You are on page 1of 23

Antonio S.


The Chinese Mestizos and the Formation of the Filipino Nationality
In: Archipel. Volume 32, 1986. pp. 141-162.

Citer ce document / Cite this document : Tan Antonio S. The Chinese Mestizos and the Formation of the Filipino Nationality. In: Archipel. Volume 32, 1986. pp. 141-162. doi : 10.3406/arch.1986.2316

Antonio S. TAN*

The Chinese Mestizos and the Formation of the Filipino Nationality

for Chinese in and Filipino the The understanding The in 19th the recorded Chinese middle mestizos' formation century. class, mestizos history contributions contemporary They of in what the of were played the agitation is Philippines an now to a society important significant our known for development unless reforms, would as element role the it be in takes Filipino incomplete the of as Philippine a into formation 1898 nation. nationality. account revolution, as society aof basis the In

contemporary times their role in nation-building continues. Filipinos with Chinese blood in their veins have occupied important posi tions in the highest levels of the government. During the first half of the 20th century, one of the dominant national political figures, later the VicePresident of the Philippine Commonwealth, was Sergio Osmena who was a Chinese mestizo. During the American regime, the roster of the Philip pine National Assembly was a veritable list of Chinese mestizos. A num berof Chinese mestizos have become president : Jose P. Laurel, Elpidio Quirino, Ramon Magsaysay, and Ferdinand E. Marcos. Others in public service recently or today include Prime Minister Cesar Virata, Ministers Carlos P. Romulo, Roberto Ongpin, Arturo Tanco, National Food and Grains Administrator Jesus Tanchanco, Director of the National Library, Dr. Serafin Quiason and Supreme Court Justice Claudio Teehankee. Manila. • Dr A. This S. Tan paper is presently has been working published on by a Special the Asian Research Center Program U.P. as at Occasional the National Paper. Library, Whe thank the Dean, Dr Josefa M. Saniel, who gave us the authorization of republishing it here.

Lacson (mayor of Manila). In religion. the Chinese mestizos have exerted a tremendous influence on our history. social. more than the Spanish mestizo.P. the Chi nese mestizo was more numerous as there was a greater infusion of Chi nese blood than any other blood in the Filipino.000 to 10. Jesus Merino and John Schumacher delved into the contri butions of the Chinese mestizos to our society W. In the military profession. civilization and religion. Thirdly. Secondly. The Chinese mestizo played an important part in the creation and evo lution of what is now called the Filipino nation. In business and philanthropy. In education. Fr. Justice Ramon Avancenaand Supreme Court Justice Jose Abad Santos. the role the Chinese mestizos have played in the making of the Filipino nation has received little attention from our scholars. Teodoro Yangco. Of the two main types of mestizos identified in colonial Philippines. Fr. both heroes of world war II. In politics. but only about 7. either on the paternal or maternal side. . Jesus Merino. usually referred to them. In the mid-19th century. General Vicente Lim and Cesar Fernando Basa. has been historically and practically shaped. no matter how American it may be in its politics. paradoxically. no matter how Spanish and Christian it may be in its inspiration. By the second half of the 19th century.000 Chinese mestizos. Tomas Pinpin. : «The Filipino nationality. A few of them can be cited. mother Ignacia de Espiritu Santo (founder of the first Filipino congregation for Filipino women. not by the Chinese immigrant. there was 240. but by the Chinese mestizo» (2\ Underscoring the positive contributions of the Chinese mestizo to the larger society. O. no matter how Malayan it may be in its main ethnic stock. In the judiciary. and Jaime Cardinal Sin. as com monly used by the Spaniards in the Philippines. trade and aspiration. and political life of the nation. Juan Fernando grudgingly acknowledged the fact that the only beneficial effect of the Chinese immigrants was the «industrious race of Chinese mestizo» (3). Only within the last two decades or so have such men like Edgar Wickberg. According to Fr. Manuel Lim (Secretary of Education). the latter proved to be a more significant element in Philippine society for three reasons : first. Yet. the Chinese mestizos were readily assimilated into the fabric of the native society. Eulogio Rodriguez Sr. Lorenzo Ruiz (candidate for sainthood). Even these few examples should suffice to make it evident that. that the term mestizo.000 Spa nish mestizos. they had become so numerous and their influence so great. they were to assume important roles in the economic. Vidal A. (NP senator) and Arsenio H. In art. the first Filipino printer. Tan (UP President). the Spanish mestizo and the Chinese mestizo. Teodoro M. Kalaw (educator and historian).142 Other prominent figures in our history in various fields of human endea vour were of Chinese-Filipino descent or partly so. through different periods.

This dilemna. The Dominicans became active in converting the place into a commun ity of married Catholics. similar Chinese mestizo communities developed. The lighter complexion and the graceful built of the Igorots have been ascribed by many . The friars pursued their calling among the Chinese and worked hard to convert them. When the Gremio de Chino (Chinese Guild) was set up in 1687. The missionaries contributed to the achi evement of this goal. the Parian of Cebu was a predominantly Chinese mestizo community (12). which by 1600 numbered more than 500 (6). The Jesuits had established a community of Catholic Chinese in the district of Santa Cruz.000 Chinese mestizos living in Binondo C7). however. But the Spaniards could only see in this rapid increase a potential threat to their own rule. In the early 18th cen tury.143 The evolution of the Chinese mestizo Although the Chinese who settled in the islands before the Spanish colo nization had intermarried with native women. many Chinese fled to Pampanga and intermarried with the local women t11). Elsewhere. where marriages between Chinese and lowland nati ves had already taken place. the Chinese popula tion increased by leaps and bounds. In northern Luzon. which in turn produced its own mestizo communtity (8). being an ethnic group with roots in China. In 1738 there were about 5. Thus the Spaniards faced a dilemna : they wanted the Chinese for their indispensable services in the economy and yet were suspicious and wary of their growing number. In the early 17th century. there were more than 100 Chinese married to native women in Iloilo (10). members of the Limahong expedition which put up a short-lived colony along the Lingayen Gulf in 1574-1575. the most important of which was the Binondo Community founded in 1594 (5). Augustine (9). the Igorots and Tinggians. the emergence of the Chi nese mestizo as a legally distinct class began only with the Spanish colo nial regime. They feared that the Chinese. Encouraged to come and settle. This provided the rationale behind the creation of special communities of Chinese. Soon after the Spaniards founded the city of Manila in 1571. was resolved through the policy of converting the Chinese and encouraging marriages between Cathol ic Chinese and Catholic Indios. In the wake of the Chinese massacre in Manila in 1603. In Tondo vi llage the Chinese mestizos as well as the Indios came under the charge of the calced religious of St. artisans and domestic servants. the mestizo des cendants as well as the Chinese residents were enrolled in the same Gre mio. Performing multiple services as traders. inte rmarried with the upland women. a large Chinese colony evolved. the Chinese became indispensable to the needs of the capital. would be far less loyal to the Spanish regime than the Christianized natives whom the Spa niards called Indios throughout their colonial rule (4).

This has been explained by Edgar Wickberg <21).000. Any person born of a Chinese father and an Indio mother was classi fied a Chinese mestizo. the inhabitants of the Philippines were classified into 3 classes : Spaniards. In villa geswhere the mestizo tribute payers numbered from 25 to 30. they numbered 2. as Indio (2°). Thus when . The legal status of the Chinese mestizo were ultima tely resolved in 1741 when the whole population was reclassifîed for pur poses of tribute or tax payment into four classes : Spaniards and Spanish mestizos who were exempted from the tribute.490 (14).000. there were 121. the question of their legal status arose. But a Chinese mestiza who married an Indio was listed.621 Chinese mestizos in an Indio population of 2. they fo rmed their own barangay. Sometimes. Indios and Chinese.000 <17). while that of the Indios to more than 4. together with her children.00. Yap. and that of the Chinese was P 6. Chinese mestizos. Tan. As the Chinese mestizo population increased. With the classification of the mest izos as a legally distinct class.50. A mestiza who married a Chinese or mestizo.144 writers to this Chinese infusion (13). Subsequent descendants were listed as Chinese mest izo. Another way was to create a Filipino name by combining parts of the full name of the Chinese father. otherwise they belonged to the nearest barangay of the natives (16). In half a dozen provinces the Chinese mestizos made up one-third or more of the populat ion. Filipino surnames. making such transliterated names from the Chinese ideograph as Co. a town in Pangasinan where Limahong had founded a short-lived kingdom. By 1810.676. It is interesting to note that Lingayen. Uy.00. and Chinese who were all tribute-paying classes although each class was assessed a different amount. Lim. as well as their children.793. In the 19th century the tribute or head tax paid by the Indio was equal to P 1. Indios. with some 46. a mestizo retained the name of his Chinese father. By this time the infusion of Chinese blood was evident in all the towns. In 1850 the Chinese mestizo population increased to about 240. was registered as a mestizo. By the end of the 19th century there were about half a million Chinese mestizos. and in another half-dozen they accounted for 5 percent to 16 percent of the local inhabitants (18). out of a native population of 6. that of the Chinese mestizo was P 3. It is interesting to note the ways by which Chinese mestizos acquired their names.395. The continued intermarriage of many Chi nese with Indio women resulted in an increasing class of Chinese mestizos. but is el aborated on here. had the most Chinese mestizos. From the beginning of the Spanish occupation to about 1740. Ong. In 1787.000 living in Manila (19). they were entitled to form their own Gremio de mestizos Sangleyes (Guild of Chinese Mestizos) (15\ and listed apart from the records of the natives under their own gobemadorcillo.

Although the names cited above were remi niscent of the mestizo children's ancestry. An entry in the Binondo Church in 1700 noted that a nineday old boy was baptized Hilario Camacho. The same also explains the proliferation of names once Chinese and later romanized into forms like Yuzon. The descendant of Jose Castro Ongchengco may simply be known by the name Castro. Colonel Carlos Palanca y Gutierrez. using the Hokkien (the dia lect of Fukien were most of the Philippine Chinese came from) polite suf fix Ko (meaning «elder brother») with the personal name. Leongson. a legitimate child of Juan Ten Say and Maria Camacho <24). Syjuco. of the Spanish colonial army. This explains why there are today numerous Filipino names that end in co. Juan de Vera. . In the late nineteenth century several Chinese adapted the not too common Spanish surname Palanca. He acquired the name of his godfather. who also acqui- . Among the first to assume the name was Tan Quien Sien who was gobernadorcillo of the Gremio de Chino in the last quar ter of the 19th century. Tantoco. Another example was that of Antonio Osorio. Ongsiako. Yangco. a wealthy merchant in the late 19th century. printer of the book. Limkao. as noted previously. The latter in turn might have acted as godfather to Tan Guinglay. was originally Keng Yong <26). Doctrina Christiana. had been very common during the Spanish regime. It was not unusual for the mestizo descendant to drop the Chinese part of the name and use only the Spanish part. the mestizo children might decide to create a new name. An entry on 14 May 1627 sho wed that a three-week-old daughter of Mateo Giang San and Ynes Lamanis was baptized Joanna Joanio. after her godmother. the new name might be Yaptinco. was popularly known as Mariano Velasco (25). Soliongco. Tanco. if a Chinese name like Yap Tinchay had been popularly known as Yap-tinco. whose original name was Tan Kim Ko. Limcauco. and became Carl osPalanca. Sometimes a child of Chinese-Filipina parents was given the name of the Filipino mother. after his godfather Sergeant Major Don Pedro de Mendiola (22). Tanchanco. Tanlayco. Tantuico. one of the 13 martyrs of Cavité. etc. Angangco. An entry in the baptismal registry of 21 December 1632 showed that a 36-year old Chinese born in China of Chinese parents was baptized Don Pedro de Mendiola. or the Chinese father himself after acquiring a new name might be called by just that new name. Yupangco.145 the full name of the Chinese father was Tee Han-kee. names like Sychangco. a wealthy distiller from the late 1890s to the late 1940s. Teehankee. Cojuangco. The naming of baptized Chinese mestizos after their godparents. Maria Joanio (23). Thus Mariano Velasco Chua Chengco. Catholic Chinese also acquired a Spanish name upon baptism. Jesus Merino examined some of the 17th century baptismal records of the Church of Three Kings in the Parian and came up with this interesting discovery. father of Francisco Osorio. Fr.

Lazaro. Bustamante. Consing. Legaspi. The following surnames were listed as mestizo de Sangleyes (26bis) : Tagle. Madlansacay. de Guzman. Jose. Dizon. an 1852 barangay record (n°. Vasquez. Herrera. the list of gobernadorcillos reveals the list of hispanized Chinese mestizos like Pinping. Eulogio Modesto. Ylano. Magalona. Torello. Samson. Students from Camarines and Albay in the seminary of Nueva Caceres in 1796. Montilla. Tuazon. In the list of gobernadorcillos de mestizo in Bacolor. showed that such names were hardly disti nguishable from those of the natives. there were such mestizo names like Henson. Tionko. Camerino. de Castro. Rita. Sabali. Espiritu. In Mabalacat and Mexico. Monzon. Villanueva. Malimban. Lumanog. Virata. Gianco. Feleteo. de la Pena. families with names such as Lacson. Cuaycong. In Negros and Iloilo. and Quiason (32). Mojica. Suanson. Jocsing. Yubienco. Mayasa. Carino. Lanes. Basa. Montelibano. The list of Chinese mestizo names under the Gremio de Mestizos Sangleyes (Guild of Chinese Mestizos) in 1882 for several towns in Cavité for instance. Alis. Malbal. Salmeo. Felicia. Lusing. Yulo. Arcenas. Brujola. Sarinas. Araneta. Miranda. Javier. 54) listed as Chinese mesti zos the following hispanized or filipinized names : Cayetano. Encarnacion. Mesina. Bernardo de la Cruz. listed as Chinese mestizos. The well-known Palanca clan today might have descended from him. Sarmiento. Jocson. Juan Nepomuceno. Calocada. Mateo. Gonzaga. Conlu.. Alvarez. Bringas. Estandante. Tirona. Medel. Camarce. Sta. Pablo de Santa Ana. Narvaez. Nazareno. Tinsay. Yusay. In Angeles. Villacarlos. Tomas. In Bacolod. Lopez. Loyola. de los Reyes and de los Angeles (31). Sapica. were also names of Chinese mestizos who served either as cabeza or gobemadorcillo in various towns of Cavité from 1830 to the 1890s (28). Segobia. Rodrigazo. Valderrama. Fereon. and others represented the Chinese mestizo class in the . Villanueva. Limsiaco. Fabian de Vera. Guanz on. Guanco. Fernandez. Narciso Cecillo. Poblete. Espeneli. Alejandro. Pagtachan. Pareja. Such names as San Agustin. de la Rama. Ditching. Yunpue. and Jose Rodriguez (29). Marimbao. Asaola.146 red the name Don Carlos Palanca. Dairet. de Cuenca. Gonzaga. Bustamante. Sayoc. Yanzon. Balayos. Rodriguez. Quijano (30). Ballesteros. Picson. Camua. Sarreal. Tarim. Bautista. Salud. Madlansacay. Togly. Vicente Racios. Puntuan. Basillo. Jimenez (27). Locsin. Topacio. Guanzon. Pampanga from 1746 to la Pena. had such filipinized or hispanized names as Vicente Tagle. etc. Poblete. Villamena. Sianson. That Spanish or Filipino names are not guarantee of Castillan or Fil ipino descent is obvious. one finds such hispanized names as de Ocampo. Ledesma. Jison. Singco. Marquez. Aransasu. Aguinaldo. Cuevas. Sanquilayan.

the foreign firms and residents of Manila. Chinese mestizos handled wholesale trading between the islands <38). The opening of the port of Manila in the 1830s followed by those of Sual. the Velezes. By the early 1800s. coconut. In the provinces around Manila. In the Visayas. it is because Filipino and Chinese mestizo names were hispanized by the 1849 decree which requi red every family head to choose a new surname from a catalogue of Spa nish names. they were described by John Bowring as «more active and enterprising. were engaged in landholding and wholesaling. wholesalers. The expulsion of many Chinese in the late 1760s for their cooperation with the British who occupied Manila in 1762-1764. and Climacos came from Chinese mestizo families <34). enabled the ener getic and enterprising Chinese mestizos to penetrate markets which had been the preserve of the Chinese. the Chinese mestizos became the provisioners of the colonial authorities. sugar. Meycauayan and Bocaue were involved in rice growing as lessees of estates and as middlemen trading between Manila and the Pampanga-Bulacan area which produced rice and salt. Polo. coffee. In Cebu. North of Manila. In the absence of much of the Chinese traders. retail traders and owners of majority of the artisan shops. tobacco and hemp for the world market (39). and the prohibition of those who remained in Manila from going to the provinces. Obando. Malabon. more oriented to trade and commerce than the Indios» (36). the Chinese mestizos of Tondo. Iloilo and Cebu stimulated coastline trade among the various islands in Manila.147 area (33). If there are many Filipinos today who descended from mixed FilipinoChinese parentage and do not carry Chinese names. Osmenas. more prudent and pioneering. the Chinese mestizos shared economic power with the Chinese as exporters-importers. particularly in Laguna and Pasay. Chinese mestizos south of Manila. East of Manila. Inheriting the economic dynamism of their Chinese ancestors. The opening of the country to foreign traders facilitated growth of export in tropical products . they practically took over from the Chinese as retailers. Chinese mestizos in Pasig were specializing in wholesale and retail trade between Manila and Laguna (37). . The Chinese Mestizos as Middle Class The development of the Chinese mestizo as an entrepreneur from the 1750s to the 1850s paved the way for the emergence of the Philippine middle class.indigo. In the capital. In the Bicol region some of the most important famil ies of the 20th century descended from 19th century immigrants of TagalogChinese mestizos (Samson) and Ilongo-Chinese mestizos (Locsin) (35).

both in Manila and the pro vinces (46). . the Spanish colo nial authorities encouraged the Chinese to return to the Philippines to acce lerate the development of the economy. Negros and Panay to gather local products like tobacco. Chinese mestizos in Molo and Jaro collected similar items in the Visayas for export to Manila and bought European goods for resale to Molo. These goods were shipped to Manila where they were sold to Chinese and European merchants returned with manufactured goods for distribution throughout the Visayas (40). Samar. Cebu. sea slugs. mother of pearl. Bulacan. or their social prestige. Negros and Iloilo the Chinese mestizos were involved in the product ion and marketing of sugar (43). A great many of the displaced mestizos shifted to the cultivation of export crops and became landowners. lawyers. In the 1840s. Sinibaldo de Mas referred to the Chinese mestizos who inhe rited the «industry and speculative spirit» of their ancestors. 30. The transformation of Philippine agriculture from subsistence to export production in mid-19th century witnessed the rise of the Chinese mestizos as an economically independent middle class. Bataan. and transported the product to Manila (42). From Cebu the mestizo merchants sailed to Leyte. as constitu ting the «middle class» of the Philippines (47). Laguna. In 1842. This opulent merchant class so visible in Manila. and economical element in the Philippine population (48). Molo and Jaro mestizos were also engaged in pina clothmaking for export.000 in 1865. gold. coffee. with the opening of the port of Manila. Cebu and many other towns caught the attention of foreign observers of the Philippine scene.000 in the 1880s (44\ These new arrivals who fanned out to the provinces began displacing the Chinese mestizos as wholesalers and retailers. Chinese immigration quickened. Thus even though the Chinese mestizos were eased out of the retail trade. Chinese mestizo merchants bought tobacco in Nueva Ecija and Cagayan. Caraga. Batangas. The demand for sugar and other tropical products encouraged many of the Chinese mestizo and Indio merchants to clear and cultivate increa sing amounts of land. prudent. wax. coconut oil.000 in 1876 and 100. cocoa. It was this thriving coastwise trade which made Cebu and Iloilo wealthy (41). In Pampanga. Iloilo. and rice. increasing from 6.148 Manila carried a lucrative interisland trade with Cebu and Molo and Jaro in Iloilo.000 in 1847 to 18. In late 1850s while travel ling in the islands John Bowring described the Chinese mestizos as «a great improvement upon the pure Malay or Indio breed». Misamis. writers or journalists and still others to various occupations (45). Others shifted to the professions as doctors. they did not lose all their sources of economic income. and the most indus trious. Jaro and other towns.

suspended around the neck. Unwilling to accept the limits of the past. whom they excel in attention to rel igious duties because they are superior in intelligence (54). By the mid-19th century elegance was repla cingmere comfort in the houses of the rich. «In towns around Manila».» A decade earlier. a privi lege not granted to the Indios (5°). and a gold chain is seldom wanting. Observing the same phenomena in Iloilo. owing in great mea- . wanting to increase the industrious Chinese mestizo population. Some of their women are decidedly beautiful. and the sexes exhi bited no small amount of dandyism and coquetry <53). often graceful and cultivated. The Rise of the Middle Class to Social Prestige The Chinese mestizos' economic wealth had a great effect in increa sing their standards of living and their social prestige. the members of this middle class would express thems elves in novel artistic terms. the Spaniards granted them the privilege to marry at the age of 16 without parental consent. Incidentally.» (51). but where they retain the native dress it is finer in quality. The new middle class. following the model of Hispanic-European culture. made them the arbiter of fashion. occupied mainly by a mixed race of Chinese descent. Mas expressed this kind of opinion :«They (the Chi nese mestizos) are luxuriantly dressed and more elegant and handsome than the Indians. customs. gayer in color. Like the natives. the British Vice Cons ulNicholas Loney. and richer in ornament. Bowring noted. It is to this vigorous mestizo class to which many contemporary Filipino entrepreneurs trace their origin. and style of living (52). they wear their skirts over the trousers but the shirts are of pina or sinamay fastened with button of valua ble chains. was getting itself firmly entrenched in many pueblos or towns.» The mestizo traders provided the pueblos with much more than finish ed goods. John Bowring in 1850 wrote :«Many of them adopt the European costume. a community that had changed little over the years for lack of external stimuli. wrote in the late 1850s :«During the last few years a very remarkable change had taken place in the dress and general external appearance of the inhabitants of the larger pueblos. The gracef ul structure and delicately carved furniture of the house of the mestizo revealed his familiarity with European ways. They changed the life of a community that had been isolated for lack of outside influences. Now the traders brought excitement and novel items.149 Feodor Jagor who was in the country in the 1880s called the Chinese mestizo «the richest and most enterprising portion of the entire popula tion» (49). «almost every pueblo have some dwellings larger and bet ter than the rest. The men commonly wear European hats and stockings. But they pre serve most of the habits of the Indian. according to Wickberg. The wealth they acquired and the manner they spent it.

. had the opportunity of getting some college education from institutions like Letran.G. Numerically. England. the frequent occurrence of names of Chinese mestizos in the cabeza of gobernadordllo lists for the provinces reflected considerable assimilation of the ranks of native elite by the Chinese mestizos (58).» Referring to the prestige and rising influence of Cebu's upper elite in the 1890s. the economic and political leadership constituted the intellectual elite as well. made up of the 30 to 40 Chinese mestizo families descended from the principales of the old Parian. which were formerly either not imported. W. In the 1870s more families were able to send their children not only to Manila but also to Spain.. a few people. In 1876. Palgrave commented ^Intellec tually they are generally superior to the unmixed around them. energy and enterprise sufficient to warrant expectation of a considerable development of cultivation from their operations (59). or the price of which then beyond their reach.» The rise of the middle class to economic importance had another great effect. the middle class of Chinese mestizos seemed almost inconsequential. but the educational attainment of these mest izos. In the interior of the houses the same change was observable in their furnitures and other arrangements. . take delight in bringing to mind the days when the Velezes. In 1861 the British vice-consul in a report to the British foreign office stated :«The Iloilo mestizos. as a result of the educational decree of 1863 which gave the Indios and mest izos access to higher education. a Cebu journalist wrote with lavish praise :«I . combined with their economic wealth and social prestige. enabled them to dominate public opinion. are not without prevision. especially those of Chinese origin. Aust ria and Germany (56). the Chinese mest izos tended to dominate not only the economic and social but also the poli tical leadership of the local communities. as higher education remained the privilege of wealthy families. increasing yearly in social and political importance. industrial and speculative race. and the evident wish to add ornament to the same articles of household use (55). taken in comparison with that of the entire population is not great. social and economic origin. During the colonial period. but their wealth and influence go far to make up for this deficiency (57). Their memb ers. By the late 1860s. The acquisition of a certain amount of wealth made it easier for some mestizo families to provide education for their children. mostly wealthy natives and Chinese mestizos. and later to progressive European countries like France.» Regardless of their ethnic. and though not so fully pronounced as the Chi nese of the persevering and commercial qualities necessary for a continued success under the pressure of great competition. San Jose and Santo Tomas. By the turn of the 19th century. are a remar kablecommercial.150 sure to the comparative facility with which they obtained articles.

the emergent middle class of Chinese mestizos in the pro vinces began to set the tone of public opinion. may never form a common mass or public spirit (65). and saw themselves threatened by the very existence of the Chinese mestizos.151 the Osmenas. they were hono red with respect and admiration by their own and by foreigners (6°)». In 1841. the Spaniards were now «haunted by the fear of an Indio revo lution led by mestizos» f64). activity and wealth». In the words of Wickberg. Manuel Bernaldez Pizarro already observed that the Indio and mestizo clerics had «dangerous tendencies to revolution» (62). This led Padre Murillo Velarde in 1741 to comp lain that «now we have a querrulous group of mestizos who could cause discord in society» (61). and as such. The Spaniards felt little or no affinity at all with the Indios. the Climacos. they stand out more by the height through which their wealth had ranked them. in a secret report to the Madrid government. we must turn to the latter half of the 19th century. The Chinese mestizo in some communities were becoming sizeable enough to be able to form their own Gremio Mestizo de Sangley and thus evolve into a legally distinct class. They were becoming too wealthy and consequently too independent-minded. «race hatred between the Chi nese mestizos and natives» must be developed. and predicted that the Chinese mestizos would in time dominate public opinion. He then recommended that should Spain decide to keep the Philippines as a colony. in order that the native class which was «strong through its number» and the mestizo class «through its intell igence. Paradoxically enough. the middle class of Chinese mestizos was also ceasing to be a compliant subject of Spain. Under the idea that their union would imperil the entrenched power of Spain. One approach Mas suggested to promote rivalry and jealousy between the two classes was to declare the rank of gobemadorcillo for the Indio superior to that meant for the mestizo. Time was to prove the correctness of this prediction. There was reason for this concern. Other measures recommended to foment antago- . Sinibaldo de Mas. and the two classes must be «separated and at sword's point». Madrid authorities tried various means to sow discord between different races and classes in their colonial possessions <66). and others like them brightened the Cebuano sky like stars of the first magnitude. in the process of getting wealthy. suspected the Chinese mestizos as a potential nucleus around which the Indio insurrec tion might be organized. As early as 1827. The Chinese Mestizo in the Formation of the Filipino Identity In looking at the Chinese mestizos' contribution to the formation of the Filipino nationality and in the making of the nation. By the 1800s. who were described as having «no sympathy for Spain» and «would be difficult to subdue» (63).

While the «natives» of the islands had been. a proposal that land taxes be impo sed on the Chinese mestizos. Chinese mestizos and Spanish mestizos for complicity in the Cavité mutiny compell ed middle and upper class families to send their sons to Europe to study (72).e.. intelligence. Executed for alleged conspiracy in the Cavité Mutiny in 1872.. they were beginning to defend their rights» (63). and achievement of the native clergy and demanded the appointment of native secular priests. These students met some of the Guam deportees who managed to escape and flee to Spain where. In the 1860s Father Jose Burgos (of mixed Spanish. emancipate themselves insensibly as a consequence of their economic inde pendence. defend their rights against such misconduct of the lieutenant or sergeant of the police force. and many others). asserted the capacity. wealthy natives and Chinese mestizos] dared to dis cuss with their curate. The Chinese mest izos were independent-minded. French and Chinese-native descent) (69) and Father Mariano Gomez (both his parents were of mixed Filipino-Chinese blood) (7°) and Father Jacinto Zamora (also a Chinese mestizo) (71). Pardo de Tavera noted :« Already the 'brutes loaded with gold' [i. by which they could attack and ridicule each other. Dagohoy. into a growing disposition to talk back and ask why. as exiles. Trinidad H. the three martyrs' brilliant defense of the clergy of «our race» aroused a certain degree of national or racial consciousness as secularization defined the issue between the ruler and the ruled. Bankaw. in which both Indios and Chinese mestizos participated. They were gifted and wealthy enough to make their opinion felt. and a distinctive dress for them (67).152 nism between the two groups included separate theaters for each. and liberal to the point of being radical. The foregoing commentary reveals a transformation of the people's habit of deference to the master of the land. it was the emergent middle class of Chinese mestizos who rekindled and intensified the growing national opposition to colonial abuses. a spontaneous and unthinking acquiescence to the order of things. vociferous. Actually. it was becoming increasingly difficult to separate the two groups as the Chinese mestizos were inclined to identify themselves with the Indios culturally and socially. As Dr. they were actually becoming insolent according to the expres sion of the dominators : in reality. resis ting colonial domination and abuses in the form of pocket and regional revolts against unjust taxes and forced labor (as witness the uprisings of Tapar. for over two centuries. Also. they were starting to gravitate towards each other politically due to common grievances. complain against the alcalde.. Tamblot. and who demanded sweeping social reforms. they could most conveniently . The deportation to Guam and punishment of prominent Indios.

these growing intellectuals (Ilustrados) from the middle class of Chinese mestizos and Indios who became politically conscious and began to think in terms of natio nal instead of provincial or even sectoral concerns. and his novel Ninay (1885) were attempts at defining the Filipino national feeling (76). with each class paying different taxes. according to Jesuit historian Fr. he suggested the assimilation of the Philippines into Spain. written in 1881. To put an end to such patent racial discrimination and ethnic divisiveness. As students in Spain before 1880. Sampaguita (1880). These first glimmerings of a Filipino national sentiment were expres sed more cogently by Gregorio Sancianco in his book El Progreso de Filipinas (Progress of the Philippines). Now provided with formal educa tion and influenced by the liberal ideas prevalent in Europe. the trailblazers in formulating the nascent idea of a «Filipino identity» (75\ Pedro Paterno was «the first to project» a «Filipino personality» or to define the «Filipino character» in his writings. only the Creoles. The most obvious manifestation of this budding sense of Filipino natio nality appeared in the late 1870s in the writings of Pedro Paterno and Gregorio Sancianco. Such a policy not only smacked of racial discrimination but also tended to foment class division. be given the same rights and privileges as Spaniards. both Chinese mestizos. would evolve a phil osophy of Filipinism (73). so that all its inhabitants could be declared citizens of Spain. John Schumacher. His collection of poems. the Chi nese mestizo identified himself with the native Filipino as Indio (74). Unlike the Creoles and many of the Spanish mestizos who were predisposed to identify themselves with the peninsular Spanish. For the first time closer social ties and relations between Chinese mestizos and Indios coming from different regions in the islands would be formed. The unusually severe punishments meted out to the Indios and Chinese mestizos bridged the gulf that had separated these two groups. He was the first to explain that the «indo lence of the Filipinos» was not something inherent in the people but . While the book dealt with the economic and political problems and the potentialities for deve lopment of the islands in both spheres. Until then.153 conduct their propaganda work without harassment and with the advanta ges found in cosmopolitan cities. it also vehemently condemned the tribute or tax payment which exempted the Spaniards and Spanish mesti zos but classified the inhabitants of the islands into Indios and Chinese mest izos as legally distinct. The last quarter of the 19th century was to see the rise of the Chinese mestizo and Indio as Filipino. they were. or Spaniards born in the Philippines from Spanish parents were called Filipinos. and be subject to a uniform tax system (77). Sancianco's more significant contribution in his writings was his defense of the dignity of the Filipinos.

Rizal annotated Morga's Sucesos de las Filipinas. he showed that the Filipinos were not ignorant Indios and that in fact they had a rich past. it would bloom. and the liberation of the common people from burdensome taxa tion (78). To make the Philippines progressive. As a student in Spain in the 1880s. nurtured by the powerful mind of Jose Rizal. Much of the blame for the alleged indolence of the people and the backwardness of the country he laid at the door of the colonial regime. «Indolence of the Filipinos». the «native» yielded to the excrucia ting conditions of his environment. To prove his point. public education. their own civilization. Through this work Rizal sought .the most heroic. The Noli Me Tangere was a procla mation of the creed of Filipino nationalism. good roads. del Pilar and others would later elaborate (79). Incentives were non-existent and all avenues to advancement were closed to them. gave a profoundly touching picture of the oppression and suf fering experienced by his countrymen. Like a social scientist mars halling facts. entitled El Amor Patrio (Love of Country). having been descended from a pure Chinese ancestor and a long line of Chinese mestizos and Chinese mestizas (80). without individual initiative and wanting in civilization. Rizal helped stoke the smoldering fire of nationalism. His first article in the Diariong Tagalog.154 was the reaction of the common tao to centuries of exploitation. Under these circumstances. The birth of Filipino consciousness was already indicated in the wri tings of Paterno and Sancianco. he was able to transform their «unformed sentiments» into the «nationalist fervor of the years to come» (81>. Throughout almost three centuries and a half. Finding the group of brilliant young Indio and mestizo students still groping and lacking in effective leadership. Marcelo H. was a Chinese mestizo. on the other hand. but they were more than an indic tment of the existing colonial system. His book anticipated and enunciated all the themes that Jose Rizal. They were deprived of the fruits of their labour. the Indios were denied all active participation in the affairs of the state. and were hardwor king before the Spanish conquest of the islands (84>. he suggested the introduction of industrialization. advised his compatriots who has been disappointed with the Philippine state of affairs to love their country. Rizal. Graciano Lopez Jaena. was a clarion call to awaken the people's sense of nationhood (83). and in the process to make the people enter prising. ElFlibusterismo. and the most unselfish deed» (82). known as the pride of the Malay race. for to do so was the «great est. Noli Me Tangere and El Flibusterismo. preferring the lazy joys of indolence rather than labour for the benefit of his oppressor» (85). His essay. Rizal's two novels completed in the 1880s. stripped away the myth propa gated by the Spanish writers that the Filipinos were by nature lazy.

Jose Panganiban. Manual Scheidnagel.155 to instill in the people a national feeling and racial pride to erase once and for all any sense of servility toward the ruling master. and many others. In this sense. Pedro Paterno. as Shumacher puts it. In the end. ran through the polemics of the reformist writers of the late 1880s and mid-1890s : Jose Rizal. the tribute was modified by the industrial tax which in turn was replaced by the cedula. founded the Liga Filipino. and the Chinese mestizos and Indios on the other» (86)... the ethnically determined gremios for the Indios and Chi nese mestizos in existence since 1741 had steadily declined under the impact of the Chinese mestizos demand for the abolition of the tribute of tax pay ment based on ethnic considerations. and its replacement by a tax applied uniformly to all to erase the legal distinction between the two (88\ In 1878. The growing conviction that the natives were entitled to human dignity and that the Indios and the Chinese mestizos were only one people. the Chinese mestizo identified himself with the Indio. he was the first who sought to unite the whole archipelago and who preached that the «Indio could be something else. observed :«. Unlike the créole and the Spanish mestizo who were inclined to identify with the peninsular Spanish. made uniformly applicable in 1894. writing in the 1880s. as the mestizos and Indios became more radi calized. «with the lines lar gely drawn». Meanwhile. «between the créoles and Spanish mest izos on one side. in the house of a Chinese mestizo. The cedula broke down the legal distinction between the Indios and Chinese mestizos as the latter were now classified as Indios (89\ Possibly in allusion to the Chinese mestizo's agitation which signalled increasing political dissidence. some of the créoles and Spanish mestizo students and writers who had been collaborating with the refor mist movement eventually withdrew from the circle. Graciano Lopez Jaena. the enourmous inconvenience for us and to the archi pelago where it is found is the intermixture of the natives with the Chi nese that results into the most possible wickedness . Antonio Luna. Indeed. del Pilar. Marcelo H. Rizal wanted to create a feeling of national unity that would transcend class distinctions ans parochialism. and as their articulation of grievances as colonial subjects was sha ping up into a powerful Filipinist cause. the secularization . a petition signed by 810 natives and mestizos demanded the ouster from the islands of the Spanish friars from the various religious orders as well as the archbishop. The League was a movement aimed at forging a united Philippines into one compact and homogenous body. Doroteo Ongjungco. On March 1. In 1892.. returning to the Philippines. Mariano Ponce.. Rizal. known as the Chi nese mestizo» (90). Filipinos who were members of a Fil ipino nation» (87). 1888. Eduardo de Lete.

Although the middle class was Hispanic-Christian in culture.. created the environment for the Chinese mestizos to intensify their campaign for reforms. and the influx of liberal ideas from Europe following the opening of Manila to the world. today. the adviser of disturbances. commented somewhat bit terly :«. who agitate and provoke the surge of opinion. The combination is not parti cularly a pleasant one. Rafael Guerrero who. in 1890. An American school superinten dent wrote :«The Chinese mestizo is an exceedingly difficult fellow to manage. wrote of the mestizos in the same vein :«The Filipino mestizo is a breed of all com ponents. the regular postal service and the road building which facilita ted communications among them. he is the herald of restlessness. in all towns of the Philippines. All officials must keep guard of them very specially so that with everybody's watchfulness.. The trade ties which drew Chinese mestizos toge ther earlier. the increa sing appearance of propaganda materials and reformist newspapers. Such ideas. Another Spanish writer in the late 1880s. The Chinese mestizos and Indios returning from Europe to Manila or to their respective towns brought with them «subvers ive ideas» later decried as «Filibusterismo» by the Spaniards who bran ded those who were in favor of reform and progress as «Filibusterers». A Friar Memorial of April 28. their widening contact with the people in the capital.156 of the Benefices. there is a number of per sons. The greater portion of the trouble that Americans have experienced in the provinces (the Ilocos) has been caused by this class» (97). in time. they will not mix with the ordinary masses» (95\ These comments by the Spaniards were confirmed by the American official reports which described the Chinese mestizo as «intelligent» but «restless» and «difficult to subdue» <96). they were nationalistic in politics. and the confiscation of the estates of both Augustinians and Dominicans (91). and the adversary in obeying colonial laws. almost all mestizos. The critical posture of the Chinese mestizos caught the attention of ano ther writer. 1888 voicing the protest of all religious orders against the prevalence of free thought lamented that only after the masses had been imbued with «revolutionary free thought of free masons have the islands been disturbed» <93). infected their compatriots (94). the numerous vessels that plied the coas tal areas. Although the reformists and propagandists who now called themselves Filipinos were still assimilationists. Enrique Polo de Lara. They attempt to set the people into a critical thinking of the meaning of individual rights and freedom» (92). He combines the keenness and stolidity of the Chinamen with the smoothness and secretiveness of the natives. they had already assumed the task of .

and they «unconsciously pointed the way to revolution» (10°). The revolution was a test of the Filipino people as a nation. and what made them identify themselves as one nation? These sentiments could only be rooted in their Filipinistic concepts. Pedro Paterno. «articulated the growing consciousness of a natio nal self. social. were nationalists (98). Manuel Tinio. but a separate and distinct people capable of making their own history. Telesforo Chuidian. According to an observer. the Chinese mest izos «formed so large a part of the rebels that the high-class natives hesi tated so long about joining the insurgents» (103). Schumacher. Some were militarily involved like Generals Flaviano Yenko. Even his able chief advi ser. professor Teodoro A. not just a cluster of islands they happened to inhabit». They and the other Filipino intellectuals of the reform movement express ed. Severino Taino. Chinese mestizos were participants «not necessarily as mestizos». Gregorio Sancianco. Teodoro Sandiko. and political identification with the Indios as Filipinos would put the Chinese mestizo on the side of the revolution. Natives who have led during the past few years of .. Growing economic. Mariano Limjap. and in their aspirations as a people. Many Chinese mestizos participated prominently in the Revolution in many ways.157 contending for their nation's right to exist. Why did they think the Filipinos were different from other people. and Jose Rizal were. «the submerged feelings of the masses». to quote Fr. Apolinario Mabini was «a Tagalog with perhaps some Chinese blood». These Filipinos. the Chinese mestizos constituted a great portion of the local revolutionary lea ders and the rank and file (102) . but as Filipinos. to a certain extent. in the words of the eminent historian. in their com mon sufferings and grievances. These writers. General Emilio Aguinaldo who took over leadership from Andres Bonifacio and founded the first Phi lippine Republic was of Filipino-Chinese descent. Franc isco Makabulos. Maximino Hizon. Agoncillo. In the provinces. The overall involvement of the Chinese mestizo in the Revolution was discussed by Captain John Taylor in The Philippines Insurrection Against the United States :«. of an identity as a distinct people» (") with a destiny of their own. The Filipinos were no longer vassals of Spain. When the Revolution broke out. «each in his own way». responsible for instilling in their countrymen an incipient sense of nationality and national self-esteem.. even to the extent of promul gating the idea of developing loyalty to the Philippines as a united and dis tinct nation. Yangco (101). and Luis R. Others were financial contributors like Roman Ongpin. loving the Philippines and being loyal to it as «their country. The contradiction between the Spaniards and the Filipinos having a destiny of their own would be translated by the Katipuneros under Andres Bonifacio into political action -the Philippine Revolution.

O. They are the men who were chiefly instrumental in overthrowing the power of Spain. the descendants of Chinese. . (March. and they are the men who. and pro bably a more careful investigation will increase the number. the term Filipinos refered to the Creoles. The Chinese mestizos' involvement in the Revolution was part of the accelerating political trend toward common action with the Indios -as Filipinos. p. prefer to call themselves Filipinos. «The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History»..P.. cultural and economic fabric of the emerging Filipino nation-state. John Schumacher. And the accomplishment of this historic mission was due. Vol. and his principal financial agents» (104). 2.Indios and Chinese mestizos alike to claim for themselves and for future generations the incomparable birth right of nationhood. In 1898. Thus. 1 of 2 heads of his cabinet or council of government. 62-100. 1969). Earlier. NOTES 1.J. The Propaganda Movement. to a significant extent. 1880-1895. Jesus Merino. 27 seem undoubtedly to be of Chinese descent. arrogate to thems elves the right of speaking for the people of the archipelgo. op. cit. 9 of his generals (one of them a pureblooded Chinese).. they.158 revolt have probably been almost all partly Chinese. are the leaders in the islands in wealth and intelligence. the Spaniards born in the Islands. 5. 45. Journal of Southeast Asian History. The role of the Chinese mestizo in the making of the nation did not end in 1898. Edgar Wickberg.the natives. During the Filipino. S. the distinct nationality of the Indios came to be fully recognized. and so are 2 of the members of his cabinet.. «Chinese Mestizo : Gener al Considerations».American war. Chinese mestizos. it was clear that a new nationality held together the people of the islands. It is not always easy to identify them. (Manila : Solidaridad Publishing House. in Felix Alfonso... pp. in many cases educated in Spain and other parts of Europe.. a great many of the mest izo families «were among the insurrectors» (105). ed. 1964). Aguinaldo is one of the 27. The Chinese in the Philippines (Manila : Solidaridad Publishing House. The Philippine Revolution of 1896 was the final act of determination on the part of the true Filipinos . the term was consistently applied to. 1973). with the loudest voices. but out of the 164 men who were sufficiently important to require separate index cards in classifying the papers of the insurrection in the Philippines against the United States. On the eve of the Revolution. to the patriotic awakening of the Chinese mest izos and their complete absorption into the social.. Merino..

Vol.. Harper's History of War in the Philippines (New YHork. «The Changing Nature of the Cebu Urban Elite in the 19th Century». 1901). p. A Question of Identity (Manila : Vessels Books.. op..93-1898. revised éd. Sa-onoy. Vol. (New York : University of Columbia. 20. Carmen G. 324. in Alfred McCoy and Edilberto de Jesus. Census of the Philippine Islands. 6.. William Henry Scott. Michael Culianne. 1. Demy M. 301. p. 57. 113-114. Wickberg. 58. 72. 36. Vol. 483. The Pampangans. 232. p. The Chinese in Philippine Life. Vol. Blair and Robertson. The Chinese inNegros (Bacolod : Ace Printer. op. 51. 31. cit. Ibid. 54. Census of the Phi lippine Islands. 64. Vol. pp. p. The Evolution ofPampanga Society :A Case Study ofSocial and Economic Change in the Philippines. 25. 1977). p. Blair and Robertson. op. p. (Quezon City : Phoenix Press. 9. The Philippine Islands. 179.. 5. Alfred McCoy. Berkeley. 31-32. dissertation. Creative Printing Corpor ation. op. 1903. 56. p. Merino. 1905.. Inc. Nakpil. 1. 119. El Cadiz Filipino^ : Colonial Cavité. 61. 19. pp. 134. dissertation. Bureau of Census. 54. 55. Modesto P. op. Wickberg. H. p. Marcos.. cit. 1572-1800 (Quezon Cityh : University of the Philippines Press. p. p. 27. 52. 1900). cit. op. Ph. Borromeo. Wickberg. op. 92. cit. 7. 143. 1966). University of California. 17. 4. 10. eds.cit. p. 3. 1965). 1903.. 21. 28. 341. 18. cit. Wickberg. p. p.. 257. Philippine Social History (Quezon City : Ateneo de Manila University Press. Larkin. Wickberg. 8. «The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History». 106. 111-112. p. 67. 22.d. cit. cit. Wickberg. pp. Wickberg.. 4.. 1973). Vol. 34-38. op. 26. Sonza. Tadhana : The History of the Filipino People (1979). op. in McCoy and de Jesus. 54. 29. 22. cit. p. 1903). 14. (Cleveland : Arthur Clark Co. p. 11. 1982).. Vol. 79. 15. 1977). 23. Blair and Robertson. 49.159 3. ed. 65. cit. 27. Pangasinan.. op. 2 Part 3. Sugar is Sweet : The Story of Nicholas Loney. 48. D. Ibid. 179. Vol. p. cit. n. Quoted in Soledad M. Rosario M. cit. Vol. op. p. 24. John Larkin. 1974).. Cortez. p.. Edgar Wickberg. Vol. p. . p. Ibid. 12. 62-65. 20. Blair and Robertson.. p. Ferdinand E. p. p. 54. The Pampangans : Colonial Society in a Philippine Setting. 1975). Vol.. 86.. Borromeo. (Manila : National Historical Institute. cit. 143. pp. 12. Vol. 120. op. 92. p. Ibid. 48. 13. D. Blair and Robetson. Unpub lished Ph.. cit. p. op. 30. 92. p. 16. (New Haven : Yale Univers ity Press. The Chinese in Philippine Life. p. The Discovery ofthelgorots (Manila. «A Queen Dies Slowly : The Rise and Decline of Iloilo City». p. p. Marion Wilcox. Report of the Philippine Commission to the President (Washington. 1880-1898. Vol. 431 note. Ibid. op. p.. 1980). pp. p. 1571-1896. 70.. Governement Prin ting Office.. p. Vol.

op. p. p. Vol. 36. 1950). «Abaca in Kabikolan. Fe Hernaez Romero. Vol... Cited in John Bowring. Ibid. p. Borromeo. 113. 82. Michael Culliane. op. cit.. 52. 57. 71.T. op. 73. p. p. 35. 33. John Bowring. Quoted in Wickberg.. Wickberg. 138. «The Chinese Mestizo in Philip pine History».. cit. 50. op.... Ibid. 276. . V. 53. pp. Ibid.. 129. p. Blair and Robertson. cit. p. de la Costa. op. Ibid. Vol. eds. 81. op. pp. p. in McCoy and de Jesus. p... 56. op. 71. Ulysses in Science and Studies in Maryland. 86.. 102. 187. Quoted in Wickberg. 1963). 81-82. p. (London : Mcmillan. Blair and Robertson. 26-27. 29. Norman Owen. 1900). Blair and Robertson. 38. 31. p. op. pp. eds..160 32. cit. p. 106. Rea dings in Philippine History (Manila : Bookmark 1965). 136. 142. Souza. p. cit. Negros Occident al Between Two Foreign Powers. p. pp. cit. 63. 80-81. in McCoy and de Jesus. Quoted in ibid. cif. cit. cit. 66-67. 55. Wickberg. 70. Report of the Philippine Commission to the President. «The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History».cit. F. p. 46. 62.. in McCoy and de Jesus. op. 44. op. 43. 234. The Emergence of the Philippine Economy. Ibid. cit.. 48. op. 51. pp. Bowring. p. Demy Sonza. 33. p. «The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History».. p. 80. 61.1. 206. 721927 in H.pp. (London : Chapman and Hall. «The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History». 277-282. cit. cit. 1974. op. op. A visit to the Philippine Islands in 1858 (Manila : Filipiniana Book Guild. 56. The Chinese in Philippine Life. Jagor.. «The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History».. Feodor. cit. W. op.J. Gifford Palgroal. p. 42. op. p. p. 52. op. op. Valdepenas and Gemilino Bautista. Quoted in Culliane.. 84. 1977). cit. 37.. Ibid. op. Vol. The Chinese in Philippine Life. 69-70. 1875). p. 54. 1888-1909. cit. eds.... 225. 37. Quoted in Zoilo Galang. «Continuity and Change in the Economic and Administrative History of the 19th Century Sources». 64-65. op. 1887). p. Sa-onoy. Vol. Bruce Cruikshank. cit. pp. 69. cit... 144. 106. p. Wickberg. Wickberg. Valdepenas. op. 1900 (Washington : Government Printing Office. 70. 69 and in Wickberg. PRO. p. The Pampangans. 45. Loney to Farren. 51. 40. 59. Negros Occidental Historical Commission. p.. op. Ibid. cit. 206. op. cit. 62. 39. p. 81. Travels in the Philippines. 41. 10 July 1861.. Encyclopedia of the Philippines (Manila.. 58. S. Manila. Vol. p. cit. p. 51. «The Changing Nature of the Cebu Urban Elites in the 19th Century».. 82. Vicente P. 60. 52. Larkin. p. pp. Owen. (Manila : Depyrus Press. Prosperity without Progress» in McCoy and de Jesus. op. p. 196. cit. p. 49. 17. p. 34. Michael Culliano.. 47.. cit. John Bowring.

Quoted in Borromeo. Vol. 25. Ibid.. p. 51. Ibid.. 62. op. 29. quoted in Blair and Robertson.. in Schubert Liao..161 64.The Birth of Dr. 94-95. Domingo Abella. 1975). op. pp. Chinese Participation in Philippine Culture and Eco nomy (1964). 18-23. 23-24. op. 103. pp... cit. Vol. 68. 93. op. Schumacher. 93. Great Filipinos in History. cit. cit. Pardo de Tavera. op. p. Blair and Robertson.. p. 90. Wickberg. 76. cit. 1. 235-243.. 88. op. p. Guerrero.. Blair and Robertson. p. cit. p. Filipino Heritage (Manila : Lahing Pilipino Publishing Inc. 95. 1978). 24-25. See Gregorio Y. op. Schumacher. 1974). cit. cit. pp. 52. 74-80. op. 86. Alzona Encarnacion. 1979. Confrontation Past and Present in Philippine Literature (Manila : Natio nal Book Store. 94. 67. 85. 83. cit. Vol. p. 94. 33-34. Usha Mahajani. Blair and Robertson.. 52. A Question of Heroes : Essays in Criticism on ten Figures of Philippine History (Makati : Ayala Museum. 1566-1U6. (Manila : National Historical Commission.. Vol. p. «Chinese Greatest Contribution to the Philippines . 74.. Nick Joaquin. op. Zaide. cit. op. p. Ibid. Wickberg. 1977). p. 39. James Leroy.. 81. 1970. 5. Vol. From Indio to Filipinos. trans. p. Jose Rizal : His Life and Times (Oscol Educational Publication. 79. op. Schumacher. op.. 192. cit. 18-23. (University of Queensland Press. Sancianco. 70. 65. 69. 116. p. p. B. Gregorio F. 52.. Leon M. 79. 68. Ibid. 36. pp. 489. 70. Paz Policarpio Mendez. Galang. A Nation in the Making (Boston : Harvard Univers ity press.. Manuel. cit. 117. Medina. 672. pp. Jagor. cit. 71.. Vol. 1971). p. 17-18. p. p. 91. pp. p. 40-41. 201-202.. 1955). 58. op. pp. 128-129. pp. op.. Schumacher. cit..' peter Stanley. cit.. 117. cit. Schumacher. 144. «The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine His tory».S.. 75. p. 84. pp. 1880-1898 : Some Comments and Bibliographical Notes». Vol. 18. Schumacher. cit. 2. «The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History». 82. pp. «The Philippines. 64-65. p. op. 72. p. Esteban de Ocampo. Jr. p. cit. op.. p. p. cit. Ibid. p. 52. 21. 89-95. cit. 189. 1974).. 5. 80. 88. 87.. 310. Vol. 89. op.. 91.. 208. 66. 6. Vol. Blair and Robertson. p. Adventure inRizaliana (Manila : National Historical Institute. Vol. Dictionary of Philippine Biography (Manila : Benipayo Press. The Progress of the Philippines. op. Schumacher. 78. op.. Ramon Lala Reyes. 64-65. p. Jose Rizal». 92. cited in Nick Joaquin. cit. op. in Galang. p. op. Camilo Osias. The Chinese in Philippine Life. Quoted in Borromeo. 73. 1978). pp.. Arsenio Manuel. cit. 17. Vol.. 37.. op. Gozon Sancianco. cit. Philippine Nationalism : External Challenge and Filipino Response. cit. Quoted in Borromeo. pp. 1946). op. Inc. 24. 77. in Blair and Robertson. .

p. Report of the Philippine Commission to the President. and Vol. 34. pp.. 102. Teodoro Agoncillo. 131. p. See Manuel. 1900. Published by the Eugenio Lopez Foundations (Pasay. 2. cit. 103. 1954). Report of the Philippine Commission to the President. in McCoy and de Jesus. Schumacher. June 31.. 1898). op. «Provincial and Municipal Elites of Luzon During the Revolution». 97. (Manila : Verde Book Store. Malolos : The Crisis of the Republic (Quezon City. cit. op. p. cit. Bureau of Public Schools. Annual reports. op. pp. Vol.. Department of Education. Sa-onoy. Borromeo. 1960). 31-32. p. 1900. Great Filipinos in History. 101.. cit. Usha Mahajani. cit. 41. Vol. 1. (Manila : Bureau of Printing. 116. p. 100. 105. 1900. 61. cit. 154. 43. Report of the Philippine commission to the President.162 96. 248-295. Gregorio F. p. Republic of the Philippines. 74. op. 1901-1905. .. 1965. The Philippine Islands (New York. Milagros Guerrero. Zaide. 1971). 483-485. .. op.. 98. 104. p. eds. Vol. 41. p. op. p. Ramon Lala Reyes. 94. op. 649-650. Eminent Filipinos..1. 1970). op. 99. cit. Carlos Quirino.. Manila : National Historical Commiss ion publication N°l. Vol. 2. cit. pp. 184. p. 2.

Related Interests