rethinking) of the Josephus question, see Supplementary
Article No 10: Josephus Unbound: Reopening the Josephus Question.]
The Roman historian Tacitus (Annals 15:44), is the first pagan writer to speak of Jesus as a man crucified by Pilate. Rather than representing information he dug out of an archive (the Romans would hardly have kept a record of the countless crucifixions around the empire going back a century), this was probably derived from Christian hearsay about a human founder of the movement, newly circulating in the Rome of Tacitus day (c.115). On the other hand, there are those who question the authenticity of this passage as well. Around the same time, Suetonius report (Claudius, 25) about Jews in Rome agitating under "Chrestus" in the reign of Claudius is so brief and uncertain, it may not be about Christ and Christians at all. In any case, it would not witness to an historical Jesus. As for the references to Jesus in the Jewish Talmud: even though some remarks are attributed to rabbis who flourished around the end of the first century (none earlier), they were not written down before the third century, and thus are unreliable. In any case, they are so cryptic and off the mark, they can scarcely be identified with the Gospel figure.
[For the non-Christian witness to Jesus, see Postscript in the Main Articles.]
2 Timothy 1:9 is another passage which alludes to an upper-world, beyond-time setting for the redeeming act: "Gods grace was given to us in Christ Jesus pro chronon aionionbefore the beginning of time..." Knowledge of it has only now been brought to light by the revelation of the savior Jesus Christ (verse 10). The meaning of that Greek phrase is another much-debated item,5 but it would seem to be an attempt to convey that Christs redeeming act took place outside the normal boundaries of time and space, in an upper Platonic realm of God.
[For a fuller discussion of this "piece", see Part Two: Who Was Christ Jesus? and Supplementary Articles No. 3: Who Crucified Jesus? and No. 8: Christ as "Man".]
How do Paul and other apostles like himself know of their Son and Redeemer? Is it through the words and deeds of Jesus on earth? Through traditions about him going back to those who had witnessed his ministry? No, Paul has learned of the Son through revelation and scripture. "God chose to reveal his Son through me," he says in Galatians 1:16. The writer of Ephesians, in 3:4-5, gives us the main elements of the new revelatory drama: "The mystery about Christ, which in former generations was not revealed to men, is now disclosed to dedicated apostles and prophets through the Spirit." Paul points to scripture (Romans 1:2, 1 Corinthians 15:3-4) as the source of his gospel, his knowledge about Christ and his saving work. It is God, through the Spirit, who has supplied this gospel, God who has appointed apostles like Paul to carry the message. All of it is couched in revelatory language, with words like phaneroo, apokalupto, epiphaneia. The existence and role of the divine Son has hitherto been unknown. He has been a secret, a "mystery" hidden for long ages with God in heaven, now revealed together with the benefits of his saving act. This is what Paul and the other epistle writers are constantly telling us: in Romans 3:21f, 16:25-27, Colossians 1:26 and 2:2, 1 Peter 1:20. They trace nothing back to a human Jesus and indeed, as in Titus 1:2-3, often leave no room for such a figure in their picture of the beginnings of the Christian movement. Instead, they speak of Christ as now present on earth (e.g., 1 John 5:20), sent by God as he has also sent the Spirit. (The Spirit and the Son are sometimes linked, as in Romans 8:9, Galatians 4:6, Phil. 1:19.) As the Pauline letters convey through the use of their ubiquitous phrase "inor throughChrist" (e.g., Romans 6:11, Ephesians 1:4, Titus 3:6), Christ is a spiritual medium through which God is revealing himself and doing his work in the world. He is a mystical force, part of and interacting with his believers, and he is Gods agent of salvation. All this lies plainly on the pages of the New Testament epistles, while beside it stands a void on the Gospel Jesus.
[See Part Two: Who Was Christ Jesus? and Supplementary Article No. 6: The Source of Paul's Gospel.]
Like the Logos and Sophia (Wisdom), only the Son "knows" the Father, and humanity can only know God through the Son.
[See Part Two: Who Was Christ Jesus? and Supplementary Article No. 5: Tracing the Christian Lineage in Alexandria.]
In the period around the turn of the era, Platonism divided the universe into a timeless, perfect higher realm (containing the "genuine" reality, accessible to the intellect), and an imperfect, transient world of matter as its copy. The mythical activity of the cultic gods was thought to take place in this upper dimension of reality, having effects on humanity below. (Such Platonic-style thinking tended to supplant older views of myth which regarded this activity of gods as having occurred in a primordial, sacred past.) This was combined with other, more popular views which saw the universe as multilayered, from the world of base matter where humans lived, to the highest level of pure spirit where the ultimate God dwelled. The layers between (usually seven, plus the air or "firmament" between earth and moon) were populated by various sorts of angels, spirits and demons. The latter, responsible for the evils that afflicted mankind and in the Jewish mind associated with Satan, filled the lowest spirit layer and were regarded as part of the realm of "flesh",7 cutting off earth from heaven. To perform their salvific work, the savior gods descended into the lower reaches of the spiritual world, taking on increasing resemblance to lower and material forms: Attis, for example (so Julian the "Apostate" relates in Orations V), to the level just above the moon; Christ, so Paul indicates in 1 Corinthians 2:8, along with the writer of the Ascension of Isaiah 9, to the sphere of Satan and his powers in the firmament. Here Christ, having assumed the "likeness" of flesh and a man (Ascension 9:13 and Philippians 2:7-8), was crucified. As passages like Ephesians 6:12 indicate, a cosmic battle was going on for control of the world, between the forces of darkness headed by Satan, and the forces of good directed by God. Christ was Gods agent, his Messiah, in this struggle. The crucifixion was regarded as a decisive move in the cosmic battle with the demons, wherein Christ subjected these spirits to himself and restored the unity of the universe (Ephesians 1:10). [See Supplementary Article No. 3: Who
Crucified Jesus?]
More sophisticated philosophers like Plutarch and Sallustius regarded the stories of the Greek salvation cults as allegorical interpretations only, "eternal meanings clothed in myth." Sallustius, writing in the 4th century, speaks of the story of Attis as "an eternal cosmic process, not an isolated event of the past" (On Gods and the World, 9). Paul, while he shows no sign of regarding the myth and suffering of
Jesus in anything but literal terms, would have been quite capable of placing such redeeming activity in this upper, spiritual realm, and indeed his language shows every sign of such an interpretation.
[See Part Two: Who Was Christ Jesus? and Supplementary Article No. 8: Christ as "Man": section I.]
names which were still unknown to Justin as belonging to his "memoirs of the Apostles". Moreover, these were documents which Papias himself had not seen,9 but had learned about from another, making the whole report a distant third hand. Thus, when scholars regularly date the Gospels between 65 and 100, they present us with a scenario in which the story of Jesus life as told by the evangelists remains in a limbo and fails to register on the wider Christian consciousness for almost a hundred years after it was first committed to paper. A generally later dating would seem to be required, perhaps with Mark in its initial version coming no earlier than the year 90. (The standard dating based on Mark 13 is not necessarily valid, since apocalyptic expectations continued until at least the end of the century, and Jesus suggestion in 13:7 is that some time must pass after the Jewish War before the End-time arrives.)
[See Part Three: The Evolution of Jesus of Nazareth.]
Sabbath and festival themes. This would entirely remove from the Gospels any semblance of history.
[See the book review of Spong's Liberating the Gospels.] [See Part Three: The Evolution of Jesus of Nazareth.]
appears, the first in non-Christian literature identifying Jesus as an historical man who was executed at the time of Pilate. Polycarp (writing about 130?), reflects the same outlook as Ignatius, and the Epistle of Barnabas (c. 120?) seems to regard Jesus as an historical man, but the writer is still dependent on scripture for much of what he assigns to this figure. If Eusebius is to be relied upon, Papias too reflects a belief in an historical Jesus (in Asia Minor), and he witnesses (at second hand) to some circulating collections of sayings and possibly anecdotes that have become associated with this figure. And yet, there are major Christian writings of the second century which fail to present an historical Jesus. Both the Didache (which may have roots in the late first century) and the monumental Shepherd of Hermas are devoid of any such figure; the latter never utters the name Jesus. Even the New Testament epistles generally dated in the early second century, 2 Peter and the three Pastorals, seem to lack an historical man. (The sole reference to Pilate in the New Testament epistles, 1 Timothy 6:13, has been examined with some suspicion by certain commentators13, since it doesnt seem to fit the context well. I regard it, along with 1 Thessalonians 2:15-16, as an interpolation.) Most astonishingly, all the major apologists before the year 180, with the sole exception of Justin (and a minor apologist from Syria, Aristides), fail to include an historical Jesus in their defences of Christianity to the pagans. This includes Tatian in his pre-Diatessaron days. Instead, the apologists bear witness to a Christian movement which is grounded in Platonic philosophy and Hellenistic Judaism, preaching the worship of the monotheistic Jewish God and a Logos-type Son; the latter is a force active in the world who serves as revealer and intermediary between God and humanity. Theophilus of Antioch, Athenagoras of Athens, Tatian in his Apology, Minucius Felix in Rome (or North Africa) offer no beliefs in an historical figure crucified as an atoning act, nor in a resurrection. (Nor do they have anything in common with Paul.) In not one of them does the name Jesus appear, and none speak of an incarnation of their Logos. Theophilus explains the meaning of the name "Christian" as signifying that "we are anointed with the oil of God." Minucius Felix heaps scorn on any doctrine of a crucified man as divine and redeemer (indicating that he is aware of some who hold to such a thing), while Tatian alludes to "stories" told by both Greeks and Christians, implying that both are of the same nature, mythical tales not to be taken literally. Only Justin has embraced the story and the figure as presented in some early form of written Gospel, but even he, in recounting his conversion experience of a couple of decades earlier (Dialogue with Trypho, 3-8), shows a telltale void about belief in an historical man in the faith movement he joined. Into Tryphos mouth (8:6) he places the accusation that "you invent a Christ for yourselves."
[See The Second Century Apologists]
If these are the salient pieces of the documentary record of the time, how have scholars traditionally
tried to put them together? Almost universally, they have taken the figure of Jesus of Nazareth, which is attested to only in Gospels beginning in the late first century, and placed him prior to the earliest recordsthe letters of Paul and other epistles of the New Testamentwhich themselves contain no sign of him. To compensate for this absence in the early record, they have extracted elements from the Gospels and attempted to trace roots of these back to the supposed time of Jesus, thinking to uncover
words and deeds which can be attributed to him. These attempted excavations will be evaluated later. But the other anomaly which scholars have had to address is perhaps even more challenging. If Jesus died around 30 CE, and was no more than a charismatic preacher of the Kingdom (not too charismatic, since he sank without a trace in all the non-Christian record of the first century), how are we to explain the manner in which he is presented in the earliest surviving Christian writings which begin no more than two decades after his death, and which would seem to contain older elements reaching back to a time when he had scarcely been laid in his grave? Scholars have long realized that early Christian writers present us with a thoroughly divine Christ. They acknowledge that Paul, together with the cultic circles he represents, has made a leap so far beyond the human Jesus portrayed in the Gospels that the latter figure has been completely lost sight of. Herman Ridderbos is only one of a multitude of voices expressing the same resounding perplexity: "No one who examines the Gospels...and then reads the epistles of Paul can escape the impression that he is moving in two entirely different spheres....When Paul writes of Jesus as the Christ, historical and human traits appear to be obscure, and Christ appears to have significance only as a transcendent divine being." (Paul and Jesus , p.3). He goes on to ask: "Jesus was not dead the length of a human lifetime before his stature was not only infinitely increased, but also entirely changed. How did this come about?" Others, such as Rudolf Bultmann,14 have put the situation in different terms: that the early church almost immediately lost all interest in the human life lived by its Master and placed its entire focus on his nature and role as the Crucified and Risen Lord. Not even the pinnacle of salvation history, the event of the cross, is located upon the hill of Calvary, nor his resurrection placed in the context of an empty tomb outside Jerusalem. Norman Perrin15 has presented a picture of the early church which made no real distinction, he says, between the historical Jesus and the exalted Christ, seeing both figures as continuous. This made no clarification necessary between what Jesus on earth had said and what he continued to say in his new spiritual state (an attempt to explain why nothing of the former actually appears, stated as such, in the record). In all these scenarios, there are difficulties which commentators have been reluctant to face, difficulties which make many of their assumptions virtually impossible.
communities in many major cities of the empire, all presumably having accepted that a man they had never met, crucified as a political rebel on a hill outside Jerusalem, had risen from the dead and was in fact the pre-existent Son of God, creator, sustainer, and redeemer of the world. Since many of the Christian communities Paul worked in existed before he got there, and since Pauls letters do not support the picture Acts paints of intense missionary activity on the part of the Jerusalem group around Peter and James, history does not record who performed this astounding feat.16 Moreover, it was apparently done without any need for justification. There is not a murmur in any Pauline letter, nor in any other epistle, that Christians had to defend such an outlandish doctrine. No one seems to challenge Christian preaching on these grounds, for the point is never addressed. Even in 1 Corinthians 1:18-24, where Paul defends the "wisdom of God" (meaning the message he preaches) against the "wisdom of the world", he fails to provide any defense for, or even a mention of, the elevation of Jesus of Nazareth to divinity. He can admit that to the Greeks and Jews the doctrine of the crossthat is, the idea of a crucified Messiahis "folly" and "a stumbling block." But this has nothing to do with turning a man into God, a piece of folly he never discusses or defends. That his opponents, and the Jewish establishment in general, would not have challenged him on this basic Christian position, forcing him to provide some justification, is inconceivable.
Robert Funk, founder of the Jesus Seminar, in his Honest to Jesus,17 is at pains to point out that Christianity developed as a clash between "the cult of Christ" and "the gospel of Jesus." Paul is supposed to have been the main culprit in creating the former and blocking access to the latter. Funk admits that the cultic branch is entirely mythic in character, that it was strongly influenced by scripture and hellenistic savior cult ideas of a dying/rising god. Yet how could hellenistic mythological ideas have made such strong and sudden inroads into the thinking of those who followed the human Jesus? What, in anyones mind, would a counter-culture preacher of the Kingdom, executed by the Roman authorities for some kind of perceived subversion, possibly have had to do with mythic savior gods and world redemption which could have led anyone to cast him so thoroughly in this moldto the exclusion of all trace of the preaching original? Scholars have long tried to offer scenarios to explain this process. One runs like this: In their fervor and distress following the crucifixion, the followers of Jesus scrambled to understand what had just happened, to interpret the meaning of their Masters life, to put a name to his role in Gods plan. They ran to their bibles and began to apply all manner of scriptural passages to him, especially those looked upon as messianic by the Jewish thinking of the time. But they turned as well to contemporary hellenistic mythology about the Logos, supplementing it with the Jewish equivalent in the figure of personified Wisdom, throwing in for good measure dim (to us) myths about descending-ascending heavenly redeemers. Those early Christian thinkers absorbed all this vast cultural pleroma and decided that their Jesus of Nazareth had in fact been the true embodiment of all these myths and proceeded to pile them, willy-nilly, upon him. This "morning after" ransack of current philosophy and the Jewish scriptures led, so they say, to the highly elevated, mythological picture created of Jesus so soon after his death, and to a conviction that he had been "resurrected". The first thing we have to ask ourselves is: who did all this? It was hardly a circle of simple fishermen around Jesus, like Peter or the sons of Zebedee, who as the Gospels portray them could probably barely read, let alone turn themselves practically overnight into Philonic-type exegetes of the Septuagint and contemporary Greek philosophy. If it was Paul alone, how could he ever have worked with the Jerusalem circle of apostles? In fact, his letters show no dispute on such a score; he enjoyed close contact and cooperation with the group around Peter, even if it could sometimes be an uneasy relationship. If it was a larger circle of more sophisticated minds of which Pauls is the only name to come down to us, one perhaps based in Antioch as some suggest: whatever gave such a group the impetus to do this? To apply to a crucified preacher whom they had never personally experienced, the loftiest philosophical and religious concepts of their day? And where is the evidence for the split which would surely have taken place in the early Christian movement between such head-in-the-clouds philosophers and a simpler core of disciples who had followed the human Jesus and heard him preach, a preaching in which he would scarcely have presented himself in these terms? There is not the slightest evidence of any disagreement in the ranks over such mythologizing tendencies. This raises another question. How is one to explain how all this mythologizing of a recent man gained such wide acceptance? It might be one thing to say that certain followers of Jesus (whoever they may have been) were so immersed in religious arcana as to see nothing unusual in casting their Master in these mythological terms. It is quite another to understand how the average man or woman who was approached with a Christian message like this could so readily embrace it. Such claims for a recent man (who hardly claimed such things for himself), especially one executed as a subversive, would have been met with laughter or blank staresas, no doubt, would the claim that he had risen from his tomb. What could possibly explain why so many apparently made such a bizarre leap of faith? Even if such mythological motifs were current in the cultural consciousness of the day, how difficult
would it be to persuade the hearer that all these myths, hitherto familiar in a spiritual context only, should now be applied to a human beinga crucified criminal? Early Christian preaching would have had to center around the justification for all this, yet this is precisely what is missing from the earliest correspondence.
One-Sided Interpretations
Scholars have had a traditional way of describing the application of philosophical and scriptural content to Jesus in the early literature, from Hebrews High Priest making the sacrifice of his own blood in the heavenly sanctuary to Pauls pre-existent Son. This, they say, was an "interpretation" of the man and the role he was now seen to have played. But how are we to understand an "enterpretation" when the thing being interpreted is never mentioned? Suzanne Lehne, for example, in her study of Hebrews (The New Covenant in Hebrews, p.27), explains that scripture helped the author "articulate his beliefs" about "the Christ event." But nowhere in Hebrews does the author intimate that he is articulating any historical Christ event, and in fact, a reference in scripture is usually treated as though it is part of that event, not an explanation of something else, let alone recent history. It is from scripture that the "event" of Christ has been constructed; these are not "proof-texts" but "source-texts". John Knox, in Myth and Truth (p.59), explains Ephesians 1:3-10 as a kind of hymn created to explain Jesus in entirely supernatural terms. He speaks of "the remembered man Jesus," and "the wonder of his deeds and words." But where are these things in Ephesians 1:3-10 or anywhere else? We cannot accept Knoxs claim that the myth in Ephesians is built upon "historical data" when that data is never pointed to. A better explanation would be that the historical data has been added to the myth at a later time. Knox, like New Testament scholarship in general, is guilty of reading into the early Christian mythological presentation of the divine Christ the historical context derived from the later Gospels. The Christ myth as an interpretation of an historical event is a fantasy.
matter what their diet of hellenistic mystery ideas? The appeal could not have been in his message and charisma as a teacher, since they immediately stripped off this skin and discarded it. If Paul had no interest in the teacher and his teachings, of what use was this Jesus to him as a candidate for divine redeemer? Both Mack and Robert Funk20 speak of the Pauline cults point of departure as the fact of Jesus "noble death", but noble deaths are common enough in history, including Jewish history, and rarely if ever do they lead to divinization on so exalted a scale. The simple fact of a reputed noble death would hardly have led an educated, observant Jew like Paul to contravene the most sacred precepts of his heritage and associate this particular man, one he had never met, with God. In any event, the cultic presentation of Jesus crucifixion does not fit the "noble death" scenario. The latter is classically of the warrior or teacher who dies for his country, his followers, his teachings. These things focus on a life, a cause: in Judaism, it is invariably for the sake of the Law. This is precisely what is missing in the Christ cult, which has nothing to do with Jesus life, teachings or followers. Dying for sin is not in the same category, especially when placed in the spirit realm; this is a mystical, spiritual concept.
Such passages ignore any role Jesus might have played in recent salvation history, but what of those which leave absolutely no room for it? Titus 1:3, speaking in Pauls name, is a good example: "Yes, it is eternal life that God, who cannot lie, promised long ages ago, and now in his own good time he has openly declared himself in the proclamation which was entrusted to me by ordinance of God our Savior." There is not a crack in this facade where Jesus could gain a foothold. In the past lie Gods promises of eternal life, and his first action on those promises is the present revelation to apostles like Paul who have gone out to proclaim the message. Jesus own proclamation of eternal life, his own person as the embodiment of that life (as the Gospel of John so memorably puts it), has evaporated into the wind. 1 Peter (1:12) declares that the things the prophets told of have now been announced, not by Jesus in his own ministry, but "by those preaching the gospel in the power of the Holy Spirit sent from heaven." Titus 2:4 and 3:4 speak of what has "dawned upon the world" in the present. Rather than Jesus himself, it is "the grace of God" and "the kindness and generosity of God our Savior." Scholars, when they have allowed themselves to worry about such things, declare these to be metaphorical references to Jesus of Nazareth. This is an interpretation born of desperation.
. . . And a Voice
If the movement began with a man who preached on earth, we are at a loss to explain how even the simple knowledge or presentation of this feature cannot be found in any early strand of the documentary evidence. Compounding this puzzlement is the presence in many epistles of moral teachings and maxims familiar from the Gospel record (including some of Qs "authentic" sayings), yet without the slightest attribution to its Jesus figure.22 From the Beatitudes to pronouncements on love, to judging and oaths and approaching God and loving enemies and turning the other cheek, not to mention dozens of apocalyptic sentiments which are found in Jesus mouth in the Gospels, none are presented as the voice of Jesus. Some are said to come directly from God, as in 1 Thessalonians 4:9, while others (such as Pauls "words of the Lord") are regarded as the product of inspiration from the spiritual Christ in heaven. Scholarly commentaries are full of expressions of surprise and perplexity on all this silence about the product of the teaching Jesus.23 A quick look at Romans 10 and 11 should convince any unprejudiced observer that Paul knows of no historical preaching Jesus. (Ill leave it to the reader to consult this passage.) He seeks to emphasize the Jews guilt in not responding to the message delivered by apostles like himself, even though they have had every opportunity to do so. And yet he fails to include the opportunity offered by Jesus very own person and preaching. Several points in 10:11-21 cry out for some reference, some hint, of the historical ministry, yet none is forthcoming.24 Paul then goes on in chapter 11 to refer to the longstanding myth of the Jews killing their prophets sent from God, yet not a murmur is heard of the killing of the Son of God himself. Nothing can explain away these silences. The Epistle to the Hebrews opens with the statement that "in this final age (God) has spoken to us through the Son," and then proceeds to give us not a word spoken by this Sonat least not in any historical, earthly setting. Rather, the Sons voice comes out of the sacred writings; scripture is his platform. In 10:5 the Son speaks in a kind of "mythical present" through a passage from Psalm 40 (actually, 39 LXX). That is why, at his coming into the world, he says: Sacrifice and offering thou didst not desire,
But thou hast prepared a body for me. Whole-offerings and sin-offerings thou didst not delight in. Then I said: Here am I: as it is written of me in the scroll, I have come, O God, to do thy will.. In this one passage we can see the type of source which gave rise to the idea that the spiritual Son had taken on or entered "flesh" (at first this was envisioned within the lower spiritual realm: see Piece No. 5), and the idea that this Son had undergone sacrifice. For the writer of Hebrews, Christs was the ultimate sacrifice which would supplant once for all the sacrifices of the Temple cult which God no longer wanted. The idea of "his coming into the world" is not presented in any historical sense, much less in the context of a Gospel story, but scholars have often struggled to try to relate these verses to an earthly incarnation. Paul Ellingworth however, realizes that the "he says" is "a timeless present referring to the permanent record of scripture."25 This removes it from any historical context. We are skirting Platonic ideas here, with their concept of a higher world of timeless reality. It is in this spiritual world that Christ operates, as Hebrews portrayal of the sacrifice offered in the heavenly sanctuary clearly indicates. The "coming into the world" is still a mythical one, as is the idea of operating "in flesh".26 In the same vein, Ephesians 2:17 is especially interesting. "And coming, he (Christ) proclaimed the good news..." But what was the content of that news? Instead of taking the opportunity to refer to some teachings of Jesus presumed ministry, the writer quotes Isaiah. (Even the introductory phrase quoted above is based on Isaiah 52:7.) Like Hebrews, the Son is envisioned as speaking through the sacred writings. The Son inhabits the spiritual world of the scriptures, Gods newly-opened window onto the unseen true reality.27 It is the "coming" of that voice, perceived through revelation and a fresh reading of scripture, which has launched the new age and the Christian movement.
We are led to conclude that the beginning of the Christian movement was not a response to any human
individual at one time and location. Christianity was born in a thousand places, out of the fertile religious and philosophical soil of the time, expressing faith in an intermediary Son who was a channel to God, providing knowledge, love and salvation. It sprang up in many innovative minds like Pauls, among independent communities and sects all over the empire, producing a variety of forms and doctrines. Some of it tapped into traditional Jewish Messiah expectation and apocalyptic sentiment, other expressions were tied to more Platonic ways of thinking. Greek mystery concepts also fed into the volatile mix. Many groups (though not all) adopted the term "Christ" for their divine figure, as well as the name "Jesus", which in Hebrew has the meaning of "Savior". Paul and the Jerusalem brotherhood around Peter and James were simply one strand of this broad salvation movement, although an important and ultimately very influential one. Later, in a mythmaking process of its own, the Jerusalem circle with Paul as its satellite was adopted as the originating cell of the whole Christian movement. But there was another factor involved. New reform impulses and moral concerns were in the air as well, both as part of the many manifestations of the Christ movement and on their own among other, noncultic circles who preached a coming End-time and transformation of the world. All these groups tended
to produce ethical teachings, parables of the Kingdom, stories of conflict experiences. In the end, this increasing store of sectarian expression impelled the creation of a new, artificial figure: the one who had originated such things. Within the cultic movement, this process eventually led to the Proclaimed being brought to earth and turned into the Proclaimer. That such teaching and Kingdom material had originally nothing to do with any one individual, much less a Jesus of Nazareth, is a possibility yet to be addressed by New Testament scholarship, and thus the search for the "genuine" historical Jesus as preacher and prophet goes on.28 The Jesus Seminar and others have declared him unearthed from the roots of Q, a first century document produced by Jewish circles in Galilee preaching the Kingdom of God.
"sapiential," that is, an instructional collection in the same genre as traditional "wisdom" books like Proverbs. John is identified as a "child of Wisdom", and so was Jesus (Lk. 7:35) when he was introduced into the picture: see below. Commentators like Mack have attempted to explain why Q contains no hint of Jesus death, let alone a resurrection. All fall back on the idea that news of such an event did not reach them in Galilee, or that it held no interest for them. Neither explanation is acceptable. The group which "remained" in Jerusalem is said to have had roots in Galilee which would certainly have remained active. And if there is one prominent motif to be found in Qs second layer, it is the theme of the killing of the prophets. Had the founders fate been execution, there is no way this would not eventually have been seized on and incorporated into the communitys consciousness. The alternative (something Mack tentatively suggests) is that there was no deathat least not a memorable one, no execution by the authorities at all. Of course, this places the burden on the cultic side of things: if Jesus died a natural death, what historical fuel drove Paul and his fellows to build their mythic crucifixion? An impossible situation either way.
similarly shown to be later redacted units. Thus, all the signs point to no Jesus in the earlier layers of Q.
Qs Founder Emerges
When and why did the idea of a founder figure emerge in the Q communitys thinking? It appeared at the Q3 level, when certain dialogue, pronouncement and miracle anecdotes were constructed or revamped from earlier material to embody him, and minor changes were made to some individual sayings to reflect his voice. Reform impulses and apocalyptic expectations are things which solidify groups of like-minded people into sects, set against the wider world around them which largely rejects such extreme messages and thus receives the sects condemnation. Q2 preserves the communitys hostile reaction to rejection, and even Paul itemizes the suffering he has endured at the hands of those unreceptive to his gospel. When groups become more sectarianized, certain social phenomena take place. Attitudes of "inside" and "outside" solidify. A bulwark is created to defend against attack. Community practices need to be justified, and the beliefs of those who now consider themselves an elect must be supported. Thus the sects view of its theology and history tends to evolve to serve the primary purpose of filling its needs as a distinct and isolated social group. The past is reconstructed to render it sacred. Current faith and teaching, ritual and practice, are bolstered by showing that such things had been there from the beginning, that they had been formulated under divine auspices, in inspiring circumstances, and preferably by a heroic founder figure with a pipeline to the deityperhaps even sent by, or a part of, the deity itself. This process can be seen in the evolution of Q. Q1 is a body of Cynic-style material, probably ultimately from a Greek source. Perhaps Mack is right in postulating a cosmopolitan Galilee, a strongly hellenistic environment in which certain Jewish circles began preaching the Kingdom. Here Jews could absorb foreign ideas without difficulty, and may have adopted Greek Cynic material as providing a suitable ethic for their Kingdom movement. However, opposition from an unreceptive environment soon led to the formulation of prophetic and condemnatory sayings, together with little anecdotes (also of a Cynic nature) embodying the conflict between sect and establishment. Q2 added the darker side of sectarianism and apocalyptic expectation to the original body of enlightened, cosmopolitan material. No Jesus had yet spoken such things. This was still a record of the communitys own teachings and articulated stance toward others. And the sect may originally have regarded itself as spokespersons for the Wisdom of God. Her presence within the communitys thinking is revealed by Luke in 11:49: "That is why the Wisdom of God said..." Instead of "Jesus said" at the earlier stages of Q, it may have been "Wisdom said". That chink left open by Luke may well reveal the entire early landscape of Q, a landscape empty of any Jesus figure at all, peopled by a preaching movement inspired from heaven and working under Wisdoms direction. As she had done throughout Israels past, Wisdom had sent this culminating wave of messengers to proclaim Gods salvation, and as in the past, they had received hostility, rejection, even death. But Wisdom was not the ideal founder figure, for she was only a spiritual entity. What the Q community needed was a human, heroic progenitor, one who had actually spoken the sayings, done the deeds, set
the precedents. The very existence of the sayings collection would have invited attribution to an originating and authoritative figure. And so, Wisdom was transformed into her ideal representative, a "child of Wisdom". Matthew in his use of Q reflects a further evolving attitude to Jesus as the very incarnation of Wisdom herself, and many of Jesus sayings in Q are recognized as borrowed Wisdom sayings. But this founder figure was not yet cast as divine, and the term "Christ" is never used of him. He is not envisioned as the Messiah, though he takes on the identity of "the coming one" when he becomes associated with the Son of Man, and there seem to be intimations of divinity which come in at the final phase of Q in the form of the Temptation Story. Nor is he a redeemer, for there is no soteriology attached to Jesus in any stage of Q. He is simply a glorified embodiment of the Q preachers themselves, doing what the Q people had done from the beginning, only better. He opened the door for men and womens entry into the new Kingdom. Of course, John the Baptist had to be realigned, and so he was recast as the forerunner, the herald to whom the founder Jesus had been superior. This would also put the rival followers of John the Baptist (by now perhaps a separate sect) in their place. This rivalry, together with the fact that John had not been known as a Wisdom teacher, may have precluded any tendency to make John himself the founder of the Q sect.
Gospels would have remained in that limbo for a generation or more, undisseminated beyond their own communities, until wider forces and new interpretations led the evangelists Jesus of Nazareth out onto the historical stage. Finally, it has been suggested that various first century preacher/Zealots and would-be Messiah figures who agitated for revolutionary or apocalyptic change, and were usually dispatched by the military authorities (perhaps one was even executed by Pilate!), provided a partial model for the creation of Marks Jesus figure, or perhaps even that of Q at some stage. But this is a far cry from saying that the Gospel Jesus represents an historical figure in any meaningful fashion, or that thereby we can say that "there was an historical Jesus."
An Unresolved Question
As a final consideration, I might suggest that the situation between Mark and Q could be even more complex. Most scholars find some echo in Mark of Q ideas and experiences. But could the influence have extended in the other direction, too? Q surfaces for the first time in Matthew and Luke, likely after the turn of the second century. What recent revisions and additions might have been made to it? (It is thought the two evangelists used different "editions" of Q.) There is no necessity to assume they are resurrecting some document that had been dead or fixed for several decades. This line of approach may also help solve the one intriguing question where my view of Q is concerned. Why should the invented Q founder, with no connection to the cults of Paul or the usual savior concepts, have been named Jesuswhich has the meaning of "savior" and the echo of divinity? Was the term so widespread among Jewish sectarian circles that it exercised a compelling attraction on the Kingdom-preaching community in Galilee? This would imply that the Q people, perhaps in the decade or so following the Jewish War, were by that time aware of the spiritual Christ cults flourishing in the wider world, and thus of the higher significance of the name. If so, did this impel that move toward divinity discernible in the final phase of Q3? Or could, perhaps, the latest stage of Q postdate the earliest phase of Mark, and had there been crossover influences? As part of this question, we would then ask: had Q3 used the name "Jesus" at all? Even if it nowhere appeared in the text, even if another designation had been used by the Q3 redactors in passages like the dialogue between Jesus and John, Matthew and Luke, under the influence of Mark and because they were not conscious of reproducing history, would have changed it to Jesus. But there is another possibility. It is not improbable that some intervening hand, before the later Synoptics came to be written, had already altered Q3s original designation for its founder to fit a deepening trend: the near-universality of the name Jesus among a host of apocalyptic and salvation sects. Perhaps this had been done under the influence of a newly-minted Mark. Perhaps the altering hand was someone who saw the Q document as a surviving record, or a related accounthistorical or otherwiseof the humanized divine Christ of the Gospel of Mark. A written Q, in fact, may finally have found its way to the Markan community and after minor alterations, rested for a time on the same shelf as the recently constructed Gospel. It was left to a later evangelist in a neighboring community to amalgamate the two after copies reached him by the same post, so to speak. Some years after that, another evangelist, this one a little further away perhaps, whose community had different, more gentile interests, got wind of the two documents, arranged for copies and
did his own reworking. The construction of an historical Jesus was well under way. *
Notes
1
Since it contains an unmistakable allusion to the destruction of Jerusalem, and because it is not in keeping with what Paul elsewhere says about his fellow countrymen. See, for example, Birger Pearson: 1 Thessalonians 2:13-16: A Deutero-Pauline Interpolation, HTR 64 (1971), 79-94. [See Supplementary Article No. 3: Who Crucified Jesus?: The Jews "Who Killed the Lord Jesus".] For example, Origen, in his Contra Celsum discusses a few times (e.g., I, 46 and 67) the veracity of Jesus miracles; if Josephus had referred to Jesus as a "doer of wonderful deeds" (as scholars like J. D. Crossan claim), he would hardly have passed up the opportunity to appeal to the Jewish historians witness. Some claim that Origens statement in Contra Celsum I, 47 that Josephus "did not believe in Jesus as the Christ" constitutes an oblique reference to such a passage, but this is better explained as Origens reaction to the fact that Josephus declares, in Jewish Wars VI, 31213, that the Jews predictions about a Messiah really applied to the emperor Vespasian. [See Supplementary Article No. 10: Josephus Unbound.]
3 2
Origen uses a copy which has Josephus regarding the destruction of Jerusalem as a divine punishment for the murder of James, whereas no surviving copy of Josephus makes any such suggestion. [See the sections on the "lost reference" in Josephus Unbound.]
4
E.g., Origen, Barrett, Hring, Delling (TDNT I, 489), Schoeps, Salmond. See Paul Ellingworth, A Translators Handbook for 1 Corinthians, p.46: "A majority of scholars think that supernatural powers are intended here." [See Supplementary Article No. 3: Who Crucified Jesus?: The Rulers of this Age.]
5
J. D. Quinn in the Anchor Bible Commentaries (Titus, p.65) says that "the phrase pro chronon aionion refers to the timeless order in which God himself lives, in contrast to the chronoi aionioi (as in Romans 16:25) through which the world has passed in history. Cf. James Barr, Biblical Words For Time, p.138f.
The little document called Discourse to the Greeks and erroneously ascribed to Justin Martyr shows that the Logos could be looked upon as an agency of salvation. Here it takes on decidedly personal characteristics in that it "has ceaseless care over us," and "makes mortals become immortal, human beings gods" (5). See E. R. Goodenough, By Light, Light, p.300.
7 8
Helmut Koesters groundbreaking search for Synoptic references in the writings of the early Fathers, Synoptische berlieferung bei den apostolischen Vtern, concludes that almost all such references come from a pre-Gospel layer of tradition.
If Papias (now lost) Oracles of the Lord Interpreted had contained quotations from such Gospels, later commentators, like Eusebius and Philip of Side, would certainly have referred to them. Nor is it likely that if he had full narrative Gospels of Jesus life Papias would have disparaged written works and preferred oral traditions, as he is reported to have said. Papias tells, in the fragments quoted by Eusebius, that his information about "Mark" came from "the Presbyter", but whether this was also the case concerning "Matthew" Eusebius is not clear, though it is likely. All Papias witnesses to (assuming we can trust Eusebius) is that a couple of decades or so into the second century, there were certain circulating collections of sayings and possibly anecdotes, probably of a prophetic nature, one of them in
Hebrew or Aramaic, which had begun to be attributed to an historical Jesus and associated with the names of early reputed followers of him.
10
Midrash and Lection in Matthew, The Evangelists Calendar, Luke: A New Paradigm [See the book review of John Shelby Spong's Liberating the Gospels.] See The Paraphrase of Shem and The Apocalypse of Adam (NHC VII,1 and V,5)
11 12
Who Wrote the New Testament? (1995) and A Myth of Innocence (1988) [See the book review of Burton Mack's Who Wrote the New Testament?] For example, C. K. Barrett, The Pastoral Epistles in the New English Bible, p.86f; J. N. D. Kelly, A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles, p.146f; J. L. Houlden, The Pastoral Epistles, p.100f.
14 15 16 13
The 4th century "Ambrosiaster" gives us a clue in his commentary on Romans, that the Christians of Rome accepted faith in Christ "without seeing any of the apostles". In other words, it was a case of local development of belief in the widespread idea of a spiritual Son, and nothing to do with a missionary movement out of Judea.
17 18 19 20 21 22
Chapter Two, p. 31-45 [See the book review of Robert Funk's Honest to Jesus.] Who Wrote the New Testament? p.75f; cf. his A Myth of Innocence, p.101f. Galatians 1:16-2:1. Mack: Who Wrote the New Testament?, p. 80f; Funk: Honest to Jesus, p.43. NEB translation; literally, all this is from God.
We have to keep in mind that it matters not whether such sayings were actually authentic. If Jesus was known to be a teacher, the competitive and disputatious nature of the movement itself would have led to attaching anything and everything to him for authority. Perhaps no attempt to explain this is as mind-boggling as that of Sophie Laws in her study The Epistle of James (p.34): "Whereas the Gospels have one form of adoption of Jesus teaching, in that they identify it as his, James provides evidence of another way of retaining and preserving it: absorbed without differentiation into the general stock of ethical material." What are we to call this: "preservation by burial"?! James has covered over the traces so well one wonders how later generations were able to unearth it. Laws bland statement that "It is not important to James to indicate where his precepts derive from Jesus," explains nothing and only highlights the sheer absurdity of the idea. Laws is in good company with such as Peter H. Davids (James, p.16), who boldly states: "The non-citation of Jesus even when dependent on his thought, is fully characteristic of the New Testament epistles." Davids draws on other silences to prove that the silence in James is not a silence at all!
24 23
Verse 17s "of Christ" is an objective genitive, supported by the entire context. See C. K. Barretts attempt (The Epistle to the Romans, p.189) to introduce a preaching Jesus alongside the apostolic preachers into a little relative pronoun in verse 14. Hou ouk ekousan, he says, should be translated as meaning "Christ must be heard either in his own person, or in the person of his preachers." Barretts claim, which no one to my knowledge agrees with, destroys
Pauls finely-created chain of argument. Barrett is letting what he cannot believe is missing override what is clearly thereor not therein Pauls words.
25 26
Hebrews 10:37 makes it clear that "the coming one" has not come previously, for scriptures promise has not yet been fulfilled. And 8:4 virtually spells out that Christ had never been on earth. (Ellingworth, op.cit., p.405, shies away from this conclusion by rejecting the normal interpretation of the imperfect verbs, since "it could be misunderstood as meaning that Jesus had never been to earth"!) As for 9:28, which scholars are willing to say is the only spot in the New Testament epistles where the Parousia is spoken of as a second coming, the "ek deuterou" can instead be taken as meaning "next" in a sequential sense, and not necessarily "a second time"; in fact, the context of v.27-28 supports the former. [See Supplementary Article No. 9: The Son in the Epistle to the Hebrews.]
27
Since the higher realm of spirit constituted the "true" reality, that upper world contained the spiritual counterparts of things material in the world below. Thus within the spirit realm Christ could take on the equivalent of "flesh", make a "blood" sacrifice, even be "of Davids stock" as in Romans 1:3. Note that this feature of Christ "kata sarka" is determined by scripture, as Paul tells us in verse 2. It is on the prophets, not known historical fact, that Paul has founded his "gospel of the Son", and his activities in both "flesh" and "spirit". [See Supplementary Article No. 8: Christ as "Man".] It has been remarked (e.g., by E. P. Sanders in his Jesus and Judaism) that Jesus teaching, especially that considered most probably authentic by modern scholarship, was hardly of a nature to prompt the authorities to execute him. Sanders, too, points out that such teaching did not have a Jewish focus, much less an apocalyptic one; neither did it call for the repentance or restoration of Israel. This fundamental incompatibility between the "teaching" side of the Gospel story and the "Passion" side is strong evidence that the one originally had nothing to do with the other, but were brought together artificially.
29 28
30 Burton Mack and John Dominic Crossan are prominently associated with this view of a "Cynic" Jesus. 31
There are those who claim that the Synoptic Gospels do not specifically state that Jesus is divine, though the picture painted of his "suffering, death and resurrection" certainly leans in a cultic direction.
32
Mack locates the Markan community in Sidon or Tyre; others in southern Syria. Willi Marxsen liked Galilee itself. Virtually every commentator regards the Q community as native to Galilee.
33
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