ADDITIONAL READINGS

tice from the fact that the despot, like the

father, rules his subjects for their o\vn good. If
he treats them like slaves rather than children,
exploiting them to serve his own interests,then
he is not a benevolent but a tyrannical despot.
This understanding of the meaning of "des-
potism" and "tyranny" seems to be only partly
supported by their etymology. The Greek "vord
from which "despot" comes signifies the head
of a household, the pateifarailias (as he is called
by the Romans) who exercises the absolute
authority of a master over chattel slaves, and
of a parent over his children. In contrast, the
Greek \vord tyrannos refers to the ruler of a
state rather than a family, and is sometimes
used as if it were equivalent in meaning,to
"king." Yet both words carry theconnotation
of absolute power, and when, in addition, the
subjects of a tyrant are considered to be no
better off than slaves, the difference in the
meaning of the two words almost disappears.
The difficulty of grasping \vhat is essential to
the nature of tyranny and despotism seems to
be complicated by certain criteria, originally
proposed by the Greeks, for distinguishing be-
tween king and tyrant, or between royal and
despotic rule. Both Plato and Aristotle speak
of the king as a good monarch and the tyrant
as a bad one. Both say that monarchy, or rule
by a single man, is royal when it is for the wel-
fare of the ruled and tyrannical when it serves
only the interests of the ruler. Both make law-
lessness-either a violation of existing laws or
government by personal fiat \vithout settled
laws-a mark of tyranny.
Yet, for l\ristotle atleast, some of these cri-
teria also apply to despotism, and even to royal
governlnent, insofar as these are distinguished
from political or constitutional government-
government by law rather than by men.Fur-
thermore, the association of either tyranny or
939
INTRODUCTION
Chapter 95: TYRANNY
F any point in political theory is indisputable,
it would seem to be that tyranny is the
rst corruption ofgovernment-a vicious mis-
e of power and a violent abuse of the human
iogs who are subject to it. Aristotle's remark
t "no freeman, if he can escape from it, will
duresuch government," would seem to ex-
ess the sentiments of all who, loving liberty
d abhoring slavery, look upon tyranny as
stroying the one and establishing the other.
Certainly the word "tyranny" is seldom if
er used eulogistically. Such phrases as "a just
ranny" or "a good tyrant" are at once seen
be as self-contradictory as "a round square."
e great books of history give the impression
t tyrants and despots,,,vho vastly. outnum-
r good rulers, are always objects of hate and
r, never of love and admiration. If there are
ceptions, if there are peoples "rho willingly
bmit to or even deserve the yoke ofdespotism
d tyranny, they are, in the judgtnent of an-
ents and moderns alike, politically primitive.
'The tradi tional association of the word" des-
tism" with "tyranny" requires us to consider
.bether our understanding ofthese terms is as
niformly clear as the denunciation of what
ey denote seen1S to be universal. Are despot-
m and tyranny the same? It may be thought
at the tyrant must always have despotic PO\v-
at his disposal, power unlimited by law, so
at the lawless ruler is at once both despot and
rant. But need the despot, the absolute ruler,
rays rule tyrannically?
'The familiar phrase, "benevolent despotism,"
at once suggests the negative answer, and also
some line of distinction between despotism and
ranny. Tyranny can never be benevolent.
ut despotism may be no worse than paternal-
ffi. While its injustice may consist in treating
ults, able to govern thelnselves, as if they
ere children, it may also derive an air of jus-
THE GREAT IDEl\S
1.
II.
Listed belo\v are vvorks notincluded in GreCLt Books ofthe Western but relevant to the
idea and t()pics\vith which this chapter deals. These works are divided into two groups:
1. Works by authors represented in this collection.
II. Works by authors not represented in this collection.
For the date, place, and other facts concerning the publication of the works cited, consult
the Bibliography of Additional Readings which follows the last chapter of The Great Ideas.
VOLTAIRE. The Ignorant Philosopher, CH 33
T. REID. Essays on the Intellectual Powers of 1
VI, CH 5-6,8
"VV. HAMILTON. Lectures on Metaphysics and Logic,
VOL II (27-3 I)
EMERSON. "Truth," in English Traits
PART I, WHEWELL. On the Philosophy ofDiscovery, CII.2
LOTZE. Microcosmos, BK VIII, CH I
--. Logic, BK III, CH 5
CLIFFORD. "The Ethics of Belief," In
Lectures and Essays
BOSANQUET.Logic, VOL II, CH 9-10
C. S. PEIRCE. Collected Papers, VOL V, par 358-41
464-496, 538- 64
FRAZER. The Golden Bough, PART VII, CH 13
ROYCE. The World and the Individual, SERIES I 6)
DEWEY. "The Intellectual Criterion for Truth.,'
"A Short Catechism Concerning Truth," in 11k
Influence ofDarwin on Philosophy .... .
JOACHIM. The Nature of Truth
BRADLEY. The Principles of Logic, BK III, ,PART 1
CH 3-4; Tenninal Essays, VIII
--. Appearance and Reality, BK II, CH 16, 24
--. Essays on Truth and Reality, eH 4-5, 7-9, II
PEGUY. Basic Verities (The Search for Truth)
BERGSON. The Creative Mind, CH I, 8
:;\1cTAGGART. The Nature of Existence, CH 44-45
"VVITTGENSTEIN.. Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus
CROCE. "On Tellingthe Truth," in The Conduct of
Life
\VHITEHEAD. Religion in the Makjng, CH 4
--. Adventures of Ideas, CH 16, 18
SANTAYANA. Scepticisn2 and Animal Faith, CH 25
-.-. The Reabn of Truth
BK I, BLANSHARD. The Nature of Thought, CH 25-27
CASSIRER.The Myth of the State, PART I (4),
(18)
B. RUSSELL. Philosophical Essays, CH 5-7
-.-. The Problems of Philosophy, CH 12-13
--. The Analysis oj Alind, LECT 13
---. An Inquiry intdMeaning and Truth, CHl6-
21-2 3
-_.. Human Knowledge, Its Scope and Lin'lits, P
II, Cll 8-1 I
For: i\nother consideration of truth as a source of moral or spiritual freedom, see LIBERTY 3
b
;
for freedom of thought and discussion as a conditioD of discovering the truth, see KNO'\vt.-
EDGE 9b; LIBERTY 2a-2b; OPINION Sb; PROGRESS 6e.
The love of truth and its pursuit as the distinguishing marks of the phijosopher, see Lo
Id; PHILOSOPHY 6a; VVISDOM 3.
AUGUSTINE. Concerning the Teacher
-,--. On Free lill, BK II
AQUINAS. Quaestiones Disputatae, De Veritate, Q I
F. BACON. "Of Truth," in Essays
DESCARTES. The Principles of Philosophy,
1-5, 29-38, 42 -44, 48-50 , 70 -76
HOBBES. Concerning Body, PART I, CH 5
SPINOZA. Correspondence, II
--. Of the Inlprovement ofthe Understanding
KANT. Introduction to Logic, VII
HEGEL. Science ofLogic, VOL II, SECT III, CH 2 (A)
w. JAMES. Pragn1atisn2, LECT VI-VII
--. The of Truth
CICERO. ..4cademics
SEXTUS ElvfPIRICUS. Against the Logicians, BK I
(Does a Criterion of Truth Exist ?,Concerning
the Criterion, Concerning Truth); BK II, CH I
ANSELM OF CANTERBURY. Dialogue on Truth
GROSSETESTE. On Truth
R. BACON. Opus Majus, PART I
DUNS SCOTUS. Oxford Commentary, BK I,DIST 3, Q 4
ALBO. The Book o..f Principles (Sejer ha-11(kariI11), BK
II, CH 27
NICOLAS OF CUSA. De Docta Ignorantia, BK I, CH.3
SUAREZ. Disputationes Metaphysicae, III, VIII-IX,
X (I), XXXI (12)
CAMPANELLA. The Defense of Calileo
HERBERT OF CI-IERBURY. De Veritate (Of Truth)
CORNEILLE. Polyeucte
MOLIERE. T'arttif{e
l\1ALEBRANCHE. De fa recherche de fa verite,
CH 3-9, I I, 15--17; BK III (II), CH 9-1 I
_.-. Dialogues on Metaphysics and Religion, I-II
LEIBNITZ. Philosophical Works, CH 3 (Thoughts on
Knotvledge, Truth and Ideas)
-.-. NeuJ Essays Concerning Hunlal1 Understanding,
BK II, CH 29, 32; BK IV, Clf 5, 20
_.--.lvfol1adology, par 33-37
"Falsity," "Truth,"in A Philosophical
Dictionary
938
THE GREAT IDEAS
CHAPTER 95: TYRA.NNY
940
despotism \vith monarchy-rule by one lnan,
,vhether just or unjust-seems to be counter-
balanced by ,A.ristotle's discussion of the tyran-
ny of thefew and of the lnany. In a monarchy,
the king can turn tyrant; but so can the wealthy
become despotic in an oligarchy, or the poor
in a lawless democracy.
The nature of tyranny thus seems to be more
difficult to define precisely than would at first
appear fronl the alnl0st universal condemnation
of it as the worst perversion of government.
To some extent, the difficulties may be ver-
bal. The word "tyranny" is used \vith many
meanings, not only by the Greeks, but through-
out the tradi tion of the great books. Some
writers identify tyranny and despotism; some
distinguish the two sharply. Some writers con-
sider tyranny and despotism only in connection
with monarchy; some extend the consideration
to other forms of government. The words are
sometimes used descriptively, without the con-
notation of good or evil; and sometimes they
are more derogatory than descriptive.
Even when the necessary verbal clarifications
are achieved, genuine issues still remain. Con-
flicting accounts are given of the causes of tyr-
anny or the circumstances from which it de-
velops. Concerning despotisln, some. wei ters
take the position that it may be justified by
conquest, or by the need of a people for ab-
solute government, or, in the form of a tem-
porary dictatorship, by emergency conditions.
Not even the condemnation of tyranny seems
to be unanimous, if the views of Hobbes are to
be reckoned with; nor, among those who con-
demn tyranny, is the fairly general approval of
tyrannicide free from the strongdissenting voice
of Kant.
THE FOREGOING INDICATES how the notions of
tyranny and despotism are involved in other
chapters dealing wi th the various forms of gov-
ernment and, in addition, such chapters as Jus-
TICE, LIBERTY, and SLAVERY. The distinction,
for example, benveen domestic and political
slavery bears on one of the ways in vvhich des-
potism a.nd tyranny are distinguished; and the
discussion in the chapters on MONARCHY and
CONSTITUTION concerning absolute and limited
government raises a question which must also
be considered here, namely, ,,,hether absolute
monarchy can be distinguished frorn despot-
ism and whether it has an inveterate tendency
to become tyrannical.
That question deserves immediate attention
because its anS'Ners are co
4f
nnected ,vi th oPposed
views of the justice or defensibility of tyranny
and despotism. Plato and Aristotle, for example
treat tyranny as the prototype of political in:
justice, and the tyrant as the extreme case of
the vicious man; yet there are passages \vhich
appear to have a contrary tenor. In the Laws
the Athenian Stranger proposes a good t y r t ~
the best means for establishing the laws. To the
question, "What are the conditions which you
require in a state before you can organize it r"
he thinks the legislator's answer should be:
"Give me a state which is governed by a ty-
rant, and let the tyrant be young and have a
good memory; let him be quick at learning ancl
of a courageous and noble nature"-in short,
let him have temperance and every other
virtue.
More readily than monarchy, democracy, or
oligarchy, tyranny is the stepping stone tot-oe
best state, according to the Athenian Stranger,
because it involves the greatest power concen-
trated in a single man. The combination of vir
tue and power may rarely be found, but, he
says, "when the supreme power in man coin-
cides wi th the greatest wisdom and temperance,
then the best laws and the best constitution
come into being, and in no other way."
Aristotle's classification of the types ofking--
ship, or the forms of royal government, seems
to include tyranny among them. He refers to
the kind of monarchy which prevails amo
the barbarians vvho, "being more servile
character than Hellenes ... do not rebel agai
a despotic government. Such royal ties," he g-
on, "have the nature of tyrannies because
people are by nature slaves, but there is no d
ger of their being overthrown, for they
heredi tary and legal." Even among the Fi
lenes in ancient times, Aristotle points 0
there was a form of monarchy or "dictatorshi
that may be defined "as an elective tyran
,vhich like the barbarian monarchy, is legal,
differs from it in not being hereditary."
These two forms of tyranny, Aristotle
elsewhere, "are both according to la,v,
therefore easily pass into royalty." Thelin
t\veen king and tyrant is not, ho,vever, as shad-
0wy as might first appear. "Kings rule accord-
ing to law over voluntary subjects, but tyrants
over involuntary; and the one are guarded by
their fellow citizens, the others are guarded
against them." The forms of monarchy which
Aristotle also calls "tyrannies" seem to him to
have a mixed character. "They are royal," he
says, "in so far as the monarch rules according
to law over vvilling subjects; but they are ty-
rannical in so far as he is despotic and rules ac-
cording to his own fancy." But there is also a
kind of tyranny which, being unmixed, is "the
counterpart of perfect monarchy. This tyranny
is just that arbitrary power of an individual
which is responsible to no one, and governs all
alike, whether equals or better, \vith a vie'v to
its own advantage, not to that of its subjects,
and therefore against their ,viiI."
Aristotle explains his association of tyranny
with monarchy on the ground that "both are
forms of one-Inan rule, but," he adds, "there is
the greatest difference between them; the ty-
rant looks to his own advantage, the king to
that of his subjects." Tyrannicalgovernlnent
is "monarchy exercising the rule of a .master
over political society," and therefore deserves
to be called "despotic" as well as tyrannical.
When it has no admixture of royalty, tyranny
is not only self-serving but lawless rule. It is
"the very reverse of a constitution," or rule
by law. Except for the hypothetical case in
which the truly superior, the almost god-like
man is king, Aristotle seems to identify abso'"'
lute or unconstitutional monarchy with tyr-
anny and despotism, and he condemns both
for violating the very nature of the state con-
ceived as "a community of free lnen."
tHE LINE BETWEEN KING and tyrant is similarly
clrawn by Plato. Monarchy for him "divides
into royalty and tyranny" according as one
m.an rules by law or la,vlessly, over voluntary
or involuntary subjects. If the one l'nan were
like a god in relation to other men, it would be
fitting for him to rule the state by his wisdom
or science and without recourse to laws. "If
there could be such a despot," the Eleatic
Stranger says in the Statesman, "he alone would
be the happy ruler of a true and perfect state,"
but men "can never be made to believe that
941
anyone can be '''orthy of such authority."
(History suggests the contrary in such cases as
Caesar, Napoleon, and Hitler.)
Giving the name of "king" to the monarch
who abides by and maintains established laws,
the Stranger gets Socrates to agree that the
ruler should be called a "tyrant" when he "gov-
erns neither by law nor by custom, but, imitat-
ing the true man of science, pretends that he
can only act for the best by violating the la\vs,
while in reality appetite and ignorance are the
motives of the imitation."
In the Republic, Socrates refers to Euripides'
praise of "tyranny as god-like," and gives, as
another reason for excluding the poets from the
state, the fact that "they are the eulogists of
tyranny." Far from being god-like, the tyran-
nical man is described by Socrates as "drunken,
lustful, passionate." Tyrants "are always either
the masters or servants and never the friends of
anybody; the tyrant never tastes of true free-
dom or friendship." Oriental despotism, Hegel
later vvrites, appears to give freedom to one
man, but "the freedom of that one is only ca-
price, ferocity-brutal recklessness of passion.
... That one is therefore only a despot; not a
free man."
According to Plato, tyranny is not only the
greatest evil a state can suffer, but the tyrant
is also the unhappiest of men. "Will not he
vvho has been shown to be the wickedest," Soc-
rates asks, "be also the most miserable?" Polus,
in the Gorgias, tries to prove that, like the
successful criminal who goes unpunished, the
tyrant who does injustice to everybody, but
suffers none, achieves more happiness than
other men. But Socrates, taking the position
that it is better to suffer than to do injustice,
argues to the contrary that the tyrant is more
miserable than those ,vhom he oppresses.
If this is true, the confirmed tyrant is prob-
ably the man least able to perceive or acknowl-
edge it. Plutarch reports the story of Plato's
first nleetingwith Dionysius, the tyrant of Syra-
cuse. When PIato tried to prove to him that
"tyrants, of all men, had the least pretence to
virtue," and that, since they lacked justice,
they suffered "the lniserable condition of the
unjust," Dionysius would not hear the argu-
ment out. "I-Ie asked the philosopher in a rage,"
Plutarch relates, '\vhat business he had in Sic-
THE GREAT IDEAS CHAPTER 95: .-TYRANNY 942
ily. To which Plato answered, 'I come to seek
a virtuous man.' 'It seems, then,' replied Diony-
sius, 'you have lost yourlabor.'" According to
Plutarch, Dionysius tried. to have Plato killed
on his return voyage to Greece; or failing that,
to have him sold into slavery. He would not be
harmed by that, Dionysius reasoned, because,
"being the same just man as before, he would
his happiness, though he lost his liberty."
ON THE WHOLE, THEN, Aristotle's and Plato's
disapproval of tyrants and tyranny seems to be
unequivocaL The, passages which might cause
this to be questioned can perhaps be accounted
for by the ancient tendency to use the word
"tyrant" descriptively to denote the possessor
ofabsolute power. Yet even in the Laws, where
such usage occurs, Plato observes that kings,
unable "to sustain the temptation of arbitrary
po\ver," tend to overthrow the laws and so
come tyrannical in the invidious sense of the
,vord.
With the exception of Hobbes,mediaeval
and modern writers arena less disapproving
than the. ancients. "Tyrannical gover;nm,ent,"
according. to Aquinas, "is altogether corrupt"
and con1pletely lawless. It is the tyrartthimself,
rather than those who may rebel against a gov-
ernment so lacking in justice, who is "guilty of
sedition, since he encourages discord and
tion a1110ng his subiects, that he may lord over
them more securely." When a king, bybecom-
ing a tyrant, "has dethrone+d himself and put
himself in a state of war with hispeople,what
shall hinder them" asks Locke, "from prosec;ut-
inghim who is no king, as they would.anyother
man 'who has put hin1self in a state of war with
them?"
In Locke's view, it isa mistake to think that
the fault of tyranny "is proper only to lllon-
archies. For wherever the power that is put in
any hands for the government of the people
and the preservation of their properties is ap-
plied to other ends, and made use -of to im-
poverish, harass, or subdue them to. the arbi-
trary irregular commands of those that haveit,
there it presently becomes tyranny, \vhether
those that thus use it ate one or many....
Whe,rever law ends, tyranny begins, if the law
be transgressed to another's harm."
Tyranny is thus defined by Locke as "the
exercise of power beyond right, \vhich noboQ}"
can have a right to." Such "absolute arbitralJT
power, or governing \vithout settled standing
lavvs, can neither of them consist with the enos
of society and Tyranny so .de...
fined may not be limited to monarchies; but
according to Locke, absolute monarchy
ahvays tyrannical. For that very reason it is,
he writes, "inconsistent with civil society,
and so can be no form of civil government
at all."
What Locke calls "tyranny" or, without
change ofmeaning, "absolute monarchy," Kant
calls "autocracy." But Kant distinguishes the
1110narch "who has the highest power" from the
autocrat "who has all power." Hegel calls "des..
potism" that "state of affairs where la\v has
disappeared and where the particular will as
such, whether of a monarch or a mob, COunts
as law or rather takes the place of law." The
writers of the Federalist use the words "tyran.
ny"and "despotism" interchangeably, butdo
not vary from the definition which 1t1ontes...
quieu gives of despotic government as "that in
which a single person directs everything by his
own will and \caprice." In aU other govern-
Inents, even in monarchy when it is constitlDt":'
tional, the separation of powers puts some limi-
tation on the power entrusted to the offices or
state.
Follo"ving Montesquieu's doctrine,_Madison
declares: "The accumulation ofall powers, legis-
lative, executive, and judiciary, in the
hands, whether of one, a few, anti
whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective,
may justly be pronounced the very definition
of tyranny." He reinforces his point by quoting
Jefferson's dictum that concentrating "aU the,.
powers of governrnent . . . in the saIne hands,
is precisely the definition of despotic govef11-
ment."
HOBBES SEEMS TO BE the one exception in the
great books to this variously expressed opinion
of the evil of absolute power. Locke may ha
him in mind when he says that absolute rna
archy is "by some men ... counted the 0
government in the world." Certainly Hob
would not repudiate the charge that he thin
none but absolute government feasible; nor
he dismayed by the tendency of other writ
to call absolute government "tyrannical" or
"despotic. "On the contrary, he dismisses this
asSO much empty name-calling.
In every form of government, according to
Hobbes, the sovereign power must be absolute
to be effective. "Though of so unlimited a pow-
er, men may fancy many evil consequences,
yet the consequences of the want of it, which is
perpetual warofevery man against his neigh-
bor, are much worse." Describing the absolute
domi1)ion of the father over his children, and
the equally absolute dominion of the master
over his slaves, Hobbes says that "the rights
and consequences of both paternal anddespoti-
cal dominion are the very same with those ofa
sovereign by institution," for unless the sover--
eignis also absolute, "there is no sovereignty
at all."
To the cry "Tyranny," Hobbes replies that
just as men who "find themselves grieved under
a Democracy, call it Anarchy," or. those who
"are displeased with Aristocracy, callit Oligar-
chy," so "they thatare discontented under
Monarchy, call it Tyranny." He holds
olitics responsible for spreading thefallacy of
regarding anything except popular government
as tyrannical; and in general he blames the
Erreek and Roman writers for fomenting sedi-
tion against kings by treating tyrannicide as
lawful.
Hobbes offers an historical explanation of the
origin of these confusions. "A Tyrant," he writes,
'''originally signified no more simply,. but a
Monarch. But when-afterwards in most parts of
reece that kind of government was abolished,
the name began to signify, not only the thing
it did before, but with it the hatred which the
popular states bore towards it; as also the name
of King became odious after the deposing of the
Kings of Rome."
Aword like "tyranny" carries only emotional
rce. Used descriptively, Hobbes declares, "it
'gnifies nothing more nor less than the name of
overeignty, saving that they that use the for-
mer word are understood to be angry wi th them
they call Tyrants. " He is willing to make- him-
self the object of that anger by identifying "a
professed hatred of Tyranny" with "hatred to
Commonwealth in general," and by regarding
the toleration of both hatreds alike as evil seeds
of sedition.
943
IN_ONE NEGATIVE RESPECT, Rousseau seemsto
agree that the man whoholds
that only republicaninstitutions, are legitimate,
in any way accepts the identification of either
prince or. popular government with sovereign
power. But he, like Hobbes, rejects Aristotle's
distinction between the king and the tyrant as
good and bad monarchs, the one governing for
the good of his subjects, the other in his own
interest. Rousseau contends notonly that most
Greek authors used "the word tyrant in a dif-
ferent sense . . . but also;" he adds, "itwould
follow from Aristotle's distinction that, from
the very beginning of the world, there has not
yet been a single king."
It is only. according to a vulgar usage thata
tyrant is conceived as "a king who governs
violently and without regard for justice or law."
The more precise conception, Rousseau insists,
defines the tyrant as "an individual who arro-
gates to himself the royal authority without
having a right to it. This is how the Greeks
understood the word 'tyrant'; theyapplieditin-
differently to good and bad princes whose au-
thori ty was. not legitimate. Tyrant and usurper
are thus perfectly synonymous terms."
The usurpation of power is, according to
Rousseau, the root of both tyranny and des-
potism, but they are not for that reason to be
confused. "I callhim who usurps the royal au-
thority a tyrant," Rousseau writes, "and him
who usurps the sovereign power a despot. The
tyrant is he who thrusts himself in contrary to
the laws to govern in accordance with the laws;
the despot is he who sets himself above the laws
themselves. Thus the tyrant cannot be a despot,
but the despot is always a tyrant."
Other writers distinguish between tyranny
and despotism on different principles. They ac-
cept, where Rousseau rej ects, the notion that
tyranny is not merely a usurpation of power,
but always a self-serving or unjust use of that
power. They reject Rousseau's conception of
despotism as inseparable from usurpation. Ab-
solute power can be gained and held in other
ways.
Locke, for example, conceives despotical do-
minion as the rule ofa master over slaves, or the
government of a vanquished people by their
conquerors in a just war. "Despotical power,"
in his opinion, "is an absolute arbitrary power
THE GREAT IDEAS CHAPTER 95: TYRANNY
944
one man has over another to take away his life
whenever he pleases." Unlike tyranny, it is not
"power beyond right," for "the conqueror, if
he have a just cause, has a despoticalright over
the persons of all that actually aided and con-
curred in the war against him." Since, in Locke's
view, "a usurper can never have right on his
side," despotic dominion, when justified, is not
achieved by usurpation.
For Montesquieu, despotisms constitute one
of the three major forms of government, the
other two being republics (aristocratic or demo-
eratic) and monarchies. Though he regards des-
potism as an intrinsically corrupt form of gov-
ernment, in which the rulers wield personal
power v/ithout the restraint of law, he also
judges it to be appropriate to the servile na-
tures or temperaments of certain peoples. Like
Aristotle and Hippocrates before him, he at-
tributes to the climate and disposition of the
Asiatic peoples their submissiveness to the worst
excesses of despotism.
Montesquieu does not so much condemn
despotism as he deplores the conditions which
seem to render it necessary or natural for a large
part of mankind. He does not suggest, as Mill
does, that despotic government can and should
serve to civilize those who are as yet unprepared
for self-government. Despotism is benevolent,
according to Mill, only if it prepares a people
for freedom; if it tries to perpetuate itself, it is
tyrannical or enslaving.
Though Mill holds the view that, relative to
a free society, there cannot be a "good despot"
no matter how benevolent his intentions, he
also thinks that, in dealing with barbarians, "des-
potism is a legitimate mode of government ....
provided the end be their improvement, and
the n1eans justified by actually effecting that
end. Liberty, as a principle, has no application
to any state of things anterior to the time when
mankind has become capable of being improved
by free and equal discussion. Until then, there
is nothing for them but implicit obedience to
an Akbar or a Charlemagne, if they are so for-
tunate as to find one."
Under certain "conditions of society ... a
vigorous despotism," according to Mill, "is in
itself the best mode of government .for training
the people in what is specifically wanting to
render them capable of a higher civilization."
In his opinion, still other conditions justify des-
potism. "I am far from condemning," he \vrites,
"in cases of extreme exigency, the assumption
of absolute po\ver in the of a temporaryr
dictatorship." In another pface, he says that
"the establishment of the despotism of the Cae-
sars was a great benefit to the entire generation
in which it took place" because "it put a stop to
civil war, and abated a vast amount of malver-
sationand tyranny by praetors and proconsuls."
But in all these cases the essential point is that
the despotic rule should be temporary. Mill ap-
plies the same criterion to the despotism which
occurs in the government of colonial dependen-
cies. It should aim to benefit a subject people
by training them in the arts ofgovernment, and
it should not seek to outlast the conferring of
this benefit. "The ruling country," he thinks,
"ought to be able to do for its subjects all that
could be done by a succession of absolute mon-
archs, guaranteed by irresistible force against
the precariousness of tenure of barbarian des-
potisms.... Such is the ideal rule of a free peo-
ple over a barbarous or semi-barbarous one."
This may be the ideal, but critics of imperial-
ism, like Swift or Marx, think that colonial
policies are in fact otherwise motivated---by-
land-grabbing, by the desire for national ag-
grandizement, and by the profits to be made
from the economic exploitation of colonies or
subject peoples. Throughout the pages of Thu-
cydides and Tacitus, the spokesmen for empire
dwell upon the blessings or
Roman rule bestows, only to be answered by-
the protests of the colonists or the conquered,
who seem to prefer the insecurities and uncer-
tainties of Iiberty to the mixed motives of even
the best despot.
As ALREADY INDICATED, the political signifi-
cance of tyranny and despotism is broader than
the conception of the tyrant as an unjust king
or of the despot as an absolute monarch.IT'he
reign of the Thirty Tyrants at Athens and of
the Decemviri at Rome are classical examples
of oligarchical tyranny. Advocates of republi-
can or democratic institutions, like the writers
of the Federalist or J. S. Mill, are as much con-
cerned to safeguard constitutional or
ative government from the tyranny of spec!
interests-whether of a dominant majority
of concentrated \vealth-as they are to protect
the rule of law from the encroachments of des-
potism which begin with usurpations of power
by elected officials.
Moderns and ancients alike fear the suscepti-
bility of the mob to the wiles of the demagogue,
who encourages their lawlessness in order to
take the law into his own hands. Both Hegel
and Plato see in the alliance between a schem'"
ing demagogue and an unruly populace the step
by which a corrupt democracy turns into a
tyranny. Though Aristotle disagrees with what
he takes to be the theory of Socrates in the
Republic, that tyranny normally arises from
democracy in the progressive degeneration of
the state, his own opinion seems to be that "tyr-
anny is a compound ofoligarchy and democracy
in their most extreme forms" and that "almost
all tyrants have been demagogues who. gained
the favor of the people by their accusation of
the notables."
IT'hese aspects of tyranny are discussed in the
chapters on DEMOCRACY and OLIGARCHY. The
traditional emphasis, however, is on the indi-
vidual tyrant, he is an hereditary
prince who misuses his autocratic power, the
usurper of an established throne, or the deIna-
gogue who makes himself dictator. Ho\vever
tyranny arises, monarchy is the form it usually
takes in the pages of history or poetry-the
domination of the state by one man. But while
the great political philosophers offer conflicting
theories of the origin of tyranny, there seems
to be remarkable agreement concerning the
methods the tyrant uses to maintain himself in
power.
Other political practices may vary greatly
from one historical epoch to another, but the
devices of tyranny seem to have a certain time-
lessness. When they are describing the actions
of the tyrant, I-ferodotus, Plutarch, Tacitus,
and Gibbon tell stories of iniquity, of cruelty,
of cowardly and unscrupulous stratagelns, so
alike in detail that the reader loses all sense of
time and place. Nor need he exert any effort of
imagination to place the figure of the tyrant
thus delineated in the setting of contenlporary
events.
The past also speaks with contemporary rele-
vance in Plato's enumeration of the tyrant's
desperate measures, his stirring up of foreign
945
wars to smother domestic discord, his assassina-
tion ofenemies, his purging of friends or follow-
ers, and his confiscation of property as well as
his generaIl y indiscriminate blood-letting. The
resort to unwarranted searches and seizures, the
creation of ex post facto crimes, the arrest and
punishment of men without trial "have been,"
,vrites Hamilton, "in all ages the favorite and
most formidable instruments of tyranny." So,
too, in all ages, the tyrant, fearing reprisal and
revenge, lives in a state of war, turns his palace
into an armed camp, and goes nowhere without
a numerous bodyguard which, as both Aristotle
and Machiavelli suggest, functions most effi-
ciently when composed of hirelings or merce-
nanes.
The great books contain not only the record
of tyrannical perfidy and violence, but also rec-
ommendations to the. would-be tyrant of the
best means to use for his nefarious purposes.
Though Rousseau refers to Machiavelli's Prince
as "the book of Republicans," and thinks that
"the choice of his detestable hero, Caesar Bor-
gia, clearly enough shows his hidden aim," the
rules which Machiavelli formulates for the
prince seem, on the surface at least, to be es-
sentially similar to the advice Aristotle gives
the tyrant.
The end in both cases is the same-success in
the effort to gain and keep power. The means,
in general, are force and fraud Of, as Machia-
velli phrases it, the methods of the lion and the
fox. Machiavelli counsels the prince "to inspire
fear in such a way that, if he does not win love,
he avoids hatred." He tells him that he should
appear to keep faith without hesitating to
break his promises, that he should avoid flat-
terers and sycophants, and that he should ac-
quire a reputation for liberality \vithout cost
to himself. Not very different is Aristotle's ad-
vice to the tyrant-to lop off the heads of
those who are too high and to humble all the
rest, to so\v discord arnong his subjects, to inl
poverish the people by multiplying taxes, to
employ informers, and to encourage the be-
trayal of one faction by another.
But in his suggestion of another course for
the tyrant to take-the policy of not merely
pretending, but of actually trying, to conduct
himselflike a just king-Aristotle seems to devi-
ate from the spirit of Machiavelli's maxim that
OUTL.INE OF TOPICS
947
27 SHAKESPEARE: Macbeth, ACT IV, SC III [37-
114] 303d-304c
32 MILTON: Paradise Lost, BK XI! [1-104] 319a-
321b
33 PASCAL; Pensees, IS 174a; 332 232a-b;87I344b
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, eH XVI--XIX6Sd-8Id
passim, esp CH XVII,SECT 19770c-d, CH XVIII,
SECT 199 7Ia, CH XIX, SECT 239 BOd-81b
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit ofLaws, BK xI,70a-c
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 3S6b-358b ! -Political
Economy, / Social Contract, BK I,
388b-c; BK III, 419b-c; BK IV, 438c
40 GIBBON: .Decline and Fall, 32d-34a,c;111<f
42 KANT: Science of Right, 450b-d .
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: [2S-98] Ib-
3a
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 20, 77b-c; NUMBER 47,
153c-d
43 MILL: Liberty, 267d-268a;274b,d [:n I]
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART III, par 278
92c-93a
la. The lawlessness of tyrannical rule: might
without right
5 AESCHYLUS: Prometheus Bound [399-414]
44a-b .
5 EURIPIDES: Suppliants [429-456] 262a-b
5 ARISTOPHANES: Wasps [463-57] S12d-S13c
REFERENCES
CHAPTER'95: TYRf\NNY
To find the passages cited, use theCnulnbers in heavy type, which are the volume and page
numbers ofthe passages referred to. For example, in 4 HOMER: Iliad, BK II [26S-283]12d, the
number 4 is the number of the volume in the set ; the number 12d indicates that the pas-
sage is in section d of page 12.
PAGE SECTIONS: When the text is printed in one column, the letters a and b refer to the
upper and lower halves of the page. For example, in 53 JAMES: Psychology, 116a-119b, the passage
begins in the upper half of page 116 and ends in the lo'wer half of page I 19. 'Vhen the text is
printed in t\VO columns, the letters a and b refer to the upper and lo\ver halves of the left-
hand side of the page, the letters c andd to the upper and lo\ver halves of the right-hand side of
the page. For example, in 7 PLATO: Syn1posiun1, the passage begins in the lo\ver half
ofthe left-hand side of page 163 and ends in the upper half of the right-hand side of page 164.
AUTHOR'S DIVISIONS: One or more of the main divisions of a \vork (suchas PART, BK, CH,
SECT) are sometimes included in the reference; line numbers, in brackets, are given in cer-
taincases; e.g., Iliad, BK II [26S'-283] 12d.
BIBLE REFERENCES: The references Rre to book, chapter, and verse. When the King James
and Douay versions differ in title of books or in the numbering of chapters or verses, the I<.ing
James version is cited first arid the Douay, indicated by a CD), follows; e.g., OLD TESTA-
MENT:.Nehemiah, 7:4S-(D) II Esdras, 7:46.
SYMBOLS: The abbreviation "esp" calls the reader's attention to one or more especially
relevant parts of a whole reference; "passinl" signifies that the topic is discussed intermit-
tently rather than continuously in the work or passage cited.
For additional information concerning the style of the references, see the Explanation of
Reference Style; for general guidance in the use of The Great Ieas, consult the Preface.
The nature and origin of tyranny
5 SOPHOCLES: Oedipus the King[863-9Iol107b-c
/ Antigone [640-74S] 136d-137c
5 EURIPIDES: Suppliants [429-456] 262a-b
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK I, 12b-14a; BK V,
178a-180a
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK I,
352c---d; 353b; BK VI, 523b-524d
7 PLATO: Gorgias, 262a-270c esp 263d /
public, I, 301b-309b esp 304b-c; BK VIII,
-402b-c; BK VIII-IX, 411d-420<1, / Sophist,S54c
/ Statesman, S98b-604b / Laws, BK IV, 682a-c
9 ARISTOTLE: Ethics, BK VIII, CH la-II 412c-
413d / Politics, BK III, CH 8 [I279bI6-I7] 477a;
BK IV, CH 10 BK CH 5 [I30Sa8'-28]
S06d-S07a; CH 10 [I3IOa39-I3IIa28] S12d-S13c
jRhetoric, BK I, CH 8 [I36Sb39-I366a6] 608b
14 PLUTARCH: Timoleon, 196c-197b / Alexander,
S66a-b / Dion, 782d / Aratus, 83Sb-c
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK II, 36b; BK IV, 72a-b
20 AQUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART I-II, Q
lOS, A I, REP 5 307d-309d
21 DANTE: Divine Comedy, HELL, XII [100-'139]
17b-d
Z2 CHAUCER;: Parson's Tale, par 67,S.3Ib
. 23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II,lOSa; PART IV,
273a-c; CONCLUSION, 280d
authors. Both Aristotle and 11achiavelli at
one .. -striking cone!usion from the history
those-call them princes or tyrants-"--whoha
tried to put such rules into practice. Wheth
its collapse is due to-the
might without- right,. as Aristotle suggests,
in Machiavelli's. terms, to theunforeseea
mishaps of fortune, tyranny, of all forms
government, seems to be the. shortest-liveo.
TI-IE.GREAT IDEAS
I. The nature and origin of tyranny
la. The lawlessness of tyrannical rule: might without right
rb. The injustice of tyrannical government: rule for
IC. Usurpation: the ,unauthorized seizure of power
Id. The characterof the tyrannicaLman: the friends of the tyrant
2. Tyranny as the corruption of other forms of government
2a. The perversion of Inonarchy: the tyrannical king
2b. The degeneration of oligarchy: the tyranny of the wealthy
2C. The corruption of democracy: the tyranny of the masses or of the majority; the
rise of the demagogue
3. The choice between tyranny or despotisln and anarchy
4. The nature and effects of despotism
4a. The relation of despotisn1 to tyranny and monarchy: the benevolence ofdespots
4b. The cOlnparison of paternal and despotic dominion: the justification of absolute
rule by the incapacity of the ruled for self-government
5. The contrast between despotic and constitutional government: government by Blen
and government by laws
sa. Despotic and constitutional government \vith respect to political liberty and
equality: the rights of the governed
Sb. Despotic and constitutional governlnent \vith respect to juridical defenses against
misgovernment, or redress for grievances through due process of law
se. The location of sovereignty in despotic and constitutional government: the
ereign person, the sovereign office, the sovereign people
Sd. The analogues of despotic and constitutional rule in the relation of the powers of
the soul: the tyranny of the passions
6. Imperial rule as despotic, and as tyrannical or benevolent: the government of con'"
quered peoples or colonies
7. The \vays of tyrants or despots to attain and maintain povver
8. rrhe fate of tyrants: revolutions for liberty and justice against tyranny and despotism;
tyrannicide
the appearance of virtue is profitableso long as
it does not interfere wi rh,doing whatever is ex'"
pedient, however vicious.. Yet even here Aris-
tode says that "-the tyrant must becarefuL...
to keep power enough toruleover his subjects,
whether they -like him or not, for if he once
gives this up he gives up his tyranny."
The best commentary on these recommenda'"
tions seems to be indirectly expressed by their
946
lb. The injustice of tyrannical government:
rule for self-interest
OLD TESTAMENT: I Kings, I2:1-I5-(D) III
Kings
t
12:1-15 / II Chronicles, lo-(D) II
Paralipomenon, 10 / Psalms, 72 :4-(D) Psalms,
71:4 / Proverbs, 28 :15-16; 29:4 / Isaiah, 1:23;
3: 14-15; 10:1-3; 14; 56:9-12-(D) Isaias, 1:23;
3:14-15; 10:1-3; 14; 56:9-12 / Ezekiel, 22:27;
45:8-9; 46:18-(D) Ezechiel, 22:27; 45:8-9;
46:18 / 1'v1icah, 3:I-3-(D) lv!icheas, 3:1-3 /
Zephaniah, 3:3-(D) Sophonias, 3:3
ApOCRYPHA:judith, 2:I-3-(D) OT, judith, 2:1-6
5 SOPHOCLES: Oedipus the King [616-63] 104d-
10Sa; [863-910] 107b-c / Antigone 131a-142d
esp [640-745] 136d-137c
949
2a. The perversion of monarchy: the tyrannical
king
5 SOPHOCLES: Oedipus the King [616-630] 104d-
105a / Antigone [640-745] 136d-137c
5 EURIPIDES: Heracles Mad [140-274] 366b-
367c
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK III, 107c-I08e
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK I, 352e-d
7 PLATO: Republic, BK IX, 418d-419a/ Statesman,
590c-d; 598b-604b / Laws, BK III, 672d-674d
9 ARISTOTLE: Ethics, BK VIII, CH 10 [1160831-
b8] 412c-d; [II60
b
23-33] 413a / Politics, BK
III, CH 7 [1279b4-'-10] 476d-477a; CH 8 [1279b
16-17] 477a; CH 14 [1285817-29] 483b-c; CH
17 [1287b38-I288a5} 486e; BK IV, CH 2 [I289a
26-
b
4] 488b-e; CH 4 [1292815-19] 491c; CH 10
[1295a9-23] 495a-b; BK v, CH 10 [13IOa39-
13Ila28] 512d-513e; [I312a4o-b9] 514d-515a;
[I312b37-I3I3aI6] 515c-d; CH II .[1314837-'
I315bII] 517b-518e / Rhetoric, BK I, CH 8
[I365b39-I36682] 608b
14 PLUTARCH: Romulus-Theseus, 3Oc-d / Deme-
trius, 742c-'743b
18 AUGUSTINE: City of God, BK II, CH 21, 162a
20 AQUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART I-II, Q
105, A I, REP 2,4-5 307d-309d
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, l05a; 150c-151a;
PART IV, 273a-b
BK II, 224e-d; 233d; 238d-240b; BK III,
256d-257d; BK IV, 268b-c
20 AQUINAS: Sununa Theologica, PART I-II, Q
105, A I, REP 2,4-5 307d-309d
22 CHAUCER: Physician's Tale
23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince, CH VIII, 13a-c;cH xv-
XIX 22b-30a; CH XXIII 33d-34b
25 MONTAIGNE: Essays, 3a-5a; 126b-I31a passim;
337b-e; 351b-353c
26 SHAKESPEARE: Richard IIII05a-148a,c espACT
III, sc I [151-200] 124e-125a, sc V 128b-12ge,
ACT IV, SC II 133d-135b, ACT V, SC I 142d-
143a / julius Caesar, ACT I, SC II [94-214]
570b-571c; ACT III, SC I [31-73] 580d-581b
27 SHAKESPEARE : Measure for Measure, ACT II,
SC IV 184e-186e/ Macbeth, ACT IV, SC III [50-
114] 304a-c I Pericles, ACT I, SC I [92-104]
422d / Winter's Tale, ACT III, SC II 501b-504a
32 MILTON: Paradise Lost, BK IV [366-394] 160b-
16la
36 SWIFT: Gullit/er, PART I, 24b-25a
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 364a-b
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 29b; 32d-33a; 34d-
39d esp 35b, 37a; 53c-56d; 59b-6Ia; 70c-
71a; 76a; 167a-d; 388d-389c
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, '113e-114a; 166a-
167c; 173b-174a; 189b-193c
48 MELVILLE: Moby Dick, 107a-b
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK I, 8d-IOd; BK X,
465e-467a; EPILOGUE I, 647b-649d
2. Tyranny as the corruption of other forms of
government
CHAPTER 95: TYRANNY Id to 2a
14 PLUTARCH: Caius Marius, 344e-354a,e /
Sulla, 369a-374a; 382a-387a,e / Sertorius,
469a,.470d / Pompey 499a-538a,e esp 524b-c
/ Caesar 577a-604d
15 TACITUS: Annals, UK I, 1b-2a; 4b-d; BK II,
32d-33e / Histories, BK I, 195a-201c esp 197a-c
26 SHAKESPEARE: 3rd Henry VI, ACT III, sc II
[124-195] 87e-88a / Richard III105a-148a,c
esp ACT V, SC III [237-270] 146b-c
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH XVI, SECT 176
66a-b; CH XVII 70c-71a; CH XIX, SECT 212-220
74a-75d passiln
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, UK XI, 77a-b;
78d-79b
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, BK III, 408b-c;
419a-c; 424a-d; BK IV,
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 24b,d-28besp 24d-
25a, 27b-d; 43b-44b; 69a-71a; 111b-113a esp
111d; 386a-387d; 436a-438a esp 436c-437b;
489d-49Ia; 515b-518a passim
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 16, 68b-c; NUMBER 17,
70a-c; NUMBER 21, 78d-79b; NUMBER 26,
94a-d; NUMBER 28, 97e-98b;NUMBER 31,
104d-105c; NUMBER 33, 108d-109a; NUMBER
41, 133a-b; NUMBER 44, 146c-d; NUMBER 45,
148b-d; NUMBER 78, 230a-232e; NUMBER 81,
239a-c
43 Representative Government, 350d-351c
51 TOLSTOY: U'ar and Peace, BK I, 8d-10d;
EPILOGUE I, 647b-649d; EPILOGUE II, 681a-d
ld. The character. of the tyrannical man: the
friends of the tyrant
OLD TESTAMENT: I Kings, 2I-(D) III Kings, 21
/ Proverbs, 28 :15-16/ Ecclesiastes, 10:5-7,16-17
5 AESCHYLUS: Prometheus Bound [196-243]
42b-c
5 SOPHOCLES: Oedipus the King [863-910]
107b-c
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK III, I07c-d
7 PLATO: Gorgias, 262a-270e; 28Sd-287c / Re-
public, BK I, 308e-309a; BK II, 311c-312d; BK
IX 416a-427b /Laws, BK III, 671c
9 ARISTOTLE: Ethics, BK VIII, CH I I [116183-
blo] 413e-d; BK x, CH 6 [II76b9-23] 431a-b /
Politics, BK II, CH 7 [126783--:17] 462c"d; BK
IV, CH 4 [1292aI5-17] 491c; BK V, CH II [13I3b
30--13I4aI2] 516e-d
12 EPICTETUS: Discourses, BK I, CH I9125b-126c;
BK IV, CH I, 215b-d; CH 5, 229a-b
13 VIRGIL: Aeneid, BK VIII [481-495] 272a
14 PLUTARCH: Ti1noleon, 201b-202c / Pelopiilas,
242b-243c / Lysander, 362b-365a / Sulla,
384a-c / Lysander-Sulla, 387b,d-388e / Lu-
cullus, 409d-410d / Demetrius 726a-747desp
742e-743b / Antony-Demetrius 780a-781a,c /
Dion, 782b-788b / Aratus, 835b-836d /
Artaxerxes 846a-858d esp 856b-c
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK I, 20b-e; BK IV, 63d-
64c; 65c-67a; 79b-e; BK VI, 87b-88b ;BK XI,
102d-l03a;BK XIV, 145a-d; 153d-154d; BK
XV, 172c-173a / Histories, BK I, 195a-c; 197a-b;
Ic. Usurpation: the unauthorized seizure
power
OLD TESTAMENT: II Samuel, I5-18-(D) II
Kings, 15-18 / I Kings, I6:8-20-(D) III
Kings, 16:8-20 / II Kings, 8:7-'15; 12:19-21 ;
14 :17-21 ; 15 :13-14,23-25,30; 21 :18-26-(D)
IV Kings, 8:7-15; 12:19-21 ; 14:17-21 ; 15:
1
3-
14,23-25,30; 21 :18-26
5 AESCHYLUS : Prometheus Bound [399-4
1
4]
44a-b / Agamemnon [1612-1673] 69a-d
5 EURIPIDES: Heracles Mad [140-274] 366b..
367e
5 ARISTOPHANES: Wasps [463-507] 512d-513c
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK I, 12b-14a; BK III,
102d-I06c; BK VII, 243b-c
7 PLATO: Gorgias, 264e-265d
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK V, CH 10 [I3
10bI
4-
513a; [1313a8-'10] 515c; BKVII, CH 14 [133
28-38] 538c-d
THE GREAT IDEAS lb to.le
6THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK I, 353b-
BK v, 506b-e .J
7 PLATO: Gorgias, 262d-270a / Republic, BK 1
BK VIII, 413d-416a '
9 ARISTOTLE: Ethics, BK CH 6 [IIJ4
8
35-
b
8J
382b; BK VIII, CH 10-11 412e-413d / Politics
BK II, CH 7 [126783-17] 462e-d; BK III, ClI 6
[1279aI7-22] 476c; CH 7 [1279a28-32] 476d
[1279b4-10] 476d-477a; CH 17
5] 486c; BK IV, CH 10 [I295aI8-2.3] 495a-b;
BK V, CH 10 [13Iob39-I3IIa8] 513b; BK VII
CH 2 [I324b23-41] 528d-529a; CH 14
5] 537d / Rhetoric, BK I, CH 8 [I 366a3-6]
608b
14 PLUTARCH: Denzetrius, 742e-743b
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK VI, 90d-91a
20 AQUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART I-II, Q l0S,
A I, REP 2,5 307d-309d; PART II-II, Q 42, A2,
REP 3 584b-d
21 DANTE: Dvine Comedy, HELL, XII [IOO-139J
17b-d; PURGATORY, VI [112-151] 62a-e
27 SHAKESPEARE: Measure for Measure, ACT II,
SC IV [151-'187] 186b-e / Macbeth, ACT IV,
SC III [37-114] 303d-304c
32 MILTON: Paradise Lost, BK XII [63-110] 320b-
321b
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH II, SECT 13
28a-b; eH VII, SECT 90-94 44d-46e; CH XII,
SECT 143 58e-d; CH XIV, SECT 162-163 63a-b;
CH XVIII, SECT 199-202 71a-72a; CH XIX,
SECT 232-233 78c-79c
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 357a-b; 361e-362a /
Political Economy, 368a-b; 370a-b / Social
Contract, BK III, 419b,d [fn I]
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 35a-39d passimJ
esp 38a-b; 55d; 59b-61a passim; 167a-e
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 39b-d
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 4, 35b; NUMBER
251d-252a
43 MILL: Representative Government,
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK I, 8d-10d;
EPILOGUE I, 647b-649d
(1. The nature and origin of tyranny. la. The
lawlessness of tyrannical rule: might with-
out right.)
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK III, 107e-d
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK III,
432b-c; BK V, 504e,508a,e
7 PLATO: Gorgias, 263d-264a / Republic, BK I,
301e-d; BK VIII, 411d-416a / Statesn1an, 603b;
604a-b / Set/entlt Letter, 805d
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK III, CH 10 [I28I
a
I9-28)
478d-479a; CH 17 [1287b37-1288a5] 486e; BK
IV, CH 10 [1295a9-23] 495a-b; BK V, CH 10
[1313a8-18] 515c-d; CH II [1314835-37] 517a-b;
BK VII, CH 2 [1324b23-41] 528d-S29a
12 EPICTETUS: Discourses, BK IV, CH 7, 232e-d
14 PLUTARCH: Timoleon, 196c-197b / Caius
Marius, 344e-354a,c / Sulla, 382a-387a,c /
Lysander-Sulla, 387b,d / Alexander, 566a-b /
Caesar, 591d
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK II, 36b / Histories, BK II,
233d; BK III, 265a-d
20 AQUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART I-II, Q92,
A I, REP 4 213c-214c; Q 95, A 4, ANS 229b-
230c; Q 96, A4, ANS 233a-d
33 PASCAL: Pensees, 332 232a-b
35 LOCKE: Civil Govern1nent, CH VII, SECT 90-94
44d-46c; CH XI, SECT 136-137 56c-57b; CH
XIII, SECT 155 60d-61a; CH XVII, SECT 197
70c-d; CH XVIII 71a-73e; CH XIX, SECT 222
7Sd-76c; SECT 232-233 78c-79c
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 323d-324a; 361e-362a
/ Political Economy, 370d-371a / Social Con-
tract, BK I, 388d-389a; BK III, 419a-c
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 40c-d
,41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 74e-d
42 KANT: Science of Right, 450b-d
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: [7-98] la-
3a
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 57, 177d-178a
43 MILL: Liberty, 274b,d [fn I]
46 I-IEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART III, par 278
92e-93a / Philosophy ofHistory, PART III, 301c-
302a
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK I, 8d-10d;
EPILOGUE It 647b-649d
948
THE GREAT IDEAS
CHAPTER 95: TYRANNY
950
(2. Tyranny as the. corruption oj other jorms oj
government. 2a. The perversion oj mon-
archy.' the tyrannical king.)
26 SHAKESPEARE: Richard Ill, ACT v, 59 III
[237-27] 146b-c
27 SHAKESPEARE: Macbeth, ACT IV, sc III [31-
114] 303d-304c
30 BACON: Advancement of Learning, 27a-c
33 PASCAL:Pensees, 15 174a
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, eH II, SECT 13 28a-b;
CH VII, SECT 90-94 44d-46c; CH VIII, SECT
106-111 49a-51a passim;cH XIV 62b..;64c pas-
sim; CH XVIII 71a-73cesp SECT 200 71a-c;
CH XIX 73d-81d passim, esp SECT
78c-81b
37 FIELDING: Tom fones, 268c-269b
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit ofLaws,13K VIII, 53a-c;
BK XI, 75d; 77c
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 357b-c / Social Con-
tract, 13K Ill) 412d-413a;414c-d; 419b-c
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 31b; 32c-33a;34d-
39d passim; 255b,d-257a
41 GIBBON: DeclineandFall,39b-c
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 48,' 157b-c
43 MILL: Liberty, 267d-268b / Representative
Government, 366a:-c
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 195c-d
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART III, par
96c-97a /Philosophy afHistory, INTRO; 173c-d
2b. ThedegeQeration ofoligarchy;; th.etyr,anllY
of the wealthy
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK I, 352c
7 PLATO: Laws, 13K IV, 681b-682c
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, 13K III, CH 10 [I28I
a
21-
28] 478d-479a; GH 15 [I 286
h
8-22] 484d-485a;
BK IV, CH 6 [I293aI2-341 492d-493a;.cH I I
[1296a22-b2] 496b-c; 13K V, CH8 [1308aI4-24]
SlOb; CH 9 [1309bI4-I310aI2] 511d-512b /
Athenian Constitution, CH 2 553a-c
14 PLUTARCH: Coriolanus, J80c-d
18. AUGUSTINE: City of God, BK II, 21, 162a
23 H013BES: Leviathan, PART Iv,273a-b
27 SHAKESPEARE: Coriolanus, ACT I, SC I 351a-
354d
35 LOCKE : Civil Government,. CH XVIII, SECT 201
71c
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK v, 23a-25a
passim
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, .359b-d
42, KANT: Science of Right, 450c:
43 FEDERALIST: 57 176d-1,79b passim
43 MILL: Representative Government, 393d-394d
50 MARX-ENGELS: Communist Manifesto, 420b-d
2c. The corruption of democracy: the tyranny
of the masses or of the majority; the rise
of the demagogue
5 EURIPIDES: Suppliants [399-425] 261d-262a
5 ARISTOPHANES: Knights 470a-487a,c esp
[1111-115] 483d-484b / Wasps [463-57]
2b t03
512d-513c; [650-:-724] 515c-516d / Lysistrata
[608-635] 591b-c / Plutus [567-571] 636a
6 HERODOTUS: History,BK lIt, 107c-108c
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, 13K VI,
516b-517a; 523b-c; 533a-c
7 PLATO: Republic, BK VIII, 411d-413a; BK IX,
416c-417bj Statesman, 603d-604b / Laws, UK
III, 675c-676b; BK IV, 681b-682c
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, 13K II, CHI2 [I273b35-
1274a22] 470c-d; BK III, CH 7 [I279
b
4":"Ioj
476d-477a; CH 10 [128I
a
ll-23] 478d-479a;
13K IV, CH 4 [1292a4-37] 491b-d;CH 6 [I293aI-
10] 492c; CH 14 [I298a29-34] 498d; 13K v, CH
5 [I305a8-28] 506d-507a; CH 8 [I308aI4-24]
SlOb; CH 9 [I309b14-,I310aI2] 511d-512b;
[1310a25-36] CH 10 [I3IOa.39-bI8] 512d-
513a; [1312a4o_b8] 514d-515a; CH II [1313b
38--I3I4al] 516c;BK VI, CH 4 [I 319b26-32]
523b
14 PLUTARCH: Agis, 648b,d.;.649b
15 TACITUS: l-listories, BK III, 265a-b
18 AUGUSTINE : City of God, BK II, CH 21, 162a
27 SHAKESPEARE: Coriolanus, ACT I, sc 1[1-225]
351a-353d; ACT II, SC I [1--106] 361a-362a;
ACT III, SC I [140-161] 370d-371a; ACT IV, SC
VI [74-156] 383a-384a
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK III, lOa;
13K VIII, 51a-52c
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, 13K III, 411a-b;
41gb
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 14b
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 73b-c; 94d
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER I, 30b; NUMBER 8-9,
45a-47c, passim; NUMBER 10 49c-53a passim;
NUMBER 22, 84c-d; NUMBER 43, .141d-142c;
NUMBER 48 156d-159a passim; NUMBER 51,
164a-165a; NUMBER 58, 181b-182a;NuMBER
63, 192c-193a,; NUMBER 78, 232a-d
43 MILL: Liberty, 268d-274a; 298b-299a;302b-c;
309a-:-b / Representative Government, ,;330a;
passim, esp 377b, 380c"-381d;
406c-d
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 260b
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, ADDITIONS, 180
148b / Philosophy of History, PART II,273d..
274a; 277d; PART III, 295d-296b; 300a-b;
PART IV, 365c-366b
3. The choice between tyranny or despotism
and anarchy
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK 1,23,b-24a
14 PLUTARCH: Solon, 68d-70d jPompey, 525a..
526d t Caesar, 588c-591d; 598d-599a f Cato
the Younger, 638b-639a
15 TACITUS: Annals,BK I, 1b-c; 13K III, 51b-52a f
Histories, BKIV, 290a-d
23 HOBBES : Leviathan, PART II, 104b-d; 112b..
PART IV, 273a-b
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH II, SBC'r "
28a-b; CH VII, SECT 90-93 44d-46a;CH
SECT 137 CH XVIII, 5 ECT'20g-
2
CH XIX, SECT 224-229 76d-7Sa
4 to 4b
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 356b-c; 359b-c /
Social Contract,BK I, 389b; BK IV, 433a-434b
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 8-9, 45a-47cpassim;
NUMBER 16-20 66c-78b passim, esp NUMBER 16
66c-68d; NUMBER 70, 210e-d
43 MILL: Representative Government, 344c-d;
350b-355b"passim, esp 351c-d; 367b-c
4. The nature and effects of despotism
7 PLATO: Statesn1an, 590c-d; 598b-604b
9 ARISTOTLE: Ethics, BK VIII, eH II [II6I
a
II-
22] 413b-e / Politics, BK I, CH5 447d-448c;
BK III, CH 13 [1284a3-b34] 482a-483a; CH 14
[I285aI7-b34] 483b..;484a; BK IV, CH 10 [I295t\
9-23] 495a-b
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK III, SIb
19 AQUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART I, Q8I,
A 3, REP 2 430c-431d; PART I-II,Q 17, A 7,
ANS 690d-692a
35 LOCKE : Civil Governnzeni, CH III, SECT 17-18
28d-29b; CH IV 29d-30b; CH VII, SECT 85
43e;.d; CHXV, SECT 172-174 65b-d
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK II, 4a;
8d-9a,c;uK III, 12a-13c; BK IV, 15a-c; BK V,
26a-30a; BK VI, 33d-35a; 39d-40d; BK VIII,
54a-b; 57b-58d; BK IX, 60a-b; BK X, 68b-d;
BK XV, 109a; BK XVIII, 128d; BK XIX, 137c-
140c
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, 13K I, 387b,d-
391b
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 50a-b; 91a; 154b-c
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 81c-d; 320d-321b
42 KANT: Science of Right, 438a:. b; 450c-d
43 MILL: Liberty, 297a-b / Representative Govern-
ment, 341d-344d; 367b-c; 382b-c
46 HEGEL: Philosophy ofRight, PART III,par 270,
8gb; par 286, 96c-d; par 355 112d-113a;
ADDITIONS, 18o 148b / Philosophy of History,
INTRO, 161a-c; PART I, 213b-214d; 222a-c;
230a-c; PART III, 285d; 302a-d
4a. The relation of despotism to tyranny and
monarchy: the benevolence of despots
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK VI,
523b-524d
7 PLATO: States1nan, 590c-d; 598b"-604b /
Laws, BK III, 672d-674d; BK IV, 681 b-d
9 ARISTOTLE: Ethics, BK VIII, cH 10 [II60
b
23-
32] 413a; CH I I 413b-d / Politics, BK III, CH
14 [128SaI7-eb34] 483b-484a;cH 17 [I287
b
37-
1288a7] 486c; BK IV, CH 10 [1295a9-23] 495a-b;
BK v, CH 10 [1310bI4-32] 513a; CH II [1314a
30-1315bII] 517a-518c / Athenian Constitu-
tion, CH 15 559b-c
14 PLUTARCH: Theseus, 9a-d / Romulus- Theseus,
30e-d / Solon, 75c-76d / Poplicola, 80d-82a /
Alexander 540b,d-576d passim
19 AQUINAS: SumnzaTheologica, PART I, Q 81, A
3, REP 2 430c-431d
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, 110b-llla
24 RABELAIS: Gargantua and Pantagruel, BK III,
131 b,d-133b
951
35 LOCKE : Civil Govern1nent, CH VII, SECT 90-94
44d-46c; cH VIII, SECT 107 49b.,.d; CH XIX,
SECT231-239 78c-81b
36 SWIFT: Gulliver', PART II, 74a-76b; III,
120a
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK II, 4a; 7c-
9a,c; BKIII, 12a-13c; BK IV, 15a-c; HK V, 25d-
26c; 30a-31b; BK V-VI, 32b-3Sa; BK VI, 36a-b;
37a-38b; 43c; BK VII, 46a; 47d-48a; 50a-b;
BK VIII, 56d-S7c; BK IX, 60a-6la; BK XI,
75a-b; 75d; BK XII, 90b-c; BK XIII, 97a-b;
98d-100b; l02a,c;BK xv, l09a; BK XXV,
211c-d
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 3S7a-c / Social Con-
tract, BK III, 419b-c
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 24b; 32c-33a; 40d-
41d; 50a; 255b,d-257a; 338d-344a,c passim;
389c-390c
4J GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 39b-40b
43 MILL: Liberty, 267d-268c /. Representative
Government, 339a-340d; 341d-344d; 348d-
349a; 351a-354b passim
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART III, par 286
96c-97a
4b. The comparison of paternal and. despotic
donlinion: the justification of absolute
rule by the incapacity of the ruled for
self-government
5 SOPHOCLES: Antigone [640-:-676] 136d-137a
5 EURIPIDES: Suppliants [399-4251 261d-262a
6 HERODOTUS: l-listory, BK I, 35c-d; BK III,
107e-108c; 120b-c
7 PLATO: Statesman,598b-604b I Lau)s, BK III,
670c-671a; BK IV, 679c-680d
9 ARISTOTLE : Ethics, BK V, CH 6 {II34b8-I8]
382b-c; BK VIII, eH 10
CH II 413b-d / Politics, BK I, CH 5447d-448e;
CH 8 [12S6b22--25] 4S0c; CH 12-13 453d-
455a,c; BK III, CH 13 [128
4
::l3-
b
34] 482a-483a;
BK VII, CH 2 [1324b23-41] 528d-529a
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK III, SIb / Histories, BK I,
191d-192a; 193c-194a; BK IV, 290a-d
18 AUGUSTINE: City of God, 13K II, CH 21 161b-
162d; BK XIX, CH 21, 524c-525a
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, l04b-d; 109b-
112d; PART IV, 273a-c
32 MILTON: Santson Agonistes [100-1060] 361b-
362b
35 LocKE: Civil Governlnent, CH VI 36a-42a pas-
sim; CH VII, SECT 84-86 43c-44a; CH VIII,
SECT 15-110 48c-50d; CH XV, SECT 170 64d-
6Sa; SECT 172-174 65b-d
37 FIELDING: Ton1 Jones, 100b-102a; 359b-362c
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Latus, BK I, 3b; BK
V, 22d-23a; BK VIII, 57b; BK XV, 110a-1I1e;
13K XVI, 116a-120a; BK XVII, 122a-123b;
124c-d; BK XVIII, 128d; BK XXIII, 189b
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 324a-b; 357a-b /
Poliiical Economy, 367a-368c passilll / Social
Coniract, BK II, 402d-403a; BK III, 414c-d
40 GIBBON: Declne and Fall, 32b-c; 513b-c
(4. The l1atltre and effects oj despotism. 4b. The
c01nparison oj paternal and despotic do-
nlinion: the justification of absolute rule by
the incapacity oj the ruledfor self-govern-
tnell!.)
42 KANT: Science of Right, 404d; 420b-422d;
436d-437c; 445e-446a
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 9, 47b-e; NUMBER .55,
174c-d
43 Liberty, 271d-272a; 317e-318a I Repre-
sentative Governnzent, 32ge; 339a-341e; 344c;
351e-354b; 436b-437a
46 I-IEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART I, par 93
36a-b / Philosophy of History, INTRO, 174a-c;
198b-19ge; PART III, 300e-301e
52 DOSTOEVSKY: Brothers Kara1nazov, BK V,
127b-137e
953
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK II, CH 2 [I26Ia23-b6]
456a-b; BK III, CH I [I275a22-b2I] 472a-c; CH
10 [I28Ia29]-CH II [I282bI4] 479a-480e; CH
17 486e-487a
14 PLUTARCH: Tiberius Gracchus, 678b-d
20 A.QUINAS: Sumnla Theologica, PART I--I!, Q
90, A 3 207a-e; Q 9 6 , A 5, REP 3 233d-234d;
Q 105, A I, ANS 307d-309d
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART I, 97e-d; PART II,
10Ge-101h; 104d-106d
35 LOCKE: Civil Govern1nent, CH VII, SECT 87-94
44a-46e; CH IX, SECT I27--eH x, SECT 132 54a-
55b; CH XIV 62b-64e passim; CH XV, SECT 171-
174 65a-d
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, UK II, 4a; 7e-
9a,e; BK V, 30a-e; BK XI, 69d-75a
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, BK II, 395a-396a;
BK III, 408b-e; 412e-413a; 419a-e; 423a-e;
424a-d
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 24b,d-28b esp
25a, 26d-27e; 51a-d; lOOd; 241b
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 74b-d; 320d-321a
42 KANT: Science ofRight, 436e; 437e--d; 439a-e;
450a-e; 451e-452a
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: 1a-3b esp
[43-47] 2a
43 CONSTITUTION OF THE U.S.: PREAMBLE
lla,e; AMENDMENTS, IX-X 17d-18a
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 22, 84d-85a; NUMBER
33, 108b-e; NUMBER 39, 125e-d; NUMBER 46,
150b-e; NUMBER 49, 15ge; NUMBER 51, 164a-
165a; NUMBER 5.3, 167d-168b
43 1thLL: Liberty, 267d-26ge / Representative
Government, 341d-350a passim; 355b-356b
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART III, par 275
92a-b; par 279 93a-94d; ADDITIONS, 167 145c
I Philosophy of History, PART II, 272b-273a;
PART III, 300a-301e; PART IV, 342b-d; 355e-d;
365e-366b
51 TOLSTOY: TVar and Peace, EPILOGUE II, 680b-
684a
Sd. The analogues of despotic and constitu..
tional rule in the relation of the powers
of the soul: the tyranny of the passions
7 PLATO: Phaedrus, 120b-e I Repu.blic, BK I,
296b-e; BK IX, 416a-418e; 419b-421a
9 ARISTOTLE: Ethics, BK I, CH 13 [II02a27-II03a
3] 347d-348e I Politics, BK I, CH 5 [I254a33-
b2 6] 448a-b; CH 13 [I260a4-81 454c
12 EPICTETUS: Discourses, BK IV, CH I, 213d;
218a-e; CH 5, 229a-b
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK VI, 87b-e
17 PLOTINUS: Sixth Ennead, TR IV, eH IS, 304e-d;
TR VIII, CH I, 343a-b
18 AUGUSTINE: City of God, BK IV, CH .3, 190e;
BK XIV, cn II, 386b; BK XIX, CH IS 521a-e;
CH 21, 524e-d I Christian Doctrine, BK I, CH
24 630e-631a
19 AQUINAS: Sumlna Theologica, PART I, Q 81,
A 3, REP 2 430e-431d; PART I-II, Q 9, A 2,
REP 3 658d-659c; Q 17, A' 7690d-692a
CHAPTER 95: TYRANNY
41 G-IBBON: Decline and Fall, 81:e-82a; 96a-d;
161e-162a
42 KANT: Science of Right, 436d; 451b-e
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: la-3h
paSSim
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 8-9, 45a-47e passim;
NUMBER 84, 251b-253d
43 Liberty, 267d-268e; 274b-275a I
Representative Government, 339d-340e; 341d-
344d; 348e-350a
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART III,par 215
71e-d; par 286 96e-97a; par 297 99b; ADDI-
TIONS, 180 148b I Philosophy of History,
INTRO, 161a-c; PART I, 213b-214d; 230a-e;
PART II, 271d-272d; PART III, 301e-302a;
PART IV, 342b-d
Sb. Despotic and constitutional government
with respect to juridical defenses against
misgovernment, or redress for griev-
ances through due process of law
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH VII, SECT 87-94
44a-46e; CH XII, SECT 143 58e-d; CH XVIII,
SECT 202-207 71d-73a
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit ofLaws, BK VI, 33a-35a;
36a-b; 37a-e; BK XI, 69d-75a passim; BK XII,
85a-e
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, BK III, 407d-408a;
424a--d; BK IV, 432b-433a
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 93a-e; 94e-95e;
96e-d; 173e-d
42 KANT: Science of Right, 436d
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: [52-55] 2a;
[66-67] [70-71] 2b; [95---15] 3a
43 CONSTITUTION OF THE U.S. : PREAMBLE l1a,e;
ARTICLE I, SECT 6 [143--151] 12e-d; SECT 9
[267-2 7 2 ] 13d; SECT 9 [289]-SECT 10 [303] 14a;
ARTICLE II, SECT 4, ARTICLE III, SECT I [463-
4 68] 15e; ARTICLE III, SECT 3 [57-511] 16a;
AMENDMENTS, I-X 17a-18a; XIV, SECT I 18d
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 44, 144d-145a; NUMBER
47-50 153e-162e; NUMBER 5r, 164a-165a; NUM-
BER 53, 167b-168b; NUMBER 57, 177d-17Ba;
NUMBER 78 229d-233e passim; NUMBER 83
244b251a passim, esp 245d-246b; NUMBER
84, 251b-253d
43 1tfrLL: Liberty, 267d-268b; 269a-e I Repre-
sentative Governrnent, 401d-402b
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 195e-d
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART III, par 286
96e-97a
5b to 5d
Sc. The location of sovereignty in .despotic
and constitutional governnlent: the
sovereign person, the sovereign office,
the sovereign people
OLD TESTAMENT: Judges, 21 :24 I I Samuel, 8 :4-
20-(D) I Kings, 8:4-20
5 EURIPIDES: Suppliants [429-456J 262a-b /
Andro111ache [464-492] 319b-c
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK III, 107e-108e
7 PLATO: Law$, BK III, 672e-676e
Sa. Despotic and constitutional government
with respect to political liberty and
equality: the rights of the governed
5 SOPHOCLES: Oedipus at Colonus [97-931]
122d-123a
5 EURIPIDES: Suppliants [429-456] 262a-b
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK III, l07c-d; BK VII,
233e-d
7 PLATO: States111an, 598b-604b I Latus, BK III,
672d-674d; BK IV, 681 b-682b
9 ARISTOTLE: Ethics, BK V, CH 6 [II34a24-bI7]
382a-e passim; BK VIII, CH II [II6Ia30_bIO]
413e-d I Politics, BK I, CH 7 [I255bI6-20]
449b; BK III, CH 6 [I278b.30--I279a22] 476a-c;
CH 16-'17 485b-487a; BK IV, CH 4 [I292a4-37]
491b-d; CH 10 [I295a9-23] 495a-b; BK V, CH
9 [I3IOa25-36] 512e I
12 AURE:LIUS: Meditations, BK I, SECT 14 254b-c
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK III, 61e-62a I Histories,
BK I, 189a-b; BK IV, 290a-d
19 AQUINAS: SUlnma Theologica, PART I, Q 81,
A 3, REP 2 430e-431d; PART I-II, Q 17, A 7,
ANS 690d-692a
25 MONTAIGNE: Essays, 383e-d
32 MILTON: Paradise Lost, BK V [769-799] 192a-b
35 LOCKE: Toleration, 19a-d I Civil Government,
CH IV 29d-30b; CH VI, SECT 61-63 38a-c; CH
VII, SECT 87-94 44a-46e; CH IX, SECT 131
54d; CH XI, SECT 135-139 55d-58a; CH xv,
SECT I71---CH XVI, SECT 196 65a-70e
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK III, 12b-
13e; BK VI, 33a-35a; BK XII, 85a-e; BK xv,
109a-b; 112c-d; BK XIX, 142a
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 323d-324a; 356b-
358b; 359b-d; 361e-362a I Political Economy,
370d-371a; 375b-e I Social Contract, BK I,
387b,d-391b; BK IV, 438e
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 14a-e; 33a-34a,e;
91a; 522e-524a
THE GREAT IDEAS 5 to Sa
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 323d-324a; 357b-
c
.
358b-d; 361c-362a I Political Econonzy, 370b:
371a I Social Contract, BK I, 387b,d-391b; BR:
II, 400a; BK III, 408e; 419a-e; BK IV, 433a-434b
40 GIBBON: Declne and Fall, 24b,d-28b passim.
51e-d; 154a-e; 342a-e; 592a '
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 73d-75a; 96d;125a
42 KANT: Science of Right, 450b-d
43 OF INDEPENDENCE: la-3b
paSSim
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 47, 153e-154d; NUMBER
55, 174e-d; NUMBER 57, 177d-178a; NUMBER
78, 230d-232a
43 ,MILL: Liberty, 267d-268b; 274b,d [fn I] I
Representative Government, 338d-341d; 341d-
350a esp 346a-b
46 I-IEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART III, par 27
8
92e-93a; par 286 96e-97a; ADDITIONS, 171
146b-c I Philosophy of llistory, INTRO, 198b-
19ge; PART I, 208b-e; PART II, 262a-e; PART
III, 301e-302d; PART IV, 342a-d
54 FREUD: Civilization and Its Discontents, 780b-d
5. rfhe contrast between despotic and consti-
tutional government: government by
men and government by laws
5 AESCHYLUS: Eumenides [681--710] 88b-e
5 SOPHOCLES: Oedipus at Colonus [94-9.31]
122d-123a
5 EURIPIDES: Suppliants [399-462] 261d-262b
5 ARISTOPHANES: Wasps [463-57] 512d-513e
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK III, l07e-108e; BK
V, 175b; BK VII, 233a-d
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War" BK I,
368e-d; BK III, 425a-e; 438a-b
7 PLATO: States1nan, 598b-604b I Laws, BK III,
667e-676b; BK IV, 681b-682e; BK VIII, 733d-
734a; BK IX, 754a-b I Seventh Letter, 805d;
807b
9 ARISTOTLE: Ethics, BK V, CH 6 [II34a24-b8]
382a-b; BK X, CH 9 [II80aI4-24] 434d-435a
I Politics, BK I, CH 1 [I252aI3-I7] 445a-b; CH
5 [I254
R
34-
b
9] 448a; CH 7 [1255bI6-20] 449b;
CH 12 453d-454a; BK II, CH 10 [I272a35-bIO]
468d-469a; BK III, CH 6 [I278b30-I279a22]
476a-e; CH 10 [I28Ia29-39] 479a; CH II [I282
b
1-13] 480b-e; CH 15-17 484b-487a; BK IV, CH
6 492b-493a passim; CH 8 [1293b22-27] 493e;
cn 10 [I295a9-23] 495a-b
14 PLUTARCH: Caesar, 591d I Cato the Younger,
638b-639a
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK I, la-2b; BK III, 51 b-e;
61e-62a
20 AQUINAS: Sunlma Theologica, PART I-II, Q
95, A I, REP 2 226e-227e; Q 9 6 , A 5, REP 3
233d-234d
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, 114b-115a; 131d-
132a; 149d-150a
35 LOCKE: Civil Got'er;:l1;nent, CH IV, SECT 21 29d;
CiH VII, SECT 87-94 44a-46e; CH XI 55b-58b
passin1; CH XVIII 71a-73e
37 FIELDING: Tonz fones, 268e-269b
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK II, 4a;
8b-d; BK III, 12a-d; BK V, 25d-26e; 30a-e;
BK VI, 33a-35a; 36a-37a; BK VIII, 54a-b; BK
XIX, 137e-d; BK XXV, 211e-d; BK XXVI, 223e-d
952
(5. The contrast between despotic and constitu-
tional government: government by men and
government by laws. 5d. The analogues oj
despotic and constitutional rule in there-
lation of the powers of the soul: the. t)!ranny
of the passions.)
25 Essays, 184b-d
27 SHAKESPEARE: Measure for Measure, ACT IV,
SC II [82-88] 194b /. Macbeth, ACT IV, SC III
[32-114] 303d-304c
32 MILTON: Paradise Lost, BK XII [79-101]
321a-b esp [90-95] 32la
35 LOCKE: HUlnan Understanding,BK II, CH XXI,
SECT 54 192b-c
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, BK I, 393c
42 KANT: ]udge111ent, 586d-587a
46 HEGEL: Philosophy ofHistory, PART I, 233b-c;
PART IV, 346a-c
54 FREUD: Ego and Id,715a-b; 715d-716a / NeuJ
Introductory Lectures, 838d-839b
CHAPTER 95: TYRANNY 955
598d-604d / Cato the Younger 620a-648a,c
passim /Agis 648b,d-656d passi,m / Tiberius
Gracchus 671b,d-681a,c / Catus Gracchus
681b,d-689a,c / Demetrius, 728b-729d /
Dion 781b,d-802a,c / Marcus Brutus 802b,d-
824a,c / Aratus 826a-846a,c passim / Galba,
859a-c
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK I, 9d-15a; 17c-d; 18c-
2Gb; BK IV, 76a-77c; 82d-83b; BK XI, l02d-
103a; BK XII, lI2a-114a; BK xv, 169a-176b /
Jlistories, BK II-III, 234b-265d esp BK II, 234b-
235a; BK IV, 269b-277d esp 269d-270b;
283b-292b; BK v,298c-302a
20 .A.QUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART II-II, Q
42, A 2, REP 3 584b-d
23 l\!fACHIAVELLI: Prince,cH V 8a-c
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, ISOc-151a
26 SHAKESPEARE: Richard III l05a-148a,c esp
ACT V, sc III [237--27] 146b-c / Julius Caesar,
ACT I, SC II [90-161] 570b-571a; SC HI f72-I30]
573b-d; ACT II, sc I [10-34] 574c-d; {IL2-183]
575d-576b; ACT III, SC II [13-44] 583d-584a
27 SHAKESPEARE: lVfacbeth, ACT IV, sc III [159-
240] 305a-306b
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH III, SECT 17-18
28d-29b; CH XIV, SECT 166-168 63d-64c; CH
XVI, SECT 176 66a-b; SECT 190-196 69b-70c
passiln; CHXVIII, SECT 202 71d-72a; SECT 210
73b-c; CH XIX 73d-81d esp SECT 223-228
76c-78a
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK V, 25d-
26c; 28b-29a; BK VIII, 54b-c; BK XIV, l07b-d
passim . .
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequaltty, 361c-362a I SocIal Con-
tract, BK II, 402c-d
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 29c-d; 37a-38a;
39c-40d; 44h-c;S6b-c; 6la; 71b-76a esp
71c-d, 73b-74a; 144a-d; 246a; 420b-d; 449d-
450a; 521a-b
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 5la-54b; l14a-
116a; 166a-167d; 216d-217b; 443b-444a;
574b-577b; 587b-588a
42 KANT: Science of Right,441b-c; 450d-451a
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: [1-23]
la-b; [99-121] 3a-b
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 14, 62c-d; NUMBER 16,
68c-d; NUMBER 28, 97c-98b; NUMBER 45,
147d-148a; NUMBER 46, 152b-153b
43 MILL: Liberty, 267d-268c; 274b,d
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 195c-d
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of History, PART III,
296c; PART IV, 345a-b; 359a; 363d-367a
50 MARX-ENGELS = Comn1unist 424d-
425b
8
26 SHAKESPEARE: Richard III 105a-148a,c /
King John 376a-405a,c esp ACT III, SC IV [13 r-
159]
35 LOCKE: Civil Governn1.ent, CH VII, SECT 93
45d-46a; CH XVIII, SECT 210 73b-c
36 SWTFT: Gulliver, PART I, 37a-b; PART III, 102b-
103a
38 Spirit of Laws, BK x, 68b-d;
BK XII, 95b-96a,c; BK XIX, 137c-139c; 140a-c;
BK XXV, 2l2a-b
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 358d-359a;360a-b;
361c-362a; 364a-b / Political Economy,
380b-c / Social Contract, BK III, 4l2d-413a;
4i7b-c; BK IV, 432c-d
40 GIBBON: Declne and Fall, 24b,d-30a esp
28b, 29b-c, 30a; 42b,d-43b;50a-51b; 53c-S9b
esp 54c-55b, 56a; 153c-15Sb; l71d; 525d-526c
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER I, 30b; NUMBER 8,
45a-47a passim; NUMBER 16, 66d-67a; NUM-
BER 25, 90d; NUMBER 29, lOOd-lOla; NUMBER
60, 186c-187a; NUMBER 84, 251d-252a
43 MILL: Representative Government, 366a-c
8. The fate of tyrants: revolutions for liberty
and justice against tyranny and despot-
ism; tyrannicide
OLD TESTAMENT: Judges, 3: 14-4:24; 6-7; 9:1-
I 1:33; 13 :1-5,24-25; 14-16 / I !<-ings, 12 :1-25
-(D) III Kings, 12:1-25/.11 Kzngs, 9:1-10:11;
II; 2I:18-26-(D) IV Kzngs, 9:1-10:11; II;
21:18-26 / II Chronicles, 10; 23-(D) II
Paraliponlenon, 10; 2.3/ Jeremiah, AI-CD)
Jeretnias, 41
ApOCRYPHA: I l\laccabees, 1-9 passim-CD) aT,
I Machabees, 1-9 passim / II Maccabees, 1-13
passim, esp 6-(D) OT, II Machabees, 1-13
passim, esp 6
6 HERODOTUS: I-fistory, BK I, 12b-14a; BK II,
84a-d; 85b-c; BK V 160a-185a,c passim, esp
166c-167b, 171c-172c; BK VI, 208d-209b
6 THUCYDIDES: Pelopo12nesian War, BK II,
387a-389b; BK VI, 523c-524c; BK VIII, 579c-
590c
7 PLATO: Gorgias, 264c-266b; 28Sd-286b;
293b-c / Republic, BK IX, 418c-420d; BK X,
438a-c
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK V, CH 4 [I304U3I-38]
506a' CH 10 [I3IIU28-13I2b33] 513c-515b; CH
12 [I'315bI2-39] 518c-d / Athenian Constitu-
tion, CH 14-19 558d-561d
13 VIRGIL: Aeneid, BK VIII [481-496] 272a
14 PLlJTARCH: Poplicola 77a-86a,c passim /
Tilnoleon 195a-2l3d passim / Pelopidas 232a-
246a,c passim / Lysander, 366b-c / Caesar,
CROSS-REFERENC.ES
For: Other discussions bearing on the nature and injustice of tyranny, see GOVERNMENT Id-If;
JUSTICE 9C; LAW 7d; SLAVERY 6a.
The relation of tyranny to other forms of government, see j\RISTOCRACY 2e; DENIOCRACY
2a; 110NARCHY 4b; OLIGARCHY 3a.
7. The ways of tyrants or despots to attain and
maintain power
OLD TESTAMENT: Daniel, 3:1--12
ApOCRYPHA: T Maccabees, 1:41-64; 10:22-4
6
-
CD) OT, I Machabees, 1:43-67; 10:22--46
5 AESCHYLUS: Prometheus Bound [196-
2
43]
42b-c
5 ARISTOPHANES: Wasps [65-724] 515c-516d
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK I, 12b-14a;< 21b;
23a-24b; 25c-29b; 35c-36a; BK III, 99a-c;
l02d-106c; 114c-115a; 123c; BK IV, 148a-b;
BK V, 164a-c; 166c-d; 172c-174b; 179c-180a;
BK VI, 187b-c; 191a-b; 192c-d; BKVH,
243b-c
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK I, 380d-
382b; BK III, 425a-426d; BK VI, 524c-d; BK
VIII, 579c-590c
7 PLATO: Gorgias, 264c-265a / RepubNc, BK
VIII, 411d-415c / Seventh Letter, 803a-b; 81lb-
813d
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK III, CH 13 [I284U3-
b3] 482a-c; BK v, CH 10 [I3IOU39-13Ila28]
5l2d-5l3c; [1312b9-13I3aI7] 515a-d; CH II
[I3
1
3
a
34]-CH 12 [13I5b39] 516a-518d; BK VI,
CH 4 [I3I9b26-32] 523b / Rhetoric, BK I, CH 2
[I357b30-I358UI] 597c-d
12 EPICTETUS: Discourses, BK IV, CH 13, 244a-b
14 PLUTARCH: Romulus,27c-28d / Solon, 75c-
76d / Poplicola 77a-86a,c passim / Camillus,
117c-121a,c / Coriolanus, 176b-184c I Caius
Alarius, 344c-354a,c / Sulla, 382a-387a,c /
Agesilaus, 482a-484a; 489b-c; 495a-b / Pom-
pey, 521a- b / Caesar, 580b / Cato the Younger,
636c-d / J:1gis 648b,d-656d / Tiberius orac-
chus 671 b,d-681a,c / Marcus Brutus, 809b-
81la esp 8l0b
15 'fACITUS: Annals, BK I, 1b-2a; 2c-4d; 14a
21b-22b; 23c; BK II, 29d-30d; 31d-32a;3
34a; 35c-d; 38c-d; 40a-b; 42b; BK III, 58a.-
59a; BK IV, 68b-69c; 82a-b; BK XIV, 155b-156a;
BK XV, 168a-c; 170c-176b / Histories', BK I,
195a-196c; 198c-199c;200c-d; 208b-c;20ga.-
2l0b
23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince la-37d esp CH III;;' 3c--
Sa, CH V VI, 9b-lOa, CH VII, I1b-c,
CII VIII, 14a-c, GH XV-xx 22b-31c
25 Sla-55d
TI-IE GREAT IDEAS 6t01
523a,c; 550d-551 b; 608b,d-609a; 620a;632d4
633a
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 51a-53b passim;
2l6c-2l7a; 307a-c; 420c; 505a-c
42 KANT: Science of Right, 454d-455a
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: la-3b
43 MILL: Representative Government, 353c; 436b.
437a
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 179c
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, PART III, par
351 ll2a-b; ADDITIONS, 172 146c-d / Phi-
losophy of History, PART III, 298a-299c; 301c-
302a
50 MARX: Capital, 372c-374a
954
6. Imperial rule as despotic, and as tyrannical
or benevolent: the government of con-
quered peoples or colonies
OLD '[ESTAMENT: Exodus, 1:8-14;' 5 / Judges,
6:1-6
ApOCRYPHA: I A1accabees, I :41-64-(D) aT,
I .Llvf.achabees, 1:43-67 / II Maccabees, 5:21-
7=42 -(D) aT, II Machabees, 5:21-7 :42
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK I, 30b-31a; 35c-
36a; 38b-c; DK V, 184a-d; BK VI, 189d; 191b-c;
DK VII, 222b-c; 225d-226b
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK I,368b-
370d passiln; 379b-c; BK II, 403b-404a;BK
III, 424d-429b; BK v,504c-507c; BK VI, 529b-
533a
9 ... !\RISTOTLE: Politics, BK I, CH 8 [I256b22-25]
450c; BK III, CH 13 [1284U26-,b2] 482b-c; BK
VII, CH 2 [1324b23-41] 528d-S29a; CH 14 [I333
b
38-1334a2] 538d
14 PLUTARCH: Lucullus, 409b-4l0b
15 'fACITUS: Annals, BK I, 17c... d; 'DK IV, 76a;
82d-83a; BK XII, 117c-d; BKXIV, .149a-b /
Histories, BK IV,
18 AUGUSTINE: City of God, DK XIX, CH IS
521a-c; elI 21 524a-525b
23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince, CH III,....V 3c-8c
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, 10Ih-Illa;
CLUSION, 280b-281a
25 J\10NTAIGNE: Essays, 440b-443d
35 LOCKE: T'oleration, 13c-d / Civil Government,
CH XVI 65d-70c
36 SWIFT: Gulliver, PART 1, 24b... 25a; PART IV,
182b-183a
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, .BK VIII, 56d-
57c; BK x, 62b-63a; HK XI, 83c-84c; BK XIII,
96d-97a; BK XV, 110a-d
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 359b /Social Contract,
BK I, 389d-390d
40 GIBBON: and Fall, 14d-15a; 18a;
23c-d;33d-34a,c; 147a-b; 420b-d; 522c-
ADDITIONAL READINGS
Listed belo\v are "vorks not included in Great Books ofthe Western World, but relevant to the
idea and topics with which this chapter deals. These works are divided into two groups:
I. Works by authors represented in this collection.
II. Works by authors not represented in this collection.
For the date, place, and other facts concerning the publication of the works cited, consult
the Bibliography of Additional Readings which follows the last chapter of The Great
For: The distinction between tyranny and despotism in terms of the distinction betvveen slavery
and subjection, see SLAVERY and for the relation of despotism to absolute mon-
archy, see MONARCHY 4a-4b, 4e( I).
Other statements of the justification of benevolent despotism or of absolute monarchy rela-
tive to certain conditions, see DEMOCRACY 4d; GOVERNMENT 2C; MONARCHY 4e(2).
SLAVERY 6c; and for comparisons of domestic and political government vvhich are relevan;
to this justification of despotism, see FAMILY 2a; IvfONARCHY 4a, 4e(I); STATE lb.
The distinction between despotism and constitutional government in terms of the distinction
between subjection and citizenship, see CITIZEN 2b; JUSTICE 9d;LA\V 7b; LIBERTY Id'
SLAVERY 6b. '
The distinction bet\veen government by men and governlnent by la\v, see CONSTITUTION I;
LA\V 7a; MONARCHY Ia( I); and for the political significance of this distinction, see CON-
STITUTION 7b; DEMOCRACY 4b; GOVERN11ENT Ig(I)-Ig(3); LA\V 7b; LIBERTY Id; MON-
ARCHY 4e(3).
The analogies of despotic and constitutional rule in the relations of reason and the passions,
see LIBERTY 3a-3b; SLAVERY 7.
The analogies in the economic order of political tyranny and despotism, see JUSTICE 8c-8c(I);
LABOR sa-sd, 7f ; SLAVERY 4a-4c.
Other discussions of imperialism, see DEMOCRACY 7b; GOVERNMENT Sb; MONARCHY S-Sb;
REVOLUTION 7; SLAVERY 6d; STATE lob; WAR AND PEACE 6a.
The struggle for pov/er and for liberty as between tyrants or despots and the people they
oppress, see LABOR 7c/c(3); LIBERTY 6b-6c; OLIGARCHY 5c; PROGRESS 3b; REVOLU-
TION 3a-3b, 3c(3), 4a, Sb; SLAVERY 3c.
sifications are entirely verbal and definitions
fictions of the mind, or whether things them-
selves belong together in some real community
based upon an inherent sameness or similari ty.
In the chapter on ONE AND MANY, the ques-
tion takes the form of asking how t\VO or more
things can be one in any ,vay. Again, both
science and common sense seem able to deal
\vith an infinite nUlnber ofindividuals by apply-
ing a single name to themor apprehending them
all under a single concept or notion. But it may
be asked what justifies the denomination of
many things by one name. What unity in the
things verifies the tendency of thought to uni-
fy them conceptually? Does a real unity exist
in things, by virtue of their being somehow one
as ,veIl as many, orasa result of the many
someho\v participating in a one which exists
separately from them?
In the chapters on DEFINITION and SIGN AND
SYMBOL the same questions are at least implicit.
In connection with the object of definition, one
issue is whether \vhat Aristotle calls "the formu-
lable essence" exists as the comIDon nature of
many individuals, or whether, as Locke sug-
gests, definitions formulate only the nominal,
not the real, essences of things. As that andre-
lated issues are faced, anyone who ackno\vledges
the familiar distinction between proper and
common names may become involved in ques-
tioning what common or general names signify
and how they get the meanings vyith \vhich they
are used in everyday discourse.
The problem of the sameness of things dis-
tinct from one another, the problem of the one
in the many or the one and the many, the prob-
lem of essences and common names, are other
statements of the problen1 of the universal and
the particular. Attention to the ,;yards them-
selves confirms this. The word "universal" con-
notes a unity-the one as opposed to the many,
iNTRODUCTION
957
O
N such speculative problems as the exist..
ence of God, .the immortality of the
soul, the infinity of time and space, or the
limits of human kno"rIedge, the conversation of
philosophers seems to make contact with the
discourse of scientists, the language of poets,
and the speech of ordinary men. The philos"
ophers usually begin at least by propounding
questions \vhich correspond to those asked by
men who do not profess to be philosophers. But
throughout the tradition of western thought,
the problemof the universal, unlike these others,
seems to have the character of a professional
secret.
The various solutions of the problem of the
universal are so many esoteric doctrines, each
wi th its own sectarian name. The initiated can
distinguish themselves from the novices by
their proficiency in this area; and the outsider
who overhears the discussion of professionals
may be completely left behind, wondering as
much about ho,v the question arose as about the
meaning of the conflicting answers.
No genuine philosophical problem, it seems
reasonable to suppose, can be so remote from
questions intelligible to common sense. If it is
not just a specious riddle to amuse the experts,
the problem of the universal, despite its tech-
nical appearance, should raise issues from \vhich,
insorrieformorother, no one canescape.Wheth-
er or not this is so can be tested by considering
the various ways in which the problem occurs
in other chapters under different guises and in
different cantexts.
In the chapter on SAME AND OTHER, we find
the question how two individuals can be the
same in some particular respect-how in spite
of their separate existence they can share in the
possession of a common nature or attribute.
Anyone who classifies things or tries to make
definitions may be led to wonder whether clas-
Chapter 96: UNIVERSAL AND PARTICULAR
SCHILLER. William Tell
SHELLEY. Pr01netheus Unbound
PUSHKIN. Boris Godunov
DICKENS. A Tale of Two Cities
MAZZINI. From the Council to God
IBSEN. An Enemy ofthe People
BRYCE. Address on Colonial Policy
T. HARDY. The Dynasts
bnperialism, the Highest Stage of
Ism
KELSEN. Sozialisnu/S und Staat
TROTSKY. The Defense of Terrorisn1,
URE. The Origin of Tyranny
SHOLOKHOV. The Silent Don
MARRIOTT. Dictatorship and Democracy
KOHN. Ret'olutions and Dictatorships
MERRIAM. The New Democracy and the New Des..
potism
STRAUSS. On Tyranny
THE GREAT IDEAS 9S6
1.
MACHIAVELLI. The Discourses
--. Castruccio Castracani
MU,TON. The Readie and Easie Way to Establish a
Free C01nmonwealth
DOSTOEVSKY. The Possessed
II.
MARSILIUS OF PADUA. Defensor Pacis
LUTHER. Whether Soldiers, Too, Can Be SatJed
LA BOETIE. the Discours de la
tude volontaire
MARLOWE. Tan1burlaine the Great
BEN JONSON. Sejanus
RACINE. Britannicus
VOLTAIRE. "Tyranny," "Tyrant," in A
ical Dictiona1Y
GODWIN. An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice,
BK IV, eH 3