Professional Documents
Culture Documents
12. The infant mortality rate fell from 19.1 per thousand in 1999 to 10 per thousand in 2012, a reduction of 49%. 13. Average life expectancy increased from 72.2 years in 1999 to 74.3 years in 2011. 14. Thanks to Operation Miracle, launched in 2004, 1.5 million Venezuelans who were victims of cataracts or other eye diseases, regained their sight. 15. From 1999 to 2011, the poverty rate decreased from 42.8% to 26.5% and the rate of extreme poverty fell from 16.6% in 1999 to 7% in 2011. 16. In the rankings of the Human Development Index (HDI) of the United Nations Program for Development (UNDP), Venezuela jumped from 83 in 2000 (0.656) at position 73 in 2011 (0.735), and entered into the category Nations with 'High HDI'. 17. The GINI coefficient, which allows calculation of inequality in a country, fell from 0.46 in 1999 to 0.39 in 2011. 18. According to the UNDP, Venezuela holds the lowest recorded Gini coefficient in Latin America, that is, Venezuela is the country in the region with the least inequality. 19. Child malnutrition was reduced by 40% since 1999. 20. In 1999, 82% of the population had access to safe drinking water. Now it is 95%. 21. Under Chavez, social expenditures increased by 60.6%. 22. Before 1999, only 387,000 elderly people received a pension. Now the figure is 2.1 million.
23. Since 1999, 700,000 homes have been built in Venezuela. 24. Since 1999, the government provided / returned more than one million hectares of land to Aboriginal people. 25. Land reform enabled tens of thousands of farmers to own their land. In total, Venezuela distributed more than 3 million hectares.
Five million children now receive free meals through the School Feeding Programme.
26. In 1999, Venezuela was producing 51% of food consumed. In 2012, production was 71%, while food consumption increased by 81% since 1999. If consumption of 2012 was similar to that of 1999, Venezuela produced 140% of the food it consumed. 27. Since 1999, the average calories consumed by Venezuelans increased by 50% thanks to the Food Mission that created a chain of 22,000 food stores, where products are subsidized up to 30%. Meat consumption increased by 75% since 1999. 28. Five million children now receive free meals through the School Feeding Programme. The figure was 250,000 in 1999. 29. The malnutrition rate fell from 21% in 1998 to less than 3% in 2012.
30. According to the FAO, Venezuela is the most advanced country in Latin America and the Caribbean in the erradication of hunger. 31. The nationalization of the oil company PDVSA in 2003 allowed Venezuela to regain its energy sovereignty. 32. The nationalization of the electrical and telecommunications sectors (CANTV and Electricidad de Caracas) allowed the end of private monopolies and guaranteed universal access to these services. 33. Since 1999, more than 50,000 cooperatives have been created in all sectors of the economy. 34. The unemployment rate fell from 15.2% in 1998 to 6.4% in 2012, with the creation of more than 4 million jobs. 35. The minimum wage increased from 100 bolivars/month ($ 16) in 1998 to 2047.52 bolivars ($ 330) in 2012, ie an increase of over 2,000%. This is the highest minimum wage in Latin America. 36. In 1999, 65% of the workforce earned the minimum wage. In 2012 only 21.1% of workers have only this level of pay. 37. Adults at a certain age who have never worked still get an income equivalent to 60% of the minimum wage. 38. Women without income and disabled people receive a pension equivalent to 80% of the minimum wage. 39. Working hours were reduced to 6 hours a day and 36 hours per week, without loss of pay. 40. Public debt fell from 45% of GDP in 1998 to 20% in 2011.
February-March 2014
Presidency
Following Chavez's inauguration in February 1999, a referendum for a new constitution was soon passed, and a constitutional assembly formed. The resulting 1999 Venezuelan Constitution was approved by another referendum on December 15, 1999. The new constitution included an increase in the presidential term from five to six years, a new presidential two-term limit, a new provision for presidential recall elections, the renaming of the country to Repblica Bolivariana de Venezuela, conversion of the bicameral National Assembly into a unicameral legislature, and creation of the Public Defender, an office authorized to regulate the activities of the presidency and the National Assembly. Elections for all elected government positions followed in 2000 under the new constitution, including for the presidency. Chavez survived an April 2002 coup d'tat attempt which briefly removed him from power. A few months after the coup, on December 2, 2002, Chavez faced a two-month lockout organized by the resistant PDVSA management who sought to force him out of office by completely removing his access to the all-important government oil revenue. The strike/lockout, led by a coalition of labor unions, industrial magnates, and oil workers, sought to halt the activities of the PDVSA. A further attempt to remove Chavez from office, the Venezuelan recall referendum, 2004, also failed. Chavez again won the December 3, 2006 with 63% of the vote, beating his closest challenger Manuel Rosales. After his victory, Chavez promised a more radical turn towards socialism. On August 15, 2007, Chavez proposed a broad package of measures as part of a constitutional reform. Among other measures, he called for an end to presidential term limits and proposed limiting central bank autonomy, strengthening state expropriation powers and providing for public control over international reserves as part of an overhaul of Venezuelas constitution. Chavezs proposed amendments were put to a national referendum on December 2, 2007. However, 51% of voters rejected Chavezs proposal. In 2009, voters passed a referendum to remove term limits from the constitution, paving the way for Chavez to stand for re-election. Chavez went on to win the October 7, 2012 presidential elections, defeating his nearest rival, Henrique Capriles Radonski, by more than 10%. However, Chavez was unable to defeat a recurring cancer which ended his life on March 5, 2013.
Early life
Chavez was born on July 28, 1954 in the town of Sabaneta, Barinas. The second son of two schoolteachers, Hugo de los Reyes Chavez and Elena Frias de Chavez, he was of mixed Amerindian, AfroVenezuelan, and Spanish descent. Due to the Chavez familys impoverished conditions, Hugo Chavez was sent to Sabaneta with his older brother Adan to live with his paternal grandmother, Rosa Ines Chavez. There, he pursued hobbies such as painting, singing, and baseball, while also attending elementary
school at the Julian Pino School. He was later forced to relocate to the town of Barinas to attend high school at the Daniel Florencio OLeary School. Hugo Chavez married twice. He first wedded Nancy Colmenares, a woman from a poor family originating in Chavezs own hometown of Sabaneta. Chavez and Colmenares remained married for eighteen years, during which time they had three children: Rosa Virginia, Maria Gabriela, and Hugo Rafael. They separated soon after Chavezs 1992 coup attempt. Chavez was divorced from his second wife, journalist Marisabel Rodriguez de Chavez. Through that marriage, Chavez had another daughter, Rosines. Chavez had two grandchildren, Gabriela and Manuel. Chavez was raised a Roman Catholic, although he had a series of disputes with both the Venezuelan Catholic hierarchy and Protestant
groups like the New Tribes Mission. Originally he kept his own faith a private matter, but over the course of his presidency, Chavez became increasingly open to discussing his religious views, stating that both his faith and his interpretation of Jesus personal life and ideology had a profound impact on his left-wing and progressive views. According to him, as a result of this background his socialist policies have been borne with roots in the teachings of Jesus Christ.
Over the course of his college years, Chavez and fellow students developed a left-wing nationalist doctrine that they termed Bolivarianism.
In the military
At age seventeen, Chavez enrolled at the Venezuelan Academy of Military Sciences. After graduating in 1975 as a sub-lieutenant with a degree in Military Arts and Science, Chavez entered military service for several months. He was then allowed to pursue graduate studies in political science at Caracas Simon Bolvar University, but left without a degree.
Chavez promoted a political doctrine of participatory democracy, socialism and Latin American and Caribbean cooperation.
Bolivarianism was inspired by the Pan-American philosophy of 19th century Venezuelan revolutionary Simon Bolvar, the influence of former Peruvian President Juan Velasco and the thought of various socialist and communist leaders including Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Chavez engaged in sporting events and cultural activities during these years as well. He played both baseball and softball with the Criollitos de Venezuela, progressing with them to the Venezuelan National Baseball Championships in 1969. Chavez also wrote numerous poems, stories and theatrical pieces. Upon completing his studies, Chavez initially entered active-duty military service as a member of a counter insurgency battalion stationed in Barinas. Chavezs military career lasted 17 years, during which time he held a variety of posts including command and staff positions, eventually rising to the rank of lieutenant colonel. Chavez also held a series of teaching and staffing positions at the Academy of Military Sciences, where he was first acknowledged by his peers for his fiery lecturing style and radical critique of Venezuelan government and society.
Advertisement
Post to AVSN, PO Box 458, Broadway NSW 2007. Ph 0412 556 527 Email: info@venezuelasolidarity.org. Visit www.venezuelasolidarity.org
February-March 2014
This anecdote is also useful for visualising the first moments of uncertainty following the death of Chavez. Uncertainty in what sense? In the sense that large sections of the population did totally accept the loss of this guide. For the first few months, Nicolas Maduro was probably more focused on getting to grips with the day to day aspects of running a government. These moments were the most turbulent perhaps for this reason, and the attacks by the opposition and the media, who quickly came out with the slogan Maduro is not Chavez, and sought to destabilise the process of changes Venezuela is living through. Nevertheless, this situation drastically changed due to some of the particular initiatives undertaken by Maduro: the government of the streets, the economic offensive
against speculation and hoarding, and the renewed push for communal councils and communes. Through this process, Maduro was able to project himself as a leader in his own right, firm and with his personality. He went all the way with his policy of attempting to halt the economic boycott that the Venezuelan right wing had planned out. This policy bore fruit in the December municipal elections, when the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) and its allies won an absolute majority. The biggest loser was none other than Capriles, who attempted to turn the elections into a referendum with the hope that the United Democratic Roundtable (MUD) would win more votes than chavismo. Capriles defeat was so big that it generated disputes within MUD: the
re-elected mayor of Greater Caracas, Antonio Ledezma, was designated Co-ordinator of the Commission for Dialogue with the government of Maduro. Maduro held an extensive meeting in the presidential palace with these sectors, in which Capriles was conspicuous by his absence. Ledezma can count in his favour one thing for 2014: he was the only opposition heavyweight that won in the municipal elections, even if only by a tiny margin. Capriles knows this and, taking into consideration Ledezmas rise within MUD, will have to change strategies in order to not lose ground in the future within the opposition alliance. As a first conclusion we can say the panorama of uncertainty that seemed to have opening up on the night of April 14 regarding the level
The summit opened with one minute of silence for Chavez, who was a key advocate of CELAC's creation.
Meeting with Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, Maduro said he would remain committed to tackling border crime, including international narcotics traffickers operating between Venezuela and Colombia. Let's crush the smugglers and smuggling mafias, Maduro stated. The Venezuelan head of state also inked a new energy trade
February-March 2014
The Latin American School of Medicine. Brigade participants spoke with students from a number of countries, as well as with the schools director, Dr Sandra Moreno.
A meeting was organised in the main hall, where students provided the group with a little information about ELAM, how they came to be there, and what it meant to be able to study for free to become a doctor and go back to help their communities. After lunch, we walked around the installations of ELAM, including an onsite medical centre where we spoke to some of the Cuban doctors about the work they are doing in Venezuela. Afterwards, we returned to the ALBA offices to hear a presentation on Petrocaribe by Amaylin Riveros, manager for social and socio-productive projects in Petrocaribe. Her presentation focused on the social programs carried out in countries that have signed up to the preferential oil trade agreement. As a number of participants then went along to the closing rally for the election campaign of the Chavista candidate for Mayor of Caracas, Jorge Rodriguez. On December 6 we took a day trip out to Valencia, in the state of Carabobo, to visit Industrias Diana, a food processing plant that was nationalized in 2009 and now operates under workers control. After a tour of the factory, which also houses a PDVAL food distribution point, a free medical clinic, a government-subsidised pharmacy and a state bank outlet, we spoke with some of the members of the workers councils. They talked of the improvements for workers rights that had occurred since nationalisation, the dilemmas they faced to ensure the company was self-sustaining, as well as the recent confrontation they had with the government over the name of a new manager. The next morning we did a tour of the historic centre of Caracas, looking at how the government (local and national) has been working to improve it. The walk around included a visit to Plaza Bolivar, Simon Bolivars house, and a number of the government-supported outlets in the area selling chocolate, coffee, books and other local products at just prices.
While some stayed in the area to walk around on their own, a small group went on to visit Puente Llaguno, Plaza de la Revolucion, Miraflores Palace and some other nearby sites that hold important value for the Bolivarian revolution. In the afternoon we met with Zulieka Matamoros, an activist from Barrio 23 de Enero and leading member of Marea Socialista, a current within the United Socialist Party of Venezuela, who took us on a tour of the community and provided participants with a history of the radical neighbourhood.
The next solidarity brigade to Venezuela will be held from December 2 to 13, 2014.
We walked past some of the Barrio Adentro modules that provide the community with free healthcare, a Simoncito Bolivarian childcare centre, and other community spaces. We visited an old police station that had been taken over by the community and was now being used to house a community radio, an Infocentre and a bookshop, and which provided a space for community groups to meet. We also walked up to the Cuartel de la Montana, the military barracks where Chavezs remains are housed. Afterwards, Zulieka fielded a range of questions regarding the revolution, the state, communes, criticisms from the left, etc. The day finished with a number of participants hanging around for a party that was organised in the local area. December 8 was the day of the municipal elections. We visited the Andres Bello school which houses the largest polling station in the country. There we spoke with Antonio Vivas, the National Electoral
Council president for the Candelaria district of Caracas, who was heading up that particular polling booth on the day. He gave us a rundown of the voting system and answered questions from the delegation. Afterwards, participants were shown some of the main sites in the Bellas Artes cultural area, including the Teresa Carreno Theatre, some nearby art galleries and museums, the Hotel ALBA Caracas and a local organic farm. A number rode the nearby Metrocable up to San Agustin. The following morning we met with representatives from the Ministry of Foreign Relations, including Orietta Caponi, Director for the Department covering Asia, Middle East and Oceania region, and Daniel Gasparri and Ana Robles, who also work in this ministerial department. The meeting took place in the historic Casa Amarilla that dates back to colonial times. Participants were able to ask numerous questions about Venezuelas foreign policy (including about the Tamil struggle in Sri Lanka, Libya and Syria, and other topical debates). Afterwards, we briefly visited the Bolivarian University of Venezuela (UBV), before heading off to Merida later that afternoon. December 10 was largely a free day to allow participants some rest and a chance to recover from the overnight bus trip, as well as a chance to see some of the sights in Merida. In the early evening, we had a meeting with Tamara Pearson, Ewan Robertson and Ryan Mallet Outtrim, journalists from Venezuela Analysis. This was an opportunity to find out more about the work of Venezuela Analysis and ask general questions about what has been going on in Venezuela. The next day we headed off early in the morning to Mucuchies, further up the Andes, were we meet with local farmers from the Proinpa cooperative who are working with the government on a seed bank project. The principal focus of the project is to provide seeds to farmers for