Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Roman Provinces

/i^
Aberdeen University
Studies
:
No. 20
Studies in the
History and Art of the
Eastern
Roman
Provinces
University
of Aberdeen.
COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS.
Convener
:
Professor
James W. H. Trail, F.R.S., Curator of the University Library.
UNIVERSITY STUDIES.
General Editor: Peter John Anderson, M.A., LL.B., Librarian
to
the University.
1900.
No.
I.
Roll 0/ Alumni
in Arts of the University
and King's
College of Aberdeen, i^g6'iS6o.
Edited
by P. J. Anderson.
No.
1901.
2. Records of Old Aberdeen^

3. 4.
1157-1891.
A.
M. Munrc, F.S.A.
Scot.
Vol.
I.
No.
No.
No.
1902.
5. 6.
No.
No.
1903.
7.
Place Names of West Aberdeenshire, James Macdonald, F.S.A. Scot. The Family of Burnett of Leys, George Burnett, LL.D., Lyon King of Arms. Records of Invercauld, 1547-1828. Rev. J. G. Michie, M.A. Rectorial Addresses delivered in the Universities of Aberdeen, 1835-1900. P. J. Anderson. The Albemarle Papers, 1746-48. Professor C. S. Terry, M.A.
J.
No.
No.
8. The House of Gordon.
M.
Bulloch, M.A.
Vol. Vol.
I.
1904.
g. Records of Elgin.
William Cramond, LL.D.
1.
No. 10.A vogadro and Dalton: The Standing in Chemistry of their Hypotheses.
A. N. Meldrum, D.Sc.
Vol.
No. 11. Records of No.

12.
the Sheriff Court of Aberdeenshire.
David Littlejohn, LL.D,
L
1902-04.
Proceedings
Report
J.
of the Aberdeen University Anatomical and President, Professor R. W. Rcid, M.D., F.R.C.S.
Anthropological Society,
1905.
No.
13.
on the Alcyonaria collected by Professor Herdman at Ceylon in Arthur Thomson, M.A., and W. D. Henderson, B.Sc.
1902.
Professor
No. 14. Researches in Organic Chemistry. Professor F. R. Japp, M,A., LL.D., F.R.S., William Maitland, B.Sc, Joseph Knox, B.Sc, James Wood, B.Sc.
No. No.
15.
,f
1906.
No.
No.
Meminisse Juvat with Appendix of Alakeia. Alexander Shewan, M.A. The Blackballs of that Ilk and Barra. Alexander Morison, M.D. Records of the Scots Colleges at Douai^ Rome, Madrid, Valladolidt 17.
:
16.
Ratisbon,
Vol.
I.
P.
J.
Anderson.
18,
No.
19.
Roll of the Graduates of the University of Aberdeen, 1860-1900. Colonel William Johnston, C.B. Studies in the History and Development of the University of Aberdeen^ P, Anderson
J.
and others.
No.
20.
Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire,
Ramsay, D.C.L., and
pupils.
Professor
W. M.
No.
21.
Studies
in Pathology.
William Bulloch, M.D., and others.
PLATE
IX.
Thk Great Hittite Altar, Eski-Kishla
(T.
Callander).
176.
To face page
^y
Studies in the History and Art
of the Eastern Provinces of

the
Roman Empire
WRITTEN FOR THE
QUATERCENTENARY OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF
ABERDEEN BY SEVEN
OF
ITS
GRADUATES
Edited by
W. M. Ramsay
Professor of
Humanity
in
the University
v^'
ABERDEEN
MCMVl
PRINTED FOR THE UNIVERSITY

AT THE
ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY
PRESS.
De&icateO
TO THE SUBSCRIBERS TO THE
ASIA
MINOR EXPLORATION FUND

AND THE
WILSON TRUSTEES
IN
THE
UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN.
PREFACE.
This collection of papers was planned less than a year ago and the writers have been occupied in other engrossing and
;
which alone might seem to require their undivided attention. The leisure which could be given to
inevitable
work,
this
book was
it
scanty,
and
in July
it
seemed hardly possible
to get
ready in time.
Only by the hearty co-operation of

been possible to
the Aberdeen University Press, and by the lavish use of the

right of correction of the proof-sheets, has
it
complete for the Quatercentenary this specimen of the work of our students. Nine writers began seven only have finished.
:
A. Souter, M.A., 1893, g^^^ much time

Christian Inscriptions of Lycaonia (which
longest paper in the volume)
for three
;
to a collection of the
would have been the
but in June he had to go abroad
months
to collate
MSS.
of Pelagius.
By prefixing and
:
appending some English, Latin and Greek verses, I have been able to add W. Blair Anderson, M.A., 1898, as an eighth
his omission
from the seven was due

the
first
to the loss of a letter.

in the
The Proodos and
Epodos were published
Book-
man, and are reprinted through the courtesy of the
editor,
VUl
PREFACE
Robertson Nicoll, M.A., 1870, Hon. LL.D., 1890.
W.
The
Cambridge. British research in Asia Minor from 1880 to 1894 was carried on through endowments in Oxford aided by the Asia
others
were prize epigrams
in
Minor Exploration Fund, which was mainly
subscribed there.
^'
From 1894
to
1896
it
nearly ceased.
In 1897
revived with
the election of the
first
Wilson Fellow
in this University,
and
it
has since depended chiefly on the Wilson Fellowship, supple-
mented by various benefactors and

Carnegie Trust, and
to
some extent by the
by considerable private expenditure of
some of the
explorers.
From
first
to last a
very large part
of both exploration and publication has been done by Aberdeen

graduates
who
also studied in
Oxford.
in
Four of the seven writers have taken part to some degree the exploration which furnished the raw material for this
.That opportunity
is
and other books.

have been the
since
not given to
all.
Such
difficulties, chiefly
1883 the present

in
through lack of funds, that writer has only once been able to
any year the prospect of travelling in the following year, and to lay out a plan of exploration extending over two seasons. But in one way or another the work has
contemplate
gone on,
continued
years.
frequently
for
seeming
to
be
at
an end, yet always
one
more journey, throughout twenty-seven

for
Real research in ancient literature

our knowledge of ancient
life
the enlargement of
has not been
much encouraged
PREFACE
or approved by public opinion in Scotland.
IX
The
researcher
is
supposed to be wasting time which he should employ in the The very name of research is teaching of elementary pupils.
in popular use degraded,
and endowments
for research are ap-
plied to aid pupils to complete their education
foreign Universities
an
It
by studying
at
excellent thing, but not research.

it is
In
that
France and Germany,

for research there
but not in Britain,

needed,
will
known
are
not only brains and learning,
but also money.
probably be the penalty for the
production of this volume that exploration has to be discontinued for a year.
We
its
venture to lay before the University and the distin-
guished guests, both strangers and graduates,

entrance on the
fifth
who come
to greet
century of work, a sample of the re-
search that has been performed in one line alone of classical
study by
its
students.
It
was the
writer's
wish to compile a
last
bibliography of Asia
Minor
exploration during the

is
twenty-
seven years
such a bibliography
real
desideratum on
account of the mass and the dispersion of the recent writings about that country, but this volume could not have appeared in time
if
the compilation had been included.
The
bibliography would
show
in
statistics
that,
notable as have
been the writings in that department of a

scholars,
series
of excellent
many
of whose names are
now
household words in the
world of learning, the bulk at any rate of the work of Aberdeen graduates in the department equals the bulk of all the
X
rest,
PREFACE
even taking into account the stately
etc.,
German
folios
on
Pergamon, Lycia,
Myrina.
and the beautiful French volumes on
The
sketch
map
facing p.
362
illustrates the
first,
fifth,
seventh, eighth and ninth papers.
The
the
first
index gives a conspectus of the information here for time accumulated about the society and life of a little
know^n country, which played a leading part in the development of civilisation for more than 2,000 years, which was once the
wealthiest country in the world through the skilful use of
soil
its
and
may
again
its
become one of the
wealthiest through the
re-creation of
agriculture.
W. M. RAMSAY.
CONTENTS.
Proodos
To face page
I
By
I.
A.
Margaret Ramsay.
Isaurian and East-Phrygian Art IN THE Third and Fourth Centuries After Christ
Introduction
I.
3-92
3
The
Isaurian Hill
Country
.
II.
Dorla (Isaura Nova)
22 59 63
91
III.
Southern Lycaonia IV. Northern Lycaonia (Proseilemmene)
Summary
....
1903.
By A.
Margaret Ramsay, M.A.,
1904,
Croom
Robert-
son Fellow.
II.
Smyrna
as Described by
By W. M. Calder, M.A.,
Ferguson
III.
the Orator Aelius Aristides 95-116 Robertson Croom Fellow, 1903,
Classical Scholar,
Epitaphs in Phrygian Greek By A. Petri E, M.A., 1903, Ferguson
119-136
Classical Scholar, 1904.
IV. Inheritance by Adoption
and Marriage
in Phrygia, as
his
Shown
tives
in
the Epitaphs of Trophimos and

1903, Ferguson
Rela137-153
By John Eraser, M.A.,

1905.
Classical Scholar,
Xll
CONTENTS
PAGE
V. Explorations in Lycaonia and Isauria, 1904

I.
157-180
161
Savatra
II.
III.
Kaiina or
Sidamaria
Kana
in Isauria
163
,
IV.
An
Excursion
165
V. Salarama
VI.
VII.
VIII.
170
Psebila or Psibela,
now
Seuerek
172 176 177
Bardalcome or Barda-etta
Barata
IX.
Laranda (now Karaman) X. Dagh Euren
XI.
Emir Ghazi
.... ....
1898, Wilson Fellow.
in
177
177
178
By T. Callander, M.A.,
VI. Paganism
and Christianity Valley I. The District

.
the
Upper
Tembris
183-227
185
II.
Topography
(a)
(6)
(t)
General
The
.
Imperial Estate In Christian Times

.
.186 .188
^9^
III.
The
Inscriptions
IV.
V.
VI.
The Formula
Inscriptions
Early Christianity tov 6eov aii

.
.......
firj
-193 .196
.
uStKr](Ti<;
203
205
VII. Christian Inscriptions
.214
By
J.
G. C. Anderson, M.A., 1890,
First
Wilson Fellow.
VII. Preliminary Report to the
ploration in
I.
Wilson Trustees on ExPhrygia and Lycaonia 231-277

to Apollonia
Smyrna
....
. .
233
235
II.
III.
IV.
The The The
Defeat of Manuel, and the Third Crusade Imperial Estates at Pisidian Antioch
.
Imperial
Road
its
to Lystra
238 241
V.
Iconium and
Territory
244
VI. Verinopolis, Psebila and the Central

VII.
Trade Route
.
247
251
Northern Lycaonia and the Phrygian Frontier
CONTENTS
VIII.
xiu
PAGE
Southern Lycaonia and the Isaurian Frontier IX. The Thousand and One Churches in Lycaonia X. The Painted Inscriptions of the Golden Gate in
Constantinople
XI.
The Tomb
.....
in
267
By W. M. Ramsay,
VIII.
Phrygia M.A., 1871, Wilson Fellow.

Possession of
as a
Sanctuary
270
The War
of
Moslem and Christian for the

:
Asia Minor
bridge,
the
Rede Lecture
in the University
of
Cam281-301
1906 (by the courtesy of the
Contemporary Review)
.....
:
.
.
editor of the
By
IX.
the same.
The Tekmoreian Guest-Friends

I.
An Anti-Christian Society ON THE Imperial Estates at Pisidian Antioch 305-377

Estates of the
God
305
II.
III.
Imperial Estates round Pisidian Antioch Discovery of the Tekmoreian Monuments
The The
309 314
317 329
IV.
Inscription of
Gondane
V.
VI,
VII.
VIII.
Other Tekmoreian
Inscriptions
Meaning and Aims of the Tekmore; 01

Chronology Economics
IX.
X.
XI.
Zeus Eurydamenos Topography
.... .... ....
3+6
350 356 359

361
Property and Family Rights XII. The Deity and the Priests
372
375
By
the same.
Notes and Corrections

Epodos
377
....
By
A.
379-384
Margaret
Ramsay,
John
Eraser,
W.
Blair
Anderson.
Index
...
3^5
^>
LIST
OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PLATES.
I.
Fig.
B.
II.
Fig. 6 A.
In the Ottoman Imperial Museum Konia In an Isaurian Valley (T. Callander)

at
To face page
i6
i8
III. Fig.
B. At an Isaurian Village (T. Callander) 6 On an Isaurian Hill (T. Callander) IV. Fig. V. The Gravestone of the Blessed Papas (Mrs. Ramsay) VI. Old Turkish Embroidery at Dorla (Mrs. Ramsay)
6
20 22
VII. Sarcophagus of Sidamaria VIII. Door of Byzantine Church, Dagh-Euren (T. Callander)
IX.
The
.......
Inscription,
.....
.
56 60
Great Hittite Altar, Eski-Kishla (T. Callander)
Frontispiece
(see p. 178)
X. Block with Hittite Hieroglyphic Ghazi (T. Callander)

XI.
.....
5 B, 5
EmirTo face page 178 180
The Broken
Hittite Altar,
Emir-Ghazi (T. Callander)
CUTS.
In Paper
I.,
Nos. 1-60, with 3 B, 3 C, 4 B, 4 C,

^
C, 6 E, 6 F, 6 G,
13 B, 22 B, 35 B.
In Paper In Paper
II.,
No. I and niap. III., one inscription.
In Paper VI., nineteen inscriptions and map. In Paper IX., dne inscription and one map.
MAPS.
PAGE
Sm yr The Upper Tembris
IIS
Valley
Part of Pisidia, Lycaonia and Phrygia
....
184 To face page lb2
BION DEAD.
From Moschus,
Id. III.
mountain
glens,
O
O
rivers,
Dorian water
clear,
;
Now
mourn with me
for Bion, the lovely
and the dear

;
Blush red,
rose, for sorrow, grass,
O springing
Among
and thou, anemone woodland, lament for him with me.
the herds that loved him no
more he
sits
and
plays,
;
Fluting beneath the oak-trees through the long summer days But in the house of Hades another strain he sings
To
still
And
silent
the unquiet voices of half-remembered things ; is the hillside, save where, forlorn and slow,
his
Caring no more to pasture,
lowing heifers go.

is
Ah me
though
in the garden the mallow's life
brief.
;
Though
fades the fresh green parsley,

shall
live
and the curling anise leaf

in her train,
;
Yet tender Spring returning
bring them
And
in a second
summer they
die, shall
and bloom again

call
But we, the strong, the powerful, we mighty men and
wise,
When
once we
in
never at
of Spring
arise.
But lapped
Through
night that
heavy silence in hollow earth shall keep knows no morning an unawaking
sleep.
A.
Margaret Ramsav.
I.
ISAURIAN
AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART IN THE THIRD AND FOURTH CENTURIES AFTER

CHRIST.
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY.
ISAURIAN
AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART IN THE THIRD AND FOURTH CENTURIES AFTER CHRIST.*
INTRODUCTION.
Rome's
the
appearance in the field of Eastern politics had been as champion of the Greeks and of purer Greek culture against the
first
And only half-Hellenic power of the Seleucid Syrian monarchy. she steadily maintained throughout the period of her in the East the Romans identified themselves greatest ascendancy
this attitude
:
with Hellenic civilisation, culture and
spirit,
and wherever the
Roman
arms conquered,
this
Western or Hellenic
influence was superimposed
upon the subjugated countries. But In the sphere at least of art, the vigour of the pure Hellenic the Christian era. spirit had died away before the commencement of Greek
art in the service
of
Rome was
characterised by great technical
In the first three centuries after skill, but was no longer pure Greek. Christ, however, there can be traced a reincarnation of the artistic
which passes through a regular course of development widely art of the earlier age. differing both in aim and in form from the due this revival and To what were arises The then,
spirit,
question, this transformation of the artistic spirit

influence,
Was Rome
it
the centre of
and the motive power by which

following paper
is
was diffused throughout
The
of
my
father, especially in all questions
that he has given me anxious to give to others
to the suggestion, advice and guidance But he wishes me to say of date and period. has already given to many and is he that same the help simply
due entirely
still.
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
?
the subject countries of the Empire movement to some other source ?
Or must we
ascribe the
new
Two
older and
it
The entirely opposite answers are offered to this question. more widely accepted view is that of Wickhoff, who ascribes
The other view, which
is
Rome. altogether to the influence of

definitely
has been
most
and
advanced by Prof Strzygowski
in his Orient oder
Rom
Kleinasien ein
Neuland der Kunstgeschichte

It
due entirely to Oriental influence. moment and review the situation

tions between
may
that the change was be well to pause here for a
at the time, in respect of the rela-
dominating of Christian the commencement the before world of the shortly power is it after Christ the first But even during era. century possible to see the beginning of that gradual shifting of the centre of gravity
Roman and Oriental influence. The city of Rome had attained her zenith
as the
from West
to East
which culminated
at last in the establishment
of
Little by little, Rome the Byzantine Empire. heart and brain and seat of life of the Empire ".
especially
" ceases to be the
The
provinces, and
the Eastern provinces, grow steadily in importance, reassert their own individuality, and refuse any longer to accept unquestion-
And this new feeling, the tone of Rome. ingly the authority and this uprising and self-assertion of the East against the dominance of
the West, found its clearest expression in the spread of Christianity ; " in and re-created for Christianity the provinces conquered Rome It was during the second century that this new the Empire ".
as to attract the notice of contemporaries.* the revival and fresh lines of development of art synchronise, as Prof Strzygowski has pointed out, with this reaction Hellenic culture, Hellenic feeling, had against Western influence. been spread over the East, and superimposed upon Oriental feeling and civilisation ; but the Eastern spirit survived still, grew stronger
spirit
became so marked
Now
as
Western influence was dissipated and weakened, remoulded and

article by Prof. quotations in this paragraph are from an the Homiktic in the "Acts of the Apostles" Review, 1900, p. 4 ff.
The
W. M. Ramsay
on
ISAURIAN AND EAST-PHRYGIAN ART

Orientalised the vanishing
Grasco-Roman
art,
and
finally
produced the
and Byzantine art. And this new development was, early Christian as Prof. Strzygowski holds, the expression on the artistic side of the
same movement which was manifested in its religious, and afterwards the in its political aspect, as the growth and spread of Christianity
reaction
and
self-assertion of the East against the
West, resulting
in a
fusion of Oriental
coloured by both.
and Graeco-Roman culture, forming a new compound The Grasco-Roman art of the first century, i.e.,
art adapted to Roman feeling and serving Roman uses, grew weaker and poorer in the second century ; and in the third century new artistic forms can be traced as they established themselves in
Greek
popular use in the Eastern provinces. Now if, as WickhofF maintained, the
new forms
that arose and
formed the Christian

tion
art
of Asia Minor had really been an importa-
from Rome, one might naturally expect to find a more or less close resemblance between the artistic forms and schemes of ornament If on the other on the monuments of different districts.
hand
appearing it can be
shown
that each district has a definite scheme appearits
ing almost uniformly on
own monuments, and
differing radically
from
that
which was used
in
other districts, the theory of a native
origin would be strongly the monuments of certain districts of Phrygia
corroborated.
To show
that this
is
true of
is
and Lycaonia
the
object of the present article. It has already been observed, both by

others, that certain artistic
Prof.
Ramsay and by
In many Asia Minor. down almost to the present day. broideries woven at the village of Ladik
forms are peculiar these have persisted from ancient times places Thus on the carpets and em(the
to certain districts of
ancient Laodiceia
the middle of Katakekaumene), nine hours north of a vase of last century, when' the old manufacture ceased, there appears to the while another of a different form is peculiar one
Iconium, until
special shape,
carpets
made
at
Mudjur
in
Cappadocia.
is
In
another
a
village
of
Lycaonia, every carpet and embroidery
marked by
row of
little
6
houses.
places
:
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
The same
I
is
by Bunar are recognisable

of the
am
told
friends that
at
the case with the patterns used in several other the carpets still woven at Karaa glance
characteristic
district.
by those who know the pattern Similarly, we found and purchased at
Dorla (Nova Isaura) a piece of old embroidery, handed down for generations in a family of the village, which shows the same scheme
of ornament and several of the same decorative details as the sepulchral monuments of the place. I gave an account of these monuments
in a paper published in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1904, pp.
ff.,
260
art
and advanced arguments
to
show
in
that a native
and indigenous
can be traced in Asia

the
Minor
ii.
the Imperial time.
A number
*
as they
of
more
interesting and important of these Isauran

in
monuments
form
are republished
Section
of the present
article,
an essential part of the argument.
I.
THE ISAURIAN HILL COUNTRY.
district
The first series of monuments belong, roughly speaking, to the known as Bozkir. The name is given as Bozghyr by M.
in an
article
Mendel
on the monuments
it
in
the
Konia Museum,
I
it
B.C.H., 1902, to
which
gives
me
pleasure to
acknowledge that
its
am
but
greatly indebted.
M. Mendel
apparently regards
authority gives
1-3) are
as a village.
It is,
however, a large district.
No
precise bounds,
it lies
round about the great

first
city of Isaura Palaea.
The
at
three
monuments (Nos.
now
in the
museum
Konia,
whither they have been brought from different places.
and workmanship proves that they were sculptured in the same place and probably in the same The ornament of the front is very complex, and its workshop. But the
close resemblance of the decoration
character can be gathered better from the accompanying drawings and photographs than from a verbal description. The scheme is four fluted columns (with bases the same, identical in all three
* Isauran
relates to the city Is.-iura,
haurlan to the country
Isauria.
but capitals varying in form), supporting a central triangular pediment flanked by two round arches, within each of which is a
shell-like
ornament.
The
the inner are round fluting, between them are occupied
outer columns are square, with straight and the fluting is twisted. The spaces
by
figures,
the central niche in Nos.
and
containing a representation of a funeral banquet, that in No. All are solid rectangular blocks, sculptured on all 3 a horseman.
2
four sides, the ornament on the short sides being in every case a single
are standing
pediment supported by two square columns, between which figures the arrangement being similar to No. 4 B and C.
:
This
at
class
of stone
ii.),
is
similar in
form to the monuments found
Dorla (see
a simple solid block.
The Dorla monuments
These are sculptured on all sculptured only on one side. four sides (No. 4 on three sides) ; and the ornamentation is of a more
are
elaborate type,
to the period
and of a
later age.
If the
Dorla monuments belong
260-340, these would have to be assigned to the latter but it is quite probable that the dates part of the century 340-400 should be placed earlier, Dorla 240-300, and these early in the fourth
;
or late in the third century. M. view about these three monuments
Mendel seems
{I.e.,
to take the latter
pp. 232-45),. though he does
not state a period quite distinctly.
This stone, which cannot be traced beyond Konia itself, has already been published, with photograph, by M. Mendel, Bulletin de
I.
It is, as has already Correspondanee Hellenique, 1902, pp. 225, 226.* been stated, a solid rectangular block, and was probably sculptured all round ; but one of the short sides is entirely gone and the other
much
defaced, though it is possible to see that it was decorated with The back, on the usual schema of the arch supported on columns.
which there seems to be some sculpture, heiva "^.Tîâvov tov avSpa [. fi

.
is
.
hidden against a
wall.
fjivqix,r)<;
[xa-pi'J^
kc]
Mefivova
Kc]
Maaovav
He
reads
Ke ^povrtova.
but the second
-PANONON,
should be Ree with T.
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
:
The
text cannot be certainly restored
woman honoured
(eKoa-fjir}-
crev or iTeCfJirjcrev) her
husband Stephanus and several
friends.
The photograph here published is too faint, but can be helped out the sketches. It had to be taken in side view, on account of the by position of the stone in the Museum, and thus the end distant from
the camera
is
somewhat
distorted.
'dh
^ ANO^
^,.
,_,^
J-
Fig.
A.
of opinion that the fish on either side of the central pediment do not in this case seem to be Christian. But the Christian symbolism of Lycaonia, which was almost unknown at the
is
M. Mendel
time he wrote, has since been much further investigated, and the fish, taken in conjunction with the name Stephanos, seem to show that
this
tombstone
is
of Christian character.
The name, which was
not
PLATE
I.
p[Q.
B.
In
the Ottoman Imperial Museum at Konia.

To face page
J

deciphered by
are
M. Mendel,
occurs in Lycaonian inscriptions which
undoubtedly Christian.
in
representation of the sepulchral banquet, a pagan ceremony not prove that the monument was of pagan origin. origin^ does M. Waddington has observed that the pagan ideas of the future
earlier Christian inscriptions,*
The
world are often embodied in the

this will
and
be exemplified in a number of the monuments published in There is, however, nothing openly idolatrous in the rethis volume.
presentation on the present tombstone.

origin
is
claimed for
to
in
it, it is
not asserted that the

Christian
ideas,
Moreover, while a Christian artist was working

but only that he was
specially
express purely
working
religion
sale,
a region thoroughly Christianised for a society whose was Christian. The artists made these monuments for
special individual or family ; t and they of thought only making good and ornate monuments. They used old pagan motives freely, and art only gradually made itself strictly and entirely Christian in appearance. mixture of Christian and
and not for some
pagan forms .marks the earlier Christian works.

Christian works have hitherto escaped notice,
Probably many
to the presence
owing
of pagan elements in them. defaced ornament hanging above the heads of the banqueters in the central panel may perhaps represent a bunch of grapes, a
symbol not uncommon on Christian tombstones it is however too much defaced to admit of certainty. In front of the table at which
;
..^s^
/^
M**
' .
the banqueters are seated is the small figure of an attendant, and beside him are a jar and a long-handled cooking pot standing on a smaller table. The table with vase and pot is an extremely common
ornament on gravestones of Lycaonia
(see
No.
Under
* Prof.
reference.
the left-hand arch are the figures of a

mentions
this to
and many in 4). woman and a boy,
W. M. Ramsay
me, but
is
unable to give the exact

Avircius, in Phrygia,
f Some exceptions
and No. 7
in this
occur,
at
e.g.,
the famous
monument of
paper
Dorla.
lo
A.
is
MARGARET RAMSAY
an object of uncertain character, possibly a
above whose heads
covered basket, or a basket with curved handle. Beneath the other arch, where the stone is broken away, there seems to have been represented a man leaning on a stick.
This stone, also described by M. Mendel, B.C.H., 1902, p. and now in the museum in Konia, was seen by Prof. W. M. 227, Ramsay in 1882 in a private house in the town, and was said to have been brought from a village in the mountainous region, about eight
2.
hours south-west from Konia on the frontier of Isauria and Pisidia.
When
the inscription on the stone, which mentions that one of the persons commemorated was a native of Kilistra, the owner, who was a Greek, said that the village still retains its ancient Prof.
Ramsay read out
had been brought from that neighbourhood. The remarkable Christian rock monuments of Kilistra were visited by
that the stone
Sir
name and
Charles Wilson and Prof.
Ramsay immediately
S. Sterrett,
afterwards, and
again in 1885 by Prof. J. R.
who
this
has briefly described
them
in
his
IVo/fe Exped., p. 159.

sides
Both the short
and the back of

all
monument
defaced.
are sculp-
tured as well as the front, but
are
much
The
sides
have single pediments supported by two columns, in this case plain instead of fluted. On Figures stand in the niches between them.
the back are a
scription framed
[17
man and
in a vine
woman
to the
left,
to the right an in-
/ce
Seiva iKOCTfirjo-ev ' AvTOiVLov K 'AvLav

<f>L\ov
with leaves and clusters of grapes. tov avSpa. .]

.
dB[e\<f)]ov<;
kol
ArraKov
KiXicTTpea
tov dj/Spos
âpiv.
fivqjJL'r]';
There
is
is
gap between
A
fill
and
in the
name
'Atrtav,
which
Prof. Sterrett
and
M. Mendel
now
gap
caused by the
up by reading 'A7ria[vo]v. defaced ornament which crowned the central
But the
M. Mendel restores \\ov\ pediment, and no letters have been lost. at the end of line i, not observing that these letters were added at the end of line 2, where he places them again unexplained. There

is
II
no
visible
room
for the
exordium
as restored here
but
it is
neces-
sary for the sense (as
shown
in the following paragraph).
On the back is the inscription in four lines, not explained by the previous editors, TpoKovSa? ks OvavySi/SacraLv to. dpenTa, i.e., the foster children (or adopted children) Trolcondas and
Vangdibassin.
The second name
is
typically Isaurian,
and would alone be almost
C\< IÂNTLONJIONK AniA/-'\N A IC /kI rPEA4^1^0N/ iÔYANAPOC
ATTA
ÔNl
Fig.
2.
enough to prove the Isaurian origin of the monument Cronin's remarks in J.H.S., 1902, p. 345.
:
see
Mr.
The adopted sons are mentioned as joining in the making of the tomb there was no room for them on the front of the stone. The text cannot be restored exactly, but it stated that a woman made the tomb for her husband and two brothers and a friend of her
husband.
There cannot be many words missing, and therefore no
12
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
children can have been mentioned, which (considering the custom must be taken as a proof that the pair were childless of the
country)
and adopted two sons.

Published with photograph and description by M. Mendel, B.C.H., 1902, pp. 227, 228, and said there to be from Kawak, five hours south from Konia, and one hour east of Khatyn Serai (Lystra).
3.
Fig. 3 A.
however, several villages of this name, and the stone may come from another in Boz-Kir, distant about eighteen hours from Now in the Museum, Konia. Konia.
There
are,
The
central space
is
occupied by the figure of a horseman, his
In each of the cloak flying behind him. right arm raised and his side niches are a man and a woman, the former leaning on a staff.

On
the back of the stone
is
13
a curious
ornament
(Fig. 3 B), a standing
rtr;
i^'"'"'
figure, probably winged, having instead of arms two long wreaths which are not suspended from anything at the ends, but turn down
*'
}f^
'^
"^"HP
in
two hooks.
With
this
rude figure compare Fig. 4 A.

is
On
each of the two short sides
a single
pediment supported
Fig. 3 B.
wreath hanging from the capitals.
by two columns, between which stand a man and a woman, under a In one pediment is the name ANTwNIOC, just under it, and above the wreath, NANNIwC.
the other side are the letters
On
left,
TAC
beside the man's head to the
TATA
above the wreath over the woman's.
One column
is
decorated with a trailing branch (Fig. 3 C), and a scrap of similar
ornament appears on one of the columns of the opposite side. The other two are greatly defaced, but probably bore the same decoration.
power to give drawings showing the arrangement of the sculpture on the short sides of these gravestones, as we did not make sketches of any of them. They agree in general arrangeIt is
not in
my
14
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
the short sides of the following monument, though small details differ in every case ; and the agreement confirms the proof that
ment with
this class
of monuments belongs to and originated in the Isaurian hillcountry. Especially the attaching of names to the human figures in
No.
3 appears also in
4.
No.
*
4.
Figs. A-C, which are from three

Kilisse in
sides of a stone
found
at
Uetch
Isauria
by Prof. Ramsay,
are here given for
com-
FiG. 4 A.
parison.
The work on
this
poor gravestone
;
is
coarser than that of
monuments but the disposition is the same. The grotesque human figure with wreaths for arms, which occurs
the three preceding
on the back of No.
forms here the central ornament of the prinIn No. 4 A, the wreaths which form the arms of the cipal side. are figure suspended from two columns, and above each is a head of Medusa, surrounded by extremely rude snakes. In Fig. 3 B
3,
"Three Churches"
it is
about
five
miles north-west from Appa-Serai.

the columns are not indicated,
IS
explains Fig. 3 B. the defaced gorgoneion on the left was an inscription there with C cannot have been letters so that lost, ending many a name was here personal probably only engraved.
port
Fig.
and the wreaths hang from no sup-
Above
the two sides. Figs. 4 B and 4 C, and the of the names above the figures, are exactly similar to the placing sides of No. 3 and doubtless also to the defaced sides of i and 2.
The carving of
F==(
TA
TA
^
Fig. 4 C.
Fig. 4 B.
The back of
5.
the stone
is
left
plain
and not
evfen
smoothed.
Sarcophagus found in 1905 by Prof. Ramsay, at Appa-Serai This should be compared with a sarcophagus (Fig. 5 B) from Dondurma,* near Lake Tatta, far away to the north-east of
in Isauria.
Konia, which
i^s
now
says
in the
Konia museum.
east side
is
*M. Mendel
correct,
Kotch-Hissar on the
us.
of the Lake; but
this
is
in-
on the information given
Dondurma
the west side of the Lajje, Herkenli in Turkish. the east side would be Dondurma is under the government of Kotchvery difficult. The official statement is that given by M. Mendel, but Hissar, hence the error.
Kurd name of a village on To bring the monument from

the
when one
enquires closely, one finds that
it is
"
Dondurma
of Kotch-Hissar ".
i6
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
less
The
a
resemblances between the two are no
striking than their

figures, a
relief.
differences.
On
the front of each are
two seated
woman,
between them
facing one another, and in very high is occupied on the Dondurma sarcophagus
man and The space

a carved
by
k
rirr\
Si'
"')
Q=k
Fig. 5 A.
t
filled
ii
tablet
relief,
by a representation, also in very high of a table on which are several jars or pans of different shapes.
it is
on the other
Both sarcophagi are ornamented on the ends, that from Dondurma by a large medallion with a head, in high relief, that from Apa by a
Fig. 5 B.
simple pattern in incised lines, within which is a bird (Fig. 5 C). Each of them has a projecting rim round the top, and a similarly
projecting base, from which rise short pedestals or bases supporting Of these, the male figure is at the right, seated the figures in relief*
*The
supports are almost wanting in
A, and this adds to the uncouth look.
<

on
a chair with
17
rests
on
his
curved legs ; one hand is slightly raised, the other knee and, on the Dondurma monument, holds a book.
The
female figure
who
faces
him occupies
a round drum-like seat.
Of these two
in character
and
as
sarcophagi, that from Dondurma is purely Greek style, and is clearly the work of a trained sculptor.
;
The
other
is
obviously of native and quite unskilled workmanship

in unusually
the figures,
which are
high relief, are excessively rude,
heavy and lumpish ; the raised hand of the male figure is not even clearly cut out, but the rough stone is left projecting between it and the knees of the figure instead of being cut away to the level of the
background ; and this gives at first sight the impression of a child the knee. The carved tablet on the Greek sarcophagus is sitting on
by the purely native ornament of the table and the household utensils
replaced in this
'
a type
of decoration very
common on
of
this
the
monuments published
(also Fig. i).
It
is
in iv.
paper
difficult
to avoid the conclusion

is
{^
5 c.
^1
that the one sarcophagus
an imitation of the other.
Fiq. copy or at least The resemblances between
them
the
high relief, the position and character of the figures, the projecting bases which support them, the similarity even of the different seats
which the
man and
the
woman occupy
is
are too close to be fortuitous.
We
artist
must suppose that the Greek sarcophagus was made by an properly trained in Greek sculpture, and probably made at
;
Iconium (Konia)
for
such a work
scarcely likely to have been
There, no doubt, it was bought, and carried by its purchasers to the Kotch-Hissar district,* but before its removal it was seen by some unskilled Isaurian craftsman who afterwards carved a sarcophagus in imitation of it,
executed except in a town of considerable size.
* Prof. W. M. of this part of Ramsay points out that Iconium was the capital the Province Galatia in the second and third centuries, and that intercourse was therefore frequent.
i8
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
of native decoration between
putting in that incongruous piece the Grecian figures.
The Dondurma sarcophagus has been published by M. Mendel, B.C.H., 1902, pp. 224, 225, who dates it about the end of the second
century.
Both of them are
and belong to a time when century, was still an insignificant

trained artists which, as will be
certainly distinctly earlier than Nos. 1-3, Isaura, which rose to importance in the third
place,
without the school of native

later, it
shown
In
the
mountain-district
second century, therefore, is seen to be almost wholly under the influence of

art,
afterwards possessed. the artist in the Isaurian
models from Greek
not possessed of sufficient skill to imitate the style but only rudely reproduces the motives (interpolating the brazier and pots of his native rustic surroundings). On
though he
is
the other hand Figs. 1-4 show a totally different style of monument in the Isaurian country during the early part of the fourth century. new epoch and style have begun during the third century. This
we take to be native to the country, and not imported from Rome. The examples which we have seen of it as yet are not conclusive they belong to Kavak and Kilistra, on the extreme northern skirts of the Isaurian country. Even No. 4 is not very far south in the heart of the mountains. It would therefore be possible (so far as we have gone) to suppose that these monuments belonged to Iconium and had been carried to the Isaurian hill villages. But MM. Radet and Paris describe a monument at Appa-Serai
style
;
in Isauria,
which
is
distinctly of the
same type.*
At Appa-Serai we
are right inside of the Isaurian hill-country. Prof. T. Callander in 1904 made an excursion further south into the heart of the Isaurian
mountain-land and the upper Calycadnus valley (described

*B.C.H., 1887,
saw
in
also a
p. 63.
in
this
They
call
the village
Apa
but Prof.
W. M. Ramsay
is
There Appa-Serai one of the monuments described by them. from The two or three miles Appa-Serai. village Appa, away
is
said to be
village
name
Appa
Prof.
common
in Anatolia,
and
is
probably the survival of an ancient name, as

i.,
Ramsay
says in Ciliei
and Bish. ofPhr.,
p.
347.
<
< J
0.
-<

volume by himself). ments lying on the
19
Here he saw and photographed

hill-side,
various
monu-
showing the
same character which we

briefly noticed in the
have concluded to be Isaurian.

It will
These are
be observed that they are following paragraph. undistinguishable in arrangement from the whole group which we call Isaurian, though generally simpler in character and earlier in date.
the arrangement of the design differs from Figs. 1-3 so far that the central space is covered at the top with a rounded
6.
In Fig. 6
^^^
J:
Fig. 6 D.
.^^
(After Prof. Callander, p. 168,
^
44.)
No.
arch (in which

a pointed
the already familiar shell-like ornament) instead of pediment as in those three monuments. But the columns
is
(the middle
two with twisted
fluting, the outer
two now broken),
the side arches with shell-like ornament, the figures in the spaces, and the general style, are unmistakably the same. The monument 6 A comes from the same school as 1-3. Figs. 6 B-G are added to show how closely the monuments of
this district
approximate to those of Dorla, which are given
in the
20
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
is,
The scheme of ornament they display following section. will be observed, that especially characteristic of the Dorla
as
monu-
ments, namely, a row of columns supporting a central arch flanked
A Y PAn^\niCnAIK COYNlCKAlTIPOYCANtC tANTONn AniTONTANkAl

I
Fig. 6 E.
(After Prof. Callander, p. i68,
No.
43.)
by two pediments.
ii..
No. 6
closely resembles the stone of Indakos,
No.
8.
With No.
6 E, in which the two side pediments are
Fig. 6 F.
(After Prof. Callander,
No.
40.)
suppressed,
No. 30.
siderable
we may compare a very similar stone in the Dorla series. No. 6 F is rather different from the rest, but has a conresemblance to No. 27, which diverges somewhat from
a r. <
<
OS HI
J
a.
O
I
21
6 B and 6 C have an individual character, the ordinary Dorla type. to the Dorla type is evident amid a certain the analogy though
diversity,
inscription.
B being like No. 14 with human figures With 6 G compare No. 16 but figures (as
;
instead of
in
No. 23)
are here substituted for the swastika symbol.
looking at these monuments, one is struck over and over the love of decoration for its own sake which they indicate. again by
On
^(L\
CANeCTHCCNTONYONAYTOY
Fig. 6 G.
(After Prof. Callander, No. 46.)
They
are variously
and profusely ornamented,
as far as
one can
see,
of the stone merely because the engraver objected to leaving any part This love of ornament for ornament's sake is plain and unadorned. and always has been characteristic of Anatolian, and indeed of all Asiatic bear art. It is seen even at the time, when the coarsest sacks
present
ornamental patterns, and the very paper in which shopkeepers wrap their parcels is often adorned with coloured patterns or pictures.
22
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
DORLA (ISAURA NOVA).*
II.
1890 Prof. Ramsay, in company with Messrs. Hogarth and Headlam, came by accident to Dorla, mistaking it for another village where they intended to stay the night. The sun set as they reached Dorla, but they noticed a number of inscriptions, and copied a few of
In
hurrying on to their camp at the of two and a half hours distant. To this fortunate Almasun, village accident is due the discovery of this site. Though Prof. Ramsay
them
in the fading light before
has been collecting information for five years in the Konia district with regard to ancient remains, no one of the hundreds who have
given him reports about ancient

1
sites
ever mentioned Dorla.
90 1, remembering the uncopied inscriptions and found about fifty inscribed stones, with remains of other kinds sufficient to prove the site and reveal something of the history
to Dorla
But in of 1890, he went back
of
Nova
Isaura.
is
There
no clue to the form of the monuments
at Dorla.
All
the inscriptions and reliefs or patterns which are here published are on single blocks of stone, and though several of these blocks seem to
be incomplete in themselves, and merely parts of large built tombs (as for example the tomb of Bishop Theophilus, where several other fragments of sculptured stone were found near the block which bears
the inscription), probable that in
it is
not clear whether this was the case with

instances, particularly
all.
It is
many
when
the relatives of the
deceased were poor, the monument was simply a single block of stone. Above the ornamental part of R. 1901 and 1904. 7. Dorla.
?]tXXa eKoafirjo-ev rov ixaKapiov Trdtrav t(^v y]\v/cvrarov koI irdvTOiv îjXoi'. the part Nonilla, if that was the name
lost
the stone
Nov
must have been only three or four
letters
was probably the wife
of the bishop.
courtesy of the Council of the Society for the promotion of Hellenic me to use the blocks of the illustrations in ii. (except Figs. 8, 1 2 17, 18, 19, 31, which are new).
The
Studies permits
PLATE
V.
Thk Gkavestone of the Blessed Papas
(Mrs. Ramsay).
To face
pitjê 22.

Prof.
23
one of the most interesting and important sepulchral monuments ever found in Asia Minor. The stone, a massive rectangular block 5 feet li inches in length by
Ramsay
considers that this
is
3 feet 9I inches in height,
90
on the
I
hill
on the
was discovered by Prof, and Mrs. Ramsay left or western bank of the stream that
\^r'
AAA6KOCMHC6NTONMAKAP10N'JTAT1AN'T'0
"TUINKAI llttNUuN
KVTA
flows through the village. ornament which takes the
one of the long sides is an architectural form of four columns supporting a round
On
arch and two side pediments.

are
The
pillars
arch supporting the central
ornamented with a pattern in incised lines, and above the arch are two branches with leaves and bunches of grapes. The shape of these leaves is doubtful, as the stone is very much worn. They seem to
24 be
trefoils,
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
:
but whether rounded or pointed it is impossible to say they are probably intended for vine-leaves, but if so, the delicate Below the arch is an open book, or points have been worn away.
rather a set of tablets opened ; and in the central niche between the columns is a wreath tied above with a ribbon, and surrounding the
the letters inscription (/)tXTaTos o /AaKapios TraTras 6 deov ^tXos, and has a round of the for Each side X, fivt^fj.7)s x'^P''^pediments
boss in the centre
and beneath
relief,
and a garland hangs from the supporting pillars, ; All the ornament is in the representation of a fish. with the exception of the ribbons supporting the garlands, and
it is
the fins of the

fish
fish,
were not
visible
which are merely incised. The fins of the left on the stone, and have been restored from com-
The larger part of the epitaph is inscribed parison with the other. above the ornament, close to the upper edge of the stone. Several other examples of this simple style of monument, found in Lycaonia
and
that
Pisidia,
it is
and published
is
in the course
of
this paper,
seem to prove
of purely local origin.
In the expression 6 evidently that of a bishop. /taKa/atos TraTra?, TraTra? must be either the name or the title of the person buried there, probably the latter. Judging from the general
character of Anatolian inscriptions, Prof. Ramsay came to the conclusion, in view of the stone in 1901, that it was not later than the
The tomb
second half of the third century, and that TrctTras was the title. But this epitaph shows the remarkable peculiarity that the title supplants
a priest
the actual name, in imitation of the pagan custom according to which who became lf.pu)vvjxo<; (like the principal priests at Eleusis
and in various of the great Anatolian cities) dropped his own name and was known simply by his title. This peculiarity is suggestive of a very early date ; and that the stone is an early one, prior to the
time of Constantine, is shown also by the lettering and by the general The natural human feelcharacter of the epitaph and the ornament.
ing shown in the wording of the epitaph, tov yXvKVTaTov koI TrdvTOiv ^Ckov, points to an early Christian period ; the epithets applied to
25
such persons as bishops afterwards became much more religious and Compare the tender expression stereotyped in character.
:
died at the age of seven, in a Christian inscription of Rome, dated by the consuls of a.d. 238. The phrase ttolvtcdv (f)C\o<; is here used in an inscription which is
applied by Aur. Xanthias to his son
who
undoubtedly Christian, and such moral sentiments are found on many Christian tombstones, but (as Prof. Ramsay remarks in Cities and
Bishoprics of Phrygia,
ii.,
p.
" be taken 495) they cannot alone
as a
In some cases similar sentiments were proof of Christian origin. inscribed on non-Christian tombs as a counterblast to Christianity.
Thus
at
Temenothyrai, C.I.G., 3865, MdpKov UoXcijtov (f)iXo(T6ôv

Cilies
irdvTOiv (f)CXov clearly belongs to the
which compare
pagan philosophical reaction (on and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii., p. 506 f and an
,
"
It seems that they were 1904). originally and their occurrence on stones is a Christian, pagan proof of the strong influence which the new religion exerted even on its opponents.
article in Expositor, Oct.,
Another example is found in Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii., p. 386 f., No. 232. The expression TravTcov (îA.os occurs in an inscription of Tarsus, which may perhaps be restored rS alavi ^fj. [17 rjjvxv iv]
4>a)cr</)dpo5
6 irdvTOiv <î\o9 k.t.\.
The
inscription continues in the
ordinary style of epitaphs, though with some unusual features (published with some difference by Messrs. Heberdey and Wilhelm in
Wiener Akad. Denkschriften, 1896, p. 5). It is evidently either Christian or of the reaction, when the aim was to show that paganism was
superior to Christianity on
its
own
lines.
At
Salonika
rw
woivTcov î\o)
MvXayo)
is
is
probably pagan {Mitth.
Inst. Athen.,i%<)6, p. 98).
Ocou
the bishop. cîXo? The fish, the common symbol of the Christians in the early centuries, passed out of use at a comparatively early date, and the
probably a play
on Theophilus, the
real
name of
same
This true of the open tablets which appear on this stone. which Prof. occurs also on several symbol North-Phrygian tombs, Ramsay published in the Expositor in 1888.
is
26
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
character of the ornament on this stone also points to an It seems at first early date, probably the third century a.d. sight to be an earlier stage of the elaborate decoration common on Byzantine
The
and Roman sarcophagi of the fourth century, a row of figures standing in niches, with highly intricate and elaborate tracery and architectural ornament.
Here we have
schema
which
is
the semi-architectural schema,

is
without the human figures.

covered,
But, as one stone after another

a traditional type in
dis-
we
see that the
Nova
Isaura,
characteristic of the place,
likely to have lasted for centuries, The fact that it is a simpler but never varied, essentially changed. stage of the fourth century sarcophagus style would not, taken alone,
is
But this monument is very much larger prove anything about date. than the other Dorla monuments, and represents an attempt to imNew elements are introprove upon and elaborate the native type.
duced on
in
this
;
tomb which
it is
Dorla
and yet
unknown on any of indubitably among the very

are
the other stones

earliest
of
is
all
the
examples found
that
in the village.
This more ambitious
style
a proof
It
the
more money, care, and work were spent on this tomb of an exceptional person (either through
stone.
his
was
wealth or
through his rank), and it represented the highest stage of which local art was capable, elaborating the native schema by imported additions, especially the fish, that widespread symbol, which was certainly not
invented in
Nova
Isaura, but introduced there
from outside.
Now,
had
this large
it
and ambitious monument been
built in the fourth cen-
tury,
would probably have shown some of the Grasco- Roman forms

;
most
taking into consideration the entire absence of those characteristic fourth century forms, and the fact that
in the
characteristic of that time
Dorla
series this has all the appearance
of being
among
the
it belongs to the third century. scattered liberally over the surface of the stone contains various elements ; but none of these are necessarily borrowed
earliest,
we must
infer that
The ornament
from a formed Grasco-Roman not as an artistic element, and
art.
is
The
fish
was taken
as a
symbol,
placed on the tomb to be
significant.
27
and not merely to be ornamental. We have in this stone a simple development of the native art, and not a mixture of an indigenous
and an exotic
art.
Other elements in the ornamentation, besides the fish, are The vine branch above the central almost certainly symbolical.
pediment indicates that the bishop was a branch of the true vine, and the garland symbolises the crown of life. The open tablets, as
has been pointed out by Prof. Ramsay, Expositor, April, 1905, p. 296 f., are to be taken as representing" the record of the covenant between shows that the idea of the tablets is derived from God and man.
He
Rev.
a set
and that " the book," which is there mentioned, is really of double or triple tablets, with a document or covenant written
V.
I
fF.,
one inside closed up, witnessed and sealed by seven witnesses, the other open and public on the outside (according to the usual Roman custom in regard to important business documents
in duplicate,
or
wills).
of the
He has also shown that the Revelation is the one book New Testament which is often referred to in the Lycaonian
inscriptions (x/>oj//or, Dec, 1905, p. 443, Feb., 1906, p. 143) ; and that John is next to Paul and Mirus (Wonderful) the commonest
male name
It
is
in those inscriptions
during the fourth century.
probable that the six-leaved rosettes are also symbolical.

this
The frequency of
and the way
in
rosette
it
which
is
on Lycaonian Christian monuments, sometimes employed, suggest that it is
a modification of the early Christian
monogram
>f;,
originally repre-
The book should be compared with senting '\(ri<Tov<;) X(picrTds). the mosaic inscription of Naro in Africa (Hammam-Lif), instrumenta
servi tut
on an open diploma this inscription was in mosaic in a room beside the church, in which were kept the sacred books, etc.
:
{Rev. Arch., 1904,
p.
368).
employed in this inscription is extremely interIt esting. proves what was before probable, that this title was at first employed much more widely and was gradually restricted in use.
title TraTras
The
Heraeus, Archiv.f.
latein.
Lexkogr.,
xiii., p.
157, says that the use of
28
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
Papa to indicate the bishop in Roman inscriptions begins about A.D. 300 (quoting from de Rossi, Inscr. Christ. Urbis Rom., i., p.
cxv.
is
= Anth.
Lat.
epigi-.
656, 2) and that from the sixth century

aet.
tit.
it
990, points out that in the West Papa was, in early times, used only in Rome, but was there employed as the ordinary term for bishop, either of Rome,
p.
confined to the Pope (quoting from Caesar, de Prof. Harnack in Berl. Sitzungsber., 1900, 65).
Christ., p.
or of any other place. Tertullian uses it sarcastically of the Roman In the East Harnack thinks it was used only in bishop Callistus. and of the Bishop of Alexandria, so that 6 only Egypt, /xa/fa/atos
was the recognised title of that bishop alone, while other In the pre-Nicene Egyptian bishops were styled vaTrjp i^/awi/.
TTctTras
period, as he says, the title TrctTras

:
is
not
known
to have been used
of any other Eastern bishop but it was customary for the Alexandrian bishops from at least as early as 250. Only in the letter of
Pseudo-Justin to Zenas and Serenus the
phrase 6 fxaKapLos iraTras
is
title
6 TraTraq occurs.
The
found several times during the third century In Egypt, and was a recognised title of the Bishop of Alexandria. This Isauran inscription shows that it was used also in
Asia Minor during the same period. Thaumaturgus,* which implies that
it
Dr. Sanday also quotes Gregory was used in the province of
Pontus about 250.
Though
a bishop
is
mentioned
in this epitaph, the
name
Isaura
never occurs in the Byzantine lists of bishoprics. Prof Ramsay has shown in an article on Lycaonia, published in the Austrian Jahreshefte, 1904, Part ii., that the two neighbouring towns, Isaura
Nova and Korna, were
bishoprics in early time, but were merged in the great autokephalos bishopric of Isaura Palaea, called Leontopolis, some time after 381, and probably at the same time that the name
Leontopolis was given to Isaura, namely about 474.

*
/. Canon
iii.,
i.
Basil himself,
ov ra ySpul/xara
17/x.as
/Sape",
lepl
(I'.l.
U/owTare) TroTra (Routh,
Rel/. Sacr.,
256).

Ep.
1
29
villages
" for the small states or 90, dreaded this loss of independence an seat from ancient which possess times," and in Episcopal
order to prevent it when the bishopric of Isaura Palaea was vacant about 374, he wrote to Amphilochius of Iconium and recommended
the nomination of officials called irpoiaTdfiivoi for the smaller towns Prof Ramsay or cities before a new bishop was appointed for Isaura.
in
90 1 discovered the grave of one of these officials at Alkaran, between Korna and Nea Isaura, with the inscription yiivrj/trj? ^dpiv
1
K6va)vo<; [iTpo]icrTa[iJievov].
The name
Acta
S.
TrctTras,
is
Theodoti,
applied to the priest of Malos Galatiae in quoted by a writer in y^na/. Boll., xxii., p. 327,
Fig.
8.
as a
proof that the document was not written by a contemporary, but belongs to a later age. In view of our inscription this argument
falls
is
to the ground, and the use of the term TraTras in that document rather favourable to the view (advocated by Prof. Ramsay many
years, ago,
S.
and recently by Prof. Harnaclc and others) that the Acta Theodoti is a good document of early date. 8. In the wall of a house at Alkaran, one hour north of Dorla.
is still
The scheme
on the preceding stones, but a little more elaborated. Whorls of curved lines are inserted in the spaces between the tops of the pediments, and beneath the rounded central
the
same
as
30
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
arch appears a shell-like ornament, which, in a more developed form,
Below this is a garland very frequent on Byzantine sarcophagi. like those beneath the side which, pediments, is of a more hanging The conventional type than those on the bishop's tomb (No. 7).
is
name Indakos is a lengthened form of Inzas, Korna (12 miles north-west) in a.d. 381.*
9.
the
name of
a bishop of
Dorla.
R.
1904.
'O ayvoTaTOi; Koi rjSvenrjs

eTTicTKioTros.
/cat
Trdcrrj<;
dpeTrj<;
KeKO<Tfi7]fj.euo<;
Sicra/ii-da?
proportions of the ornament on this tombstone are almost but in the one case the inscription is identical with those of No. 10
;
The
placed in the space above, in the other
it is
written across the orna-
KAIHAY7H
KAlTTACHCAPC
THCKe
CiCAMi
Acemciconoc
IL
Fig.
9.
ment.
The columns
are a
little
more Greek and
exotic in shape in
No. 9 than in No. 10. workshop and belong to made in the shop, and bought before the
But the two evidently come from the same the same period. They were standing readyinscriptions
them, according to the custom observable in No. 7 was perhaps made by special order to suit Bishop Theophilus. It is difficult to decide whether this pair or the three, Nos. 1 3
to
were placed on many other cases, whereas
The language of No. 9 is more earlier. 15, should be placed artificial and elaborate than that of No. [5, but on the other hand it
*
this
Z and
are often interchangeable
in
Anatolian proper names (see
p.
366 of
volume.
rSAURIAN AND EAST-PKRYGIAN ART

differs
31
from the formulas which were already accepted and stereoabout 360, and must represent an older local growth of tertyped minology which was afterwards abolished by the general custom of
the
might very well be that Sisamoas succeeded Mammas, and the deacon was a younger contemporary of Sisamoas, while the two sets of stones came from two rival workin
Church (seen
No.
14).
It
shops.
an old epic and poetic word, applied to Nestor in Homer, also to Muses, Apollo, a lyre, etc. It is characteristic of the Greek used in the rural districts of the plateau to employ old
qSveiTT]';
is
OY,
CT"
XY"
MHCCNTONAAeA*ON0FTHClN
Fig. 10.
poetic words, as Prof.
Ramsay
:
has pointed out in the case of TeK^cap
and others.*
bishops in
seems to have become a standing epithet of Nova Isaura cf. No. 39 in the inscriptions of Nova
y)SveTTrj<;
Isaura, published
by Prof.
R. 1904.
Ramsay
Auâ.
.?
in
the Journal of Hellenic Studies,
1905,
p.
167.
Dorla.
/ATjo-ei"
] Ova\df{i}; '^yTvx'^}>v [iKoar}The last name is the Latin Tov aSek^bu 'Oprrjcnv fiv. â. Hortensius. Aur. used as equivalent to a praenomen is inserted at the beginning, as one or two letters seem to have been lost there ;
10.
but the name
may have
been a shorter one.

See
p.
3
1
Praenomina began to
8 of thi? volume.
32
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
They were impass out of use in the third century, after a.d. 212. portant before that time as proving Roman citizenship ; but when
all
of the provinces had become Roman, the value of the praenomen disappeared and it was gradually disused. The Latin On character of the names also favours a comparatively early date.
free citizens
it is
the other hand

into Isaura
Nova
all
probable that the name Valerius was introduced Aur. Valerius was proin the time of Diocletian.
;
bably born about 290-300
350, when
account.
and the stone may be dated about 330the circumstances of name and style are taken into
^. -W p
i\
N A
J s^
v^
/^^
>
v-
Fig. II.
Greek church, Agia Metamorphosis, The stone had been worked over within the R. 1904. at Konia. much last few months, and defaced, but most of the details can be
II.
In the cemetery of the
recovered with certainty, except the ornaments in relief between the columns.
in the spaces
dvSpa tiavvacrov. In passing through the cemetery Prof. Ramsay saw this stone, and recognised it at once as being of the fine Dorla limestone and as having come from the same workshop as Nos. 9 and 10. As the grave
iavTrj<;
Avp. 'Ndvva iKoaixrjacv tov
was a recently made one, he inquired
to
what family
it
belonged.

and was
able eventually to trace
it
33
back to a village called Tchumra,
Further he could not about half-way between Dorla and Konia. trace it, and it remains uncertain whether the stone was brought to
Tchumra
recently or not
but there can be no doubt that his

it
first
impression was correct, and that
Nos. 9 and
10.
The ornament
in
was cut by the same workman as the central space between the
Those in the evidently a representation of two birds. so much is defaced that it side spaces are unfortunately impossible to the outline is certain. what are, though pretty they general say
columns
is
the only one of the three which has been drawn to scale. It was impossible for various reasons to make measured drawings of
This
is
the others
by
my
and for them the ultimate authority lies in sketches made But he recognised the same heavy proportions in this father.
;
which he knew the better from having drawn and from them, having already observed the difference in their proportions from the other monuments of Dorla.
as in the other two,
R. 1905. Avp. /^6[jiva[vTriv]'Y\vKVT(iTr)vdvyaTpa ^LcvevKovaav TrapdeveLo. koL (fnXepyia Avp. 'Opecrriat'os Kvpôv 6]
12.
Alkaran.
traTrjp.
The scheme of ornament
is
the usual one characteristic of the
district, with the addition of two doves, one of which holds a leaf in its beak. While the rest of the carving is in relief, the doves are
incised,
Pj-'
and were probably added by the purchaser. The swastika occurs frequently on stones both on the frontier of Pisidia and on
the borders of Lycaonia

tion,
and
Isauria.
Prof. Sterrett {Wolfe Expedistele

;
No. 220,
this
cf.
also
Nos. 56, 93) mentions a
with grape-vines
and
is
symbol, which he recognised
as Christian
and
his opinion
certainly correct for this Isaurian district in the third
and fourth
centuries after Christ,
Here
it
though the symbol is elsewhere usually pagan. was treated as one of the varieties of the cross-symbol.
circular
The
ornaments
in the
pediments are hollows
like patera?
or cups, with bosses in the centre.

3
34
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
officially
That Domna was

necessarily implied in
a Parthenos in the
;
Church
is
not
her epitaph
but the words imply a state of
feeling in society
of
official
which would support and encourage the institution The reference to her domestic activity (î\cParthenoi.
of family life, and lends meaning to the pyia) gives a pleasing idea household utensils so often represented on Isaurian and Lycaonian "the works of Athena" in No. 38 graves ; these utensils are called mention of pagan (which is probably Christian in spite of the
goddesses).
AY
TT
pAo
MN
ak;/!w)iiiiii
TAY kytathn ey tat e p a a e n e n koyca n

I
Apee
KjeiAKAi<j)iAepnA
AYpopecTiANOCKVpovoirATHP
ifyh
^lA
Fig. 12.
The
date ot this inscription

it
is
fixed in the third century
by
another stone found beside
in a field a mile east

:
of Alkaran and
it is the tombstone evidently belonging to the same family sepulchre of a relative (probably aunt) of Domna (to whom the more ornate monument Fig. 12 was dedicated) ; and is inscribed
A.
?]
XeTTTifJiiav A^jjLv]av T^rjv ykvKVTa.-
T^fjv
KoX
crnjL.voTa.Trju
yvvoiKa avTc^v Avp.

Leaf
Leaf
'OpecrTr)<;
Kvpov
Leaf
6 avrfp avTrj<; iivrnir)^
âpiv
Rosette
Rosette
35
The name Septimia Donina belongs unquestionably to the early The family sepulchre was surrounded years of the third century.
by many other graves (among them Nos. 17 and 18), and evidently formed part of a large cemetery, which would well repay excavation as it is covered only by two or three feet of soil all or most of the
:
stones in Alkaran have been brought
from
it
unpublished yet,
as
:
family was probably
late
as
904-1 905).
(about a dozen, chiefly The relationship of the
Cyrus
Cyrus
I
[Aur.] Orestes
[L.] Septimia
A. D.
Domna
born about
Aur. Orestianos
I
190-210
Aur.
Domna
the praenomen Aur. by the family, which took place about a.d. 212,* probably happened between the birth of Septimia and that of her niece ; but the restoration of the praeno-
The assumption of
mina
in the earlier inscription
is
uncertain.
There seems not
to be
room
ing
for Xvp. in the case of Septimia,
and A(ouKia)
after the reign-
Emperor 193-21 1 imposes itself as almost necessary in accordance with widespread analogy. On the grave of Septimia see also No. 18.
13.
Jn the wall of the

'Ai{c(j
.''
mosque
y]
at
KoX 'Oa[? KpX
.'']is
aSek(f)rj
Dorla (R. 1904). Ma/ce/)os iKocrfJiyjcrav tov iracrt <J)l\ov

also
iwia-KOTTov Mdixfiav.
left
It
is
doubtful whether certain marks to the
of
1.
indicate
a letter.
This stone
shows the scheme
characteristic
of the
all supported by form of wreath which here appears is very common on tombstones in one on the this district, as are the two implements below it. The
pointed ones,
two district, the rounded pediment flanked by The more conventional four columns.
* See
p.
355 of
this
volume.
36
right
is
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
:
evidently a hammer, while the other apparently represents some sort of knife or sickle it appears in complete form in No. 26. Under the right-hand pediment is a complicated ornament repre-
more correct sented in the epigraphical copy by cross lines. Each representation of a small part is given below (Fig. 13 B). is indented with sides sloping to a deep point in the centre, lozenge
is separated by a ridge, viz., the general level of the surface, from the surrounding lozenges. This is probably intended to represent a fisherman's net and, if so, the ornament is significant and
and each
not purely decorative.

/\
It
is
unfortunate
that
the
corresponding
MAKCPOCKAIOA
I
AtAN
AlCHÂeA4>HeK0CUHCAN
ONlTACl45(AONfT/CKorToN
M.
A M.
M.AN
Fig. 13 B.
Fig. 13 A.
symbol or ornament under the
left
pediment has been completely
defaced, probably because its character offended Mohammedan taste. With regard to the date of this inscription I quote the following " If this were it be
from Prof Ramsay

' '
inscription
late,
might
argued
has perhaps here become a single epithet, and is that nacrt(/)iX,ov no longer felt to be a pair of words, as it is in many second and third But on the other hand this epithet does not century inscriptions.
belong to the
later stereotyped
Byzantine phraseology
and nothing
in the inscription suggests the ecclesiastical system as it can be seen almost fully formed in the writings of the three great Cappadocians,

Basil
37
and the Gregories.
The
first
half of the fourth century seems

It
to be the latest allowable date for this inscription.
might possibly
be assigned to the third."

crosses placed so inconspicuously as part of the ornamenThe earliest position of the cross on tation here should be noted.
The
In this situation it gravestones was probably above the inscription. might pass for a sort of ornament, and thus it would not draw attention too prominently, while
it
would be
significant
to those
who
could understand.
As
and
Bisk, of Phrygia,
has been pointed out by Prof. Ramsay, Cities ii., p. 502, that is the characteristic of third
An inscription (probably of the third century Christian epitaphs. a found few miles west of Laodiceia Katakekaumene in century)
Galatic Phrygia,
and published by Mr. Hogarth, J.H.S., 1890,

;
p.
165, No.
23, belongs to this class
the editor has omitted the cross
above the inscription (which was re-copied by Prof. Ramsay in 1891). Later than this are (i) the class of inscriptions in which the
developed symbol ;^ or -f is placed above the epitaph, as for example Jth. Mitth., xiii., 1887, 256, No. 70; (2) the class in which the
simple -f- is placed before the first word (and often after the last word) of the inscription, and in the same line with it. On this subject see the concluding note of this section.
14.
Dorla.
fJnqTTfjp
R.
90 1 and 1904. TovTeLfucoTaTovSidKovovTdêiv

/cat 'Poi)</)OS ol
tidvva
crav
fi.
7]
koL OuaXyto?
dSeXcôi avTOV
eKoa-fJir)-
^.
The
ornament
Lycaonia.
six-leaved rosette which appears here

in
is
a very
common
in
various
slightly
modified
forms on tombstones
also in
Rosettes of this kind are
common
Pisidia, but
Prof Ramsay has seen no generally have eight leaves instead of six. exception to the rule that the six-leaved rosette is characteristic of
but the Pisidian examples Lycaonia and the eight-leaved of Pisidia which he has seen are too few in number to justify any confident
;
assertion of this principle.
This tomb of the deacon
is
that of Bishop distinctly later than
38
A.
7).
MARGARET RAMSAY
Theophilus (No.
analogous to the Tov TeLfj-LcoTaTov
The ornament and arrangement are closely tomb of Bishop Mammas, but later, as the phrase
Sia/fot'oi'
has already the technical character of the But the general form of the inscription Byzantine church formulas. is still of the older and it can type, hardly be much later than the
middle of the fourth century, and may even be as early as the time of Constantine ; on the whole a date about the epoch of Basil, a.d.
most probable. It is quite probable that the tombs of Bishop Mammas and Deacon Tabeis were made in the same workshop, and are separated by only a very few years from one another.
353-370,
is

The tomb of
must therefore be placed
39
Rufus, No. 15, comes from the same workshop, and in the same period.
Fig. 15.
15.
Dorla.
R. 1901, 1904. Tavrrjv
Tf)v a-TTJX.rjv a-Tr)(rav 'Povffxp
40
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
It would not be natural that names of this type should persist later than the fourth century ; personal names of Christian character came into use gradually from the latter part of the third century onwards.
With Mos (which was common
at
Olba) compare Tas, Bas, Zas, Plos,

Pisidia,
also Dazas, Tetes, etc., in Isauria,
Lycaonia.
;
Thouthous,
Thiouthious, Sousous, Zouzous, are generally masculine

here
is
Thouthou
feminine.
17. Alkaran.
monument
R. 1905. -q heiva av(rTri]crev tov 7T{a)Tepa avTrj<sof simple character. The circles in the pediments
are hollow cups.
For the doves compare No.
12.
Fig. 17.
18.
Alkaran.
R. 1905.
in
Aofj-ua Kov,aiTov 6vya.Tr]p.

is
The ornament
early Christian
Its
the spaces below the side pediments
the
monogram of I X (i.e., 'Iijcrou? Xpto-rd?, see on No. 7). in this form goes to prove that the inscription can here presence fourth at the latest). scarcely be later than the third century (or early of this the resemblance that It is probable monogram to a six-rayed
star caused the popularity of the six-leaved rosette in Christian
tombwere
stones in this region. the cross and the swastika)
The
rosette
was an old ornament
(just as
which was seized upon by Christian
imagination as symbolic of the sacred name.

With
this
41
gravestone should be compared one found at YurukKeni, three hours west of the cemetery where this and other stones of Alkaran were found ; it was probably carried from the Alkaran
cemetery to Yuruk-Keni (R. 1906).

Kouai'âcêou? dvdcrTrjcrei' dSeX(hw imcrKOTTO) Si/ce'w It avrov 'IfSaKW t
'Attcis
t t
dyac^r^rw
,(Sv
kc iavTov
fiv7jiJ.rji;
Rosette
Leaf
Crown
Leaf
Rosette
Fig. 18.
This epitaph is, evidently, earlier than Fig. 18, and stands the same relation to it as the grave of Septimia does to Fig. 12.
in
It
was probably made at the same time and in the same workshop as the tombstone of Septimia, as the likeness is exact, the only variation The date is therefore being the crown instead of the central leaf
about A.D.
210-240. The Dorla type had not originated when these two stones were carved they are very large blocks, belongtherefore the ing to monuments of considerable pretensions, and
:
reason for their simplicity was not poverty (as is the case with some of the Dorla stones). They belong to an earlier stage of Isaurian had not yet directed the development history, when the new
impulse
42
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
Dork scheme
of ornament.
of the local art and formed the
But the
to seek for some impulse was already beginning

I
way of
expression.
AOYKIO W~n
I I I
TA OC
"'//Hi,
llil/l'"H"i'i//in.. ,1
>ff<//n//i, -/III,
'
i-imi,
'iu,ni////f//J////0,f,/fg^/^/^^,y/y/,,/c^^y^0///^.
>//'/^/^^m
Fig. ig.
19.
Dorla.
R. 1904.
On
Bishop Theophilus.
N C T
The names
A-l
a large stone beside the tomb of Fatos and Aou/cio? are used here
WPK
y 4) OC A N
^y!^0N < O yW^^vJa^^^Î
it

ornate
simple,
43
is
gravestone occurs also in
No.
8.
The ornament
very
and the tomb
is
probably early.
20. Dorla.
R. 1901, 1904.
ful.
Kov[Xa Koi (^]pa[S]fjiojv fjiuyjfjirjs The forms of the ornament are simple and early, like No. 1 9. 21. At Alkaran, 1904. [6 Setva iKoa-firjcrev Ka.'jSSii/ tov
NeWw/a kol Vov<f>o?. av^^crTTjcray The restoration is doubt[^dpLv].
ffiov avToi).
has no pointed pediment and is much plainer in style, this stone so much resembles No. 8 that nothing more need be said about it. the 22. in the wall of a house at Dorla broken the difference that
it
With
inscription
is lost.
fragment We have here a
same schema.
concentric circles
In the pointed a conventional representation of a cup
further development of the pediment is an ornament of three

still
above
it
44
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
of grapes, and to the right

the shell also seen in
appears the whorl of curved lines occurring in No. 8, and a bunch is part of a rounded arch within which is
No
8.
One of
the
two columns supporting the
FlO. 22 A.
pediment is twisted, and between them is a male figure wearing a This monument probably had, as in the cap and a flowing mantle.
KAI8A/\6IOAC*W*f!!COY
KA
ITA PACiCtATAKAIKP AC
COCKPACCOY FA AAIKOC
MNHMHCXAPIN
Fig. 22 B.
under the right side pediment, similar to the Pisidian inscription found at Kyr Stefan near Colonia Parlais by Prof. Ramsay in 1 886, which is here added for comparison (Fig. 22 B).
restoration, a female figure

The
text
is
45
The published by Mr. Cronin, J.H.S., 1902, p. 114. details were not drawn by Prof. Ramsay, who only sketched the
general outline
they are added here from his verbal notes, and therefore have no claim to be accurate.
:
here elaborated by the addition of someThis addition must thing of the Greek anthropomorphic tendency. be attributed to the influence of Greek education and knowledge,
is
The
Isauran schema
coming through the great cities like Iconium. The native architectural schema is here still the ruling element, and the exotic idea
is
subsidiary, filling up empty spaces, but the pillars are in shape Grasco-Roman rather than of the old native fashion. Compare with
this
what
is
said
on No. 25.
R. 1904.
23. Kara
Senir.
is
The
rudeness of the
letters, as well
as of the figures,
too great for exact reproduction.
The
left
stone
is
mutilated, and the reading remains uncertain.

inscription
is
The
half of the
given by Prof. Sterrett {Wolfe Exped.,

the letter after
p. 30).
cj)
;
In
letter
1.
I,
is
uncertain,
or
and the
last
seems to be N, but must be intended for H.

is
Possibly the
:
text
Ev/Au^t, 'Oircfii Koh^yj], ITaTTta for eu/Aoipet. evixvpi

is
/caXe,
ouSl^
yap dddvaro^
it
The
as in
figure in the centre
is
also
difficult.
is
Is
pagan, one of
often
in
the Dioscuri with the star over his head, or
the star a rude cross
No.
29
The formula
ouSets
d9dvaTo<;
occurs
Christian inscriptions, but also in pagan epitaphs. But the doubt as to the religious character of the relief is removed by comparison with the indubitably Christian inscription in C.I.L., iii., 143 15 (from
Salona in
Prof. Dalmatia), +evji.vpL "Ayovcrra- ouSt? dddvaTo<;. has use of of the dddvaTo PP- 5^' 59Compare also
114 (from the Syracusan catacombs), which ends with the acclamatio evp.ope.1. As the horseman is imitated from the
C.I.G., Ital. Sic,
customary representation of the Dioscuri, it appears that in this case the Christians took over a pagan type and used it to express their
46
A.
ideas.
MARGARET RAMSAY
is
own
The
type
similar to
No. 30 found
at
it
Dorla, but not
Hence it is given here though exactly the same, of Nova Isaura. the side territory
24. Dorla.
is
perhaps
lies
out-
R.
in
1904.
'Ei/ddSe
;
/ce[t]rai
IlaTras Ok\vo)<;.
The
two parts one is built into the south wall of stone The sixth and seventh the mosque, and one into the north wall. This and uncertain of 2 are 1. letters very possibly a letter is lost.
broken
inscription
late in
is
one of the
latest at Dorla.
The
letters are coarse
and
form.
no reason why
It may be assigned to the fifth century ; and there is it might not be even later, except the analogy of the
TTATTI
OYAICTArf
\AeANAi
i
roc
n AC o
BAAOt^TAin K A-il <-oc
''^'iimw^mmaiSsw^^'
Fig. 24.
of the contrast between the given as a specimen The inscription is on the class and the later work. regular Dorla sunk tablet or panel within a raised border, resembling that in No. The use of the panel to frame the inscription is, at Dorla, a
other stones.
It is
25.
broken away, The former is in the cemetery on the opposite side of the stream. was found by Messrs. Ramsay, Hogarth, and Headlam in 1890, the latter by Prof, and Mrs. Ramsay in 1901.
is
the later period. In two parts ; the right-hand piece 25. Dorla. wall of the mosque, the other, from which all the top
mark of
is
built into the

HpcoMv
TjiBioiv
47
TvavTOiv
\e.v\
TXas
7rpo(j>epecrTaTo<;
'iyefj',
OS davev
8'
Tnqyfj êcr/ceXos dâz/arois
\o^ yrjv cvreLêa valov "icrapa,
Zrjvo^Lo^ vp6(l>pev, et/ceXos 'AeXiw

ov iravre^ (fytkeov fjiepowe<;, aaToi re feVoi[T, Kai Kovpai c[t]ju.epat, KaK\o<; ayaarcrdyLevai,.
aXX.
o ^dvos /ca/<ds
icmv
,
os eKiraykov yeyao^Ta
[e]r*
iâvLvrl^] iTavva-â)'
epvo^
rfVKOfJLOv.
TOVVKâ]
(faXeovcra tov vlea iroTvia p-rjTrjp HpaKkei^';) [(t]vi> TraLcrl{v) revê ol ayXatrjv.
/cat
KaTri[(}>L6](ov,
epp
aSi/ce 't>66v,
ct)9
otf)ek6v
ere
avTov [avT
epy?]ov addvaroi. oXecrat.
HPuiujN
NTWNYAACriPoStPZ
Hl WNi?J|ri-lAIYr IXdANA lONICA'flA ZHNOBioorrpooepeNe iKAocAAiuJi ON iTAMT(Sc4'i/\ONRtPorrec Ac to ta titNoy ' fe; KAlKOVP/uluiPAl KAAAOCArACCAMfNAl J?!"" AKAoffefiNQCKAKOCccr/Noc EKriArAON % re rA eiAniN HCtTANKCf PNO<T HYKOMON
:
roYN KlKAj't'lA.eOYCAroNYl ATTOT^^JlA) cAkAC iSVN nAici TYitOiArAAi HN {5
5i
-#r
wjo;;w!w
II
The
certain.
epptKATi//'''.
AVTOMi/;
';
'
'
';'';'Vf.,pY
AeANiS^TOioAecAi
î^/^r
Fig. 25.
last letter
of
1.
may
The reading
:
at the
end of
be N, but only the upright line is lines 5 and 7 is also doubtful on
the stone
are as indicated in the epigraphic copy.
the restoration given above does not suit the traces, which This restoration was given
48
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
from the
first
by Mr. Souter
copy
in the
in publishing the inscription
imperfect
in
e,
Classical
Review,
i%<)l,
p.
96, and seems necessary,
though we cannot read it on the stone. The last letter in the gap 12 was either y or cr or e ; the second last was probably cr or 1.
but the traces are very slight and might indicate also p. The restoraSee the translation tion given in the text seems to suit the traces.
in verse
on
p. 92.
Prof.
Ramsay thinks
that the spelling Isara
is
not a mere slip

the native In
for Isaura, but rather an intentional
way of representing
pronunciation of the name, which was more like Isarwa.
many
words where a native sound, approximating to w, occurred, the Greek form and spelling vary very much e.g., Olba, Oura, Orba, etc.,
:
represent a native
Orwa
or Ourwa.
The epitaph is superior to t.he commonplace metrical forms which are very frequent on tombstones in the country. The comparison of the dead Zenobios to the hero Hylas is neatly expressed But his ideas of quantity are defective Hylas for a village poet.
in
1.
must be scanned Hylas, and
in
1.
10 he seems to think that
the omission of s allows the scansion of 'Hpa/cX,ts as a dactyl, v must be inserted after Traicri, in 1. 10. Hiatus is often disregarded. But these faults are venial compared with the crimes committed by
many village poets in those times. The ornament is a combination of two different and inconsistent The lower part consists of a sunken panel marked off by lines, types.
and
a border indicated
by difference of
level.
This form
is
found
Above this very widely, and has nothing distinctive of the locality. is ornament in the scheme characteristic of this district, many examples
of which
will be
found
in this paper.
consists of a central arch or
ments, supported on
pillars,
The fully expressed schema flanked by two narrower pedipediment but the lower half of this schema is here
On each side of the panel suppressed to make room for the panel. are five very conventional angular leaves, which also are usual in this
district
(examples perhaps in No. 24
in
No. 14 they are doubled).

Thus
the decoration of the stone consists of three parts
:
49
(i)
sunk panel to receive the inscription after the type imported into Dorla with other ideas of the Grasco- Roman education ; (2) above
the panel the established and traditional type of Nova Isaura on each side of the panel an Isauran ornament repeated in a
less
;
(3)
meaning-
way.
There
is
no single
idea,
The
parts are inconsistent with
no plan, no true design in the decoration. one another. The combination of

:
elements from Greek and native art
is the artist quite unintelligent thinks only of decoration and orniment. Ornament for ornament's sake is the ruling principle in all Anitolian art ; but ornamentation may be intelligent. Here it is unintelligent, and yet the result
looked at as a whole has a distinctly decorative effect. Vine branches are represented trailing from a vase in the central arch, but the leaves
are not vine leaves,
The
makes
it is it
and the branches have not a natural appearance. native and Isauran character of a large part of the ornament certain that this stone was carved by a native artisan ; and
in-
an important observation to start from that there are two
fluences apparent in
Nova
Isaura, the indigenous
custom and certain
borrowed forms learned along with the general Grasco-Roman civilisation, which came by way of the great cities on the main lines of imperial communication and trade, especially Iconium.
The device of the sunk panel to receive the common in Iconium. A very ornate example is
Cronin
"
tury.
in J.H.S.,
inscription
is
quite
published by
Mr.
1902, p. 361.
to the date
I
With regard
quote Prof. Ramsay's opinion
This Isauran inscription probably belongs to the fourth cenI cannot think that so much command of Greek existed in
Isaura in the fifth century,
Nova
when
a bishop of Hadrianopolis
Phrygiae (a city not very far distant and exposed to similar influences, but more educated, as had to get being close to a great thoroughfare) to write another person to how for him because he did not know
sign
(a.d. 449).
The
reason for the degeneration in knowledge and cul4
so
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
lies in
ture between the fourth and the fifth centuries

ditions
and
is
almost universal
is
in
Asia Minor.
than No. 7
;
On
the general conthe other hand,

is
this inscription
apparently later
the lettering
much
the same in form, but the art seems later and

influence.
more under external
The end of
is
the third century
is
fourth century
trict
of the Greek language

;
the most probable date. is shown in the metrical epitaphs of this disif this epitaph and those in Nos. 41, 69, from the same
not impossible, but the quite unusual command
neighbourhood, published in J.H.S., 1905, pp. 169,* 176, are compared with most of those found in such numbers in Central Anatolia,
OYATlAAICeKOCMHCeN
AHTPIONYIONAYTHC
Fig. 26.
observed that these are composed at home in the Isauran and command of the language." territory, with superior knowledge text in Sterrett {IVolfe Exped., R. 1904 26. Armasun. p. 36).
it
will be
drawing is given here for the form of the curved implement. The name is Detrios, OuariaXi? eKoa-iM-qcreu ATJrpLov vlov auTTjs.
not Demetrios.
27. Dorla.
R.
1890,
1901, not seen in
1904, and presum-
ably destroyed.
"Aj/Soj?
e/fdcr/i-rjcret'
is
1.
Maîjaai/ rrjv dvyarepa.

in Expositoi; Feb., 1906, p.
,'
The copy
ot
1890
*No.
as last
41
in
much improved
l
word
(e
1.
lengthened by accent
I
153, where read ({[pjc'iui' or perhaps 'fpt[i\Mv), and ->/tos o^'

in
1.
api[<rr]os cv u/xvois in
8,
and
dJcryuaTa
xaXa
[i^pjdo-ovo-i
20.

has 'A/aSw?, a
;
SI
was taken
after sunset,
name which seems probable in itself but as that copy when the light was fading, the other reading
ANA60CeKOCKH/\CNMASl/VIAN T6 PA THNeVrA
\i:7

^^=7
/ \
\=7
Fig. 27.
Here the ordinary schema has disappeared must be preferred. an No. 28, and arrangement in two parts is preferred. entirely,
which
is
from Almasun, about
six miles
south on the frontiers of
non
AcovANgjA evrATPiAviov
Fig. 28.
Derbe and the Isaurian country,

Dorla stone
;
is
more
like this than
any other
hence possibly this has been imported to Dorla.
A.
28.
MARGARET RAMSAY
IloTrXaq Ovavo)){C]dvyaTpl avTov
fi.
Almasun.
R. 1904.
Prof. Sterrett has published the text (PFoIfe Exped., p. 36), but XIt is quite possible to take the w as the crowning reads Ovavia. member of the pediment ; this was observed on the stone, but the
letter following
is
and
fH).*
Hence
between it A, not A, and there is space for a letter in later spellor Ovavoi\i<;, a by-form of OuavaXt's,
With the variation in the vowel ing I3ava\i<s, seems preferable. Asia p. compare the many examples quoted in Histor. Geogr. of
M,
437, TaTTa9-TdTTrj5, 'Arpwa-'Or/Dota, Halala-Loulon,
etc.
The form
YPC
MUJJ
I
Z'"^h,
KOVeKOCM HCNAOMN
ANTHNrAYfe \YTATHN.:%
Fig. 29.
_\.
OYCYrveiOh/MX
that the penult in Ovavaki<; is This long. stone, though not belonging to Doria, is given here for the sake of
Ouai/a)Xi9
would suggest
comparison with No. 27. R. 1904. 29. Dorla.

certain.
In a dark stable
details
sometimes un-
KXeo[vC]KOv iKocrfirjcrev Aofivav Trjv yXuCrosses approximating in shape to crvv^Lov KVTa.T7}v [avjroi) fx,. -)^. This is one of the rare cases at the Maltese cross are here used.
Avp.
'S,tfiwvC[8rf\';
Dorla where the two side pediments are suppressed. The name of of in is like that Nestor No. 20, Simonides, probably due to the
* Prof. Sterrett shows
this space correctly in his
epigraphic copy.

study of Greek literature
;
53
but Nestor became popular in this region
owing
Pamphylian martyr Nestor. R. 1890 and 1904. MdpKo<; iKoa-firfCre 'Ndvvav Side pediments KaiKiktov TTfv ykvKVTaTTqv avrov yvvaiKo. fj.. ^. in No. 29. as suppressed,
30. Dorla.
31. Alkaran.
to the
R. 1905.
This stone was brought with many
It is others from the cemetery described in No. 12. unique in style among the Dorla series, being evidently an imitation of the Dorla
scheme of ornamentation by an extremely rude and untrained village workman. Its relation to the better specimens of the Dorla scheme
may
be compared with the relation of Fig. 4
to Fig.
4B
it is
an
M APKOC6
KOC MHCfe NANNANKAt
K
A
lAIOVTHN
rAYKVTATHN VTOVrvNAI KA MX
Fio. 30.
example of ignorant imitation, and therefore later than the better class of Dorla monuments.. Yet it belongs to the same locality, and
not removed by a very long interval of time. On the other hand the relation between the two pre- Dorla gravestones described in Nos. 18 the and Dorla monuments is that of simpler and earlier work 12,
is
to
more developed and later. The additional ornament with which Fig. 31 is loaded debased and vulgar kind such as might be expected from a
mason.
is
of a
village
The
elaborate
zigzag ornament immediately below the
inscription is quite in the style of in the fourth It is
many rude Lycaonian tombstones
century.* very similar to the rough work in linepatterns seen on many late Roman stones along the Wall of
Examples may be seen below,
Figs. 36, 42.
54
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
Hadrian
in Britain, which- is explained as intended to give grip to the plaster laid over the stone. There are many traces of red colour on this stone about the edges of the relief work.
the spaces below the zigzag and between the pediments can also be paralleled from the Lycaonian monuments, as Prof. Ramsay reports, though no exlittle
The
round knobs or bosses
in
ENAÊ:rHK^TEXlAYPTTP|CKOts/El HTPoNi EONTAElOXONHMKlKlETTlETfD ExWKOlsr ANECTHCENA E A.YT=>NT MOG f C X (C

1
AYToYCYNTHlAlAUYM^lÂAEIANAPIHTIMl
Fig. 31.
The rough ornamentation on amples are reproduced in this paper. the columns also is of the fourth century Lycaonian kind.* The fishes between the columns are rude imitations of the dolphins or
porpoises that are seen leaping in the Mediterranean, and are evidently copied from works of art carried from the West.
The
only explanation that suggests
itself
of this complete change
See below, Fig. 48.

of
style
55
and character
in the
same
locality
is
that the Dorla school of
trained
workmen had
perished in the interval.
Yet there
is
no reason
to think that the interval was very long.
Some
great catastrophe
happened, probably, which destroyed art, made education worse, Prof. and spread the barbarism to which Fig. 31 bears witness.
Ramsay has shown what

duced
in
a ruinous effect the great and systematic massacres of the persecution by Diocletian and his co-Emperors pro-
Phrygia
{Cities
and
Bish., chap. x.).
The same
cause sug-
for the gests itself
same phenomenon (which
will be exemplified in
every
it
monument
described in
iv.) in Lycaonia.
If this be correct,
would give a date for the Dorla sculptured monuments. They are all earlier than a.d. 303 ; and on No. 18 it has been shown that
they are all later than the two monuments which have been assigned This entirely confirms the chronological to the period 210-240. reasoning stated by Prof. Ramsay in the conclusion of my paper on
the Dorla monuments in J.H.S., 1904, where he assigned the period of the Dorla art as 260-340, but showed a decided leaning to the earlier part of that period. Subsequent discovery and study have
now made him definitely prefer the period a.d. 250-300. The grave of the physician Priscus must then be placed during
the fourth century ; and in Expositor, Feb., 1906, p. 158, the date of the class qf metrical epitaphs describing first the virtues of the
deceased and at the end

A.D.
sicians in the
340-360. Anatolian Church of that period is described. 32. Fig. 32 shows a piece of embroidery which Mrs. Ramsay purchased in Dorla, where it had been handed down for many generations in a family resident there.
naming the maker of the tomb is given as In the same paper the importance attached to phy-
a variation of the design characteristic of Isaura Nova, adapted to suit the different material, and repeated as often as the width of the cloth permits. There are three pointed pediments, that in the middle considerably larger than the other two, and all
The
pattern
is
having a boss above the point.
The
pillars
supporting the central
56
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
pediment have been transformed into palm trees, which rise above The the spring of the arch and incline over the side pediments.
side
columns have disappeared to make room for a fanciful ornament of little cypress trees and large round flowers, apparently roses. Beneath each of the side pediments is a design in squares, seemingly a modification of the net which appears on two of the monuments.
(Nos.
1
mon
in
and perhaps suggested by the latticed balcony comthe country. Immediately under the central pediment is a and
1
4),
the Isauran design, this time with repetition on a smaller scale of in Nos. pointed side pieces, of a form similar to that which appears
6 G, 14, flanking a low round arch
below
this again are a flower
of some sort and a long garland hanging from the columns, or trees, very much like the garlands on the tomb of Bishop Theophilus,
except that
it is
fastened
to each
pillar
in
two
places,
instead of
merely by
the ends.
To what
is
period the set of
monuments
just given should
be
But the following a complicated and difficult question. ascribed, of some use in deterarguments, taken from Prof. Ramsay, may be
mining
it.
In the
first
place, as
was remarked
in
there were no bishops of Isaura Nova tombs of the three bishops, Nos. 7, 9,
that date,
rest.
connection with ii.. No. 7, after about 474 hence the

;
13,
must be anterior to
and so furnish
a definite standard
by which to judge of the
For the majority of
same period.
is
The
these stones clearly belong to much the style of the lettering on the sculptured monuments
or development even on quite uniform, and shows little change Had they covered a long period the latest monuments of the series.
of time, external as well

selves
as internal causes
must have contributed
to
modify the style. Moreover, a number of the stones afford themsome indications as to date (remarked on in the description of each), all of which point to the period between a.d. 250 and 400.
By far the larger number of the names occurring on these monuments are purely Anatolian such are Oas, Mammas, Tabeis,
;
"1
<
OS
a <
CL,
57
Nanna, Sisamoas, [Ka?]ddis, Thouthou, Nios, Balaththis, Papas, Okluos ?, Ouatialis, Detrios. And though most of the stones are certainly Christian, distinctively Christian names scarcely occur at
all.
It
has been pointed out by Prof.

ii.,
Ramsay
(^Cities
and
Bishoprics
of Phrygia,
p.
492)
that personal
names of obviously Christian
type begin to appear in inscriptions not earlier than the middle of the third century, Paulos, as is to be expected, being the earliest and
But it is scarcely possible that in Nova Isaura, a Christian city possessing bishops, deacons, and various other Christian officials whose titles occur on the monuments, there should be so
most common.
marked an absence of
distinctively Christian
names
later
than the
Even
the
third or, at the outside, than the first quarter of the fourth century. in the fourth century the majority of the names occurring in
lists
of bishops are distinctively Christian and Greek.

are
The Roman names, which
much more
frequent than Greek
on these monuments, point also to the same period. The names of the reigning families were widely adopted in the provinces thus the
;
not occur except on one very plain monument, one of the earliest and not published in this paper, goes to obviously Aurelius, used prove that the inscriptions are later than a.d. 150.
fact that Julius does
as a
praenomen,
It
is
especially characteristic of the period
between
is
and 300. ever found

in y.H.S.,
did not
come
into use until after 212,
and
scarcely
later
than 350.
p.
1883,
30, and
{Cf. Prof. Ramsay's hypothesis advanced confirmed by numerous examples seen
since that time.)
Valerius (see No. 10) probably came into fashion under Diocletian about a.d. 300. On the other hand the name
Flavius
is
not found at
all
on these monuments, and

earlier
;
this indicates
that they are as a

as certain that
for it may be taken than 350 some proportion of the persons who died between 350 and 450 must have been named Flavius after the family of
whole
Constantine.
Finally, the entire absence
acteristic
of the Christian symbolism charstill
of the fourth century points to a
earlier date.
The
S8
A.
;^
,
MARGARET RAMSAY
form
-P
,
monogram
its
later
and the
letters
w, are not
found
on any of the obviously Christian monuments of Dork, though they are all common in the neighbouring towns of Lycaonia* {cf. % iv.
of this papsr, Nos. 56, 59). The Christian symbolism found at Dorla is of a veiled and almost cryptic kind which seems to belong rather to the period before Constantine. These Dorla monuments
to the period 250-300 ; and they may be between a.d. safely placed 250 and 340. " We are here in the presence of a distinctly Christian art. It
might perhaps be assigned
is
not meant that every artisan in Nova Isaura who worked on these monuments, or every person who used them, was a Christian ; but
that the development arose during the inspiration and quickening of mind and activity caused by the general acceptance of the new religion in the city. It is no isolated phenomenon, but the invariable ex-
perience of history, that the spread of a new faith is accompanied by an invigoration of the spirit and character of the people witness the Arabs of the seventh and eighth centuries under the inspiration of
:
Mohammedanism.
or by force, Nova Isaura
it
the religion is spread by external causes does not so touch the spirit. In this sense the art of
a Christian art,
Where
is
and
its first
development cannot be
placed earlier than the third century. already existing in pagan use ; but
It
it
used, of course, older forms, used them with freedom and
novelty for
its
own
purposes."
stones (specimens of which are given in y.H.S., 1904) adorned with scraps of the typical Dorla ornament. These are cheap or later tombstones, and show the same degradation
[There are in Dorla
many
and degeneration of
art
which
is
the most striking feature of the
monuments
to be described in iv.]
* Mr. Cronin has published a good example of a complete series of inscriptions of a village of Lycaonia in J.H.S., 1902, pp. 358-367. They may be placed roughly between 350 and 600 ; but not one of them could be considered earlier than any but
the very latest stones at Nova Isaura, and the latest stones there do not belong to the class which has just been described.

III.
59
SOUTHERN LYCAONIA.
this region as a rule
The monuments of
tions of
are either
mere imita-
in Iconium), or very poor and debased but there are two remarkable exceptions in the most southern part of the country, both imitated from the Isaurian On the geographical division between southern and northern style.
(as is
;
Greek
common
(as in the villages)
Lycaonia, see Jahresheft d. k. k. Inst., 1904 (Beiblatt), p. 57. 33. One side of the sarcophagus of Sidamaria, in Lycaonia,
in the Imperial
now
Museum, Stamboul.
When we come
to the sarco-
phagus, found in the same district, and so nearly resembling in scheme of ornament the stones just given, we can scarcely doubt that it is a
the native schema has been development of the same principle embellished and added to through contact with Greek artistic ideas.
later
;
columns supporting rounded pediments or arches, a series of figures in the niches between the pillars, and within each arch an elaborate variant of the shell which has already appeared
still
Here we have
several
in a simple
is
form on Nos.
and 22.
The
lower portion of the scheme
partially suppressed to make room for the figures, and both the capitals of the columns and the pediments are decorated with highly elaborate open-work tracery. The columns themselves are twisted,
a style already appearing in
No. 22
(also
No.
10).
But the Greek
sculpture has
now become
only appears in
the ruling element, and the native scheme the background. The two elements are, however,
:
a hunting scene of the Greek quite inconsistent with one another fashion is placed amid the columns and arches of the South Anatolian
schema, and wherever the latter interferes too much with the Greek On two other sides of the same sarcophagus figures it is suppressed. This pointed central pediments appear flanked by rounded arches.
style
must be attributed to an Anatolian
city
where Greek work was

the
well
known
but there
Anatolian
is
probably too
much of
Greek element
for a central
city, like
is
Nova
Isaura or even Iconium, and
the scale of the
monument
too great for the humbler workshops of
6o
those cities. In
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
des. Etudes Anciennes,
Revue
1901,
p.
358, Prof.
Ramsay pointed out that two great examples of this developed art had been found, one in the Lycaonian city Sidamaria, and the other in the maritime Isaurian city Seleucia, and that the sculptural ornament on
prove their origin from a single workshop, and hence he inferred that the point of common origin must have
sim.ilar as to
both was so
Thence one example was carried over the great Roman road through the Cilician Gates into Lycaonia, and the other by sea to Seleucia. This hypothesis suits all the known conditions. the Tarsus attracted aspiring youth of
been the great city of Tarsus, where alone an ducing such works is likely to have existed.
atelier capable
of pro-
" Tarsus " in l.ycaonia and Cappadocia (see article Hastings' Diet, of the Bible, iv., p. 685), and was itself influenced by them while it
influenced their development. 34. This stone lies on a slight rising ground, about two or three miles south-west from Gudelisin (the site of Derbe), close to the road
There are leading to Laranda, and on the south side of the road. traces here of some later foundation, a church. including large
NoCi'i/o?
fi[v7]iJ.rj-;]
Koi 'OuaXeptos eKoa-îrjcrav

is
Tlav\ov
tov
fidpTvpau
of the
x[apiv).
clearly that characteristic
The scheme of ornament

Dorla monuments.
not made
It is to
be noticed that this stone was obviously to order, but must have been bought carved and ready in
the sculptor's workshop,
and that the inscription was added
after
purchase.
The
buyers, wishing to put the epitaph in large letters
on the most prominent part of the stone, cut away part of one of the columns supporting the central arch in order to make room for the
lettering.
The
material
in
have been purchased
and the stone may possibly Dorla and carried ten miles to Derbe.
is
limestone
The
Greek
accusative form jjudpTvpav is quite common in Phrygian See pp. 132, 153, 224, of the present volume. inscriptions.
is
the only stone of the exact Dorla type which has been found except at Dorla or the neighbouring village of Alkaran.
This
We
PLATE
VII.
Sarcophagus of Sidamaria.
To face page
60.

must suppose that
it
6i
was purchased at Dorla and brought thence to It seems at first Derbe, ten miles away. strange that the Christians a small place like Isaura for their gravestones. of Derbe should go to
following reason suggests itself as probable. As has already been pointed out, a new and definitely Christian style of art had its origin at Isaura Nova (Dorla) ; this art had become known to the surround-
The
S"
Fig. 34.
10'
ing country, and the desire to have for their martyr's grave a monument of the type clearly recognised as Christian might have prompted the friends of Paulus to make their purchase in the little town where such monuments were known to be made, and convey this large and
very heavy stone thence to Derbe.

stone has the appearance of having formed part of a wall at some the back, with the It is thick, period. quite unwrought on
The
62
sides roughly cut to
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
fit a place in a wall of squared blocks, so that the was front That seems to have been the only exposed to view. case also with the principal monumental stones at Dorla, but the
latter are
not so thick in proportion to their height and breadth as the stone of Paulus the Martyr.
The formula with
the verb
iK6a-fJir)cra.v
is
common
;
in the epitaphs
it is
of Lycaonia about the third and fourth centuries
and
natural
to infer that this stone was, like the rest of the Dorla
monuments, a
gravestone, and not a mere honorary inscription in a building erected On the other hand, the at a later date to a martyr of former time.
stone seems to have formed part of the \vall of some building, and the possibility must be admitted that this may have been a fourthPaul, century chapel in honour of a martyr of an earlier period. unless he suffered under Julian, which is improbable, must have belonged to the times before Constantine, and if the stone was part of
a true grave erected soon after his death this would suit the view here taken of the period to which the Dorla monuments belong.
The
it is
inscription
later
shape from and
is engraved in letters which are different in than the letters on the Dorla monuments ; and
possible that the inscription
may have
been cut in the fourth
century on an old stone, regardless of the ornament. This inscription has been published by MM. Radet and Paris in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellinique, 1886, p. 509, with the
omission of the
final
N
;
sculptural decoration of the stone.
in jxaprvpav, and without any mention of the but in these lies all the interest and importance
Both these monuments belong to places on or close to the road from Dorla to Tarsus through the Cilician Gates. From about a.d.
137 onwards southern Lycaonia and Isauria were united with Cilicia in a province called the three Eparchies, of which Tarsus was the
capital.
Trade and intercourse moved now towards Tarsus from
Isauria generally.

IV.
63
NORTHERN LYCAONIA (PROSEILEMMENE).

on the north
side of
This
district,
Boz-Dagh, was
originally
It was afterwards included in Galatia under the part of Phrygia. name of the Acquired (Land), Trpoo-etXij/A/xeVTj (^copa). Its history is extremely obscure, and it is not even mentioned in the index to
Forbiger's Handbuch d. alten Geographie, or Cramer's geographical Description of Asia Minor. Ptolemy is the only ancient authority that gives the name, which is corrupted more or less in all the
*
manuscripts
he mentions
it
as part
of the Province Galatia.
In his study of Lycaonia in the Jahreshefte des k. k. Oest. Arch. Instituts, 1904, p. 65 IF. (Beiblatt), Prof. Ramsay explains the origin of the name and the extent of the district. The Galatian tribe
Trokmi acquired possession of the name originated. Celtic
the country about 164 b.c, and thus personal names often occur in the
epitaphs of the district, which was a part of the Roman Province Galatia from 25 b.c, until the Province Lycaonia was formed in
was incorporated in this new Province. following series of monuments, which are fair average specimens of several hundreds of gravestones found in the district Proseilemmene, are of quite a different style from those above deit
372, when
The
scribed.
They
are Stelai or tall slabs of stone, the top of which
is
cut into a pointed (or less frequently a rounded) shape, and sometimes very elaborately ornamented, with carved work or tracery along
the edges,
and
figures,
or household implements of various kinds,
Horizontal lines separate this pointed occupying the central space. from the rest of the part stone, giving it the appearance of a
pediment.
to the lower part of the stone, there are two main types of decoration. In the first, the inscription is placed between two
As
columns,
which support the

*
pediment-like
upper
part.
These
Jrpo<riXrifi(viTai, Trpo(TtpXj.fj.evLTau, Trpos ipXi/jLtviToi,
64
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
;
columns are indicated with varying degrees of completeness. Somesometimes they are repretimes they have capitals, and even bases sented merely by vertical lines running from the lower edge of the
pediment to the foot of the stone and occasionally they disappear in Nos. 43, 44, being replaced by a tablet or panel altogether, as
;
bearing the inscription. In the second type, the lower part of the stone represents a The lintel and doordoor, divided by cross lines into four panels.
as the door itself, and the whole is surposts are indicated, as well mounted by the pointed or rounded pediment seen in the other type
panels of the door are generally ornamented a basket, a mirror, a comb, with symbols referring to ordinary life often represented. knockers are or forth and one two and so ;
of decoration.
The
In the
two
classes
of monuments described
in
the earlier part
of this paper there is clearly shown a certain artistic progress as time New motives are added, and more complicated devices in goes on.
The workmen decoration were employed during the later period. who made those monuments felt a certain love of and pleasure in decorative work ; and they tried to make the monuments beautiful
by lavishing
is
a great
amount of minute ornament on them.
In the third class, examples of which will now be given, there no progress to be discerned. The monuments grow poorer in
in
the later period, yet a continuity in character is clearly The process was always the same older types were preserved, seen. Parts and fragments of but in a degenerate and broken-down form.
design
the older types were preserved and repeated, but the later workmen had evidently forgotten the original meaning of the forms which
they were carving, and in several cases they show unmistakably that new meaning had come to be attached to the old forms. The new
meaning often had a Christian character some fragment of an older was found suscepttype, separate from the original accompaniments,
:
of being interpreted in a symbolic religious sense, and was made more and more distinctly suitable in form to that new Christian
ible

sense.
65
A good
example
is
the old Phrygian type of the door.
This
had
the old Phrygian religion a meaning, which was explained by Ramsay in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1883, p. 254 f. " According to Phrygian ideas there were two necessary elements in
in
Prof.
life and the world was the place on which the living deposited the Of the various types of sepulchral offerings due to the dead ". which are in the pages quoted, the most described monument,
the sepulchral monument, an altar and a door the passage of communication between the world of
.
the door was
of death, the
altar
elaborate and complete is the sepulchral temple here the altar and " In other the door are parts of the whole. cases the rock-altar is the
:
most important part (or even the whole) of the monument." * Very " a slab of marble or often, also, the monument takes the form of
other stone carved to imitate a doorway ". In these two classes one is either the door or the But on a certain element, altar, suppressed. " " number of Phrygian altar-stones bearing sepulchral inscriptions, " the word " Door {6vpa) is engraved by itself on the lower part of
the stone ; and one gravestone " the Altar and the Door" it,
is
called, in the epitaph inscribed

ciL,
on
{loc.
p.
253).
These examples
pressed,
" the fundamental prove that, even when the door was suppressed, idea was the same," and the altar was understood, though not exas The of the " fundamental idea ".
part
religious belief,
" " Door on gravestones in the inscribing of the word Western Phrygia, as seen in the examples given in that article, is
which determined the idea of the sepulchral monument, was that " the dead man has returned to his divine mother," he is " identified with the divine nature," and his grave is the monument of a deity.
Now
analogous to the East Phrygian custom, seen
in
the
monuments of
the district which are published in the present article, pt. iv. ; the door is indicated on the stele, not by inscribing a mere word, but by
carving the representation of a door.

*
I
The
stele
is
itself a
degenerate
quote from
copy of the
article,
annotated and improved by the author.

5
66
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
"
;
" and broken-down indication of the entire monument, the Home of the dead and the temple of the god, including door, altar and house and on the stele the door at least is shown. As the lines dividing the panels on the door form a cross,* on
Christian stones they are apt to lose their original significance and come to be regarded simply as the symbol of the cross, while all the
accompaniments and
suppressed.
details
which mark the subject
as a
door are
the original Pagan type appears in a reduced form, as in No. 56, where the ornament has disappeared and only the cross is left. This is a good example of the way in which the
Thus
new
religion adopted
the older faith.

religion.
The
and gave a different meaning to the symbols of inscription there leaves no doubt as to the
In other cases, as in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1883, p. doubtful whether the cross is merely a degenerate indication 424, in that place of the pagan idea, or is used as a Christian symbol
it is
;
Prof.
Cities
Ramsay was disposed to regard the cross

and Bish. of Phr.,
ii.,
as Christian
but in
p.
705, he changed his opinion and rebe described, though
garded the
monument as of pagan origin. The group of monuments which will now
so poor and inartistic and degraded in character, forms an essential They belong to a region which part of the argument of this paper.
was
in
much
easier
communication with
Rome and
the
West than
Isauria
could possibly be.
Many
:
of them are found at Serai or
places on the great trade route leading from the east others belong to places lying to the direct to Ephesus and Rome
Ladik or other
north of that route but in immediate and easy connection with it. Yet the monuments show no trace of Roman influence, so far as the
art
they were mere variations, growing poorer and more degenerate as time went on, of old native types. Isauria had much less opportunity of receiving influence from Rome than north
is
concerned
* See Fig. 34 A.
and
Mittheil. Inst. Athen., xix., pp.

is
Examples may be seen in Cities and Bish. ofPhrygia, ii., p. 661, 315 ff., where the cross formed by the divisions
of the door
clearly
shown.
67
Lycaonia had ; and therefore the development of new forms which we found to occur in Isauria, on this as on other grounds already
stated,
cannot reasonably be explained by Roman influence. The drawings here reproduced make no pretension to accuracy
on hasty sketches, made during the few minutes which could be devoted to copying an inin detail.
They
are
founded
in
most
cases
AAAMoI
KAiXPHi
THK
rPlON
KAIIAPoN AOYAOiE AYTOiL
ZCDnTEZ
MNHMHL
0ENtKfN(5
LA
Fig. 35 A. Fig. 35 B.
lA
stone.
scription
and making a rough representation of the
But,
though they are not exact, they are sufficient to give a idea of the general character of the monuments, though
fairly correct
in
some
cases
they are not so rough and coarse as the originals. 35. Serai-Inn (R. 1905). 0a\a)u,o9 kol Xprjo-Trj
KaL(Tdp(^(o)v SoOXoi eaurois ^wi'res
/xjîj/at^s
Kvpi{oi)v
eveKev.
68
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
The pediment, which rests on an of elaborate .design. architrave ornamented with a rude form of the egg-pattern moulding,
stele
In the more elaborate has two side-pieces and a round akroterion. the columns and the of this stelai pediment are in relief, and type
the space between is a recess in which stand the figures carved in In the simpler and cheaper stelai the forms are merely inrelief lines incised on a plain surface, giving the appearance of dicated
by
an arch.
On
this stele are the figures
of the dedicators Thalamos
The bases of the supthe not capitals. though porting columns The position and probable duties of Thalamos, an Imperial of the mines at slave, are explained by Prof. Ramsay in an account.
and Chreste.
Beside the latter
are indicated,
is
a basket.
Zizima near Ladik
{Classical
Review, 1905, pp. 367
ff.,
429).
His
wife was also an Imperial slave. under the reign of conjoint Emperors, such as
The
date of this
monument was
sug-
Marcus Aurelius and

in the gen. plur.
Verus or Diocletian and Maximian.

gests a late date.
o for
36. Tcheshmeli-Zebir (R. 1905).
The
inscription
accurately engraved.
Zot'St tSias
fjLvrjixvrj
MapKos koI Soucrous ihiuiv The engraver has omitted OvyaTpdcriv ? )(apLv.
very inck tS)v MapKia Kai

is
and transposed e/c t(Sv, which should come before l8i(ov. Sousous must here be the name of a woman, wife of Markos. Beneath the In the pediment are two very rude female figures.
after iSiais
The capitals of the columns a brazier. inscription are a basket and The six-leaved rosette in the akroare indicated by vertical lines.
see on No. 7. probably a Christian symbol Small braziers of the kind here represented, or something apMinor they hold charcoal, and proaching it, are still used in Asia These braziers are frequently depicted on stelai, serve instead of fires.
terion
is
sometimes with a pan placed upon them,
as in
Nos. 38, 42.

tij
'A/LA[a .'']i9 Tet/xeiou 37. Serai-Inn (R. 1905). Kol Ka[p]i];. ^wcr(a) fj.i{T)\jn]<; avrfj TepTvWri
tSta dSeXTr^
The
akroterion
is
of a more elaborate and an earlier form than

usual.
69
The
with tracery in incised

indicated.
but the edges decorated capitals of the columns also are Under the inscription are two spindles with distaffs and
is
centre of the pediment

lines.
plain,
The
two
in
baskets.
The
variation between
<f)
and
ir
in aSeX(ô?, dSekfjyy], in
is
common
Phrygian epitaphs, and many similar examples
other words
might be quoted.
AAAAAAAA
II
mapkockaT-^ MAPKOCKA COYCOYCIA OJN 6KTC0N MAPIC lAZO/

/illAIAlCRWr
AM/f CTIMI
YTHIAIAAAC A1THTPTYA
MNHXAPIN
AHKAIAYTH
^
Fig. 36.
ZUJCMN MHCK
Alnic
Fio. 37.
38. Sinanii (R. 1905).
Koi
oLiDpo)
iivr]\iJ.vy]cr]fir)<;
BeoSdrij pot{t/u,]w av^pi y\u/<[u]raT(U ws y^dpetv kol Tvpavihi p.r]Tp\ dyvfj pkv
"Apre/xi?
eTroir](Tev.
pya he
'A^t^vo,?
ivOdSe kltc
TvpavU
koI eavrfj
t,(Scra
The
are
top of the stone
is
broken away.
Below the inscription
on
two distaffs and spindles, then a small pan with a handle resting a brazier, between two tables on each of which stands a large
vessel.
round
70
It is
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
:
doubtful
8e 'Xdr)va? "Ayare/xts pure " in the as Artemis, and her occupations (were those) of Athena latter, ipya Se '\drfva<; iv6d8e kItg must be taken as a sentence by
;
In the former case, the phrase " who was
WAMAPl
^/^
V K
TATojkaiawPOjM
KHMNHcMHCXAPg
INKAlTYPANIAIM
C
HTPlArNHMCNU) APT 6 MIC eprAAt
eHNAceNeAAC
KlTeTyPA1MlCKAl
A VTH ZOJCA^n OtHC6N
AAIC
HI
II
TOCT
AN
I
YM
A N
(|)HIOYA
AN6CTH Ce
N
AaNH
MH
CXAPIN
Fig. 38.
Fio. 39.
itself,
and the word

is
/cire
must mean "
are carved on this stone
"
;
to be understood as referring to the articles represented Ipya In either case the construction the lower part of the stele.
on
is
the illiterate character lof the utterly ungrammatical, betraying

poser.
com-
The former interpretation seems preferable. .]70? 'A[/i.aVTios 'AXi[. 39. Azak (R. 1905).
.
tt7 iSio,
vu/a^t;
'louXtai^'^] avia-rqaev
jjivrjixi]^
^dpiv.
71
stele
of simple character.
and two
in-law.
tall vessels,
Nymphe
As
In the pediment are two baskets of some kind. possibly jars in the epitaphs of Phrygia seems to denote a daughter-
the father erects the

it
tomb
to a'
Nymphe
in
this
and
many
their
other cases,
may
probably be understood that the sons with

re-
wives lived in a great household along with their father,
/////// /'///'/////>'// *'/^/^/^Â*V<'''^'*'-6(
TATe\C9P
mm
OK
tACAAoMNH
lAfel
OCmI
PlJ
MNHMHC
XAPIN
HATPei
K6A0 AHAae
<pHMNH
MHCXA
PfeIN
Fig. 41.
Fig. 40.
maining to a certain degree under of the present volume.

40. Kara-Bagh-Yaila (R.
Ao[v]Xij a.8^X]<j)7J
fivyjfjLtj^
his authority.
See pp. 121, 150,
1905).
'O/ciacios
Mipw
Trarpel
Ke
^dpeLv.
is
The upper
self
part of the stone
more
elaborate, the
pediment
it-
a plain architrave being raised on two short pillars resting upon Other examples of this form occur. supported by the usual columns.
72
A.
as in
MARGARET RAMSAY
see the
Here too
No. 35 we
a very
curved
line
giving the pediment
the appearance of an arch.
Miros was
common name
it
in
this district,
and
in
many
the
cases the epitaphs in
which
occurs are clearly Christian.

vol.
i.,
On
meaning of the name see Expositor, 1906, 41. Tcheshmeli-Zebir (R. 1905).
fjLVTJjj.ri's
p.
149.
Bpeij/acra
Tctrets
Aofivy
-âpiv.
Stele erected to an
up.* the egg pattern is used unintelligently to ornament the capitals of the column. Degeneration has gone here almost to the utmost ex:
The form
of the side columns
alumna by the foster-mother who brought her is simpler and ruder than usual
treme, consistent with retaining the character of the part is broken.
stele.
The upper
42. Tcheshmeli-Zebir (R.
1905).
narpotîXos etStw iraTpel
y\vKVTa.T(p Auyoi^crjroJ avicTTiqcrev
iJ.vrjfji\r]]<; ^dpiv. of columns and architrave with eggrough representation almost as and pattern ornament, degenerate, quite as rude, as the The top of the stone is broken away. Between the columns last.
a very rude figure of a man wearing a short tunic, and a cap ; beside him a two-handled vase standing on a brazier, and a large oinochoe on the ground. The columns are here seen on the way to
is
disappearance
at the base
of the stone they have
lost
the character
of
pillars,
and
are joined
by a cross line, so as to look like the sides
of a panel.
occurs several times in Christian inscriptions of the district, and probably Augustus also was Christian. The use
The name Augusta
of Augustus, Augusta, in this way could not begin before the triumph of Constantine and doubtless originated in the exultation of the
;
Christians in
their
Christian Augusti
during the fourth century.
dative (for Opttj/dayj),
* In Phrygian Greek it is possible that 6pt\j/acru. should be regarded as a Dorizing and that the tomb was erected by Tateis to her foster-mother
Domna.

'
71
43. Serai-Inn
y\vKVTa.T(t) [Jiov
t,a)i>
(R. 1904). irarpi IlavXa) Ke

fji.vyjixr]<;
hvpir^kioi)
Trj firjTpi fiov
Mtpos
dvia-T-qa-a
/ce
tw
BacriXicrcnj
eauTW
rrjv IcrTrjkyjv Tavrrjv
^dpiv*
and the next, the columns supportiiag the pediment have disappeared altogether, their places being taken by a slightly sunk
this stele
On
AYPoJMiPoC
ANf<^
Thca
TiorAYkVTA
T'^MoyTTATPI
nATAtOKeTH
HA
T p o
HHTPiMovBAfi /\|CCHK6AY
AO
A
I
4)
Tu)2c;3NTWic
C El Lo Tl
THAhNTAYThN
YKYTAT
ATPeiTA
WMH^XAPIN
cuAr ro V
rujANEC
C)
THCENMNHMK
CXAPIN
Fig. 42. Fig. 43.
ornamental panel bearing the inscription.

In
The pediment
still
remains.
many stones resembling this in type the last lingering traces of columns at the two sides of the stele have disappeared, and the panel
is
at
Here there is only tracery surrounded by tracery on three sides. the top, and the lines at the side of the panel may be regarded as
*
By
a slip I
have put T for
in
1.
5.
74
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
survivals of the lines indicating the inner edge of the columns, while the curves at the foot of the upright lines are variations of the pedestals.
44. Dedeler (1905).
'Aup(r^Xto9) MvTjo-iêts uto? Aio/xrjSoi>

tco
cri{i']
T^
crvvfiioi
ôv Kupa/CTj aveartâafiev
yXvKVTOLTW
rjixcov
vlu)
'^pfifj
it is
âpiv. the pediment scarcely retains its proper character ; The cross placed no longer clearly divided from the lower part.
/Avry/LiT^s
Here even
AYP5MNHCI6&IC YlOCAlOMHAOYCV THC YN6I tOHOVKV PAKHANeCTHCAM

6NT^rAYKYTATtO
HKCONYlcOe PM.H
HNHMHCXA.PIN
QJ
19
7HJ.AV5I
Fig. 44.
in
it
shows the stone to be Christian
its
slightly unusual
form
is
probably due merely to purposes of ornament. pagan divine name, Hermes, two thoroughly
The mixture
Christian
of a
names, Mnesitheos and Kyriakos, and a name from pagan epic literature, is characteristic of the mixed character of Lycaonian Christian society
in the late third
been
left
no attempt seems to have of conduct, but much room was compel uniformity for individual freedom and a large spirit of tolerance prevailed.
or early fourth century
:
made
to

The same was
Phrygia
the case in the western and
75
more
civilised
parts of
in the third
ii.,
century (see Prof. Ramsay in the
Cities
and
Bish. of Phrygia,
Kyrake
for
pp. 485, 503 f.). Kyriake shows a pronunciation akin to modern

in
Greek, in which Kyra for Kyria is common Mnesitheos is treated like a noun ending in -ios.
45. Kozlu
vulgar
speech.
(R.
1906).
Aup(iyXta)
efcXa TvydrTjp "^tcrivov
dveaTTja-a tw dvSpl /j.o[u] Mevveov evXaySecrTaTo(v) TTpeafiv0e[pov. stone not unlike the preceding, though a step further from the original type. The top of the stone is square, and the pediment.
AYP0KAATYrA
THPCICINOYANec THCAT6UANAPIM0 M6NNe0YeYAAB6C
TATOCTTPeCBVGe
Fig. 45.
represented only by incised lines, forms the upper part of the tablet on which the inscription is placed. The name Thekla was very common in Christian families in
Lycaonia during the fourth century.

46.
avexpLa)
p.vrip.y^'i
Besh-Ishekli
yxvT^/xTjg
(R.
^dpiv.
Budvcop koL 'H\ia9 <îkdv6co Koi <i[i\]avdo<; 'PoSottt) î,k\dv6a) diêi/ziw 1905).
^dpiv.
is
door-ornament on the shaft of a The inscription, as is usual on grave-stele, with pediment above. stelai of this is on of the door in this case. the lintel typ)e, placed
a fair specimen of the
;
This
76
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
last
however, owing to lack of room, the
words are on the door
itself.
The
circle
on the upper left-hand panel probably represents
a knocker.
Vv
98 BB
MHcA PIN
Vi//
BlANU)PKAlHA\AC<p.tAKtJ9U)
ANCtKLUWNHMHCXAPiN
4)1A
ANeoCKAlPOAonHc|) ANGUJANfctltUMN
Fig. 46.
In the pediment appears the six-leaved rosette within which may be taken to indicate that the stone is Christian *
*
a circle,
(see
on
The name
Elias also
is
proof of Christian or Jewish (probably Jewish-
Christian) origin.

No.
7).
77
of uncertain character, The curious ornaperhaps implements connected with some trade. of the ment just under the point pediment seems to be purely
Just beneath
it
are four objects
decorative and without any symbolical meaning.
47. Sinanli (R. 1905). [ [r^ cr]vi'/8i(y koX AovSa dvyaTp'i. The upper part of this stele
.
]\etos Ta[/D]eXX[tav]6s 'E/iiXTâSt
is
broken off
the lower represents
AflOCTA CAA
lOCMIAHAAl
YNBIUKAlAOVAAevrATPl
ll
ll
llliil J
iiiiiiiiin
'/'^'/ffr^y^.^y.
.v*'c.'i^'''^v^
^!<<- /-fr^-^^"--
Fig. 47.
the door with

lintel.
four panels. The inscription is written across the In the upper left-hand panel is an ornament composed of
its
elaborthree concentric circles, which is perhaps a knocker of more ate form than that on the it is preceding stele ; possibly, however, Whether the object in the corresponding rightmerely decorative.
hand panel (which

district) is
" in this of frequent occurrence on " door-stones remains it some is symbol, only ornamental, or whether
is
78
uncertain.
It
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
be compared with a similar though more elaborEach of the lower ate design on a stone found at Dork (Fig. 28). distaff with the wool panels contains a looking-glass, a spindle and kind common on Greek of the a wool-basket attached, a comb, and
may
stelai.
'EfiiXrjdSL
is
dative of the Latin

defaced.
also
inscription
is
much
The
native
name Aemilia * but the name AovSa is common in

;
this district,
and appears
on No. 48.
Tarellianus
is
a possible
Fig. 48.
name
but perhaps Garellianus, metathesis of Galerianus,
is
more
?
probable.
48. Kadi-Oglu
ajvopt
[Kttt
(R.
1905).
AovSa
NeiK[77](^d[p]w
rw
[iSiw
eavTT).
is
In the pediment
a female figure, probably the
Meter Zizi-
mene
(the great goddess of this part of Lycaonia from Iconium Several dedications to this northwards) accompanied by a lion.
in
goddess have been found
Iconium and the neighbourhood

as if it
cf.
* Declined
were Aemilias.

Class. Rev., Oct., 1905, pp.
is
79
367-370.
is
At one
star.
side of the
pediment
an incised
circle, at the other a spindle attached
to a distaff with
wool, and a basket.
Above
double
This type of the goddess with her lion appears, with variations, on a whole series of these monuments. Sometimes both goddess
and
lion are represented,
sometimes one of them alone, and some-
times merely the head and shoulders of the goddess. It has been pointed out above that in the old Phrygian custom, the erection of
a grave
was an
act
of dedication to a deity.
Hence
the
the formula for

as that for the
the dedication of a
tomb was very much
same
dedication of a votive tablet, and the type suitable for the votive The Mother Zizimene offering could also be used on a gravestone.*
form of Cybele, and the forms used in reliefs dedicated to her were of the kind usual in the worship of Cybele. The comwas a
local
monest type showed the goddess, either enthroned or standing, between two lions ; and sometimes small figures, representing the
dedicators and worshippers, were added. Many stones in this region, proved to be sepulchral by epitaphs, bear reliefs which are parts of the full scene as it appears on votive reliefs in many Phrygian towns.
The present relief is one of them. It is evidently a gravestone both the epitaph and the epya 'A^T/i'a?,! work-basket with spindle
:
and
distaff,
prove that.
The
;
figures
imitated from the votive reliefs
larger than the female figure. whether the female figure was intended by the artist to be the goddess or only the deceased woman, whose grave was to be adorned with
this stone.
It
in the centre are evidently but only one lion appears, and it is doubt might be felt in this case,
tion
would be impossible to say what was the exact intenof the artist, and it would be equally unnecessary, for, as has
been pointed out already, the dead person was worshipped as identified with the divine nature, so that the making of the grave was an
act
of religious worship and the grave was the temple and home of the god. The artist intended the female figure to be the represen* See
p.
70 of
this
volume.
Cf.
No.
38.
8o
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
Mother-Goddess.
"
tation of the dead person deified as the dead man returns in death to the mother
The
goddess's
own country every dead

is
who bore him." In the person, man and woman alike,
goes back to and
of the goddess. why a female figure appears on this gravestone, which belonged to a man, or to point out that in (as is proved by many other examples) the gravestones were kept
merged
in the nature
Hence
it is
not necessary to explain
stock ready for sale, and were used without much regard to the suitability of the relief to the person or persons buried in the grave. In this case Douda purchased the gravestone, and if she thought at
Fig. 49.
all
all life,
about suitability, she saw in the relief the goddess, the mother of to whose bosom her husband had gone back in death.
49. Ladik (R.
1882).
A
The
stele
without
is
much ornament, and
inscription
quite obliterated.
considerably defaced. In the pediment is the figure
of the goddess, standing between her lion and a smaller female

figure, possibly an attendant or a worshipper.
Beside the latter
is
a basket.
If the religious ideas,
which
originally underlay such representations, were still alive when the relief was placed over the grave, the central figure would have to be
8i
interpreted as the dead, deified in the form of the Mother-Goddess, and the small figure on the right as a survivor worshipping at the grave ; but those ideas had certainly grown vague and faint ; and
such representations as this were probably used as mere survivals of old forms, which were hardly understood.
KOVillTOCrAlLUrUJ Y
LU
2\AAANYN<t'HrYNAIKI.AY
MNHMHCXAPIN
Fio. 50.
50.
Tcheshmeli-Zebir (R. 1905).
Kou[t''}ros
Taiw tw uiw
[/caij
Aaoa vvvi^rf yvvaiKx ai{Tou] fiuy]ixr]<; ^dpt,v. The dedicator of this stele was apparently poor for, though the scheme is almost complete, the amount of work expended on it has been reduced to a minimum. The panels of the door are with;
out carving, the pediment absolutely plain, except for the extremely rude representation of the goddess and her lion. 6
82
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
is.
The word
case
vvfi<f)y]
often used in
:
Phrygian and Lycaonian
epitaphs in the sense
of "son's wife"
see
No.
his
39.
In the present
Quintus made the grave for Gaius daughter-in-law the wife of Quintus.
51.
son
and Dada
his
Azak
(R. 1905).
stone,
Aio/AT/Sr;? T[
tjj
ISlo.
yvilaLKl.
A simple
now much worn, with very
little
rude figure of the goddess occupies the centre
carving. of the pediment.
Aiomhahct
THIAIAfYN
Fig. 51.
without the lion which accompanies her in the more complete schema. The form leaves no doubt that the goddess, and not a mere woman,
was intended
in this case.
52. Serai-Inn (R.

[)(a/5]ij'.
I,
1906).
stone.
Nava?
Ba/Bei
Tjj
Ov}yLTpL
fi-vrJiLTfi
not
a,
on the
This Christian gravestone is a proof how far the old religious meaning of the type had been forgotten in the late third century. The type is here reduced to the head and shoulders of the goddess,
83
The placed under a round arch supported on two short columns. * that the difference from the ordinary dress of women proves goddess
is
here meant.
The
spaces between the columns and the edges of
X^^::;^^^^^^::,:^^^
NAN ACBABe \TH6

WiMmmlix
|\(
Fig. 52.
Beneath is an oblong with sprays of leaves. horizontal panel, which, like the arch, is decorated with a pattern in curved lines. little cross in the left-hand corner is the only sign
the stone are
filled
A
is
* This dress
shown
d.
Ramsay
in
Jahreshefte
best in the drawings of tombstones published by Prof. K. K. Oesterr. A. Instituts, 1905 (Beiblatt), pp. 93, 95, 98.
84
that the stone
is
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
;
be evidently intended to attention only of such as looked for inconspicuous, and to catch the This shows that the grave belongs to the period when Chrisit. was still proscribed and a cause of danger to its confessors,
Christian
the
symbol
is
tianity
ANTirO
Nl
/>
TYXLANHMHTWrAVK VTATH >-LNHHHC6NfeK6N
KAI<|)UJTIUJNEY

53. Siiianli (R. 1905).
iveKev.
85
ykvKVTdrri
fivijixr)^
The
'Avnyovta KalâTCcovlLvTvx^Lavjj jXTjrpl stone was in an inner stable (which
was perfectly dark and very

to the stone.
filthy), and was hurriedly copied by the of of chips pinewood, lighted one after another and held close light
The ornament
differs
slightly
from that on the other door-
0AYAATriK0CM6IP6)Ttoi AltOTTATPlMNHMHCXAPiN
86
tian
A.
symbolical
7).
MARGARET RAMSAY
as in
ornament,
the
tomb of Bishop Theophilus
(No.
54. Sinanli
fivqfi'q'i
(R.
1905).
'OXu/xttikos
Metpw tS
i8tw
irarpl
-^dpiv.
is
The pediment
Meter Zizimene occupied by the lion of the
tMlKJNA
iviAKOjyiON
0NYAAB'
AtONTIKOY
EMeAAert\
ocnACHCAPE
NOCHNE-NIBIOO
KAAYHTI
rWCKEKoCHHKE
KEeEEIKHNCo
4)iANEKtEAECA
CENSAAeKlie
YKEPoMfit/W^
"îMotATAeoi:
TBvAArTovrA
CYNKATAKITElh
KAA(DCBlONE|e
rEAECENTWNA
oYCANECTHtEW
A&t\4>HTT0-E
T0hETjr\0N
XA
HAPIAMNHHHC PIN
KONGO N9I
^ H
H^NOV
/V
Fig. 55.
Fig. 56.
AN6CrHC/^
along its upper edges does not seem to have any be purely ornamental, and may be comsymbolical meaning, but to ornament on No. 46. On one panel pared with a somewhat similar
the decoration
of the door
is
knocker very
like those already noticed
on several
monuments.
As
to the object in the other panel, see
on No. 47.

55. Yaila
avecTTrjcra,.
87
*i\->;/j,eVou
of
Agha-Beyli
a
(R.
1906).
K6vo}v
This
stele
is
good example of the types of
the goddess and
the door-stone in a very
much reduced form.
The
stone
is
divided
by horizontal lines into four parts ; in the uppermost of these, which is still pointed at the top and represents the pediment in the more
complete
goddess.
vival
type,
very rude representation of the head of the In the next division is a large cross within a circle, a suris
of the divisions between the panels of the door-stone, the Below this original significance of which has been entirely lost.
again are two smaller circles, each containing a cross, and in the The stone is evidently Christian ; lowest division is the inscription. and the presence of the head of the Meter Zizimene can only be
explained as the survival of a
Pagan
type,
whose
real
meaning has
been forgotten.
56. Serai-Inn, in a
mosque (R. 1905).
Mtvveav tov evXa^^dcrTaTov) SLa.Ko{vov) vlov Acovtukov ivddde
yea
K deeiKTjv
/caXuTrrt,
/ceKocr/i.'>7[/A]ci'os
OS ndcnr)'; dperrj^
rjv
evi fiCat
cro(f)iav
e/creXecras ivddZe. kItc.
TOV
S'
avTov yXuKc/Dos dSeX<^[os] (TvvKaToiKiTe,
Tp6(j)i[xo<;
dyado^ Kokois
7ro[^]eoi'cr'
fiiov iêreXecrep.
Twv
8'
d8e\(f)r]
dvecTTrjcrev Tooe tltXov
The panels of the again very much reduced. door are kept as in the original scheme, but they are reduced in form In some to a simple cross, and were doubtless regarded as a cross.
ornaments disappeared and the stone showed only a large cross and an inscription arranged as here. In the upper part of this stele the customary form, seen in Nos. 2^, 36, 39, 40, is modified into a rude resemblance to the human figure. Above the inscription is a circle containing a cross between the
cases the side lines
MapLa fj.vrj[Mr)^ The same type,
^(dpLV
and
all
letters
and
co
beneath
it,
in the
two lower
panels, another cross
88
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
of a shape resembling the Maltese, and the six-leaved rosette, each The cross and the rosette here correspond to one within a circle. another, and it seems not open to doubt that the latter was felt to be
The little cross with a Christian symbol as much as the former. which the inscription begins is common on Christian monuments of
the fourth century or later.
APTEMLUN MOVNATY
NeKirAV/"///
/'/ATH
Fig. 57.
The
inscription
itself
is
curious.
The
carver has evidently
imitated older metrical formulae and
inserted, without regard to metrical considerations, the names and appropriate epithets of the deceased persons. In 3 and 5, the aorist of rcXew is used as if it
were spelt with cro-. Kolu-Kissa 57.
(R.
1906).
'ApTeficov
Movva
yvveKi

An
Instead of the large door with
89
interesting variation of the ordinary type of door-stone.

its
four panels, a small doorway, with door-posts, threshold, and lintel crowned with an akroterion, is carved in the centre of the stone. With this be a
may
compared
published by Prof. Ramsay, Cities and Bish. of Phr., ii., the door is not actually represented at all, but the where p. 380, word 0TPA is written across the middle of the stele.
58.
monument
Suwarek (R. 1905).

''
Copied
also
by T. Callander
in
1904.
\\vp. 'AXefai'8/D[os 8ts

cA.7rt(ras
iirll
al <f)povcov fâreaKevacrev
Trj?
eircL-
aural kolixtjtt^lov tovto

kiJLvrjix.rj<;
Ta
i,orj<;
âpa[<; re
^wv
^dfîv.
AYPAAiANAl
eATTlC AC
TT!
TAZOHCXAP/
Al4)PONC0NI< AVTCOKOlUH' M/N H M-< C X A
Fig. 58.
The may
in
restoration of this really important and remarkable epitaph be regarded as practically certain, as made by Prof. Ramsay
the
the Expositor, has restored, exempli gratia, February, 1 906. name of Alexander's father as Alexander ; but any short name
He
would be equally suitable. This and the following (No. 59) are like one another in style, but differ from the rest. They are examples of the only kind of
gravestones in this district in which there appears any attempt to The ornadevise new artistic forms and new style of decoration.
The inscription is placed in a panel, very simple in both. on either side of which is the six-leaved rosette framed in a border of
ment
is
straight lines.
clearly expressed
That of No. 58, evidently

example of the hope
Christian,
is
the most
in a future life
on a Christian
90
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
The
rosette in both
is
memorial stone of
early
this district.
probably an
of the Christian monoexample of the use of this modification form of the inscription in both, gram of IX (see on No. 7). The
where the name of the person who erects the tomb is placed at the the tomb is not likely to have been made beginning, is early, and later than the middle of the fourth century, and may be earlier
though the symbolic of Christian devices.
letters at
the top are not of
the earliest class
The
this stone was broken ofF and has been right-hand part of
restored from the remaining portion.
00
AYPHAIOCMIPOC
AYPMAPK6AA
TCOTTAT PIMlPCa
YlOCrCA^PiO
l^"R>vTPIKrPI
)^T<rsAA6A4>ffO 6iC AtTd pr&
I
ANCCTHC A TYNftON It CT
Ahnmnhhhc
X
APIN
Fig. 59.
59. Eurek-Yaila (R. 1905).

T(u
'Au/ar^X-ios
717 plyjjrpl
Mipos
'A.vp.
MapKeka
dSe\<f>w
vaTpl Mipo)
via) EicrtSupq)
kc
KvpL[\r)] kc
tw
k aTrjkrjv p.vrjp.ri'i ^(apiv. EicTiScjpo) avea-TTjo-a tvvôv is Christian That the stone is proved by the cross above, between
the letters
and
to.
with Marcella (his (and) his son Isidorus,
The meaning is uncertain, probably Miros his father Mirus wife) made the monument for
etc.,
but some words have been omitted.

60.
91
Suwarek (R. 1905). of ornament exemplifying the piece
fact that all
attempts to
It
is
devise new forms of ornament in this district were Christian. on a stone which evidently formed the top of a doorway.
Fig. 60.
SUMMARY.
are
1
.
The
conclusions which seem to have been reached in this paper
land of Northern Isauria, accessible only with difficulty from the west and showing little trace of Gra;co-Roman influence, was the place of origin of a new kind of decorative art,
The mountain
which spread widely over the Roman world. 2. This art can be traced in a simpler form
in the third
century
and
in a
3.
more
It
is
elaborate
form
in the fourth century after Christ.
mainly Christian in its origin, springing up through the vigour and initiative imparted by the adoption of new thoughts and manners.
4. No trace of the Isaurian scheme of ornament has been found North Lycaonia or Phrygia or anywhere on the land-road to Rome.
in
5.
The
Isaurian ornament
is
traced along the road to the pro-
vincial capital Tarsus.
92
6.
A.
MARGARET RAMSAY
called the
its
This Oriental Province,
Three Eparchies,
Cilicialine
Lycaonia-(south)-Isauria,'was following development during the third century. 7. From Tarsus the Isaurian scheme
own independent
made
its
of
way
to
Rome
and
this
8.
must have been by the sea-road. In North Lycaonia little trace of new
;
artistic
forms can be
detected
9.
but such as are found are entirely Christian in character.
In Isauria the artistic impulse is attested by the artists' custom of signing their works.* This habit is hardly known in any other part of Central Anatolia.
As the epitaph of Zenobius the following of work rhythm may be permitted

Appendix.
village
at
is
much above
attempt
the level
it
that
time,
:
to express
in
Fairest
was Hylas among
all
heroes of ancient story,

;
Fair as the deathless gods, young Hylas who died in the fountain So, 'mid his peers who dwelt in the well-walled land of Isaura,
the radiant sun the boy Zenobius fairest ; was he, to his townsfolk alike and to strangers. And dear to the gentle maidens who loved him admiring his beauty. Envy, alas, the accursed, unpitying suddenly laid him
Shone
like
Dear unto
all
Low,
in the pride of his youth,

his
Therefore did Herakleis
and withered the branch yet in blossom; mother, along with her children.
Raise for her darling a beautiful

! !
tomb
for greatly she loved
him.
Envy, away go hide thy head ah, would the immortals Utterly might destroy thee thyself, for the ill thou hast wrought
*
Examples
:
us.
in
this
volume,
p.
169; J.H.S., 1904,
p.
279
1905, p. 175
Sterrett, IVolfe Exp., pp. 23,
511 ; etc. Paporinda, Porinda.
41, 49 {cf. Hist. Geogr., p. 382) ; B.C.H., 1886, p. In several cases the artists mention their Isaurian home, Astra, Lystra,
II.
SMYRNA
AS DESCRIBED BY THE AELIUS ARISTIDES.

W. M. CALDER.
ORATOR
SMYRNA AS DESCRIBED BY THE ORATOR

AELIUS ARISTIDES.
(Map,
p.
115.)
The
at
city
of Smyrna
lies
its
eastern end.
on the southern shore of the Gulf of Smyrna, The modern city slopes down from Mount
its
Pagus, and extends, with

*
tepe
*
suburbs, beyond the hill called Deirmenon the west, and close to the Caravan Bridge River on the
The name " Corypheum " which some

a passage in
be derived from
Pausanias (535)
eiro^^j; 8c kox
have applied to this hill appears to Kar e/tc 'S.fj.vpvaioi's Upov
to
The temple referred fitra^ Kopv(f>rj^ Tt opous Kal OaXdcrcrrj^ d/ityovs vSan dWotw. was a temple of Asklepios to which further reference is made in Pausanias, 172
aTTo &f Tov Tlfpya/xrjvSiv S/iupvatoi? yeyovfv

It
has been usual to take the word Kopv<jirj " " Mount name, and Coryphe has been identified with Deirmen-tepe. " has accordingly been placed between Mount Coryphe and the sea at
it
iff)' rj/j-uiv 'A(TK\rjTn(ioi' to iirl 6a\d<Tcrr). in the former of these passages as a proper
The temple
a
point where
from admixture with water from elsewhere," Deirmen-tepe, between it and the sea.
is
free
i.e.,
on the northern slope of

surely
Two
Pagus only
difficulties arise
;
on
this view,
(i) opoi at
Smyrna could
mean the
and
(2) the
Greek words
OaXda-a-rj^ daiyoCs vSari
dWoto) can scarcely
Such an expression is inapplicable to the sea at any The force of the adjective point round the eastern part of the Gulf of Smyrna. "a salt spring ". The exbe must rather be "that will not mix," and OdXaa-a-a must will not mix with other water ". pression would then mean "a salt spring whose water
bear the translation given above.
A temple of Asklepios might well be built beside such a spring. On this view, the words Kopv<j>ri opov^ will mean "the summit of Pagus" and the form "Corypheum
will rank
salt
with "Grampian
is
".
It
is
no proof of the
;
falsity
of
this hypothesis that
no
now known at Smyrna it may have disappeared (as the Fountain of spring in the Roman Forum disappeared and its site was unknown until the recent Juturna Of excavations), or it may still exist, and be incorporated in one of the drains.
course, the ultimate test
is
excavation, and discovery of the temple.
If Kopu<î7
is
proper name,
it
must mean Deirmen-te'pe.
96
east,
W. M.
occupying
natural
all
CALDER
The
the intermediate space close up to the sea- shore. features of the site are well marked, and have not
changed since the early centuries of our era. Then, as now, the city mantled round the two hills on the west and south, and nestled in the Then, as now, the city gave slope between them and the sea-shore. the impression of a beautiful and harmonious divine figure, whose
feet rested
on the strand and whose body rose by harmonious gradait
tions until
Aristides, extended above the throughout its whole length ;
culminated in the wall-crowned Pagus. sea, and the bloom of
The
its
city, said
beauty shone
but looked as
if it
uniform was
it
in
it was not like a town built bit by bit, had sprung of a sudden into being, so full and The sea seemed to creep yearningly all its parts.
up and seek
pression " and the havens After the city had been restored, he says again The attitude is that represented in the enjoy the city's embrace ". f Gaia and Thalatta in the pediment of the Athenian Parthenon ;
Speaking of Smyrna after it had been destroyed by the earthquake of a.d. i 8o, Aristides uses the ex" O ye havens that miss the embrace of your beloved city ".*
to
embrace the
city.
group
tude.
a coin-type of
Smyrna shows Dionysos and Semele
in the
same
atti-
high knees of Semele are intended to give the idea of a high steep hill rising above the temple of Dionysos. (Fig. p. 97.) The imagery is elsewhere varied, and the sea is said to float bestiff
The
neath the city like a pedestal J on which the feet of the city rest. over all, and attunes the whole city into harbright sheen swims
*
xviii.,
f
6 (Keil)
:
Xi/xeVtg iroOovvre^ toi? r^s
^(Xranjs
TroXetos dyicaXas.
xxL, 2 1
Kol
Sr]
XiyucVts TE KO/j-LÔfTai Ta's
TTJ's
<îXtut7js ttoXecos flyKaXas.
In
xxi., 5,
Aristides speaks of Xi/xevas
Trj fJ-h' KVKXovfj.evov'S Tr;V TrdXir,
ry
8c vtto
ttj's
TrdXeus
ufo-ovi \o/xeVous.
The form
\ifx.riv
Smyrnaeans
their
of expression used here would no doubt suggest to the KXcto-Tos (Strabo, 646), which could be said figuratively to lie
in the city's arms.

if
xvii.,
19
3
:
r;
St
daXarra TVaparuvd Kaddirtp
(id(n^.
xviii.,
TrdSts /xev
kiu ak(ru>v ipeiSofievoi. rjiovtav Kai Xt/j-fviav

vol.
iii.,
Cf.
Men-
ander Rhetor (Spengel, Rhetores Graeci,

T<3 Xt/itV(.
351, 23), uxnrep
irocrlv eTria-Trjpi^fo-Oai
SMYRNA
mony with
"
itself
IN
THE ORATOR ARISTIDES
97
Smyrna was a from the bay in The modern

This stream
is
and the beautiful country around.* The " beauty of commonplace in ancient Ionia,f and Smyrna, as seen front, is still one of the loveliest sights in the Levant.
city stops
west of the Caravan
Bridge River.
mountain torrent rising near Sedikeui, about twenty miles south of Smyrna. It drains a long upland valley, and is fed
a
by
several hill-torrents
is
on both banks.
;
river
subject to violent spates
in
dry weather
In the rainy season this it flows with a tiny
stream, or
is
dry.
Its
course
lies
round the eastern
side of Pagus,
It
and then towards the
sea, in a
north-easterly direction.
meets
river
the sea in an estuary a few

*
xvii., 9.
hundred yards long.
Of
this
Aristides, /<;///>/.
iv.,
C/^ Lucian, xxxix., 2.
Cor/). Inset:
Gt:, ^zoi.
Philostratus,
j^poll. Tyaii., bk.
ch. 7.
Strabo, 646.
Prof.
Ramsay
has discussed this subject in

in detail the
his Letters
to the
Seven Churches, pp.
254
fF.,
where he explains
(see p. 103).
comparison
to a sitting statue of the
Smyrnaean goddess 7
98
Prof.
W. M.
Ramsay
writes
:
CALDER
"I went to see the lower course of the the 30th April, after a wet cold spring, Water on Caravan Bridge when the rains had just recently ceased. Half a mile above the mouth there was a tiny streamlet trickling in the deepest part of the bed. Near the mouth there was plenty of water, a considerable deep pool extending two hundred yards or more up from the mouth.
But
this
was not
really the river water.
Sticks
thrown into
it
drifted
up-stream away from the sea under the impulsion of a very gentle morning breeze which was blowing straight up the stream. You
could not say that the river to the mouth of the river.
'
meets the sea
'
a tiny
stream trickles
On
the other hand, as this river drains
the whole of a considerable upland valley, and the slopes of an extent of mountains, it carries a big torrent after heavy rains, a roaring
turbid mass of water.

far
It
has numerous sources and heads, some as
away
as twelve miles south,
and there are many small springs

it.
in
the
hills, 1
am
told,
which feed
The
water
is
now drawn
off to
in ancient times there can be help the water-supply of the city, but * little doubt that this was done to some extent."
few hundred yards to the east of the Caravan Bridge River another body of water enters the Gulf of Smyrna. Some thirteen
hundred yards south of the

fountain called
and copious the Baths of Diana, and the overflow from this
rises a splendid gulf, there
fountain
in
its
is
conducted
in
an
artificial
canal to the sea.
The
canal
The ancient cutting construction. present form is of modern the water overflowed and conand silted become to was allowed up,
Modern engineering has verted the plain around into a marsh. ancient what the for engineering had done before place again done the time when Aristides lived.
This canal
* Weber
is
the famous Meles, the traditional birthplace

"
of
in a paper entitled
xiv.,
arch'dologtichen Instituts, vol.
" in the Jahrbuch des Wasserleitungen von Smyrna that an shows aqueduct led water from p. 215,
Akbunar, south of one source of the Caravan Bridge River, down the valley of that Doubtless the water of the Caravan Bridge River was also utilised. river.
SMYRNA
IN

his
.
99
Homer, whence he derived
very considerable by the fountain of Chalka-Bunar, or Diana's Bath,

in
" name " Melesigenes It carries a body of water to the sea. As it is fed exclusively
it
never varies
volume like the Caravan Bridge River, which rises or falls after Its temperature likewise varies little each season of rain or drought. In its very short course, there is no time for in summer and winter.
either hot or cold weather to have
does straight out of the earth, it the gods to men and was supposed to possess healing progift of Aristides describes a bath which the god Asklepios bade perties. him take in the Meles in mid-winter when he found the water mild
Rising as it was regarded by the ancients as a
much
effect
upon
it.
and warm.*
Bridge River.
The water
is
meeting with the sea
Of
flows with a strong steady current, and its markedly in contrast with that of the Caravan " this meeting, Prof. Ramsay writes Diana's water
:
flows with a steady, strong, deep, perfectly calm, noiseless stream not a ripple on the surface. Sticks or other light objects floated
rapidly
and evenly down and out to

:
sea, in spite
breeze blowing nearly up the water. The was well marked the two waters were clearly distinguished by the character of the waves, and the ripple caused by the meeting was very
distinct.!
it is
of the very gentle meeting of sea and river
Standing on the bridge and looking down at this water, so still that it seems motionless until some stick moves down
with a rapid course." This is the only stream (except the river " " Hermus) which meets the sea at its mouth with a full current.
The
total length
of
this
stream
is
thirteen
hundred yards.
Its
whole course can be taken
in at a glance.
character, distinct *
xlviii.,
Each of the two streams has thus a strongly marked individual from the other. There are other streams in the
21
:
wo-irep iv KoXvfjijiriOpa.
koi
fxaka.
rjirCov
koI
KKf)afiivov
wSaros
i\fmixriv SiaTptftrj.
f
avpa
C/C
Aristides, xvii., 14.
Philostratus,
ciKwes, 413.
Trepi)(i<;
Kv/;ia
atpuiv
Xeirrr]
rj
Kv/ia vtroSpafiovcra fpyaêrai avTO Kvprov koX
Koi avOrjpov
tri,
yap
avravytia tov rjKiov
vSari. )(pS>ixa 7rpo(7/3aA.Xi. /xT<opa) T(o
lOO
W. M.
CALDER
plain of Smyrna, entering the gulf on its eastern side. At the southeastern corner the gulf is joined by a long torrent rising beyond Kabakli-dere, similar in character to the Caravan Bridge River.
Two
other mountain torrents flow through the plain, the streams
of Bournabat and Hadji Moutzo. A little to the east of the point where Diana's water joins it, the shore-line bends northwards at a right angle, and follows this direction
for about
two
miles,
when
it
bends westward, again

little
at a right angle.
The
outline of the coast here has undergone
or no modification
since the early centuries of our era.
northern side of the gulf,
This does not apply to the where the river Hermus has encroached on
the sea to a great extent. This river brings down large quantities of mud, which threatened so effectually to bar the entrance to the harbour of Smyrna, that a new channel was cut a few years ago, diverting the
Hermus
into an ancient bed of
its
own, and leading
it
into the
Gulf
of Smyrna at a point further west. before the town of Smyrna itself.
Nor does it apply to the shore-line At this point the accumulation of
rubbish which has always been a feature of the streets of Smyrna from * time to our own has gradually pushed the shore out conStrabo's Strabo speaks of a " land-locked siderably beyond the ancient line.
f as being one of the features of the Smyrna of his time. This harbour was in use until a.d. 1402, when its entrance was blocked
harbour
"
by Tamerlane, during his siege of the Rhodian knights. It was never attended to after this, and finally became choked up. Pococke +
says that small boats could enter the harbour in 1745 ; Chandler, who visited the city before 1775, tells us that even then the harbour
was
sufficiently
site
well-marked to become
is
The
of this harbour
646
:
now
with water in heavy rains. in the middle of the city ; it has been
filled
Strabo,
ti/
8i IkarToy/Mi
twv apxiTCKToviai' ov
to,
/xiKpov,
on
ras
oSous
v
cTTopi'WTes VTTOppvatis OVK iBiOKav avTOL'S dX\ iwnroXaîi

TOis o/jifipoii
(Tta'fuifJi.ivtDV Ttuv a.TrotTKfv!ov,
ibiii.
:
tTKvâXa Koi
/j,dX.i.aTa
t Strabo,
XifjLrjv
KXeto-rds.
ii.,
I Travels in the Easl, vol.
part
ii.,
p. 35.
Travels in Asia Minor, p. 63.
SMYRNA
built over,
IN

it
loi
and
all
trace of
have been quite close to the jected in front of the town.

breeze which blows
has disappeared. As it must originally it is evident that the shore-line has prosea,
But on the eastern shore of the
gulf,
and
at its south-eastern corner, there has
been little change. The steady the almost up gulf every afternoon, sets up a surface current which causes a bottom current in the reverse direction ;
and
this has just sufficed to carry off the slight
accumulation of
silt
carried
its
down by
is
south-eastern corner.
the rivers entering the gulf on its eastern side, and at The ground at the south-eastern corner of
;
the gulf
the water
disrepair,
as has been said, the ancient cutting leading very marshy from the Baths of Diana to the sea was allowed to get into
was made over

marsh.
and the water spread over the adjoining country. A road this marsh forty or fifty years ago. This road crosses
its mouth and then traverses the worst part of the the road was projected, it was feared that the marsh would be a serious difficulty, but the engineer found that his natural
Diana's water near
When
line, close
to the coast, towards Bournabat, led along an ancient cause-
line
way, obviously that of the ancient Roman and pre-Roman road. The of the road to Bournabat is also marked by Roman milestone
to the
five, close
Bournabat.*
modern line, a quarter of an hour before reaching Remains show that Bournabat was a large town of villas
as
it is
and country mansions, just

Aristides describes a
to-day.
walk along this very road. After a de" " scription of the Meles, a cutting from the Springs of the Nymphs to the sea, flowing past the very doors of the city, he goes on to
this milestone in 190 1. column, beside the road from Mersinli to Bournabat.
* Prof. Ramsay copied
It
was inscribed on
in
its
a small
It
was standing
original
position, he considered, a
few hundred yards from the station

Tois 7ri](âi/eo-[TaTôii K.ai(ra[p](TLV
in Bournabat.
diro ^f/LVpvrj'i
This
is
M(t\ta) E. milestone of Diocletian and Maximian Augusti and Constantine and

:
Galerius Caesars
the top of the stone
is
broken
off.
I02
W. M.
* "
:
CALDER
say
tract
and when you have crossed the Meles you are met by a of country which Poseidon, I imagine, presented to the city,
like to
and yet different from his reported gift in Thessaly. For there he cleft the mountains asunder, and turned Thessaly from a
lake into a stretch of plain, sending the Peneus out through a cleft ; but here he withdrew the sea from the mountains, giving the city a
to correspond with that of the he did not leave the plain a miry marsh, nor did he bake it all hard, but the spade discloses signs of its ancient character, even if this was not proved by a glance at the surrounding country, on which the sea formerly rested. As you travel through this reclaimed plain, you find it full of springs of water and sweet fertility from end
fitting
sea.
Still,
adornment on the land-side
to
end.
A
on
little
further
on the
city,
which seems
to escort the
It is now at a shorter way, again bursts on the view. distance, and its fair features can be counted and measured off. No
traveller
his
is in such haste as to keep his eyes fixed on the road in front, and not change his position, placing what was before him on his right hand, and what was on his left, before his eyes."
man
The
course of this walk
is
clear
and unmistakable.
The
travel-
ler leaves the city, crossing the
bridge f over the Meles, and followfor a short distance the above-mentioned road to Bournabat. ing Where this road forks, he keeps to the left, and follows the shoreline through the fertile plain of Smyrna first northwards and then westwards as he turns westward, he again comes into full view of Smyrna, for, though his course lies westwards, he cannot resist the
:
impulse to turn his head slightly to the left, and feast his eyes on the beauty of the city, which "masters him by willing constraint as the magnet does the Travellers in all have iron-filings".
ages
been struck with the beauty of Smyrna as seen from anywhere near
*xvii.,
(li.
1
6,
17
It
was by
this road, too, that Aristides travelled to
Pergamus
2).
t Aristides'
reference in
xlviii.,
20, koI irdvT
^v KaToirra dn-o t^s
yt<l>vpti's,
is
doubtless to this bridge.
SMYRNA
this point.
It is
IN

point that
its
103
from
this
resemblance to a sitting
statue
most clearly marked.* See p. 97 n. The Smyrna of the Roman period must have extended consideris
ably further eastward than the modern city. Strabo, Pausanias, Aristides, Philostratus and Himerius are our most important authorities
for the
topography of the Smyrna of the early centuries of our

city as
it
era.
These writers knew the

turies.
stood
in
the
first
four cen-
It had through many a hill on the northern side of the gulf, originally been situated on but this foundation had been destroyed by King Alyattes about the
Smyrna had
passed
vicissitudes.
year b.c. 600. Alexander the Great formed a design to refound the it was city on the southern shore of the gulf put into execution in the third century b.c. by Antigonus and Lysimachus. The walls of
:
Lysimachus encircled a city lying between the hills Pagus and DeirTheir circuit has been traced, and the remains men-tepe and the sea.
show
that the wall descended the eastern side of Pagus,

site
and then
ex-
tended north by the

delphia Railway.
of the modern station of the Smyrna-Philaset to the city
by the walls of Lysimachus ; but a place which formed the outlet of one of the great trade-routes of Asia Minor was destined soon to burst those
narrow bounds, and, by the time of Strabo, the foundation of Lysimachus formed only a part of Smyrna. He speaks of the Smyrna of
even his day, about the beginning of our era, as " having a fortified part on the hill, but its greater part in the plain beside the harbour
Such were the limits
and the temple of the Mother-Goddess and the Gymnasium".! The city now extended over the plain adjoining the- Pagus, first up to the Caravan Bridge River, and later across it, on the ground between
it
and the Baths of Diana.
Numerous remains of
ancient
in his Hieroi Logo},
*This walk coincides with the first part of the journey which Book v., at the beginning, and which is fully
in J.H.S., 1881, pp.
Aristides describes
discussed by Prof.
Ramsay
44
ff.
Strabo,
646
jixepos /neV rt
ixPâa tV
opu.
TiTti-)(L<Tft.lvov,
to S vXiov iv
irc&'cji
irpoi Tu) Xififvi
Kal irpoi
tw
ixrp-ptfw koL irpoi yvp,vacTita.
104
W. M.
CALDER
around buildings have been found in modern times on the ground the hill Tepejik, between the Caravan Bridge River and the canal
which joins Diana's Baths with the sea. These remains belong to the centuries immediately before, and immediately after our era
and
if
we
are to understand certain statements in our authors,
it
will
appear that the city of which they are thinking included a large and populous part to the east of the Caravan Bridge River, and extending
close
up
to Diana's
Water.*
of Smyrna, mentions as one of them a magnificent street which leads you, as you walk from west to " from a The east, temple to a temple, and from a hill to a hill ".f only satisfactory identification of this street is that which makes it
Aristides, in praising the beauties
from the temple of Zeus Akraios,:^ to the temple of the MotherGoddess Sipylene, the fn^rpcôv mentioned by Strabo. The former
lead
Fontrier, the best authority on the topography of Smyrna, with certain remains on the western slope of the latter is generally believed to have been situated on Pagus
has been identified by
M.
Tepejik.
Aristides
Tepejik when he
seems "
to
as
says
imply that it lay somewhere near you descend from the Acropolis you
next enter the eastern district (ra ewa eKSeêrat), and next you see that fairest of temples, the temple of the goddess whose the city is.
Indeed,
all
gymnasia, nature vying with each other

is
the space from this point to the shore is resplendent with squares, theatres, sacred precincts, harbours, man and
in the creation of beauty, and there no spot that is not turned to account for ornament or for use." The words to. ewa are literally correct if we place the fi-qrowov on
Cf. Aristides, xx., 21
When
/xiv
the city has been restored after

/lit)
its
devastation
fYii'.
by
the earthquake, he says, koI

{"Xvii.,
tuJ
McXt^ti i>v&ev e^TroSwi' to
tovs irpotTocKovi
I'twi'
10: avo iuirtpai

Street ".
wpos
tui fiaî^tov
(k itoj t eis
^^cis xai (k
street
Koktovaiv irpo's Koktovov 81* Cfos artvmirov
kuWiovo^
r/
Kara Tovvofia.
The
was
called the
1
" Golden
See Prof. Ramsay, Letters
to
the Seven Churches, pp.
260, 443.
gxvii., 10,
u.
SMYRNA
Tepejik, which
Trpo 7rdX.&Js (as
lies
is
IN
105
The goddess was nearly due east of the Pagus. stated in an inscription), and this term must mean
the east side of the city. And further, the words which follow prove that the ground between Tepejik. and the sea was covered with important buildings in the age of Aristides as in the age of Strabo.
ancient city-wall, once built, was not necessarily fixed in its for ever ; at Ephesus, and elsewhere, we find the original site position of the city-wall changed to suit changed conditions. And alpriori certainty that a large and valuable suburb a in the city adjoining peaceful time of the Roman imperial regime should have been walled ; though, further, no traces of such a wall
An
though there
is
no a
round the eastern suburb of Smyrna have so far been found, we yet have sure indications in Aristides, that in his the walls of day, firstly, had been and the extended to Lysimachus extended, secondly, city-wall
the east of the
Caravan Bridge River, which flowed through the city. * In one Aristides refers to the death of a Roman genepassage
near Smyrna, and his burial " within the This present gates ". event took place the Mithradatic a date which Wars, during places it between Lysimachus and Strabo, in whose time the walls of Lysiral
machus may
still
have been the sole defence works
at
Smyrna.t
The
Roman general, according to ancient custom,| was buried outside the walls of the city, doubtless by the side of the road leading to Tepejik,
alongside which
many
ancient
tombs have been found.
But
his
" within ihe The only grave, Aristides says, lies present gates ". possible inference is that the wall was extended sometime between
the burial of the
general and the date of Aristides' letter, The extenpossibly after the date at which Strabo visited Smyrna.
XIX.,
1 1
:
Roman
eicro) tcui'
vvv TrvXwv.
f But
see pp. 114, II 6.
Ad Fam., iv., 12, where Servius Sulpicius tells Cicero of I Compare Cicero, " Ab the death and burial of M. Marcellus. Atheniensibus, locum sepulturae intra urbem ut darent, impetrare non potui, quod religione se impediri dicerent ; neque
tamen
id antea
cuiquam concesserant."
io6
W. M.
CALDER
sion of the city-wall to include the grave in question enabled Aristides to credit the city with having done the general a greater honour
than had really been done him ; the significance of the word vvv in eio-w Twv vvv TTvXwp, may have escaped the readers of the letter, just as it seems to have escaped all those who have written on the topoAnd if the general of whom in modern times. of
graphy
Smyrna
in one of the numspeak, as is reasonable to suppose, was buried erous graves turned up by the spade between the Caravan Bridge River
we
and Tepejik, round which a large suburb of Smyrna was established beyond a doubt that the wall which included
within
its
built,
it is
circuit
his grave extended eastwards to near the Baths of Diana.
* rivers at Aristides in another passage mentions two Smyrna, " in front of the city ". one " flowing through the city," the other
With
reference to the
first his
words
are
t "I must do as follows
city,
First mount the carriage and go to the river which flows through the I have come to the point where it is just outside the city, and when I must oflFer trench-sacrifice ". Speaking of the second, his
And at the same time he bade me go down to the river of the city and bathe. ... It was midwinter with a temwere so fast bound pestuous north wind and frost, and the pebbles
words
are
:
"
in front
*The
third river, to
which he
refers in
xlviii.,
50
{i.:ei
8i TropevOevra Trpos
Tas Trrjyas ras Offi/xa^ rio /xlv dtpnô iJSaTi fir] ^prjcrOai, Tiio 8i irapappiovTL TroTa/to!), was a stream near the Otpp-aX 'Ayapffivoieioi some miles to the west of Smyrna. Cj.
Philostratus,
Otpp.al
iv
Heroicus,
300
cti
xai
Xovrpa rois TiTpwfiivois fiavTevTa iytvtTo,

Ayafj,ep,vov(iovi
TTrjyal
Itavia,
as
kiiI
vvv
Kakoxxriv ol '^p.vpvav
oikowtcs.
oMiyovcTi 8e, oT/xai, TCrrapaKovTa iiraSitt tov acrreos Koi avTJTTTn ttotc auTOis ai)^p.dX.urTa
Kpcivrj
Mva-ia.
j"
See also Strabo, 645.
xlviii.,
27
(IXXa Sciv ovTo) TToicir, TrpCyrov p.iv ava/3dvTa

TTji
Itti
to êvyos iXOiiv hrl
TOV TTOTiifWV
Tor' Sici
TTokiui^ piovTa,
ytv6p,ivov Sc ov <TTiv ^St; eû) Ttji TToXeois
Upa. Spa<Tat tTrifiodpux.

J xlviii., 18,
19, 20, 2
Kai u/xa xtXcu'et

. .
Karapavra (h tov
)^fip.u>v
iroTap.ov
tw
Trpo
T^S TToXcus piovTa Xovcruo'dai

Kpv/xoi,
^v 81 Kal /itVos
Kai ôpta^ ju,eXas koX
Koi
at
>j/rj(f>i8f<;
outods vtto toB Trayov Trpbi dXXjjXas i8(S(VT0

. .
,
waTt
ioiKtvai
(TTdO' mfTTTtp, fV KpVCTTaXXlO <TW)^tL, Koi TO vSlDp OlOV CtKOS V T0l01JT<p aipi Kokv/ji^-Ôpa Kal /ittXa îriov Kal KeKpa/xivov uSaTos (xpiap.rjv SiaTpt/Sr".
SMYRxNA IN THE ORATOR ARISTIDES

with the frost that they resembled a continuous sheet of rain was as cold as usual in such a temperature and
. . .
107
ice,
I
and the
bathed in
water as mild and
warm
as a
swimming-bath."
these passages is interesting as being the only reference in Aristides to the Caravan Bridge River. Obviously, no " " " " river flowed through the city if by the we are to undercity
The former of
stand that part of it enclosed by the walls of Lysimachus. And the Caravan Bridge River is the only stream that can have flowed through
the extended city, as a glance at the map (p. 115) will show. It is further evident that the river in question passed through the extended
city-wall referred to in the other passage we walls of Lysimachus reached quite close to the
have quoted for the Caravan Bridge River,

;
and any extension of them must have carried them across it. " The " could be either the point where the river is just outside the city
point immediately south of where it entered the city, or, supposing that it passed through the city-wall again before reaching the
the point immediately north of where it issued through the wall. The former is the more likely ; the water here would be clean and
sea,
could be used for the sacrifice which Aristides was
commanded
to
perform.
than probable that a wall, perhaps only a rough defence work, stretched from the eastern ridge of Pagus across to Tepejik, and thence to the north near the course
it
These indications make
much more
It may be that Dio Chrysostom was referring to this extension of the city-wall at Smyrna when he said to the men of * " Prusa man must shape his shoe to suit his foot, and if he find it too But a city must never be docked or large, cut it down.
of the canal.
stunted to one's individual standard or measured with reference to

one's
own
It
of this
have examples principle in the cases of Smyrna, Ephesus, Tarsus, Antioch." has been necessary to lay stress on the existence of this large
soul, if that soul be
puny and mean.
You
*xl.. II.
io8
W. M.
CALDER
and populous walled suburb in the time of Aristides, in order to clear away a difficulty with regard to the identification of the ancient Meles. Strange as it may appear, modern Smyrniots cling to its identification
in spite
with the Caravan Bridge River, as a point of local patriotism, of the most convincing proofs that the Meles of ancient
the water
Smyrna was
from the Baths of Diana.
The ancient Meles, after having been unquestioningly identified with the Caravan Bridge River until a couple of centuries ago, has subsequently been considered identical with no fewer than four
running into the Gulf of Smyrna on its eastern and south-eastern shores. Besides the popular view that the Caravan
distinct streams
advanced by Truon in 1 8 13, and ably supported by Slaars (1868),* applying the name of the Meles to the water from the Baths of Diana, one must record, in
Bridge River was the Meles, and the view
first
order to refute in a sentence, the opinion of Michaud (1830), and of Hamilton (1842), that the Meles of Aristides was the river beside Bournabat, and the alternative suggestion of Hamilton that it might be the stream running through the plain of Smyrna from behind Kabaklidere and entering the sea in the very south-eastern corner of the gulf.
Aristides speaks t of the sea as " stretching far enough to the east of the Meles to form a bight". glance at the map will show that this excludes from consideration any river entering the gulf on its
eastern side, even
if
view that the Meles was one of those

that the
there were a shred of evidence to support the rivers. On the view of Weber
Meles of the Homeric poem, beside the Aeolic Smyrna, was when the city was refounded on the south side of the gulf the name Meles was transferred to a
the stream beside Bournabat, and that
river close at hand, viz., the * See
Prof.
Caravan Bridge Water,
it
is
not neces-
Slaars,
E(ud( sur Smyjtie, appendix.
Ramsay
in his Historical Geography of Asia Minor, p. 115,
This view has been maintained by and Letters to the Seven
Churches, p. 263, almost alone
among
recent scholars.
(<a
xvii.,
19:
TotTiivTov Tov
McXt/tos TTpoi
TraoaXXjiTTOva-a. ocrov
th
xa/xirnv
jrapt^tKOtiv.
SMYRNA
sary to
IN
109
comment
here.*
We
are concerned only with the
Meles
known
to Strabo, Pausanias,
Aristides, Philostratus and Himerius,
the Meles of the refounded
The only two
rivers
Smyrna. whose claims to be
identical with the
Meles
of Aristides merit serious consideration are the Caravan Bridge River and the water from the Baths of Diana. After reading the descrip-
Meles in Aristides and Himerius and comparing them with the accounts of the Caravan respectively Bridge River and Diana's Water given above, one can be in no doubt as to the correct
tions of the
identification.
Indeed,
if
one were
at
a loss for
words to describe
the
tions of Aristides
Water of Diana, one could not do better than borrow the descripand Himerius. Speaking of the Meles, the former
"
the ornament before our doors, which we call the Meles, and which guards the entrance to the city as Apollo guards the streets, is a cutting from the springs of the nymphs to the sea, giving them
says f
a bathing-place of flowing water, and a spot not far from the sea wherein to welcome the daughters of Nereus. The Meles flows alike
from houses, and from under trees it wells up too in the midst of its own bed, and flows onwards to the sea. At its source
grots,
;
from
it
is
circle-shaped,
and might well be likened to a necklet
the rest
of
its
course
;
is
like a canal.
noiseless
it
smooths down
meeting with the sea, it is almost the surge, and mingles quietly with the
its
At
forming a bore if the sea is advancing under the impulsion of the wind, but following it if it is ebbing, raising river and seasea- water,
It is extremely likely that the canal from Sipylos, pp. 103, 104. Baths was always the Meles. It was within easy distance of the Aeolic as well as of the Smyrna of Alexander. And although it was common for Smyrna
Weber,
Diana's
Greeks to carry their old place-names with them to their colonies, it is very unlikely that they should have transferred the name of the Meles from one river to another
within two miles of
stream.
it.
This would have been

to
to
tamper with the sanctity of the
In Sir Ch. Wilson's Handbook
stated about the Meles,
on
his
own
Asia Minor (Murray) the right view is the rest of the account of Smyrna was authority
:
written by
Mr. Weber.
14.
xvii.,
no
ing takes place."
W. M.
CALDER
tell
water into a single ridge, so that one could not
where the meet-
This passage shows that the Meles was outside of and yet near
the
city.
It
flowed
in
an
artificial
channel
(SiojpvxTJ,
evpLuo^)
"
" which carried a body of running water from certain springs to The nymphs of the stream, who dwelt about the irrj-yai, the sea.
could receive a
visit
from the Nereids of the

(8t'
sea, for
the distance be-
tween was not great
shaped like a necklet [cf. It was noisethe rest of it resembled a canal. Chalka = kvkXos) less where it joined the sea, gliding quietly into union with it,
;
The head of the stream was oXtyou). the modern Turkish name Chalka-bounar ;
raising a tidal
wave
if
the wind blew from the north-west, but if the
This coincides exactly with Prof. swell was receding, following it. of the mouth of Diana's Water, quoted above. Ramsay's description * " The praises of the Meles I now leave to Again, Aristides says, others to sing ; indeed, the sight of the river itself is its own greatest
praise.
For
it
never varies
in
summer or
it
winter, and never behaves
insolently as the result
of spates nor yields to drought, but, like any
other of the things that change not,
complexion throughout.
Nor
is
the Meles a
keeps the same aspect and wayward stream, or apt

city, that
wander away stray from her

to
in the
it
is
like a lover
of the
cannot bear to
side, but cherishes unending love towards her, and keeps unending guard over her ; so that it rises and ends its course
were, by the city's side." This passage shows us that the Meles had an equable temperature in summer and winter, being subject neither to spates nor to
it
same small
spot, stretching itself, as
was quite imperturbable in all seasons, maintaining the Like a lover of the city it never same appearance throughout.
drought.
It
wandered away from her, but took its rise and joined the sea within a Philostratus f also alludes to the shortness of short distance of her.
*xxi.,
14..
:
oparai to! OcaTy o\os, iKtl fKâXXuiV oOev apêrai (philostratus, tiKovc;, 413 tiKot Tov '(j'vy)ôp(Viv Tas 6tas ctti to) MtAiyri irape^Ôfitvia Tas Tnjya^ ov iroppia
SMYRNA
the Meles, and
its
LNf

"
iii
The proximity to the sea in all its length. see it in its whole length, can it does, and as rising, spectator joining the sea in the same place ... it is natural that the goddesses should
close
beside the Meles, whose springs are close to its join to dance estuary." * elsewhere of " the grove of Smyrna, in which the Meles He speaks
the form of the expression suggests, that course of the Meles the whole lay within the grove, it is a further its of with Caravan Himerius disproof identity Bridge River. " of of the banks the Meles as speaks blooming with cypress and reed," doubtless belonging to the grove mentioned by Philostratus.
flows
:
"
if this implies, as
There
is a further reference to this grove, which proves that it must have lain low in the plain, near the sea-level, and just outside of
Smyrna.
the
Aristides, in a passage quoted on p. 96 (note ), speaks of of the city resting on the strand, on harbours and groves ". The grove referred to can only have lain to the east of the city,
"
feet
where
it
slopes
down from
the Pagus to the level of the plain.
The
reference in another passage of Aristides, f where he speaks of the Meles as " rising from under trees," is clearly to the same grove.
is equally clear and " for one " This he Meles," says, may not lightly pass over in silence a stream that has given birth to such a singer, rises in
Himerius' reference to the Water of Diana

+
indubitable.
the suburbs of Smyrna, and

*
TTtpi
is
born of a multitude of springs rising

vii.,
Philostratus,
Life
of
iv
Apdlonius of Tyana,
(0
9, p.
132: 8te\eyTo
TO ve'ôs T^9
'Sifi.vpvq's,
6 McXt/s.
f xvii.,
\
14.
xiii.,
Sr]
Himerius, Ecloge
31 (given as
xviii.,
31, in the Diibner index)
yap
8^ MtA.i;s ovTos, ov yap

avl(r\(i
ttXtjctiov
Oi/jui crtwirj; iraptX-Ouv

{sic)
yXSxrcrav Toa-avrrjv yei'vijO-avTa,
p.iv
iv trpoacTTtioiv
i-^s
atji
^/xipviQi,
tiktovcti 8
aWrjXiov j3\a(TTavov(rat
mv
irX.rjp./ji.vptov
avrov fivpiat. injyai Kai 6 irora/xoi TreXayi^fi t wiis K

6)($a.';
mjywv
Kol 7r\a)T09 Kai bX-Kaai Koi
Kiairrj
yiviTat
Trapa/xuxj/a^ Si Tas eKarepioOa'
KmrapLTTia KO/xiocras Koi SovaKi,

(Kfivo KaXeiy
Trj irXr^KTiov
ov yap rj)(ovvToi
a.KOv<rri,
OaXaTrrj KoivovraL to pevfjLa, (I ptvfia dtfiK oiSi Soêiev av aoi to v8<op <îpi(rBai, aXX
UMTTTtp Tiv (pa<TTrj<i TTatBLKoiv
(Twovaiav
kXci/'oi )8ouA.oju.cvos,
XaOpa Ty daXaTTrj
Kipvarai,
Xfaivuyv TO Kv/ia T(p pivfiari.
112
close to each other.
W. M.
The
river
CALDER
forms a deep channel immediately after issuing from these fountain-heads, and is navigable by merchant
And when it has flowed past its banks, hulks, impelled by oars. which bloom with the cypress and reed, it unites its current with the
neighbouring sea, if current it may be called ; for you cannot hear a sound it makes, nor does the water appear to move at all, but like a lover seeking stealthily to join his loved one, it blends furtively with
the sea, smoothing
down
the
wave with
its
flow."
It is fed by a very suburbs of Smyrna. its close beneath of number source, together. Just springs, rising large it forms a deep body of water, which can bear big barges, and is wide
This Meles
rises in the
enough
is
for oars to be used.
It
moves
noiselessly
on to the
sea,
which
close at hand.
Pliny too mentions that the source of the Meles
was
close to the
town of Smyrna.*
out of a reference to the Meles " The river Meles at
its
No
real difficulty arises
in
Pausanias, f as has been supposed.
he says, "
is
a very beautiful water, with a cave at
springs,
Smyrna," where
There is now no cave poems." at or near Diana's Baths, but there were remains of ancient building there, which doubtless comprised an artificial grot from which the
Homer
is
said to have
composed
his
Meles or some of
its
springs issued.+
But various caves
in the vicinity
of Smyrna have led to the identification of this or that river with the " cause any difficulty. Nor need the mention of " springs Meles. This has been supposed to favour the opinion that the Caravan Bridge
River was the Meles
that river, as has been said,
number of springs
in the hills.
of the Meles " rose close
is fed by a large But Himerius says that the springs " and this could scarcely be said together
;
of the widely scattered hill-streams which feed the Caravan Bridge

*
Pliny, Hist. Nat.,
v.,
1
18
Restituta ab Alexandre in ora
Smyrna amne Meleti

kolXXkttov, koX
gaudens non procul or to.

j"
Pausanias,
vii.,
v.
12
S/xupvotois St jrora/xos Me'Ai;?
ilSoup Icrri
ra arrj \fyovaiv. (nrriKaiov tVi rais Tri^yais IvBa. "'O/j.ripov Troi^crat

J avTpov, (nrrjXaxov, are
applied to buildings
see the lexicons.
SMYRNA
River.
IN
113
Moreover, those who hold that the mention of several springs points to the identification of the Meles with the Caravan Bridge River are involved in a much greater difficulty with regard to the cave,
" beside the For how any one which, Pausanias says, was springs ". cave can have been beside the various springs that run into the
Caravan Bridge River requires some demonstration. On the other if we the that there was an artificial grot at hand, accept hypothesis
the Baths of Diana, the difficulty vanishes.
reading the descriptions of the Meles which have been quoted from ancient authors, any one can affirm that the Caravan Bridge River is the modern representative of the Meles, it is difficult to conceive. The language exactly, and word by word, fits the Water
How,
after
of Diana
no single expression is applicable to the Caravan Bridge River. But Smyrniot prejudice clings to the view that the longer river nearer the city was the Meles, the birthplace of Homer, and
;
Smyrniots are hard to convince that the evidence is all in favour of Challca-Bunar. Tsakiroglos* indignantly excludes the latter from consideration as being " not a river at all, but a mere group of
springs, and yet, forsooth, is thought worthy to bear the world-famed and adored name of the Meles " Some of Tsakiroglos' arguments
!
Meles is the Caravan Bridge River are ingenious, but they will not bear examination. He attempts to explain Aristides' comparison of the Meles to a canal by reference to an ancient channel of the Caravan Bridge River, traces of which have been found not
to prove that the
But this explains present course, east of the Pagus. an that arise in infinitesimal of the difficulties fraction away only this view. It does not how the Caravan satisfy us, for instance,
far
its
from
Bridge River can ever have formed a deep channel, capable of bearing " barges, immediately below its springs ; nor how the words, rising
and entering the sea in the same spot," can be applied to a river rising Moreover, beyond the hills twelve miles away in an upland valley. " " can the " whole course of such a river " be taken in at a glance
.?
^fivpyaiKo., vol.
ii.,
p.
44.
114
W. M.
Tsakiroglos
to
fit
CALDER
when he is involved in even greater absurdities the walk described by Aristides* into his view of the In order to do this, he has to conduct Arissituation of the Meles.
tries
imaginary walk from the Baths of Diana up the road to Kukluja, a village high on the hills to the south-east of Smyrna.
tides
on
his
would be walking straight away from Smyrna, and from what point in such a walk could the traveller be said to see the city 8t' eXaxTovos 17817 ? Further, the change of position indicated by Aristides would not enable a man walking in
But
in this case
Aristides
man, instead of placing what was before him on his right hand and what was on his left before his eyes," would have to face about. Aristides was, in fact, thinking of a walk in an entirely different
direction, as has been
this direction to get a full "
view of the
city.
In order to do this, a
the traveller on crossing it was reclaimed not a wide piece of ground, but a large suburb of Smyrna. But the opinion that the Meles was the Caravan Bridge River
shown above. Bridge River, what would have met
It
the Meles were the Caravan
seems to receive stronger support from a difficult passage of Strabo. Strabo's evidence for the topography of Smyrna, it must be noted, is The description of a visitor to not so valuable as that of Aristides.
Aristhe city cannot be preferred to that of a dweller in the city. and was one of her most distinguished tides lived much in Smyrna,
and honoured
citizens.
He
spoke to people well acquainted with
and proud of their local features, and, despite the poetical language in which he clothes many of his descriptions, we feel in reading the Smyrnaean speeches that they are the work of a man who thoroughly
knew
much
"
the place he was describing and praising. of Strabo.
We
cannot say so
Strabo speaks of Smyrna and the Meles in the following terms
the fairest city earth, having a fortified part on the hill, but its greater part in the plain beside the harbour and the temple of the Mother-Goddess, and the Gymnasium ". Further
is
And now (Smyrna)
on
*See page 102
f.
Strabo, 646.
SMYRNA
IN
"5
ii6
W. M.
says,
CALDER
".
on he
" and the river Meles flows close to the wall
This
statement that the Meles was close to the wall, following as it does his mention of the " walled part on the hill," gives a prima facie plausi-
of the Caravan Bridge River to be the Meles ; for it flows close to the line of the walls of Lysimachus, which formed But it must be the fortification on the hill to which Strabo refers.
bility to the claims
observed that Strabo's mention of a fortified part of the city on the hill does not preclude the possibility that there existed, even in his
His words show that day, defensive lines round the enlarged city. some of the buildings supposed to have stood on the ground east of
the Caravan Bridge River existed in his time ; and he might well " fortified " without prejudice to such speak of the Acropolis being
fortifications as
may have
existed in other parts of the city.
It
may
of course be objected to this, that if by the TV)(o<i beside which, according to him, the Meles ran, he meant a wall between the Caravan Bridge River and Diana's Water, he would have specified the existence of such a wall separately. But the objection has no weight. Strabo in his brief description of Smyrna had to omit much, and he could
not include in
it
a full account of the walls

:
and of the different parts
constructed at different times
of their construction
It
is
probably he did not know the history certainly he thought the subject unimportant.
a pleasure to thank Prof.
given help in writing this paper. fountains in which many of the Anatolian rivers, like the Meles, have their source, rise, as a rule, in a large number of springs gushing
W. M. Ramsay for much readilyHe informs me that the great
out of the ground near one another. There are two such large fountains in the Smyrna valley, Bunar-Bashi, the ancient Periklystra, Such streams were sacred ; but and Chalka-Bunar, the Meles.
variable rivers, which waxed and almost disappeared in the cycle of the year, were not sacred, for they lacked the divine character of uniformity and continuousness.
III.
EPITAPHS IN PHRYGIAN GREEK.

A.
PETRIE.
EPITAPHS IN PHRYGIAN GREEK.
The
following inscriptions is based on the epigraphic Some of them have been published by Le copies of Prof Ramsay. Bas and Waddington, and by M. Perrot in his Exploration Archeolotext ot the
gique ; and most ot them have been revised at a comparatively recent date by Mr. J. G. C. Anderson, of Christ Church, Oxford. The
restorations in the text, unless otherwise mentioned, are those of the * and restorations transcription given me by Prof. Ramsay ; suggested
by him, when not printed
in the text, are indicated
by the
letter
;
Of
the other letters in the apparatus criticus, A.

;
= Anderson
R. L. =
Le Bas
self are
IV.
Waddington
Per.
Perrot.
Readings due to my-
denoted by P.
I.
FIVE EPITAPHS
FROM ALTYN-TASH.
(0
Copied L., Per., R., 1881, yf. 'EvOdSc -yrj Kare^î ("ieohwpav
Kal /caXXt Kal jxeyeOu
^(s) <f>do^
*
/cat
rrjv nepi] ^cjtov
iiJi.(f)po(Tvvr)
8e /xaXicrra,
Xa/A7rei.
-qeXiov ykyKepaiTepov ovkctl
be prepared for [This transcription (except of the last two) was begun to of other the in in work, and 1 88 but was left unfinished pressure publication 1-4,
I made much use of M. Perrot's to Mr. Petrie in its inchoate form. of and tender several of the my best thanks to him. I did publication inscriptions, This last work was not in Mr. not then possess Kaibel's Epigrammata e lapidibus.
handed over
hands (owing to my forgetting his very useful collection), but I have taken the liberty of adding some references to his readings, which are derived from older A complete statement of various and often the text on the stone.
Petrie's
copies,
disregard
readings seems needless.

has been invaluable.
W.
Mr. Anderson's
revision of the texts
on the stones
in
1897
M.
R.]
I20
A.
PETRIE
dvdea iravTa
5
<f>vov(Tiv,
/caXXo? Se to crbv fiefjidpavTai,,

[eSfr)]crev.
Kal y^
are
xare^êi koI dveKâTO<; oIko<s

oXrj ttjv crrfv yvcLfi-qv
TeCfirjcrev
varpU
KadopcovTc^.
&eoSa>pa, K:\aSos eXeas, Ta)(v ttw? ifj.apa.v0y)? ; KkavcraT 'ikaip.ova TrdvT<; eoSw/Da? veoTrjTav,
rfju
(T(a(f>pova
Kal evyeviSa,
rj
tyjv iraTpioa Trpo\t\\iev.
'OvrjcrijLto?
îkipoiTO? Irt 4>iX7yrw Kal KaXXiycfeta
t,o}v
crvv toI<; TratStot? [jlov

'Ovr^crvprf,
/cat
(tvu
tw yafifipa
p,vrip.r)<;
EuTvxiw, /Acra tov iyyovov BacriXtou,

Xdptv.
3.
5. i5(s),
inoLy](rajji,ev
p.
; ;
rj,
Kaibel,
/J.
Xa/^7ret,
^.
Kaibel.
oTkos,
^.
0|>k]os, L., ir.;

i.e.
o[p//,]os,
8.
eXaLfWi'o,
cXtj/xoi
a for
i\erjfji.ova.
The
reading
is
certain, R.,
A.
[8]ai/i.oi'a,
Kaibel.
9.
TrpoiXitj/ev,
A.
Here wrapt
sun's light
in earth lies
Theodora
all
Theodora
:
renowned for
shines not the
beauty and stature and above
for prudence
she.
now
on aught more fair than but thy bloom is faded, and earth none may 'scape hath bound thee
thee to see thy wisdom.
All the flowers do spring, laps thee, and the house whence fast. All thy country honoured
untimely withered
dora,
.''
Theodora, thou olive bough, why thus Weep all for Theodora's pitiful youth Theo-
the discreet and
the
noble,
that
hath prematurely
left
her
country.
Onesimus son of Phileros the surviving father, with my children Philetus, Calligenia and Onesime, together with Eutychius my sonin-law and Basilius
my
in
grandson, erected this to her memory.
The name was

beginning with deo-
probably pronounced Theudora, like

later centuries, cf.
many others
an inscripii.,
Theuprepia
in
tion of Orkistos, Ramsay, Cities
and
Bishoprics of Phr.,
p.
736,
and note
there.
EPITAPHS
Copied A.
]8vo
uvv(f)ai.
IN
PHRYGIAN GREEK
(2)
121
. .
'AfifjiLa
[kol
ZcjcrjifiT)';
dot8?]ijU,ijs
.
avTaîov
afioL^rj<;
k Zwtikos iyyovo^.
and two daughters-in-law, Ammia and Zosimes (honoured) one who was worthy of the recompense of a memorial in verse and a grandson Zoticus. The conclusion of an epitaph dedicated to the
;
head of a large household
see pp. 71, 82, 150,
373
f.
(3)
Copied
-Z,.,
Per., R., 1881, J.

crrjfjia
'Aeveof rdSe
irarrfp eiSpucre Ovyarpi,
adavaTrjv TeLfirjv, fivrjîocrvvov 8aKpvo)v MiqTyjp Se r) fiapvTTevda<; eirl Tkuov Ta^vfioipov

ep.avT'qv
5
^wcra (TvyKaredriKa
Td<^,
LVKov IcTTopyrj^ SaKpvaL p.vpop.eva. Xatpot9, alcrdXk oSeira, (TO(l>a) vol p^dwe retfiav
UXovTOJvo'; /SacrtXTjo? iTn')(dovL(x)v dvdpcJTrov,

(o
ea-TL
^w/at? fiaKapcov TrdvTe<s 6(f>eLX6fie0a. yd^p) Kal iv (jjOcp-evovi Neyaecris p.eya, ecrri
fiXjdxI^rf^ Tvv/3ov
cttI
rvvôi?,
10
fiyj
dXXd dvayvov<;
TrdpiOi.
Tetêa? kol Noj/a yovels3. 5.
MrJTTjp 8e
la-Topyrj
/3.,
L.
a popular
is is
no doubt
Kaibel
/xtTo.
form of
o-Topyjj, illustrating
the same pro(p. 152).
thetic
tendency
6. 9.
as
seen in French "esprit" as

a/.
; ;
compared with Latin "spiritus"

;
o'fj.',
Heimsoeth
fi-iya,
01 /xcivve, If^.
(
avv, Per.
Kaibel
iari
= s'attache
aux tombeaux), Per.
before tvvôv are completely lost in the copies of R. and Per. ; the latter has only the last two words of the line. ^. has VAiPIE and re10.
.
The words
stores as above.
aAAa
i/jiov TrdpiOi.,
L.
raised to his daughter this imperishable and I, the an honour monument, undying, a memorial of his tears mother, grief-stricken at my child's untimely death, laid me down
;
'Twas a father that
122
alive
A.
PETRIE
with her in the tomb, pining with tears for my love of her. with prudent mind to blessing on thee, good wayfarer, and fail not
*
show her
such reverence as pertains to Pluto, king of
upon the earth, to whom, saving only the immortals, For even 'mong the dead hath Nemesis great power, even amid Wherefore do no despite to this tomb, sepulchres holds she sway. Teimeas but read and pass by. and Nana, parents.
(4)
men that live we all are due.
Copied by L., R., A.
On
"
door-stone
is
".
Above
the door, in larger letters,
TpaTTTr] 'lauovapiov [^ yvvrj /couptSia 7]pw[i)<;, )(aLpe. In the usual place is the epigram.
Kow/3tStous daXafLox^';] TpaTTTr) Xvcracra
T7p[o]\et7rc<)
']avovdpLi' TOP ifjiov ^pyâTOTaTov yajxerav, 6v crv, dea K[v\Trpi, [/a]oi (îXe'ot? crw tm Tzarpl kol Xapl[T(i}VL In right lower panel,
TeKva Se
5 TOVTOV^s (R.,
HPiiTC///, R.
HPvTOHPC,
L.
HP^TC,
I (R.).
4.
J.)
is
certain,
copies being an engraver's error for Kaibel adopts ; but it is utterly unjustifiable. 2. xprjaTOTarov, L., A. ; -rarai', R.
in
all
W.
suggests TrpoiTo/xopo?,
which
3.
eta K[v]Trpi
[ji.]oi,tV.;
0f AKOPIAA,^.
R.;
AKHPIA, JJ.
L.
;
0(
L.
I.,"
"
The
letter after (
d'.,-
AK
AKPHIM,
(rvv
is
like TI, placed so close that the cross-bar
of T touches
Kat
is
R.
Hm'Ma,
KAIXAP,
XAIXAP,
KAIXAPi, J.;
often used in Phrygian Greek practically in the sense of avv simply. Wilamowitz aj>. Kaibel.
4.
Xap[iTEcro-i],
o-MôtTf, L.
confirmed by J.
is
(ôire)
cwZojtc, R.
Before iKerei'w
If',
inserts
[OeoQ, ("for which there
no room on the stone,"
R.).
Grapte, Januarius' wedded wife, of blessed memory, farewell. Casting off my bridal bonds, I, Grapte, leave behind me Januaris,
my
most worthy husband *The honour

of Pluto
is
whom
pray thee, goddess Cypris,

ff.
given to the dead, see pp. 271
EPITAPHS
to follow with thy favour,
IN
PHRYGIAN GREEK
my
father Chariton.
I
123
and likewise
My
children and him,
beseech you, protect. For these and go beneath (the earth) on behalf of them all.*
I
leave behind
Copied Per.
'ApTC
fie yevofxeurjv {wtj? fip4<ô<; rjpTracre haifioiv ovno) rpUTLV yjSr) iTp^<f)ev] iv o[t'/cw]
Tpvcjico
fjie
vyjixrjOia
fx"
p,aTpcJva dSeo^ra] o[k]/3iov Hvat.
[TLdT]]i'r]
17
h4a{-rroiva\ fie
Molpa
KaOrjpTTaa-e Kai p[e\ 7re8a[io-]i
Trj<; fiefivr)a[o] [/cat TrapeXd]ov irdvTa aya6o<; koI evTV)^'q<;. Separately in lower left-hand corner,
fieya Xvirel.
oJu/(
2. 3.
olSa
e[t]Te
iâ\K(ov o^t^jmu etre
dyaOwv.
o[iKa)], F.
dSiOv[Ta] [nOrjjvrj, P.
vqfi.r]6ia, if right,
4.
must be
compound from
vrj-
and
rt.
jxrfioixai, cf. 7rpo-yu.r;6?;s,
and the
infin.
clause appears to be epexegetic of eTp[<êv]
"
brought
me up
in
thoughtless bliss ".

5.
e.g.,
17
8eo-[7rotva], P.
Se(nroiva
was often joined with the names of goddesses

;
EKdrr/, Aesch., Fr.,
was a
in
374 ; 'Aprt/xis, Soph., /., 626, etc. at Athens especially it name of Persephone, and so might easily pass to MoTpa, the goddess of death
//.,
Homer,
6.
4,
517
18,
19.
17
Si o-[f/uv^], Kaibel.
fi.efj.vr]a[o]
[koi TrapeXffjov, P.
that had but begun to taste of life seized me, or ever my third year was told. The lady
child
I
was
when death
Trypho was
my nurse and brought me up in her house, well filled with cheer, to a life of Fate, imperious queen, snatched me away thoughtless bliss.
and grievously afflicts me with and all good luck go with thee
fetters.
!
Remember me and
pass by,
(My
*
birth
!)
know
not whether 'twas the cause of good or
ill.
The
all
behalf of
grave and the funeral are here represented as an atoning sacrifice on her family. This idea is characteristic of the Phrygian religion see p.
:
273
f.
of
this
volume.
124
A.
PETRIE
"
:
On
this epitaph
M.
Perrot remarks
Sculpture et ornamentaArch., p. 126).
tion, le tout est
d'un travail detestable"
{Êx.
Two
or three hexameters can be distinguished, but the arrangement of the rest of the lines is very doubtful. The last line is a Greek proverb.
II.
TWO
EPITAPHS FROM ZEMME.

(6)
Copied R., A.
IlatSeias [i-iTOô^ k\ avdyuodt tovto [t]6 arjjxa, Tivos xapiv fJivyjiJ-y) ypoLfjufjiacrLV ei{Te]ru7r[co]r7^.
ZwTi/fos ivddBe
Kelixy)
vtto -)(d6va Trjvhe iâkxnrT\p'r)\y

[TrakdfJi.r)cr]i,v
ovK
5
e(f>vyov TrarpiSas /BovX'^
[ovr/cra?,
dWd
el
deov ySovXais /c[e] dv \tYXo<; rjXOov [d]Tj[dv]rQ)v. Be êXis to dX-qdi], êlve, TTvOecrdLv,
d['rr]6Kei,Trj
crdp^ ev yfj
xjtv)(r)v
[6]6ev Ke ek7]<f>6r],
Se 0eos (Tcoaev ovpavioi^ ivl [Qaxriv.

o'
ifjLrjv
7)
Xeii/za
yap,eTr)v
XV PV^
^'*'''
ot[K]w
10
KpLfjiiav,
^wv
[ev(f)]pdi^dyjv kc ve/cu? a)v eTaip^rj).
KaWnra
7}
Ke \0\J^^Tpav, Ôô^Trdrpav, ovvofxa ^pTjcTTOi', ikwLOa CIS yrjpa<; Ke avciTrauâ TeKovcrrf, Ke TVfjLôv
2.
ifiol
fjLVTJixy)<;
â/3tv ISpvcrev evda.
(Garland beneath.)
ev[T] Tv;r[<o]Ti;, P.
3.
K[aXwrT]p7/[v], P.
[7raXa/xijo-]iv,
4. 10.
P.
II
;
MI
IN, R.
[oi'Tjtras,
P.
\iv(f>\ftd.v\ff\riv,
P.
;
iTaip[rj),
fTaip-qv, R.
11. îXoTTaTpav, P.
<j>iX(,
irdrpav, R.
The
letter after <1>IA
is
C.
12. eXxiSo, P.; 'EXiri&a, R.
Thou
learn
why
*
that art schooled may'st also read this monument, and it is that my memory is here engraved in letters. 'Tis I,
lie
Zoticus, that
here beneath this veil of earth.

"
did not escape *

with the
plural, townships," refers to the scattered a of Greek citizen. single /<J//w
The
villages, contrasted
EPITAPHS
although
I
IN
PHRYGIAN GREEK
125
had helped my native townships with heart and hand, but by the counsels of heaven came I even to the end appointed for all. If thou art fain, stranger, to learn the truth, my flesh is laid in the
ground, whence also
it
was taken
but
my
soul hath
I
God
saved
in
among
those that live in heaven.
My
wife
left
widow
my
I
house, even
Ammia,
a helpmeet with
whom
in life
and death have
A daughter, too, I left behind, Philopatra, auspicifound pleasure. ous name, a hope for old age and a support to her mother she it was who raised a tomb here to my memory.
:
AKYAANKA0OpACK'*-^6X///
N0CrTOCOTYMBOCAI "OYf roNoeoYAN re AOlCTnO0HTON AAOY

A\KeA4>F0HQNHPQetP,eA0
TTPOCTAMeNONNOMCIJT^
MAeeoYMerAcrAiMAici
ANATTArCIN*'NA/OMO(C fAinONKVPlAAANnAPAKOlw TOYTCON AAYHH AC T FO/m
MOCTenATPIKIOCTKYPI/// A0CMecC(r2)NMA0lCeOC A(n)KfeNKA0CA4>dlT0NeN
^///P0TTCC/ÔY.T0IMNCA M 6 N c Y ^M-) T p Ke (si.r(M4>HC
(
AMMAICTTOIHCANMsJtKKA
(7)
Copied R. Surface defaced and hardly legible. 'AKvXav Kadopa<; [KaT}ex^h [fJ^X^j' ovto<; 6 tv^ôs,
XiTovpyov deov, dvyeXots Te ttoOtjtov,
126
A.
PETRIE
to.
Xaov TrpoaTd/Mevov,
ripOi [rje [8]a)ju,a 5 iv he Sd/AOi? iktvov
vofjioj
Si/cea (f>povcov(Ta).
Oôv
)u,e[y]as Taiixalcri
avaTravcTLV.
KvpuXkav
ScoKev
TrapaKoi^jLV.
TovTMV
p-ecrcr'
S'
av
TT-^Se? Tpd[<î]//,ds re
deo<;
KiXe'o?
/ce
rTarptKtds re Kv/3iXjXo,
a^di/rov iv (jLepoTrecrcnv,
vvvcfirjs
cjv
vaois
ovTOi
fii^rjjcroiiJLei'oi,
jjivrjjji-r)<i
crvp.
prjrpl
'A^/^tiais
iiroty)(Tav
I.
^dpiv.
better restoration of the line
v6' for [^]V[]
is
possible.
is
4.
ripOe for rjXOf.
needed.
The grave thou

God,
beholdest, stranger, is of Akylas, a minister of dear to the angels ; a chief of the people, who gave heed to the
came to his rest in the house of God, just precepts of the law. In left I in honours. house my my wife Kyrilla. great Their sons Trophimus, Patricius and Cyrillus, in whose hands
the temples undying glory among men, along with their mother and the Ammias, their wives, erected this to his memory.
He
God bestowed on
On
the date and meaning, see Anderson on

III.
p.
201.
(8)
(A. Souter in Class. Rev., 1896.) " Avp. Mvav8po<; Tlpd/cXou kc ATnrrj<; TeKvco îkraTw YlpoKkta K iavTOL<; â)VTe<; Ke [r]a TCK[va] avTwv Tp6(f)ip.o<; Ke MeVai{Sp]os
Utch-Eyuk.
R. 1884.
K KvpiXXa Ke AofjLua vvv^rj

evT
p..
^.
kc TaTiai/'rjs 6vyd.Trjp.
[(^JatSpdraToi/ ûpiov aTrjcra^v] a-rjpdvTopa Tvpôv.
dv vSwp re
/5[e]ei
Kal SevSpea
paKpa
TeOrjXj],
Kol TTOTapc^l] vaiovfjLV, dua/3pvi^y) Se 6d\\a\a[cr)a, avro) TwSe pevu) iroXvKXavTa) enl tv/jlô).
5
irapLovaîv on] HpdK'Xo? wBe TeOaiTTai, TfodrjTov eovra koI ev yStdrw TravdpLcrTou. [e]iK[o(TL /cat 8v] erSiv eXttrov (f>do^, aixjja Se po{l)pa
dyyeXXw
Tracri
KapnaXLpo}<; eSdpacrcre Kal (at)cra Xvyprj [i]TT6povcre.
EPITAPHS IN PHRYGIAN GREEK

aiiro? S' 'FiVi'ocriyaLO^ cj^wt'eV y^^CpecrcrL TpCaivau
127
10 KTelue
7.
/A
Tov fieXeov Tevfipoyiov napa peldpa.

on stone.
[]"K[oa-i
OIKETwN
This
line
km
8u'],
R.
setting
as a i)
is //., xii.,
9.
10.
which appears in a somewhat incongruous The Tembrogius is mentioned by Pliny (N.H., vi.,
See p. 188.
27.
tributary of the
Sangarius in Phrygia.
Aurelius Menander, the son of Proclus, and Appes, the surviving

parents, with
married daughter
memorial to
Trophimus, Menander, Cyrilla, their and her daughter Tatianes, erected this Domna, the memory of their dear son Proclus and to their own.
altar
their children,
A splendid
flows and the
they raised to mark his tomb.
While water
tall
trees
I
here on this spot will

passers
burgeon, and rivers glide and the sea swells, abide by this much-wept tomb. To the
lies
by I proclaim that Proclus here desired and most excellent in his life.
I
buried
Proclus of
all
seen
when
I left
the light
and twenty years had forthwith did Fate quickly subdue me
Two
and
a baneful
doom o'erwhelmed me.
The Earthshaker
v/ight,
himself with
his trident in his
hands slew me, luckless
by Tembrogius'
streams.
(9)
On a rock
to the south of the
Tomb of Midas.
'
"
M. Mordtmann
thinks he can recognise in it an invocation in honour of Apollo, which would have been engraved on the rock par quelque pa'i'en zele,' at the moment when the emperor Julian, marching against the Persians,
was traversing Asia Minor

R., 1881.
"
(Perrot).
Copied Mordtmann,
Per.,
Xaipe
TTaTpLS
2. 3.
fjLOiKap,
Trv\vo\/3e deutv, 'TTrepetove \dvva)v,

e'cr^Xo? TraTprjt; Trp6p.o<;
rravTcov
yap
ifir)
(f>LXo<;
ivddSe
vqei,
BevveveKT) XdjJiâve. TrkrjcrLa Kaprrovs.
TTarpX KoX
irpofjLO';,
is
Mordtmann.
BecvcvcKj;
the land of the god Bennis, on which see pp. 200, 211, and
14.4.
Hist. Geogr. of As.
Min., p.
128
A.
PETRIE
Hail, shining Hyperion, immortal, supremely blessed among here dwells a true friend of his country, the foremost of the gods
:
all.
Benneuece,
my
neighbouring native land, receive thine offspring.
(lO)
Altar. In the cemetery, Yaliniz-Serai. Copied /?., 1884. Xu/Aftaôs 'Ai'TvX[Xou] Ke ol viol avTov 'Avt{uX]\os ce 'AXeâuKara ;^tjo-]/aov K\apia> AttoWcdvi. diJ[e(T}rrj(Tav. [kc] SyfifJiaxo^
'
8/30S
XPHtMOt
ryS' ivl X^PV' CIS auyas ddpeovra TrdkvcrKOTrov iJe'Xioio cuayias 8' eVl Tovhe Te[X]eieTe ixr)vb<; iKaaTov,
fjiot
Elcrare
ftcjfiov n[av]drjea
6(j)pa
Kv dXKiJTCop T^X]6cou
TO.
o"ut'[wp]ta rew^^ci).
[/AJepoTreo-cri
Tcjy] KaptTO)v
yap eyw
re
;
TreXo[iJ.]at
/cc
irapeKTo^p,
ows] iOiXoi
4. (Tvv[o'>p]ta,
<TO){crrj)
[ots]
kX4o% otSa
(j)ope(TKeLv.
o.
k.
A.
Mr. W. R. Paton suggested an

on
stone.
engraver's error for

iii.,
a.
T[\c]6u)v (o-)Ta(x)w wpia tv;^(u, f^ reX-tOti Kapirov, Or. Sib.,

6.
cr(il(o->/),
263.
^. for
(TUirji
Erected by Symmachus, son of Antyllus, and his sons Antyllus, Alexander, and Symmachus to Klarius Apollo, in accordance with an
oracle.
The Oracle.
an altar of fragrant incense (.''), looking and holy sacrifices offer theretoward the rays of the far-seeing sun on every month, that so I may be your helper and make your fruits
Stablish
in this land
;
me
to
grow
in their season.
For
am
he that provideth the fruits for
mortal men,
glorify.
whom
wish to preserve and
whom
know how
to
129
TWO
II.
INSCRIPTIONS OF TCHAKIRSAZ.
Copied R. 1888, revised A. 1897.

el
jxr)
ovSis [a0a\i'aTo<;,
fiovov I? êos aurds,

Tracri
to.
6 TTOLVTcov yi\Trj\;
o'Cti[v<;
/ce
iravTa
iJ.epi^Q)v.
efJâSe Kivrat, Siv Tovvojxa
ypafjilfjuacri
Xjefw /y
vpcoTov p.ev Tp6<f)i.iJ.ov, fJLeTeTTLTa 8' 'Avreyaws vi6<s, 5 Ke dvyd.Tr)p TXvkt], 'AXeâvSpCa 8e i'Vja(î^ /ce rourois ^cDt'res iiroCyjaav TavT7)<; utos Euru^îai'o?.
Xîpi-v
fivtjfjLT)^
eri
^(Si-Tes
pH'
/ce
'Ypo4>iyuov
crvfi/3Lo<s
'HXtav^
xe Ke
/ce
tovtwu
rj
to,
TCKva Ma/ceSdvi?
avTcov
Stye/Dis
jK
/ce
Av^dvcov Ke KvpiaKr) OvyaTrjp /ce ra eyyova. avrcov Tp6îp.o<;

/ce
vvp.^'q
(/ce) Ma/ce8di'(,5
I.
Zwrt/co?
t
Ma^/ciat'i)
t.
/ce
'Avrepox; Ndi'va ivoLrjo-av fi, x-
vaios R.
First
A. saw that
was a broken
z.
9.
The
n above the line, read N in 'Ai/Tc'pws, and K
by
in
J.
G. C. A.
:
Ma/ccSow? are inserted above the line
seems to have been omitted by error.
The common
:
expression on gravestones (especially Christian,
but sometimes pagan), ouSets dddvaTo<;, is here expanded into two " No one is immortal lines except only the one God Himself, who is father of all and gives all things to all ".
mos and two dead
Heliane and three children living, erected the tomb to Trophichildren, and a dead daughter-in-law with her son.
also
Another daughter-in-law of Trophimos and Heliane

as an
made
the
grave. Apparently afterthought, with a new verb, the six grandchildren (children of Alexandria or Sigeris) are added. 12. Copied A. Short marginal additions to 11. 6, 8, 11.
Four epigraphic
o)
lines obliterated
^^[1/]
eVâjSe
/ctrai
Euru^tai'd?
5'
/c[a]ra/ciTa[i]
xfiovov
'^fiiT[eX'fj
CAC
e/A
/Aeipd|7reo-(rii'
^
7
XOPMO
i/wvu/AiT^s
/ceâptcrêVJo?
6,
o[9] e7rd[Xeu]cre de6v,\ \lttou tov Kocrfiov dvavT\a.\
J, 8
130
5
TloXi^(f) ?]>^/u,tos
poiv\T7)
A.
evddSe
PETRIE
crvv
/ctratl
KovptSiy t
d\6)(a>
Afia9,
lO
vlS KvpCXkxol Ta^vfioipoi o]s [e]â[j'e] Sc Xvirrjo-ev yovt
1
6 Se naTTTTiKios Ke eoSoros
iirot'qcrav k\avTol<; (tvv rats
en
{wv|res jxvrjiJiocrvvou 14, 15. 16
yw7^[f t
Âttttt; ?]
Ke Marpcovrj,
[ft]
16,17
18,
dWa
Ke T[a
/ce
T]'K[v]a
avTlatj/j
Ku/aiXXos kc
Evru^tos
-^dpiv.
all
19
IlaTpiKtosI
naTTTTiKios [e7r]oii^crav
jiai/tj/at^s
20
This
district.
6.
is
the worst in metre and sense of
the epitaphs of the
Perhaps -rtXijarai for Te\etrtras.
6, 7.
who
tended
X. (some personal name) satisfied with want of reputation among men, God and deserted the whole world viow/iLriv in a Christian metrical
:
epitaph of Phrygia, see Ramsay, Cities and Bish, ofPhr., chius explains irokivtiv Otpaireveiv,
II, 12.
ii.,
p.
743, No. 681.
Hesy-
The
is
hexameter which
is
imitated
last
is
spoilt
by an unmetrical proper
name, and by
1
a gloss
appended to explain the

A.
word
Taxvfi.oip(o.
7. 'ATTTrrj
inserted merely to
(t(i)k
show the
construction.
18.
TO. riKVOL,
a copy).
A.
The Zemme
Of
Epitaphs.
the inscriptions, the two from Zemme, Nos. 6 and 7, are The phraseology of the latter, e.g., clearly Christian in character. the New Testament, while line 7 of recalls that of XiTouyayos deov,
the former affords a remarkable parallel to Gen. iii. 19, "till for out of it wast thou taken ". thou return unto the ground
. .
Christianity appears to have been introduced into Phrygia at an early See p. 196. date, and to have made rapid progress in this district.
Two
inscriptions read
;
Tash (783, 785
C. 3857
by Le Bas in the neighbourhood of Altynp and 3857 g) end with Xp-qa-TLavol

;
Xpr/crTiavM iTroirjcrav and X^'^crTiai/o[i Xyaiycmjav^ respectively while the tombstone in another case (780, C. 3857 /) shows the
EPITAPHS
IN
PHRYGIAN GREEK
131
" These a cross. inscriptions, from the shape of the charfigure of acters and the style of the sculptures which accompany them, can
Thus, several scarcely be later than the third century of our era. decades before Constantine, in this part of the empire, the adherents
of the new religion were sufficiently numerous, and felt themselves to take publicly, on a stele exposed to the eyes of sufficiently strong,
the world, the
title
of Christian
"
(Perrot, Expl. Arch., p. 126).

B.
The Language
The language of
referred probably to the second
of the Inscriptions.
the foregoing inscriptions, which are to be and third centuries after Christ is,
;
on the whole, comparatively pure still there are several noticeable of even when we have made due allowance for the symptoms decay,
idiosyncrasies (i)
of the engraver.
exhibits
The vowel system
striking
modifications.
Some
classical
of these are traceable in their beginnings even in the language of the period, while others must have developed rapidly in the
opening centuries of the Christian Era.

e
Thus we have
= ai at = e
= at
/ce,
SiKea.
aicr^Xos.
:
ly
Keijxr].
From
engraver
to
this
e, -q,
remarkable interchange we must conclude that to the and at were identical in sound, and we have evidence
" confusion was by no means local. Pompeian such as ivdaSau ix-qSkf etcrtatra), and Egyptian
show
that this
wall-inscriptions
papyri,
show
the confusion of at
and
in the first
and second centuries

Inschr., S. 27.
et
of our era" (Blass). also we have t = et

elSpva-eu.
Cf. Meisterhans, Gr. d.

:
att.
So
êXt?,
koXKl,
fMeyeffi,
and
retiMrfcrev,
To
êXt5
we may add
irvdecrdiv,
which
illustrates the
same change, though

intermediate stage
:
in this case the result has been arrived at
by an
of the
infin. active,
and from
the infin. ending has become -eiv this comes the form vvdeadiv.
on the analogy
132
(2)
A.
PETRIE
veoTrjTav.
The forms OvyaTpav,

all
Of
the influences that have been at
work
in transforming the
to which the language, perhaps the most potent is that of analogy, The third ace. of the third decl. in -v is doubtless to be attributed.
compared with the ace. in -v, was felt to be bare and endingless, and v was suffixed to make it like the other, giving
decl.
ace.
in -a, as
etc. TraTipav, rrû jxrjTipav, rrfv iXniSai', nominative From this ace. again was formed a new r) fjirjTepa, rj The same explanation holds good in the case of veoTrjTav, ikuiSa. from which, in like manner, was formed a nom., -q veoTrjTa, with
rise to
toi>
:
such forms as
numerous
parallels in
etc.
Pontine Greek
17
7rX.ouo-idT7jra,
rj
ixeyaXoTrjTa,
ayadoT-qra,
See also pp. 60, 153, 224.

is
a strong tendency forms and the of anomalous the expulsion uniformity through This tendency is responsible creation of new and regular elements. for an enormous number of new futures and weak aorists active,
to
(3) The aorists eXen/;a, KctXXtTra. In the case of the tense-formations, there
where the future of the middle and the strong aorist were the only forms recognised in the best period of the language. Thus we find
to take only a
few instances, the futures acrco, a/jiapTTJa-w, d/coucr&i, and the first aorists yprjaa, aTToSpdcro), aTroXavcra), ttXcuctw, pev<r(t) ;
ifiCcoaa, eiXfa, etpxpa, rjpda {epxop.cLi), iXetxpa
Xi.-rrwv is
rffjidpTTjcra,
(though quoted from Aristophanes' Andromeda). KoXXiTra is an analogous form from the first aorist, and illustrates the levelling which took place in the person-endings, not only the second aorist
Xeii//as for
but also the imperfect and perfect having their
first
person singular
and third plural formed on the analogy of the corresponding forms of the weak aorist, e.g., elSa, tlhapiev, ^hav e<î;ya, i(j)vyap.ev,
and
first
;
i(f)vyau
'y
elxa,
il\aji.V,
eiâi'
TrapeiXrj(f>av,
C.I.G.,
3137;
dire-
(TToXKav, etc. (4) Several Doric forms remain to be noticed, chiefly in (3)
(Altyn-Tash)
âpvnei'dd.';, fjivpop.eva, p.a.vve, etc.
These
are
some-
what
peculiar, for, as
M.
Perrot remarks, there
is
no trace of Dorism

in the
133
language of this
district.
It
that the forms in question are from the ancient authors, and
due
seems best to suppose, with him, to the borrowing of hemistichs
makes more pretensions
to
it is noteworthy that this epitaph smoothness of metre and literary form
than almost any of the others.

C.
The Forms
The double form of
'lavovapLv-'lavovapCov.
the proper
noticeable in (4) (Altyn-Tash). are frequent in Greek (and Latin) proper names on stones of the Roman era, and of -is for -ius in Roman inscriptions from the earliest
date.
/.
name, -apt and -a/ato?, is Examples of -is for and from -los
(J.
H. Wright, Harvard
lat.
Studies in Class. Phil., vol.
V.
MOTSAIS for MOTSAIOS. He quotes Benseler,

und
Gram.,
iii.,
;
vi., 1895, Curtiui Sludien
z. gr.
pp. 149-183, for examples in -ais from

in -ts (ei?)
-aios, e.g., 'Adiji/aL<;, EipryVats
from
-etos, e.g., "HXets,
and adds
EPMAI2,
Here we have an
gen. -lOT as having been seen by Prof Ramsay.) instance of the two forms standing side by side.
p.
318) observes that the great bulk of the examples collected by Benseler are Italian proper names, and supposes
Hatzidakis (Neugr. Gr.,
the Greeks, hearing the IJomans address each other as Juli, Petroni, Aureli, etc., formed from this vocative a new nominative
that
'louXts, IleT/aaJt'ts, Av/arjXis.
He
also
official and other names in -a/atos, Greek with Roman administration he quotes )8tKoi;\a/3io9, and some others.
:
of
remarks that a large number -apis, would be introduced into

<^povp.yTdpio<i,
kov-
D.
The Metre
The metre
classical canons,
is
of the Inscriptions.
cases
in
some
fair
it is
tolerably
correct,
as
judged by
something hard to
and a
in
guide to restoring the text with
like accuracy
others
crude in the extreme, and
it is
134
A.
PETRIE
discover on what system, if any, the engraver has proceeded.

points, however,
seem
clear
Two
(i)
That pronunciation according

e.g:
to the accent will frequently

:
give a line the necessary smoothness,
TclfJ-ijaev waTpl^ 6\r] Tr)v arjv yv(i)^'r]V Ka6opo)VTS. In general it may be said, that probably, if the pronunciation of the place and period were known, the metre would be more recog-
treated as long through From this point of view it is easy to see why emphasis in (i) 1. 5. V ephelkystikon seems to be treated as negligible for position length. that the (2) The first line is uniformly correct, suggesting
nisable.
So,
e.g.,
Theudora
in
(i),
and
o-e
lines which were engraver had at his disposal a stock of commonplace " in universal use, and would do duty as exordia," so to speak, in all
epitaphs alike, e.g., iuBdhe yrj /care^êi (tov Setva) ; aeveov rdSe crrjiJia When, however, he departs from the (6 Seiva tSpucre tw Selvi). beaten track to give details as to the age, character, or occupation of Thus in (5) the deceased, his metrical powers are apt to fail him.
(Altyn-Tash)
rjpTTao-e
the opening line "Apri

is
fie
yevofj.evrjv
^wijs fipe<f)0^
âip,o)v
{cf.
of a type which can be
easily paralleled
from the
3715, "Apri yeveidtflVTOi p.e ySacr/cai'os rj. 8.) ;* but in Further the second line we are brought up with outtw rpUriv tJBt].
C.I.G.
down we
/xe
recognise once
more the
and
dactylic
rhythm
in
17
8ecr[7roti'a]
which Molpa would be part of the stock-in-trade of every tombstone versifier. it In this district Greek can hardly have been much known
KadrjpTraa-e, k. t. X.,
this again looks like a line
;
was learned
Ramsay has frequently pointed out that, apart from the Hellenistic cities, Greek was not the home language in Phrygia, and that it was spread chiefly by Christianity, which killed out the native languages of Anatolia. Teachers are menas
an alien tongue.
Prof.
tioned almost exclusively in Christian inscriptions.

* OVK
[Kaibel quotes CJ.G., 6257, apri
;u,e
See p. 140 n.
ytvofxtvov ^was fip(<j>o^ rifmaxn halfinav,
018' (iT
KaKwv
aiTioi' tiT
aya^toi/.]
IV.
INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE
SHOWN IN THE EPITAPHS OF TROPHIMOS AND HIS RELATIVES.

IN PHRYGIA, AS
J.
FRASER.
INHERITANCE BY ADOPTION AND MARRIAGE IN PHRYGIA, AS SHOWN IN THE EPITAPHS OF TROPHIMOS AND HIS RELATIVES.
The
text of the following
two
sets
of inscriptions
is
founded on the
The restorations also epigraphic copies furnished by Prof. Ramsay.* must be understood to be his, except where otherwise assigned. The
second set was published by M. Perrot in Exploration Archeologique, but the present text is much fuller, and I have only In a few cases
reported
Perrot's readings. facts in the discussion of the bearing of the inscriptions the Phrygian laws of inheritance I am indebted to Prof. Ramsay.
M.
For the
on
In the apparatus criticus restorations contained in the transcripme by Prof. Ramsay (when not printed in the text) are denoted by R. ; those of Perrot (in so far as they differ from R.
tion given
:
text, of course, P. and R. agree) by P. many Readings marked J. are due to Mr. J. G. C. Anderson of Christ Church and my own I have marked F.
in
easier parts
of the
in 1884. They were transcribed for publication but amid masses of work immediately, lay half-ready for printing until 1898, when Mr. Anderson took the transcriptions with him and compared them with the stones.
[These copies were made
text rests
Except where he is quoted as disagreeing with my copy, it may be assumed that the on this double authority. Where he is quoted alone for a reading, this indicates that he read more than I did. Monsieur Perrot's copy of II. is not
so
good
as
his usual epigraphic

it
work
he must have seen
it
in failing light, peris
haps regarded
as
too worthless for the minute study which

interest
needed
in this faint
and badly engraved text. The sole with I., which was unknown to him.
and value of
II. arises
from comparison
Kaibel's edition of
II.,
therefore, contains
many
blanks {Ej>ig?amma/a Graeca e lapidibus conlecta, 1878, p. 145 f.) ; but these differences are for the most part left unnoticed. See also note p. 1 1 9. -W. M. R.]
138
J.
FRASER
I.
EPITAPHS OF AURELIOS TROPHIMOS AND HIS DAUGHTER AMMIA, FROM KURD-KEUI.

Au]/3.
A.
Tpd(^t/Ao? EvTU)ôu9 ev0[a KaraKiT}/}
irpos irarepav alXv6ov v6[a yeueT]rjpav e[j2o
TOP
(ro<f)L7)i
e/AC
Si8acr/(aXo[v] ivofMov ev6a
\dj3e TeX[os] davoLTOLO koI nXovreos ouKia vrjo>v 5 OS TTOLVTav vKvoiv xjjv)(â.<; irapeSefaro )(y]po}v, ovS' dv Tis î']a[T]ojv eXicrcrd/ievos eVl Koa-jxov naXiv ekOy,
ouSe
êyx[or
i^
.]
A"I-INnCIC
ou8' aiektov \yXv]Kv

<f)evyo<;
ei8e(r6r)v,
ovK dcTTptov Spd/Aos icTTLV, ovpavodeu oe Be vv^. (^]cVyos ouK Icropdrr), IcrKOToecra
lO aXXa
7rai;cra[cr]ê
creXit'Tjs
Sa/cpuwv
k'
t?
AiSa
ju[i7]
Tjf/aojtere
^/3171'OU?,
/xat8[e T7]â]i,Te i//u;âs
8aKpvoL<; /^[atS' dT]a/Dy8[cri

/ce
^pr^'jvois,
wv
7ra[i'T&)i'
i(iJb)rj<;
rJeXos
e'trTiv
[fxr)
[dv]a7ra[ucrts.
dXX'
(j[To]p'yri<;
fjLvijp.7]^
TrpoiejvTcav,
T17S' [Tp<f)ov TraiSJas k SwSe/cctT&j Xu/<[dy8ai'Ti

1
alXvdov
Tov
d]X'
is
'AtSao
(TO<f)iT)<;
Sd)u,o[vs]
ijJLe
t[/3as]
tov dîvyea -â)pov, 8v8d<TKa\ov o<s 7i[o]r' eKXiqdrjv,

^ ^dve
'n-evT[8]eKae[Ti7s.
dyofiTjv Ad/LAi{ai/]
e'y[y]dt'7;i'
crrjfia
8e /iot reOâv 'A/i/xta dvydrrjp, dpTTTo<; Se

TeXecrcô/Dos
w
2.
knrojjirjv
Kovpihiy)v [dXaôv] 'Ajxp-Cav

his father
ifjilo
dvydrpa.
by nature, not by adoption, F. 6p(.Trr\ripav, R., yeverj^pai', i.f. below with III. the remarks on it, and understanding " my comparing inscription who me in his house ". fsther, brought up 4. XaKC, P. ; \a[;(]e, Kaibel. vrjwv, F. ; vr]m, Kaibel ; oIkLov giov, R.
6.
6[v]a[T](ui/,
F.
0a[v6vT]Q}v, R. A.,
no gap between B and a
âfi/aTo]!/
XwT<T6it.ivo<i,
Kaibel.
7. R. suggests, "as a counsel of despair," ovSe ^/i[p]a & Ivoxnq, which follows the tone closely, only taking the symbol -I- between a and i (which both he and A. read) as an engraver's error for ; he noted in his copy that 6ev or ^c/u, was possible
:

" nor
is
139
"
:
there marriage allowed there, nor the light of the sun pleasant to see
cruêvfis,
cvwo-ts,
Hesychius.
is
[ôCs] ^rjv{ov)a-(r])s
9.
Christian touch, compare Matt. xxii. 30. ou8' tOev and suggested by Kaibel. [yûjict', J^.
[v]6o'
Kaibel. [^J (TKOToiaa, 10. 7r[po]teT, -/^ ; 7r<o[s]rcT, R.

11. T^KOlTt,
i.e.
T-qKiTf,
R.
D/âiT,
i.e., TI^fjJTC, !>.

is
2.
[dv]a7ra[vo-is,
F.
1(tov after
Icniv
common
in the epitaphs
and would
improve the metre.

13.
/".,
AAenerTPHe,
F.
vt<j>v,r.
14.
\iTpi<f>ov n-ai8]as,
16. TTpioT iKXr/Oriv, P.
B.
Aup. TaTia[v] Xiirofirfu ai^j-v-qv o-vv/Blov ifilo ddvev avTW XvKoi/SavTL c/SSoâi/fovTaeTTjs ^
dX'
e'/i'^s
(o")TO/oy7}s ei{e/c]a ir/ao?
nXoureos TJ\v6e
iknia-L ravrrj^
o&)/x[a
KvpcaKov yap eyw

5
knrofirjv
icfi'
NdwTjs
yavl3po<s dX' ifiol
yafierrju (rvvêv)(^9rjvai daXdfjLO)
yap ovtos
iJLVT]p.7j[<;]
KLvot)vo<;
/ca/xoi
avviopvae Tvvfiov
-^dpLV ySco/xov ihpvcrav ev6a
Soâv
10 Ke
I.
6vr)To\l<;]
fivt^p.oo'vvov 6v oi[d ^]toi,
)(aiyDois,
^cr^X[e]
oSIra, koI dvayvoix; \a\rrWi
ijxol
crvvV)(ov ttjv iv 'AeiSt p.al [fi]apla6rj kovlv.
ToTta, P.
v[K]a, JF.
;
3.
l^â, R.
A.
So/x[ov,
P.
to
4.
iKma-i,
not
uncommon
according
Meisterhans,
Gram.
d.
Att.
Insch.,
p. 86.
6.
Ki[/x]ci)vos,
Kaibel,
"son of Kimon," seems hardly

R.
possible.
10.
[j8]apZ<r^J7, JF.;
/i[o]i [^]api(7^;,
C. Au/3.
Te\e<T4>opo<;
A/A/i,ia,
Ke
Avp.
A/x/Ata
T17
[e]a[uTwi']*
dvyarpl
Ke
di/8/3i
Novva dvyaTTjp tw eavT^s

D.
'A/i/Ata
Ku/aia/cw
L'S/3iicr[av]
to ye
crrifia
dvydri^p irivvTrj irws 6dv<; yjSr) ; TL a-irevSova-a ddve^ ; r) ti's iKLxricxaTO Moi[jo]wv,
TT/siV
ere
vvv(f)t,Kov
lcrT<jiavov
/J.
KOcrfJi.rjcrafj.ev
rjv
OaXdfioicnv,
*TH[A,
THDA,
J.
I40
5
J.
ERASER
;
TTaTprjv ere
/cjXrî
XtTrii^
TTV&a\eov<; 8e rofcrja?
/ce
ere
Trarrjp
7rao-a iraTpr)
Ke iroTVLa
lJ.riTy)p
TTJV o{ou] dcDpOTTjTav

TTjs
8'
K ada\dfJL1^TOv] rjkLKlTjV.
ava(l)6vâp[ey'r) \pv)(y)v 'A/x/Atao
âvovoT^[s
SoLKpva depp.a )(eovcra, TraplcTTaTO Trarpl aloe TeKOvay,
lO
Tr)v
olarpo^ 6ava.TOio XdjSev,

Ka^' utti'ovs
[]vv'rjfx.ap
8e
davovaa
X]eâ)u,]eVr^
fir]
[eTrirXTj/Aocrui'jr^v
davaroio.
/cXtjc,
TTOLTep
voXvcohwe,
firqhi crv,
p.rjTr]p,
.
.
ev re'Xos eo-riv to 77{a]o{i]i' 6[(êiXd]/i,ei'ov, dc!)pa[v.

3.
l<TT<f}avov,
is
ornament,
{<r)Tff>,
construed with two accusatives, the person and the found in the Anatolian epitaphs, see p. 278 of this volume ; I o-tc^., P. ; t?
F.
Koa-ixiio
Kaibel.
atapOTTjTav, F., Kaibel
; ;
7.
^^^XwpoTqrav , P.
dwpoTciTT/i',
Wilamowitz
ap. Kaibel.
.
II. \]^[a/;l]el'7;,i^
iiriT\rjiJLO(Tvvrjv,
8t^[a/i].'r? (Attic Seiâ/^cVi?),;?.^.
HAnrOC
y,v
R.
F.
;
13. o[<îXd]/tevo', F.
SmpaT[ai, A.
a.u>pa\y,
F.
Trophimos who appears to have composed was evidently employed by the state (Jvofiov)
is
these elegant epitaphs to teach croe^ta, as he
careful to point out, in his native village (tt/oos vaTepav alXvdov).* The character of his le/ao. a-oîa is indicated in the half-theological,
It obviously did not half-astronomical speculation of I. A, 5-9. brace a knowledge of Greek syntax and metres.
em-
A. Here
to the father
lies
who
Aurelios Trophimos, son of Eutyches. Here I came begot me, and here the doom of death overtook
me, the public teacher of

Pluto
*
who
dwell f in the house of receives with joy the spirits of all the dead, nor shall any
;
wisdom
and
The SiSao-KttXos
or ypaywynaTiKos
who
is
often mentioned in the longer metrical
epitaphs {e.g., note there], Ramsay in
Kaibel, No. 402, Ramsay,
and Bish. ofPhr., ii., p. 386 [?see footExpositor, Feb., 1906, p. 153) may be assumed to have composed
Cities
them
of the bereaved. Also p. 180, B.C.H. 1886, p. 511. If we read oixiac stone certainly has oiKiarijwv. fThe ^luv with R., the mean" I was on the way to the ing will be (taking ^wv as a Phrygian false imp. of ?fii)> house of Hades ". I have suggested below an explanation of v-qwv.
for the use
141
mortal * with the evolution of a cycle come back to the world. nor the light There
of the sun pleasant to look on. The stars do not pursue their course, and the light of the moon does not shine from heaven, but there is
dark night.
Cease weeping and do not waste lamentation on death
;
weary
not your souls with tears nor with endless f lamentation to all those things there is an end that brings release. Only let them not
;
forget
my
love.
I
Here
reared
my
children and after eleven
years went to the
house of Hades, the lightless land, I who was once called teacher I took of Sacred Wisdom. charge of Domna, my granddaughter who died at the age of fifteen.
My
wife.
monument was
erected by
my
left
daughter Ammia, and
my
for
adopted son Telesphoros to

B.
I left
||
whom
my
daughter
Ammia
behind Aurelia Tatia

;
my
revered wife,
same year
*
It
is
at the age of seventy
through her love
who died in the for me she came

:
" dead
".
The whole
ipaaiv
.
not necessary to suppose that T. used dyrjTos in the proscribed sense of line seems to me to be a hit at the Stoic cosmogony cf. ot 8
.
.
STcotKOt
T<av
aa-rip'ov 6/notcos
Trakiv
<j>tpofi.(.vu>v
iKacrTov
ttoiA.U'
iv
Trj
irporipa
TTfpioSm
yfvo/xfvov airapaXXaKToii
aTroreXtla-Oai,.
f<r<T6ai
yap
'SiiOKpdmjv
c.
Kal
nXdroiva kul (Kaa-Tov twv

Matthaei.
[6vj]t6':
avOpiLtruiv,
k.t.X.
Nernes,
Pers.,
de Ntitura Horn.,
38, p. 309,
of the dead Darius, ^sch.,
632, J.]
f
I
it
take this to be the intended sense of ttT]ap;8t[o-(, if the restoration is right. He means in the twelfth year after his coming to the place. But
I
presumably
or 55.
is
perhaps more probable that the meaning

either
is
"
in the twelfth lustrum
of
my
life,
i.e.,
44
Trophimos
in
that
case
married a wife
who died in the same year at the age of seventy. she was married to Trophimos, and she brought with her her young child Domna, who soon died at the age of 15. Trophimos survived his marriage probably about
himself,
much older than She was a widow when
seventeen to twenty years, for he left one daughter married and one betrothed marriage doubtless generally took place early in life in Anatolia, as it still does.
There appears
to be
no doubt of the reading here
we must suppose
that
T.
made
a slip in syntax.
II
Or
lustrum.
142
to the house of Pluto.
J.
FRASER
I left
Kyriakos
become the husband of Nonna.

others took part in erecting
with this hope, that he should For this son-in-law along with the
It
my monument.
was
in
memory of
that they placed this altar here, such as brings mortals fame, and Hail, will be a memorial of me to them during their lifetime.
me
honest traveller
dust
lie
lightly
on me
read and go thy way, and pray with in the grave.
me
that the
C. Aurelios Telesphoros and Aurelia
Ammia
to their daughter
Ammia, and Nonna erected this monument.
(Trophimos') daughter to her
husband Kyriakos
This side of the epitaph (together with D) belongs to a later date Ammia and Telesphoros were mentioned in A. than A and B. Nonna was about to be married to Kyriakos, when (A and) B were
composed.
In
she buries her dead husband.
Though Trophimos
and temple, and long dead, the family grave is his house " " of the master of the house. daughter speaks of herself as " have D. Ammia, wise daughter, why you died already ? Why such haste to die.? what fate overtook you before we had decked
now Nonna
is
you
in
your chamber with the bridal garland, that you should leave
city
all
your native mother and

bloom.
and sorrowing parents.
Your
that
father
and lady
voice
the city
weep
for you, for your youth
and unwedded
But her
soul, the soul of
the sting of death had upraised and hot flood of tears, taken, nine days after she died,* stood by her father and mother, Do speaking to them in their sleep of endurance of her death t
' :
Ammia Ammia whom
died, with
not weep,
*
much
which comes
The
suffering father, nor you, " .' to all ; the young J

.
mother
there
is
one end
writer had evidently intended to write \e'|aTo or some such
word
after
Oavovira.
hopeless, but the meaning must be something such as I suggest, . or whether k(i[aft](vr] l-mTX-q)ji.o(Tvvqv is read, does not much matter. 8e|[a/i]ci'i; . I take to be the beginning of a new sentence. The sense then would X dtupai/
fThis
line
is
be
One end
awaits
all
if I
died before
my
time,
it
is
but an anticipation of the
inevitable.

II.
143
EPITAPH OF AURELIOS MENANDROS FROM A STONE AT
AKTCHE
A. Middle.
which a cross
is
KEUI.
is
Between
11.
and 2 there
"
neatly incised
"
(R.).
Garland, inside
ivddSe Tvvô<; e\i [kvp. M4v\iv^pov XItt^ 05 ^]a[o]5 aieXioto TecraapaKOVTa yap ^rjcras TeXeiorarous iviavTov<;
aikvOov
[t]9
AiSa tov aîvyea
)(0)pov.
fial yap to davlv oKyLvov, tovto Traofi 7r]/30Kirai, 5 aKd fjie Tlkovrev^ rjpTracre KOvpihirf<; ya/ter^s Ar)iJ,7]TpLavrj<;
rj's
IcrTopyrjv ovS' iu (v)eKVcn \adoLfvqv,

/xe 77[d]crtv
Ke ya.{p) <î\ai(riv
rj
Ida
IiaiVkoTrr)(y))<i,
Trokv7revdd<; ifilo,
\iT^6p]qv drapfiea dprjvov, iravcrrj SaKpoju ov fjiolpa ydp.ov SUXvcre raôs.

p-e
dXa
10 /cXaucre
KacnyviJTr) 'A^yu.ta? Tpo<îpov

d.8[ii']d
rj pot TriT^ff]rj AiSt (TweTrev^tv.
[y]a[v)8/D]o9
I.
ydp Ipos
IC, ^.
;
TXe(r(f>opo<; [/cacriyJvT^roio
AppCa<s
7ro[(ris
OS, i^.
AC
\\\C, R.
J. read
\t7ro[i' <^]a[o]<;.
4.
eVei ToSe, the usual
form of
this tag,
would give
such
better metre
as
and syntax.
This
is
imitated from a line

it is
where
/i^
all
was
suitable,
".
"
Do
not think death
terrible, since
7. 9.
the lot proposed for
men
naii'eA.07n;(r;)s, J'.
sorrowing in But possible genitive form. the word appears to be cut on the stone in smaller letters, and as Trophimos does not affect acephalic verses it may have been inserted later without regard to the metre.
this author,
respect of
The construction of tro\virv6a<; is curious for me ". Perhaps we ought to read irokvn-tvdao, a
"
10.
I
VAAAiA, A.
Taking
ah[iv\a.,
F.
d[t']S[t]a,
R.
'A/;t/ii'a(s),
see p.
272
n.
I.
-yai'/?pds in the sense
of brother-in-law.
as
is
In A. II, means "sister" unless, [Kao-(y]v77Toto apparently

the
barely possible,
word should be
restored as a proper name,

w.is
i.e.,
that of Telesphoros' father by
nature (by adoption Telesphoros
son of Trophimos).
B. Right. ^]Se Kc aXos ya[i'/8/3os AJtr/cXT^Tra? tS]iav i8a)Ka di^yarepau] 'Apptav
<a
e^pav
144
o? wevO^l] TTevdifj-a KXaCcre Se /i, /ce
'IcrKOfMatvoL,
.
J.
FRASER
/ai{')7]/aijs
Swpa a
^X&i/oo?
\a.piv \a/3ov woe.
Trevdepo<;
Ke
'A/x/Aia?
irevOepa
wv
S)\v
/C
TO,
TCKva TOP
i/Jiov
voTfJiov
wSvpovTO,
Ke Siopa Xafiwv
ts
A[iSa]o
Kop.tt,o),
ov haKfô^Jcra
Sojpa
TrdTpr)<;
ird-Tprj
KaTeâ[i//]aTO Trv6ip.a Oprivy]aauT^.

d<f>V')^r].
iXafiov Koa-ix-qcna tvv^w
dXXa TeKva
lO
IlaT/aifct?
/ce
Trar/aos [/aou] p-vqcrdivTa ykvK'VTTfjoi;,
'A\eâu8po<; Ke
ArjfjirJTpLO?
ov re vat-mov acra,
['A]/>(,/Aias
TreVre Se Ovyarepe? Tpo4>L[v)iJH,ai>rjs Ke Ke Aofiva Ke Kvpi\\\]a /ce AXeâvSpia,

01 KC
Tvvôv
ifjiOi
p.vT^jxrj<;
-^dpuv
ISpvaav evda
fidpfiapov
1
.
[l\(TTT]\rjv,
oTkov jSCou eXTTtSa ravnqv

whose name
cf.
y[av/8pds, ^.
is
4. lo-Ko/iaivoi
an ethnic name, " natives of Iskome,"
a village
occurs also in an epitaph published by Prof.
Ramsay
in J.H.S.,
1884, p. 259,
p.
188 of this volume.

8.
TH
on stone before
rvvpM
a.<j)(v\y]ri,
f?'om end of line,
9.
1
[/AOU],
F.
;
2.
Kvpi/xa on the stone
Kvpi[\X]a, R.
See footnote
later, p.
50.
C. Left.
a>
TO KoKov
(f)dos
o Xiirov iv fiepoTrecraiv,
eyoi
yap
Kip-aL TrokvîvOe'i Tvvfiat.

(f)dLfievoL<;
p,e,
KdWiTTov ev
dindL,
5
Ke 'AetSos oucia vaicav.

Ka\(i><;,
e-)(iv.
dvayvov<;, Sta ySiou irpdâs Kafiol (Tvvevxov rrjv kovlv kov^tju
Avp. Mevav8po<; Kapt/cou
air'
'E7riot/cio[u] rrjv
dvyarepav
'AfjifiCap
rj<;
p,ov Tr]{v) Trpoyeypap,p.evai.(y)

ttoo-is
'Ao-KX['>^]7ra[s.
A. Here the grave keeps Aurelios Menandros who has left the After having lived forty full years I went to the light of day. of land Hades. Think not that to die is bitter this is lightless
the fate of
all
but
Pluteus snatched
me from my wedded
wife

Demetriane, whose affection
for she loved
I
145
shall not forget
even
among
the dead,
husband of Penelope * was loved. To her I left ceaseless lamentation, but rest from weeping in sorrow f for me whose + wedlock fate dissolved so soon. My sister Ammias, Trophimos' daughter, wept for me and sent unceasing lamentation with me
me
as the
to the grave, and
mv
brother-in-law Telesphoros, husband of
my sister
Ammia,
B.
and another son-in-law Asklepas, to

daughter.
whom
Ammia, my own
law and
His
are those gifts
gave the other of sorrow which I

I
have thus received to be memorials of me.
Florus too,
my
father-in-
Ammias my
their children too bewailed
mother-in-law, people of Iskome, lamented me ; my death, and their gifts I take with me to
Hades.
tions,
My
and from
native city buried me with tears and woeful lamentamy city I received gifts to deck my lightless tomb.
But
my
children, mindful of their father's fondness^
Patrikis
five
and
Alexandros and Demetrios
whom
1 left
an infant, and
daughters,
Trophimianes and Ammias and

they erected here a
Domna and
hope.
||
monument
life,
too, this
Kyrilla and Alexandria, marble slab, in my memory,
which
is
C.
my home, my Ah for the fair
my
light
which
I left
among
the depths of the grave. in the house of Hades.

life
They
left
me among
the living, for the dead and

all
I lie
I
in
dwell
Read and go thy way prospering and pray with me that the dust may lie light on me.
through
* R. compares a Christian inscription from the catacombs in Syracuse, restored
by Biicheler in RA. Mux., 1896, p. 639.

X/Mo-tavijs
o-efJivrji
ayavocfipovo^
K^]'
^lAai'Spcui' [sit
.')
'Acr((r)taK^s rvfiôv etcropa?,
<^tA,, kci/jlcvov [looe
^]tis criixvocTvvrj(TLV [epLêjTO Tlr/veXoTTLrj.
Chrisiana was a stranger from the Province Asia, perhaps from Phrygia. In the translation -jroXvirtvOds is taken with i/uo dependent on f
I
it.
This appears
to be the sense
one would
like to read ov //.olpa yd/xov.
Ammias,
by-form of Ammia.
The two
(p.
names,
Ammias and Ammia,

this.
are used
almost indifferently here and elsewhere

I
j
272
Kretschmer, Einleitung,
is
Expansion of the
common
o pio^ ravra, life
p. 339.)
10
146
Aurelios
J.
FRASER
Menandros son of Karikos from Epioikion (to) my above named daughter Ammia whose husband is Asklepas.* These two inscriptions are closely connected with one another. In inscription II. we notice that Aur. Menandros was son of Karikos
and Tatia, but
his sister
Ammia
was daughter of Trophimos.
This
twice married, first (as the other conditions implies that Tatia was to Trophimos. and afterwards Karikos to Ammia, the halfshow)
sister
of Menandros was married to Telesphoros
she
is
therefore
identical with
Ammia
in
I.,
who
also
was daughter of Trophimos
and wife of Telesphoros. Menandros in II. distinguishes this Ammia from his own daughter {IBCav) Ammia, whom he gave in marriage
to Asklepas.
In
I.
it is
stated that
;
Domna
at the age
is
of fifteen
but
in
grand-daughter of Trophimos died the subsequent account of his family, there

left
no room
for her.
latter
Trophimos
two daughters,
Ammia and
was promised but not yet married to Kyriakos (e<^' eXTTicriTauTT^st ^6vur)<; yajxeTrjv (rvvêv)(0rjvai 6aXdfJLCo,ll.B. ^ f.). Ammia and her husband Telesphoros commemorate their dead
Nonna.
The
Theredaughter Ammia, and make no mention of the dead Domna. fore Domna must have been grand-daughter of Trophimos through his marriage with Tatia, not directly through either of his own
turn to II. then, and we find daughters Ammia or Nonna. that Tatia and her first husband Karikos had a grand-daughter Domna, who must be the child brought up in the household of
We
Menandros and
The
epitaphs
treated by him as his grand-daughter. relationship of the various persons mentioned
is
indicated in the following

last
is
stemma
in
these
*The
daughter,
family grave
offers
sentence
is
a later addition, after the death of

still
Ammia, Menander's
as in I.
who
is
described as
as
living in the beginning.
Here,
;
C, p.
142, the
thought of
the house and
home of Menander
3
f.
and he though dead
welcome
is
to his daughter,
when
she comes to her father and to the divine nature

i
in
which he
j-
merged.
Compare
II. B.
Probably for ravrais,
and not
to
be connected with
Ndi'vi;?.

Eutyches
Florus
147
= Ammias
I
Demetriane
II
= Aur.
Karikos
=
^1
Tatia
=
I
Trophimos
I
Menandros
Amraia
Telesphoros
Nonna = Kyriakos
Kyrilla Alexandria
Asklepas
= Ammia
Patrikios Demetrios Alexandres Trophimiane
Domna
Menandros, evidently, died in middle age. While he left eight children, one son was an infant (II. B. 10), and a daughter Domna was also very young. Tatia, his mother, who had married again,
took charge of
In
II.
Domna
I
but the child died
at the
age of
fifteen.
B.
f.,
irepav ISiav
dvyarepau
'KfLfiiav
must be under-
stood as a second
Ammia,
"
my own
daughter by nature," with an
emphatic meaning of Ihiav, and not the mere weakened meaning

often has in these Phrygian epitaphs {tneus, or suus, according as the epitaph is expressed in the first or the third person). It is noteworthy that Telesphoros, the alumnus (son by adoption
it
which
and upbringing) of Trophimos, married Ammia, daughter by nature of Trophimos. The quasi-relationship between them was therefore not felt in Phrygian circles * to be a bar to marriage. Yet it is
Phrygia there was a certain intimate family tie acknowledged between alumni and parents. This is proved by many inscriptions, which allow a place in the family grave, not merely to
certain that in
children but also to alumni.
Still
there
is
always a clear distinction

;
drawn between children by nature and alumni

tainly did not
and the
latter cer-
adopted sons in Roman law as entirely on a This agrees level with sons by nature in respect of the marriage law. entirely with the Greek law ; and throws light on the obscure subject
rank
like
of the law of inheritance in the parts of Asia Minor which, after

being long subject to the Seleucid rule, passed into
Prof.
Roman
the
possession.
to
Ramsay
in
his
Historical
Commentary on
Epistle
the
* These inscriptions are, indeed, Christian (as. will be shown below) ; but it may be safely assumed that the ordinary custom of society would not be violated by
the Christians at this period (third century).
148
Galatians, p.
J.
f'RASER
has treated this difficult topic, and shown that the law of inheritance through adoption, which was assumed for pur-
340
f.,
poses of illustration by St. Paul in Gal. law as it existed in his own time, but the
iii.
6-9, was not the
Roman
Greek
Greek law
(or rather
it
law as modified in the Seleucid Empire to adapt He also points out that " in Oriental population).
to
to a Grasco-
Athens the
adopted son was permitted and encouraged thus saving the dowry which she would otherwise require," and keepand that in Asia Minor, ing the property undivided in the family " where some traces of succession in the female line it is
marry the daughter,
persisted,
highly probable that the same marriage custom prevailed, on the theory that the adopted son acquired the daughter's right of inheritance by marrying her ".
He could not give at that time any example
to prove in actual fact that this marriage custom existed ; but the inscriptions here published furnish the proof. Trophimos has no
son by nature
therefore he adopted Telesphoros, and gave
him
his
daughter
C.
Ammia in marriage. An epitaph copied close to Bey-Sheher (Parlais) by W. Wilson bears on the Anatolian law of inheritance,
Avva
lovofrjr;? kX[7^]ô[i/o]/u,os Ka\
the late Sir
and may be
given here for comparison.
[Ba
koI
No. dvyaTepe<; ttjv eavTwv dp\\iaa\a.v
'I-
ovaTC^
The
heiress,
[Ji]vi]fjir]<; yapiv. circumstances are
here
obscure.
Justa
had only one

Either the
and two daughters who do not rank as word 6vyaT4pe<; is used here inaccurately in
(which
is
heiresses.
the sense of alumnae
highly improbable and in our opinion incredible), or used in the sense of " mother who herself nursed and dpexjjaa-av tended them," which seems natural and in accordance with analogy,
is
as dvyarepe^
implies p.riTpav.* Apparently, therefore, Justa had three daughters, and only one of these (presumably the eldest) was
The
reading of R. in
I.
A.
2, irarlpav \dpTrT\ripav,
corresponds closely to this
use of dvyaTfpi Ttjv Opiij/aaav.

heiress.
149
When we remember
that, in the primitive
AnatoHan custom
of priestly families, it must necessarily have been the case that only one daughter could inherit the right of priestess, and transmit to a
husband the right of priest and representative of the god, it seems quite possible and even probable that this should have become a
and that only one daughter was heiress. This would explain why only one son-in-law was the wife of the other son-in-law was not an adopted by Menandros
:
universal principle of Anatolian custom,
heiress-daughter according daughter's inheritance.
to
the traditional Phrygian custom
of
Even
stood that
if
it
we admit
this conjecture,
it
must
certainly be under-
was only the old Anatolian custom, and must probably have been regarded in Hellenised city-life as rather old-fashioned and
non-Hellenic.
that the
Greek
Especially in regard to sons, it must be presumed law of inheritance was observed in all those Hellenised
Grasco-Asiatic cities of Phrygia. No trace of any non-Hellenic system of inheritance for sons is known in the wide range of Phrygian
of course, quite natural that the old fashion should persist longer where the female right alone was concerned, i.e., in The ancient custom precases where there were no sons to inherit.
epigraphy.
It
is,
sumably was that

the inheritance
all
inheritance passed in the female

it
line.
When
was necessarily non-Phrygian, began, and was certainly adopted under Greek influence and of the Greek The inscriptions show, indisputably, that the usual and legal type. times was regular custom of inheritance in Phrygia in Grajco-Roman
of sons
modiaccording to Greek custom and law, though with certain slight On these modificafications to adapt it to Anatolian or Oriental life.
tions see Histor.
Commentary on Galatians, pp. 338 fF., 352 ff., 374. The inscription from Bey-Sheher probably belongs to the Colonia
it
was carried from a distance to the large town, which is quite possible) and in that case it shows that the Anatolian custom was sometimes retained even amid Roman surroundings.
Parlais (unless
;
But Parlais was
in
close connection with the great Imperial estates
I50
J.
FRASER
round Pisidian Antioch, on which old Phrygian custom was very * and all evidence affected suggests that it was not deeply strong it is certain by Graeco-Roman civilisation. In the Tembris valley These are the that Graeco-Roman education exercised little power.
;
Anatolian custom surroundings in which the survival of primitive might naturally be expected.
evidence suggests that something like the modern Armenian custom prevailed in the household of Menander and of Karikos.
The
The
father's
house continued to be the home of the married children,
or at least of the married sons.
married daughter went to her husband's family, but in order to keep an heiress-daughter in the so that he and his wife family her prospective husband was adopted
should remain in the house, which was a large patriarchically ruled establishment. In such a household it is easy to see how the Phrygian " bride," usage (exemplified in many inscriptions) arose, that vvix<])rj, " ". The son's wives was practically equivalent to daughter-in-law
and became part of his household.f Christian character of these two inscriptions is shown not merely by the symbol of the cross in II. but also by the names. Nonna, Kyriakos, Kyrilla,;}; are distinctively Christian possibly one
lived in the father-in-law's house
The
alone might not constitute an absolute proof, but merely afford a the conjunction of the three however in one strong presumption
:
family
is
conclusive.
Several of the other
names
are, at least, favourite
names among the Lycaonian and Phrygian Christians of the third and fourth centuries, though used also by pagans. The cross in itself could
it
not be reckoned a conclusive proof, because, being incised, might have been added later and it was probably added later
;
f-
* See the paper on the Tekmoreian Guest-friends in this volume. See the remarics on the subject in this volume, pp. 71, 373 f. I Assuming the alteration made by R. in II. B. l 2 ; he points out that the
common form
it
of in the Phrygian and Lycaonian inscriptions of this period makes very liable to be confused with AA, and that it is often impossible to say which was intended by the engraver. KvpiXka is a very common name in those regions,
is
but Kvpifta
unknown.

in the sense that
it
151
was not part of the ornament on the stone when it was purchased from the stone-worker, but was inserted after purchase to meet the wishes of the family of Menandros see a similar
:
example published
in
this
volume
(I.
" " teacher of sacred wisdom

this conclusion agrees
A.
The 83) by Miss Ramsay. was a therefore Church official 6)

(p.
;
and
with the
1906,
facts in
Lycaonia, stated by Prof.
Ramsay
in Expositor, Feb.,
p.
155.
Language.
These epitaphs,
it is
obvious, are the
work of people but

:
half-
such phrases as acquainted with the language in which they wrote are n\ou7eos oiKia vaiav probably modelled on Epic endings like
TT]\6dt,
vaiwv imperfectly understood. And the use throughout of the classical terminology in referring to death makes it difficult to On the other hand, say how far the expression is of Christian origin.
the epitaphs have some interest from the linguistic point of view. They exhibit strikingly the breaking down of the vowel system,* though doubtless among peasants who knew the language but very imperfectly, the process must have been more rapid and less regular
The variations in the representations of country. the vowel sounds are the following
than
in the
home
= et = t ct = ai 77 ai =
I
7]
iyiio,
e^t,
^X*-^'
^^vlv,
Kifiai.,
aXeyivov,
[0\a.p2(Tdrj.
elhicrdriv, 'AeiSos.
:
xVpiav, elheadrju, luopaTr), TavTr}<;,
[fi]np'L(rdrj,
travcrq.
alkvOov,
p.aC,
aiSe,
^tXaiaev,
vaimov,
Trpoyeypafi-
p,vai\y],
t
aleXiOLO,
\(TKop,aivoi,.
= = =
ot
Kivo)vo<;.
7)
ai
e
:
K, passim.
rjv.
is
chief point of interest is the equivalence of r) and at, which contrary to what one would expect from the respective values of
The
* These be inscriptions cannot be exactly dated, but cannot
later
than the third
century, a.d.
152 these signs in
J.
FRASER
The
ordinary view about the protill about 350 B.C., when,
identical in
Modern Greek.
7)
nunciation of
it
is
became
close.
was an open sound After 500 a.d. it became

that
it
sound with
i.
Traces of the open sound of -q are found elsewhere in Pontine Greek, and it is evident that to the writers of the present epitaphs t), e and at
must have been

;cai
identical in sound.
ktj.
Kai however
is
usually written
or kc, rarely
Another point of
before
ctt,
the development of a prothetic t exactly parallel to the / which arose before similar coninterest
is
sonant combinations
in
Late Latin,
e.g., iscelesta,
ispeculator.
The
V which apparently can be added to nominal
and verbal
forms indiscriminately is difficult to explain. The case of t-atW for vaiw, as has been said above, may be due to confusion with the participle.
Forms
from the
tions
etc.,
one
may
iSeVât) may be analogous formawhile ; ^vxy]v (nom.) and irarepav, dvyarepav, suspect to be merely the devices of an unskilled but
like elSead-qv
(
active
resourceful composer.
Metre.
not safe to attach very much importance to In peculiarities of versification in such compositions as the above.
It
is,
perhaps,
the majority of the lines the dactylic
rhythm
D,
is
and though Perrot arranges,
e.g. I.
as partly elegiac,
quite clearly marked, all the epi-
taphs are evidently intended to be hexametrical. Now, it is quite fair, I think, to assume that the very worst of composers, Trophimos
the village schoolmaster, for example, would aim at correctness in the most prominent part of the hexameter, the last two feet ; and we
that in a large number of cases where, according to the rules of versification in the classical there is no semblance language,
shall find
of hexameter or any other metre, the verses close very respectably indeed if we pronounce according to the accent, as in modern Greek.
It
may
be observed that in the Scazons of Babrius, the verse always
153
has an accent on the penultimate syllable, and Nonnus never allows an hexameter to end with a proparoxyton word.*
following are the principal instances of what appears to to be the effect of accent on metre
:
The
1.
me
Final
'Acr/cXijTras
irepav
eXa/3ov &Se
,
SteXucre
Toi)(ô<;
e/3SoiJiaLK0VTaeTr}s
ov 8ta fiCov
IcTKOToccra Se vv^.
2.
Medial
acc
.
.
yap
.
(fjiXaicrev
fjie
ov p.vrj fioavvov
T/3d(^(,/Aos
Avp.
3.
Initial
:
EuTu;)(0U9
. . .
\d/3e reXo? OavaTOio
This appears to me to suggest that wretched as is the versification of the poor old Phrygian schoolmaster, it is not so wretched as
it
seems.
Note.
The
accusatives Trarepav, etc.,

is
may
gian forms.
In the Phrygian language n
very possibly be modelled on Phryrepresented by an as in Marepav on the

;
monument of Arslan-kaya (Ramsay,

Forms
ment
in Phrygian declension.
J.H.S., 1884, 285
Kretschmer, îH/^'/awf,
p.
218).
ele-
like daXafjcetv (dat.), rpoKovSiv (gen.) indicate that final v
was
prominent
On
the other hand, Brugmann, Grieckische Grammatik,
as well as
forms like -rarpL&av Ovyarepav, etc., common on late inscriptions, the Cyprian iia-rfipav, Thessalian Kiovav and other similar formations, are For other explanations see Bezzenberger, B.B., simply modelled on the vowel stems.
255, suggests that
7,
74, and
J.
Schmidt, K.Z., 27, 283.

Blass, Aussprache des Grlech., 34.
EXPLORATIONS IN LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA,

1904.
T.
CALLANDER,
M.A.
EXPLORATIONS IN LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA,

The
inscriptions published below represent
in in
1904.
part the results of
journeys made
1904 under the direction of Prof. Ramsay.
The
routes were planned in such a way as to supplement his own observations, and thus they form an episode in a prolonged study of central
Asia Minor rather than a piece of independent research. Furthermore, both as a beginner in actual travel and in the editing of what
having drawn very freely in every the vast stores of possible way upon special knowledge of which Prof. is Ramsay possessed, knowledge which is at the service of all workers
follows,
I
am
to be understood as
in this field
without grudge or
stint.
I.
SAVATRA.
One
Prof.
of the exploration in Lycaonia carried out in 1901 by and Messrs. Cronin and Wathen was the determination Ramsay
result
of the
site of Savatra To {cf. Cronin, J.H.S., 1902, p. 367 fF.). meet the requirements of the case as inferred from the Geographers and the Notitiae, a site had to be found on a Roman road somewhere
in the district
Yali-Baiyat, a settlement
between Lake Tatta and Boz-Dagh, and a visit to on the eastern edge of Boz-Dagh, produced
the conviction amounting to practical certainty that the modern Yaila here occupied the ground once covered by the ancient city of Savatra.
The
conclusions arrived at on the strength ot evidence published by Mr. Cronin have been borne out by the finds ot 1904. That aRoman road, the " Syrian Route," ran from Laodiceia Combusta by Savatra to Herakleia-Cybistra and the Cilician Gates, as was inferred
158
T.
CALLANDER
by Prof. Ramsay,* has now been proved by two milestones discovered and stones inscribed with the name ot along the route indicated
:
Savatra have appeared. On the 7th of June
left
Konia
for Yali-Baiyat with the object
of searching for traces of the road which ought to run along the north side of the low range of hills called Boz-Dagh. My route was the same as that followed in 1901 on the return journey described of the by Mr. Cronin (I.e.). Yali-Baiyat was reached on the evening east side of the range. 7th, and next day I began to work, along the a rising ground to the round north The road from Yali-Baiyat led some east, then turned south-east and in forty-five minutes passed by
The followof Ennek. standing-stones in the vicinity of the village at Ennek and Alsakli a village near, ing inscriptions were noticed In many cases, where the lettering is besides No. i at Yali-Baiyat.
rude and could only be reproduced properly
needless to give epigraphic text in type.
1.
in facsimile,
it
seems
Yali-Baiyat.
'Apr) 'Enr)k6(o
Xiai'os (TTpa-
TiMTTjs euX''?"
AevKts
FaTTts KopuT]Lucius Gattius Cornelianus was the Latin name ot this soldier.
The worship of Ares

was so strong
as in
is
natural in a
town where Roman influence

"
Syrian Route ".
The
Savatra on the important is frequent in Anatolia. epithet eVr^/coos
2.
Ennek.
'louXtav
Matcrai'
'S.ifiaa-Trjv
ciiP
7)
ySou-
X17
/cat
8tj/aos
lEaovarpe* See
lOI.
his arts,
on " Roads and Travel
in
New
Test.
Times "
in Hastings'
Dia.
1904,
of the Bible, v., p.

p.
" " in Jahreshefte Lycaonia 390, and on
des Instit., Beiblatt,
EXPLORATIONS
3.
IN
LYCAONIA AND ISAURIA

Taurd-
159
Alsakli.
Tai'TaXiai'os
\ov
TTj
elBia yvvaiKL
Tantalos, Tantali
filius,
of Savatra
is
mentioned
in C.I.G.,
4034
(Ramsay 4. Ennek.
Ennek.
in Jahreshefte,
On
1904, Beib., 90 f.). rectangular block in large

Kaicrjapt
letters.
ew
5.
Small
stele,
roughly square section.

TO)
AiofiT]OTjs Zrjvoivt,
narpl
fjLVTJjjLr)!;
ifw]
X*/"''
yXvKVToi6.
Large stele. [tov Selua Kol 'We^]av8pov Tovs 'AX.e-
Ennek.
Fine lettering.
[rpecou
[kr]
î^v6 Srjkoi]
-q
^duSpov
irat[8]-
i"(o]?
irCfjirj-
as '!Tavape\Tous 2ao]ua7.
<t(.v
Alsakli.
Marble
stele.
Good work.
Eagle.
/cai
M. Ow7Ttos
Te/DTia
8.
rxj
Ntye/o
yvvaiKi
[(^jtXooropyias jejufotas eveKev
Ennek.
Avpr]\to<;
ptvo<i
2a-
iavrfj [koL T(o
yKvKV-
TctTw aBeXif)[^] AioyevT)

fj.yyjfj.ri'i
i*
yXvKVTaT(0 utw Meve^VH-V f^^l^'

'*?5
x4/"'
X"/^'*'
[^'''"
iiToirjcrev [kol
"H'*?]''"^*']
i6o
9.
T.
CALLANDER
doorway of
hut.
Ennek.
AiaSovfJ-evo<;
Built into
ivopKoi rpis 0\ov<i\

M'rji'as
eavrqi kol
dveTrtXi^TWS
'HX.iaSt Trj (TVV^C\0)
jxyjSeua irepov iTTtKrf.Ptxdrjvai

'
TOP
^(Djjiov
rj
Kol TT)v cTTrjkrjv Koi TO. TreXra
fjLOVfjv
ApTefj,eL(TLav rfiv
/cat
ifjLTjv
should probably not read rpts for T/aets, but should rather understand that Men Ouranios and Katachthonios are thrice adjured dveTrtXvros is (see below, No. 30) and thus are bound indissolubly.
We
quoted only from Galen

a negative
10.
as
compound. Ennek.
Imp. Caes.
compounded with the prep. avd. Here it is word (dvyarepa ?) seems omitted at the end.
et
M.
Jul.
M.
Julius
Philippus P. f. Aug.
1 1
.
Philippus Caesar
filius eius
by
Prof.
Another milestone with obliterated inscription was copied Ramsay at Ennek in the cemetery see No. 58.
:
lOP
VCIVM RV CM
UM
R
12. Alsakli.
Tlarij/aas
po<;
eV(t.)
Long
stele
thrown across
well.
npea^vTeStaSoîjs
6fiia)i;
yjuvij 'A(f)(f>yja
crTr}<Te
rw
TTaTptKrj^
[avSpl yXvKv-]
TaTO) V)(v
[jjiu-qfnr)';^
KC avTO<s wibs Trpea-fiVTepo^ IlaTrjpa<; kol rj

op.icD'i
X'^P''^
with
for 01.
Patcras
is
a remarkable
name, not
in
Pape-
Benseler.
is
son succeeds his father as presbyter ; but the Greek rather mixed up, and the son twice calls himself a presbyter.
EXPLORATIONS
13.
IN
i6i
Ennek.
Large
QepaTTMu
stele in hut.
X(pta'To)i)
Hoi[v]
-Qideo^ KaaLyvrfjr)
X09 iv rwSe TVfx^0)

/carct/cijjLiJe
fJLOL
Mapia
elveKa
fjiV7]iJ.rj<;
crrj-
[a]efjivrj<;
jxa Se
oiw KacnyvrjTOi revêv Paul was buried by his young sister Maria an only brother.
14. Alsakli;
Rough Tara NeWo/ao?

dvecTTrjcrev vi(o
stone.
Neo-ro/at
-5 xo-pi-v stele.
jMvijfiy)-
15.
Alsakli.
Square
Ho-UÔ? 'Ok^LOV t[oV

Koi Aopvfjievov<;
"Yia-v^co
Tft>
XcJV WpOfJioCpCO? 0.770-
davovTL
koI
tei/at;?
uiw avhpl
ixvyjixr)';
)(dpcu
yevvaiay koX (fyCXw (f)L16. Alsakli. On architrave block.
KvpL Ôrjdi TW VKb)

cross in circle
17.
tow[t(w
Ennek.
[i}/0dSe
8-q
voi[p](o7TOi<;
[K]ara/ceiTe
OjoecTTT^s
(^CkTOLTr]
'Hpa/(X[ei-
iXaos
5
d.vT][p\
a] efijs
ravT
i-
^(uos yajya]
15 Treypaxfjev
/xtj?
/ai{'*?'
wv
dv
ttoXikîXt-,
êi*
aros
df
seems to be a
local
-^dpLv reXecracra
dvdpu>TToi<;.
vadpcoTToi,<s
rendering of iv
II.
KANNA OR KANA.
of the obscure Lycaonian town, Kanna, a bishopric in Byzantine time, was placed by Prof. Ramsay in his study of Lycaonia " on some road {Jahreshefte des Inst., 1904, Bbl., p. loi) leading from it or so that should fall from Laodiceia Katakekaumene, Koropassos
site II
The
i62
T.
CALLANDER
The NotitiEe always mention it immediately after near Hyde. Kanna. These Savatra, while Hierokles has the order Savatra Perta
conditions are satisfied by any site in the district between Savatra, In accordance with these indications we found Perta, and Hyde."
in the village
of Genne on the road between Savatra and
Hyde (now
a city Kana Kara-Bunar) the following inscriptions, which prove that was situated there, and that the modern name preserves the ancient
name.
pronunciation.*
but several of the inscriptions have the form Kana, with the modern Byzantine authorities give Kanna in agreement Prof. Travelling by different routes from Konia,
The
Ramsay and
1
met there by agreement.

in. company.
8.
Genne.
is
The
text
Copied by Prof. Ramsay and myself complete and certain.
AvTOKparopL Nepo[ua]
tov vaov kol to aya\/i,a

[Kjave'wi/ fiovkr)
[t]ijs
TpaLavM Kaio-apt Se;S[ao-]TW TipixavLKO) Aa/fiKQ),
Si^/ao?
eVt
r)yefioi'La<;
UottXlov
iraTpl TrarptSos, Srj-
KaXovLO-Cov 'Povcrajvo's louXiov ^povTetvov
/tapviK^s eôucrtas
the form eTnjjLekr}6ivTo<; Perhaps the intention was to end with in that ever no letters were engraved) T-^g di'ao-Tacre<i)? (though case Julius Frontinus would be the official of Kanna who was charged with the erection of the monument, and a stop would be needed
:
however, as is most probable, the text has been correctly engraved, Julius Frontinus must be part of the name of P. Calvisius Ruso, who is known to have been governor of the two His father, Provinces Galatia and Cappadocia, a.d. io6 and 107.
after 'Povcrwi'o?.
If,
P.
Calvisius Ruso,
mother may the famous
was Proconsul of Asia under Domitian, and his have been named Julia Frontina, perhaps a daughter of
Julius Frontinus.
S.
The name
as Prof.
Galatian personal nomenclature, Laodiceia Combusta {Classical Review, 1905,

* Kana Not.
III.,
Calvisius passed into Ramsay has pointed out at

p.
369).
Kannos VIII., IX.
Kanna
X., Kaina XIII., Kanos
I.,
VII.,
EXPLORATIONS
19.
IN

also
163
Genne.
Copied by Miss Ramsay and
by Prof. Ramsay.
AvTOKp-
Kavewj/
rj
dropa KaCaapa M. Avp. Upoôu

Seâcrrou Dedications to Probus are rare.
erased was copied at Comana 20. Genne Tchiftlik.
/3ovXr]
/cat
6 S^/xos
with the name imperfectly of Cappadocia by Prof. Ramsay in 1882.
One
o}v
{jJivrj-
V p^\j\p.r)<i
/ia ir[a-
â-
rpos dvea-
pw
" son and Perhaps y may be read after 'XdrjuCwu, meaning grandson of Athenion ".
21.
Genne
CrVV
cr
Tchiftlik.
TOi X^lCTTOU
Traye
(êpdnovre? iTv^ci[v
KacTiyvr)-
22. Genne.
Limestone, badly weathered. Tov loSorepo? opoi Kol @vpcrov dyiov

evBoôv
1.
The
reading in
is
hopeless.
III.
SIDAMARIA.
the ruins at Ambar-arasi or Serpek (both names are used) was discovered by Prof. Ramsay from an inscription pub-
The name of
by him
lished
in the
Revue
des Etudes Anciennes, 1901, p. 279.*

it
He
pointed out that in this very rudely engraved inscription

*
:
is diffi-
The lines are wrongly divided in the printed text the arrangement in his (which was published as an article) was wrongly taken by the printer as corresponding to the epigraphic lines, and the author saw no proof.
letter
i64
T.
CALLANDER
whether the
first letter is
cult to decide with certainty,
c or
is
e, the
third
or A, the
fifth
AA
or
A A
but the above form
the most
probable reading, and since then,

p. 88,
in the Jahreshefte, Beiblatt,

this.
of Ambar-arasi
he pointed out analogies confirming is Kale Keui, with important ruins on a
1904, few miles west

hill.
These
two
sites
may
23. Kale Keui.

'
be classed together. Heavy stone 6

koX Nei-
ft.
x 2 x
used as doorstep.
Ps]6y}va\io<;
Nei/caKOfirjBr)'; uio[t]
va<;
evopKL^w 8e M-ijtov re OvpdvL-
vopos Nei/cavopa 'AdrjvaLov tov iavTwv
ov kol tovs Kara^doviov<;

fj.r]
e^[ci]-
narepa
Te'oi{s]
/cat
Tarriv Ta-
vai Tivi
Trw\.rj(jai
'êcKOfnjBov;
to Trepuôkov tov
tci[<^]ou /ATjre
t,(.LV
TTjv p.y]Tepa
01,
avTwv
to.-
ayopd-
KTicravres tov
KT(^<;\
To[l)]
ôv
evvoia^ eVe/ccf
[d.de\(j)0v ?]
here interpreted as a of Smyrna, in contrast to the pair of gods (like the two Nemeseis there would be three Mens, case in that ordinary single Nemesis) ; But it seems better to understand the as perhaps in No. 9 above. Mens here as a vague plural conception, " the gods of the underIt is possible that
Katachthonian
Men
is
The conception of world," and to read rpt's, not T/o{e)ts, in No. 9. Men as the god of the world of death is strongly confirmative of
Prof. Ramsay's opinion that the resemblance to the Greek word fiijv was purely accidental, that the identification of him with the Moon-
god was an error made under Greek
influence,
and that the name
Men
is
an Anatolian word, perhaps connected with Manes, the name

at
of a deity
Akmonia.*
24. Ambararassi.
17
Under
hearth in house.
?,
Selua dveaTr}ae\v tov ea[urTj? dvBpa Arjixi]TpL0<; .^] 8e tov eai^TOv Trarepa
ArjprJTpiov
?
Tolu lepea
Tyj'i
['A^rîâs
ii.,
* Cities and Bish, ofPhrjgia,
p.
626.
EXPLORATIONS
25. Kale Keui.
IN
165
Inscribed on rock, on south side of Acropolis.
t K[u/)t]e jBorjdi @eoS[w]pou

26.
i66
T.
CALLANDER
shed between the central plains and the coast valleys of Asia Minor, Here we came one of the lowest passes over the Taurus ridge.
(Djeulessi
Jailasi)
to
the
"
"
pretentious
monument
described
by
After copying the inscriptions on Sterrett,* utterly wrecked. of the lion statue we went ahead through the large stone and the base
now
the village of Eshenler, the mud huts of which at a distance reminded me of a collection of huge swallows' nests plastered on the side of
that point we turned sharply up a steep bridle path round the end of the topmost ridge of Ala-Dagh ; then after a short descent
a
hill.
At
we scrambled on
foot along the slope of the Calycadnus valley. Half an hour later a fragment of a lion came in sight along with various cut stones, and round a knoll the debris of a church apd part
On the of yet another lion statue, making the fourth that day. we came opposite side of the cleft from which the church protruded on the remains of a second church used at the present day as a
quarry.
Some of
the stones were clearly
in
situ,
and very
little
of stones inaccessible at the digging would have turned up a number moment. There was barely time to copy the few exposed stones
before we had to retrace our steps to Hamzalar and thence Our main purpose to report as to the epigraphic prospects
to Konia.
This rugged part by of the Calycadnus valley abounds in remains of ancient life and in But the inscriptions are of the inscriptions of the late Roman time.
the accounts carried to Konia
fulfilled.
was
suggested
smallest interest,
of collective
and only in a large collection, through the observation results, do they promise to reward the labour of copying.
In the
30. Jijek.
Mosque. AuXo?
'Poi}[<^]os
/<[e]
yvv'n
31. Jijek.
Ta/aacris
In the
Mosque.
voi
vicu
)({a/)it')
Aovyei*
IVo/fe Expedition, p.
ix(vrjfir)<;)
EXPLORATIONS
32. Jijek.
In the
IN

irav dSeXô[i']
iM(yTjfir)<;)
167
Mosque.
a-^{dpiv) sickle
Avp.
[No]i)i/cos
vecrTr]crev 'Att-
Nounnos,
33.
p.
60, fern.
Nonna, pp. 129, 139.
At
Jijek.
In the Mosque. [HaTT

.^]tas
a[i']e[crrr^]-
(ref TloLU^Lav]
Tov Trarepa
double pickaxe and sickle

34. Jijek.
In the Mosque. Rough stone. IlacrLwv iKoaprjcrev TOV dhf.\.TTOv avTov
for
(f>
is
common
in Pisidia
and the central regions generally
of Anatolia.
35. Jijek.
In Mosque.
TPOKONAaC
Poor
stone.
Very rough.
36. Jijek.
In Mosque.
[Ouaji'aXi,? [eKdcr]ja7jo"[e]
riaJTriai/
tov dvhpa
pickaxe and pruning hook

37- Jijek.
AvpyjXia
701*
K.vp[i.]\[X.a
ÔX.Vfinav
X*/'*'
/xi'Tj/xrjs
a8e\(f)ov avTrj[<;]
sickle
and pickaxe
o-VTbiv
)^(^dpLv)
38. Jijek.
In
Mosque.
W^'p*
ASA.OS Kal ToT/a}acris

iKOcr/jir]fXTj-
fji(^vrjfir)<;)
crav TTjp
39. Jijek.
In house.
KOAPATOC
In the Mosque.
Rough
stone.
40. Jijek.
The
stone, broken right
and
left,
i68
is
T.
'
CALLANDER
carved to show a series of columns supporting a sort of frieze which carries the inscription. Illustration, p. 20.
[6
Selva
e/(dcr)U,]r/o-ei^
ttjv jjiiQTepa
avTov
['Po ?^c[Trr)V
?]
fi.
)(.
41. Jijek.
In the Mosque.
^]a[']as
iK6cr[fJir)cri>)
Ovdvakiv aZek^rjV
42. Sari-Oghlan-Bunari. [6 Setva] KoX
KovXa
[17]
o"u[)Lt])8ios
auTou
or KovXai^l]?
(cr)v/Li;Sios.
h.vp.
43. Sari-Oghlan-Bunari. Ai'i'is Koi Ki/cat
Illustration, p. 20.
T17I'
ju,.
/Aa^)L([i^]j/
;^.
Avp.
Si^
o-oui'i?
-T^Jcrai'
Vipov<; avea\T-
rov TraTTTrov Tav koX

is
AvpavvLi;
"Avi'ios
is
perhaps not an impossible reading
but *Avvis for
more probable.
Illustration, p. 19.
avecrTTjcrev
44. Sari-Oghlan-Bunari.
AaiSaXo? ZeuSS,
Zeuda
45.
is
ZevBau TTorepa avTov probably Isaurian for euSa.

atv
viov
Illustration,
At Hamzalar.
Me[j']j/ea[i'
a.\nr\<;
A^p\rj^\]ia Na[i']a Kao{cr]t[ou dvy-
t]o[j'
aTTjp
di{e]cr[Ti7-
46. Hamzalar.
p 21.
avTov
Tapd ?]o"ts
47. Hamzalar.
dvecTTrjcrev tov vov
Ae&j[t']tS[7^S
dvecTTrj-
(TV Tri[u
48. Hamzalar.
MouTou
TOI'
dveo'Trjaei'
[ Jrî/ecroi'
UOt'
aVTOl)
letters,
The
son's
name wants only one or two
but seems unique.
EXPLORATIONS
Kai
/ce
IN

'ivSoCf
169
49. Eshenler Baghlari.

'Ijxcrav /ce
/ce
Movcreau Ke OwSlv
ke Te'ySeiv
/ce
/ce
/ce
07ypa[v]
'I80C1'
^dvvav
MiSwrav
to[us]
tSiov? TToivTa<i evvoCa^ /cat reifirj^
The
50.
list
IJi.vrjfi7)<; âpiv of Isaurian names
is
remaricable.
Eshenler Baghlari.
[6
Seii/a
eKOcrfJi.rjaei'
tov SeLva\
Tov
viov ? or [yXvKVTaTov vlop i[Sioi/ avTov Kal [tov Selva d.8e\(f>Tra[Avp. avTov Kal Tepa [Avp. 'OXvp.o[ur]oi)
/cat
ov
Trat"
TpoKOvSa
[êtoi'
auTou
51. Eshenler Baghlari.

B. Avp.' 'ATTTTtts ratou
Te)(veLTrj<s
C. iiravecTTrjcrev 'HpaKXetSr^S /cat tou? yoI'eis
Tlopiv/ca-
Seiis
TO.
anjjpTLcrev
avroC
T17I'
dTre'ySocrii/
is
Iloptj^Seus
in Sterrett's
:
probably a shorter form of the ethnic nairoptvSevs,
Wo/fe Exped., No. 69 (on which see Ramsay, Hist. Geogr.,
Sterrett alters his reading to lia-mropovhev^). p. 382 Compare Salouda and Salsalouda, Pasa and Paspasa (///. Geogr., p. 451). of this inscription, now lost, told that Heracleides made Part
the
tomb
(for himself.'').
Part
is
the artist's signature.
Heracleides as an afterthought honoured his parents also, and C. haps died in "the interval between aTreySoo-ts must be a
Then who perp. 92.
variant of eKSocrt? in the sense of contract, Lat.

52. Eshenler Baghlari. KafCKas OuaXe-
locatio.
See
rrjcrev
avTrjv 6 ttoj-
pCov Ma/c(a/c)eSoi{o]9
r)p [/cat]
AaXas
p.rj'i[7)p]
dvyoLTrip
iv4<T-
Here we have
faults
of engraver for Ma/ceSdi'o?
avea-rrjcrev.
I70
T. 53. Eshenler Baghlari".
CALLANDER
koL Saret-
AapovfiaSe'wv
fxr]
17
KO)-
-pav Kav8iS]ou evepyecrtas eveKev
ecTTTjaau rei-
jx-qv
'IrTca TejSeL
Rude
Itteus
figures of
man and woman.
taTelpav perhaps for tanTJpav (on the form see pp. 132, 224). was son of Tebeis. The double accusative with eaTrjcrav may
Koa-fj-eo),
be compared with the same construction after

54.
see p. 278.
Eshenler Baghlari.
[Aapovfjiy
ahecou
Tf
crios reifi-qs
Koi evepye\v<Tia<;
KOip-rj
yav
Perhaps
necessary.
'Ii'Sai'
'AiTivij-
eve/cev
is
or
X'^P'-^
'^
^^*
^^
^^^ ^"^
'
^^^ neither
is
'Ifyau or Ivâv.
either a dialectic variety, or a fault of copy, for
V.
SALARAMA.
on the road from
in
This was a
village of the Iconian territory
Iconium to Archelais Colonia and Caesareia Mazaka,
the plain
before the road begins to ascend the ridge of Boz-Dagh.
On
the
name
Prof.
see
Mr. Cronin
in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1902, p. 368,
and
in Expositor, 1905, ii., p. 292 fF. An old Turkish Kutu-Delik-Khan or Dibi-Delik-Khan * is built largely Half a mile from it is a poor modern Khan, of ancient cut stones. built between 1901 and 1904, called Ak-Bash-Khan.
Ramsay
Khan
called
*
Min.,
Wrongly
401.
called Djindjirli-Khan
p.
The
mistake
is
often
by M. G. Cousin, Kyros le Jeune made even by muleteers, who have

Sindjirli-Khan
is
en Asie
recently
begun
south.
to travel
anew on
this long-deserted route.
few miles
EXPLORATIONS
55.
IN
:

copied by Prof. Ramsay.
to
171
Kutu-Delik-Khan
Fttios 'Attwi'Ios t/3yaos aTpaTevafajjievo^ 8Kaooip-)(r)<;

7)fjielov
1X179
KoXdvcju kol
oJittlcov
fxv-
eTroLrjcrev iavTO) re koI X[aouia Ovtcre-
XXia
LKOV,
Trj
yvvaiKL avTov
jxavrj
yJToj
iff)'
co
fx.evel
TTpoyov[77X171'
fji7]8ei>L
dWco iôv
rfj
elcreveyKelv
tw
'Airwvtw Kal
OvLo-eWia tov Se
ATI
oIko\v earea-
OaL
S)v
av otarafw/Aat Keixpava
/caret
Si,a[dT]Krjv
This inscription has been published very incompletely and without transcription by M. G. Cousin, Kyros le Jeune en Asie Min., 1905,
engraved is a very large block of quite complete, which must have formed part of a mausoleum. The inscription was continued on an adjoining great
p.
403.
The
stone on which
it is
fine limestone,
block on the right. The farnily of C. Aponius Firmus belonged to this village of Iconium, and the gravestone of Aponius Crispus,* who was duumvir
of the Colonia Iconium somewhere about a.d. 135-170, has been carried some miles south across the plain to another old Khan, called
Sindjirli.
this
This family evidently possessed property and wealth in corner of the Iconian territory and it is interesting to observe
;
proprietors of the old Iconian population became thoroughly Hellenised, speaking Greek, but bearing Roman names, and engaged in the military service of Rome and the municipal service
how such landed
of Iconium.
The
history of the family
is
treated
by Prof. Ramsay,
Expositor, Oct., 1905, p. 294.
mentions (Ect. i) onorum, and it was

:
The Ala Colonorum was in the Cappadocian army, as Arrian its full name was Ala I. Augusta Gemina Colstill
stationed
on the
eastern frontier at Chiaca
in
Armenia
*
in
the fifth century (according to the No(. Dign. Or.).
Sterrett, E/>igr. Journ., p. 226: Cronin in J.H.S., 1902, p. 369, No. 142. here Spelt Apponius this epitaph also is in Greek, not in Latin. Sterrett does not restore the title h[vavhpiK6<i\ ; Cronin hesitates between it and several others ; but the
:
restoration
is safe.
172
T.
at
CALLANDER
(ijTT\i(iiv tLkrfs
A stone
d)i'0)v
Perga mentions L. Rutilius Varus,
a ko\-
(C.I.G.,
56.
4342 If). Kutu-Delik-Khan
copied by Prof. Ramsay, and published

p.
by him
in Classical
Review, 1905,
416.
L. Sjeve. Pius Perti[nax A]ug. Arab. Adiab. Parthicus Maxi. Pont-
Imp. Cae.
ni.
M.
Aur. Anto-
Aug. Cons. Parthic

[r]e[s]titueru[nt]
max.
per
le[g.
Maximus TribuVI Imp. njicia potestatis XI Cos pr. pr. procos

ifex
:
10 C. Atticium SJtrabonem
Aug.
et
p]r.
pr.
milei[a] pass.
annotation there.
see the repeat the text for comparison with No. 58 below On the peculiarities of this milestone, which is
:
extremely rudely and ignorantly composed, see Classical Review, It has been 1905, p. 415. published in an inaccurate copy by M.
G. Cousin, Kyros
erased in lines 8
le
in an unintelligible
f.,
and defective form.
Jeune, p. 402, the last lines being there presented The name of Geta has been
instead.
and Cons. Parthic. Max. inserted
Prof.
one misapprehension in his publication. Ramsay In his transcription he took the letters Ayc in line 8 for the last three letters of the name Antoninus (very rudely engraved, like the
asks
to correct
rest
me
of the inscription), but they are really for copy given there shows clearly.
AVG,
as the epigraphic
VI.
PSEBILA
OR
PSIBELA,
NOW
SEUEREK.
article in this
On
this identification see Prof.
Ramsay's
volume,
also in Jahreshefte, Beiblatt, 1904, p. 94. p. 248,
57. Seuerek.
Revised and confirmed by Ramsay in 1906.

Mvyjcridiov
ev^rjv
All
[
*i\AAnOT
^Kav
Bust.
Understanding
that, as frequently in these inscriptions,
and
B are interchangeable, we may conjecture perhaps but this is not on the stone. îXak-qStL
;
î}âL^rj\dv for
EXPLORATIONS
58. Seuerek.
IN

by Prof. Ramsay
in
173
Copied
also
1905.
restituerunt per C.
Atticium Strabonem
leg.
Aug.
C. Atticius Strabo,
Pr. Pr. Mil. Passu.
PE
Galatia in a.d. 198,
is
who governed
known
from three milestones of the Province, one found between ApoUonia and Apameia in Phrygia, one in the territory of Iconium, and this
which alone gives the name distinctly see No. 56 above and Prof. Ramsay in Classical Review, 1905, p. 416, and in his paper in this volume, p. 234. T. Atticius Strabo Romulus, clarissimus
at Psebila,
:
puer, mentioned
in
must have belonged
an inscription of Capena {C.I.L., xi., 3882),* to the same family. This inscription may be
restored in accordance with
No. 56.
It
is
possible that [Attijcius
should be restored in the milestone of Savatra, No. 10. The number is probably to be read P E, but the P is very The number of miles must be the distance from badly formed.
Ancyra, the caput viarum for the Province. At Psebila the road from Ancyra to Iconium intersected the roads from Cassareia Mazaka
and from Syria and Cilicia to Ephesus. The real distance from Ancyra to Suwarek corresponds fairly well to the number ; but certainty as to the exact measure is not possible, because the milestone may have been carried to the cemetery from its original site, which
may have
that
been at some distance.
Still
there
is
some
this
probability
the milestones here formed a group close
to
important
road-knot.
59-61. Three other milestones were copied in the cemetery at Seuerek by Prof. Ramsay in 1905. Two are in a very fragmentary
condition.
*In Pmopographia
Atticus
:
in the
called Imp. Rom., i., p. 178, No. 11 14, the boy is wrongly is used from the gentile name Attici the form genitive inscription
Atticius, not
from the cognomen Atticus.
174
T.
CALLANDER
DIVIV
is
the earliest of
all,
as
is
shown both by the
finer
form of the
letters
and by the name Divi V[eri filius or nepos]. Another belongs to the early fourth century between a.d. 308 and 337.
COCTANxiNO AUC ET
ET
The
third bears the names, rare in epigraphy, of Carus, Carinus,
and Numerian.
Imp. C.
et
M. Aur. Caro
Aug.
Carino
P. F. Invicto
M. Aur
Several lines blank
or erased
et
lu
Nomeriano our
In the
The
was
still
r perhaps m.[p. i][i while Carinus was Cassar and Carus inscription was incised
last line
alive, in the
end of 282 or the
first
half of
283 a.d.
;
The
the
name of Numerian was

became known,
ian as Augusti.
a
doubtless added in the lost lines
but,
when
death of Carus in Persia and the accession of Carinus and Numerian
second inscription was added to Carinus and NumerOf this second inscription we possess only one line.
The number of
miles (expressed both in Latin and in Greek) which had been engraved previously left no room for the titles of Numerian. few days later news reached Psibela that Numerian was dead. Two
years later, after Carinus gave place to Diocletian, a partial erasure of the names was made. The letters that remain are faint. 62. Seuerek. In
Khan
very R. (also copied 1906).
NecTTO/iio? Trpecr^vrepo?
evOdBe
kItc,
aarrjAjto/xifST^s
p OS iuekaiMwev iv
iKXrja-Ucnv deolo
iv-
0a[8]e KLT[e]
PLATE
VIII.
Door of Byzantine Church, Dagh-Euren
(T.
Callander).
*ace
To
page
174.
EXPLORATIONS
63. Seuerek.
IN
175
In Well (also R. 1905). dprjTrjp icrOko^ tov eou /cteUpev^ wv iSLOirpaeo)Te ivOdSc TTaihoiv dpeav (îK6deo<; <f)t,\ivvo-
Tos
/cat
Oeov <îXy)KO?] TTOLVTOiv
05 TTpavs OS ['!Tpav(TTo<;
owdcjv XpicTTOv, iy\KTo<; Se TOV eoO.

ju,o?
Koi Tovvofj-a 'AvCktjto^
There are which I cannot

decipher.
difficulties in
this
tvvôv Se tovtov re/cva and the following Christian
texts
solve.
All are poorly engraved and
difficult
to
64. Seuerek.
In
Djami
(also
/cat
R. 1906).
T\up.ôv Vevvaheiov Trarrjp

iroTvia firjT-qp igcTeXecrcrav 6 ydp yet'os TraTpr)v t dKd)(7]crev
TTOiixev
5. 6.
Tap dveTkr) olktco-tov 6i^y]](rKwv Koi

poTpa<f)
Svap-evecov dvocr(e)twi'
yjiTLOS
0)v
8'
cratwv yavwdd-
ovTa
7ro[êe]tvo[j'
Setos
ereXeura
TenoccciNoi, *C HNFA, R.
350).
r.
65. Seuerek.
latest, after
Probably of third century (not, at Published with illustration, according to copy of
In house.
R. 1905, above
p. 89.
66. Seuerek.
Fragment of
-^dSev,
pillar in
house.
/3tT{o]s
yjata TepovTLOv
Tjoe xyTTj
eVt yatT^s
^wos
idiv
vvv av
[/lijot-
OS irept irdvTa?
dv6p<i)Trov<;
jote-
6duaTo<; /cat
pa Ki\ave
house
;
fiekrjTo 6eov
â-
67. Seuerek.
Stele in
worn
at
edges and letters poor.
AT ACTniKHNOC NEO*nTlC in
TOC
<&IAA
rPIOT MHrpl
K AAAHC TH
;
Aur. Lupicenus was a newly baptised Christian
the epithet was
common
use in the third
and fourth
baptised
centuries.
?
Was
Philagrius
his father, or the bishop
who
him
Kalliste his mother.
176
T.
CALLANDER
BARDA-fiTTA.
article in
VII.
BARDAKOME OR
Ramsay's
On
the
name
see Prof.
this
68. Dedeler.
large letters,
very much
In Djami (R. 1905). defaced.
A great
volume, p. 251. block of stone:
Avp. (PlXtjixwv Kol P[ovêtvo<;]
dSeX(f)ol Trarpl
ttj
[Avp
jXTfTpl
TTpea-^vripoj koI
av-
Tcov] y\vKVTa.Trj [Kjacrcrta
koI Tet-
Koi aBeX(f>M IlaTrfioff]E(t) dSeXc^w a (7\rpwrevcraîvo) koX [Ae]ov[T]ia

(f)r)
Aô^TLKov rj vvvUaira koL rfj iSia 0vavTrj<;
ya^rpl
K[a]crcria
H,vy]fjL7)<;
eveKev
69. Dedeler.
In Djami (R. 1905).
avepa Kv8d\ip.ov ayavd^yoovos rj8' dyadolo oXjSiov Trare/Dos yaiTjs t' ipL^wkov dpovpr)<;
o-yjfJia
iv Trar/DiSt yaiy <f)t\Lr) kXvtov dvhpa fiporciv dyaOojv re toktjwv, OvapeXiavov
rdSe Kcvdi
elepeojv d^' dptcrTov
rj<;
ivl Trarptoi yairj
TOVveKa ot rdSe
eaTTjcrav
yafji/Spos
/ai'tj/at/s
arjfjia
er)
OvyaTrjp koi aKotris

Trdvra reXecrcraTo, ^
dp,OL^r\<;
itn.Tvp.îov e/creXecravres
8'
17x01 (or 87J tol)
raâ
iravre?,
'A<f)d6vto^
TOKeet,
yXvKtp(o
Swpa
avoid hiatus.
reXecrcra?
'A<f)66vi.o<;
was the son-in-law.
ei^s,
5, for irj to
70. Dedeler.
Small stone in house.

[6o-]iw
IlouySXtos
* $-
Hov/BXlov
*
0U-, in
w
copy 0fc
.
ev)ci]v
EXPLORATIONS
IN

:
177
The correction ocrtw seems almost necessary common in Anatolian religious epigraphy. O and c
instead of
the epithet is are often read

is
&
and
here the case
is
vice versa,
êiw (9ew
im-
probable, though
my
copy shows no mark of doubt

VIII.
as to the reading.
BARATA.
:
Bin-Bir-Kilisse, or
this
Maden-Sheher
see Prof.
Ramsay's
:
article in
volume, p. 255. 71. In hut built into church.
Christian inscription
iv0a KaraKiTe
Tlaj3[X]iva
ATra
Pavlina shows the modern pronunciation, see p. 75.

IX.
LARANDA (NOW CALLED KARAMAN).

Entrance of Khatynia Medrese.
fieyicTTov hrjfi.apX'-'^V^
72.
Karaman.
AvTOKpaTopa Kai-
aapa êpovav
Tpacavov SeySacrTov Tepp.avi.Kov
efoucrias
irarepa TraTpiho<; croiTrjpa ttj? oIkovpevr]<;
AaKLKov dp)(Lepea
6 SrJ/Aos
'iXLcrTpecov
This stone has been brought from

of Karaman), which retains the
X.
name
(four hours north-west of the ancient Ilistra.

Ilistra
DAGH EUREN.
At
sites,
on the long ridge of Karadja Dagh are three fortified that to the north known locally as Mennek and the most
intervals
The third site lies midway between these southerly as Sagh Kale. two and seems to be spoken of simply as " mountain ruins ". To
this I paid a visit,
making the ascent from the yaila of Yalma, four hours east- north-east of Kara Bunar. A climb of three hours by a
12
178
T.
CALLANDER
track leading south-east right across the range brought our party to the place, a gently sloping spot on the summit of the mountain covered with ruined dwellings massed together in the form of a rough
To the south-east square. the lower courses of the wall
is
a rocky acropolis
intact
crowned with
a Kale,
still
and
The Kale well put together. west and again to the south
commands
and
built of large hewn blocks a wide view to the north-
east over the plain
towards Bor
and Eregli, the wall of Taurus forming an impressive background. More accessible apparently from this side, it afforded protection especially to
the dwellers
is still
on the eastern
slope of Karadja
Dagh, a
district
which
under cultivation
in the northern part.
On
the south-
west side of the town a spring furnishes the indispensable water supply. Although no inscriptions were visible the general character
of the masonry and the patterns (see illustration) on a number of doorposts and lintels, some of them still in position and measuring as
much
as six feet long,
the city to
two and a half wide and one foot have been Byzantine and of a good period.
thick, prove
As
is
usual
in such cases the stone employed is dark and coarse-grained, much of it basalt, which does not lend itself to fine work. Clay was probably used as mortar but is now washed out.
XI.
EMIR GHAZI.
My
village
best find
nameless city at
was made two days after the discovery of the " " Dagh Oren. A written stone was reported at the
of Emir Ghazi seven hours north-east of Kara Bunar, and proved on examination to be a Hittite altar of the type already known from monuments discovered at Eyuk and Fraktin {cf. Ramsay
and Hogarth, " Prehell. Mon. of Cappadocia," in vol. xiv. of Maspero's There can be no doubt that the objects discussed there Recueil). are representations in relief of a common kind of altar identical
with the present. The stone is a cylinder of black
basalt,
forty-two inches high.
PLATE
X.
Plock with Hittite Hieroglyphic Inscription, Emir-Ghazi

(T.
Callander).
To face page
178,
EXPLORATIONS
IN
179
with expanding top, diameter twenty-five and a half inches (PI. IX.). The inscription runs round the edge of the wide top and the shaft underneath in six parallel rows, all well preserved and legible with
the exception of small portions of the fourth, fifth and sixth. reading and interpretation have been given by Prof. Sayce in the
Proceedings of the Soc. of Bibl. Arch., vol. xxvii., pp. 21-31 and 43-47. After photographing and making an impression of the stone,
proceeded to Konia whither Prof. Ramsay had gone by another route. Recognising the significance of the find and confident that
I
other stones were to be seen not far away from the altar, he arranged a second visit to the neighbourhood, with the result that two additional texts appeared, both in the village of Emir Ghazi. One
found by Prof. Ramsay
is
inscribed
on two
sides of a large block
on
converted into a trough, and the other, discovered by Mrs. Ramsay, a broken altar similar to the " (Pis. X., XL). great altar ". The modern village of Emir Ghazi encroaches upon a low
mound
of considerable extent on
its
northern edge, and here the
The villagers have procured their supply of old worked stones. indications point to this mound as the Forty minutes original site.
north-west is Eski Kishla, in which the great altar stands. there should be a second inhabited site so near is peculiar.
district
is
That
The
poor and water scarce

it
so that there
i.e.,
is
no apparent reason
for the existence of Eski Kishla,
we understand
" Old Winter-Quarters," unless as an instance of duplication due to an ancient
The intrusion of a Mohammedan race cleavage in the population. here as in other cases led to a The Christian village consplit.
tinued to exist after the Turkish The Moslem nomads conquest. made their permanent winter-village three miles away. The Chrisvillagers gradually died out or became Mohammedan in the course of generations. This double habitation can be observed all over Anatolia.* When Seidi Ghazi at last had become entirely
tian
Mohammedan, Eski
* Ramsay,
Kishla had no longer any reason for a separate

and
Bish. ofPhr., pp. 27, 303, 576, 581.
Cities
i8o
existence
its
T.
CALLANDER
and
it
is
now
people gradually settled in the older and better site, uninhabited except by a few poverty-stricken nomads.
in
These monuments, taken

squared stones
considerable
conjunction with
here.
the
numerous
among
the debris at Eski Kishla, are evidence that a
Hittite settlement
once existed
Unlike other
Hittite remains they

lines
do not stand on any of the recognised main
country near the south end of the Arissama Dagh, a lofty mass of rocks projectOn a conical peak an ing from the plain north of Karadja Dagh. ancient fortress named Arissama Kale is plainly visible about four
of communication.
They
lie
in
the
flat
miles from Eski Kishla in a direction slightly south of east. Thus a road from Tyana to the west passing along the southern edge of
Hassan Dagh by way of the modern villages of Arissama and Emir Ghazi, would pass Eski Kishla and then at Kanna near the south end of Boz Dagh would naturally divide, one line running south of
range to Iconium and the other north-west by Savatra to The difficulty of striking a direct track to Savatra at Tyriaion.
that
present day inclines one to draw the line from Eski Kishla From Kanna probably straight to Kanna and thence northwards.
the
the ancient route to Iconium branched

73.
ofi^
likewise.
At Kut-Euren, two hours
S.E. of Emir-Ghazi, at N.E. end
of Karadja Dagh.
t inrep avecrecos
5 ypafifj.aTi.Kov
K6vo)vo-
in the
This may be added to the list of monuments of schoolmasters Church of the fourth century (p. 140 note and Ramsay in Ex1906,
p.
positor, Feb.,
153
f.).
It is
inscribed on a stone
ornamented
58, p. 89, but in the present case the left-hand ornament is suppressed and only the panel with epitaph and the right-hand ornament remains (containing a double cross of The left edge of the panel is continued later character than No. 58).
line pattern similar to
with
No.
up and ends in a leaf. The whole looks like an imitation of a of modern form (whether such form of flag was in Byzantine
I
flag
use,
cannot say).
PLATE
XI.
The Broken Hitthe Altar, Emir-Ghazi
(T.
Callander).
To face page
i83,
VI.
PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY IN THE UPPER TEMBRIS VALLEY.

J.
G. C.
ANDERSON.
PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY IN THE UPPER TEMBRIS VALLEY.

years ago, in the course of my earliest essays in exploration (1897), I turned my steps to the district which forms the subject of the present paper, following the track of three previous explorers,
Nine
Philippe Le Bas,* M. Georges Perrot,t and my friend and old visit produced some new docuteacher. Prof. W. M. Ramsay.j
M.
My
ments of considerable importance, which were supplemented the

following year by fresh discoveries
friend,
Mr.
J.
W.
Crowfoot.
lain
made in conjunction with my Some of them have been published,
but
many of them have

which
books, waiting for the third

of Phrygia,
I
buried in the obscurity of my notevolume of the Cities and Bishoprics circumstances have delayed longer than we
hoped.
now
of
interesting
take the opportunity of editing some of the more these documents and reviewing the whole district.
impulse to travel in Asia Minor and, in large measure, the means I owe to the University of Aberdeen, which is known to the
The
world of learning as the apxr) KLUTjcrea)^ of British exploration in Anatolia, and it is with a sense of filial obligation that I take a part
in celebrating
been to
me
the Fourth Centenary of the University, which an a/ma mater in the fullest sense.
inscrr.
has
* See Le Bas-Waddington, Voyage Arched.,

+ Exploration de la Galatie, p. 121
1 1
fF.
Nos. 774-792.
am
which have
led
indebted to Prof. Ramsay for some criticisms on the present me to modify my views on certain points.
article,
84
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
Meiros
Haltia
Sketch-Map
'
'^;-
of
the
Upper Tembris
Valley.
J
'
X
I
Scale
I I
t_
PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY

I.
IN N.
PHRYGIA
185
THE
DISTRICT.
The district with which we propose to deal is the upper valley of the chief tributary of the Sangarios, the river Tembrogios * or Tembris, now called the Porsuk Su, in the basin of which lies the whole north-western corner of Phrygia towards Bithynia. Rising on
the south of Mt. Dindymos, the modern Murad Dagh, the river skirts the mountain side for some miles and then bends sharply
eastern slopes. The valley is narrow for a distance of eight or nine miles north of the bend, but near the village
northwards round
its
of Besh-Karish Eyuk, " Five-span mound," it begins to open out into an extensive plain, through which the river flows for some
twenty-three or twenty-five miles in a north-westerly direction before
it
enters the long,
narrow gorge
in the hills
which separate
this plain
from that of
called
modern Kutaya. This large plain is now Altyn-Tash Ova, taking its name from its most important
Kotia'ion, the
village,
five
" the stone of Altyn-Tash, gold," situated on the river about miles north of Besh-Karish Eyuk. The scenery, though unrois
mantic,
vegetation to diversify the landscape, except scattered clumps of trees rising here and there like green islands from an ocean, around the mud-built villages ;
not unpleasing.
There
is,
indeed,
little
but the geographical configuration of the valley saves
it
from the
all
dull
it is
and heavy monotony of the normal upland

girdled by
plain.
On
sides
hills. On the south-west towers the lofty mass of Dindywhose mos, spurs run northwards, reaching their highest altitude in Abia Dagh, along the west side of the valley to meet the hilly rim
of the charming and romantic Monument country which borders the while on the south they melt away in gentle slopes. plain on the east
;
Within the ring of

the
hills.
hills
the
ground
and
and
is
along in gentle undulations, or
rises
gently
but rolls rarely a dead level, up from the river to
The
*
soil is fertile
to a peasant yields an easy livelihood

See p. 188 n.
Pliny (H.N.,
vi.,
i)
inscr., p.
127.
i86
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
in numerous villages dotted about the plain population concentrated but it is only partially cultivated, and here and and along the slopes ; The plain contains no town Altyn-Tash there it has run to marsh.
:
is
merely
centre of
fact.
a village, although until recent years it was a governmental a survival perhaps of an ancient the lowest class
is
Kutaya
{mudurlik) the metropolis of the district.
II.
TOPOGRAPHY
{a)
GENERAL.
Minor,
life still
Here
in truth, as so often in Asia
moves on the
:
ancient ways.
it has plain has never had a real city centre The ancient name of the district as always looked towards Kutaya. * a whole was ITpaiTrei'tcro-ds or II/DeTrei'ta-o-d?, a Gra;cised form of the
The
native
name, which is probably more nearly represented by the The first mention of UpvTTviaa-a or UpvTrviaa-a-a of Hierocles.f
the
name occurs
classes
it
in Ptolemy,;];
who
calls it
" an inland city of Great
Mysia," but the
real fact
is
who
show
as a 8^/to? that the district was, in Strabo's phrase, " inhabited on clearly " the village system (oiKovfievov Kcofj-riBov) by a backward agricultural
more accurately expressed by Hierocles, and is justified by the monuments, which
population.
separate and
Some of
distinct,
the villages were associated in loosely organised
unions [kolvo), but each maintained
and
that
is
territory and its individuality the characteristic of the Anatolian

its
village system.
The only town

:
||
and that a small

Abia, which
immediate neighbourhoodone was Appia, known to numismatists and to

in the
it
readers of Cicero's letters

lies
some way
first
represented by the village of up a lateral valley at the foot of Abia

is
now
*The
identification,
is
made by Ramsay
*Bk.
I.e.,
in J.H.S., viii. (1887), p.
510
f.
{(/. Hist. Geogr., p. 144),
generally accepted.
v.,
\Synecdemus, 678,
^Hist. Geogr., p.
llCic, ad Fam.,
7.
2,
13.
146; J.H.S.,
iii.,
p.
514.
and
9.

Dagh.
longed
IN N.
PHRYGIA
187
But
it
lay just outside the borders of our district.
It be-
to the
province of Phrygia Pacatiana, while the Tembris

:
the frontier line passed somewhere between Appia and the Tembris valley * and between Aizanoi and Kotiai'on.
valley belonged to Phrygia Salutaris
older evidence left the topography of the district enveloped in an obscurity which later additions to our knowledge have un-
The
fortunately failed
to dispel.
The
largest
site
lay at, or in
close
to, Altyn-Tash, where ancient remains are by far the most numerous and important.! Altyn-Tash lies on the Roman road from Prymnessos to Kotiai'on,;j: which joins the road from Akmonia by Appia to Kotiai'on near the entrance to the Tembris gorge at the north end of the plain. This site has generally been identified with Soa on the strength of two inscriptions now in the village and
proximity
that
is
the natural inference, which
it
would require strong evidence
to disprove. An inscription found in a cemetery three and a half miles to the south with the legend opot ToTTorfvwv was regarded by its discoverer as proof that Tottoion or Tottaion was the ancient
II
undoubtedly
f
name of the village at Besh-Karish Eyuk,

* See below,
a mile
and
a half further south,
a reasonable identification.
p.
These two
122.
villages were,
193 n.
Cf. the description of
M.
Perrot,
op. cit., p.
" in via \ C.I.L., iii., 14200, where read and iii., 7169 (one hour east of Altyn-Tash).
Prymnesso Cotiaeum
"
{cf. p.
2328*^),
On the false Perrot, pp. 123, 124 (one in C.I.G., 3857/= L.IV., 774). form Bennisoa, see Hist. Geogr., p. 144, where it is suggested that the name Soa may be identical with Carian Soua, "grave" (Stephanus, s.v. SovaycXa). Below, p. 365,
Ramsay doubtfully
I ]
identifies
Soa with Esouakome of the Tekmoreian
lists.
occurs in p. 513. Bithynia in the forms Taraiov and Tottuiov, and is formed from the old personal name Tatas or Tottes, like Kotiai'on from Kotys, Midaion from Midas, etc., cf.
Ramsay, J.H.S., 1887,
He
points out that the
name
Hist. Geogr., pp.
240
f, 182, 189,
and Kretschmer,
Einleitting, p.
183.
He would now
lists
and would connect our village with the ethnic Taraijvos in in an with it the mentioned inscription of Altynidentify village [T r]atou-kome
the Tekmoreian
Tash,
p.
370.
i88
as
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
On
the west side of the river,
we
shall see, united
in a Koinon.
Aictche Keui, on the north-east of Appia, seems to bear the

inscription reproduced below (No. 4) ; distance further north Yaliniz-Sera'i represents a village
name
Kereura
in an
and some
Abeikta,
as
which was one member of a

other
Trikomia
or union of three villages, the
members being perhaps Utch-Eyuk and Zemme,
Ramsay
other villages of the Praipenisseis are mentioned suggested.* in inscriptions, both of them lying in the hilly country which forms the eastern boundary of the plain, Iskome ('Io-ko/litj) at Karaat Doghalar, agatch Euren,t north of Altyn-Tash, and Zingot(?) three hours north-west of Altyn-Tash. J
Two
{b)
THE IMPERIAL ESTATE.
Further light was thrown by the older evidence on the general condition of the district, or part of it. Two Latin inscriptions found in the northern half of the plain, one at Yaliniz Serai commemorating
an imperial dispensator,% and the other further north, a boundary stone erected by an imperial procurator on the long ridge running out from the western hills and narrowing the plain opposite the villages of Nuheuren and Ha'idarlar,|| led Prof. Ramsay to the conclusion that an imperial estate existed here, and he identified it with the royal domain
called
Tembre
or
Tembrion of which we hear

justified
in the tenth century.^
This view has been

view expressed
by subsequent discovery.
.''
What
were the
limits of this imperial property
The
earlier
in the Hist. Geog., p. 177, which, if

p.
evidence pointed to the I rightly understand

p.
*J.H.S., 1887,
J
(c<0|u,r;s
514.
p.
-[J.H.S., 1884,
259;
.ibove, p. 144.
ZtVyoTos,
iii.,
Hit/,,
26 1.
|1
C.I.L.,
7002.
Ii)ii/.,
7004.
ITtoi) xuipLov Tov TefjL^pY],
the Opsikian
{Hist.
Theme
Const. Porph., de Caerimotiiis, p. 488. It was in and supplied fishermen to accompany the Emperor on the march
called
Stephanus Byz. gives the forms Tc'/xySpiov, T/j,;3ptioi' and Tembris and Tembros on coins, Tymbris (Liv. 38, Tu/xySpiov. 1 and Nicetas 8) Thybris by Kretschmer, quoting (p. 89) and Cinnamus (pp. 81, 191). other analogous names, shows that the series belongs to the Urbevolkerung (p. 193).
Geogr., p.
213).
The
river
is

it,
IN N.
PHRYGIA
189
separates the estate

it
limits
from the Praipenissos district round Soa and of corner to the territory between the Praipenisseis, Appia,
Aizanoi and Kotiai'on.

far
An
epitaph of a saltuarius subsequently found
away on
the south side of
Mt. Dindymos was regarded
as
proof that
the estate extended far to the south so as to include " the upper waters of the river Tembris and the slopes and glades of Dindymos on east,
north-east and south-east".*
to the
years a.d. 244-6 Yapuldjan, a village a few miles west of Altyn-Tash, seemed to imply that the Soa-Tottoion district also was included, so that the estate
Finally, a long inscription belonging which I was fortunate enough to find at
embraced the whole valley of the upper Tembris, with the slopes and
Further study leads me to believe that this view glades around.f is near the truth, though it cannot as yet be certainly proved. may make a slight modification and admit that the epitaph of the
We
hardly sufficient evidence for such a large southward extension of the estate. J But it is still a debatable question whether the Soa-Tottoion district was imperial property. It might be argued
saltuarius
is
that Soa cannot have been part of the estate, since an inscription of the second or third century shows that it was a self-governing community with a fiovXyj and 8->j|u,os, and that the early Christian
inscriptions are inexplicable if
they are erected by imperial coloni. But the existence of a Boule and Demos may be interpreted as an
indication that a municipal
organisation was beginning to be developed on part of this estate, as it was developed on other estates (see p. 307 f. of the present volume) ; and the spread of Christianity,
as
we
shall see,
need only imply that the

is
coloni
were
less loyal to the
imperial cultus than they were elsewhere.
Unfortunately the evidence

It is a petition
of the new inscription

*
Cilies
inconclusive.
addressed to
and Bish.,
p.
61
5.
The
inscription was found at
Gumulu, south-west of
2).
the head waters of the Tembris (see J.H.S., 1897, p. 421, note
fSee
C.I.L.,
iii.,
14191
J.H.S., 1897, p. 418

alien Geschtchte,
1
if.,
ii.,
1898,
p.
340
f.
XCf. O. Hirschfeld, Beitrdge zur

Perrot, Exploration de la Gal., p.
note p. 301,
5.
24.
I90
the
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
imperial owners, the elder and younger Philip, by Aurelius Eglectus on behalf of the inquilini et coloni Casaris, [inrep tov kol\vov 1 TOiv 'Apayoxrqvan' TTapoiKwv Kol yewpycju tS)v vfieTepaiu [. 3 to
. .
14
letters
.]
avr) S-qjxov
KOINOMOTTEANQN
at the critical point
is
tor)va)v tS)v
Kara
^pvyiav ing, and

[.
. .
tottcdv.
it
The gap
all
peculiarly exasperat-
has defied
attempts
at restoration.
My
suggestion
was accepted by Schulten, who inserted before it This supplement is too long, but the sense Trpecrêta? yeuop-evr)?.* intended may have been that the expense of the mission was defrayed
haTT\a.vri
whole or part by the neighbouring community, the coloni being too poor to meet the large expenses which such missions involved. This
in
community
even
is
probably the
TT, lapidary having engraved Ramsay suggested). But if the sense intended were that the people of this district conto the tributed expense (which is entirely doubtful), it would still be
for
as
Sij/aos koivo<;
of Tottoion and Soa (the
most natural to suppose that they formed part of the estate and, apart from theories about the mutilated clause, the fact that kolvov is
;
a technical term for the
commune
in
which the
coloni
of an estate
were united and the special appropriateness in

phrase ol
this
connexion of the
Kara
coloni
<t?pvyCav tottol point to the conclusion that the Soa-
in the imperial domain. ' sent the petition are called ApayovqvoL that an estate (or, in the case of large estates, each saltus) bore the name of the chief usually village within its limits, which formed the administrative centre and contained the official bureau. f
district
Tottoion
was included
The know we
who
Now
(or Aragoue) was the principal village either of the estate or of a sahus of the estate ; the inscription shows that it lay on the side of Appia, and we may suggest that it was one of the three villages united in the Trikomia already mentioned,
We
therefore
infer that
Aragoua
possibly
*
Zemme
or Utch-Eyuk.
Schulten, in Mittheilungen des Inst., Roem. Abtheil., 1898, p. 239. aided by Wiiamowitz, found no solution ; he prints vfirrkprnv \jo\) cc
.
Mommsen,
.
.]
av.
C/T 01 Trepi "AXooTTo^ r&Koi {Cities

sa/tus {ibid.,
and
Bish., p. 302),
(cul/ir;
Tvfiftpiavaa-crov
representing a
322), saltus Burunitanus in Africa,
etc.

(f)
IN N.
PHRYGIA
191
IN CHRISTIAN TIMES.
prove that in the
latter
The
Inscriptions
half of the
third
century Christianity was strongly rooted in the southern and eastern but the literary sources make no parts of the upper Tembris valley
;
mention of a bishop till a.d. 451 at the Council of Chalcedon, where the metropolitan of Synnada signs on behalf of several absent bishops
of
his diocese,
ttoXis
among whom
/cw/ôTroXis,
is
Auxanon
as
Here
was
as to
must be understood
that
;
ttoXcws YlpavTrepia-crov. meaning what in later times

rrj^
called
is,
group of
villages so
correspond to a ttoXis
and the
ecclesiastical centre
organised can hardly
have been other than the township of Soa (Altyn-Tash). Nearly a century later the old district name still survives in Hierocles (ca. a.d.
530) under the form Stj/ao? Tlpvirviacraa or Upyvviaa-a in the province of Phrygia Salutaris, to which the valley is consistently
assigned.
Then
is
it
disappears
and
is is
tKophacrnia or ^KopSamria, which
replaced by the bishopric the beginning of troubles.

:
The
evidence
best given in tabular
form
Epiphanii Notitia
{ca.
650)
192
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
we may hazard
the suggestion
the Praipenisseis. village of
In that case
double one, half of the double entry, that the bishopric was But the 6 S/coyoSaTTTTias Kal Soa9 or %6r]^ (?), having been lost. ninth After the here. difficulties do not end century Skordapia
really a
of disappears and in the reorganisation
genitive attached together with

the
Wise is replaced by which two bishoprics with equally obscure names, appear in the These are case as '%iropr]<; and FatouKw/xew? or TaLKcofiewi;.
Leo
the
Konna (probably Ayaz-in)
to Kotiaion, which,
after being recognised as
an independent church centre (âutokephalos)
eighth century, evidence of the episcopal

Leonis Diatyposis
(a.d. 900-7)
in
now becomes
lists
:
metropolis*
Here
is
the

raiKcifiecus
is
IN N.
It
is
PHRYGIA
only
193
a corruption of
Tpi,K(i)fiCa<;?
in the latest
Notitia that the final
form of the corruption, raiouKw/ir^s, appears.
We know
that Triicomia occurs elsewhere as the
name of
e.g., in Palestine
and Arabia.
Trikomia then
is
a bishopric, the bishopric repre-
senting the northern half of the Imperial estate.* These are some suggestions towards the unravelling of a topographical tangle, but many details remain obscure and can be cleared
up only by further discovery.
III.
THE
INSCRIPTIONS.
The Tembris
some remnants of
tombstones
;
of ancient monuments
valley has yielded a comparatively large number few of its numerous villages are devoid of
:
most of them
The inscribed stones are almost all antiquity. are pagan, but there is a fair number of
early Christian epitaphs of a remarkable type, to which there is no Taken altogether, the inscriptions of the valley form an parallel.
First as to the type of tombstone exceptionally interesting group. used. The favourite form of tombstone with pagans and Christians
alike
(which sometimes takes the form of the well-known The stele has "door-stone"), though the /Sw/laos is not uncommon.
is
the
stele
Hist. Geogr., pp. 146, 178, 213 n., the bishopric EuSo/ci'as placed by Hierocles (668, 7) in Phrygia Pacatiana between Appia and Aizanoi is identified with the Imperial estate. This identification is no longer tenable, unless we revert to
* In
the older view which limited the estate to the northern half of the plain. case the boundary between Pacatiana and Salutaris would pass through the
valley,
In that
Tembris
and the identification of rai/oo/teios and
Tptxtu/iias
would
fall
to the ground.
We
might then take Ramsay's ingenious suggestion that raiouKaJjLia)s represents [Tajraiou k(o/xi;s {Class. Rev., 1905, p. 427), which I incorporated in my map of Asia
forced to abandon as unworkable.
Minor but have been

difficulties,
But apart from other
later
what would then become of the bishopric representing the estate in the centuries ? An alternative suggestion {H.G., p. 146) would place Eudokias in
to the west.
the
MuraJ Dagh country
For the northern part of

ffi
this district, cf.
Annual of British
School at Athens, 1897-8, p. 52
13
154
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
semi-circular pediment, or a pointed pediment generally a pointed or arched with an recess, round the lower edge of which the legend is
often engraved.
The
central field
is
frequently
filled
with figures,
which were supposed to represent the dead or some of them, but were really stock patterns which the stone-cutter reproduced in all with little variation except in regard to the sex and his
samples
number of
the figures.
The pediment
is
adorned with various dcT
with small vices, such as an eagle with wings displayed or dolphins fish in their mouths ; but in nine cases out of ten the subject is two
lions (generally in a sitting posture) facing each other, each with one form of a bull or boar or deer or other animal on the
paw
prostrate
this device being doubtless a development of the (or merely its head), old schema of two lions guarding the tomb, which appears on the rock, monuments not far away on the east. Occasionally when. the central field is otherwise occupied {e.g., by the representation of a
door or by the epitaph), the pediment is In the pediment portray the deceased.
also
filled
with busts claiming to itself, or in the main field,
or at the foot of the stone, or in any available
of toilet mirrors, combs, boxes, representations of articles or objects indicating the occupation of the departed, bottles, etc.
empty space we
find
such as spindles and distaffs for women, and knives, pruning-hooks, a team of oxen yoked to a plough, masons' tools and so forth for
From the edge of the stele runs a decorative border. an artistic point of view these monuments are worth study not as
men.
Round
finished products (for the
kind), but as
mostly of the roughest illustrations of the development of native Anatolian art.
workmanship
is
The
beginning of such a study was made by my former companion " Notes in travel, Mr. J. W. Crowfoot, in a paper entitled upon late " Anatolian Art published in the Annual of the B ritish School at Athens,
1 897-1 898, p. 79 ff., but Fortune, which has been so often unkind to the cause of British exploration, has withdrawn him to other tasks. The legends and reliefs on these stelai and botnoi throw some
light
on the
social
life
of the people
whom
they commemorate.

In
IN N.
PHRYGIA
195
Imperial estate we find a rustic population engaged in agriculture and the ordinary trades and handicrafts, and * concentrated in villages which, while occasionally associating with
and around
the
some of
neighbours self-contained centres of
their
in
simple forms of union, were essentially
life,
looking to no larger world beyond.
The
the peasant's n-arpt? [cf. No. 21). village Though no local officials are mentioned in the inscriptions, these villages had of course
is
the usual rudimentary organisation found in other Anatolian Kw/itat ; but except in the case of Soa, which had a Boule and a Demos, there
of the Hellenic type to sharpen the wits and stimulate the intellectual development of the inhabitants.
existed
civic institutions
no free
In the third and early fourth centuries, to which most of the documents belong, the education of the people was very imperfect the bad spelling and remarkable constructions (or absence of construction)
:
which mark the inscriptions and often make it very difficult to divine the writer's meaning, show how inadequate a knowledge of the Greek language had then been attained. Yet there is a keen interest in
Greek
things,
growing with the spread of Christianity.

is
The
influence of the old poetry
names
like
Telemachos (No.
seen in the occasional assumption of heroic in the quaint metrical epitaphs i), and
successful.
which are more ambitious than

based on the ancient "
in the
One
Homeric
rock about 35 They disand in an talent new words abound for play extraordinary coining " metrical atrocities which justify the refrain of Franz, verba in
speciem orationis vinctae composita
".
epigram to Midas, whose miles distant, as the crow flies.f
"
of these epitaphs is tomb is cut
The
badness of the metre
is
obviously due in large part to the fact that they are made from models (of which there seems to have been no lack), or compiled out
of current formulas, which had to be adapted by unskilful composers to suit varying family relationships and intractable personal names.
We
may
quote,
for example,
largest, Soa,
is
aivaou rdSe
township.
a-yjfia
iraTrjp
elSpvae
*The
fC/afs. Rev., 1896,
p.
420, re-printed above,
p. 126.
196
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
or
"ôvravov avrjp eiSp. yvnaLKi, 6 and 'A/cuXai' Tvp,ô<; Kadopa,<; k.t.X. Ka0opa<; KaTc-^CL, êve, oStos One or two of the pagan epitaphs have a special interest in relation
arrjixa
dvyaTpi and aevaov roSe
to the great religious struggle of the third and early fourth centuries,
which forms our next
topic.
IV.
EARLY CHRISTIANITY.
The
early Christian inscriptions of the district, here for the first

full,*
time published in
pioneer in this
form
subject, three different streams of Christian Influence in Phrygia during the early centuries: (i) one coming up the Maeander valley from
series. Prof. Ramsay, the from the monuments, has traced working
remarkable
Ephesus and diffusing
itself
over the
cities
of south-west and central
Phrygia, (2) another starting from the churches founded by St. Paul and affecting south-eastern Phrygia and Lycaonia, and (3) another
coming down from the Bithynian sea-board

Mysia) into the
have been drawn
district
with which we
probably by way of are here concerned. The

(less
outlines of the history of Christian

in the Cities
development
in the first
region
The
Bishoprics of Phrygia (1897), pt. ii. second has recently been discussed, so far as Lycaonia is con-
and
The third district was treated cerned, in the Expositor, 1905, 1906. In the same eighteen years ago journal, vol. vili. (1888), p. 241 ff. and The additions which have been made since then to the ix., p. 141 ff.
little or no modification In the general conclusions there reached, and in one Instance they supply proof of the delicacy of the writer's feeling for those slight variations of sentiment and
evidence necessitate
expression which often constitute the sole difference between Christian
and pagan Inscriptions In the earlier centuries. The most cursory survey of the early Christian inscriptions of
*
Only two were known
to
M. Curaont when he
published his catalogue of
Christian inscriptions (note on p. 203) in 1895.
IN N.
PHRYGIA
197
the north-west and south-west districts- reveals a striking difference between the two groups. In the latter class, which belongs chiefly to the cities, the Christian character of the documents is so carefully-
only by subtle differences of expression and occasionally the use of by inconspicuous symbols and, in the later third century, by the character of the personal names, that they can be distinguished from the ordinary non-Christian epitaphs. The adherents of the old
veiled that
it is
and the new and the
religion
latter studiously
were animated by a mutual spirit of compromise, avoided giving offence to their neighbours and
provoking persecution by any outspoken declaration of their faith. But in the Praipenisseis district a very different type of Christianity There are indeed two inscriptions of the southern type, prevailed.
but in general we find a fearless profession of
fifteen early epitaphs
faith.
Nine out of the
begin or end by proclaiming to the world the of not the deceased, but also of the surviving members only religion " of the family in the formula " Christians to Christians or " Christians " and sometimes the formula is engraved apart from to a Christian ;
body of the epitaph, as if designed to the passer-by. There is no reason to suppose

were erected
in private cemeteries.
:
the main
arrest the attention of
that these gravestones

as
Such evidence
we have proves
the contrary in the ancient cemetery at Ai-Kuruk,* which stands by the side of the modern chaussie from Altyn-Tash to Kutaya and not
from the corresponding Roman road. Christian and pagan tombup together before our eyes. This group of inis scriptions quite distinct from others of an analogous type which are
far
stones were turned
subsequent to the State recognition of Christianity by Constantine.f The present series belongs to the second half of the third century.
One
of the earliest (No. 11)
is
dated a.d. 248-249, and another of
*The name
y In
The village is Circassian. perhaps represents Ayios Kyriakos (R.). other districts there are a few isolated inscriptions mentioning the religion,
which perhaps belong to the pre-Constantine period, e.g., at Apameia {Cilies and Bish., No. 393) and at ApoUonia (Sterrett, IVolfe Exped., 555, AtoyeVou XpT/crriai'oii,
according to Ramsay's reading).
ipS
a similar type,*
is
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
far
which occurs not
away
Flaviopolis), to the Decian persecution (a.d. 249-260) and perhaps others belong to the same period. None of them can have been erected during the
dated a.d. 278-279.
at Ushak (TemenothyraeThus one at least is anterior
years of persecution,
interval
and
it
is
clear that the majority fall within the
of peace which lasted till the fresh outburst of repression under Diocletian and his successors (a.d. 303-313). The character and ornamentation f of the stones, the style of the lettering, the employment in most of them of the older formula mentioning the maker
of the tomb, and the occurrence in
many
of them of the pr^nomen
in the fourth) leave little
Aurelius or Aurelia (mostly used in the third century and more, rarely doubt as to the general period to which they
examination of the personal names which occur in the In most of the epitaphs the inscriptions points to the same period. names do not differ from those in vogue amongst the non-Christian
belong.
population, but the combination in some of them (particularly Nos. 14 and 15) of names specially favoured by the Christians marks the transi-
An
which begins to develop the latter of the third The prePhrygia during part century. Constantine period is indicated also by the variation of spelling Xyoeicrnavos, ^prjcmavo^, and Xpi.(TTLav6<;, the second form
in
tion to a specifically Christian nomenclature,
the
being As Franz pointed out very rare. (C.I.G., 3857 p), while Tacitus has the form Chris tus, Suetonius
commonest and
the third
uses Chrestus,
and the spelling Chrestianus, which was
in
vogue among
Christians as well as pagans, was combated by the early Fathers of the Church, Tertullian (in a.d. 197) and Lactantius (in the beginning
of the fourth century). In our district Xyorô-riavds appears to be rather later than X/Deto-riai'd? and earlier than X/Dio-Tiavd?, but
*
Cities
and
Bish.,
op.
No. 444
p.
L.IV., 727, C.I.G.,
3865
/.
Cy; Perrot,
cit.,
126, comparing L.Pf\, 727, with the inscriptions of
Altyn-Tash and neighbourhood published by Le Bas-Waddington and himself: Toutes

ces inscriptions,
iaprh
au
la forme des carac tires et le style des sculptures
ne peuvent
guhe
etre posterieures
troisiime siecle de notre ere.

probably overlapping both, with 21.
cf.
IN N.
PHRYGIA
15,
199
No. 13 with Nos. 14 and
and 23
?
How
are
we
to explain this unique type of Christianity
One
striking point about it is that it is confined to the country district, while there is no trace of it in the neighbouring towns. Aizanoi and KotiDoryla'ion have yielded no early Christian inscriptions at all.
the civic (and in later times the ecclesiastical) metropolis of the * district has left us only two certain and two probable f Christian epiai'on,
taphs of the period, and these are of the veiled South-Phrygian type. Yet we know that there was a Christian community there, with a
bishop at
It is
head, before the time of the Nicaean Council (a.d. 32 5).^ clear that in North-west Phrygia the non-Christian element was
its
Was it weaker or more tolerstrong and vigorous in the towns. In the Or is there some other explanation ant in the rural parts
.''
.''
in interest. light of the recent evidence the problem has increased were the people who made this public profession of the
Who
On the view that the Imperial estate included proscribed religion } the whole of the upper Tembris valley, the answer would be that That seems, at first sight, they were largely the coloni of the estate.
hard to believe that such an open profession of Christianity could have been made by the tenants of the Emperor, men bound to his service in a special way and bound to be loyal
improbable.
It
is
above
all
others to the Imperial
cultus.
Nonconformity
to the
State religion was high treason, and it was precisely the repudiation of it that drew down upon the Christians the vengeance of the em-
Moreover, recent discoveries have shown that some at least of the Imperial domains were strongholds of paganism in the Prof. Ramsay has proved that the well-known third century.
perors.
*C.I.G., 3827^', and Class. Rev., 1897, p. 137. \C.I.G., 3827 r and 3827 k. \ He was a Novatian. Cf. Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, Eng.
p.
trans.,
ii.,
362.
Class. Rev.,
1905, p. 419
fF.,
and more
fully in the present
volume.
200
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
Tekmoreioi discovered on the estates round inscriptions of the Xenoi Pisidian Antioch are documents of a religious character, dedicated
in the period a.d.
220-250 by
a brotherhood or society
composed,
in
of Imperial coloni associated in the joint worship great part at least, of the old native deities and the emperors who had succeeded to The TeKfjiojp was a sign of loyalty to the State their
heritage.
religion,
forming part of the pagan ritual, and the object of the brotherhood was to organise opposition to Christianity by a revival of paganism. Such revivals were most marked, naturally enough, during times of persecution the repression of the new faith breathed fresh life
:
In or near the Praipenisseis district we have into the dying religion. evidence of a similar awakening of pagan devotion towards the end of
of an astrologer Epitynthe third century in the metrical epitaph is chanos, whose sons carried on his profession after his death. apthe Akmonian as who took part high -priest, parently the same person
He
in the last persecution of the Christians, or at
any rate he belonged to
the same family. He extols the science of astrology, which played so great a part in the orientalised paganism of the time, and describes
the benefits accruing to men from his skill. is some evidence of the vitality of paganism
On
:
the estate itself there
one inscription f comApollo in obedience
memorates the erection of an

to'
altar to the Clarian
an oracle of the god,
fruits to
men,
was
describes himself as the giver of all ov? idekcj cr&)cr(ai) re /cat 019 /cXeos otSa (f>ope<TKeLv.
who
The
high-priest with a
;{:
Romanised name mentioned

in the
in another in-
scription
in all probability high-priest
Imperial cultus,
which here associated the Emperor with the native god, Zeus Benneus or Bennios, who is mentioned in several inscriptions of the district.
It
would be
possible,
then, in view of the fact that there
is
some
slight uncertainty as to the exact

it
bounds of the Imperial proestate that

Cities anil Bish., pp. 566,
perty, to argue that

* At Doghan
790.
was not from the peasants on the

C/ass. Ret'.,
Arslan
1897, p. 136
128, no. 10.
rf.
\ Ibid., 1897,
p. 31,
and above,
p.
t Perrot, p. 133.

this bold
IN N.
PHRYGIA
201
from
their neighbours around.*
proclamation of adherence to the new faith emanated, but But the evidence as a whole in-
dicates that loyalty to the State religion
was much weaker
in
the
Tembris
is
valley than on other domains, and the most probable view that Christianity had made many converts among the peasants of
district
compromise Such boldness cannot have escaped notice in the great persecution of the early fourth century, and there is some evidence that the district suffered. The wording of an inscription " This of Zemme arrests attention tomb, thou seest,
with Imperial idolatry.
:
In any case it is clear that the people of this were deeply affected by the tenets of Montanism, f which insisted on the duty of confession and permitted no
the Tembris estate.
whole
stranger,
contains Aquila, a minister of God's service (XeiTovpyov Oeov) and beloved by the angels, a leader (president) of the people [Xaov TTpoaTdfjuevov), wont to entertain just thoughts ; and he came to the
mansion of God, great
in
honours, and to his
rest.
."
Aquila
was a
and
I
pastor, or bishop, who died amid the veneration of his people, feel no doubt of the correctness of Ramsay's suggestion that he
in a.d. 303. J
was a victim of the persecution which began

*This view would
been carried some distance.
Another
involve the assumption that a few of the inscriptions have
fThe
in
Montanist character of
this class
Tie
%
Expositor,
1888 and 1889, and
Cities
of epitaphs was pointed out by Ramsay and Bish., pp. 490-491, 536 f
The inscription is published in the present volume, p. 125, no. 7. The date not later than the early fourth century. The terminus ante quern may be determined Euwith an of Kotiaion, appositely quoted by Ramsay by comparison inscription
is
:
rv)(iavov tov
niJ.rj6tvTa.
Tovroi
L.ff^.,
/jLvrjp.rj's
xa.piv
r/
tov Xaov koI napa. eov ooiatrOivra, -rrapa. toC lepaTiov Koi to. TtKva av(<rTrjaav (C.I.G., 92"3> kI <Tvvfiio<; NtKoo-rpaTi;
distinction
828).
Here the sharp
between clergy and
laity
and the more
Yet formal and technical character of the phraseology point to the fourth century. the fact that the phrase Trapa Oeov 8o$a<T$. is modelled on a common pagan formula
aOavariav Oiuiv, Tunrfiivra xnro a-wTupr)^ 'EKarr;? (Kotiaion, C.I.G., 3827 q) or was vigorous and etc., shows that the inscription belongs to a period when paganism militant, and it is therefore to be assigned to the second decade of the fourth century.
wo
The
less
developed and crystallised phraseology of the epitaph of Aquila points to an
earlier date.
202
J.
G. C.
in
ANDERSON
2
bishop
is
commertiDrated
No.
earlier date than the former, in
which appears to be of a rather spite of the careless engraving and

1
,
He is described as apx^v iraTpiSo'; kaov, a form poor composition. of expression which is even less technical than Xaou vpoaTaixevosIn both cases the actual
which occurs
in
was perhaps irpeafivTepos, These another epitaph of the same period (No. 20).
title
of the
office
three inscriptions show us the beginnings of ecclesiastical organisation in the district towards the end of the third century or the opening
years of the fourth. can now discern a reason for the assignation of our district to Kotiaion on its elevation to the rank of a metropolis in the tenth
We
It seems probable that in this grouping we should recogwith a survival of the old nise, Ramsay, religious cleavage produced the Montanist movement which arose in the by (Kataphrygian) * northern region of Phrygia with and, blending Novatianism, dif-
century.
over the country. Kotiaion was from the beginning a hot-bed of " heresy," and this fact was the basis of its persistent claim to be recognised as an independent centre (âutokephalos) refused
itself
That claim was at last admitted, sponsible to Constantinople alone. probably by one of the Iconoclast emperors in the eighth century,t and its new dignity appears in Basil's Notitia ( a.d. 800-830). Kotiaion
had always been the urban centre of the Praipenisseis district and the attachment of the latter to it in the latest ecclesiastical arrangement
may
well imply a
sympathy
in religious views.
* Montanus himself was a native of a village on the borders of Phrygia and a Montanism conservative national movement opposed to the Mysia. represented and of the as a whole ; in the third Church centralising unifying policy century the " " homines as distinguished from the Kataphryges are called religionis antiquae " Christiani catholicae legis" (Harnack, ii., p. 363).
Hist. Geogr., p. 436.

V.
It will
IN N.
PHRYGIA
203
THE FORMULA
tov Otov
(tv
fxij
aSiKâ-ti^.
be observed that this class of inscriptions contains no adjuration to the public to abstain from violating the tomb corresponding to that expressed in the southern formula ecrrai avrai Trpos tov " he shall have to reckon with God," or Swcrei tw 6e(u \6yov, 6ebv, " he shall account to God ". But there are some instances of a quaint formula tov deov cri) /j-rj dSiKJjo-eis, " thou shalt not wrong God,"
Two exgenerally engraved in any available corner of the stone. of it to where the of the PraiKotiai'on, amples belong gravestones were as is the fact that stones of the same made, penisseis proved by
type are exceedingly
the formula, which epitaph {C.I.G., is followed a of and then comes the by representation open tabellae^ main inscription containing the names Elpizon, Cyrilla (thrice),
common there. One is like 3827 j^'). The other begins with
an ordinary pagan
Zoilos, Tatianes (twice)
and Ammias
[Class. Rev., 1897, p.

at
An
The
Les
isolated
example of the formula occurs others belong to our district.
137). Pisidian Antioch.*
this class appears in M. Cumont's catalogue of In his earlier disChretiennes de PAsie Mineure. f Inscriptions cussion Ramsay, with these three inscriptions and No. 19 before him,
No
example of
decided that the series was Christian and intrepreted the tabellae in the second as an open bible ; \ and the combination of several favourChristian names in this inscription gave much probability to his view. In the Cities and Bishoprics (p. 499) his words are somewhat
ite
more guarded
while maintaining its Christian character to be highly " it is neither so obviously Christian as the probable, he allows that
:
Sterrett, Epigr. "J own..
No. 142 (wrongly
transliterated).
ft'.
\ Melanges
tfarcheol. et (fhistoire,
1895, p. 245
on X interprets the tabellae differently ; see his articles an Early Christian Symbol," in Expositor, 1905, p. 209 ff. and 294 fF.
He now
"The Book
Above,
p.
as
27.
On
p.
/xTjOeya aSiKrjaai
499, n. 4, a closely parallel foirmula is quoted from Kara tZv 6tu)v (Kaibel, Epigr. Gr., 772).
pagan inscription,
204
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
formula Swo-ei tw 9eM Xoyov, nor capable of being certainly demonstrated by its varieties and accompaniments to be Christian, like the
formula ecrrai aural Trpos top deov ". The certain demonstration was discovered in 1898 when the villagers of Aikuruk dug up No. 20,
which gives
a rather fuller expression

fxr)
of the formula,
top deov
crol
= (
cru)
avayvoi)?
dSi/caicrts.
When we
consider that the
much
more obviously Christian epitaph of Avircius Marcellus has been interpreted very ingeniously by distinguished German scholars as
the epitaph of a priest of Cybele, it is no small gain to have indisputable proof of the character of our formula.
containing the formula were considered by Ramsay probably all of one period, and that period the third century," judging from " the style and the general similarity of the stones which are of the regular type of gravestones then eminscriptions
as
The
Prof.
"
ployed by the non-Christian population ".*
This view
is
confirmed
by the new evidence, which brings them into relation with the " " Christians The mention of the distinctively to Christians group.
Christian office of 7r/3ecrûrepo? in No. 20 might seem, at first sight, In other parts of Phrygia this would inconsistent with this date. indicate a post-Constantine date, but that criterion does not apply to
where people openly call themselves Christians, there could be no reason for avoiding the mention of a Christian office. This conclusion is supported by the style of the lettering, which seems
this district
:
to
me
clearly to belong to the third century (or, at latest, to the early
years of the fourth).
However
to have,
it
little
permanent value the present paper many prove

lost
if it
will
not be labour
little
serve to
fill
show how much

in
might be done by a
more
exploration to
up the gaps
our
Let us present knowledge of a most interesting corner of Phrygia. Nine the surface stones hope it will not be long delayed. years ago were perishing fast, and fresh stones were being dug up to be hidden
in
new
buildings or re-faced and destroyed.

*
Expositor, 1888, p. 257.
It
is
the
same every-

where
in
IN N.
is
PHRYGIA
205
being lost for* ever, needed to secure it cannot be found. The money find no more fitting way of signalising University of Aberdeen could her Quatercentenary than by the establishment of a permanent fund
because the
little
Asia Minor.
Historical evidence
for the exploration of the country for which she has already done so much, a country which from a historical point of view is perhaps the
most interesting and important
in the world.
INSCRIPTIONS.
I.
Abia.
Stele in the
pavement of the entrance
to the mosque.
The
is
right-hand half is concealed by flooring. represented a bird on a basket.
Above
the inscription
AYI'TAXICTY/-.
K-TI-I^6MAS.Â^
tT^"'
t s
?lS\(f>qi
THAfiMAXHA/ X / A N C KifO TPI K A ACA^'^ A

XAf'
2.
Tyj\efjidx(i>
)êt,avo';
Eirv-
Ke T^d[î/x,os trar[fjLV7JfjLy]<;
Tpl Ke dSeX(^(U
xp[ LV.
Kara-agatch, near Appia.
In the gable of a house.
D.
M.
ox-head
ox-head wreath
C. Orfidio
Stratocle
patri fecit
Proculus
Augg.
2o6
Proculus
is a.
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
His
father,
slave belonging to the Imperial estate.
a freedman, had married a slave
woman and
the son inherits the status
of the mother.
Stele with a The first 3. Kara-agatch. figure in the centre. four hexameters are engraved on the left-hand side of the figure, and the rest underneath. The lower part is much worn.
VJ
>- -^ ^ 5 ? ^ c r <
'*'
IJ"
MMACIÂIAPOTATO/C .nCAVCeMeAlToCeTTAPXot
HAyeoNC<f HI' AJY<fA-AAilCTM6riCTAC ^HTOTtMo** T^'DANTg KA K0NZQllCrAOCHAe
7MTA"ITT6NTf ôNoYCAIAINrcAMWeNlAYTorc
XeAA
X oc ^
ê
NoriVyi?KISlKoNICT6 4)oCCXON T A <> c P c A NÂ K Po Noy ^.; r 1^

I
I
^YClA.-.|or rroAYC
roNo|-.!lZ..-.:AA
ic-
^'HTo
BAey.cQwo
^ APYC/.
o{ir)i7-ws
^/Jucro;(doi ;^pv[o-]w/)u<jia e/ay'

<f)L\tai
e7roi[i^]o-ai'
iv 8'
a]X.A.'
^/i[o]i
/xeya[X]ai kc Soipa fityicTTa
ore S^ kc
ravra
êwi/ vpovoLr)^ irekecra-a,
J/A/xao-t
<f)ai.SpoTdTOL<; [a]n-eA,ucre /ac
aTwrJos eirap^^t^s,

qkydof
Br)
IN N.
PHRYGIA
207
es
<^[''?/^]'?['']
0Lvvcra[';
rjafts re fj-eyicrTa^
t6t
fJLOL
[o"]ruyt[o]i'
re
KaKov
^wjjs xeXos rjXde.
TrjeiTc^/cjt
Trevre [ju.joi'ous hiaiwardfJUQv iviavTovs,

(rT<ô<;
ju,oI[/3ai]
.
.
ajÂ.a
ecr)(ov
[av]y['?
10 dXXa Ta];(os
reXos copicrav
7roXi;cr[T]ovo[i/
[/c]ai
Kpdi'ou
yov]eOcrt
/8a^v[^]aji'o[i
îT\Spva\av.
This may be the epitaph of an architect who had been appointed by the governor (?) to erect certain buildings with gilded ceilings is intended, was specially or roofs, if )(pv(T(opo(f>a (^pvcropocâ)
honoured by him at the conclusion of his task, and speedily advanced to fame and important posts before his death at the age of 25. But
it is
reference
perhaps possible that ûo-wpvâ should be read and that the is to gold mines (epya) in or near M. Dindymos, yjivaoôoi
denoting the smelters and refiners
{cf, Steph., Thesaur., s.v.). be understood as the Imperial to probably procurator in charge of the estates of Tembrion, and not as the The latter would be the proconsul governing the Province of Asia.
The Eparchos
is
more usual
2.
sense, but the

quoting
former
vij/6po(f>ov
;
is
permissible in verse.
in
M. Cumont,
Tfjievo<;
an inscription of Amasia, pro-
poses [vij/]wp[o]rj>a (for vxpopotfia)
but the letters here were clear and can scarcely have
been thus misread.

5.
crT']/x/nacri
seems too long.

suggested by
6. dfvcras Tdf()i9,
M. Cumont, who
has helped
me
with the
restoration.
7. 8.
T for KOI, see no. 21,
1.
5.
Cf. iirrdKi ScVa, Kaibel, Epigr. Gr., 620, 7. 10. The reference appears to be to the baneful planet Saturn, whose influence shortens life, as M. Cumont suggests, quoting the declaration of Vettius Valens
(2nd cent,
f)
after Christ), tovs Ba,v6.rov<i d7r0TeA.tr

TTOtci
ûuov^
iv
vSan
8t'
ay^ôvrj'S
rj
Seo-ytiuiv
SvcrtvTcpios,
8e kox
TrroJo-eis
cTri
a-To/ia {Catal.
codd.
astrol.
g):,
ii.,
89, 35).
(see
Astrological ideas
may be expected
in the district
where Epitynchanos practised
above,
iv., p.
200).
208
4. Alctche
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
with
a
Keui.
Tablet
rude,
lifeless
figure
in
the
centre.
^9^
KH
Q
K*^
Pi
in
d8e\(f)S
iji.vrifir)<;
)((ipLV.
Avp. '^
^
per PI-NOCKI
TpO(t>LllL(l)V "^ ^
Kepevprjuo? k
^^ Tpo<^.>, Kk
TpOffillAOS r -r
r^
KC
N/lTPO,pôCK-rPo /VHCK-6YTV
x'''ô^-
NoC
Kereura was apparently the ancient name of the village. The tablet seemed to me to be late (probably fourth century) and the
name Beronice perhaps

BepoviKr)<;, Tpo(f)LiJiiauy]<;
indicates that the inscription

:
is
Christian.
the addition of a s to the nominative of

17
feminine personal names ending in
or a
is
a peculiarity of
N.W.
Phrygia (cf. Franz on C.I.G., 3856 add.) ; Nos. 6, 10, 15, 16 and at Kotiaion, Aizanoi,
other examples occur in

etc.
On a bomos. Almost correctly restored from Kuyudjak. a very bad copy by KirchhofF (Kaibel, Epigr. Gr., 384). "RXvdov Ik Kpy]Tr)<;, KtVa/xos vrdXts i{(T)Tl Trarpis p.ov,
5.
ovvofxa KaXXtcTTw, Xe/crpois iSodyjv 8e npo^ ot/cous avSpos 'JLviKTrJTOv, w koL reKva Sicro-o, XiTToCcra
ôvXofievcov MoLp(t)v rjkvdov ets 'AtSr;v, S' aperrju olSev ifio'S yafieTr]<;, (ro)4>pocrvvq'i
OS KOL TVfJLôv ifiol
I
.
p.vy]ixr)<;
X'^P'-^
elSpva-ev evda.
I
(<t)ti,
restored by KirchhofF, was probably intended.
have
note that
there
is
a space
between
E and
T.

It
is
IN N.
PHRYGIA
209
interesting to find evidence of intercourse between Crete and this remote district of Phrygia. If Kubitschek is right in his interpretation of the inscription quoted above (note p. 191), we have
evidence of another native of the district migrating to the Dalmatian coast. But, more probably, some Dalmatian village is there meant.
If the Phrygian village had been intended, 'Acria? or <bpvyia.<i
would
naturally have been added.
6. Ibid.
Stele
which
is
a relief
with a square top and a round pediment, in of two eagles facing, perched on a dead hare. Outis
side the pediment there male on the left.
draped female figure on the right and a
'AXefaz{S]/)os koI Aju,/xias 'AvTepwTi, tckvo)
Koi
7^?]
âvTo'i';]
en
TL<;
^wi'res ereijuTjcrav ij[v]r^-
"xdpLv:
is
T0VTa> ixvrJixaTL KiaKoi?

KaT[r)p]afJi,vo<;
TTOir^crJei,
deoix;
-qTw.
This formula of imprecation, which
finds a parallel in epitaphs
in the Phrygian language (Ramsay, Jahresh. d. Oesterr. Instituts, 1905, hours S.E. of pp. 107-108), recurs in an inscription of Eiret (some
Altyn-Tash, on the chaussee to Afium Kara Hissar), which may be It is given here. engraved in two lines under a pointed pediment each other with containing a relief of two eagles standing opposite is due to the of outstretched The construction eVetju.Tjcrai'
wings.
analogy of avearrjcrav.
Tts
See p. 278.
7.
av
KaK(o<;
TTOifcrt
toutw
/AVT^ytiaTi,
oiIr(u[s
dto/)ois irepi^t[oj].
TreVotTo]]
avu(j)opa{l)^ kol
6i.ol<;
airacrt KaTiq{p)ap.ivo%
See
R. in Jahreshefte Oest. Inst. (Beiblatt), 1905, p. 82.
14
2IO
8.
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
Sepulchral
/ôw/oj.
Kyorz Keui (near Elmaly).
Copied 1897
and revised 1898.
AYClMAXOCNIKIoVTOACONEAYTCDKAlTOlCTTPoAnO TYNAIKI KAJTPlClNTEKNolC

ov iavT(p Koi Tol<; Trpoairdfiavoixri yuvaiKl KoX TpLoiv tckvoi^ [iSiois cTi
5
8i,
TI-ZQNKATACKEYACACENl
AlKA0IEPCaCAAVTOTETOf^^ N KA TO N TTE P AYTOTOno TAXHKYKAtf5TT0AQN0R:>A,
I
I
^wj/
KaTacTKevda-a^ iv
r[
Ka6i,epu)(Ta
avro re to
[i?/)^-
ov Kol Tov
Ta-^rj
Trepi
avro
t6tto[v
.
ttclv-
TO YTOM N H M ElONKAlTON M E N N A Y T<n) TO TTO NOYT:
kvkXo) noScJv oy a[vTo 8e Touro p,v7j [leLOv Koi tov [Trept/cetfievov
avTM
tottov ouT[e toi? ctuj'?.
NOMOICOYTEKAHPoNOM HE Kro NO CEz EC TAIOYTE

I
10
v6p.0L<i OVT K\r)p0v6fj[0L^ p.OV ^ CKydi'Ois i^(TTaL ovt [dyopd-
CAC0AIOYTETT<AHCAIO/
A'i'AlTI
aacrdai ovre
ddxjjaL
TT(i)XrjcraL
NAE CAYT0ÊTO^
I
TLva
ei?
d[Xws ? ouTC auTo ye to ^[vriiJiel-
ON HTO N EMTTPOtOETflYMN
TOTTONE NAET(;5A0ITTE3E'
1
fANAETICTOAMHCHTlWAi
HAroPACAlECTCOI-IMETOA. TOYXC3PI0YAHM0YPi3MA'
5.
TOV ep/TTpoade tov pi\r)peiov iv 8e Tw XoiTTw efe[(rTat 5 TOTTOV eav Se ri? ToXpyjarj 77wX[ij(rai
ov
Tj
dyopdcrai, ecrrw ToS \oipiov Srjpov

^
17
)u.eTo[ucria
'Fa)pai[(i)v.
The
last letter
seemed
is
to be part of
It is
but
KvfirjTripiov
the inscription Christian)

Christian.
impossible.
too long, and the epitaph
(which would make is clearly non-
The final letter in 1. 17 looked like 17 f. The concluding formula is peculiar. the top of A or A or A, but perhaps the appearance is due to the break in the stone. The preceding is certain and no restoration suggests itself but fierouo-ta. The
shall become the property of the " " ; ownership," when applied to a people ymTovcrt'a may bear the sense of of individuals regarded collectively, as in Xen., Cyiop., viii., 5, 23-
meaning would be "the piece of ground
Roman
number

9.
IN N.
PHRYGIA
211
Arslan
Apa
(In
Girei Ova, the corner of plain north of the
northern boundary of the Imperial Bomos with a garland in estate). relief below the inscription. Copied also by R., 1884.
-INI
KOI
xor-
CTAHAYPIACWNeEujJ
YtlCTo)
YXHN
"EtouJs T\rf
Avp. 'Idacjv dew
A.D. 253-4.
By
Oeo<; uv|i(ttos is
here
are
The title the Most High by from which exercised a and other native Judaism, Phrygian religions profound influence on them. They still remained pagan, but the
3857
I).
Bennios, the native god of the district, mentioned in another inscription In a neighbouring village {C.I.G., " God was borrowed the of "
meant Zeus Benneus or whose priests, the Benneitai,
absorption of Biblical ideas paved the way for the rapid progress of Christianity in Asia Minor (cf. Cumont, Hypsistos, in Revue de rinstruction publ. en Belgique,
tarli
The Cappadocian sect of Hypsis1897). went further than others in the adoption of Jewish ideas, and
they were perhaps already Christianised in the fourth century, when we first hear of them (from ecclesiastical opponents). Cf. Ramsay,
Expositor, 1906, p.
35
f.
at first,
R. thought that the name of Jason's father, omitted NiK-o[/Aa])(ou, had been added above as an afterthought (as often happens in
I
i
:
these texts).
letters in
1.
these
thought this was Improbable, as there were other however may have been the month and day
(which are often stated in Phrygian inscriptions).
212
lo.
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
Stele.
Arslan Apa.
Pointed
ayi'onhcimoc (ctpKtonikoc
<-MI-lATW//////
rr
ATTeWBOCA
I
K^Noo
NTAe TT B^* AO NTÂrTOI
^^HAeeAYTN
Mi'tAC AlTC////
POY TiNOC
AYPTTMl VAOCON-IC/MO IC-ATT T7 -iC TCKNYCerrCN
O K- AH i-Ncêrro na eni KTHT/lK-CYrGNlA k-Aytoizotgc w-tatg kmA\yton TiAkTryAoC

I
(fAMlANoCTTATPI
TPl
K=-MH
AfA<r
'C
K-
AMlAC
K-TPO<J)Y Ac- PI PAY xAPi Airpn
y PoictfA D M NH >U H * OC kAtAiito

I
MPKioMfeTAA MC-/vAK-TAfni gA\oNT\Hl Mf PHnATTyAn

IC-NMlANnCKJCTOYTn^JKATAA
CYT VX A
I
N-1
K-
ATTTl-lfrKPlMfTP/
AK-TI-lCYNBlO MOYKATWtnn MfTPÂK- n FOB Atom

Avp.
'Oi/Tjcri/Aos
IN N.
PHRYGIA
213
Ke "ZTparoviKO^ kc T/30<îjU.as aveKafiotrav ra k ixrjB^TTOT^ fjLTjSevl [ejirev/caXoi iirLâXovTa avT6i[<;) iêpr]

fnqSe iavTov firjSe
irepov rtvo?. Avp. IlairuXos 'Ovqcri{JL.ov kc "Attttt;? tckw; Euyevto) kc 'A/Atas /ce iyyoub) 'Ettlktijtco kc Ev-yevLO. k (e)auTor(s)
8t'
âi(v)TS,
jjL-qTpX
Ke
70.
TCKva avTcov IlaTruXo?
Ke 'ApSe [/xa9?] xe
/ce 'A/Aiavos Trarpl kc Ke 'A/iAias T/)0(^v[/xos CKju/aots ice
SaepL yXi(KiiTaT]ot(9)
p.vrjp.ri(^<i)
)(dpL{v).
Avp. n[a7n;\]o5
to.
Ke ra KaT(a)Xi7rc(j XdpKLOv 10 /Ae'pTj HaTTuXw kc 'Ayiiiavo]

EuxuYiaj'T7 kc
fjiov
1
.
[a/D]/i,eva
kc
eTTtySaXofra jnot
KaTaX(i7r&))
iK<K> tovtwv
"Attttt^ Trv{po)Kpl{?) fjidrpa ' kc irpofiaTov. KttTaXiTTW jxerpa X is a form of the aorist which occurs aviXdlSoa-av
X' kc t^ crvvîw
in the Septuagint
and
is
called
by the grammarians Asiatic or Boeotian or Chalcidic.

2.
This urigrammatical clause appears
to
mean,
" and
let
no one make any
farther claim against anybody, either himself or through another ".

II. Possibly 7ru(po)Kpt is equivalent to the Egyptian Kpidanrvfyo^, explained by Mahaffy as a kind of corn combining the qualities of barley and wheat, "bearded " wheat {Petrie Papyr., xxix., 1 1), but probably denoting a mixture of wheat and barley,
which had been sown together (Wachsmuth, quoted by Grenfell and Hunt, Fayum
Pap., 10
1, col. iii.,
4)
cf.
aKpidos, applied to pure wheat.
This quaint document, badly composed and carelessly engraved, as an epitaph. The testator, Aur. Papylos, is the son of one of three brothers who had shared an inheritance, and
is
a will as well
he leaves
his portion together
ing implements) to his
wheat and barley to with a sheep to his wife
two surviving two daughters

!
with a chest and tools (perhaps farmsons, 30 measures of mixed

estate
The
The
old
ancient remains at
and 30 more together {?), was evidently very small. Arslan Apa and the surrounding vil-
lages Kusura, GireV Bunarbashi, etc., are said to have

site, called Euren,
come from an
on the edge of the
hills at
the western end of
the ridge on which stands the northern boundary stone of the Imestate. one or two stones are left on the site ; the rest perial Only
have been carried away to the neighbouring
villages,
which contain a
214
great
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
many of them being
architectural
number of
ancient remains,
fragments belonging to the Byzantine period.
CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
II.
Kurd
""
Keui.
In the mosque.
Copied
also
by R. 1884.
r ^P6lCT.ANÔ/
''^
[rjXy'
XpeLarcapol
AvPA^ê/A
cy
/v
^,
,^
;^.^
Toj
rfiiiMiP///
*-
AYTa)A/-2CJTi
KOJ-Jf^CV/VTOK^ e ro A/o/c AY-rw
aw
.
.'^'^ . TO) yaLLado)
..'Z'^'^'-' avTiou Zo)TiKCu

,;
,v Ke
\
crvv 7019
.
'
-r
^
AAfjA/vare/A
K re Ae'<f> T
c:
Po)
,;vv AXetavopeLa
5.
/ce
rp X
leKeamopco
^.''
Yv
*ce
(5
/
O)
TTOIH
a.d. 248-249,
is
AA<A>efavopw
o'
.
'
avvpLw
eiroiT)(rav.
The date rXy ', 333 =

was not engraved.
certain.
Probably Irous
lapidary omitted the husband's name and left out the first of iyyovoLs, while inserting a superfluous X in the last name.
is
The
Alexander
not the husband, but one of the grandchildren.

In the cemetery.
12. Abia.
AYPZUTI KOSMAPKI WNoZTolZ EAYToYFo

N E YZ/ ETIZWNMAPICINI
Copied also by R. 1884.
Avp. ZwTt/cos MapKL^'^''''''
K-AniTHK-AAEAtWAPTE
'^''^^
^^"^
y-
Ke
Amrr) Ke aSe\<f)S 'Apre
pa
XPEICTIANOIXPEICTIANOIC
ppijpr)<;
^dpLV
'KpeicrriavoL Xpetcmavors.

The ungrammatical
dicates that the formula
IN N.
PHRYGIA
215
use of the plural in the closing formula inhad already become stereotyped {cf. Ramsay, The simplicity of the style, the spelling Expositor, 1888, p. 252). the character of the names show that the epitaph and XpeicTTLavoL,
belongs to the same period as No. 11; it may be slightly later. father bears the name of the second century heretic Marcion, and we remember that this district was in close connection with
The
Kotiai'on,
one of the chief centres of heresy

Abia.
In a house.
in
Phrygia.
13.
Above
senting two
style
lions, each with a
paw on an ox,
the inscription is a relief reprein the conventional
common
I
In
North Phrygia.
AYTPO<f> Moc TrOT^
CyNSlCaTATlQeriza/
OTTeTiCKTPo4>l
/Ôi
Av(/d. ) T/Doêi/ôs noTet[rou
t^
ÂPlN KAOAA -VxPl-lC T A N

I
TO.
TKVa avTwv A[vpr^\L[fiviqiJ.r)4"'
xdpLv
/ce
AojU,i{a uvv(j>7]
XprjcrTLavo\l Xpyja-Tei{a)vol<;.
Tpo<j)Lp[
In spite of the bad spelling and careless engraving, this inscription does not appear to be much later than the preceding two.
6.
Either the small
is
false insertion or a
Xprja-reiavol, and b)- subsequently adding omitted word, in which case the beginning of
[kc Tois yy]ovots.
second
1.
the engraver omitted the word intended the first to stand for the
e.g.
7 must be differently restored,
The name
also used
in
Poteitos, Latin poMus,

is
" he
who
has obtained (sal-
vation)," in Christian nomenclature,
Pagan custom,
in
as e.g.,
It was not very common. of coins on of a magistrate
Hadrianopolis
century.
of the third Phrygia Paroreios at the beginning
2i6
14. Abia.
is
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
(1884).
From Ramsay's copy
Below the inscription
a defaced relief.
AYPHA.APOYêiNATPOtlMOV AYPHMWAAeZANAPcoAOMrsH TUAYTHCANAPIKAITO(CT
^^P"}^'"- 'Po^*^^^^* Tpo4>Côv
Avprjkico 'AXefavSpw rw eaur^s au8pl Kal
Ao/ivrj
toIs tc-
KNOiCKYPlAAHKA
Be Po NCI
5
^^^^^ KvpiXXr) Kal Bepovec-
KlANWtCAlAYPHAlAKAirAY
///a>NIAlKAlrPa)BfPON(K(A
TXv^^â^^ âi Aip-qXia Kal

;f](^j,f8t
;fal
hepco^BepovLKMxP''' eTToi-qa-ev
' Avpr)\C(o
N(OMNHMMCXAP|NTTOIHN
CYNTa)AYTHCV(U)AYPHAiU) AACZANAPt>AlCfTlZa)NTC
j,^
/iivr;>7^s
^'^^
^^ ^^^^^^ î^
'AXeÎvSpcp
SU
er'i
{wvre?,
KPerCTlANOI XPC/CTIANOIC
4, 6.
{cf.
Xpeio-Ttai/oi Xpeva-Tiavol?.
4)
BtpovfiKtai'd?
/.c).
((/;
BepovLKY],
No.
may have been
suggested by Jcis xxv.
Ramsay,
The more
fully
developed Christian nomenclature in this and
the following inscription indicates a date somewhere later in the third Yet here we have the spelling century than the foregoing epitaphs. while No. 13 has XpTjo-reiai/ds (see iv.). XpeicTTiat'ds,
15. Gedjek.
(L.fF., jSs^C.I.G.,
3857^;
R. 1884.)
kc Avp. TkvKcau ATîxyjTpia crvvûa /ce eavTw Ifiv TO. TeKva [a^Tcov EuyeVios kc Aofiva /ce ITaTrTriKios K 'T[7ra]nos kc TXvko)v kc Zcoti/ct;?, XpTjo-Tiavo[t
XpTjcrrJiat''^.
Franz and Waddington read na[T/)]tK:ios, but the epigraphic copy shows IlaTT-TrtKtos, a name which occurs twice in another early Christian inscription of Tchakirsaz, near Altyn-Tash, which is published in the present
volume on
p.
129.
Zcotikijs for Zcotlkij, as in
No.
4, etc.

16.
IN N.
PHRYGIA
217
Altyn-Tash.
for the sake of comparison,

Stele
3857 t, L.W., 780. Repeated here, from my copy. with pointed pediment which contains a simple cross enC.I.G.,
closed in a circle.
reliefs
The centre of the stone is occupied by three rude of women with hands clasped on bosom at the foot are re;
presented tools {outils de

ball.
mapn,
Perrot, p. 126)
and a spindle and
K Tarias 'A(TKXr)TnoiBr) TeKvo) KC eavTois en â>vTe<;.

Ev(f)pa)v
'Oi{i7]o-t[jLi]os
[kc
.]
.
a[SeX]<ôt
ajuTwi' Toils
iavTMv
yovel? K Tov d.8eX(f)ov

eTcCfirjcrav.
This inscription
is
in the
an earlier period than the
class
South-Phrygian style and belongs to which openly professes Christianity.
at all to suggest the religion of the family, which is the cross placed so inconspicuously that it escaped the proved by The lettering is of the style of No. 11, but rather notice of Le Bas.
is
There
nothing
better,
and the inscription probably belongs to the
first
half of the
third century.
Other examples of a cross placed in this inconspicuous way are known see pp. 37 and 84 f. of the present volume. They are proofs that it was still necessary to conceal the religion, implying
:
that Christianity
P-
was proscribed.
more conspicuous example on
143-
Siek with pointed pediment in which are represented a spindle and distaff the main field is occupied by reliefs representing a bird perched on a vine (above) and a team of oxen with plough (below), and the inscription is arranged above and below
17.
Altyn-Tash.
it.
{C.I.G., 3857 tration on p. 218.
L.fV.,
783;
R.,
1884; A., 1897.)
Illus-
2l8
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
ATS A NOrC A H C Y N B 1^/

APoHlKorKOrglocAYToYi^.
\<f>l
MoC K-oA^toCAYTC'^
AACCAM0CZWTCeA^,
TOIC K-ANuS.PON
K-^/
Xphctianoixphct^
W6TT0IHCAN y>^CX
Av^dvovcra
<f)i,fios
17
(rw/8i[os 'Ai^JS/aoi'eiKoti
K 6
dveilfLO<;
ke 6 veto? avTov [Tpo]avTo[v] Aacrcra/xos {ctii^re? ca[u]ror9 we 'Avopo-
peit^w],
The
120).
XprjaTiavol Xpr]cn[Lav]^, eTroirja-av. rare name Lassamos occurs at Kotia'i'on, C.I.G., 3827
text
is
v.,
where the correct
'AttoWwi/ios Ke AacrajMos (Perrot,
op. cit., p.

18.
IN N.
PHRYGIA
219
Altyn-Tash.
very small.
}
Built into the
window
of the mosque.
The
letters are
AYf K Y Pi AA///////^//// v/z/w/////////// N Cy Wo ^^""^^^'^z ///////////

////////////y"^
A'fPCTffiiH(tiTlAT?\T(0ArTCONVPecBrTAT<i) NN oju CO r PA N or BAci A HOC 'êrcp/Hfe PI

I
TlMorNl4>PCINACKHCANTI'"ZHCANTI6rrK
PwCXAPINMvHMHCAreeHKAN*^ ETTITAEP
MIOKHAAOXCOKVPIAKOC^ rAYKYTATHCfMBeiOJ eVrHCOMoNl TrAPAnAClM*^THTOf lAANArilV CTCMMAAnerêNKAMerv/H*^ konaotathmoi

PHTO|'AOCTrPOAITTOrCH'^KAl6IONKAlT6KN ATA-f lAOCTOprcJC AKCGPe^pCN
Im|3
KY P
I
4 TTv^
t S
AA A N CT AN N A /^^l ANApo/wnriAeriiJYW 'f K AT AO M>J A VH TT 10 ê Tl TTANT<i)N'="M<TPATyCT M<Â

I
rroWCrnKTHC
NerNHClOyCCYNflW/MoYc^KrflAKONAN
^/PA&)rAYlCYTATWCCyAf2.HCfN^XP0N0NoA)roNfeom ee N T^f^z/yrro M 0( P HC <^ Na>NMAcNMNHCK^t ^ NC Mo PH A r H Key. A P M "^^ TT ATPI K-CrM/3 ((j)

/I
I
Avp[t]\loi) Ki;/3iX[A.os Kal KvpiaKos

crvuo-
[fiai/j-oi
Avp.
"^reifxlva)
naTpl
toj
iavTcov, irpecrfivTaTO)
eixreêLrjv ipil,y]cravTi,
ivvoiMO)
ovpaviov
fiacriXrjo';,
Tifiov ivl (ppecrlu a.<jKy)aavTi.,

pu><i
(.vyxj-
)(a.piv
^vrjpjrj<i
avidiqKa.v
eirtra 'Eys-
220
fjLLOvri
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
ctXd^w Kv/3tafd?, y(\)vKVTdT7) crujaêiw evyvwfiovL Trapa Tracnv, Trj to (^Ckdvhpiov

o-Tefijxa
anevevKafievr), Kov{S)oTdTr) /xoinpoXLTTOvcrr) kol fieiov Kal tIkv-
io
pr) TO
<f>do?
TO.
(îXoiTTopyw^ dvedpexfjev,
KuptXXav
opyov
15 S]pa,
vos
3.
ctl vvv, 'SiTecfyavov 'A[\e$]a.vSpov vrj-rna Irt re -rrdvToiv, fj.r)Tepa r Aojxvav vrj-mov ofKpaKd
evar-
'^TTiKTrjCTiv
K yvqa-Lov;
(Tvvop.rip.ov<;,
KvpLaKov av-
w yXu/curarws
êVifa] VTTO ixoiprj^.

p-oiprj
(Twetpqaev ^povov okiyov, (f)6ovr]dvd" otv Kokoiv jx,vri<TKop.e-
dvedrjKe ^dpiv vaTpl k (rufi^Lco.

ivi'o/jLw,
TT/aetrySvTaTu)
k.t.A..,
is
remarkable expression.
Trptcr^vraTCK
is
o irpea-^vrepoi designed to enhance the dignity of the " the venerable age of the deceased, eldest of the elders ". indicate and to office perhaps tov means o-ocî't;? ejuc 8iSao-)caA.ov cf. lawfully, regularly appointed twofio's probably
probably an affected variation
:
iwofiMv (in an inscription of Kurd Keui published above, p. 138), where cvfo/xos designates the official character of his position as a teacher appointed by the com-
munity
{cf.
Perrot, Explor., p. 129)
and
Ivvop.o'i
(.KKk-qtria
in
Acts xix. 39, quoted
by Dr. Sanday.
9.
Kovh6<;, or
more
correctly kovt6<;,
(okus.
is
late
Greek
for
fipaxus.
Here
it
seems
to
be used in the sense of

17.
For
x-P'-^ aveOrjKe,
see
No. 20,
1.
II.
This elaborate, semi-rhythmical epitaph belongs to a later date than the simple inscriptions preceding but the style of the inscription and the character of the lettering and the names forbid us to
;
place
it
later
than the early fourth century.
Besh-Karish Eyuk. Copied also by R. 1884 (see Expositor, Stek broken on the left and at the top, 1888, p. 256). bearing reliefs of three women standing, with a bird beside the head of the right19.
hand
figure.
The main
:
inscription,
left
engraved below the

is
reliefs,
has
perished.
Between the
good
letters
and central figure
inscribed in small
222
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
avhpa
TTodrjTov
'EvddSe
/cat
yrj
Karej^t 'Eo)cr6[]vr)u
fjie(ye)di
/cai
KoiWi Koi
noi(rr)<;
crco<f)pocnjvr)
Be /xaXtcrra,
TOP
d/Derij?
Kol iv avSpecrt kuSo? e}(OVTa.
TpiOLKOvra eTMv edavov, XvTrrjcra oe TrdvTas, Kdi -rrevdepoi)^ [kv]n-r]cra, ^vxrjv Se e/ia/Da[v]a yvvrjKO';, dno ^s tv reKvov <r)(ov fjueTO. ^s T[/3i]a Itt; crvve^yjcra,
o[i]
Se yovi?
npo
ep-ov
ivddSe
Kivrrj.
T7J<;
'AXefavSpos npecr^vTepos perd
crvvftiov Âtttti^s
/ca[i]
T^s dvyaTpo<; KvpiX\rj<; kol tttjs yy6vr)<; Ao/i[v]/j5 rot? lO (rvTKV0L<; Xoxrdd kol Aopvr) kol "Zcocrdevrj yavfipS
yXvKVTdra) inoLaLcrav ^dpiv, XprjcrTLavol Xpi^crrtavops]. Tov
@eov
I
f.
crol {i.e. crv) dvayi\o\v<;
pr]
begins
dSi/fatcris.
'YivOdSe
yrj
An
epitaph
of Altyn-Tash
Karix^t
eoS<apav
ttjv
7rp([(8a)Tov]|
Koi KaAXi Koi fJnyiOi, kol

p.
i
i/j,<f>po(rvvrj
Si yixaXiora (C.I.G.,
3^57
"> L.ff'-j
779, present volume,

3.
ig).
The same
line occurs in an epitaph of
Kara Agatch Euren,
C/ass. Rev.,
1897,
P-
13710. avTKvoi^
the word is used of adopted children o-vvreKvoLS, foster-children with the of the children brought up together adopters, C.I.G., 2015. 11. The meaning of iiroLrjo-av xapiv is more fully expressed in C.I.G., 6207
:
(=
Kaibel, Epigr. Gi., 621),
Ttjv IttltvuISlSlov tovtio OrJKtv
xapiv ov rpecfx TraiSa.
Com-
pare also Tv^ ol ayXatrjv in an epitaph
from Nova
Isaura, published above, p. 47.
great resemblance between the metrical Christian epiThe love of the taphs of East and North Phrygia and of Lycaonia. Christians in those regions for long metrical epitaphs, especially during
is
There
the fourth century, is quite remarkable. In Spain the Christian metrical epitaphs are common in the fifth and sixth centuries ; and so also in France, but they probably began there already in the fourth
century.

21. Ai'-Kuruk.
top.
Stele
IN N.
PHRYGIA
circle at
223
the
with a cross enclosed in a
TONtlAOxLPHCToPANMKeiCEMiHerA
.'0ICl4>A
XIEjU.01
NONTAgTONTtAC HCAPE HJH.ENONEINEKATIMHC Col6EOCAKAT^tP0NI\APlNC

eETOKAi noeoN
P
I
hnhcoinAa
E rA
Pol CI ff
OXmNoNHnATPlCUiKHKHTE
T H C Ho
I
CE
T E K A N .V\
ENinPEnEATEAAoiCINf HAEKACITN HToCTfo^lMoC KH TNHC loC AN<ûj<ÂPKoNTAn A

TP| AoC A AoYKAlTTACITTeHToN EYHENiHNTToeEoTAKAl EYC E 8 IH N AM ATT AO N J CHMATCOI
TCYIA.CCI
Al H
TT P
ATTl
Afi C
CtIXmnTPAYAC
01
MNHOt-MCXAPlH
fee TO AYTOCCrNAAoXWHefflH TA re KN ATT P0< TT N'ÂNTTATT

Tlu)N Tl r
U)
N TU> N
I
jtlH
M UN ei A ICUNHCYNPCN* WN M A T A \y C HTlCTmN A\\a)TTATP aJNETTI T A'^'e TC A

TIC Mn H
I
rrruAiyC ANACKAflAfTOTTTtUMA fPs.o..f^HCKOÂflNa)NlON K P H T ANO X PHC T ANOlC n A P C T HC A HfNTOfi P TON

1
I I I
Tov (îKo^prjcTTOpav au^ts

Tov
croL
Tracrr)^
Vt />tyoi[X,]otcrt <f)av{i)uTa,
dpe(Trjs)
[Ji.fx,oir]fjivov,
eiveKa
Tiji.r\<f>(i)
vaTpl crw
7)0 wacTiyvijTO? Tp6(f)Lp,o<; Krj yvi]crLO<;
o-pXovTa Trar/DtSos Kaov /cat Tracrt noOrjTov, cvêvirjv Trodo{v)Ta ? koX evcreîrju dfia TracTLV.
arip.a
re'
01
reufas
etSir^s
TrpanLSecn crTiXrjv
ypdxpa's p,vrip.rj^
224
X'^P'-v
J-
G. C.
criiv
ANDERSON
l>i6vvr), ot
^d^TO auro?
dX6)(^cp
/Aiyrts
ra TCKva
tj
TrpoeTrevxjfav
lo
avvyeviiav euL ra erea twv T(.s t] aXKcjTraTpiwv fj-VTij fxara Xucri, Se to Trrw/xa, ip)(opvr)<; KoXacriv ipy)\p.(i>(TL, dvacTKoixpi to epyov. i(aviov. Xpr)((r)Ti,avol Xpr)(TTLavol<; TrapeaTrja-apev
t,a)VTO)v.
ifx-oiv
I.
TTainroiv
en
elhtoiv
The
addition of v to the accus. of nouns of the third declension

districts (rf.
;
is
frequent
in this
and other
rest
The
mighty
3.
of the line
"
(beatified dead)
a.KaTa<f>poi'i
?
Waddington on No. 817 above, pp. 60, 132, 153). is obscure. Does it mean " appeared again among the
fivOi-s
(/.vOoii is possible.
perhaps means
a.KaTa<j>p6vrj(Tov)
or aKaTa<j)pov^(o,
tjvr]
is
un-
intelligible to
5.
me.
constructed like koi, as in No.
7, p.
:
is
125 (above),
1.
3,
is
1.
7, etc.
12.
The
construction entirely vanishes
perhaps the meaning
<os ip)(Oft.ani]i
Ko\a(Te<Ds aliovCov.
This
inscription,
the tombstone of Aquila (see above, p. 125,
which should be compared with the legend on No. 7), is the epitaph
of a local bishop, whose name is strangely omitted. It is poorly composed, but the final formula indicates that it is quite as early Both belong to the as, if not earlier than, the epitaph of Aquila.
close of the third century or early years of the fourth.
is elastic,
In both the
phraseology showing no trace of the stereotyped rigidity of post-Constantine inscriptions (see p. 201, note J).* The description of the pastoral office, a.p-)(Oiv naTptbos kaov (on naTpis see above, p. 195),
is a variation of kaov in the other. Trpoa-To.p.f.vo'i Upo'Ca-Tapevos or irpoe.cTTws and f]-yovpevo<; are the terms regularly used in the early centuries to describe the office of leader of a Christian community.
virtue of "kindly hospitality to strangers" (evêviT), 1. 12) emphasised by the early Church (cf. Expositor, 1905, p. 444 f ).
The
was
The
new word
tions as
dX.X(o)7raTyoiot,
with which
"
aXkot^prJTOip,
member
may be compared such formaof another phratry,'' akkoyXocra-o'i,
peregrinus, etc.
(van Herwerden, Lex. Supp/.), probably means feVot,
aliens, in the sense
of pagans.
is
* But the exclusiveness of dWcnraTptoi
later
than Diocletian.

22.
IN N.
PHRYGIA
left
225
in
Ai-Kuruk.
Tablet a
little
broken to right and
and
parts covered with lime ; the style of the letters (which are engraved between incised lines) points to the third century.
///EICOPAACTYM0/Z////Tn4POAOlCF7Tli:HMACl1|pEI
//'ONTEY?<.EinATPlKli:nBPIN.AAAE(THAECVNE ///ANT|OXlAlTT|NYTHTrOAYrHÊACa)f P^CY^
///OYTTAEICT^NAPI^MONETEWNCYNZHCACAME
////MATTOYAEKETHTTOAAHîAlHAlAKAAA^C //HÔCHAETPOnOYCKAlEYrENclHCENEKECÂH'// //riOYNONTElAMENHN<^lAlONTEKOCENÂ\AMOlty// ///>YNOMATHNTPOf IMMNETENMEAAePOICKAAEC/l^/
//KAlAEITTElTHNAEMNHNTTAPHrOPIHNTTATP|XHP/////
//HCEKYPOCTPOÎMOCAOMNHCYNEHTECYNEYN////// ////<rPIM0XTEAAHPVMNOYCCEMNOYCANATTEMTTr////
/////WTHPTHNAETIKAlNYNCTENEITPOflMHTTOAY^////
/////////////TPIKlCCYNCMAIMOCAMAAICLAlTEflAAITE/^
////////// /////OIK
Y PI AAAKAlArPinnEtNAXAPiNAYTHC
///
liiiilti,lilillt>\}\/,7,\
EOTH TOC l-3'/,\A TAAIH M ATTO/IÔYE

////A TT
////
PO K E
1^
N C ê E T///
////,Y,AE
ICAE AYNHTA'/^/
iiiiii'ywiiiii
226
J.
G. C.
ANDERSON
iirl
crrjfJiacn,
[f]el[i'e,
Etcropaas TVfiôv
01'
7r]a[y3]o8ot5
rev)(eL
IlaT/at/ct?
TrepLKaXXel rrjê crwelwrj

cr<x)<j)pocrvi^r)
'AvTio^tSi TTLVVT'^ TToXvyTjOea
re,
ov Trkela-Tov apidfiov irecDv

d]X\.a TTOV
crvv^rjcra<;
d/Ae[/A7rT&)?
Sta /cdWo? 5 eTT] iroXky (fnXiy "^^09 TjSe T/307rous Koi (.vyeveirj^ eveK icrdX7J[^,
fjbovvov Ti.âp,ivy]v
SeV
^tXiov TeKO<; eV 6aXa.p.oia\iv
ovvofia rffv "Ypoîprqv eV' iv p.eXdOpoL<; KaXea\acrav, Koi [XjeiTTCi TTjvBe fjLovrjv Traprjyopirjv Trarpl XVfiv-
lO
^s
eKvpo<; Tp6(f)Lixo<; A6p,vr)
crvv
erj
re crvuevi\rj
Kvpi.XX6<s re Sarjp Vjxvovi cre/AVOus avanep.i^(.i.

p.i]}rr)p
TTjvS'
en
/cai
vvv oreVei
Tpo<l>Lp.r)
ttoXv^tjvo^
Kol Hajr/aiKis crvvop.aip.o?
oifia Sicrcrai re (ftCXai re
Trapdev^L KvpiXXa
T'^S
fi''^]/*'''?[?
/cat
'AypLTnreiva ^dpiv avrijs

^[8']
vjeor-x^Tos
dyXai7^[9
.
. .
o] irpoKelp.evov
c[o-jT{t
ou]8els 8e hvvr]Tai
fragment apparently of the same, which does not ... 17 yvvr] avTOv Aujyj
. . . . . .
fit
on
/c]^
6 dvy^p avrrj';
Avp
yv]v7}Kl [kt) eoi\uTW ert [^wt-
...
I.
TrapdSots appears to be used for TrapoSiois.
3.
The
accusative follows the dative ungrammatically

1.
and the construction
is
carried on in
fF.
Such confusion of
cases
is
characteristic
feature of Asia
Minor
dead
epitaphs.
II.
The "sending up of
relationship
is
:
holy
hymns"
probably refers to some service for the
(or perhaps a burial service).
The
C/. Expositor, 1906, p. 157.
Trophime
I
Trophiraos
= Domna
I
.1
.1.
.1.
Trophime
Agrippina
Kyrilla
Patrikios
Antiochis=pPatrikios
Kyrillos

23.
IN N.
PHRYGIA
227
Kuyudjak.
Rectangular block with simple moulding.

.
. .
//97777777-râXX (/I
[t]w
crvv-
e[a]vTa)i'
yevl 6/c Tcov ISCwv iiroit)crav,
XpicTTta-
voX Xpia-Tia-
vS.
simplicity of the style of this fragment and the character of the lettering point to the third century. The spelling Xpicrrta^'os
is
The
found not
far
away
at
Ushak
in
an inscription dated a.d. 278-9
(C.5.,
444 = Z../F.,
727).
VII.
PRELIMINARY REPORT TO THE WILSON TRUSTEES ON EXPLORATION IN PHRYGIA AND LYCAONIA.

W. M. RAMSAY.
PRELIMINARY REPORT TO THE WILSON TRUSTEES

ON
EXPLORATION
As
this
is
IN
PHRYGIA AND LYCAONIA.
the last Preliminary Report which I shall have occasion to address to the Trustees, I desire to thank them for having in the
absence of any applicant junior in standing offered the Fellowship to me during the years 1904 and 1905, and thus made it possible to
carry on the exploration of the country,
when otherwise
it
would
have been out of
my
power to do
so.
the Fellowship will produce
good work
in the
;
hope and feel confident that hands of a succession
of applicants among our junior graduates and it is quite possible that I may be able to co-operate with them actively in the country,
and not merely by advice from a distance as to method and region. I have the honour to submit several parts of the fuller Report,
on the work of the Fellowship, published in the Austrian Jahreshefie, 1905, the Classical Review, 1905, and the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1905, and to add that the crown has been placed on the Research work done during my tenure of the Fellowship by the Council of
the Royal Geographical Society, London, which on 27th March awarded me the Victoria Research Gold Medal " for the eminent
services
Asia Minor ".* of
which you have rendered to Geography during your work in While History was the principal and guiding motive
exploration, I have been always keenly alive to the close rebetween History and Geography, to the influence exercised by natural conditions on the development of human society and life, and, in short, to the Geographical basis on which the study of
my
lation
Later, the University of Pennsylvania
Gold Medal
for Archaeological Research.
232
W. M.
RAMSAY
History must rest. My work, originating from Fellowships in the University of Oxford, continued recently by a Fellowship in the University of Aberdeen, and applying always the principles of University teaching, as
I
understood them, to practical exploration
in
geography and topography, has enjoyed from the beginning onwards
sympathy and the powerful support of the Royal Geographical Society, London. The following report is worked up from letters published in The Athenaum. Several topics which are treated here are not likely to
the cordial
be more fully treated by the writer for some years and it seems them here even in a provisional way, and thus place the results of exploration before the world of scholars.
;
therefore advisable to discuss
Also,
it
is
a not
unworthy object
to
show the
great variety and
number of
the problems that confront the explorer. During the journey of 1905 it was our good fortune to dis-
cover evidence solving on the spot a larger number of historical Not that the finds were problems than in any previous journey. in themselves imposing, but the problems had been previously
carried to such an advanced stage that even a slight piece of evidence was sufficient to give the final solution. reached Smyrna
We
in the latter part of April,
the terminus at Dineir, helped
and went up the Ottoman Railway to by the courtesy and scientific spirit
Our plan was, first of all, to go direct from Dineir, the ancient Apameia-Celaens, to Konia (Iconium), with the intention of searching for evidence on several
of the general manager, Mr. Barfield.
historical questions, and of studying more carefully the situation and remains of Pisidian Antioch. This road is one of the most familiar and frequently traversed in the whole of Asia Minor, and
could not be expected that monuments of any importance should have remained undiscovered on it until 1905. I had avoided it in
it
previous journeys, as being too trite and well known. Only in 1882 I went along the whole line under Sir Charles Wilson's leadership.
Parts of the road
had seen
in
later
years,
especially
in
REPORT ON EXPLORATION
1886.
233
far
Yet even on
this
oft-trodden road
we found
more than
we had ventured even

I.
to
hope
for.
SMYRNA TO APOLLONIA.
Artemis
We
spent two days in Ephesus acquiring information needed
to complete a study of the relation between the worship of
This study was published

been
little
and the worship of the Virgin Mother of God in Christian times. in 'The Expositor, June and August, 1905. Our visit to Apameia-Celaenas was disappointing there has
;
building and little or no discovery since our last visit in 1 89 1. We spent one day, copied a few unimportant inscriptions, and prepared for the journey to Konia. I was eager to see once
more the two fountains, the Laughing and the Weeping (described in The Athenaeum, 19th August, 1891, p. 233, and more fully in Cities and Bishoprics of It is Phrygia, ii., 407). strange that this
first
extremely interesting pair of fountains escaped the notice of all travellers till 1891. More than a score of professional explorers
had examined the rivers of Apameia.
The Laugher
alone had been
seen by almost every visitor, but not recognised, as a pair of fountains had to be found. aim now was to learn whether the Weeper is
My
permanent the Laugher whose bright rippling flow

;
is
is
much
to the
larger and unvarying stream,
clearly audible fifteen yards away.
As
under edge of the low rock from beneath which the Weeper flows out of a very small lowroofed chamber. The low melancholy murmur of the water can be
before,
we had
to stoop
down
heard when one bends
down
to the
mouth of
the tiny
chamber
but this year the peculiar sound, like sobs occurring at short intervals, which was the most noteworthy feature in 1891, could not
be heard. This sound is produced by air struggling with the water in a low passage, and would cease to be heard if the water either sank too low to touch the roof at any point, or were so high
that
it filled
must vary
in
the passage completely. It was evident that the water small shepherd boy informed us that the height.
234
fountain was called
W. M.
RAMSAY
it
always ceased to flow in Desirous of having the summer and went on pilgrimage to Mecca. I asked also an old of the more evidence as to the variation water,
Zem-zem, because
He on our return. shepherd, whom we met a few yards away in time his first 1 for the declared that the water had failed in 904 The discrepancy between the two accounts illustrates
experience. the difficulty of getting trustworthy evidence from the report of The first tale told to the traveller may be quite incorrect ; natives.
but
if
he
is
content with the evidence of one witness,
the false
story
a permanent stumblingpass into literature and become block, for the stories that have once found footing in literature are
may
afterwards reproduced unquestioningly. were fortunate in finding a group of three milestones on
We
the
way to Apollonia, eight miles from that city. One contains the name of the governor of the province Galatia in a.d. 198, C.
Atticius Strabo, proving definitely that Apollonia (also a fortiori Pisidian Antioch) was in that province at least as late as 198,
which practically means that both cities were Galatian until the This is admitted, reorganisation by Diocletian about a.d. 295. but the indeed, by Marquardt, only in a halfaccepted authority,
hearted way, for he adopts Waddington's opinion that during the third century people in Apollonia dated according to the era of
the province Asia (which would be impossible, if the city had been now see that included in the province Galatia in that century). the dated Apollonian inscription on which Waddington's opinion
We
rested
It
must be counted from the era of the province speaks of the country and city as Galatian, and the date
it
Galatia.
is
equi-
confirms, and is confirmed by, the newly discovered milestone. There was never any reason why this plain dating and the evident inference from it should not have been valent to A.D. 222, so that accepted, except the deep-seated reluctance to believe that Galatia could have been extended so far as to include Antioch and Apollonia
There
lies
the root of the evil
when once
a strong misapprehension
as to the
235
view
is
provincial organisation is established, the historical distorted, and the judgment is misled on other questions
Roman
apparently quite unconnected.

II.
THE DEFEAT OF MANUEL AND THE THIRD CRUSADE.

coincided with the
line
Our way now
of march which had
been followed by the Emperor Manuel Comnenus in 11 76, and by Frederick Barbarossa in 1190; indeed, that was the reason why we took this route. traversed the valley of Apollonia from the
We
to the great lake called Limnai, into which its river flows, then proceeded along the northern shore of the Limnai, and
watershed
down
from
its
north-eastern end turned
the pass to Pisidian Antioch. times the Kleisoura Tzybritzi, and battle in which the splendid army of
away in an This pass was

it
easterly direction
called in
up
Byzantine was the scene of the great Manuel Comnenus was utterly
by the Seljuk Turks of Konia. It was this battle that decided the fate of Asia Minor, putting an end to the gradual revival of the Byzantine power under the able John Comnenus and his
defeated
brave, but too rash, son Manuel.
Never was a
battle in
which
it
was more
clearly
shown
that superiority in
arms and personal prowess
cannot compensate for carelessness in the general. The Byzantine contained the finest the a army troops of empire, and large body of and other soldiers of Western and Northern Varangians Europe,
the best fighting material in the world ; superior to the lightly equipped Turks
it
was armed
in a style far
accustomed to victory. learnt the art of war in many Turkish campaigns, under his father's tuition and in his own thirty-four years' reign. He had led an army
right across Asia
was highly trained and ; Manuel had shown his personal courage and
it
Minor within
unfit a
sight of Konia, the Seljuk capital

in fair
and he knew how
Turkish army was to face
combat
such an army as he could command. Now, as the consummation of two generations of war, persistently carried on by his father and
fitfully
by himself, he found himself with
all
the best forces of the
236
W. M.
at
RAMSAY
empire
that leads to Antioch
the north-east end of the Limnai, ready to enter the pass and Iconium. Before him, as he lay in the
lake,
low ground by the
which
is
about 3,000
feet
above
sea-level,
stretched towards the east a pass, broad and very gently sloping, bounded on the south by a ridge of mountains about 5,000 feet
high, which rises sharp and precipitous from the level ground ; the pass is about one-third of a mile broad (as I guessed looking
across
it
from the northern
river flowing
down
gently rising from
perfectly level, with a small the centre ; on the north side undulating hills, the level, stretch back about three miles to a
side),
long range of mountains (Kara-Kush-Dagh) about 6,000 feet high, running south-west and north-east above the ApoUonia valley and
the
Limnai towards the great central range of Phrygia Paroreios

called Sultan
(now
Dagh, over 7,000
feet high).
One or
other of
This ranges was called in ancient times Olympos. description, which I wrote on the spot, is almost a translation of Nicetas's description of the Kleisoura. It has only to be added that, as he says, the hills or undulating rising ground on the north
those three
side are intersected
by broad
glens.
The
treeless,
pass, called
the Tzybritzi
Kleisoura, was
known
to be
occupied by the Turks.
They
;
could not hide themselves on those
and Manuel saw them with his own open, grassy slopes as Nicetas eyes, says, having previously been informed that they were preparing to defend the pass. But confident in his army
and contemptuous of
enemy, he marched on into the pass, just as if he were traversing a level and undefended country, soldiers and in the column. The baggage intermingled vanguard, more ready
his
and not mixed up with baggage or overcrowded, easily back the Turks from the low northern hills, and forced their pushed way through to the eastern end. The main body of the army,
for fighting,
more encumbered and crowded, marched more slowly, and was the Turks from the mountains then separated from the vanguard seized the opportunity, charged down from the mountains on the
;
237
disordered army, and broke the ranks. Baldwin, son of the Norman Prince of Antioch and brother-in-law of the emperor, vainly at-
tempted, by a desperate charge with a handful of cavalry, to drive back the Turks ; he perished with his small troop ; and this calamity encouraged the assailants and struck panic into the Byzantine main
body, which was now a mere mob, so densely crowded that the soldiers could hardly raise their hands and weapons, jammed against
and among the baggage.

energy might Manuel had lost
flattery
still
The
rest
was a massacre.
;
Courage and
but there was no leading. his wits and his courage. Thirty-four years of
frittered
have saved the day
and empire had
away
his
moral power and
deteri-
orated his nerve.
Only through the chance that the Turks did not understand the completeness of their own victory was he allowed on the following day to conclude an inglorious peace, and withdraw
the shattered relics of his great army. The unconquered vanguard marched back through the pass, within view of the enemy, who
had gained and to repent of the arrangement that permitted the remnant to escape ; and some of them attacked the retreating Byzantine troops, inflicting further
to realise a victory they
loss
now began
what
on them.
;
and my reUnfortunately I had not taken Nicetas with me collection of his account was inaccurate. I thought that the battle had been fought
in a
narrow
pass, in
attacked an unexpectant army. the open country near the Limnai,

that the battle
rest
which a concealed enemy had As that could not have happened in

I
actually
came
to the conclusion
must have been fought elsewhere, and directed the of our route to Konia for the purpose of finding the scene of the battle. But when I came home I found that the description of
the locality, which I wrote on the spot to show that this pass was not the scene, was exactly what Nicetas describes. Had Nicetas
been in
precise
my
hands,
we should probably have been

localities,
able to fix
by
seven glens, and the spot where the vanguard spent the night after the massacre.
the
measurement the
238
In
W. M.
1885
I
RAMSAY
American Journal of Archeology an Khoma (from which Manuel's
wrote
in
"The
article attempting to fix the site of
advance was made) and the scene of the battle ; but though right about Khoma, I wrongly placed the battle too far west, in the pass
immediately in front of that fortress, misled by the modern name of the pass, Turrije, which seemed to preserve the ancient name
Tzybritzi.
narratives
scription
Some
Tomaschek showed
years that
afterwards
I
the
;
view
stated
in
by
Prof.
had erred
and then,
reading the
their
by eye-witnesses of Barbarossa's crusade and of the scene of Manuel's defeat, I saw that the from the Limnai.
de-
battle
was
fought
route,
the pass leading up acknowledged, and the scene

in
The
error was
in
is
'The
locality
volume.
ments,
inferred rightly from Barbarossa's and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii., 346, and- the correctly shown on the map of Central Phrygia in that But while I profited much by Prof. Tomaschek's arguCities
I could not accept his views as to the locality (which he far to the north-east), and renewed examination of the too places localities proves that he was wrong ; the pass which he selects
1883) runs north and south, but the pass which Nicetas describes runs east and west.
(I
crossed
it
in
III.
THE IMPERIAL ESTATES AT

a very large basis with a
PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.
In the low
we found
ground near the Limnai, before entering the pass, Greek inscription recording a
dedication by a slave Nilus negotiator and the village Karbokome. Occupying such an important position as to take precedence of the
village
stationed at
with
it
assembly, Nilus must have been a slave of the emperor, Karbokome in charge of an imperial estate. Forthbecame evident that the estate was part of the territory
which formerly belonged to the great temple of Men Askainos at Antioch, and passed into the possession of Augustus in b.c. 25.
had long been looking for last it was presented to me.

I
traces of that vast estate,
and here
at
Such discoveries always throw light
on other unsorted and
239
unarranged fragments of knowledge. series of long inscriptions found in this neighbourhood, but nearer the first and longest to Antioch, has been known for twenty years
:
published in 'The Journal of Hellenic Studies in 1883.
The
char-
acter of this series
now becomes
clear.
They
all
belong to the third
Each consists, apart from a mutilated exordium, of a long series of names and donations in money to each person's name is attached the name of the village to which he belonged, and one of the villages was Karbokome. Now, not far away, the Milyadic from imperial estates show a similar series of names and donations
century after Christ.
; ;
have reconstructed the history of those estates, with the genealogy of a branch of the imperial family, during a century,
that series
I
and the page of history restored in this way has been accepted by the recent authorities on the administration of the imperial estates,
Schulten, Rostowzew, etc.
series
The Antiochian
estates furnish a similar
of inscriptions, and the history of the estates ought to be
recoverable from those documents.
Two
hours further on, near the other end of the pass, we
reached the village where Sir Charles Wilson and I found the first inscription of the series in 1882 ; and there we halted for the night. In the in front of the mosque, lay a broken column, of the
village,
same peculiar shape as the one containing the long the upper side were no letters, but, when we rolled
evident at a glance.
set
inscription.
it
On
over, the whole
under side was covered with an inscription of the same class, as was Though the sun was already setting, I at once
when
I
It is a golden rule never to postpone work copy it. with the Turks dealing any one of a score of possible events might deny us the opportunity of doing anything on the morrow.
to
work
to
copied until the last ray of light faded, devoting attention chiefly to the important matters and the parts that were best preserved ; the
fainter portions
demanded stronger
all
I
light.
Before darkness stopped
me
had copied
the
best of the forty lines.

at
soon after sunrise,
was again
Next morning, work unimpeded. But already
240
W. M.
RAMSAY
on the previous evening the most important piece of information had been discovered, disclosing the nature and meaning of the lists, and the meaning of the strange name applied to the donors of money.
The name had been

more
lists in
discovered by Prof Sterrett,
who found many
1885. Telcmoreian Guest-friends.
The
persons mentioned were Xenoi Tekmoreioi,
My friend
Prof
Sterrett considered this
name
On
to be topographical, and marked on his the other hand, I conjectured, in my
map a town, Tekmoreion.

Historical
Geography of
Asia Minor, "
meaning which in some
Tekmor was the old poetic Greek word p. 411, that sign," and that these Xenoi were members of a society
religious
of their character.
declared
it
ceremony showed a mystic sign in proof Dr. Ziebarth and Dr. Judeich in Germany both
impossible to accept my view, as the old poetic term Tekmor could not be alive in the third century after Christ. contention was that this old poetic word was reintroduced in the
artificial
My
Phrygian Greek of the third century.
The new
as
is
inscrip-
tion confirms
my
view, and gives us a
new verb
well as the
certain Lucius adjective, derived from Tekmor. " as having shown the sign twice," rcK/Aopeuo-as 819.
mentioned
This hither-
unknown verb was invented The society derived its name.

to
to express the act

act was,
from which the

question, somethat certain, for
beyond
all
thing of religious character
the inscriptions
make
But this act must have been an they are all religious in type. invention of the late period to which the inscriptions belong ; had it been an old religious act it would not have called for the invention of a
new word.
Now
the
religion of the
Xenoi was
a
;
union of the old Phrygian worship with the cult of the emperors
the inscriptions show this clearly. The new element, the showing the of Tekmor, must have been added to the old Phrygian mystic
an act connected with the imperial cult and as the one end and aim of that cult was to give strength and religious basis
ritual as
;
to the loyalty of all subjects, the Tekmor must have been a symbolic act declaring the the of celebrant to the loyalty emperor.
On
and
all
241
those imperial estates dedications on behalf of the emperor
his
household are
common and
characteristic
and
it
is
now
one of the points needing investigation how far one special form of such dedications was peculiar to the inhabitants of such estates.
service of the
were in a special degree bound to the emperor they were not exactly his slaves or serfs, but out of them developed the serfs of the Dark Ages. In ancient
rate, those inhabitants
;
At any
Roman
and
society slaves were the
most devoted and trusted of servants
of the estates approximated more to serfdom than the citizens of self-governing cities, so they were
in proportion as the population
more attached and devoted

State
to the imperial service.
descendants of the slaves of the
They were the god Men Askainos. The Roman

;
was very careful not to interfere with established conditions of society, where those conditions were not politically dangerous and just as they always retained the Egyptian fellahin in the same
condition of almost slavery which they had occupied towards the kings of old, so there is every reason to think that the people on
the Antiochian estates were similarly kept in a condition not materially changed from their old service to the god. Among them, and
in close relation to their peculiar
connection with the imperial service,
developed
this institution
great deal more to say if another article in this volume.
of the Tekmor, on which there is still a and I hope to treat it in space permitted
;
Pisidian Antioch has been too often described to need mention

here.
silence.
IV.
It
either requires a
whole paper to
itself,
or
it
must be
left in
THE IMPERIAL ROAD TO
LYSTRA.
Another piece of work before us was to trace the " Imperial " Road from the colony Antioch to the colony Lystra. This was
the
way by which
St.
Paul
travelled
when Onesiphorus,
to
in
the
legend of Thekla, came forth from Iconium stones fix the line of the road as far as Tiberiopolis-Pappa in the
16
meet him.
Mile-
242
W. M.
;
RAMSAY
it
Orondian mountains
and natural features leave no doubt that
went on through a long narrow defile, Baghirsak-Dere, which leads from Pappa to the valley of Kizil-Euren. In this high valley was
situated the Byzantine bishopric Sinethandos, eight hours from Konia. Here all trace of the road disappears. The doubt remained whether
the
"
Imperial
Road
"
went on eastwards by
the
north
side
of
Mount Loras
along the line of the modern road (in which case it must have gone first to Iconium and then turned south to Lystra),
or turned south and followed some
country on
the
route across the hilly south-west of the mountain. The former route
unknown
would
would
necessitate
have published
suit well,
very serious modification of the views which I regarding the Thekla legend, whereas the latter
possible to complete and improve From the village I hired two horses, greatly what I had written. and started, under the guidance of a villager, to explore the hilly
it
and make
country, leaving the others to
make some
search and take photo-
I had to find some evidence to determine graphs in the valley. whether or not a Roman road had ever traversed those hills a
difficult matter,
ever, the
which might require a week's search. I had, howfortune to find within an hour two slight cuttings good for a road in the rocks, which here and there protruded from the
bush-clad
soil
of the
hills,
and when we reached the watershed
To my astonishment began to question my guide about the roads. he pointed out the waggon-road to Konia, and when I asked about
this
the west to
road he said that until quite recently the waggon-road from Konia took the route south of the mountain, and passed
where we were standing where I could see the evident marks of This old waggon-road to Konia reached the wheeled carriages.
plain considerably to the south of that city,
and turned up north-east
to reach
it.
There was no reason
in the
natural circumstances
why
this route line
should have been followed instead of the direct modern

side of the mountain.
on the north
history of the
Roman
road.
It
explanation lay in the was intended to connect Antioch with
The
243
Lystra, a military road constructed by the Emperor Augustus to maintain communication between the two great Roman fortresses ;
and when
this
road was built
it
was natural that wheeled
traffic
from
Iconium to the west should go southwards over the plain in order to take advantage of the good road across the hills. It was only when neglect had suffered this imperial road to pass into complete
decay that the established habit gradually fell into disuse, and the direct path came into use foi both horse and waggon traffic.
This
expression,
result
" the
was peculiarly gratifying. My confidence that an Imperial Road which leads to Lystra," in the
it
legend of Thekla, bore about
had led
me on
the savour of antiquity and truth, to discover the disused old road and to unravel the
This expression, true and ancient, is mistangled skein of history. used in the later form of the legend as it has come down to us, and " " the has been misapplied to describe Imperial Road to Lystra the road from Iconium to Lystra, whereas both in fact and in the
early
form of the legend it denoted the road direct from Antioch " The " Imperial Road to Lystra, which did not touch Iconium. to Lystra is not correctly marked in the map attached to my Church
in the Roman Empire. It passed about seven or eight miles south-west of Iconium, and there it was that Onesiphorus, according to the legend, waited for St. Paul and brought him into Iconium.
As
to
the
Castle of Sinnada,
now
Sivri-Kalesi,
overhanging
the Baghirsak-Dere, and the bishopric Sinethandos (with its extraordinary variety of names) in the valley two miles west of Kizil-
Euren, we found no evidence to add to the discussion given by the
Annual of the British School, Athens, 1902-3, nor The identity is there established did we seek for it. p. 255, firmly, and we were in search of evidence only on points which were
present writer in the
still
in doubt.
244
V.
W. M.
RAMSAY
ITS
ICONIUM AND
TERRITORY.
The wide
territory of
watershed immediately east
Iconium (Konia) probably began at the of Kizil-Euren ; and there also was the
limit between the Byzantine Provinces of Pisidia
and Lycaonia.
One more
Konia.
discovery rewarded our journey before we reached Among the rather confused routes leading across Asia
enumerated by the Arab soldier of the ninth century, Ibn Khordadhbeh, is one which, in a very long paper on Lycaonia in the Austrian Jahreshefte, 1904, I conjectured to be
Minor
to Constantinople
the hill-road from Konia to Ak-Sheher, the most direct

capital.
way
to the
On
it
the
Arab geographer
places the Castle of Dakalias.
Now
that road,
about six or seven miles north-west of Konia, overhanging is a lofty conical peak, which forms a very conspicuous
St.
and useful point for geographical observations, called Hill by the Greeks, and Takali Dagh by the Turks.
Philip's
After that
paper was printed we ascended the peak, on geographic cares intent. The aneroid makes the summit 1,900 feet above Konia. summit is occupied by a great castle, one of the series of castles
The
on high, steep points by which the Byzantine emperors tried to We hear most defend the country against raiders from the East.
about them during the Saracen wars, but the system is of older origin. One at least of the most typical among them, Sivri-Hissar (" Pointed
Castle "), in
veals
site
Western
Galatia,
which was
called Justinianopolis, re-
its Another, Verinopolis, the early foundation by its name. of which we fixed during the present year on a similar lofty peak at Zengijek, eleven hours north-east of Konia, carries us back to an even earlier date, about a.d. 474.
When we
not at the time
discovered that
make
St. Philip was a great castle, I did the obvious connection between the Turkish
and the Arabic name.
But
this
year,
when we came
in
sight of
Takali Dagh, the Identity with the Castle of Dakalias struck me. Takali commands the road on which Ibn Khordadhbeh describes
Dakalias.
a
I
245
thought that, when we climbed the peak, we had made but when we returned home I found that, as usual, discovery, " Hamilton the prince of travellers in Asia Minor," as I have often
not omitted to ascend Takali styled the existence of the castle.
him had
Dagh, and record

found at
a new house on the edge of the where the the road from town, railway station enters an open square. Copies of them were sent me last January by one of my servants, a
Three exceptionally important Konia in digging the foundations of
inscriptions have been
Greek, son of a professional magician in Konia ; and I recopied them in the beginning of May. One was inscribed on the gravestone, or
on the pedestal of a
It
statue, in
honour of the
first
duumvir of
the
colony. puts an end to the controversy in which I have for some time been involved against some German scholars, especially
Prof.
Zahn.
Colony,
They maintained
I
that
Claudius
Roman
that
Hadrian founded the
made Iconium a The new incolony.
scription shows that the foundation cannot have happened till well on in the second century the date may be confidently assigned as The other two inscriptions mention the names of A.D. 130-137.
:
three of the Iconian Tribes, one of

called
Athena
its
],
a second
Augusta, and a third

official called
called
Hadriana Herculana.
head.
Each Tribe
had an
a Prostates at
The
constitution of
Iconium was hitherto entirely unknown. But an old inscription, badly published in the C.I.G., 3995 ^, mentions the four Stemmata
of the Colon ia.
ferred
The Stemmata must mean honorary
crowns, con-
sented in relief on the
by the four Tribes which constituted the Colonia, and repremonument. There remains, therefore, still
is
one Iconian Tribe, whose name
unknown.
to
a
tribe,
is
The goddess Athena, who gave name
styled
;
Minerva Zizymene in a Latin inscription (C.I.L., iii., 13638) but In the this epithet was not used in the inscription just mentioned. Hellenic city a more Hellenic title was employed in the municipal Dr. Th. Wiegand, to whom two impresinstitution of the Tribe.
246
W. M.
RAMSAY
by Dr. Loytved,
I
sions of the first-mentioned inscription were sent
helped to make the impressions of this and other inscriptions), reads the Tribal name as 'Adr)vai I examined the stone carefully twice and can attest that n[o\iaSo9]. as the fracture passes after no complete letter could be seen 'A.0Tijva<;,
German Consul
in
Konia (whom
across the middle of s at the end of 'A0r)va^, and that letter
is
indi-
cated in
my
copy
as
incomplete but certain.

or IK.
There remain, however,

:
the lower ends of
two perpendicular
ITT,
lines after 'Adrjva.<;
be taken for H, or IT, or

is
might But Dr. Wiegand's restoration
these
probably the correct text, and is certainly true to the religious the Iconian Minerva Zizimena was beyond all doubt the facts
:
patron goddess of the
city,
and naturally bore the Greek
title Polias.
According to the usual practice of Hellenistic cities, these Tribes, doubtless, were composed of four different nationalities which
The foundation of a Colonia by Hadrian the population. colonists it no of Roman accession merely meant that the brought city was raised to the most honourable rank and the highest privimade up
:
leges accorded to a provincial city.
The
four Tribes are therefore
of earlier origin
and we may probably believe that one contained
the original Phrygian population (the Tribe of Athena Zizimene), one the Hellenic and afterwards also the Roman citizens (the Tribe Augusta, renamed and enlarged by Augustus), and one the East
Anatolian element (the Tribe Herculana).
hours north of Konia, where quicksilver mines have been worked from a remote period and are still worked, retains the name of the ancient Zizima, the seat of
Sizma,
a
village
among
the
hills
five
the worship of the goddess, the Mother of Zizima, who was widely Her worshipped in the country around, north and east and south.
home was
indicated to
here offered for their use.
men by the underground wealth which was The village contains many monuments
of her worship, showing that she was simply a local form of the Phrygian goddess Cybele. She is accompanied by a lion or a pair " of lions ; she bears the title " Mother of gods ; and an archigallos
was the chief of a company of
priests
247
to
attached
her
worship.
Seven inscriptions, discovered in recent years, mention her title ; the last was found at Sizma by Mr. Garstang this year, and afterwards me. others to her worship without naming relate Many recopied by
her.
The Roman system of managing
the mines at Zizima

Classical
is
de-
scribed, so far as the scanty records permit, in the
Review,
1905' PP- 367-370 and 429. The territory of Iconium was bounded to north-east by the On the road to Archelais, just before it long ridge of Boz-Dagh.
reached the mountains, there was a village of Iconium, probably called Salarama ; two old Turkish khans, one called Kutu-Delik, close under
Boz-Dagh, the other
called Sindjerli, seven or eight miles
to
the
south, have been built out of the ruins of the ancient village, which probably stood closer to Kutu-Delik. wealthy Iconian family,
which attained the
century, and took the

this
Roman citizenship probably as early as the first Roman name Aponius, possessed property in
and
its
neighbourhood
members both served

Iconium
;
in
the Imperial
armies and held municipal
office in
but their family burial-
There is at Kutu-Delik also a milestone place was at the village. dated under the Governor of Galatia [C. Atticius] Strabo, a.d. 198,
proving (as I have long maintained in opposition to the high authority of M. Imhoof Blumer) that Iconium was in the Province Galatia down to this time (which practically means that, like Pisidian
Antioch and Apollonia,

A.D. 295).
It
is
it
was a Galatian
in the present
city
from
b.c.
25 to about
p.
published in the Classical Review, 1905,
416
see also Prof.

VI.
T. Callander
volume,
p.
172.
VERINOPOLIS, PSEBILA
AND THE CENTRAL TRADE ROUTE.
Crossing Boz-Dagh by the road leading to Archelais, we kept away to the left along the northern slope of Boz-Dagh, and passed
through a series of ancient villages or small towns. Of these one was at the village of Geimir, where we found part of the architrave of a large building dedicated to the Emperor Pius, and some other
248
inscriptions,
W. M.
both pagan
RAMSAY
Christian.
and
The
situation
on
the
"
and the west in general Syrian route," which led from the Masander by Laodiceia Combusta, Psebila (Suwerek), Savatra, Kanna, Cybistra and the Cilician Gates to Tarsus and Antioch, explains the comparaGraeco- Roman civilisation into this remote tively early penetration of we Keeping on close to the northern skirts of Boz-Dagh,
village.
Zulmandani-Khan (where no inscription rewarded us), which and then to Zengijek, preserves the ancient name of Zeus Zemroutenos, which seemed a specially miserable and uninviting village as we For many hours on entered it after sunset amid a storm of rain.
came
to
that day
it
we had been journeying towards a towering peak, watching On the following gradually grow more distinct as we approached.
day, turning to the north, along the road Konia-Zengijek-SuwefekAngora, we crossed a high ridge, and on the crest of the ridge we found ourselves under and close to the peak which had attracted our
on the preceding day. We now could see that the peak bore a Byzantine castle, and on this and the preceding and following days we observed that it overlooks and commands a wide extent of country and must have been chosen as a fortress on that account.
attention
At
the present day surveyors
point for readings. five miles from Zengijek, where I had recently placed the ancient road-station Psebila or Psibela or Psibella (in the Peutinger Table
called Pegella).
an extremely useful Crossing the ridge we came to Suwerek, about

select
it
would
as
The ancient topography now became clear. In a minute study of Lycaonia (published in the Austrian Jahreshefte, 1904, pt. ii.) I had pointed out that Savatra was the leading city of Northern
Lycaonia during the early centuries, succeeded to that position about 474.
able to
find
but
I
Verinopolis had had, however, not been

that
:
it was the exact position of Verinopolis practically certain that one of the two associated towns, Psebila and Verinopolis,
was situated
at
Suwerek
but
knew of no
clearly suitable situation
for the other of the pair, having never seen
Suwerek or explored the
district.
249
Now
all
was
clear, as
soon
as
saw the
castle
of Zengijek.
The open
defenceless situation of Savatra was
found unsuitable for
the metropolis of Northern Lycaonia during the troubled times of the fourth and fifth centuries. The lofty peak of Zengijek-Kale,
about four hours
W.N.W.
of Savatra, was marked out
as the true
centre of defence in the military system of that period ; and at last about 474 this situation of affairs was recognised, and the castle was built on the peak and called by the name of the Empress Verina
and made into a bishopric and the capital of the whole region. The situation of Suwerek-Psebila on the cross-roads made
always important, though indefensible as a fortress tinued to exist as an open town throughout history.
;
it
and
it
con-
The
bishopric
was never absolutely merged in Verinopolis, but both names were Both pagan and Christian inscriptions, some of joined in the title.
great interest, are numerous at Suwerek. Zengijek is full of Christian stones, of early Byzantine period, together with some inscriptions which may be of the late Roman
time.
station,
Suwerek, on the other hand, is a Roman site and roadwith four Latin inscriptions, probably all milestones on one
or other of the
the
Roman
roads which met here.
One
milestone contains
in a.d.
name of
C. Atticius Strabo,
Governor of Galatia
198,
and the distance PE, i.e., 105, engraved in very rude misshapen letters the village must be about one hundred and five miles distant from Ancyra, whence the distances throughout Galatia Provincia were
;
counted.
tant
The
in
one
road from Ancyra to Iconium, necessarily an importhe administration of the Province, passed through
Psebila, then crossed the ridge by Zengijek-Kale to Zengijek in the corner between that ridge and the line of Boz-Dagh, and then crossed Boz-Dagh towards Bunar-Bashi and Iconium. At Psibela
this
from the west
important Galatian road crossed the great Central Trade Route to Archelais, Caesareia and the Euphrates ; and here
the Syrian route diverged, and went, as already described, by Savatra to the Cilician Gates. It has rarely been my lot to find a case
250
W. M.
RAMSAY
where mere inspection of the localities cleared up so completely the ancient topography and at the same time confirmed so thoroughly
the partial inferences previously drawn from literary authorities. In Byzantine history one incident is connected with Psebila,
though the name

:
is
not mentioned.
In a.d.
977
a part of the troops
of the rebel Bardas Sclerus found themselves confronted by the imthe two armies were marching in different directions perial generals
The tribute, which was being along the Central Trade Route. taken from Syria to Constantinople, was carried by a road passing right between the two armies, which were still at some distance from
one another.
Psebila,
Evidently the one army was a

little
little
to the east of
and the other a
to the west, while the tribute was
carried
from Syria by Savatra and Psebila towards Amorium and
Constantinople, the shortest way. At Dedeler, four hours west of Suwerek, on the road to SeraiInn and the west coast, we found a large number of inscriptions.
perhaps prove to be a historical monument of considerable importance. It is one of the rare Byzantine inscripwhich from the few stereotyped formulae and such tions, diverge
these
One of
may
exceptional inscriptions have usually in other cases been found to relate to persons of The forms of the letters it high family.
prove
to be of a late period, not earlier than the eighth or ninth century, later. Above it is an elaborate cross in perhaps considerably tracery
within a fantastically ornate circle, vnep avairavcrecDs Koiixrjaewi; k tov hovKov rov hovkov [sic .'] rov O(eo)v Bap8aKofxaKaprjas fj-vrnx-Tj^ (x-qTov Movi'i,ovp7) Ke tov 7r(aT)p(o)s avTov 'AvTreXa tov Xwa-dp-q.
Accents are placed over most of the words (excepting vnep, kc, over the avTov false accent and spelling 'Avireka) breathing are used. This BapSaKoprjTov inscription seems to carry us back to
; ;
a rather romantic scene in Byzantine history. In A.D. 971, to Leo Diaconus,
according p. 119 fF., the rebel Bardas Phocas advanced from Cassareia towards Constantinople to contest the imperial Sclerus, who was sent against him. dignity.
251
marched by Dorylaion to Dipotamon, an imperial estate not far from Philomelion (Alc-Sheher). Phocas, therefore, must have advanced
by the Central Route through Psibela and Dedeler, towards PhiloFrom Dipotamon Sclerus sent agents, who induced many of melion.
Phocas's adherents to desert.
Phocas had to
flee
towards the
east,
and took refuge in the Castle of the Tyrants (rwi^ Tvpdpi^cov), called Antigous and the place where his army dispersed bore the name of
;
Barda-etta,
" the
defeat of Bardas
".
Now, when we
find
that
Barda-kome was situated on the road by which Phocas marched, we must be struck with the coincidence, and still more when we find
that in this inscription the in the war, as narrated by
name Anpelas occurs (which Leo Diaconus, vii.).

In
plays a part
my Histor. Geography, p. 141, where this passage is discussed, Barda-etta is placed much nearer Philomelion, and the castle Tyrannorum is identified with Tyriaion
(the reading
Only one
difficulty occurs here.
being supposed to be corrupted from Tyraenorum)is
This, however,
impossible, for Antigous was farther east in the

;
Thema of
Cappadocia (as Ibn Khordadhbeh says) moreover, Phocas had fortified it beforehand as a retreat in case of defeat, and, in advancing from Cassareia, he could hardly have hoped to hold a place With this exception the so far west as Tyriaion in case of defeat. is confirmed about the localities by the new inscription, reasoning
and Barda-etta may be supposed to be a Grecised form of the native Phrygian name of the village, which is here called by the Greek title
Barda-kome.
VII.
NORTHERN LYCAONIA AND THE PHRYGIAN FRONTIER.

found the
site
We
about
region
its
of an unknown
city,
six
is
hours N.N.E. from Dedeler.

so vague
now utterly uninhabited, The map of this whole

is
and uncertain that

;
it
impossible to specify
cannot be very far west of the road-system road Ancyra-Iconium. The nearest village is Kara-Bagh about five
position in the
but
it
or six miles to the north-east
the nearest Yaila
is
called
Eurek,
252
W. M.
:
RAMSAY
the site
is
about two miles to the north

inscriptions at
called
Azak.
Azak mentions
an Archiereus, so that
of a city and not a mere village as situated there. scriptions at Eurek, Kara-Bagh, and other Yailas, belong to this Near sunset we found that no barley for the horses could be city.
One of the we must think Numerous in-
money at Eurek, where we had intended to stop, and we went off very unwillingly to Tcheshmeli-Zebir, two and a half hours N.N.W. This is a Yuruk village, newly settled and
got for love or
G. C. Anderson copied here in 1899 have almost all disappeared; but we found many new ones. We also found a Greek mason, building a Turkish
newly
built.
The
inscriptions
which Mr.
J.
school,
who informed
us that the finest site in the whole country
Sinanli, twelve hours away to N.W., where there were at least 500 inscriptions, never seen by To go in any European.
at
was
required a complete change of plan, and many disBut appointments make me extremely sceptical about such tales.
this direction
gradually worked round to Sinanli, and after four busy days of long travelling and many inscriptions we found ourselves late one
we
afternoon at the much-lauded
mere
village,
not a
city.
was very disappointing, a In front of the mosque were two much

site.
It
worn and
practically undecipherable inscriptions in the later Phrygian which contained a formula quite different from any that I language,
had hitherto
therefore determined to dig up some stones which appeared above the ground in the middle of the village, in the of better of the formula. Sinanli is a small hope finding examples
seen.
I
Kurd
to
village,
and the people were
all
away
at
Yaila
so
we had
I
go
to the nearest Yaila about an
hour
distant.
Hitherto
had
believed that Tiberias (so far as my personal knowledge extended) was the filthiest town inhabited by man ; but this Kurd Yaila was
worse.
storm of rain confined us to
hut during the night,
and made the whole Yaila unspeakably malodorous. thankfully in the morning, and by seven o'clock had
We
a
got away dozen Kurds
working
in their
lazy fashion at the stones.
The
excavation was no
253
easy matter, as the stones turned out to be about four to five feet deep ; and the Kurds were sick of the work when they had got down
two
feet.
But
in
the end
we were
able to leave Sinanli with four

fairly
complete Phrygian inscriptions, one a
long
text,
one fragment,
in
and twenty-five Greek epitaphs. These Phrygian inscriptions, which
have just published
the Austrian Jahreshefte, will rouse much interest among the Comparative Philologists, as they contain many interesting words and
forms, and throw

the "
much
light
on the Phrygian language.

oua
words
may
mention,
(meaning
either
"
tribe
Among "
or
village,"
Greek
oia, wa,
wâ), ankaioi or akkeoi (Greek
aLvdyKrj),
teutous (either "people" or "judgment," "authoritative decision"), bekos (which Herodotus mentions as the Phrygian for " bread ").
formula, which occurs in four of the inscriptions, is in its simplest form ios ni semoun knoumnni kakoun addaket, gegreimenan " who ever to this tomb harm (once gegeimenan) egedoutios outan : shall do, he is liable to the prescribed penalty ". I shall mention
here only one
The new
more
point, the ingenious

last
and derivation of the

gested.
word
and convincing explanation outan, which Prof. Sayce sug-
avarav
pointed out that outan must correspond to the Greek " These (dialectic form of aTrji/), and thus it means penalty ".
He
new
inscriptions are published
inscriptions
work of
(almost the Asia
all,
and the whole corpus of late Phrygian with rare exceptions, copied during the
Minor Exploration
Fund) discussed
in
the
Austrian Jahres/ie/te, 1905.
The numerous early Christian inscriptions of this North Lycaonian region are utterly different in form and ornamentation from those
of Nova Isaura and Southern Lycaonia (described by Miss Ramsay in the first article of this volume, pts. ii., iii.). They are usually either tall stelai or altars. Many of them are adorned with representation of household implements, portable fireplaces, often saucepans standing on them, spindles and distaffs, and so on
with
;
and
exactly
the same representations are found on pagan tombstones.
254
W. M.
is
RAMSAY
on the Christian tomb-
The peacock
several times represented
stones, taking the place filled by the dove on Southern Lycaonian One epitaph contains a clear reference to Revelation iii. 20, stones.
the grave is commended to the care of Him who knocks where In a pagan epitaph a dutiful son the door stands before Him. " as Artemis," and shows his religion by pure praises his mother " commending her knowledge of the works of Athena," as represented
on the gravestone-distaff, portable

It
is
fireplace
and cooking-pot
Kiepert's
is
it
(p. 70).
quite extraordinary
is
how erroneous
;
new
large-
scale
map of Turkey
in this region
and
difficult to describe
Two roads lead the complication of error into which he has fallen. Mennek-Yaila and from Konia over Boz-Dagh, one by Egri-Baiyat and Zengijek to Suwerek ; the other by Dibi-Delik to Obruk.
Kiepert interpolates a third road midway between these two, places on it a second Egri-Baiyat (he has the village fairly correct on the
I true road), and puts Mernek-Yaila on this non-existent road. The a column in this strain ; but it is useless. on for might go
country has never been surveyed Kiepert has only loose and careless notes of travellers to go upon, and often their descriptions are so inaccurate that they seem to be describing different roads when they
:
have really been traversing

take in Kiepert's
all
is
the same
path.
For every misI
map
there
a foundation in the carelessness (or,
should rather say, the deadly fatigue and weariness) of a traveller. The only wonder is that Kiepert has been able to make a map that
is
so good.
mention the seriousness of the mistakes not for the
I have sake of fault-finding, but of warning. utterly failed to make believe that there are faults in the professional geographers England
in
from the published maps. Kiepert, or to induce them to vary in You may spend weeks or months drawing a better map ; you put
it
into the professional geographer's hands, and out comes the old Kiepert unchanged, and the draftsman is quite hurt at your inafter
gratitude, and variations
he has taken so
much
care to correct
all
your vagaries
from the standard map.
VIII.
255
SOUTHERN LYCAONIA AND THE ISAURIAN FRONTIER.

in this direction
Our work
were spent
was not so
fruitful.
Some days
;
in the Isaurian hill country, in search
of a reported great
engineering work, a tunnel to carry the waters of
Tcharshamba River
but we had not time to attain any result, not even a negative one collected (which always needs more time than a positive result).
We
some
inscriptions
and made drawings and photographs of some
monuments.
At Alkaran, near Nova Isaura, we got a number of inscribed monuments excavated. One was of the regular Christian Isauran type, a fitting companion to the tomb of the Makarios Papas (see
pp.
23,
34 of
this
;
about A.D. 250-300
volume), and of the same period, probably a dove with a leaf in its mouth, incised on the
stone, makes an interesting addition to the Christian symbolism of Central Asia Minor. Another tombstone, p. 54, which covered the
grave of a physician, has the sacred fish three times repeated on it. Several others have the type of the dove, showing that this was a favourite emblem on tombstones in Lycaonia during the third and
fourth centuries.
found
at Iconium,
fourth century metrical epitaph of a Presbyter, It was not in compares the deceased to a dove.
;
our power to continue any longer the excavations but there can be no doubt that, with some small expenditure in excavation, a great deal of information about the state of the country around Derbe and
Lystra during the early Christian period might be recovered here.
IX.
THE THOUSAND AND ONE CHURCHES
IN LYCAONIA.
This site, the Turkish Bin-Bir-Kilisse, " looi Churches," also called Maden-Sheher, " City of Mines," has attracted increased attention since the publication of Strzygowski's Kleinasien ein Neuland der
Kunstgeschichte which was reviewed in 'The Athenteuin, 14th
,
Novem-
incorporates the description and rough plan by Mr. Crowfoot, as also a more detailed plan by Smirnov, and a study in considerable detail by
ber,
1903 (p. 656), by the present writer.
The work
256
W. M.
RAMSAY
The Prof. Strzygowski-, founded on these and older authorities. account of the site given in this book is by far the best, though
still
is-
only a very inadequate one.
The whole argument of
the book
to the
founded on the
belief that the site
and buildings belong
that the methods of construction practised early Byzantine period, and
there
may
of Byzantine the whole cordially laudatory review just mentioned, it seems to me, with the exception of one rather important detail described below,
to be
a starting-point in the history safely be taken as almost As to the discriminating, but on church architecture.
on the right lines, and I still maintain as a whole the views But the assumption of an early date for the Thousand stated in it. and One Churches as a whole, from which Strzygowski starts, The results at which we be dismissed as erroneous. must
certainly
arrived in
history
1905
as to the date
of the churches and the chequered
which they belonged, are so opposed to that it seems useful to make them existing ideas and prepossessions known as widely as possible especially as they prove more clearly
of the city
to
than ever that extremely important results, including probably a in one city from about a.d. 350 to history of church construction
and might be reached by a trained architect with means I The historical sketch which shall give leisure to examine the site. rests on objective and incontrovertible evidence, and some such
1050,
view seems
will
as
likely
I
work
to form the basis on which future exploration write purely as an epigraphist and historian, and not
state
an opinion on architectural questions. about seventy-four kilometres (by the Bagdad Railway Survey) from Konia, in a hollow on the northern In 1882 I flank of Kara-Dagh, looking out direct to the north.
presuming to
Bin-Bir-Kilisse
lies
in the company spent part of a day on the site, when travelling in but I was Anatolia Consul-General then of Sir Charles Wilson, ; at that
time a mere beginner in exploration, and had not learnt how to search for evidence moreover, I had contracted an illness in
;
Konia, and was hardly able
to sit
on a horse, much
less to
wander
in
257
This time, in May, 1905, the heat over those widespread ruins. we reached the site about sunset, having spent the day on the top of the mountain (Kara-Dagh) at a site called Daoule or Devle,
which
is
a sort of high-lying annexe to Bin-Bir-Kilisse.
Rain began
during the night, and expelled us from our couches on the housetop. I spent the hours from 4.30 to 7.30 a.m. in examining some of the
churches
;
then
we were driven away by
the approach of a great
thunderstorm, which had been long overdue and threatening, and which envelof)ed the mountain in dense mist and rain for three
days.
But we found enough to say with confidence that both sites belong mainly to the period when Byzantine power was reviving from the Saracen attack, and especially to the time after the Saracen
invasions had ceased
to
be a constant danger.
Daoule probably
belongs to the intermediate period, a.d. 650-900 ; and Bin-BirKilisse in its more exposed situation is at once the earlier and the
churches belong to the tenth or eleventh century. On the upper site, at Daoule, an inon one of the churches mentions that it was [built] or scription [renovated] (the serious doubt and difference are caused by a break
later site.
In the latter a
number of
the
in the stone)
{i.e.
during the time when Leo was the metropolitan bishop of Iconium), about a.d. 787 a second was of similar date, and
;
others
certain
may
be
earlier.
The
evidence, so far as
it is
it
reaches,
is
absolute,
and incontrovertible, because
epigraphic.
Mr. Crowfoot
" speaks of the paucity of inscriptions," and seems to imply that there are none, or next to none. But there are a fair number in
;
my two very brief visits I have copied above not examined more than a quarter of the site.
:
a dozen,
and
have
Two,
at least,
which
Radet and Paris in one by escaped me, have been copied Others I know to exist. 1886, and one by Miss Bell in 1905. The study of the architecture must be based on epigraphy, for this
fixes in
MM.
some degree the chronology and the
historical circumstances.
As
town
to the purpose of the two-score churches in or above that in the oval recess among the mountains, the epigraphic evidence
17
2S8
W. M.
RAMSAY
in
shows that at least three were erected and one was built or renovated as
presbyter
memory of deceased persons, vow and an expiation by a

;
who
ably several be proved similarly to be
from the duties of the ministry and probothers will, as the epigraphy is more carefully studied,
retired
votive or mortuary.
am
uncertain
I
whether or not two other memorial inscriptions which

belonged to churches or only to graves. The church at Daoule, erected or renovated
is
copied
by the presbvter and the attention of reward just mentioned, engage architects, on account of the important inscription which gives the
one which
In
will
date of the work.
Konia
this inscription
was mentioned to
it
me
probably gave a date of construction, but as decayed and almost illegible. I spent the best part of five hours on it, and ought to have returned to it on the following day but the storm made this impossible.
;
by Miss
Bell as being of extrerne importance, because
Still
most part of it is certain. It is engraved on two adjoining stones inside a small chamber on the north side of the church, near the west
end.
The building is ruinous in this part my work on it was never completed, and I state the place of the inscription on Miss Bell's information.
:
+
607)
fi'X^
IRaayjXrjov
n pe[cr/3i;Te/ooii]
v]
d[vcv-?
TO
TTpeafivrepco
firjTpoTro
Tov
TTjvov
ayioTo^Tov]
AeovTos \lTOV 09 KocTTavviro

.
rov
7(7)) !''(?)
K ivOVTO'i
jxov
ayrjOTo. Tov py^TponoXiTov eov jJbOV if dovvapCa k

. .
r)êvov
ra,
eKTeX
tl
yvo/j.
Iv
rj]
TO.
iKovarrja
fiov
[rjpr/a Soy/iak ax{0]peTO [0]ov\rj

8>)
TT a p err) <T a fj.y)v ttjv TOV X[pio"T]oi) XiTovpyLav

I
TToXvTrodrjTov
TrjSe
Trpocrev)(i
iiri)
p.v
t/xe
/ce
Trap a/caXo Tou eXe-
7)fioaCav
W9
i
evcrnX
a(f)
oi)(yo<;
poL 80s
p.
a pT
p.
aT ov
earjv
Tts
apov
Ke 'UpCvts
crvp[0jt]ov pc^v
p,rjvo<;
SeTrjreySpioi; lv(ZiKTi,(>ivo<;) S'.
259
The inscription is full of difficulties, and the reading was almost a matter of guesswork. The chamber was badly lighted ; the day was sunless and dark with the coming storm. The number of years in line 5 cannot be for rpia, is equally false is right [TJpija,
: :
[ojyjja
also impossible
so
is
[rJ/aijoiST^
for TpiaZi.
In line 10
e-rrq {i.e. iirel)
fxev i/te (i.e. el/xat) is
perhaps a familiar prayer, cited by

1 1
its first
words
(as
Prof.
F.
Cumont
Line
lXrjfjLova(v).
me). ends with 80s. The meaning

suggests
to
iXerffiocriav misread for

is
:
" + By the vow of Basil the presbyter was [renewed ? ] the presbyterium under the rule of Leo the most holy metropolitan until Constantine the most holy metropolitan during fifty-one years (?). And when I was involved in failure of strength, and ... to complete the dogmas, of my own free opinion and voluntary plan ' I resigned the much-loved service of Christ by this prayer, When I am, eu. ; and I beseech the Merciful that He grant (God) compassionately to me remission of the sins of me and of Irene my wife."
. .
.
'
though extremely badly spelt, composed by a person whose mother-tongue was Greek
it
This inscription,
stands in
is
evidently
in this
and
contrast to the Phrygian and Pisidian respect inscriptions in Greek of the early centuries, which are evidently the work of persons that did not speak Greek as their native language
marked
but only had a smattering of the speech. The date under Leo is fortunately clear and certain.
reference
is
The
indubitably to
the
bishop of the metropolis of the
province, viz.,
Iconium
account on
this site.
no other metropolitan could be taken into Now Leo was metropolitan bishop of Iconium
:
at the second Council of Nicasa, a.d. 787.
The rude
lettering
and
the detestable spelling show that the inscription is very late, and that no unknown earlier Leo, who might possibly have existed in the very defective
to.
list
After stating
the
of Iconian bishops, can have been referred circumstances, the presbyter ends with a
prayer for the pardon of the sins of himself and his wife Irene. Strzygowski points out (Kleinasien, pp. 105, 187, 207) that the
enlargement of the presbyterion of
church
is
common
feature at
26o
Bin-Bir-Kilisse.
W. M.
RAMSAY
The
apse alone was originally the place for the
presbyters, but afterwards the eastern part of the nave, with the first column on each side, was added. If my conjecture that this operation was performed by Basil is right, traces of the change ought
to be evident, even in this ruinous church ; and thus the conjecture The date about a.d. 787 for this should be proved or disproved. change would be typical, probably, for other cases.
But
in this
is
and
in numberless other points our brief examination
of the ruins
by
careful study
only important as showing how much might be done by an architect and an epigraphist ; and my chief
is to plead for the equipment of such an enterprise on a few hundred pounds ^say ;^300 or ^350 with reasonable scale. at least a month free on the spot, to measure, to dig, to move
purpose
stones, etc.,
would
result, if suitable persons
can be found for the
work,
in a
most valuable architectural and
historical study.
At
the
same
if
it may be hoped that this paper will give sufficient proof, that neither the architect alone, nor the be needed, any epigraphist each can raise many questions, and indicate lines alone, is sufficient
time,
of search, which only the other can deal with and follow out. The term " presbyterion," which is used in the dedication of
the retired presbyter, must mean the part of the church appropriated to the synedrion or collegium of the presbyters ; the word kollegi{o)n
occurs in the interior inscription of another church (Crowfoot, No. III.), where it should probably be interpreted in this sense, and not
the above-mentioned review of Strzygowski " \ol Setf es] TO KoKky)yi,v iv KOivai ev^dixevoi ere[Xecrai'] [Certain persons] completed the space appropriated to the college of presbyters,
in the in
: :
way taken
having made a
earlier in the
vow
".
That
inscription of the kollegi(o)n
is
perhaps
form of lettering than any other of the inscriptions hitherto mentioned but I have not seen it since 1882, and the letters are of such a character and so distant from the eye that the forms in my copy afford little criterion of date.
;
stronger chronological argument
is
furnished by three in-
261
scriptions on three adjoining stones in the same course in the outer wall of the apse of this same church (Crowfoot, No. III.). The first
is
hieratic
[r]]
the letters
are
tj?
coarse,
and
the
spelling abominable
avTT)
is
KaTVKvarr)<; fxov
iova
iovo<:
:
oSe KarvKva-o auTT^v]
"
:
This
this
my
habitation for ever

is
and ever
the eighth
thus inhabit
it
".*
That
inscription
as late
as
or ninth, or even
the tenth
century seems certain ; that it was engraved as a sort of consecration when the church was new I feel little doubt ; but any one
is
free to consider that
it
was cut
at a
later date
than the building
of the church, and
his
On
the next stone to the right in the tion cut by a different hand
:
opinion could not be directly disproved. same course is another inscrip-
ivddBe
7)
Ka%TfjLrj
TciKrjTe
e(f)d.vov,
ypovaa f
i
Tâpoutra
fir)vr)
ttot
Noe'/S/Dou
the daughter of Stephanus, who never showed perception or pleasure I take this to record on the tenth November .". that the church commemorates the witless child of the dedicator,
"
Here
lies
Stephanus
after the
but here again the opinion
may
be maintained that this
inscription,
which
also
is
indubitably very
church was
first
built.
was engraved long Both are published by MM. Radet and

late,
Paris
tion
;
copy nearly accurate but without transcripthe second incomplete and transcribed incorrectly (reading
the
in a
Mrjyi'o? as
name of
the daughter, instead of
fii]
yi/oi)cra,t Bulletin
de
Corresfondance Hellenique, 1886, p. 512) ; but they have omitted the decisive evidence of date. The second inscription extends in
* KWTVKvao
it".
j-
for KaToiKr)<To{v)
a
or perhaps for KaTol.KL:To{v),

a,
" in
this
way
establish
There
is
gap between yvova and
due to
a break in the surface of the old
tombstone.
X mi,
being in ligature, can readily be taken for
0.
262
W. M.
RAMSAY
and this stone already conpart on to the next stone on the right ; in fact it was a tained an epitaph before the church was built it to its place in the church, and gravestone, which was cut to adapt
This older epitaph itself the original epitaph on it was mutilated. was quite a late document, coarse and rude in lettering, and expressed in a formula of the
more developed
evdaê Ka-
style {Expositor,
December,
i905>
P-
442)
:
4-
raKtJre
yvovcra
e.
and they are faint, and thus escaped the notice of the two French explorers. This epitaph could not be earlier than the sixth or seventh century, and
Only
few
letters
remain of the
first
two
lines
may
before
be a good deal later ; and some interval must have elapsed it could be taken and cut to build the church. The interval
lasted probably until the

rebuilt,
end of the Arab
raids,
when
in
and many new churches were constructed,

hope that
I
the city was which old stones
were often used.

I
shall
not be understood to imply that the two
excellent explorers just mentioned showed carelessness in missing the letters of the older epitaph on the stone in the apse. I confess that I also failed to read them at first, thinking that they contained
an obliterated date, probably by indiction (as I saw only n clearly), and therefore valueless for chronology, even if it had been decipherbut afterwards, when I went on to the church mentioned below and found in its west wall three older inscribed stones, which the
able
;
builders had used,
returned to church No.
III.,
and re-examined
the inscriptions on the outside of the apse, with the results already described.
Thus church No.

which
I
III.
contains both
an interior inscription,
I
copied in
1882, and three exterior inscriptions, which
:
263
In each case I saw only what I copied in 1905 I copied in 1905. Pridik copied part of the inner had no time to enter the church.
inscription
making no sense of
it
(Strzygowski, Kleinasien,
p.
58),
and
This
MM.
is
Radet and Paris copied two of the exterior inscriptions. a typical example of the haphazard way in which the inscrip-
tions of Asia
Minor have been
collected.
completely done does the historical I cannot even guarantee that all these four inscriptions are in the same church. I can say only that the three exterior inscriptions are
in the
Only when the work is reasoning upon it become sure.
church marked
ski attributes to this
on the published plan and that Strzygowsame church, on Pridik's authority, the interior
III.
;
inscription,
which
copied twenty-three years ago without recording
the position of the church that it belonged to. Considering how all the and accounts of Bin-Bir-Kilisse are, we unsatisfactory plans
for a fuller and more accurate description of it and of In the latter only one church has been noticed by Crowfoot (his No. II.) ; Smirnov did not see Daoule, nor any other traveller I am except the indefatigable tourist Davis. glad to think that a
must wait
Daoule.
and trustworthy account of Daoule may soon be supplied by Bell, who has examined, photographed, and planned the place with a care and thoroughness that no one else has applied.
full
Miss
Since the preceding remarks were printed, good plans of many of the buildings at Bin-Bir-Kilisse have been published at Hamburg by Mr. Holtzmann, an engineer on the German Anatolian Railway.
His plan shows
my next paragraph. not mentioned on Crowfoot's plan, but which stands about two hundred yards north of the church at
clearly the
church described in
is
In another church
^which
" on the south-west side of the village, marked " Octagon. Church One is the plan there are three inscribed stones in the west wall.
turned upside down and re-cut, and this mutilated inscription is dated between a.d. 962 and 970. The other two stones are also very This church must late ; both are re-cut, and one is turned sideways.
therefore be dated in the eleventh century, not later than a.d. 107
i,
264
W. M.
RAMSAY
The Seljuk Turks conquered the but probably near that year. later than the concountry in 1072, and no churches can be dated
quest.
The
Christian population deserted Bin-Bir-Kilisse probably

in Byzantine archimost of these plain,
immediately after 1072. I am convinced that an explorer trained

tectural history
would
unhesitatingly assign to
;
Strzygowski had never seen them, and depends on very imperfect descriptions, ground-plans with and he was evidently much influenced very few elevations or details " we may regard the by Mr. Crowfoot's unhesitating opinion that ruins of Bin-BIr-Kilisse as the remains of a typical provincial town of
undecorated buildings a late origin
;
In place of this date we must now subthe early Byzantine age ". " the ninth to eleventh centuries ". stitute But, while the churches
for the
most part belong to
this late date,
it
does not follow that
their designs are late.
In that remote and sequestered spot, tar from
the centres of civilisation, early forms and designs
may have
been
a growing plainness preserved and repeated with little change, except and a decrease in richness of ornament. But I lay no stress on my I depend on the imperfect comprehension of architectural character.
Bin-Bir-Kilisse is of late Byzantine epigraphic evidence that as a whole It was abanuntouched time, but pure Byzantine, by Seljuk work.
doned about
It is
a. d.
1072-1100.
is
only a late site. It is an old site, but, being exposed to the full fury of Saracen raids, the three cenit is likely to have been completely destroyed during None of the churches on the lower turies of war A.D. 660-965.
not meant, however, that Bin-Bir-Kilisse
site
can safely be dated between 660 and 900. During that time the higher parts of the mountain alone were safe, and most of the
churches at Daoule
may probably
650 we may look
for buildings at the lower site
Before be assigned to that period. and such ; buildings
are likely to have been destroyed by the Saracens, while those that belong to the tenth and eleventh centuries have suffered little from
the
hand of man, and have been exposed only
to the gentle influences
of nature.
for
265
The
explorer of Bin-Bir-Kilisse would do well to seek

suffered in-
some means of distinguishing buildings which have

these
; may safely be dated before a.d. 660. Probably a careful examination would reveal much about the history of the city of Barata, and might show that churches of very similar
tentional devastation
plan were executed before 650 and after 900. Epigraphic evidence of that older city, the Barata of the
Roman
and early Byzantine periods, is not wholly wanting. MM. Radet and Paris have fortunately copied and published the inscription on a sarcophagus, which I did not see. Although the text is incomplete
restorable, it is expressed in an early class of formula, and can hardly be later than the middle of the fourth century. Also the inscriptions in the extreme north-western church (Crowfoot, No. VI.)
and not
may
if I
perhaps belong to an early period
may judge' from my copies made not very distinctive, and one could not lay any stress on those hasty It is unsafe to copies made so long ago. express any opinion without seeing the inscriptions again.
Daoule
as a
the fifth century, possibly, in 1882 ; but the forms are
also
had probably a complicated history.

in
It
was perhaps
begun monastery high among about the end of the fourth century or during the fifth. This process of retirement in mountains and was seeking deep glens practised in Eastern Anatolia Basil and soon after the already by Gregory,
middle of the fourth century.
constant raid,
a retired spot
the mountains,
Then, during the times of unrest and the centres of population were removed from exposed
spots like Bin-Bir-Kilisse, near the level of the plain, to places high among the mountains of Kara-Dagh and Karadja-Dagh. Then
Daoule probably came to be used as a town for residence, until the Byzantine power was reinvigorated during the tenth century, and
Saracen raids ceased.
If the views just expressed are more evident than right, it is ever that the proper exploration of Bin-Bir-Kilisse and Devle is urgently needed in the interests of Byzantine history and of Christian
266
architecture.
W. M.
RAMSAY
There remain there the ruins of nearly two-score churches, belonging to all ages from the fourth or fifth century to It the eleventh, not to mention one large monastery at Daoule.
not merely plans, drawings, photographs of the architecture that are needed almost more necessary is it to observe carefully and collect all the evidence, epigraphic and otherwise, bearing on the date
is
:
With of the different buildings and on the history of the city. this should be united an exploration of four or five other remarkable
Kara-Dagh and Karadja-Dagh, all still practically unknown and unexplored. To judge from some photographs made on one of the Karadja-Dagh sites by Prof. T. Callander, my
Byzantine
sites in
travelling
earlier
companion
in
1904 and old
pupil, the remains there
seem
than anything that I have seen at Bin-Bir-Kilisse, and more like the ornate Syrian architecture (see p. 178).
ruins of Bin-Bir-Kilisse are probably those of the ancient city of Barata, a bishopric throughout the history of the Church in The evidence is not complete and conclusive ; but the Lycaonia.
The
only other possible supposition seems to be that Thebasa was situated here, Barata at Kara-Bunar, and Hyde at Emir-Ghazi ; and that
theory presents so many difficulties that, after inclining to it tempois needless here to state the rarily, I have had to abandon it, but it
difficulties
of the theory. The positive arguments which tend to prove that Barata was situated at Bin-Bir-Kilisse are stated in a
Lycaonia, by the present writer, in the Jahreshefte of the Austrian Archasological Society, 1904, part ii., but decisive epigraphic evidence is and they are pretty strong
very
long
article
on
The direct Roman road necessary before certainty can be attained. from Iconium to Cybistra would pass across the plain on the north side of Kara-Dagh ; and this route ought to be examined. The
increase of the marshes
on the north and north-west side of Kara-
Dagh, due to the water of Tcharshamba Su, has caused the route to
fall
into disuse.
In 1905
was strongly impressed with the
fact that at Bin-Bir-
Kilisse
267
:
seem to be two towns, the lower and the upper Holtzmann's plan shows the distinction clearly none of the other
there
:
plans do
allude to
village,
so,
it.
and none of the writers who have described the ruins
The lower town

it is it
and
north-west of
is nearly coincident with the modern the Roman North, north-east, and probably city. lies a widely scattered series of tombs, churches, and
(according to Holtzmann) buildings for public purposes, showing that (as is natural) the town spread out during the Roman peace
over the
South-west at a distinct interval lies a ground. considerable group of buildings, at a much higher elevation, on a
level
Crowfoot's " Octagonal Church and the strong defensible site. one with three gravestones in its west front wall (described above) belong to this upper town, which is otherwise generally very ruinous.
"
At
least
one other ruined church and many destroyed buildings
attracted
my
attention here.
Part of
my
geographical observations in order to
purpose in visiting Daoule was to get a series of fix the position of Bin-Bir-
Kilisse more accurately. But during the day we spent there the air was so dark with the coming storm that nothing was visible beyond
a distance of four or five miles out in the plain.
X.
THE PAINTED INSCRIPTIONS OF THE GOLDEN GATE

CONSTANTINOPLE.
The Golden Gate was
IN
the principal entrance to Constantinople, and Imperial triumphs came into the city by this way. The entrance through the inner wall is by a triple gate. Inscriptions in colour,
red and black, are painted on dividing piers between the doors these have never yet been correctly and completely published. In the
:
Berlin Corpus Inscr. Lat.,
iii.,
7405, the inscriptions
right side are incorrectly published

gible tions
while
on the
so badly
in
red on the
as to be quite unintelliall
the inscription in black on the right and left side are left unnoticed.
the inscrip-
268
Professor
W. M.
RAMSAY
in
admirable book on Byzantine Constantinople, in which he has summed up the results of many years of careful, minute, accurate and loving study, has given correctly on
his
p.
Van Millingen,
69 the Acclamationes in red ; but has omitted the other inscriptions. But in 1905, when he kindly gave us a day and showed my wife
and myself round the
walls,
we
all
came
to the conclusion
that
read part of the inscriptions, and might be read with time ; and in
1906 we were able to give an afternoon to the task in company with Mr. Frew and Professor T. Callander. But it is specially to Professor Van Millingen that the following complete decipherment
is
due.
On
the right of the central door is in red Ornate Cross 6 ^(eo)s /caXw? rjueyKcv
is
ere.
Underneath
ceive an
it.
painted in red a panel,
inscription,
upon of a later form, very carefully made.

and
though there is Below the panel is the following
apparently intended to reno appearance of any letters

inscription in red letters
\n\u\ni\eri militum primo sagitario[r\um leonum iuniorum below this in black letters of similar form
On
[nutneri militum cornutoru\m iuniorum. the left of the central door in red
Cross TToXXa.
to. err)
rwv
/SacriXewi/.
Beneath
it
this
is
a red-painted panel with
no trace of
letters
and below the panel an inscription ; to the letters on the right side.
in red letters, similar in
on form
[numeri militum primo sa'\gitariorum le\o'\nu\m iuniorumj and below this in black letters of similar form
[numeri] militum cor\n'\uto\ru'\m i[u'\niorum. Professor Van Millingen's view (as stated in conversation) has
always been that these inscriptions were painted on the walls immediately after the construction of the gateway to celebrate the triumphal entry of Theodosius I. in a.d. 391, after crushing the rebellion of
Maximus
in the
West.
The names of
the soldiers
are
269
apparently the same on the two sides, and the fragmentary inscriptions complete one another. In the list of soldiers under the disposition of the Magister
peditum
praesentalis in the
V. V. V.
{Not. Dign. Occ.) are 158, Cornuti seniores stationed in Italy. ,, 169, Cornuti iuniores
:
West
V. 171, Leones seniores

172, Leones iuniores
the disposition of the sentalis in the West are
:
Gallia.
Italy.
prae-
Under
Comes and Magister equitum

.
VI. 49, Equites Cornuti seniores stationed in Italy (?). VI. 50, Equites Cornuti iuniores Gallia or Italy VI. 69, Equites primo sagittarii ,, Africa.
(.'').
agree closely with those of the inscription, but the Eastern titles are not in such close agreement as we find under the disposition of the Magister militum per Orientem.
titles
These
33, Equites primi sagittarii*
under the disposition of the Magister militum praesentalis. V. 30, VI. 31, Comites sagittarii iuniores (and Armeni),
V. 54
f.,
VI. 54
f.,
Sagittarii seniores
(and iuniores) Gallicani
(and Orientales), under the disposition of the Magister militum per Thracias. 30, 31, Equites sagittarii seniores and iuniores.
that (unless titles had changed greatly between the date of the Notitiae Dignitatum Or. et Occ. and the making of the
It
would appear
on the Golden Gate) the soldiers mentioned in these inscriptions were part of the Western armies which had come to aid
inscriptions
or reinforce the East.

epigraphic evidence (which Prof. O. Hirschfeld recounts communication to me) favours the same conclusion. The two
The
in a
bodies of troops, Leones and Cornuti, are mentioned only in Italian

inscriptions
*
:
Considering the formula
in the inscriptions
is
and the
'Not. Occid., vii.,
69, just
quoted, we might
suspect that primi
an error for primo.
270
W. M.
Leones
RAMSAY
seriiores, C.I.L., v., 8755 (about a.d. 400).* Cornuti seniores, C.I.L., vi., 32963 (a.d. 398-422). Ammianus mentions the Cornuti frequently about a.d. 360, and in association with Gallic troops. Boecking connects the especially
name with Carnutum.

All authorities which mention these bodies of troops belong to the end of the fourth or beginning of the fifth century, and this confirms the view which Prof.
has consistently maintained, that the inscriptions are contemporary with the building of the Golden Gate and the victorious entry of Theodosius I. in a.d. 391.
Prof. O. Hirschfeld considers that the inscriptions on the Gate be confidently dated somewhere about a.d. 400.
Van Millingen
may
returning from the West in 391, it seems he brought some Western soldiers with him, and that possible that these leones and cornuti were singled out for special distinction on
As Theodosius was
account of their services (perhaps their loyalty during the revolt). The form of the Latin letters might seem perhaps to favour
a later date
;
but such arguments from the shape of
letters are far
from strong.
XI.
1.
THE TOMB
AS A SANCTUARY IN PHRYGIA.
Stele
:
Eslci-Sheher (R. 1906).

Aijîas 'AttoXw-
letters
underneath a garland.
ev^-
vtcjvti.
viSov crvufiiw Nava Ke Ati BpoThe dedication to the dead

to the local god.
rjv.
woman
is
coupled with a dedication
Zeus the Thunderer was widely worshipped in this northern region of Phrygia, and a dedicator in Rome to this deity has been recognised as a North-Phrygian on that account in Journ. of Hell.
1
Stud.,
2.
relief,
24, where the traces of this worship were first collected. Eski-Sheher (R. 1906). On a stele, underneath a very rude Zeus holding a sceptre, with an eagle beside him.
882, p.
*See
C.I.L.,
v., p.
1058, for the date.
McVavS/oos 'inTroivo<;
271
os Ke ^lovvctlo's
Tciju.wi'i
(fxp
/ce
'Afi[j[L-
crw7/o[o?
a 4
ol
Opeipavre?
8
Ait AayovcrTrlycj
Ke 'AttoWwvl-
duea-TTjo-av
The grave
foster-brothers.
of
Timon is made by his foster-parents and by two The dedication to the dead is at the same time a
dedication to a certain impersonation of the divine nature, here called by the Greek name Zeus with a local ethnic. In sepulchral-dedicatory inscriptions of this class (as e.g. the preceding epitaph) the
In the present case family or dedication usually is to the local god. personal reasons have led to the substitution of a peculiar and otherwise
tion
unknown god
for the local deity.
The
fact
demands
investiga-
and explanation.
The
district or
epithet
I
remarkable.
AayovcTTT] given to Zeus in this inscription is tried to read the word as AayouTTr;, for the Bithynian
town Dagouta suggested

certain.
the text
is
After
but immediately returned to the hotel doubt again assailed

;
itself to
me
The stone me, and I drove back to verify the point a second time. There is a broad edge on each side of the admits of no doubt. this and inscription, edge, which has suffered much from the water
flowing over
it,
may have borne

title as
the
two missing
letters, so that I
have restored the

than A-ayova-rrj,
the stone-cutter
which seems more probable Aayoi;crTi7[vw], I believe that implying a nominative AayoucrTTj?.
made an
is
error,
engraving tT
in place
that the true epithet

district
AayovTTTQuS, a local
in the
title
of TT, and derived from the
Dagouta or Dagoutta.
Dagouta was somewhere
is
Now
(modern
there.
neighbourhood of Prousa
Broussa), as
Dr.
now definitely proved by an inscription found Wiegand, who published the inscription in MM. Inst.
drew the geographical inference
:
Ath., 1905, p. 323, rightly

also Hist. Geog. of Asia
compare
H. Kiepert suggested that Minor, p. 1 90. it was the old name of Hadriani but it was perhaps nearer to Mt. It is natural to conjecture that Timon was a native of Olympus.
;
272
W. M.
RAMSAY
called Dagoutta, and reverenced the god of his people (who are Dagotthenoi by Constantine Porphyro-genitus).
persons are mentioned in another inscription, which has been published by Professor Domaszewski, A.E.M., vii., 178, by
The same
Professor Radet,
En
Phrygie, p. 149, and by myself.

in J.H.S.,
give
my own
copy (made
3.
in
1883) as published
['IttJttw-
MeVavS[/3]os
1884, P- 255. koI ALOvvcn,o<; crvvTpo(f)w,
V05 Kot 'A/Aetas TeiKol fjLOJvi, OpenTw,
vnep
to)v
IBuov Att Bôv-
8 TCJVTL 4 AtToWcoVLO^ Domaszewski read ['AttJicovos, Radet [KanjlTojuos
',
but the reading

elSCcDV,
-TTwi'o?
is
now proved
:
to have been accurate.*
Both read
I did not see the first letter of this word. doubtless rightly This stone was built into the old bridgfe over the river Tembris
the other was found along with many river, and it is evident from the incrustation that the river flowed over
others beside the old bed of the
them
for centuries
the stones.
spot, viz..
and deposited calcareous matter over the surface of Doubtless both stones originally were placed at the same
lot
The
sepulchral
of land in which the grave of Timon was made. circumstances now become clear. Two dedicatory atid
on the
One inscriptions were placed on the grave of Timon. The other identiidentified him with the local deity of Dorylaion. fied him with another form of Zeus, which for some reason was dear
may, of course, confidently assume that the ultimate identity of the god under those two local varieties was understood by the dedicators many inscriptions prove that this reto the survivors.
:
We
ligious view
was familiar during the Roman period in Phrygia, viz., If we that the ultimate deity is the same under local variations.
have rightly explained the epithet Dagoustenos, Menander or Amias t * The traces of letters in the gap (especially in M. Radet's copy) seem to prove
that
was not one of the
lost letters, therefore ['ATrjTrwfo?

(i.e.
cannot be read.
Amias, Ammias) are here merely accidental variations compare pp. 143-5, where *^^ same person is called Ammia and Ammias in two successive lines (see Franz, C.I.G., 3856 add.; Kretschmer, Einl.
:
+ The name
Ammia and Ameias
i.
d.
G. d.gr.
Sfir.,
p.
339
f.
was a native of the
;
273
district Dagouta, settled in Dorylaion and the two epitaphs express the identity of the two local varieties of Zeus, the Thunderer and the god with the eagle.
custom between dedicatory and formulae or ceremonies has often been pointed out by the sepulchral present writer, and Professor A. Korte of Basel has championed the
close relation in Anatolian
The
opposing view that the two

except in
of formulas should be kept apart those indubitable cases where an inscription unites the two
classes
But that abandons the attempt to explain why the same stone should be at once dedicated to a god and consecrated as a gravestone. The old Anatolian custom regarded
sides in an unmistakable way.
the dead as merged in the deity, and the gravestone as in itself a dedication to the god ; and the most religious and the least educated people kept up the old custom.
In Greece, on the contrary, the dedicatory or votive offering was wholly distinct from the gravestone, and Greek custom affected
But the Greek kind of mere dedication to a god, devoid of sepulchral association, was exotic and exceptional in places In the more where the old Phrygian manners were preserved. Hellenised Phrygian cities the Greek custom was prevalent, the
Asia Minor.
epitaphs tended to approximate to the simple Greek style, and the dedications to become a class apart. In Phrygian centres the epitaphs were felt to be religious documents, and the making of the grave a
religious act.
Even when
a person prepared a grave for himself, he

;
placed
it
more
so,
under Divine protection by dedicating it to the deity still when he made the grave for another and thereby instituted
a cult at a shrine,
It
where
his relative lay.
seems probable that in Phrygia and Anatolia generally, apart influence, it was customary to bury the dead, not along the roads leading out from the city (as in Greece and beside the great
from Greek
Hellenised Anatolian
central Hieron.
cities),
but in cemeteries beside or around the
The
;
from
satisfactory
and
evidence for this opinion is incomplete and far I mention it here chiefly in order to direct
18
274
W. M.
RAMSAY
Evidence might be found the attention of explorers to the subject. In J.H.S., 1905, in many cases, if one were on the outlook for it. on the hill of the described 1 one of cemeteries is these 64, briefly
p.
Magna Mater
in
at
Nova
Isaura
and another
at
Nakoleia
is
alluded to
latter, to judge from the accounts J.H.S., 1884, p. 257. of the natives, was scattered over a field ; and stones of the same
The
shape were found wherever the ground was opened

tions
of the inscrip-
cations to the local
on these stones some were expressed as sepulchral, some as dediGod Zeus Papas (Father), some as both. The
presence of dedications on the stones furnished the proof that they were Any one who looked at those placed on holy ground near a Hieron.
stones would recognise them at once as gravestones of the poor, without reading the inscriptions they Were small stelai of common stone,
:
with pointed top and a projecting spike at the bottom to enable them was able to get evidence that to be easily fixed in the ground. I
many
field
some of which were hopelessly

above mentioned.
It
is,
stones of this kind, with very rude, ill-engraved inscriptions, obliterated, had been found in the
of course, not to be supposed that
all
the gravestones of the cemetery were of this poor class, but it happened that a number of this kind were dug up between my visits in
was able to trace their place of origin. Doubtless many of the more expensive stones copied at Nakoleia in buildings and in modern cemeteries, with sepulchral or dedicatory
1
88
and 1883, and thus
inscriptions,
belief operated here, as at the
were found in the same ancient cemetery. The same near Sardis and Gygaean Lake Koloe
to the
elsewhere.
The dead were brought back
Mother-Goddess who
life.
bore them and nourished them and directed their work and
gravestones of this Dorylaion group were apparently situated, after the Greek and Roman city-fashion, along the important road leading from the city to the baths at the splendid hot springs ;
The
but some of them retained the old Phrygian character. Mixed with of the Grasco-Roman are kind stones with epitaphs ordinary epitaphs and dedications to the god combined and stones with dedications alone.
It
275
be doubted whether in old Phrygian custom there was any sacred place without a grave. Every place which was placed under divine protection for the benefit of society was (as I believe)
may
by a grave. Some of the mounds in Phrygia were, for places of observation or defence, and a grave intended probably, found in them would not prove that they were purely and solely the grave consecrated them and gave them divine prosepulchral
consecrated
:
tection.
Hence
it
is
(as
have often contended) altogether
false
;
method
yet that
to ask whether the
Midas-monument was
a grave or a shrine
The problem has been discussed by many recent scholars. is false, and the discussion can only lead to error. By question that not the monument was a do shrine, you disprove its proving
sepulchral character.
It
was, and
must
be,
both a grave and a shrine.

Christian
to express in the religious awe with which the Moslem population still regards all the old holy places, there is always in or under it the grave of some old supposed Moslem hero, and a Moslem
The old custom remains strong throughout Moslem time. Wherever a Moslem Turbe is built
and
Mohammedan form
legend grows up, and divine power

lous cures.
I
is
manifested there with miracu-
may
gather together here some other examples of the old
custom.
4.
lepo? Kara
(A. Korte) North Eastern Phrygia. 'Ayadfj rv^rj SoXwt" Here Solon, Koi eavrw Aiw â)u. iiriTayr^v A[i]t cv^rjv
in the
in service at
vow, and
self
life
:
an Anatolian hieron, was ordered by the god to fulfil a same act of dedication he made the grave for him-
it
a grave for oneself.
seems to have been regarded as almost a duty to prepare in This case is regarded by Korte himself as
quite clear {Gdtt. Gel. Anz., 1897, p. 409).
127) on an altar near the old Phrygian (afterwards Galatian) Kinna. evr) Zoitiko) reKvco dew fivyjiJirjv the child Zoticus is a god, and the gravestone is the
5.
(Anderson
in
J.H.S.,
1899, p.
altar
of his worship, as Anderson points out.
276
6.
W. M.
RAMSAY
:
(Radet, en Phrygie, p. 147).

/cat
ir/awrio-ra
'Attikw ay\aa TCKpa

it
At Dorylaion Ztji/i T[e\ {xev his children made the grave

Bronton
as in other cases).
to Atticus and dedicated

7.
to
Zeus
{i.e.,
At Dorylaion (Radet, he. cit., p. 148). '^^ Alt dren 'Avtio)(w avSpu avecTTrjcrav 'QpovTOiVTi evxW
to Zeus and grave to the husband and father are one act.
Nike with her

:
chil-
the
vow
It need only be added These examples might be multiplied. that one of the two epitaphs of Timon (like several other epitaphs) shows clearly that the making of the grave was an act of piety needed
to bring prosperity
and divine favour to the makers [vnep twv iBCwv). The other epitaphs which we copied at Dorylaion may here be
8.
added, as they are unpublished.

(R. 1906).
monument
AtXt09
Dorylaion, on the architrave of an elaborate grave in two long lines. IT. AiXtwt Sa/3eti'tavwt Arj/xocrêiêt
(TTe(l)aV7)(j)6p(t)L
2 11. Koi KTtCTTTJt TUV @epfxS)V KoX (îXoTTCtTptOt. P. Aelius Sabinianus tafieivi.avo<; Ti/i,aios 6 dSeX^d?.
Demosthenes, a
Roman
citizen of Dorylaion,
or improved the bath-house at He was also the garlanded magistrate end of the second century. who represented in the Greek-Phrygian city the ancient authority and
duties of the god's priest.*
9.
had rebuilt or enlarged the hot springs about the middle or
(R. 1906).
:
Dorylaion,
stele
with pointed pediment
garland
underneath
letters
Arjfjia^
under garland.
'Acr[t-
Avp.
wv
ttolvtodv
Att S-
viov vwep iavTov Ke Tciiv 18C-
y^fiavTiK^ eu)(rjv
Zeus Semanticus
is
the local
god Bronton
:
in his aspect as the
giver of signs and omens and prophecies.

10. (R. 1906).
Mrjv6(f)Lk-
Dorylaion, stele
letters
below garland. Att JipovToyvTL

ev)(7]v.
OS
'ZvfJid)(ôv
virep iavTov * Cilies and B'uh. ofPhr.,
i.,
p.
56.
(R. 1906). letters underneath.
'E/3/lij9
277
11.
Dorylaion, stele
eagle above
two
bull's-heads
'Epflliwi,-
pOVTCtiVTl
evxTJv.
ov Kar
Tayrjv Att B12. (R.
1906).
Dorylaion, stele with pointed pediment, in

its
which
is
patera and eagle with ring in a garland letters below garland.

is
:
mouth.
Beneath pediment
ITar^js
AvTLO-^-
avTov koI re-
doe\.(f)a)
Kal
Kva irarpl iSiw
fjLvyjfjLr]^ ^dpLv. ornaments, the eagle and patera, marie this as a sacred stone under the protection of Zeus, even without a formal dedication to him.
Evra^La yvur)
hieratic
The
13.
(R. 1906).
:
taining garland
Dorylaion, stele with pointed pediment conbeneath are two busts in relief, male and female
:
below them
letters.
Aup.
'AXcKKCtg Mr)vo(f)L\ov Upetp-r]
"Itttto)!/
kc
'Epfjurj^
p-vrj-
/ce
'AXe-
/cas yoveutrt
pri<;
a-w^LO) Ke iavTcp.
)(dpLU.
The
14.
hieratic character has almost disappeared here, unless the
garland can be taken as a mark of dedication to the God.

(R. 1906).
Dorylaion, plain
stele.
AiVt'as [Mrjv]o(f>t,\-
ov
]kw 6{pe\jjLvyj]p.'r)^
TTTw
)(dpLV.
All religious character has been lost here and in the following.
15. (R. 1906).
[.
.
.]
letters in panel. Dorylaion, plain stele s kol Aiovucrtos kMevavSpo) dv:
oyDjt
tStoj,
Kal
TO,
TeK-
at BeoyeVr^? Trar-
The
dvea-Trjore
va avTwv Tei/xaiop\ pvrjpTj^ ^dpi.i'. sepulchral formula was either dvecrTrjcre tov
-rrarepa
or
tw
-irarpl
fiotpov
(or other
name
for
the
monument).
278
W. M.
RAMSAY
But sometimes the two accusatives are combined, avecrr-qaa toi^ construction is extended to other TTarepa ySw/xov, and the double So e.g., p. 170, No. 53, verbs used in epitaphs such as Koa-jxelv.
ea-TTjo-au reLix-qv 'Irrea.
Two
;
cases of this construction have pro-
voked disagreement among

recopied by Callander) derov (recopied by me)
p.
has dvecTT-qcrev eavTov Xeovra

;
Sterrett, ^0^1? Exped., 153, 154, auedrjKev kavTov Xeovra (both koL eavrov 26, aveo-TTjcre T-qXecftov koI
. . .
scholars.
*
:
679,
n. 8,
understands these
he gives no explanation. Rohde, Psyche, as grades of initiation in the Mithraic
Cumont, Monum. mysteries (lion fourth, eagle or hawk seventh). rel. au cult de M., p. 173, is inclined to accept Rohde's view, but to Mithras occur in these lands, and points out that no dedications
that the grade of eagle
is
mentioned only
in a corrupt passage
of
Porphyry.
The
are
lion
names
for the sepulchral
and the pediment (not the eagle) are merely monument. Many Pisidian and Isaurian
a single lion
:
monuments
surmounted by
some which
have
seen consisted apparently almost entirely of a lion (so far as concerns the structure above ground). Sterrett, No. 64, has a Christian grave
with the inscription iivqiir) Kwi^wvo? AIN, and the figure of a lion the letters omitted in his transcription are the name of the monu" Door " which sometimes on ment the
;
compare
in
graves in the
name
only, sometimes
(see p. 65).
sometimes
case
is
both ways
the
appears Phrygian the carved representation, The " pediment" in the other
in
monument which had

Finally,
p.
the
form of the front of

further in
ere
a small
temple.
usage
this
is
extended
irpiv
the metrical
epitaph on
Kaibel, not
are
139 of
volume,
vvvîkov
lariâvov
KoaixTjcraiiev, before
we made
thee the bridal wreath as adornment.

(in
knowing the usage of epitaphs
which
common)
Thus we
" emendation " to resorts to get rid of the double
Koa-jxelv, TLfidv,
accusative.
"
"
find the grave " "
named not only

(Xiv, Xeovra),
tw/x;8o?, etc.,
but also
pediment,"
*I
see
it is
door,"
lion
altar, etc.
also given
by
MM.
Radet and
Paris,
B.C.H., 1886,
p.
510.
VIII.
THE WAR OF MOSLEM AND CHRISTIAN FOR THE POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR.
W. M. RAMSAY.
THE WAR OF MOSLEM AND CHRISTIAN FOR THE

POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR.
The Rede Lecture The
for 1906 in the University of Cambridge.

for the soil
war between Christian and Moslem
of Asia Minor
began with the invasion of Cilicia by the Mohammedan Arabs in a.d. 641, and ended in a certain sense with the definitive conquest of Cilicia
by Sultan Selim about 15 16. It would be utterly impossible, within the narrow limits of a single lecture, to sketch even in outline the Our time will be better events of nearly nine hundred years of war. the of the struggle, in to understand character employed attempting
the nature of the two powers, those two systems of religion and society, which disputed with one another the possession of what was
at
one time the richest and most highly civilised part of the world, the peninsula of Anatolia or Asia Minor. While in itself a well-defined period, this long war forms only
an episode in that great epic of history, the never-ending struggle between East and West, between Asiatic and European. The
struggle has sometimes taken the form of peaceful intercourse, interpenetration and even amalgamation, but generally of war, open or
and the best hope for the future of the world is that the struggle should be made into a balance and harmony of diverse elements. That Asiatic and European should amalgamate is pronounced impossible by those who see how hopelessly diverse the
hidden
;
must be acknowledged that so long as Europe governs parts of Asia on purely European methods, the struggle continues in the form of discontent, aversion and potential war.
peoples are
;
and
it
282
W. M.
RAMSAY
tried
in
But the experiment has been successfully
the
past,
and
may
be successful
in
still
greater degree in the future, if rightly
managed.
crisis of that great struggle has generally lain in Asia the which Minor, peninsula bridges the sea and offers the best road and the chief battle-ground between the two continents. In written
The
records
we can
trace the history
from the Trojan

critic
War downwards
and whatever the purely

ever
disbelieve
in
literary
may
say,
no historian can
Iliad, just
the
historical
groundwork of the
because the Epic of Homer sets before us this first stage in a real movement ; the whole of subsequent history is a demonstration that
the Iliad
tells
of a war that was really fought out to

figures have
its
issue
on
the plains of
windy Troy.
epoch-making
!
What
a series of
marched across the
stage of Anatolia in history
Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes, Agesilaus,

Scipio, Mithridates, Lucullus,
Alexander and
his
many successor-kings,
mark
Pompey,
times.
Caesar,
Under
the scenes during Greek and early Roman the successors of Alexander a peaceful mingling of
the races began, in the great garrison cities which they founded to be centres of the Orientalised Hellenism that marked and consolidated
their empires.
In
Roman
was continued even more successfully.

civilisation ruled in the
Imperial time this peaceful amalgamation Graeco- Roman-Oriental
Anatolian
cities
and affected even the
villages
and the
life
tribal peoples,
who had
not yet entered on the stage of city
and municipal self-government.
The Western power, which

as far as
had for a short time overrun even Central Asia
Bactria
and the Indus

Parthian
valley,
shrank westwards into narrower
limits.
The
back every Roman attack. Within the Roman Empire the outlying parts were growing in importance, and the pre-eminence of Rome was becoming an antiEast
withstood and
threw
quarian survival. their tone from
provinces were no longer content to accept Their national character began to emerge In anew, and their merely provincial character to be less important.
The
Rome.
THE WAR FOR POSSESSION OF ASIA MINOR
283
Asia Minor the national lines of demarcation were restored and the
Oriental temper began to recreate itself in new ways, alike in art and Hadrian was the Emperor who first began to observe thought.
in
and respect the new spirit. The change was entirely a healthy one. It did not imply disIt made a true Imperial integration of the Empire. unity possible, a
combination of diverse parts all conscious of their own individual diverse characters and of their common brotherhood. To earlier
Greek and Roman thought the city was the highest and the dearest but idea, and patriotism was the religion of the patria or city
:
under the Empire a stage of thought was gradually reached, not merely by a i^-'^ philosophers but by general consent, in which the
sense of brotherhood and participation in the rights of the entire State overpowered the narrower municipal patriotism. The Christian religion was the fullest expression of this uprising of the provinces against
Rome.
For
a time
it
seemed
as if
the
new
Christian
Empire of Constantine and
his successors
might
Mommsen has well described in two re-invigorate the Empire. brief sentences the strengthening effect produced on the Government
when
Christianity became the ruling religion of the State, and the " The indifference towards Emperors went over to it.* religious and intellectual development generally," he adds, " which was characteristic of the Imperial administration in the first three centuries,
was no element of strength."

consistent with
Even
toleration
was found to be in;
the aims of the Imperial rule
and the Christian
Emperors founded their absolutism on the thoroughgoing support of the Orthodox Church. Their alliance rested on the understanding
that each
must
a
try to destroy
all
opponents of the absolute power of
the other.
seemed possible that this great institution, the Empire, might continue to live sound and grow stronger, preserving the But the body social proper balance and co-ordination of its parts.
For
time
it
Historische ZeitschriJ't, vol. Ixiv.
(N.F. 28), p. 421.
284
W. M.
;
RAMSAY
Roman Empire,
the
was not healthy enough
the great fault of the
failure to appreciate the necessity for public education,
proved its ruin. There cause. same The Christian organisation suffered from the seems to have been in the Church less insistence on the importance of education during the fifth century and later than there had previously been.
vi^ho
In 449, at the Council of Constantinople, a bishop could help to make the laws of the Universal Church was un-
able to
append
is
his
own signature
because he had not learned his
letters.
Christianity
the religion of a highly educated people, and
when
its
the
real
Church
vitality.
lost
its
grasp of this fundamental principle
it
lost
was perhaps about a.d. 300 that the Church began to lose its The persecution of Diocletian had exterhold of this principle. the Church, and the minated leading spirits and the freest thought in
It
and the put an end to the generous development, the concession reconciled were which of diverse views practically liberality by people
The the society of the later third century in Asia Minor.* anti-Greek the one able to withstand massacre left no barbarising
in
tendencies which
some of the extremists and the bigots
in the
Church
had always shown. The policy of massacre is always not merely a crime, which is evanescent in its effects, but a terrible and lasting and humanity. The massacre carried out by the orders of Diocletian and his co-Emperors not merely weakened the it hardened and embittered the Church, and left it less Empire
blow to
civilisation
:
The result gradually was the friendly to education and refinement. re-introduction of the old paganising of the Church, and the practical
e.g., polytheism under the form of worship of the saints and of images " was restored to the veneration of the ancient " Mother of the Gods
the multitude as the "
Mother of God
The
paganising tendency, allied
during the fifth century. with the artistic instinct, was
"
supported mostly by the Greek and the European element in the Church. The Semitic and the Eastern element generally had a
*
Contemporary Review, September,
1
896,
p. 44.0
f.
285
firmer grasp of monotheism ; and the strongest opposition which the paganisation of the Church provoked was in the East. Such
as the Nestorians, and the later Paulicians and were But the Iconoclasts, mainly Oriental in origin and character. strongest and the most definite and epoch-making reaction against the
sects
and tendencies
new paganism Empire and in

at the
arose on the extreme south-eastern
outskirts of the
the deserts
beyond
its
bounds.
In the heart of Arabia,
beginning of the seventh century, a new religious idea was born in the mind of Mohammed, an idea in sound many respects
strong,
full
and
of the potentiality of development. It was one more attempt to fuse a new compound out of Asiatic the of admixture thought by
;
some Western elements, gathered out of Christian teaching

;
but
its
immediate strength lay in its Semitic character. It appealed more to and the nations on that account and throughout its directly easily it has the most remarkable and history possessed unique power of
suddenly raising a barbarian or a savage race to a much platform in the first enthusiasm of a new religious idea.
loftier
moral
of inspiration, which really lived at first in Islam, was quenched in the blood of a long career of continuous war and The fresh enthusiasm of this young thought went forth conquest.
fire
But the
consume the idolatry of the Empire, and sought to achieve this noble purpose by the Holy War and the slaughter of the infidels. The centuries of war and plunder that marked the early course of Islam produced their inevitable and effect, as
to
brutalising
degrading
influence
fell
into the hands of
mere brute strength or cunning.

all
As
war became more and more the business of the true believer
in Islam,
thought, education, religion, society, family life, Especially, the one fatal error of Islam, viz., the low estimation of
deteriorated.
woman
which was probably due
Mother of God," and might readily have been gradually eliminated in happier circumstances that fatal error was intensified by the overwhelming value attached to simple and skill in constant the intellectual and spiritual strength fighting
the idea of the cult of " the
in great part to the reaction against
286
standard
W. M.
among women was
all
RAMSAY
;
depreciated
and the inevitable
result
was the destruction of
home by
is
the
mother
that training of the young in ideals in the which alone can make a progressive people, and
so painfully lacking in the land of Turkey. Hence the which history of Islam everywhere is marked by a sudden elevation to a
burning enthusiasm, followed by a long and steady In decay. happier circumstances, more favourable to development, Islam might have continued to be, as it was at first, a purer and
lofty height of
and the higher faith than that of the debased and paganised Church fiery enthusiasm with which its simple and lofty monotheism was
;
converts might have been worked into a growing and It contained within itself much of the essential healthy social system. of Christianity ; and the fundamental dogma that Jesus was thought
hailed by
its
divine, whereas
Mohammed
was human, possessed vast
potentiality.
Such were the two forms of
religion, with different social ideals
and systems founded on them, which fought for the soil of Anatolia the paganised Church and the monotheistic reaction from pagan-
its gaudy ceremonial and holy painted images and gold or tinsel and finery of every degree, the latter with its In the long wars which followed almost grave and simple dignity.
ism
the former with
intermediate and reconciling forms of belief were annihilated or the purer and nobler sects of Christians on the one hand, expelled
all
the purer and nobler possibilities of Islam on the other. Massacre and war became the method on both sides, and massacre and war
are always permanently harmful, often
progress.
absolutely fatal, to
human
alone,
In 622
Mohammed
In
was
fleeing
his
from Mecca
for his
life,
followers, having already over641 the whole whelmed of Syria, crossed into Cilicia by the pass of the and the At first Syrian Gates, long struggle for Asia Minor began.
without a follower.
the sea was the chosen line of attack, for thus

strike direct at the
it
was possible to
Roman
capital,
now no
longer
Rome, but Conshifted towards
stantinople.
The
centre of gravity of the
Empire

the East, as Diocletian perceived
;
287
but
it
was Constantine who saw
where the exact centre of gravity lay, and his insight re-made the Empire and determined all subsequent history. Beyond any other
city of the
world, Constantinople derives its importance from its No other city could have defended the West against the situation. of the East, and maintained Christianity against Islam, for power
1,000 years.
Diocletian had not erred far from the right centre.
Nicomedia, which he selected, was a great city, possessing some remarkable advantages of situation at the head of that sea-arm which
stretches furthest Into the land of Asia
Minor.
But Nicomedia could
did.
never have stood against the power of the East as Constantinople Chalcedon, on its narrow little neck of land over against
Constantinople, had some advantages of situation, but could never have become a great or a strong city.
I know of no Constantinople is unique in another respect. other city which stands outside of the country for which it is the
best centre of
communication and distribution
but that
is
the case
with Constantinople. The land-roads of Asia Minor meet at Nicobut Constantinople is the place where the media, not very far away
;
sea-ways converge. Cyzicus is its only rival, in the latter respect, but Cyzicus is hopelessly far away from the centre of the land-roads.
Symrna now, and Ephesus and Miletus of
old,
were doors to com-
municate with the West, not real centres. With that instinct which in their early years of conquest made them strike direct at the heart of their foe, the Mohammedans at the
very beginning of their war in Asia Minor aimed at Constantinople. In 654 the great fleet destined for the capture of that city sailed from
Tripoli
gained so dear a victory on the Lycian coast that it had to return to Syria. In 668 the enterprise was renewed, and
;
but
it
Had Constantinople was besieged intermittently for seven years. the capital fallen, the whole country of Anatolia, deprived of head
and guidance, accustomed to depend entirely on the central autocracy and the army, must have fallen under the power of the Khalifs, and
288
W. M.
RAMSAY
the population would have been presented with the choice between Islam and death or slavery. In 617 another unsuccessful attempt
was made to capture the great city. The two sieges of Constantinople marked the utmost limit of
but the turning of the wave of conquest was not a case where the tide having reached its natural limit began
Mohammedan
and
advance
strength of the flood in its first imThe pulse beat on the defences of Constantinople, and beat in vain. of to be other method tried ; and gradual gradual conquest had
to turn
to ebb.
full
The
conquest meant three centuries of almost ceaseless war in Asia Minor. Even when there was nominally peace between the Khalif and the
Emperor, Saracen government was too loose to control its own forces, and raids of regular armies from Tarsus, the western metropolis of
the
Arab power, swept over

one
year.
the
year, often twice in
Roman country practically every The country had lain open and hardly
years, until
defended before them for
many
Leo
the Isaurian re-
organised the army, restored vigour to the Empire, repelled the second Moslem assault on Constantinople, and gained the first decisive victory in a pitched battle, fairly fought on land against a The situation of this battle Saracen army in 739 at Akroenos.
proves the line of march to have been along the great road through Phrygia Paroreios, the line indicated by nature as the best for a great
by the Arab soldier and geographer Ibn and traversed Khordadhbeh, by many great armies before and since. The fixing of the true site of that obscure town Akroenos, by an
army of
invasion, described
argument founded on a historical incident occurring centuries later and described by Anna Comnena, was one of the earliest results of the and the discovery was the Asia Minor Exploration Fund in 1882
;
needed foundation for a study of the Saracen Wars. The site had previously been falsely assigned on a very plausible and seductive line of reasoning, which
and
religion that
related to such a strange romance of literature must dwell on it for a brief space. The army of
is
the Saracens was led
by
famous general, Seid-el-Batal-el-Ghazi (Seid

the Conqueror), of the Conqueror and of the
289
graves to the
the
Wicked
who was
Greek
killed in the battle.
The
shown
princess, his wife, are
north of Phrygia which bears his narne, within a large Tekke, or sacred building, dedicated to his memory. Where he fell there he was buried the case at the first glance seemed
present day at a
in the
;
town
complete, and was accepted without question by the historian Finlay.* But this Mohammedan foundation is, of course, only of the Turkish How was Seid's memory preserved at the place where he period.
died
among
the Christians for four centuries or
more
.?
And how does
his wife, the Christian princess, lie beside

in
him
She was not killed
the battle, and she can hardly have come to this remote town to devote herself at his grave. have here only a religious legend.
We
Seid-el-Ghazi became in some unexplained way one of the great heroes of the Bektash Dervishes and of the Turkish conquest of Asia Minor. His .memory is hallowed at many places over the country,
on the lonely top of Argaeus, at the ancient Hittite city on the borders of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, as well as in the North-Phrygian town that bears his name. That his grave is shown at the Tekke is
due not to any
real burial there, or to
any memory of
his death
perpetuated there, but simply to that unfailing religious principle in Such Anatolia that every sacred place must be marked by a grave.
was the law of the ancient Anatolian religion of Cybele, or Artemis, The same sacred or whatever local name was used for the goddess.
marked by the graves of Christian saints, and now holy all over Asia Minor are distinguished by the places by In every case the grave grave of some Mohammedan hero or saint. has been the centre of the religious awe attaching to the locality, and is so still. One finds the grave of the same Mohammedan hero in several parts of Anatolia and the religious map of the country which I have long desired to see compiled by the combined labours of several
places were
the thousand
* Neither Kiepert nor Franz observed the coincidence, and they escaped this error, but fell into another equally mischievous and yet equally seductive and
plausible.
19
290
explorers
*
W. M.
RAMSAY
several graves
would doubtless show
of Seid the Con-
queror.
His
wife, the Christian princess,
is
not a whit more historical
She is merely part of the religious legend. than his grave. There is an obvious reason for she passes on making her a Christian to her husband the right of inheritance according to primitive
:
Anatolian custom of inheritance

the
in
the female
line.
The
hero of
Mohammedan
conquest must marry the
his violent seizure
which must be borne

relation between
of the property. It is in mind in order to comprehend rightly the

beliefs
heiress, and legitimise a striking fact, and one
Moslem and
manv
circumstances, stories,
Christian in Turkey, that there are so and customs, showing the re-
Moslems of a certain priority and superiority of that At Constantinople you have belongs to the Christians. right the sacred spring with the fish which shall never be caught until the
cognition by the
the spring is as sacred to Mohammedans as to Christians, and on the day of the Panegyris you see both taking part in the ceremony and availing themselves
:
Christians recover possession of the city
In various other Greek of the curative powers of the holy water. of Asia the Turks also participate. Minor festivals in different parts
mosque in which is a column that weeps and high above the roof is a small cross, the removal of which would cause the collapse of the mosque (which was once a church, round and of quite unusual architectural At Konia the church of St. Amphilochius was transcharacter). formed into a mosque, but every Moslem who prayed in it died, so that it was abandoned, and a wooden clock-tower built on the roof.
At Thyatira
there
is
whenever a Christian enters
familiar legends speak of recover possession of the prospect may churches that have been transformed into mosques, or even of the
In
Damascus and Jerusalem and elsewhere

that
the
the
Christians
cities
and of the entire country.

was described
certain sense of the evanescence

is
and incompleteness of
*
It
their rights
shown by legends
like these,
in a
paper read before the Oriental Congress in London, 1902.

current
291
among
There
the
is
Turks and
in
some
cases
among
the Arabs before
them.
such beliefs
irreconcilability between the two parties, when are common ; and every one that has lived in Turkey
no
can attest this easiness of relation between the two religions. The inference is inevitable, and I venture to quote it from the first book " I I wrote on this believe that the Turks as soldiers and country. the Greeks as traders will, united, make a happier country than
either race could
at
* The conciliation is easy, and follows by itself." once naturally wherever there is fair and orderly administration. The defence of Asia Minor against the Saracen raids was
It
organised by the Iconoclast Emperors.
consisted partly in a re-
modelling of the army to suit the new conditions of warfare, partly in a great system of castle-fortresses, and partly in a re-invigoration of the people of the country, teaching them to trust more to themselves.
The
fortresses
were no longer,
as in
Roman
time, scientifically con-
and dependent for their strength on the discipline and of their garrisons. Such fortresses had proved too weak to courage stand against the headlong enthusiasm and desperate assault of the
structed,
Mussulmans.
inaccessible
The Byzantine castles were now defended by their position. They were planted sometimes on lofty rocks,
by a narrow steep path or even by steps alone, somesummit of high hills, up whose long steep slopes no
accessible only
times on the
assault could be Such castles were proof against any sudden pressed. attack which could be made in the yearly raids of the Saracens, but could not food and water sufficient to be with they supplied easily
through a regular siege. After a.d. 739, however, the first enthusiasm of Islam was spent, and it was only on rare occasions that a Khalif, roused generally by some personal cause, exerted himself to
last
make
a serious attempt to
subdue the country
and every one of
those attempts, having no support in any real religious enthusiasm, was quickly abandoned, after reducing a few of the Byzantine castles,
*
Historical
p.
Geography of Asia Minor,
p. 25,
repeated and enlarged in Impressions
of Turkey,
258.
292
W. M.
cities,
RAMSAY
burning a few
Christians.
and carrying into slavery some thousands of The castles thus captured were abandoned, and re-
occupied by the Byzantine troops. The true defence of Asia Minor during those centuries of suffering lay in the immense strength and recuperative power of civilised society,
welded together by a long-established system of reasoned law and by The Saracen raiders swept over the country, a common religion.
throughout the whole of Asia IVIinor, over and many again, burned towns and houses, and Yet carried captive and held to ransom Christians by the thousand. After effect in the resistance. no permanent breaking they produced
captured every
in
city, practically,
cases over
every
with.
wound the flesh of the Byzantine body politic healed forthThe country was well peopled and highly cultivated, and one
Nor' or two harvests restored a district to wealth and prosperity. does it appear that the more slowly-growing sources of wealth were
Olive groves and vineyards, if thoroughly detake to recreate ; especially is this true of the olive, years stroyed, the tree of civilisation, which can flourish only where right of property is firmly established and the planter can look forward with
seriously injured.
confidence to reaping the fruit of his labour after fifteen years or more, and which dies out (or rather goes back to a wild state) whereThe measure of ever a Moslem population is in sole possession.
the destruction was that stated in the
book of the Revelation
vi. 6,
scarcity and dearness, but not permanent destruction, the cereals " A measure of wheat sold at injured but not the trees destroyed
:
a denarius, but the olive
and the vine
left ".
and a higher, between the loose organisation of the Moslem Government and the elaborate, minutely-wrought-out system of Roman law and adminisa lower society
The war was fought between
headlong rush of the Moslem enthusiasts was broken against the walls of Constantinople, the superior lasting power of the Roman State came into play ; and the issue, though
tration.
When
the
first
long delayed, was not doubtful, except in so far as the incapacity of

some
rulers
293
and frequent
civil
wars between
rival claimants
wasted
the resources of the Byzantine Empire. Finlay has seen this truth better than some more modern historians. The Roman Empire,
though badly governed in many ways, was better governed, more contented and more prosperous by far than any other. Even in respect of fiscal oppression, while complaints are numerous, the facts
Probably it was rather the incidence of taxation than its amount that was unfair and oppressive. The complaints of the tax-payers should not be taken too hastily as
is
are not so certain as
often assumed.
the standard of truth
even those
all
is
that they were better off after
other State of the time.
This
who complained may have known than they would have been in any a subject which deserves and will
repay more
received.
careful
What
investigation than it has ever was the real condition of the middle classes in
and
thorough
Anatolia in the sixth century before the Saracen wars began, and in the tenth century after they ended ? impression, a mere theory on far from sufficient and study depending knowledge, is that the
My
mass of the population was well off, that the country was highly cultivated and prosperous, that there was comparatively little oppression,
and that
justice
was
fairly well administered.
We
hear of
the exceptional cases, where there was injustice and oppression and need ; we hear little of the general average situation. As to the the efFect the Sar.acen wars, I permanent country by produced on
if it was The lack of an efficient police system very great. had always been the most serious defect of the Roman administration. It continued to be so. The lack of higher education and higher
doubt
ideals of life
was always manifest
in the ordinary citizens of the
Empire.
That
also continued to be so.
The
the tide
back.
by re-invigorating the State, stemmed of Saracen invasion, and the Macedonian dynasty rolled it
Iconoclast Emperors,
itself as
the religion of the Empire, for image worship was too deeply fixed in the heart of the people. The reaction against images passed away along with
Iconoclasm had not been able to establish
294
an effete dynasty.
left
W. M.
RAMSAY
for the
But the Iconoclasts had done their work, and Orthodox Macedonian Emperors the task of gathering
The task required the fruits of the re-invigoration of the Empire. the Macedonian and and dynasty deserves credit for energy, ability
a great work ; but it was the Iconoclasts that did the hardest work and received the least credit for their achievement. After a century
of Macedonian
success,
Cilicia
and North
Syria,
which had ex-
were restored perienced more than three centuries of Moslem rule, The Roman to the Empire by Nicephorus Phocus about 965 a.d. than ever side eastern on the more widely Empire was extended The loosely agglutinated Moslem power had proved unfit before. to make any permanent impression on the close firm texture of a
State held together by Roman law and Roman organisation. Those who love to speculate about the "might have been" in
in theorising about past history will find an enticing subject
what
and Asia might have been if Islam had conquered Constantinople Minor at the first rush in the seventh century, and had thus become
heir to
all
Roman
profited Would it a well-balanced social system and a stable government have been able to develop the finest side of its nature, and eliminate
.''
the organisation and law and administrative methods that Would Islam have genius and experience had elaborated. Would it have learned how to construct by the teaching ?
gradually the worse ideas
.''
Would
it
have approximated to the
purer and simpler forms of Christianity, for which the Mohammedan who really comes in contact with them seems always to feel a strong
sympathy
.?
Would
it
as the first successful
form of Protestantism
have been recognised by the world in general Circumstances hitherto ?

is
have denied to Islam the development of which it there are signs that the denial will not last for ever.
capable, but
The war
in
tioned Christian rule.

a single battle laid a
Asia Minor began again after a century of unquesIn 1071 It opened with startling suddenness.
the whole country prostrate and helpless before The Byzantine people, the Seljuk Turks.
new Mohammedan

Emperor was taken
prisoner,
295
and the State was distracted by the
These vied with one rivalry of three candidates for the throne. another and with the captive Emperor for the favour and support of
the invaders, and the successful claimant seems to have acknowledged " seems the Seljuks as masters of three-fourths of Asia Minor. I say
to have acknowledged," for there is a hiatus in the records, historian tells the shameful facts exactly.
and no
Asia Minor had been equally prostrate and helpless before the Saracens about the end of the seventh century, and had recovered
strength
lasting.
with
The
astonishing reasons for
ease.
The
Seljuk
are
conquest
twofold.
was more
this
difference
They
lie
partly in
the nature of the Turkish invaders and partly in the de-
moralised state of Byzantine Asia Minor. The Saracens had never held a foot of land on the north side of
the Taurus
moment.
the
sea.
Mountains outside the range of their weapons at the But the Turkish armies were followed by a terrible ally,
or
Turkmens
nomad
tribes,
who poured over
the country like a
the reason of this vast migration may have been, whether desiccation of Central Asia or some other cause drove those tribes
What
westwards in search of pasture for their cattle, it is not for me to say. The fact is recorded by the Byzantine historians, who distinguish these Turkmens or nomads (as they call them) from the Turks, just
as
the distinction of
to
Turk and Turkmen
is
clearly
at
marked and
familiar
every native and every
traveller
the present day.*
These
them
swooped down on the land, driving their flocks with they destroyed the bonds of communication which held society together, made the roads untraversable and dangerous, and quickly
tribes
;
reduced a great part of Asia Minor from the settled to the nomadic The civilised population of the plains disappeared stage of existence.f
before them, whether by flight or by massacre or by dying out in race. presence of a more Presumably the smaller villages
vigorous
p.
* Anna Comnena,
ii.,
284
Cinnamus, p. 295
Nketas Chon.,
p.
156.
f The
process
is
more
in fully described
my
Impressions of Turkey, p.
102
f.
296
W. M.
RAMSAY
first, then the larger villages, and to exist or existed only as winter details are recorded by the formal
of the Christians were abandoned
even some of the
cities
ceased
quarters for a few nomads.
No
historians, but probably much is yet to be learned from less ambitious Often the names of villages preserve the memory of a writers.
new Moslem village, process that must have taken some time. Islam-Keui or Seljukler, existed for a time beside the old Christian
town, but the Christians ceased to
exist,
and both became equally

a
Moslem.
civilised
This
is
the only
way by which barbarism can conquer

apart from
and organised
the civilised people viz., by breaking up the fabric and constitution of the superior society and reducing it to disconnected atoms, which
society,
actual extermination of
gradually melt away in the flood. The second cause which rendered the Turkish conquest of Asia Minor more complete and permanent than the Saracen lay in the
declining vitality, the loss of Imperial patriotism and the growing The century of recovered power had disintegration of the Empire.
jiot increased
but rather decreased
its
real vigour.
The
intolerance
in
and persecution of the orthodox Macedonian dynasty had been
some degree
restrained so long as the Saracen wars enforced the of union necessity against the danger from outside, but when the pressure was withdrawn the later Emperors gave free rein to the
government. of autocracy and the Orthodox Church was dangerous and even destructive to freedom, vigour and life. The heretics, who had always been strong on the Anatolian plains, found that their life
spirit
of absolutism in
civil
and intolerance
in religious
The union
was a burden under the most Christian Emperors, and the Orthodox
historians allow the fact to appear that the heretics
dominion of the Turks
as a relief
Probably they found at a later better than the old, but no record of their feelings and experiences IS known. They disappeared entirely in the steadv decay and dis-
welcomed the from Byzantine Christian tyranny.* stage that the new state of things was
no
Impressions of Turkey, p.
97
f.
297
Partly doubtless their Oriental temintegration of civilised society. the of Islam not wholly uncongenial, and found perament spirit
they gradually adopted
its
outward forms
in their recoil
from the
in in
more hated forms of the Orthodox Church. To-day one finds some parts of Asia Minor remnants of population, Mohammedan
appearance,
heart,
who
are believed to be
little
better than Christians at
to have priests with black hats, to use Christian
their
spirit.
women, and to drink wine

It is
names for
all
alike indications of a Christian
sects.
not impossible that these may be relics of the old heretic Partly their real affinity with the Mohammedan spirit and its
hatred of idolatry and images carried them over to the faith of Islam ; partly they died out in that process of decay which was alluded to above. This process went on steadily, but probably slowly. study of
Meanwhile the staying power of the Roman Under a succession of organisation displayed itself amid its decay. the three able Emperors of the Coranenian dynasty, Alexis, John and Manuel, the Imperial power revived. The Seljuk Turks, who in
the subject
is
wanted.
the latter part of the eleventh century were holding a large part of Bithynia, with the great city of Nicasa, and were thus almost within
touch of the coast of the Sea of
Marmora
facing Constantinople,
were
in the twelfth
century defending
their distant capital
Konia with
some
ing
it
difficulty against the
Byzantine armies, and occasionally abandonThe to the Latin soldiers of the first and third Crusades.
after
former
capturing Nicasa and handing it over to Byzantine rule must have held Konia also, though the movements of their forces are
Barbarossa in 1186 entered Konia in
his death in the
obscure and badly recorded.
triumph and marched onwards to

sea.
waters of the
This reinforcement materially Calycadnus close to the southern aided the revival of Byzantine dominion in Asia Minor, however bad was the feeling between Latin and Greek Christians, for it seriously
In 1175 Manuel Comnenus made a As the climax of the pregreat attempt to reconquer Asia Minor. parations of three successive reigns, he had arrayed one of the
weakened the Seljuk power.
298
W. M.
RAMSAY
It contained strongest armies that ever trod the soil of Anatolia. the finest troops of the Empire, among whom the traditions of the Roman soldiery were not wholly lost, and these were strengthened by
Varangian infantry and Norman knights. The best that Europe could give from its most warlike nations marched along with the Roman army. The leader was an Emperor whose earlier career had
been marked by feats of romantic daring, but the enervating influence of thirty years of autocracy and flattery had deteriorated his char-
and destroyed his sanity of judgment. From long experience he knew that no Turkish army could stand in open fight against the soldiers whom he led, and from pure obstinate conacter, spoiled his nerve,
fidence
and contempt for
all
precaution, against the advice of his
officers, he led a long, disorderly column in face of the Turks into such a position that the bulk of the army was jammed up with its
baggage into a dense mass, where weapons could hardly be raised, where fighting was impossible, and where the Turks slew the helpless
crowd
like sheep.
And
so ended the dream that
Rome might
re-
conquer Asia Minor.
The
Seljuk
Sultanate
passed through
the
usual course of a
Mohammedan
energetic as
dynasty, growing weaker and less capable and less time passed, and the Empire of the Seljuks was broken
up and divided between a number of petty chiefs when the central power became too weak to hold the country together. The Roman Emperors of Constantinople had the opportunity of recovering their old sovereignty in Asia Minor, but the Roman Empire had lost its cohesion. It was held together only by the unity of the Orthodox
Church, a great power
in
some
respects, but not the

State.
bond which can

pass on to
make
a strong, ofiênsive
and recreative
Thus we
the last stage but one of Byzantine story, the most melancholy part of human history, where every competing power is feeble and bad, where hardly a gleam of hope from any source lights the path, where
decay and disorganisation, weakness and folly, or mere rapine and the most selfish and heartless and short-sighted plundering.
all is

Almost the
history
is
299
sole relief in those dull
in the story
of Philadelphia
in
and contemptible pages of Lydia, which long maintained
self-governing State, abandoned by the Christian Empire, surrounded but not submerged by the flood of Islam, soldiers and nomads, until at last it was compelled to yield, not to a Mohamitself as a free,
medan army, but
to a coalition
between the most Christian Emperor
of Constantinople and the worn-out power of the Turks.
There is no more typical moment in this disgraceful period of history than the scene when this free and noble city, a small city which had only a
little
strength, which had not denied the
viously had never

like a pillar in the
made terms with His

midst of desolation, at
Christ and preenemies, which had stood

yielded to the shameful
name of
last
union of Byzantine and Turkish soldiery, and opened its gates on more honourable terms than were granted to any other Christian city of Asia Minor.
The wearisome
growing strength growing weakness within the Empire, and the cause was always the same hatred of sect against sect, mutual intolerance and disunion,
:
history of all that long war is not a story of in the attack on the Christian Empire, but of
the denial in practice by all sects alike of every principle of Christian ethics and brotherly love which all talked about in empty and pretentious homilies, but which none of them ever acknowledged in act so far as to concede one jot or one tittle absolute domination. Nothing in history
from
is
their full claims for
so shameful and so con-
temptible as the brawls of Christian sect against sect and priest against priest, where all alike show that in their struggle for the
triumph of their wretched parodies of principles they have
lost
And so hold on the real qualities of Christianity. conquered in Asia Minor, and we pass on to the
Mohammedanism
last stage of all, the triumph of the Osmanli Turks, originally a small tribe of nomads in the Bithynian hill country, taking its name from its first important
chief,
Osman.
The Osmanlis from
their position
had been brought
more
closely into relation with the
Roman
State than either Saracens
300
W. M.
RAMSAY
new
social
or Seljuks, and they conquered, not by creating a
and
political organisation, but by grafting on Mohammedanism some of The Osmanli chiefs the devices and methods of Roman government. saw wherein lay the military strength of the Roman State, for that proud old name even yet survived and had some real power they saw that nothing could conquer the Roman army but a trained
;
standing army.
Such an army could not be created by Islam from its own resources, but the Osmanlis perceived that it could be conFew more diabolic perversions structed out of Christian material.
of human ingenuity have ever occurred than when the system of the Janissaries was formed as a permanent strength to Osmanli A harvest of Christian infants was gathered regularly and power.
up as a standing Moslem army of skilled soldiers, whose business from infancy had been the practice of arms. The battles the of Christian and powers Europe against against Constantinople
trained
itself
were
won by
this terrible
engine of slaughter.
The
nations
of civilised Europe,
tion
who
are
now accustomed
to estimate the civilisa-
or
its
and the importance of every nation, not according to its education, literature, or its art, or the excellence and usefulness of its
its
municipal and Imperial government, but by

trained
machinery
distance
able
in
to
kill
the
largest
number of men
provision of a highly at the
possible space of time, cannot refuse their and admiration to this detestable reasonably applause
longest
the
shortest
invention of an
first
Osmanli
chief.
Turkish
battles
were henceforth
the strength of the opposing army in won, a long fight against the loose squadrons of Osmanli troops, who
by wearing down
could waste time and squander their lives in being defeated, and then at last bringing up the real strength of the Moslem army, the Janissaries, to annihilate the tired and victorious soldiers of Europe.
The Moslem
conquest was made possible at
last,
not by real
Moslem
strength, but by Osmanli skill in playing off Christian against Christian. Christianity can conquer only by union against the floods of barbarism which are always and everywhere to
threatening
301
engulf and drown out civilisation in the world, and union is never possible unless the sects of Christians, each falsely claiming to be the
and true Christianity, learn to respect each other's opinions. The struggle for possession of Asia Minor has not ended ; it but in recent years the weapons with which it going on now
right
;
is is
Yet there are strong waged colleges railways. forces that tend to bring in again the method of war Pan-Islamism aims determinedly at destroying by massacre and war the growth of civilisation in Turkey, and through the quarrels of Germany and
:
are schools
and
and
The England we have been drifting steadily towards that end. American schools and colleges are the great civilising agency, because
they aim at creating an educated class
among
all
nationalities,
not
converting their pupils to a foreign and un-Oriental form of religion, but making Greeks better Orthodox Greeks, Armenians better
Gregorians, Bulgarians better Bulgarians, Turks better
dans.
ideas
Mohammeis
my own part I feel that a inherent in Mohammedanism

For
progress, that this
is
of the great right development

is
possible, that
it
making
some
the only useful and hopeful path, and that the necessary first step in it, the creation of ideals and aspirations among the Moslem women, is being made at the present time.
In these hurried remarks I have often mentioned and might far more frequently have mentioned the need of deeper research. May I recall, in conclusion, the words that Mommsen used to me eleven years ago, when he did me the honour to be my guest for a week in Oxford He said one day, in speaking of Eastern Roman dis.''
" If covery and study,
had to begin a new life of scholarship I should take up the period between Diocletian and Justinian ". That is not the Roman that needs and will in later only period history
I
well repay study, and
it
is
elsewhere and in Cambridge

research
scholars.
is
delightful to observe many signs, both itself, that this magnificent opening for
attracting
more and more
attention
from our younger
IX.
THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS AN ANTI-CHRISTIAN SOCIETY ON THE IM:
PERIAL ESTATES AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.

W. M. RAMSAY.
THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS: AN ANTICHRISTIAN SOCIETY ON THE IMPERIAL

ESTATES AT PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.
I.
ESTATES OF THE GOD.
well known that in the pre-Hellenic Anatolian period the gods dwelt at the great Temples or Hiera of Asia Minor (such as those of Comana and of Venasa and of Tyana in Cappadocia, of Comana in Pontus, of Pessinus in Galatia, of Zizima in Lycaonia,
It
is
who
owned large property in land. The people who dwelt on the land were the subjects of the god. The system of tenure, the reThe spective rights of the god and of the cultivators, are obscure.
etc.)
It is fairly certain that evidence has, as yet, never been collected. the government was a theocracy, that the religion was the sum of
the rules of conduct in ordinary circumstances, and that in exceptional circumstances the will of the god, as declared through prophets
and
as
priests,
was authoritative.
A first sketch of the Anatolian religion
embodying the whole law of life, the rules for agriculture and for breeding and domestication of animals as well as for family life and
the action of individuals, has been given by the writer in Hastings'
At present our concern is fF. Dictionary of the Bible, v., pp. with the fate of those estates after the Anatolian period was ended.
no
How
the
was that primitive system modified under the Greek Kings and
.''
Roman Emperors The writer's view

This
is
is
that the estates
became the property of
the Kings in Hellenistic times and of the
Roman Emperors
after-
wards.
a principle
which may form a working hypothesis

20
3o6
to start
W. M.
from
in the case
RAMSAY
;
of any of the Anatolian Hiera
but
it
must
of course be proved by definite evidence, and not merely assumed, in each individual case. The evidence which can be expected in those
little-known regions is, of course, slight ; we find, for example, a passing reference in some late author to Imperial property, or an inscription
mentions an Imperial slave, managing the property of his lord, in the neighbourhood of some ancient Hieron ; we infer therefrom that
the property of the god in more ancient time passed into the hands of the Roman Emperors ; and we then search until we discover some
indication, generally very slight, as to the time
when
ihe property
of the god passed into the hands of sovereigns. Finally, we attempt to find evidence as to the condition of the population in the primitive time and
in later times.
The
subject
is
only beginning to be studied,

at
and the evidence to be

In this
collected.
way
the landed property of the
god
Tyana
has been
Various traced in Imperial possession as late as the tenth century.* examples in Phrygia are noted in the Cities and Bishoprics of Phr., lo f, 103, 131, 255 ff., 280 if., and elsewhere. The best i., pp.
example of an Imperial
estate in Anatolia, as
it
was managed
in the
third century after Christ, is found in the upper Lysis-vaUey on the frontier of Phrygia and Pisidia, where a group of estates called
Hadrianaf
found.
existed,
and a
The
people
who
of important documents have been lived on the land were called Ormeleis,
series
and the group of documents found there will be referred to they are described in the sequel as the Ormelian inscriptions
:
in the
Cities
and
ff., 304-315 i., pp. Schulten, Rom. Mittheil., Gesch. der Rostowzew, Staatspacht in d. rom. Kaiser1898, p. and Oest. Diz. zeit, p. 144 ff., Jahreskefte, 1901, Beib., p. 37 ff. 100 and ff. and iii., Pelham, p. Epigraf, ii., p. 537 [conductor), (Jiscus)
Bish. of Phr.,
280
221
ff.
* Histor.
docia," pt.
i.,
Geogr. of As.
in
Mm.,
pp. 173, 348,
449
form
" Pre-Hellenic Art of C.ippayuipia IlaTpi/idvio in Caria,
f" (;^<upta)
Maspero's 'ASpiava must have been the

i.,
Recueil, vol. xiv.
full
(cf.
Cities
and
Bish.,
p.
255)
xuipia.
MiXuaSiKa
also occurs.
THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIENDS
307
The Imperial Domains and the Colonate. Another example of less bearing on our present subject is found in the large Imperial estates of the Tembris-valley, on which see Anderson in J.H.S., 1897, p. 417
ff.,
1898,
p.
Rom. MiUh., 1898,

Minor,
p.
341, and in the present volume, p. 188 fF. Schulten, 221 fF. in noted Histor. p. (first Geogr. of As.
; ;
177 ff., Cities and Bish., ii., p. 615) J.H.S., 1899, p. 76. second principle about those estates of the Hiera is that
the Greek Kings and the Roman Emperors seem often to have given parts of them to the citizens of a new colony which they founded.* This principle is in itself probable, but is hardly susceptible of being
proved
is
the evidence available
that in
many
too slight. All that can be shown cases such a colony stood near or at an ancient Hieron.
is is
third
principle
that
the
Hellenic
or
Roman
city
or-
ganisation was not usually applied on these estates, except when .a colonia was- founded on the land but the people remained in the
;
condition of direct subjects of the sovereign, paying taxes or rent to his private officials, who exercised over them the rights of the sovereign.
Thus
term, on such
there were no magistrates, in the proper sense of the estates in Roman time the chief official was the
:
Emperor's procurator, and contractors who farmed the estate exercised certain powers the people on an estate were united
:
also in a
{koivov), the head of which was called in some cases a proagon (corresponding to the Latin magister vici). The terms vicus,
commune
^wpLov, etc., were applied to the town and the estate. condition of the population on such an estate was liable gradually to pass into a sort of serfdom, as Professor Pelham has pointed out in his lecture (published) on the Imperial Domains and
Koifirf, 8rJ/i,o5,
The
the Colonate.
an
which part of such Rostowzew city by an Emperor. has studied the development of Pogla in Pisidia from a mere koinon
are a
There
few
cases,
however,
in
estate
was raised to the rank of a
to a polis {Oest. Jahreshefte,
-example
it
loc. cit.). Lagbe or Lagbos was another was the residence of a contractor (^conductor, /aio-^wtt^s)
Cities
and Bish. of Phr.,
i.,
p.
10
f.
308
W. M.
RAMSAY
during the second century, but, as one coin is known to have beer> Rostowzew struck there, it must have been made a polis afterwards.*
Anomits this case, which furnishes so close an analogy to Pogla. other case is that of larger villages or towns which probably were on estates, and which can be traced afterwards as bishoprics, though,
they never struck coins.
(see viii.)
viii.)
and several
others.
Such are Tymandos (see ii.), Kinnaborion Probably Soa and Tataion (see
on the North-Phrygian estate of Tembrion may be ranked along with these: Anderson (p. 187) treats this difficult question I should rather count this as one of the unsolved difficulties well.
in regard to the
Phrygian
estates,
than deny that Soa was situated
on an
estate.
These
cases
show
that,
grew up on an estate, rank and rights, even in some cases to make it a city-state. But, on the whole, the tendency was that the people on the estates remained
in the position
where considerable centres of population there was a disposition to raise the town in
of rustics and subjects of the Emperor himself and thus passed in later centuries into serfdom. fourth principle is that the priest of the ancient Hieron re-
in tained a high position and some kind of authority in the vicus other words the development from the old theocratic organisation in a was incomplete neither village (or villages) near the Hieron had all traces of the first stage disappeared nor were there wanting
: :
Rostowzew germs of the Grasco-Roman municipal organisation. " the quasi- municipal organisaexpresses this principle in the words
tion of the Imperial estate arose out of the organisation in a collegium The demos of the estate was in its religious for religious purposes ".f
aspect plebs collegii (translated o^^-os in the Ormelian inscriptions). The question what was the history of the lands that belonged
Hieron of Pisidian Antioch had been simmering in my mind for years. I saw that probably the property of the god had
to the great *
[
Cities
and
Bish. ofPhr.,
I.e.,
\.,
p.
268.
Oesl. Jahresh.,
p. 41.
309
been taken possession of by Augustus, and that Strabo practically * but it was not until the first inscription published in the says so ;
present article was found by us in 1905 that the true significance of a whole series of inscriptions found near Antioch flashed upon
me.
to
This
;
series
friends
and
as
of inscriptions speak of the Tekmoreian Guestcopied that inscription in 1905, its terms revealed
me
Antiochian
political
that these Guest-friends were really the plebs collegii on the The nature of the collegium and its relation to the estates.
and social and religious and economic conditions of the third are revealed in these Tekmoreian documents far more clearly century
than in the Ormelian.
Yet the
latter
may probably
as in
be interpreted
from the Tekmoreian documents, just

moreian have to be interpreted
scriptions.
II.
some ways the Tek-
in
the light of the Ormelian in-
I.
THE IMPERIAL ESTATES ROUND On a pedestal, 5 ft. (R. 1905).
PISIDIAN ANTIOCH.
in.
high,
2 ft.
i|-
in.
broad, in an old cemetery, north of the road, near the north-east
end
of the Limnai (Egerdir and Hoiran double lakes). The letters are worn and hardly legible O and C and 6, K and IC, A, A and A
:
being scarcely distinguishable.

is
The
reading, though partly doubtful,
certain in the
CTTi
most important
points.
/AaTeuT['rjj?
Mctp/cou tXetvo[u te/aeo? ktlcttov Kap/3oKwiJLtJTov
[y]e/30?
/ca[i
Stj/aos
KapfioK(jjfjLr)[T-
KAIKTIC AN
wv.
4 'A KaL NetXXo? irpaySome part of the verb ktl,o), which

at the
cannot restore, was used
end of
3.
marked the
letters there as hopelessly uncertain.
Greeks often
misunderstood and maltreated
Roman
names.
(Aurelius) Philinus was doubtless libertus Aug., ruling the estates as priest (^cf. No. 24). Nilus was servus Caesaris, and member of
M.
the village Gerousia.

*
Hit/or.
Comm.
on Galatians, p.
211
Classical Reviezi;,
1905,
p.
417
f.
3IO
W. M.
RAMSAY
Karbokome, already known (see p. 351), is now proved to be near the north-east end of the Limnai, and to have formed part of
an estate administered by a irpay/AarevrT/s (a Greek rendering of the Roman term actor *), a slave manager of the financial interests of his
master,
village
the
owner of the
estate of a
estate.
Karbokome,
that
is
therefore,
was a
on the
at
Looking
situated
the situation,
Roman, we cannot doubt
to say of the
that
this
Emperor. village was
of
Men
on ground which formerly had belonged to the temple Askaenos at Pisidian Antioch (Strabo, p. 577). The
priesthood was abolished at the death of Amyntas, by the Roman envoys who were sent to take possession of his whole kingdom,
which Augustus made an Imperial province.

entire property of
calls it his
Augustus claimed the

:
Amyntas
as his inheritance
for Strabo, p. 577,
and slaves of Amyntas passed into the ImKk.rqpovoji.ia, perial household and were there called Amyntiani. Probably the words of Strabo do not mean that there ceased to be a priest of
the god
estates
but only that he was no longer governor of the vast of the god.f It is pretty certain that these estates included most of the land from the north coast of the Limnai round to the
;
east
and south coast of Lake Karalis(Bey-Sheher-Lake).J Probably part of the valley of Apollonia, west of the Limnai, was included in the god's property and he was there called Zeus Eurydamenos, ix.
;
Tymandos
city
or Talbonda in that valley was granted the rights of a

:
by some Emperor about 300-400 B.C. {C.I.L., iii., 6866) previously it had probably been only part of the Imperial estates.
*
On
the Ormelian estates
(called
Hadriana), the
Cities
TrpayfiaTevTai
\.,
are often
I
mentioned:
in Histor. Geogr., p. 173,

as
and
and
Bish. of Phr.,
p.
281,
have
given negotiator
the usual
Cit.
equivalent,
loc.
but
Pelham (footnote
correspondent
negotiator),
f
and Bish.,
cit.)
was pointed out to me by Prof. that actor was more probably the Latin
it
(though TrpayyuaTcuTr/s in other cases often corresponds to and both Rostowzew and Schulten, Rom. Mitth., 1898, p. 225, prefer actor.
in this case
Histor. Commentary on Gaiatians, p. 211, and on Artemis, g xii. " Pisidia and the See X Lycaonian Frontier," in the Jnnua! Brit. Sch. Athens,
f.,
190Z-3, pp. 248
253
f.

The Greek Kings probably took
of those great
estates,
311
possession in whole or in part and founded ApoUonia and Antioch by grant-
ing to the settlers
whom
they planted there some of the god's land.
Similarly, in all probability,
Augustus gave
*
to his coioni at Antiochia

:
and
as,
Bey-Sheher) beyond doubt, he gave to his

{i.e.
at Parlais
part of the Imperial estates just coioni at Olbasa part of the Orme-
There temple property, which became also Imperial estates. was doubtless certain property the income of which was pledged for
lian
the support of the temple of
(on the system called avitum or patritum) f under superintendence of the Curator Arcae Sanctuariae. What remained of the ancient property of the god after
Men
avitum
et
deducting the colonial land was the group of estates, revealed in the present inscription and the whole series of inscriptions found on them, which we proceed to describe. Other traces of the character of
estates can be detected.
this
vast region as Imperial
immense and
Parlais
:
\,
coins were struck by any city in that region except the colonies Apollonia Antioch and only when we go eastward into the mountain territory of
fertile
No
the Orondeis, do
we
find coins of Pappa-Tiberipolis.
The
failure
of
coinage seems inexplicable, except on the supposition that the country was Imperial property, on which no free self-governing city could
exist.
Again, the term moreian inscription R. I.

Oinia (Oinan) across the
Kkinasien,
p.
/xict^wtt;? has
been restored in the Tekit is
(see iv.),
hills
and
found
in the valley
of
174, No.
7).
Such
north of Karbokome (Sarre, Reise in jjuLaOoiTal were a feature of the
on
Sch. Athens, 1902-3, pp. 261 f. fC/.Z,., X., 5853, Mommsen ; Hermes, xii., p. 123: described in my paper the " Permanent Attachment of Religious Veneration to Sites in Asia Minor," in
* Annual Bnt.
Proceedings of the Oriental Congress in London, 1892, pp.

Galatians, p. 211
f.,
390 f. See Histor. Comm. on and below, p. 375. \ Apollonia and Antioch Seleucid Augustus added Roman coioni to Antioch and founded colonia Parlais. On Apollonia, see pp. 360 n., 366 f.
:
312
W. M.
RAMSAY
:
administration of the Imperial estates * they were, as a rule, free inThe inscriptions on the Ormelian estates habitants of the district.
are regularly dated by the fjnaOwrai, as on these Antiochian estates (see R. I.).
is
one of the inscriptions
Moreover, many inscriptions on the estates are dedications on behalf of the Emperor and his household, a characteristic class of
documents on such
estates (as in the
Ormelian inscriptions).
Further, the form of local government by dvaypa(f)ev'i and ySpaêvratf is characteristic of the estates, where the organisation was always Anatolian and devoid of the free, self-governing tone of
the Greek polls. fipafievTat are known as officials who managed the business affairs of a synodos or koinon, i.e., a private society for
religious purposes.
They seem
and arranged the

iastai in
festivals
have both managed the finance of the society. The association of Kaisarto
an inscription found between Sardis and Cassaba had such Brabeutai,;]; and were probably the population of an Imperial estate, united in a religious society {^plebs collegii, p. 308).
The
annually.
Brabeutai
were sometimes, Brabeutai seem to be annual
perhaps
officials
always, appointed of a city or village
in an inscription
in
of (probably) Tyanollos in the Hermus valley, and another from Hierocaesareia in the same valley. It is therefore
officials
probable that they were
who belonged
to
non-Hellenic
institu-
system. They are hardly found in tions are likely to have taken root.
It
any place where Hellenic
was
little
belonged to the non-Hellenic character of the estates that there education among the people, and a marked devotion to the
ancient local religion (Men and Artemis on the Antiochian, Zeus Eurydamenos near Tymandos). Roman education was lacking almost
* See Rostowzew, Gesch.
pp.
d. Staatspacht in d.
rom. Kaiserzeit, Philologus Suppl.,

this
ix.,
is
332-510:
a brief outline
of the theory stated in

v., p.
epoch-making
article
given in Hastings' Diet, of the Bible, f See opening of inscr. R. I.

Buresch,
loc. cit.
394
fF.
J Buresch, aus Lydien, pp. 10, 41, 130.

entirely
313
on these Roman
estates.
brief epitaph of a
Roman
lady
and a bilingual epitaph of an Imperial freedman (with some mileSo far was the stones) are the only traces of the Latin language. it Imperial system from desiring to educate its subjects governed
:
them and thought
for them.
the Ormelian estates the priest of the local god is often The Imperial mentioned, and documents are dated by his name. procurator also is regularly mentioned at the head of the acta, and
On
evidently was the real governor of the Ormelian land and people ; next to him came the adores of the three estates. On the Antiochian
estates the administration
must have been very
similar, yet the
Tek-
moreian documents are never dated by the priest or by officials of the Imperial service ;* and this peculiarity long concealed the real character
of the documents.
The Tekmoreian
acta emanate
more
directly
and
exclusively from the populace, and the Imperial officials do not appear. The intention was to show the spontaneous nature of the demonstrations
;
and the procurator and
actor or actores
.''
took no direct
part.
Why,
then, does the priest not appear
The answer seems
to be
the epitaph of Ti. Claudius Vicenio, evidently freedman and doubtless procurator of the Emperor Claudius, who was also priest of Artemis. May we suppose that the
given by the important inscription Call.
I.,
procurator was always priest, and thus combined the Imperial power and the old theocratic authority ? It is possible that the Antiochian estates were even more ex-
On the east, across the Sultan-Dagh, a was Phrygia Paroreios, large set of Imperial estates (or a single Part or the whole was called Dipotamon or Mesagreat estate).
tensive than has been indicated.
in
nakta.f
These
estates
extended from the Fountain of Midas on the
north-west to Kolu-Kissa on the east, perhaps even further. It is the have been that Antiochian quite possible they may originally
god's property, for they are continuous with the territory of Antioch, if (as is practically certain) the glades and saltus of the Sultan-Dagh
*
village
deed
is
dated
so, p.
309.
j-
See Hist. Gcogr.,
p.
140.
314
W. M.
RAMSAY
.
On this view the Antiochian estates were belonged to that city. immense, but Strabo lays stress on the extent of the god's property,
few pages before been describing the property of the were also of vast extent. great Cappadocian and Pontic hiera, which
and he has
III.
DISCOVERY OF THE TEKMOREIAN MONUMENTS.

from the long inscription of Gondane or Gon-
It is best to start
danni,* which, though not the earliest in chronological sequence, is the most important, as being complete and thus showing the character of the whole groups of texts better than any of the others, furnishing the answer to many fundamental questions before
and
we
The Gondane stone, approach the other fragmentary documents. was as R. the first in order of in the which will be quoted I., sequel
discovery.
In 1882, travelling in
in
W.
Wilson, Consul-General
company with the late Sir Charles Anatolia, we found it one morning
cemetery by the roadside about eleven or twelve miles west of Antioch. In the same cemetery stands a milestone, marked with the
in a
number XI, which, though not

carried far.
in its original position, has not
been
Sir Charles delayed the march for a day in order to give time to copy it. The task was difficult, as the day was stormy, The inwith frequent heavy showers of rain and very bad light.
me
scription
is
very irregularly engraved, the lines are uneven, the spaces

letters
difficult to
between the
that often
letters
vary greatly, some letters are extremely faint (so determine whether the gap between two was a blank or contained some letter), yet considerable parts
it is
of the inscription are deeply engraved, and in a strong light f stand out as clearly as any inscription that I have ever seen. It added to the
difficulty
of the task that the time

exact form of the
it
I.
at
my
I
disposal was too short for a
*The
name
is
difficult.
Many
believe
natives
it
is
pronounce
it
like
Kundanli, giving
more of
Turkish form.
the ancient ethnic

x.,
Ganzaenos of R.
The
as
ancient name, Ganzaia or Koundoia,

the modern.
in this inscription.
showed the
same variation of vowels

)
Sterrett notices the
need of good light

text so long
315
and
difficult.
In the second half
had to omit many
of the personal names and devote

names,
I
my
attention to the geographical
as
being more important.
published the text with a commentary (which though now requiring modification in some points, took the right view in a good
many
R.
I.
respects) in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1883, p.
23
ff.
My
friend Prof. Sterrett of Cornell University in
with a number of other inscriptions of this group

;
1885 copied un(all
fortunately mutilated)
tion,
Wolfe ExpediSeveral inscriptions which he discovered 1888, pp. 226-273. are of the highest importance, and the text is repeated in v. from my revision on the stones in 1886.
Prof. Sterrett added
in the
and published them
in his
a large
second half of R.
I.
(No.
personal names 366 in his book), and gave several

the
;
number of
geographical names rightly, which I had misapprehended made one serious mistake, which blocked further progress
but he
inter-
in
pretation. top of the inscription, with the statement of its purIn R. I. the parts were rightly put together side by pose, is broken.
The
side
366 the smaller fragment is printed as if it came on the top of the other, and thus halves of the same lines are printed This as two lines separated from one another by intermediate lines. unfortunate mistake seriously impaired the value of St. 366, which
;
but in
St.
would otherwise have been
a great
improvement on R.
I.
large
part of the text was recovered with complete certainty ; but the restoration of the little that remained uncertain, or had to be left
blank, has required much trouble and labour. In 1886, travelling with my friend H. A.
Brown (who
after-
wards died a
soldier's death in
I
Mashonaland,
as
one of the thirty-three

in R.
I.
with Major Allan Wilson),
reviewed a number of details
We
went
also
to Saghir,
where Prof. Sterrett had found several
other inscriptions of the same class in 1885, and revised these (except No. 379, which I could not find) with Prof. Sterrett's copies of all
except R.
I.
in
my
hand
and
sent
him
list
of
all
my
additions
3i6
W. M.
RAMSAY
and corrections,
to be used in his contemplated publication.
My
additions were St. 371 (now republished and completed, v., and quoted as R. II.) and the small fragments St. 383, 384, which had
In his book, accordingly, he mentions in the escaped his notice. * that it was verified of each heading inscription by me, giving the
This was not so owing to a agreed in the text. misapprehension which he explains in his Appendix, p. 428,! he rarely states in his text the corrections which I had made in comparing his
impression that
1
:
copy with the stone, but he placed a

readings in the
partial list
of
my
divergent
Again
in
Appendix 1905 we spent
to his book.
a night at
Gondane, and discovered
there the important inscription, now R. III., a companion to R. I., but mutilated of the upper half. There is great hope that the top
of R.
be discovered, as the lower part escaped the notice I have confidence that the of explorers for so many years. missing is in a house or a I took the part court-yard in the village. opporIII. will yet
tunity of verifying some points in R. I., especially some in which Prof. Sterrett's publication of 1888 disagreed with my readings in 1886 ; but unfortunately I had no copy of the text with me.
In
1906 Prof.
I.
T.
Callander went to Gondane and revised
the text of R.
pression of R.
in
III.
proof for the present edition, and made an imHe also was unlucky in experiencing rainy
weather, as
so
was
in
1882 and 1886.
Rain delayed
his
movements
that he had only a few hours at Gondane and at Saghir ; but in the latter place he found two inscriptions which had escaped Prof Sterrett and me. His work has been useful in many details.
*
much
By
slip
he omits
in his text to say that
recopied his Nos. 369, 370, but he
mentions
this in his
I sent to him, I j-In the list put some in capitals (when the exact form of letter was needed to explain the change), but the great majority only in cursive script. The latter he took to be " nothing more than suggestions " of mine,
Appendix, p. 4.30. of corrigenda which
unauthorised by the stones, and accordingly omitted them. In revising his proofs I observed the omission and asked the reason. Some fragments which seemed too small to be worth sending to him, are printed now as R. IV., R. V., R. IX.

IV.
317
THE INSCRIPTION OF GONDANE.

in
When we
ments
:
found the stone
1882,
it
was broken
lost
;
in three frag-
(i) the top left-hand part,

:
which was
and has never been
recovered
(2) the top right-hand * the letters are part, which I replaced to fit part (3) and so copied ; sometimes very faint ; (3) the main mass of the stone, containing
it
contained only a few letters
over 100
for
11.
lines quite
complete
even
in (3) there are

is
10-13 are mutilated, the surface
some difficulties, worn or broken in parts,
and
in other parts the scribe has
made
positive blunders (some cer-
tainly so,
some probably).
beginning of the
text,
The
all, is
which
is
is
the
a
most important part of
peculiarly difficult.
Not merely
fragment (i) of the stone
lost
Thus
but some of the letters in fragment (2) are quite illegible. the preamble, containing a statement of the purpose to which
the contributions were devoted, and

ality
some description of the person;
of the contributors,
is
seriously mutilated
but at
last after
many attempts it is now possible to give it complete. The name Xenoi Tekmoreioi, by which the whole body of
persons enumerated in this and the following
lists
were designated,
He did Sterrett, Nos. 369, 370, 372. not, however, recognise it in the heading of this list,t but regarded Tekmoreioi as a local epithet, derived from a place Tekmoreion,
was discovered by Prof.
which he indicated on
R.
II.,
his
map.
In 1886
found the name
also in
which
sent to Sterrett to be published as his

lists still
No. 37
1.
The
character of the
remained an enigma.
fit the fragments together in copying, and seriously between them in his text of t886. connection Prof. Callander the misrepresents found only fragment (3), and this is now broken, so that 1. 28 is the first complete
* Prof. Sterrett omitted to
line.
late as 1905 all lines from 14 onward were complete. In his No. 366, equivalent to R. I., he read -peLov in 1. 2, and thus missed the f restoration [TK/Ao]peioi, which follows at once from the true reading. as the text was uncertain in part I I did not send him R. V., copied in 1 886,
So
and
hoped some time
to
be able to restore
it.
It
contains the
name Xenoi
Tekmoreioi.
3i8
In
W. M.
RAMSAY
;
I republished the preamble of R. I., but and making other additions restoring [HeVo^ Te/c/iojoetoi there still remained a considerable gap, mostly due to the fact that
my
Histor. Geogr., p.
410,
*
the nature of the
lists
and the character of the Xenoi were
still
un-
determined.
certain
;
That
its
but
I felt TeKfiopeioi was not a topographical epithet I advanced the was obscure. conjecture meaning
Xenoi who used the sign (reK/xcop), " the in the artificial term adding poetic re/c/Awp is not unnatural Greek of Pisidia ". In Cilies and Bish. of Phr., i., p. 97, ii., pp. 359,
that the Telcmoreioi were the
630, it is proved that Brotherhoods were a remarkable feature of Anatolian society both in ancient and mediasval times, and the
Tekmoreioi are quoted as an example of the class. This explanation was rejected (apparently reluctantly) by Dr. Ziebarth, Griech. Vereinwesen, p. 67,
who
recurred to Sterrett's idea of a local reference in
Tekmoreioi, on the ground that the revival of the long defunct

poetic
word
shows
TeKjxcop erscheint kaum glaublich (an objection which insufficient consideration of the character of the Phrygian
;
Greek and Greek-speakers)

Hierapolis
and Dr. Judeich
in
Alterthumer von
(Humann, etc., 1898), p. 120, agreed with him. But new has confirmed my view, and enables me now to explain and discovery restore the inscriptions much more completely my interpretation is
:
no longer a theory, but a
fact
of Phrygian history and religion, as
the sequel will prove. The stone is a column, eleven and a half feet high, oval in section with raised flat surface in the middle of the broad sides, similar in
shape to the columns in the middle of Byzantine church windows. The writing, which begins at the very top and covers ten and a half
feet
of one of the broad

it is
sides,
extends across the raised
flat
surface,
and
sometimes
difficult to
judge whether
a letter
was cut on the
raised edge. *
(see
The
is
raised edges are
marked by
lines in the facsimile.
The word
:
below) formerly variation of spelling for
accented by its relation to the newly discovered verb reK/xopivu) I accented on the supposition that the word was a mere
Ttx/xoptoi.

As
the copies are
319
mostly independent of one another (only Callander having with him any earlier copy), more careful statement of readings is needed in this than in the other documents, in most
of which
I
compared
*.
Sterrett's
copy with the stone.
For the
is
printer's convenience the ordinary
symbol for denarii

St.
represented by
2.
Quoted
as R.
I.
(R. 1882, reviewed 1886, 1905
1885
Callander 1906).
VTTep rrj?
S,4voi.
KvpCjov
?
"t^/S.]
TV)(r)^,
fjieydXr] *Apre/Ais,
Te/c/Aojaetot iTToirjcrav (jadkyjp
KOI Tov KvpCov
Oi
6
TeKiJ.opev<TauTe<;?
iv
dvS]p[e)LoivTa kol y;akK(t)p,a koX TrareXAâv rjo) Alttv5 kol Xt/SavwrptSa
CK
\a)
?
TO)]/
lSlcov
iirl
dva-ypa(f>]ea)<;
Avp.
dvaXwfidTcjv
ArjixrjTpiov 'Ovyj\crip,ov
1-23. See facsimile,
1.
which
is
not exact, being too regular in form and order.
So R., 1886
only
OY(
and
K Me V,
etc., R.,
1882, and
St.
The
restora-
tion ItJovs t[o-], given in Hhtor. Geogr., p. 410, cannot be right, for the era used in that district must be B.C. 2;. Moreover, more than two letters seem to be lacking at
the beginning.
The
iii.,
restoration here given
other Tekmoreian documents.
is guaranteed by the exordia in many In 1886 R. noted that the fifth letter might be C or
cp.
:
C .I.L.,
B
is
S or B
(like
right,
6974, 1. 5, where in a similar almost obliterated text he read (. or and the word is the same in both cases. With abbreviated Sf/8
in Class.
Aug.) compare an inscription published

2.
101
R., 1882, reading

:
-ftiloi^v)
:
in transcription,
1
Review, 1905, p. 369. and adding note "first half of
alone remains"
3
ION
;
St. /
lOI
R.,
886.
letter before
So R., 1886
liee)
:
PC
[-JNTA R., 1882 (indicating gap of one

St.
N,
and
is
NT
Pt
NNrA
;
printed by a slip
In J.H-S., 1883, p. 25, the transcription ;!(aX/<w/iaTa the copy in my note-book is correct (so R., 1886, and St.). St.
:
reads
AAAN
4 and
5.
at
end of line, doubtless correctly

St. gives
AA
them
only, R.,
1882 and 1886 (tran-
scribing -\X[as).
So R., 1882 and 1886
as
one continuous
line,
and has
AIIAN
for
AIBAN.
Restoration, pp. 346, 349.

:
7 and 8. So R., 1882 and 1886
St. gives as
one continuous
line.
as
9 and 10. So R., 1886 (two half

four lines, not observing
how
omitted in 1882): St. gives these the two parts of the stone fit on to one another.
letters
320
W. M.
RAMSAY
^r TVXHCMrAAH APTCMIC
/
PIOl
eTroiHCAN4>iAAMN
cAi
PC/|AKr\
7
LAmv
10
II
xAAKWMAKAtTrATfAA xAiXiBANWTpiAA
3
i"
AMAAUMArdiN
iS
KariBPA -86VT^w Ay PAAeSANAp-vt)'//, ,iiit iitn KAlAYP2P-TlKUMtW\AoVMApC)ANovAoNf'''^///W(V Avp2i>TiKocMciAAcrr Tr IAnoc

-
<|'P'M(H>vkApv\-n
III
'
AvptiMoeôcA H>HTPiovkA PSoKfiSM+lcAoNToc-Jf/Â rAiocKA>f>Ni ocMopA/ANojcwApKoncVPA "TfaTovneiAp hnoc
10
AvpApT-M>nBC K*ÂAevc o i(ca(i*ANAPorK^"H
AvPCKYMNocAcycAAitAzovA
AvpAp>eMc>M^fc^N60Y K 6Ao<-C(J/ATHC A V p AckAwi lAAlHcePMoreNt vAvKloKPVHTHC

yl^^K'7^
Avp trAnÂc wersNeolvMiKKaNt- iAr-/c

1
US-
AvP
n A.TTVAocffrCYNN A.)ArCOlKONCNAA
AoNTocH'SrA AÂiAnoc^'BTA
sy AvpAprKu>'|*AÂHN
|';;
NOCTv PC H uoc AoNToceirAor/NÂa I(II|I||/CMAKAo A <MfeTrtf(OC Ayp MM>KOCMtNOvrA 70 AvPzw'iifd'cZQYlK oYtCoYMAo zArwc >f-\tJ AovctTiAociNX' AypzuiTikoCIC KY MNoYMAMoY|ThN ThNocXMN A pA/W(o'iruN)A"r ncirArrAA ocÂTn
I
7? AiriAcAPKAcrHA^ cxXxnA aovkphtio titocpAith HNOC KAPlK0C#AXNKe 7?AyP ?/ AvpirArrAcAAAPKoY OYeiN A

I
yo
AvPirATTACZWTIK
ovnTAn
AnoinC ^tAxA

10 KTLfji^v{r)v]ov eVt[Socrtj' K inl fj.icr9(o ?]tov Avp. HaTras Mevveov t[o)v [koI
^povifiov Kap/Jirjvov Sdvr.
fipa^VT(i)v Xvp. 'Ake^dvSpov /3' &\ypcrr)vov Koi Avp. ZojTLKOv MeveXdov MapaLavov 86vT[o'i 15 Avp. ZwTt/co? M(e)iXas(?) IlT[a\y Lav6<;
/f(e)
321
*^S?]Ta'
'
["
"
iirl
*\'Y^
Avp. Ti/Aoêo5
Tuarov
Ovecrcrfj.10?
^TjfjiiqTpiov
KapfioKuyixrJTr)'; S6vto<;
*/">*'
r[a(,"]os KaT(i)VLO<;
MopStat'os
MdpKov
IcrTpa-
l\eLhpiqv6<;
Maft/Aos TLa^rjvo?
/3'
*,p
20 Avp. 'ApTefjiwv
Avp.
XvvvaSeix; oIkcov Iv KavBpovKai[jji]r)

*fi(Ta'
2/cu/i.vo? 'Acr/cXa
Avp. 'ApTCfiajv
Avp.
'
NaôuXeus Mevveov Ke)\.o{ve)vidT7]<;

'Kpfioyevov
Au/cio/c(a)))U,TjTrjs
'A(rKkr)TTLdBr)<;
Avp. 25 Avp. Faios 'Pw/xyXov rapSt/Stavds AouKpr^rio? KdiVros KutVroi; 'OXvfjinoKcofiyJTy]^

Av/3.
Acn<\r]TrLd87]<; Teip-odeov êpKLOKUtpufjTrj'i
*^8a'
*,'Y^'
Kopj'TjXios
'Io{/c]u/ji,i/ou
NaôvXev?
Avp. KapiKo? 'AfTi[K]Xeo? 'Eâ/aeu? AovKpT]Tio<; AovKios HetSpr/t'os Aoukiov uto?

15.
fault
*,'Y^^'
There is some R., 1882, and St. both suppose engraver's error for M'8as. of engraving perhaps read M[. .]o-iXas, or omit as engraver's error and read
:
perhaps correct to M[c]tXas. in the ethnic. gap between IT and 16. So R, St.
: :
SiXas
All copies agree exactly, except that St. has

Cf. R. VIII. 2.
no
T MHTHC
R. places it midway opposite 18 and 19, it seems intended to apply to both. 22. i^t. and Callander read C C N. R., 1882, puts gap for first C , and supposes erasure of letter: R., was Y, injured by flaw in the stone. the letter 1905, thought
19.
St.
places the
number
in this line:
with note that
The
28.
ethnic occurs in R. III. 25 as KeXvi'iarr/s. Impossible to judge if there is a letter lost between
is
NTI
:
and A; there
so Callander,
is
plenty of room, but the edge of the raised part of stone The copies of R. and of St. suggest that a suggests K.
29.
broken
is
who
tran-
letter
wanting.
r*A
St.,
R., 1905, Callander:
TYA
21
R.,
1882 (corrected to
in
scription).
322
'
W. M.
A[v]p.
RAMSAY
'
30
MaKeSmv Kdiqviov
\(rKapr)vo<;
*
'
\vp. Falo? Bopa? 'OXvvttokw/atjtt^s Avp. IlocrtSwvto? \\pTp.ct)vo^ Kivval3opr){i^)o<;
*yxa
*,ya *,y(j)a
Avp. KapLKos 'A7r(7r)a8os Kii/i/a/Sopiarijs Avp. AouKios KaptKov NetS'/î'C)? 35 Avp. AiOTrdvy)^ IlaTra 'TekecT({)6pov Tlrayiai'os Avp. Ma/itt "l/xevos Movo/cXTj/jeiTTj?
Au/3.
Mevi/ea5 Zwti/<:o(u) Tlpovpi(TTp{v)<;

"lyti.ai'
Avp.
ZwTtKOV
%o<j)OV /\a{^)r)v{)v^
*jpa
*,ypa
*,ya
^
Avp. Tei)u.dreos
'Arras KoiWou TurTjvos

Ilrayiai'os
40 Avp.
Au/3.
ALO(f)dvr]<s 'I/Acvos
Aup. Ka/3t/c6s 'Epp.oyvov Taraeiis
Fatos
IlaTras
/8'
Hup/jou MiK/cwiêtarr^s
Aup.
Au/3.
Mevveov MtK/cwvetarr/s
Tcorcuj/iarij?
ZwrtKos ^rjjxrjTpiov
ITairuA-os
/S'
45
All/3.
XvvvaSeix; oIkuiv iv 'AXyiê'ois

KLvuaôpia.Trj';
Au/3.
'Acr/cXijTnoiST^s 'EKarijo-tou
Avp. KaptKos
'AX.efai(Sp]ou Favârji'os
yS'
[KoX PJwviaverr^s Avp. 'AXeai{8p]os Ka[pi/co{)] ot/cwv eV Netow

Ma/3/cos Se7rrou[)u,t]os
32.
(i/),
all.
I
Number
1882
:
33.
34.
Only IOC
for
second n.
added omitted by R., 1882 Perhaps read 'ATrtuSos.

:
St., R.,
1905, Callander.
R.,
NO
liee
all.
R.,
1886:
NO
St.
37.
38.
N and I for Y and Y, PHNOYC R., 1882, 1886,

makes the
-pijcw.
to be read (fracture
St.
letter doubtful).
1905, with note in every case that B is perhaps Callander notes " B quite likely ".
gives
PHNOC
42. R., 1882, omits final
in
number: added
1882
St., R.,
1886, Callander.
(in the transcription the arrange43-45. Given St. and 1886. was ment interprets rightly, except that the number misunderstood) the account of to lettering), and not to 44 (as he gives it). 45 (on clearly belongs in and St. every detail: the ethnic begins probably agree 48. R., 1882, 1886,
in facsimile according to R.,
with C or t or
or
or
K, and there
is
confusion between K[o\]*)viavds and K[o\]a)i'
perhaps a space for three or four letters of the citizen Antioch. Colonia utj??,
:

50 Avp.
Avp.
Aou/ci[os] M[ej't']eou [TjôuyXexTeus
'
323
Xprefj-cov ['ArrjaXou
AvTTe\aSr)vo<;
*fiva'
Avp. (M)aft)u,09 r[ato]u KapcrvSy]vo<;

Avp. ZwTt/fos
55 Avp.
|S'
*fiva *fiva
*//87a'
*,/3Ta'
*,I3tc-'
"ip^tyo^
^0ivia.T\yj\;
Avp. UvpfMoi; HaiTLov 'Ap^c\a[]v<;

'EpfiTjs
/S'
'Ipidrivo'i
Seurj/Dos Ka/3[i/c]oC 'Ai'7reX[a]87/!/os
Avp. ApTepba^v] 'AjU,aT7i{os] Aup. 'AXefai(S/3o]s 'ATTTra nra]Siafo9

j8'
Sovtos
*^/STa'
*
^^cra'
*^/8cra'
Avp. ZwTi/cos [Met']i'eou Ki'ou7eti'ei;s
60 Aup. Sovpio?
M[iji'o](/)tXou
'A(TKapr)vo<;
'Oeit-taxT^s
*^/3aa'
*,fio'<^'
Avp. KapiKo{<;) [Z]o)tlkov Avp. 'Apre/AtSojpos

'
/8'
AavKijj/os Sovtos
*fip^'
Avp. Avp.
ApTepwv
AcTKXrjTndBov KvovTeiveix;
Ma/ao-tai'os
TeviTTjt'os
*fipa
*,/8a'
[lIu?]pyu,os 'ATra9
65 Avp. Kapi/cos Me(v)i'eoi; M7jj{o8]ajpoi;

Aw/3.
*//8a'
Mei'i'ea?
FlaTra 'Apife/Awji'os Kepaaiavb<;
*
ja!
Avp.
50.
St.
AXeâi'S(p)os 'AcrKXTjTriaSou Tvpar]vo<;

reads
p.(av 1882, 1886,
TP,
doubtless correctly: R. could read only IP in
1905, so Callander.
52.
C
EN
St., R.,
53.
54.
R.,
1882 and
St.
1905, Callander: C have right copy,

loi, R. omitted
EIH
R.,
1882 (marking
uncertain).
false transcription.
From
this line to
many of
It is
the personal names owing to
pressure of time and bad weather in 1882.
needless to give details.
The
miss-
ing personal names are supplied by

54.
St.,
St.
and
verified in part
by Callander.
1.
right in copy, transcribes [5]i!p/xos.

right
:
Lat. Firmus, cp.
35.
56.
St.
R., right
in
copy,
indicates
gap
(where Avp.
might be)
in
transcription.
57. R., 1905, as in facsimile,
MA
liee
the second letter: R., 1882, 1886,
St.,
Callander
58.
AIAH.
wrongly transcribe
R., 1882.
first
:
R., St., right in copy,
11 [o-]8tavos.
59. So St., R.,
1905
St.
:
BTA
65.
St.'s
KANAKC
:
:
R. conjectured
KAPIKOC
:
then
KAAYAIOC
as
nearer
Wi R., 1882 copy Callander reads KAPIKOC 67. PC all (p) in R., 1882, transcription is a slip.
HN
St. (engraver's error).
324
W. M.
RAMSAY
e-rrihocnv
iTrihocriv
Avp. raio]s MttKeSdvo? Tvp(Tr)vo<; Soktos Kvp. MdpKos Meveov TaXijiAexTT/vo? Sou?
*
p.(o
70 Avp. Tio^TiKo^ ZcoTLKOv KowSoôiTT;?

Avp.
A[v]p.
Av/3.
Zo)Ti/co5 'JcTKvp.i'ov
*,aw
,a-^v
*,a|;i''
A[ip
?]
MapovTrjvo<; OlTwvLdT[7)]^ naTTttSo?

^
Ma/Jtos Mi/TjcTTCOv Ma/iovrrji/os

Av^duovTo<;
Avve\aSr)vo<;
*âi|/v *,ai//v
Av/3[i7Xi]os
75 Av/3. IlaTrJias 'AXe^dvBpov Ti(,y]vo<; Avp. Kap]LKOi Mevveov Ma[J.o{v)Trjvo<s Avp. Z]q)tlko^ 'AXe$dvhpov Ttrr/vo?
^
*,a\pa
*a\jja
âxjja
Avp. nJaTTias
ApKauT7]vo<i
/S'
*,a-Xâ.'
^ AovKpriTLo[^]
Titos
'Pair-*;-
79 Avp. KapiKos
8
1
Aav/fc-Jjvo? *,a-X'^'
Avp. ITaTras Avp. IlaTras Avp,

68.
MdpKov OveivtdTov
ZwtikoG nTaytavo(j')s
Teviavos
R.,
vos *fi^
*,^X-
'Aprefjicov i^-qp-rfTpiov
R.,
*â<^va
:
nAO riN
I
1882
HAOCIN
1886
HAOC NN
St.
Callander re-
cognised
and
Kee.
68-72. See facsimile. between 68 and 70 69. Later insertion

R., i>82, St.
Call.inder.
:
MM
(so
indicated by R., not by
St.)
Aw
R., 1886, Callander.
Gap between
TA
and
R., 1882, 1886,
exactly,
letters).
IHC R., 1882. 70. So St., R., 1886, Callander: Callander accepts, and St. agrees to R., 1905. 72. See facsimile according text a from so far as can be (R., 1882, omits the first three
gathered
printed
There
the ethnic.
as
he puts the father's name after certainly here an engraver's error, If he has not also omitted some letters of the ethnic, the restoration is
is
given
{cf.
\.
119);
in
if
an omission
is
hardly room for name Lir, see R.
A[i/) T]o(v)T<ovid7ijs,
which
There seems supposed, read [TcoJTunaTj/s. I inclined to. the Pisidian On long
Ramsay
in Journ.
Revue
des
Univ. du Midi, 1895, p. 357; Miss
Hell. Soc, 1904, p. 286.
73. SoR., 1882, 1905, Callander: 76.
Mt NH
St.
St.
OTT
OYTT
Error of scribe for
OYT
but
and
sometimes are
difficult to distinguish.
78-82. See facsimile.

80. St. prints this line as
80
in regular order
with the others.
It is
deeply and
strongly engraved
no C
at
the end of Aou/cprjrio was ever engraved.

Avp. Zwri/co?
85 AuyOT^Xtos
Ifievos ^rjfvqTpiov Tvnrfvo'i
/li.o<pa.vr)<;
325
â<f>va
*â(î'a'
Mafi/xou
Ta\tjU,eTei{s]
Avp. OvajLteXiavo? KoiVrou TaXt/Aereus Auya. KapiKos Zojtlkov KaKO^-quo^

Au/3. *I/Aai'
*â(î']a'
*[â^]Xa'
*â(f)a'
XvvTp6(j)ov Kpavocrayvo'; Sdvros iwiSoaLi'
Avp. Av^dvoiv 'AfjiLov l^pavo<jayr)vo^ Swros 90 Au/D. AouKto? [MevJavSpou 'fl[ei]ftaTTy9

Au/3.
*â(â
Zwri/fo5 TaXeijueTr^vo? 8o(i')tos cTriSocriv Avp. "Aptâvo'i Zcjtikov [vJeii^tarT^s
*â(f)a
p.vva'
*âui'a'
Avp.
Au/3.
IlaTra? Zcuri/cou 'Oeii'iaTT;?
Mevea?
*
'AcrKXT^TTiou 'Oeti'taTT^s
/XTtra
*
95
Au/3.
Met't'eas Zcotikou Ma/oaXtrr^vos
ârK^
flJTK^
Avp. 'A\$avSpo<; KapLKOv 'ApneXaBrjvb? Avp. Mcvveas 'ATTTraSo? Kepacrtai'os

Aup.
Adi;K[to]9 ZcJTiKov M[t]cruXtaTr^?
Aup. KdiVro? 'AXefav8/3ou 'Ai'ireXaSr^vo?
*âcri'a
100 Aup. Ilairas
AtoTrai'ous n(T)aytavos
*
ne[i]o"ST7i'os
jiLcra
Aup. 'AttttSs ZoiTi/cou KfouTetveus

Aup. Ilairta? MeWi'o? Avp. Avp.
85.
St., R.,
'Acr/cXrjTTiaSTjs
'AiTTTtt?
St.
'Atttto.
^)vparr)vo^
p-aa
*
ZwTi/foC AttTretcTTpcu?
1882.
apa.
$
1.
R.,
Ye Y
R.,
1882
(corrected in transcription):
TC Y
1886, 1905, Callander.

76.
all.
and
sometimes approximate in form on this

M'ltth. Ath.,
stone, see
86.
T
. .
Not
d.
Oua(Xpios).
noted Pisidian love of vowels in
1883, p. 74, Rev.

89. 91. R.,
.
Y
.
El. Arte, 1895, p. 355, e.g. 'Houj^to?, Ovoovas. Callander has I after M, and St. R, 1882
:
AMOY
: . .
OC
:
for
OY.
Me T
.
R.,
1882
Aie
;
TMt T
St. (so in transcription)

is
.
TAAIM T
1886
II
IMf
Callander
perhaps the true text

:
TaAc
^ctt/vos.
:
Y St. C Y R., 1882 (A marked very doubtful) 98. 1886: MIC Y (r doubtful) Callander. Mio-vXiaTr/s G. Hirschfeld, Gift. Gel. Anz., 1886, p. 591 (by comparison with St., Wolfe Exp., No. 548), a brilliant and undoubtedly correct emendation.
R.,
.
MACY
100. 102.
nAN
and
:
nPAF,
6 C
all
copies.
tICASt.
R., Callander.
103. SvpoTjvos St.
326
W. M.
RAMSAY
*âpa
*
'
105 Avp. MafijLio? ZojTLKov 'ileLv{L)a.Trj<; Avp. Mevea? Aovklov Tlea[K]^ Ji'tarr/s
Avp. Mvav8po<; 'AXe^dvSpov 'AvvreXaSr^vo? Avp. 'Ovyj(TLfx.o<; 'HXtou Mepyviarij? Avp. MeveSr^/AO? 'AXeKas
Krifievrjuoi;
no
Avp. AioyevT]';
Mevveov
*
'A//,7reX[a8iyi'os
'
"ZTpovpjjjycx;
Avp. XapiSr^/AO? FtXtwiôs Avp. ÂrraXos Md'avSpou Avp. KapiKos
'A/A7reXaS[7;i'ds
Xdifieurjvo^
*
'
Avp. Koueti'TOS AufavovTOS OveLfLdrrj';

115 Avp. 'IcrKv/Avos Map,as X^tp[i']rî'os Avp. ZwTiKos Meveov ITecr/cci'taTTys
Avp. Mei'eas 'AttttSSo? IToXvp.apyiyi'ds
Avp. 'Sevoiv BovySctXov
IleicrStai^d?
Avp.
A.dfia<s
Olrwiddrfs
a/ce
120 Avp. ZwrtKos

105.
'Epp.T}8o? Eipevjaevtar?;?
lAT

R.,
TAT
]N
St.
doubtfully.
106. C 6
a gap) R.,
MN
1882
1886:
C
R.,
NN
has been cut out, leaving (with note that St.: rectangular hole with traces of The Callander.
:
C C
engraver corrected one blunder, but forgot to insert
no. loNOC
1882:
MNOC
for
K after C M-NOC R., 1886: MNOC

.
St.:
Cal-
lander says that fracture conceals the space, leaving a doubt whether the cross-stroke and was engraved or not. wA R., 1882: toPA St. (transcribing between
o>poL
without remark).
116.
THC
R.,
8 86, Callander:
NIC (N marked
a slip in
very uncertain)
R.,
1882:
IHC
St.
118. St. omits

119.
at
end of SeVodi' by
Si's)
epigraphic text.
B with
cross-stroke (for
St.,
R., 1882.
Stone was engraved on a uniform plan, and therefore on one occasion, not in different years. This is proved (i) by the in a names of definite the the three different kinds dating year, by
:
The
of
officials,
order of the amounts which they contributed.
and (2) by the arrangement of the contributors in the Apart from the officials

and the
first
327
and
last
on the
:
list, 11.
15, 120, they give
from 6001
denarii to 901
the
first
on the
list
has no
sums varying number at-
tached to his
name
11.
(this
is
certain), while the last gives 1025.
The
contributors in
letters
1.
between two
44, 69, were added lines of the inscription as

three short lines at
as an afterthought in smaller
80 was added
in
and engraved the side of 11. 78-81.*

first
;
according to the amount of contribution is but in one case, 1. 69, the violation given violated in some cases
;
The arrangement
due to disputed reading, and disappears in the text given by here according to my copy.f There remain a few cases (i) at the
St. is
end, where perhaps the scribe confused between (ji and w (2) where a at the end is omitted, probably by error of scribe or copyist
:
41, 42) (3) in 1. 80, which is inserted out of order, evidently because 11. 78-81 were very short and left a convenient space at the right -hand. But the exceptions are rare and are obviously exceptions to a clearly marked rule of order, implying arrangement
(e.g.
11.
:
according to a plan.
differ
In this respect the
Tekmoreian
inscriptions
from the Ormelian, most of which clearly were engraved from time to time, as new entries were needed, and are not arranged on
any plan of order.

But, while the inscription was engraved on one occasion and on one plan throughout, the writing changes several times in a marked
manner.
in at
The
In
inserted
1.
89
is
such a careless way that

first.
tfi
written in a totally difiêrent style and was misread w by St. and by myself
is
several
places
it
clear
that
either the
scribe
was
changed, or that he rested and began afresh with new vigour ; but these changes cannot be explained as due to the enrolling of addi* Prof. Sterrett
ment, and prints these
lines.
in
his epigraphic text disregards these peculiarities
of arrange-
letters
each occupied one space uniformly with the other He carefully mentions the peculiar arrangement of 1. 45, where the last few are written above at the end of the inserted 1. 44 ; but otherwise merely refers
lines as if
to ray published description of the
arrangement of
lines.
f Confirmed by
Callander.
328
tions
W. M.
on various occasions
list
RAMSAY
list.
to a standing
The
reasons just stated
was compiled on one single occasion, though it may have taken the engraver some time and several spells of work to complete his task. Presumably, the list was written first on some
show that the entire
more
perishable material, and afterwards copied on stone to be pubsimilar case occurs in the list of the Gerousia at licly exhibited.
Sebaste in Phrygia {Cities and Bish. of Phr., ii., p. 602, No. 475). In that case a list of seventy-one names shows several fresh starts and
M. Paris* argued from this that the list inchanges of writing. cluded the names of those who were enrolled in the Gerousia during a series of years, whereas I have argued from the date at the top
(equivalent to a.d. 98-9) and from the aorist participle in the heading (ol icreXOovTe'; et? rrjv yepovcriav) that the Gerousia of Sebaste
was
first incorporated in that year, and that seventy-one persons were then enrolled in it, thus marking an important stage in the development of Graeco- Roman municipal institutions in this Phrygian city.
That the
of time
is
inscription
was engraved slowly during a certain lapse

:
proved, further, by these reasons In a village, where the stonecutter was evidently not very (i)
skilful,
such a long document probably required a good
many days
to engrave.
(2) Besides
that
showed
" The the original heading following are they " the Tekmor in the year when a second heading was
added above and
right-hand side of the first, stating that the money was applied to the purchase of certain religious objects. Presumably the main inscription was engraved before this purpose
at the
was determined, and the statement of the purpose was added later. The list was drawn up in its present order after various contributors added to their original contribution, for presumably such
entries as
68, 88, 91, give the total sum contributed by these persons in their two donations, and these appear in their proper order
11.
of amount.
* See
Bull.
Con:
Hell.,
1883, p. 455.

V.
3.
329
OTHER TEKMOREIAN
(R. 1886
:
INSCRIPTIONS.
Quoted as R. II. publication as No. 371.)
communicated
to Sterrett for
'Ayadrj Tu^t^ (2) [uTrep ttjs] tov rjfjicjv \vTOKpdTopo<; Tvyy)LTnTOv "HXioi' criiv tcH (4)
[koctimo)
kc /cajracr/ceui^
Trdcnr)
Ik twv ISlwv dvaXcofjidTcop
Six lines illegible.

M]a.pa-iav6';
[Mevvîov
-vo<;
MapoTLavo?
TptyXerTT^vd?.
4.
Quoted
I.
as
R.
:
III.
At Gondane on column of same shape

:
as
R.
Classical
iirl
1905 impression, Callander 1906 Review, 1905, p. 419.)

(R.
oiK\ovvTO<; iv
"l/iiet'og
'
published in
y8pay8]ci(T(Si'
'Zvuvajhecj';
/cai
Map/cou? 'O^toltov
Kvp.
'AcrK]XTj7rta8i7s
/8'
MtK[/c]<u[i'taTou
We^dvhpov
'tvvvahev'i
[0]u/Dcnj[vds
Aup. @e]dSw/30?
oIkwv
iv 'A]X.yiîoi[s] SdvTos {8r]vdpia) xpoe'
Avp.] Aou/cto? Faiou Sayovr^vd?
Avp.
10
(Srjt'.)
t/iva' /''
]s
Aup.]
e]v
'Epfioêvov 'OXi/Aai{alpev9 'Atttto, Svi'vaSev? o[l\kwv

(8171'.)
(Si?!'-)
'EcraySo[u]pctais Sdj^ros
"ifjiav]
^va
(Stî'.)
xH''-'
Avp.
Mevveov
IleaKevLdrr)<;
Avp. At?]d<âvTOs MavLOV etepev? Ato?

EwpvSJa/LiT^voi) PJPo/c/cijt'ds (8'>?f-)
X**-^'
Aup. KXav-^JSto? Ma^Cfjiov 'Eâpeus

2.
3.
(St^v.)
i^/<e'
OIK
confirmed by impression. So impression C/; St. 376, 46.

also possible
:
0(iV) R. in copy.
all
10.
CICAB
OlT
or
OT
possible.
330
15 Avp.
Aijo/cA.'^s
W. M.
"AvSpwvos
RAMSAY
'Okfii.av6<;
{8r)v.)
^/ce'
Avp. KapLK
?]6s
'AXe^dvSpov
Sdvros
'S.vvvaSeix;
[8rjv.)
OLKOJv] iv 'AcTTi/Sta
^Ke
(f)va'
Avp. M7)v6<j) ?]tXo? EvvoTo<; ToijoiviaTr]'; {Zr)v.)
20
Avp. Avp.
Avp.
]s ]s
ArjjxrjTpCov Mapcriav6<; {8r]u.) 4>va
Ovdpov
Kov8ovl,LciTrj<;
{^rjv.)
(f>Xe
Mei'v]ea<;
IlaTra,
SeTTTouftaveus {8f}v.) <^Xe'

<f>\a'
Avp. 'ApT?]ixo)v 'OvTjcrCpov Kapftc[K](t)iJ.rjTr)<; {8r)v.) Avp. Ovd?]\.r)<; Mevveov MavSpr^vd? {^V^-) <Â-a' Avp.
Zcorjt/fos
Mevveov
TlecrKet'taTT;?
{^W-)
4'Xo-'
25 Avp. 'ApTe]p.o)v Av^dvovTo^ KeXuvictrij? {^V^-)
4"^^'
Avp. Upi?]crKo<; Ma/ce[8dv]os Aa/AtcrTyvd? Avp. Awp.

'Acr/cX.7;]7rta8rjs
(Sr/i".) (ftie'
Au/3. 'Epjjirj ?]? "Iêiôs T[ara])7i'[d]9
30 Aup.
Avp.
y8'
[AXy ?]i{e[u]s
(817V.)
<^te'
]i'8po5 Za)[o"a8os] 'Ai'8f>jvd9 (8r;v.) voe'

(Srî'.)
vXd
Ti'a'
/3'
nTay[tavds]
(8171'.)
/8'
vy'
ropSt[ouK]t<j/.i'>^s
Avp. ZwriKos 'A7roXX[wi't]ou

Auys. Fatos
i^V^-)
'AXe/f/ca? Meve8-j/Ao[u] Krftjjaei'rji^ds (817^.) riâ'
Mevav8p[ou Ile]aKevi.dTr}<; (87^1^.) Avp. AowKio? AovKLov Fi^Tyvo? TKixopevcra<;

IlaTerjv6<; {8r)v.)
cttt'
tkc'
819
(87^1'.)
ra'
35 Avp. Kapi/fos Map/cov
Aiip. Teip,dêo5 A7][iJiri\rpLov Mapcrtavd? (8171'.) t(o') Aup. 'Atttto,? llaTTtou 'FLfj.evLauTr)v6<; âX/cta 8uo
Avp. Mr^j/aTTOS Kepacrtai'ds
(8rî'.)
ui''
Aup. 'A777ra? 'Opeorou Krip.eKJî'd?
(St^j'.)
vv'
ui''
40 Aup.
Arjp.iJTpLO'i 'OvrjCTipov
Krtp.ei^ryvd? (817V.)
Aiip. ZcoTt/cos
nXaTwt'os Kevafiopiarr^5
(Siji".)
Avp. 'Apâ-]roKXrj<;
'Apicr]7d87^p,o?
29.
va'
Kaj'8ptat'o{'
37.
Ethnic read from impression. Two bronze vessels (St. 379,
cf.
:
370, 9, R.
I.
3).
first name omitted 43. So R. copy and Call, impression error of for engraver Perhaps -r)ixov KavOpiaKos.
in C/c7ss. Rep.
by
slip.

5.
331 (R.
Quoted
as R. IV.
At Saghir
ancient Sagoue.
1886
published in Classical Review, 1905,

[eVl PpajievTUiv
p.
420.)*
KoX Avp.] Zwri/co[i) Kw/coura Sui'vaSew?

ot/coCi'Tc^s
iv 'EpfJLOKa)iJ.y
Ttro5 $Xao[uio? 'Acr/cXTyTTiaSTjs Svi'i'aSews olkwv iv Aaovt^jofir) (Srjt'.) Avp. Mei/ve?5
a? SwT/DaTo[v
Avp7]kLo<; 'Api[efJL
T/D07roXetTo[v
Mt^-
Auya. 'Att-ttS?
/8'
[Krt/xei'Tyvos
Au^. 10
vo<?
'^(i)Kpa.Tri<;
["EwKparovs Kovcrea(Sr;i/.)
/cal
Swi'aS[ei;s
[
Avp.
'ApTefi(jDVO<;
Avp.
IlaTTia? rTaTTiow
Avpr). ML0p7)<; Aa/xa Ma[paXXtTeiis.''? (St^v.)
7.
Error of engraver for nom.
This fragment is closely related to St. 375, 8-10, and 373, 43 Menneas, 4, son of Sostratus, St. 373, 19. (not 376, 34).
6.
Quoted
as
R.
V.
At Gondane
in
:
cemetery on bomos
broken to right: much defaced. (R. 1886 published Of the Review, 1905, p. 420.)! early group. HeVoi TeKp.op[eLOL 5 Zwtiko? Mai'8[
5. Perhaps read Ma;'[ou "Ao-KXiprtJaSiys Sv^vJaSevs be room for this.
;
in Classical
but there seems hardly to
did not communicate this small fragment to Sterrett.

it
Since then
have
been able to restore

1
restore
1
it.
in part.
did not communicate this uncertain text to Sterrett, hoping to be able to The stone has not been copied by any other person and I vainly searched
;
for
it
in
1905.
332
Tov
e]/f
W. M.
^(OfjLou i[voLrj(Tau?
RAMSAY
dSr]<;
avv
d8e[A.<p&>
f*
(ôis?)
Twv
[i8i]<wv
[fLeyaXn
eXXtw
trui'eo-TrouSao-PPjei'
*A]pTcyxt[S]i T17 [êa
Quoted brought from a

7.
as R. VI.
field
At
Saghir
fragment said to have been

to Sterrett for publi-
(R. 1886, communicated
cation as
No. 384).
Ivos
[* [*
KXevcrjriavd?
o]u K[L]vvaftc[pev<;
*
TAiieiVr^g
[*
*[
Kti
?]iJievr]vo<;
*
/^vjos
ua'
'lojuXievs
oi/fjoiv
ev
on fragment brought to the Saghir to communicated Sterrett for publication as No. 1886, camp (R. 383)
8.
Quoted
as R. VII.
At
OiK(t>i>]
iv ['A]X[youi/tois
oIkwv iu
,]kC(J/a7^
'
oiKcJv iv]
AvirekaSi
AaTTTOVKo^TJTrji;
iv
Kaj3
?]d/3/co(,9
K]{a) KeLTr)[<; MaXrjvo?

7.
a,
on
stone.
9.
Quoted
as R. VIII.
At
Saghir.
(R.
1886, communicated
to Sterrett for publication as
No. 382.)
BoaXiavov
?
A. Left.
cVi di/ay/3a^W5
Zjft)T{t]/foG
'ApTefjL(i)vo<;
MeveKXrj^ MeiXctr/xeo?

MapKOS VXvKWVO^
5 0e/i,icrwv
'
333
AaTTTOKCJIXTQTT]^
%Lpy(ov IlavXeLVOv rap8v/3iav6<;

Atttto.
'Aâêi)?
HaTTas
A.pTpn,h(x)pov
AavKrjvos
Tito? Te/aeVrto? KapPoK(ofi'i]Tr)<; MdpKO<; KoveLVTO<; Ko'lvtov vtd?

Ar)fjia<;
'A[iT\o\^krjC\ov
Kap/3oKMiJ.TqTrj<;
10 Map/cos Faibs
Kpa8prjv6<;
'ApTp.iZo)po<; IlaTra KavKrjv6^]i'OS.
I.
A
10.
2.
15
perhaps read MeiXa
(Aa)T(U,os.
Quoted
as R.
IX.
At Saghir
(R. 1886).
Aup. A[
Avp. Ko^vTos Avp. 'At[
Avp. 'Ipâv
Avp. M[
Avp. K[
Avp. MiKi[
Avp. n[ Avp. A[
11.
Quoted
as
R. X.
At Gondane
Venia Pontia
L. Pontius
(R. 1882,
St.
367).
M.
SA, R.
(St.
2.
SM,
/itr, St.
Quoted as St. 369. At Saghir. more 1886, completely in (a), omitting (b)
12.
(a) inrep
iJ/cTj?
Trj<;
1885
reviewed R.
entirely.)
Kv]pC(Di>
tv^%
I
.
koX
\y-
Kol alcovCov Sia/xovTj?

pi<x)v
TV)^
omitted by
St.
334
W. M.
RAMSAY
Kol Tov crvviravTO^ avTov olkov

croiTr]pia<;
avea-Trjcrav
SevoL
a-
5 TeK/io/aetoi Tv-)(r]v ;âX/ceov iTj[L

u]a,'ypa<f)o<;
Avp.
IlaTra. 81s 'Acn[i.TrpeLi,r]vov
8]ous iirihocriv */y(f)a
Avpy^Xio^
(b)
cttJi^
M]evva<;
di'tt-
ypa)4,{e)-
ws] Av[/).
fJic[v
3.
First
N
St
6.
7. 8.
AT,
r, St:
omitted by ACT, R.
:
St.
it is ; engraved above. See p. 363 f.
/r, R.
Omitted by R.
Apparently the beginning of a

St.)
list
of names.
These words (seen only by

:
are probably an addition in:
scribed later in the blank space at the top corner the text should be restored
cp. R.
I.
Perhaps
Aujja.
or
Ai{prjkiov 'OTn[d-
'Atttto.?] 'Ottti]ju,o[v
TOV
AioTei]ju,o[u
Quoted as St. 370. 1886, when 1. I and part of 1.

13.
At
2
Saghir.
(St.
1885
*
reviewed R.
had been defaced.)
MeydXr)]
TT}]?
T(t)[v]
''Ap[Tep,i<;
virep
illegible.
K[vpLa)v] A[vTir^r)<i
:
TîKparopoyv
1.
KOL -^dXy^wfjia lO Kai Tr)v euKoua
[6-
St.
has
AP
R. nothing.
8
2.
K
St.
8.
and A, only St. makes g follow

St.
:
7,
numbering
it
R. marks the
loss
of
8.
9.
AK,
to
AX,
R.
Owing
the misapprehension
described in
iii.,
St.
gives
the correct
reading only in his
Appendix,
p.
368.

/cat
viiKrj';
335
koX
ioiVLOv Siaix,ovr]<i
eas 'Apre'/AiSos {ttjv ev rw irpova^lo}

0.73(0 /cJeijaeViî/
aevoL Te/c/Aopeiot dvecrTTjcrav

11.
KAI
St.:
AC
R.
and
are often hardly distinguishable

[Ilepyjc'a
,
in
is
the
Tekmoreian
inscriptions.
G. Hirschfeld conjectured
but there
not
room
for this.
12.
13.
Hf,
St.:
N, R.
St.
Ai and
PM,
At Saghir (St. 1885 14. Quoted as St. 372. This may be heading of St. 373 or 374. d-yady 'r]vxV HeVot TeKfioprjot
iirl
revised R. 1886).
di{aypa]<^cw? Fatou
['OXuyLiTTO.'']
TapyiXiov
K(l)fJ,y]TOV
Koi ySpaySeuTou
5.
'
Afxvi^TOV ôjwioivo<;
Compare
St.
375, 8; R. IV. 14.
15.
Quoted
1885
:
as St.
373.
At Saghir:
in
the turbe above the
village (St.
revised R. 1886).
oIk\(i)v
Sufi^JaSevs
Zo)TLKo<;
ev\ '0\Lfj.]a.vdp(i) (St.
374, II
Xatv
?)
Swi/JaSeu?
oii^wi' eV '0/3]opais
* *
0/
*t/>i'a'
* wa' 10 Avjp AoC/fis A[ou/<iou Vi}^'f]voo[. .] ZwTt/cos KariT^veiTi^s Ka/3tcoO uios ySov,
XjeuToO 'AfTioêwi'
I
.
For
only
in
1.
Perhaps Tejprio?.
copy of R. Two names seem to be mixed here through error of the
engraver.
336
W. M.
RAMSAY
*
xjjKe
Av]p. 'A)8ao"Kai'T09 'A^.efa^8pov TaTa7)Uo<;

*
Av]p. 'ApTejJLiov 'AX.efai'Spou

'
'PeKOK0!)fjLrJTrj<;
xjja
Avp.] Mei't'eas
Ajv/D.
*
ApTefj.a)vo<;
KvovreLV[v<;
* *
i//a'
AouXos
^pfioyevov MapaXXtrfêi;?
*
'%ayovr][vo<;
i//a'
i//a'
Aii]p. 'AvTTJuwp AefictSow Kit'i'ay8[opew?
r]al"os
AoXXtos Mapôu vtos
xva
[y]X.'
Avjp 'EaxTTpaTo'; 'Apre/x.wi'o? KvouT[en'eu9
20 Av\p 'ApSpdyadoi;
Av]/o
*
Mr]i>a,TTov [Kjepaov
Y/ce'
'AXeâvSpo<; KapiKov "iXXa X[vvvaSe]vs
*
X*^'
Av]p 'lovXios Ka/3iKou 'louXteu? oIkcov iv

Au/a] XapLTOJv
va'
AvklBov MaXr)vb<;
tt/dos
Xajp.a '%aK7)vov
/cat
*Ya'
*
iâ
Av/d] 'OpecTTT^s "Ai'Spwvos
Ev/i,e[z/ei)]s [6]
['OX/Aiat-os *
25 Avp]
'Epp.rj'; *Ip,ezôs
fi'.
naTe['/;i'o?
[(^JTrc""
A]up. 'ApTeficjv
'ApTe/i,iSc<j[pou
...
*
tôe'
A]up. 'Epp.oyevrj<s 'ApTe[/xwfos

Ajirp.
'AX^'favSpos Mevt-eou
... ...
'
*
(ô'
<iâ'
A]up.
KapiKo? Kapi/coS
Mevt-eas
*I/xei'os
naTe[T^]i'Os
^â'
<îâ'
30
Ajiip.
Oi/cer/vo?
* * (hpa
A]up. Ila^ras Mapiwiôs KXavT[-]rji'o<; A]up. Ilairtas 'Ep/xT5Sos 'louXtevs olkmv

A]iip.
ii>
*
'A[i']8[i]ats
<^/c[e'
Ztori/cos ZwTiffov 'ATTaXr)vo<;
* AjKi
Au]p. Mei'i'eas Aio/xi^Sot; 'Pei'/Seai/os
<i)K:e'
35
Aii]p.
Iju.ai/
ZwTi/foO AiO(j>oivov IlTayLavos
* (ha
A]up. ZwriKOS 'Aprep-tScopou MciXtjj'os n-[pos X&)p,]a

Tijros AaiTwpios Ttrou uios KaXouT;i{o9]
*uoe'
*
uoe'
A]up. Aa8>y9
Mei't'eoi;
KTtjuei'iji'os
A]up. Mevi'ea? "I/acvos Ileo-Keft'arr^s
* vê'
40
A]vp. 'AXe'lâi/Spos Kapi/coC 'Ooi;ii'iaT77S

16.
*u^'
Not AoC[8]os; AovSa?
is
the usual form of that name.
20. K omitted by engraver's error.

24.
CYMCA,
in
R. (the
last letter
equivalent to a mutilated
N)
C-
MC
St.
40. a for
number,
St.

A]u/9.
337
Aou/fios KopvTjXCov Si/AtK/ceus

'AttttS? 'ATTTTtt Kpa(TLavb<s Sovto^
'Atttto,
A]up.
[*
vva\
Av\p. 'AttttSs
A]u/3.
I/Aar'
Kt LfjLeur]vo<s
TvLTrjvo';
Xt/At/c/cews
ArjjjirjTpiov
45 Av]o.
Aii]p.
Ijuai'
'AXefa^Spou
vva
KapiKO's Evyvcoixovo<; 'ASaSeus

Krt/^tei'rîôs
*VK
*
'
Au]p. 'ATTTra; Aewi'os

Au]p.
Mcweas Meuveov MapakXirevs

'^cl)1ôi'to<;
TTTC
Av\p. Aioyeurj?
Ai,aTopr)i'o<;
*Toe
Toe
50 Aup.] KapLKos 'AXeK/cas MayDaXXtreus Aup.] Mei'veas ZotrtKou Ma/xa IlecrKei'tarTys

-
AtXio? Aiovvcn<; AvKaovev<; npo^ euSov

Met'têas 'ApTep<ovo<; Tvlttjiô?
%
* *
Avp.
SS
16.
t[
Za)T[iKov r
Quoted
as St.
374.
At
Saghir
stone behind
mosque
5)
(St.
1885
revised R. 1886).
I)U,av?] 'Ai77ra
Avp.
HaStai/ds /SovXevTrjs
(St.
38
1,
Avp. 'Apêp.Mi'
(i>p6vT0)uo<; Kivua/Sopev^ Avp.] Met'i'eas 'Zvj^t po\(f)ov Fpe/ceTji'ds
Avp.j A0V/C19 AouK'ioii Ft^r^fos 5 Avp. 'AXefavSpos 'A/courou NeocûrTjvos

A]up.
A]u/3.
[>'
i/i/
t&oiySos
'AXefavSpou
'E/c/ceavds
Tei/tapi^[os] 'Apre'jU.wi'o? Bapov/cXtai'os

A7jfirjTpio<;
Ip.ei'os
Avp.
'A7T[oXXJa)^'taT7^s
^X[
A]up. Kapi[Ko]? IlaTra NciSer^fos
10 Av]p. 'A;8acrK[a]f TO? 'AXefaySpou Tara[7jj'o? A]up. rXvKaiv 'AcrKXT^TTiaSou SvcvaSev9 oIkwv iv ['OXijLtavapco
St.
373.
I-
*
Aii]p.
'ApTCficju
'AXe^dvSpov
'F^ko]ko}jx7]T7)<s
xpou
Avp.] Meriêas 'ApTp.a)vo<; KvovTi.vev<;
Avp.] AovXos 'EpfjLoyevov MapaXXirews 22
338
W. M.
RAMSAY
*LX]'*'
[*
vio<s
15 Avp.] 'AvT7]voip AeîdBov Kivvafiopeii?

Av]p.
Ta.LO's
AdWto? Mo[/)kou
'%]ayovr)vo<;
X^
x[^^'
X*^
Av]p. 1,(o(TTpaTos ['Apre/Acoi'o? KvovTiyev<;

'
Av]p.
AvBpdya0o<s M[7]vdiTT0V Ke/jacrtajyos

'AXe'âi'Spos [KapvKov
'\ovki<s
Avp.] Elprjvalo^ ['AXefavSyaov AovSaS-^vos )(aXK[a Tpt,a?
20 Avp.]
Avp.]
"iWa
'Zvuva8]ev^
Ka[piKov 'louJXievs
tt/dos
X**
Avp.] XapiTCov [AvklBov MaXyji'O';
Xwfxa
/cai
*
"â^KTjvov
x^
X'*-'
[x]''"^"''
Av]p. 'O/aeo-Tijs [ÂvSpcouo<; Evixi>evs 6
'OXju.tai'ds
Aup.j 'Ep/Aijs
['l/nej/os
y8'
IlaTC'/ji'os]
25 Aup.] 'ApTe/xaû
'ApTe/AtSwpou]
Aw/D.] 'Ep/xo'y[ei'r^s 'A^re/xwfos]
Avp.] 'AXe[fav8po9 Mei'iêou]

Altp].
ZtOTl[K6s
*
Airp].
Ka/3i/<[os
KaptKou
IlaTeTyj'o?
(j)va
30 Aup].
*
Met'i'[as 'l/ieiôs 'Oi/cerjt'os
.
^va'
<f)va'
Av]/3. na7r[as Mapiwt-o? KXai^r t^j/os Av]p. 'Api(TT[68rjpo^ or -okXtjs, see R.
*
III.
15, 42.
Au]p. na[7rtas 'Eya/Ai^So? 'louXieu? olkcjv iv 'A[v]8[i]ais

Av]/3.
Ztt)[Tiws ZiOiTiKov 'ArTaXr^vd?]
35 Av]p. Meiî'ca? Aio/itjSou 'Pei/;8eavds]

Au]p.
na77a[5
\p.av [ZwTt/coO Aio(f>dvov nrayiai'os]
AJwp.
Av/3.
Zw[rtKo? 'ApTefiiScopov Ma\rjvo<; Upo';

eus
Xw^Ja XaKiqvov
*W7j{e?
[* vJttc
TtVos A[ai7w/3io9 Ttrou uios KaXovT^vos)
40 Avp.
A]u/3.
"l/taj/
Ajup. Aa[S7;s Mei'i/eov KripevTqvh^
*ue'
Mo{ve'as
*I/i,evo?
Ilecr/cei^tarr^s]
*v^
A]u/3.
Av]/3.
'AX[f]ai'8po9 [Ka/3tKou 'Ooutviarrys]
*v^
*v^
* vva
*
3.
KapiKo?
'ATTTTois
'Euyi'aj|jLtot'09
'ASaSeus
45 AJup. AouKts Kopvr)\iov [EifjUKKevs

Avp.
riaTTa K[paa-taj'os SJovro?
19.
vva
fAA.]
in copy.
See St. 379,

Avp.
Aup.
'ATTTTtts
339
'ATTTra [KTLixivrjvos:]
i;[va
A]vp. HeVoJV ['AXefa]v8yD[ou] No[(^]utjjvos [So]us

I/xav
'
r[a]rou TXovrjvo'i
vva
VKe
TTTe
50 Av]o.
Av]p.
Au]/).
îj/itti/
A\[^dv8]pov
X[i]iJiiKKev'i
'A77-7ra[s
Aewros
K]nî/i7j/os
Me[i'vea? Mevve'ov] Ma[p]aXXiT[eu5
*T77e'?]
?1 TTTe r
Av\o. Atoy[ei'rj9 S&jôvros ALaTopr)vo<;
Av]p. Mefj'ea? [Zwri/cou
Ma/â necrKeftaTi^s
'TV
55 Av]p.
. . .
"ifiav
VIS AtA[ios Ajtoi'ucrt? AuKaot'eus Trpos evSot'
TK
TO.
noXii//.ay3yr^t'09
Avp^
Ka/)tK[os] Ar)py)TpCov MapaXXi.Tv^

'
re *
(T/A
Aujp. Met'i'eas
ApTep.o)vo<s TevLTrjvo'S
60
Au/D.
'Ettiic ?]/3a[7]js
M
At
Saghir
(St.
17.
Quoted
npo] a
as St.
375.
1885
revised R. 1886)
Of
the earlier group. K[aX.] Mata[s

?
(AFA
?
R.,
ATA
St.)
inl] dvaypa(f)ew<; Av[p.
Mr)v]o8cL>pov AovKeCo[v /3ov\evTov *

*Avr]to;(ecus S6pto[<;
5 iirl
PpaêuTOiv Aup.] npwT{a) 'Ai'a/cXirov 'EpfjôKCjjXTJTOV Aup. Z]wTtKoi) tov kol 'Eppov T^ykcov] OS Sui'aSei^s Avp. KaJpiKos yidvov 'AKpo7]vo<;
cai
Avp. Aopviwv 'ApvvTov MrfTpono

Avjp. 2w/cpaT7;s
/8'.
*
Xetrr^s
(f)a
?
x
*
Kovcreavo?
lepeix;
10 Au]p. ZwTt/cos KwKoura? 'EppoK(i)pr]{<;) Av]p ZwTLKos Mctvov SovcrtXou K

IlaijStcrKO? 'AvTtd^jôu
Aii]p.
Sw(i')aSeus
vê
apprjvo^ *v[
OS
Trj<;
Kappiqv
%X
VKe
*
FXy/cwi/ 'Acr/cXi^TriaSou 'EcrovaK(opTj
EjTTt ^paLêvTcov A 'AX/ci/aou AXKcpov HaTra rjvov

1
VK
'xt
Atttto,
Falov AaTricrTpr]
AiokXtjSo? IlaTrar^t'os
KX[ejX-/yi'o
vov
* v
<t/3'
Avp
At]o/cX-^s
K
ve
Avp. *A]7TaXos KapiKoC
340
W. M.
Avp.
X]a.pLT(t)v
RAMSAY
vds
7r(p)os
AvklSov MaX[T7]
Xw[j.a
Aup. A]Xefai'8/3os 'AXeâvSpou
[A]t[a]
Toprjvo';
TTTe
tttL,
20
ZojtikoC TeTdr]uo<; Av/3. Ai]oi'U(rei(os) 6 Kal Av^dvcov [Kit-] nJocriSwvios
Avp.
Avp.
Au/3.
'AySJctcr/ca^'Tos
Mocrxou NeiSetai/
valBopevs * Toe 05
OS
HeV?]cov TkvK(ovo<; Kapp.-qv

11
*T â
Avp. Fajeios Faeiov Mov^tjvos
Tve
epoKLavo<;
*
25 Av/3.
Hejt'wi' 'AcrKXrjTTiaSou
Avp. TlaTT
Avp.
'lo-
?]ias
Mev(v)eou
Tv{l)t7)vo<; *
cjo'
Avp. Kapt ?]k6s Kapo-evSeus

PJiSwpos
MeuduSpov NaôuXevs
Ka/xapyr/v
*o-a'
[09 [*Ta'
Aup. ÂrjraXos
'EiTa(f>paSo<;
30
Mcv]e/cpaTr/s Mrjvo<f)i\ov
[ovp]/Siaiôs
NBOK
18.
Quoted
as St. 376.
Saghir
(St.
1885
revised R. 1886).
)SovXeunr)s
So[us
Aiip.
(8'>jv)
ttj^
Xap,:r]poTaTT7s
'ATroXXcovtaroii/
TrdXews
Ma/(e8wv
rrj<;
MapKou
Meve/cXeous
Kao-wviari^s
irdXecos
ôvXevTr)<i
Xav7rpoTaT[7js] 'AvTioêwv
Sovs iTrtZoaiv
(817V.).
Â*A
E]utux[]? M[ Avp. S/fVfi PJi/os Memi'Spou

5
ot/cwv eV
'A[p]ao-i[^]evs
Kri/ACi'iji'ds
oikoji'
(Sr/i'.)
Aup. Zjwcrtjjxos Aup.

/ce
/8'
''
^rC
A
*
Svt-t'JaSevs
(Sr;i^.)
^rC
]s
Ma/ceSdi'os Sui'i'aSeiis
eV 'AXyoj^tois
(STyz/.)
cVi )8paêu]rwv Avp. Zcdtlkov Koivtov
'OXui'77-oK'a)p['>7]7o[u
Avp.
S]ui'i'aS[ew]s o[t]K'oOvTos
ct{
Avp. 10 Avp.
Avp.

VIO\
TAI,
eV '0;8dpa([s * Z]a)TiKoS Sui'i'aSevs oi/cwi'

(8171'.)
'Ao-KX7y]7ria8ov 'Apacriêvs
^FA
(Srjv.)
SwvajSevs oIkmv iv MavSprj

(Five lines lost.)
TA
5.
AtYCKT,
St.
:
St.
\ACYCKT,
R.
9.
FAI, R., with note that
is
certainly wrong.

17 Avp.
341
21
'
oIkS)v i]v OC[.
.]COIC
{h-qv.)
,BI
'A^TJe/xwv Aoi(kiov
26
32
FAI
Aiip.] 'Oi/ifcr[t]/i[oj?
[
TTj?
KoX(ui'ia[s 'Ai^rtoêias oIkuv iv Il^XLy]dv(o SrjV. Sut'J'aSeu? ou]

X.av]7r{jo]o[r]aT7y9
'AÂ'
Avp.] ZwTt/co[s
]ou
Swi'aSeus oiKotv iv KôvfiakiTTOi
hiqv.
'A[XN]A'
Avp.]
'ATTTTtt?
A[T7-ira]
35 Avp.] ZwTiKos
Aup.
A[a]<ûcrT/3eus \hT)v.
'AX]NA'
(Stjv.)
NNOC[
/cw/i,>fTTys
'AXNA
'AXA
Zwtikos
'AttttS? 'A[7ro]XXo[SoTov] *l{ep]K((oKw/LtijT]T^s
(St;!'.)
Avp. "l/xjat- Aa/xaSo9 roC [ hiqv.] AXNA 'ArraXov Avp. KJaî/co? 'At-ireXaSTji^ds
Aup.]
Au^.]
'Ot-T/crt/AOS
ZwriKou Svi'i'aSeu?
oIko}v iv [llejXtyavw
Stî/.
.'A*NA'.
40 Aup.
l,]vvTpo(f)0<;
Mvi[ov
otKwjv
8r)v.
'A]NA' Ai{p]. Zcotiko?
yS'
riecr/cet'iaTT^S
(S'?i'-)
ej/
XovfjiaXiTTa) S-qv. 'AA'

Stjv.]
Avp.
N PJewv
M[
Ei^vcijaot-os 'ASaSeus
]tas 'Pa[tT7j]v[d9
T
'ATN'
Av[p.] "ifiav
nAC KPATHC
45
HaTrta? 'AXe^dvSpov Aiîjvos
(Sr?!/.)
>T.
Ajvp. IlacrLKpdTrj<;
Avp. FaX/Sa? Faiof
Ai/x.ei'tas
HNAN
^vvvol]Sv<; oIkovvto^ iv
[-'^^/^-J
IIPE
'Ai/7reX[a8i
MapaXXi PJT'ei^s
Pw
ICOYM
Aiiya.
Map/cos 'Otttoltov M.iK<x)vidi\r]^ HX109 HaTTiov TifrTjvds

]?
naTrJiou Nwj'[
33. 33,
for
(Stjv.)
ÂTA'
text very doubtful.
KOYM
is
clear in both copicj.
34 and 35, 36 begin

St.
in the
same way
and R. omits 35,
35 perhaps Avp.] Zo/rtKos

41.
42.
['ApT]/[*[<o]vos.
has
A* A.
St.
Compare
Is
373, 46.
dittography of 44? it is not given by R. or irpi seem to be an engraver's error.
43. 45.
IIACKPATHC
letters -qpi
The
342
W. M.
Avp.
Al]o^'^;o^s
[
RAMSAY
ÂTA'
,ASNA'. \vp.
ZajT(,/c[ds
yr)v6<; {Srjv.)
(B-qv.)
50 AIK
6M
'
>TA'
i^V^-)
Avp. K]aptKo<; M[
NIAATA
Avp.] Zwtik6[s
Avp KjapiKos
55 Avp.] UairCa?
ÂCA'. v ^vvvaSev?
]
Avn-e]\a8r}v6<;
(Stjv.)
Avp. 'ATTTras 'A\^dv8f{ov A' ouKcav] iv AXyovviv^ Srjv. ,AC

'
Ke/sao-tai'ds
On
(i)
Avp.] Av^dvu^v the other side of the stone are two names
a<j<jov
:
h6vTo<;
(8tjv.)
Avp.
1.
[npicTK'Jos
MaxeSdvos
Aa/xt[o-]rjvo9
^BCNA',
(2)
19.
in three short lines.
He
occurs in R.
III. 26,
and belongs
1.
here to about
15-17.
XatXiapeu? {^W-) ,^^'as St.
^^
(St.
belongs to about
20.
Quoted
377.
At
Saghir
1885
revised
and con-
firmed R. 1886).
irpo
/ca]X.
M[aias
Au](p.) Av^\av(i)v
MT]TpoTr]o\ecTy)<;
Av\p. 'AcrKX7^7ria8[ijs 'AXe^5
dvSp'^{v) 0eT{^7jvd? (R.

'
III.
4)
Av]p.
ficDvo};
AcrKXr)Tnd8r)['i 'Apre-
KvovTeLv[ev<; (R.
I.
63)
*Xy
10
Avp.] 'Epfirj? 'A77[7raSos
K[p]aSp7)i^6<;
Avprj
.''jA.ios
'Ainj[a<;
]os
Av]p. "ifxap Mei'i'cou [IlecrKei'taTij?
(p.
353)
15
Av^.] Ka/3t/cos Mace8[dvos
Tvpa-q ?]vd?
Avp.] Av^dvoiv
IlyDovjjoeicrr/Jevs
Avp. Mevjfeas

20.
343
Quoted
as St.
378.
At Saghir
(St.
1885
revised and con-
firmed R. 1886).
eVi ^pa^VTu)v 'AttJciXou Xap[iTa)|f]o[s %vvvahio)<i\ oIkwv iv nt[\t yp.i\(ii
KoX Avp. 'Epfijoyevov 'Ep

KO)ix]rJTOV
[ju-jew?
A[ao-
BovT 05 *
xpoe
9 J^LVvaôpev^. 09 vo<; XovpjBtavl
ClJK
(ua
LKov
/3'
'Arret
*
Mjapcrtai'o?!* (ok
OS KLUua/SolfleiK; oIk(i)v] iv 'AXytê] 019
wa'
<ua
Xtavos
' *
xpva
\jjva
(X) vo<;t
21.
Quoted
as St.
379
(St.
1885).
[Evp.euv^ 6 kJoI 'OX[^tat'09
'
Xvp.
"AvSp rat09 Mavoif Avp.

'OpecrTrj<;
?]&>i'09
Au/3. Elpr}Uo<;
Aif^.
'AXe^dvSpov Aov8aBr)vo<;
)âX/ct[a r/aia?
Kapi/co9 'AXefavSpou Ka^ci7Tj9 MaX77i'd9 a fragment of a duplicate of St. 373 and 374 In 2 probably raio9 Mavo(u). 24, and 374, 23, 19.
This
is
see 373,
22.
Quoted
:
as St. 380.
letters
At Saghir
faint.
(St.
1885
revised R. 1886
more complete)
very
AvprjXia OvevovcTTa
Zevcrî8o<;
rwv] iBiwv
10 dvaXcopdrcov
diê^tTTt]-
KXeucrrtai/orC
5 'Ap)(L'ydXXo[v
TTJ9
(rev
/jllSi
'ApreSaTi.v[p-
/Al8o]9
ê]a9 'A[pTeTOV de[/c
î-Cv^V ^^X'
ijv
vhpidvTa
7.
o]?
in copy.
344
23.
W. M.
Quoted
as St. 381.
:
RAMSAY
:
the village (St. 1885
Saghir revised R. 1886).
At
fragment on the turbe in
*
a]ur)vb?
inl /Spa/SevTwv] Avp. Av$dvoi[To<;.

5
/cat
Avp.
*I/xe[vos
'ATTva] IlaStavo? [fiovXevTrj<; 'AvTio\eLa<;
Avp. Mei'veas
Zwti/co.'']u
Ilkovpi,a[Tpv<;?
(R.
Avp
10 inl
*AcrcXi;i7-i]a8r;s
'AX^^dvSpov
finis
'l7r[ir
[&vpcrr]v6'; (R.
3?) HI. 4)
*...]
fjLLcrdcjTov
'
'ETrJiKparou
7roXeiT['>js
/ca[i
AvTi.o)(\ev<s
'A]XyiÛS
Sui't'aSeu?
'Acr]KX'>j7ria[8ou
s
*
(fifia
15
(b)
CI
On
back of same stone

K]6lvt[
]u
(St.
1885, only).
Ma[Ke8dvos
Mei
/
-K(fji.y]]rr)<;
*
3.
Compare R.
I.
15, St. 382, 2.

is
6.
False concord.
The
restoration from St. 374, i,
improbable
r/I 7, 8.
24. Saghir.
Quoted
as Call.
I.
In the fountain
is
rough
soft
stone
worn
letters.
The
inscription
in a pointed p)ediment (Cal-
lander 1906).

[D.]
345
M.
i
T[I.] C[l]a[udio
V]
c e
o n
4
Ti.
vioiVL
sacerdoti
KX.auSi6j
lepel
D[i]an[ae
YLvyy]-
'Apre/xtSo?.
ixvyjiieio)
/ca/cais
OS
8
3. 4. c
is
oa>
TOhTO)
Tw
Troirjcr7)i,
AFAIA
aurw
yevovro.
represented in
the copy by a symbol like K, or IC placed very close
together.
4.
5.
The
Imperfect traces in the copy suggest that the name was Deanae. the reason rendering of Vicenio as Eiyr/n'wi' is remarkable
:
is
obvious.
Icenio
is
original
tempting, but gives no reason for the Greek form (the Latin name is the the Greek has no independent existence) ; he was a freedman of Claudius
in charge of the estates,
and
as priest
of the goddess practically vice-king and ruler of

or d[p]i
explains the use of Latin. avTuj ytVoiro, but neither
u[i']
the people (see p. 309).

8.
His
Roman connexion
yi'oi[i']TO,
Perhaps a[p]at avTM

:
is
satisfactory
or ayia, or a[p\aia (Aesch. Jg., 1398).
The
copy
is
difficult.
25. Saghir.
Quoted
as
Call.
II.
In the fountain (Callander
1906)
worn
letters.
o avTos %KvjU,vos
yeivea-Oat
BG
Kol
e[T]i
NOC
Act Ka\[a-
CTTiKaTakei-
Kayadio) v-
5
2.
{or]u.)
I
p.
e/c
TOKOV
copy.
:
second
last letter in
6. 7.
word
is
Perhaps read [K][p]i'os, a mystic vase used in the Phrygian ritual generally masculine, but Hesychius has it as neuter.
:
the
This deity, 7. Last letter \ , either a or \ perhaps KaA.[Ao-] should be read. Zeus Kalokagathios, if this be the true reading, is a strange form of the Anatolian The form Ad is sometimes See Index. god, invoked here on behalf of the crops.
used in Phrygian Greek, B.C.H., 1887,
p.
493, Mous. Sm.,
i.,
p. 37.
346
VI.
W. M.
RAMSAY
MEANING AND AIMS OF THE TEKMOREIOI.

and Ziebarth
(see
iii.)
were wrong in The deciassigning a local signification to the epithet Tekmoreioi. sive passage is R. III. 34, Avp. Aov/ctos Aovklov Ft^Tyj/os TeKiJLopev(ra<;
It is certain that Sterrett
S15 {SrjvdpLa) ra.
The same
person occurs in
St.
373, 10,
[A.v]p.
AouKis A[ovKLOv Fij^T^vos {8r]i'dpia)wa, and St. 374, 4,* [Aup.] AoGkis Aovklov rt^Tî/d? {SrjvdpLo) [.'']w[a.J. Lucius of Gissa f son of Lucius,
iTKfj.6pevcrv twice
;
the
first
act
is
the
amount of
his subscription, the
recorded simply by his name and second more fully (unique in the
whole of the lists). The second entry proves that the whole series of inscriptions record the performance of a certain action, reKp-opeveLv, by a series of individuals, who evidently were styled TeKfiopeloi, after
they ireKixopevcrav.
The
nature of the
list,
then,
would be expressed
former
by a phrase
like otSe iTeKp.opevcrai' or ol TeKfiopeva-avTe<; (the
like otSe iirrj-yyeLXavTO
Mitth., 1890, p. 261
Ka\l eVjeSw/cai^ kt\. at Mylasa Cariae, ^th. the latter like ol lcreX06vTe<; eU Trjv yepovaiav
ktX. at Sebaste Phrygiae, Ciiies
preamble of R.
The
The
it
may question now

I.
602, No. 475). therefore be restored as given above.

ii.,
and Bish.,
p.
The
arises
what was the action

verb
otherwise
called TeK/xopeveLv.
character of the inscriptions as a whole shows emphatically that

act.
was some religious
The
is
unknown
;
it
was
and it is induand the period connected with and an old and dead epic bitably re/f/Awp TCK/xopetoi, word revivified in that artificial Greek of Phrygia, and a derivative
certainly an invention of the society
invented to designate a
and therefore
institution,
*
this
but as
Everything about it is artificial Society cannot be regarded as an ancient Phrygian one devised to suit the situation and circumstances
Society.
;
new
St. 374 is an improved copy of St. 373 ; two antigrapha were kept (at different places, perhaps) ; but they differ in order of names. f Gissa or Gisza, a village east of Ak-Sheher (Philomelion), Anderson in J.H.S.,
113: Carian yia-aa "stone". The form Aovki<; for Aoukios is a common phenomenon, best treated by Prof J. H. Wright in Harvai-ii Studies, vi., 1895, pp. See p. 133 of this volume. 55 ff., and Benseler in Curiius Siudien, iii., pp. 150 ff.
1898,
p.
THE TEKMOREIAN GUEST-FRIExNDS

of the third century after Christ.
347
may, however, confidently say that the action called reKfj-opeveLv was made a part of the mystic that ritual, which formed the chief part of the Anatolian religion
:
We
follows
from the very nature of the
religion.
the specific character of the religion of these estates is as was inevitable and natural that it united God and the Emperor.
Now
Such was the character of the State religion Minor, and especially on the Imperial estates.
mystic
ritual, certainly,
in all the cities
of Asia
The
addition to the
must have had some

other words the
relation to the conjoint
deity, the
Emperor
in
Tekmor was some solemn
sign and pledge of the loyalty of the celebrant to the Emperor and
his service.
can hardly be mistaken in connecting the institution of this solemn secret symbolic act with the greatest political fact of the third
century, the war between the State and the Christian faith.
critical
We
The
that time turns on his attitude to the Christians

real
and determining question about each successive Emperor at and the test of the
;
import of every event then
is its
the Christians and the State.*
bearing on the relation between The alliance between the State and
the old pagan worship was made in order to strengthen resistance to the new faith. Persecution was regularly accompanied by an out-
break of pagan devotion, a sort of revival, as has been pointed out in my Letters to the Seven Churches, pp. 105 ff. I know no other place
;
traced in detailed acts between religious revival and popular persecution of the Christians, though Mommsen argued (in a large degree rightly, though too exclusively) that perseis
where the connexion
cution was due mainly to popular excitement hounding on a governIt is perment, in itself unwilling, to put down the Christians. missible to regard the excitement and the revival as engineered by
the government to
some
extent.
be rewritten from
a
*The
more
social systems
history of the
statesman-like point of view, viz.,
Roman Empire urgently requires to how the great struggle

field
of religions and the
which they implied was fought out on the
of the Empire.
348
W. M.
RAMSAY
sign and pledge of loyalty was publicly exacted from all who were accused of Christianity, viz., the offering of sacrifice or even The sign and seal' of loyalty was simply incense to the Emperor.
demanded of
Domitian
Examples growing fervency of the pagan religion in time of persecution, acting on the Emperors and at the same time stimulated by them, probably,
are quoted in that chapter,
truly loyal persons in Asia during the persecution of of the {Letters to the Seven Churches, loc. cit.).
all
one
at
Acmonia dated
a.d.
251 under
Decius,* another in the same place dated a.d. 313 under Maximin and Licinius,t a third on the Imperial estate of Tembrion con-
temporary with the

ject has never been
last
all
worked
these relate to one family. As this subup, I may add that a memorial of the
same
from Galatia may be recognised in the tombstone erected by four children, Am(m)on, Apollo, Manes, and Matar (all bearing the names of gods ), to their mother Anna, another in the brief
class
(j)iXov at Temenothyrai (Cit. and another in a remarkable inscription of ii., p. 495), yet Appa-Serai in Isauria which has been so misapprehended by the first editors that it must be repeated here.
Map/fou YlokLrjTov
(j)LXo(r6(f)ov TravTcou
II
and Bish.,
26. Appa-Serai, published
by
MM.
Radet and
Paris,
B.C.H.,
1887,
p.
63.
Ylainra. OiryaT/ce
Ma %
yjp,
twv ayiwv, ck twv

SCmv avekafiev k
l-
napOeuo?
te'peia
Kara ye/ce
vo<;
rrjs
0ov
The mention of
In this pagan reaction,
* R. in Refue
des i,t.
ii.,
the aytoi is when the language of the Fourth Gospel was

Am., 1901,
p. 566.
xi., p.
6 eKepapwcrev tov t'adt'. clearly due to Christian influence.
p.
275
f.,
corrected 1902,
p.
269.
\
%
Cities
and
Bish.,
Souter in CI. Rev.,
138
Cities
ii.,
and
Bish.,
ii.,
p.
790.
is
On Manes
p.
see
Cities
and
Bish.,
p.
566.
The
that
inscription
it
published in
J.H.S., 1899,
estate.
II
84,
by Mr. Anderson, who shows

II
belongs to
an Imperial
See p. 25.
The
editors read
M. A.
349
taken and adapted to express the ideas of the new popular philosophy * quoted above), it is not (as in one of the Phrygian inscriptions of the renovated the congregation temple should be strange that
called
by the Christian
first, I
"
title,
the saints ".
The
Christian tone
is
so
evident that, at
reading d(oT6K)ov in
was disposed to make the inscription Christian, 1. 3, on the supposition that the copyists might
have omitted a sign of abbreviation (which might be worn or illegBut that would require the date of the inscription to be the ible).
fifth
and the character of the text shows that it century at earliest It may confidently be can hardly be much later than a.d. 300. The divine names Ma and placed under Diocletian or Maxentius.
;
of the kind that were commonly applied to human beings in the pagan reaction, and the machinery of the Christian Church,
XlaTTiras are
the
Virgins and the Saints, were naturally borrowed then.

lost
its
The
temple had fallen into decay and

to
roof,
when
it
was
refitted
accommodate the new votaries of the old
faith in a land
which had
already
become almost wholly
Christian.
:
it was a Such, then, seems to have been the Tekmor pledge of It seems posloyalty to the State in its contest with the Christians.
sible that the
exordium of R.
I.
defined the character of the
Tekmor
more
seems a strange place to hold the could hardly be anything but a double archway, a ceremony Should the word be restored as dative of the subtemple of Janus.
clearly.
:
The
SlvtIXoi']
it
stance through which the Tekmor was given, or shown, or performed, ? But it e.g. otSe iTKfx6pV(Tav t]w 8t7n)[paj ein, ava'ypa(f}]ea)<; ktX.
is
hard to see
fired bread.
the sign could be exhibited by means of the twiceIt is, however, noteworthy that the Galli fasted from
;
how
ordinary bread (Arnob., adv. Nat., v., 16 It will be shown in the following
TertulL, Jejun., 2 and 15).

that these
vii.,
Tekmoreian
documents
forty years.
fall
into
Most of
two groups, separated by an interval of thirty to the short lists must be assigned to the earlier
*
Ciiies
and Bis h.,
ii.,
p. 566.
350
W. M.
RAMSAY We
period, and they evidently belong to a time of revival and restoration are reminded of Pliny's experiof the old religious ceremonial. a.d. after a little activity on his part, ence in Bithynia 111-3, when,
there were
many
recantations, the ceremonial
and
sacrifices
in
the
temples were restored, and doubtless dedications were

to those recorded in these
made
similar
Tekmoreian monuments. To have one's name on any of these lists was equivalent to the carrying of a Ubellus, or certificate of loyalty and conformity to the State religion, which was bestowed in Egypt and elsewhere. Probably many of the names In the lists are those of Christians who recanted. It remains to ask what is the reason for the existence of two inscriptions of the earlier period,
lists, St.
373 and 374
which approximate to being duplicate the names differ in order some occur in one
:
but the apparent omission to the fact that both stones are broken and both
list,
but not in the other
may
be due only
The amount of
the two
lists,
lists incomplete. the donations, where ascertainable, usually agrees in so that they cannot be records of subscriptions for two
They cannot be regarded as duplicate records, much but they may be two independent records of the same enrolment. It is much to be desired that excavations should be made at Saghir, or at least that some good
for they differ too
;
different purposes.
should spend a week or two in this region and

search.
VII.
make
epigraphist a very thorough
CHRONOLOGY.
period to which these inscriptions belong can be determined more narrowly. In publishing R. I. for the first time, I it about but this is too early. In the first place the placed 225 relative order of the must be fixed thereafter we longer inscriptions
;
:
The
can attempt to determine their date absolutely.
That
St.
373 and
374 (which are nearly duplicates) are a generation older than St. 375. 376, R. I., III., IV., and that the latter form a group
contemporaneous, though probably R.
I.
is
nearly the latest in the group.
351
seems to follow from the following review of the persons whose names occur in more than one inscription.
avaypa(f)ev^ as restored Avp. [At] fM7]TpLo<;] in R. III. 40. Presumably, he was an older man, 'Ovrja-Lfjiov occurs when he became Anagrapheus, than when he was simply Tekmoreios.
I.
R.
8-10.
The
Therefore R.
whole, to the
13.
III.
is
earlier
than
(as
R.
I.
though belonging, on the
same generation
first
we
shall see).
The
is
Brabeutes Aur. Alexandres son of Alexandres

III.
of Thyrsa
younger brother of Aur. Asklepiades of Thyrsa R.
(see note).
Aur. Timotheos, son of Demetrius, occurs also in R. III. 36 ; he lived in Marsia first, later in Karbokome, pp. 355, 367 presumably these must have been neighbouring villages.
16.
21.
22. See, note

32.
Skymnos, son of Asklas, on R. III. 25.

Posidonius Artemonis
St.
1.
is
father of Cornelius,
1.
27.
is
not the same as Posidonius alias
Auxanon, 21, but is son of Artemon Phrontonis, St. 374. 375, 34. Loukios, son of Karikos, who is the same as Aur. Karikos, son of Papas, in St. 374, 1. 9 therefore St. 374 ( = 373) is a whole
:
375. omitted by the engraver before oIkwv cf. * but St. 373, 21, "ikka these tvvpaSv<; kvp AXeâvBpo'i KapLKov can hardly be the same, for then we should have R. I. and St. 373
49. [ZvvvaSevi;
'
generation earlier than R.

?] is
I.
and
St.
contemporary
usually R. 51. See note on 56.

:
I. is later.
But
see p.
354
f.
53. Zoticus Zotici Imenis has four brothers, Karikos, Arzanos,
Papas, and
105.
series
It
Maximus, who showed the Tekmor below, 11. 61, 92, 93, might seem from this fact that the list extended over a
of years, and that these five sons, as they reached a certain age, but this supposition must be rejected. performed the ceremony
;
The names
in
R.
I.
form
a single
list,
according to the amount of money

*
Possibly
arranged on one plan strictly subscribed, and dated all in the
IMA.
352
W. M.
RAMSAY
;
same year.
for each
The
year.
other
lists
also are dated (so far as recoverable)
and some contain the
list
of more than one year, with new dating
new
was
special activity
Presumably R. I. belongs to a year when there among the Tekmoreian association. As so many
brothers
ireKfjiopeva-av in the
same
year,
it
is
evident that the cere-
mony was not connected with the reaching of a specified age, such as " the " coming of age or the assumption of the (oga virilis. The Xenoi from 56. Ampelada form a connected group two
:
sons of Attalus, Artemon 51 and Karikos, St. 376, 1. 38 two sons of Karikos, Severus 56 and Alexander 96 two sons of Alexander, Quintus 98 and Menander 107: finally Attalus son of Menander.
: :
But the stemma

by
impossible, either that there supposing

as
is
common names
and must be shortened in some way, was more than one family with such Alexander and Attalus, or that one or two sons
have been omitted.

In this uncertainty no inferences seem deducible
from the
Am.'']ias
peladene names. 65. Karikos Menneae Menodori
is
perhaps brother of [Pap

(St.
Menneae,
is
St.
375,
1.
26.
Menneas Artemonis
373, 53
=
:
of an
earlier
generation, probably brother of
Menodorus
374, 59) but this
supposition would place two generations between the earlier and the later group of inscriptions, and therefore it must be regarded as very uncertain. See below on R. III. 38.
Menneas Papa Artemonis K. is not a younger brother of Appas Papa K., St. 374, 46 (for St. 373, 42 mentions the same person as Appas Appa K., which is probably preferable Appas Sis would be the commoner, though not invariable In 97 Menneas form).
66.
:
Appadis K.
is
son of Appas
Appa
Appados and Appa were both
used as genitives of Appas. Thus R. I. is usually a generation later than St. 373 (= 374). his father Iman Demetrii occurs 84. Zoticus Imenis Demetrii
:
373, 44 a perfectly decisive proof that St. a full generation earlier than R, I,
1.
:
in St.
373 (= 374)
is

R.
III. 3.
353
MdpKO<; 'Otttoltov Mt/cwvtarT;?, St. 376, 1. 46. see on R. I. 13. 4. Thyrsenos Asklepiades Alexandrl Th. is of Alexander T. in R. I. 67. son Asklepiadis probably 'AarKXrjWLdSrfs
Cf.
:
'Atttto. [0]u/Do->ji'd?,* R. I. 103, may be a cousin of Asklepiades here. See also 'Aor/cX7ri]a8i79 'W^^dvSpov], St. 381, 8.
If we restore Av]p. "l/iav Mevveov [necr/cet-iaTT^s in St. 377, read Iman elder brother of [Zotjikos, 1. 24, who we can here 13, also occurs in R. I. 116. Avp. Z. Meveov IlecrKei'iaTT;? (so in my
II.
I.
copy 1886 and 1905), and son of St. 373, 39 Avp. Mevi/ea? "Iêvos II. This makes R. III. nearly contemporary with R. I., and a generation younger than St. 373. The epitaph of Aur. Menneas Imenos
is
would prove
Sheher.
perhaps published by Mr. Anderson in J.H.S., 1898, p. 119, which that Pescenia was a village on the estates S.E. of AkPescennius Niger must have passed near to the Cilician Gate.f
it
in his retreat
from Nicaea
14. KXai^Sios Ma^LjjLov 'Eâ/seus, perhaps son of Ouecrcr/Atos
Mafi/xo9 Ficr^T/i/d? R. another see below.

:
I.
19.
Gisza and
Ezara were near one
15.
Al^'Jo/cXtj? "Ai'S/Dwi'o?
"
may
be younger brother or nephew of

]
Avp.
'Opia-TT)';
Av^p(x}vo<; [Evju.evews] 6 Kai\in

life
in St.
373'
St.
^-
^4-
family had become settled village the connexion and engraved city forgotten. ' Avhp\<j}i\o<; Evfjivevs 6 /c]ai 'OX[jLttavd.
The
since St.
373 was
379,
i
See also
Restored conjecturally as son of Alexander, St. 373, 1. 21. 9 i\r)fjLr]TpLov MapcTLavo'; is elder brother of Tet/Adêo9 19. The latter is called Kapj3oK0)fjiyJTrj<; in R. I. Ar)iJ.r)Tpiov M. in 1. 36.
16.
16.
Therefore R.
III. is
of the same generation as R.

is
I.
25. Avp. 'Apre\p.(ov Av^dvovTo<; KeXvuidrT)^ of Avp. 'Aprepoiv Mevveov KeXovevLdrrj'; R. I. 22. 26. See St. 376, end.
*C
perhaps cousin
YPCHNOC
I
slip
of engraver.
f Hence
prefer to regard the Pesceniate
Menneas Imenos
St.
as
the one whose
epitaph Anderson publishes, rather than the Oikecnian,
373, 30.
23
354
28.
W. M.
RAMSAY
five
There can hardly, be more than

is
letters
lost,
and
the last
either
is
or
or
or
not
I
'AvStrjvos
probable,
i.e.
cf. St.
373, 32, where
Zw[craSos] ) read in 1886 oIkcov eV
or
A
St.
A AlC
29.
[Avp.
He
III.
'4v]S[i,]ais.
]s "Ifj.evo';
11. is
brother of Av/a. 'Epfirj? *I/xevos
IT.
373. 25.
32.
109
R.
appears as Avp. MeveSrjfJios 'A\e/ca? Kr. in St. 366, is contemporary with R. I.

in St.
1.
34. Lucius of Giza also occurs
373, 10, 374, 4.
It
is
evident that they record the first occasion when he showed the Tekmor, while the present inscription records the second. On the
occasion he gave 801 denarii, on the second only 301. 35. F"rom St. 373, 29, 374, 29, there is a temptation to read KaôiKoC instead of MdpKov, supposing a fault of the engraver, but
first
chronology
is
against that.
1.
The
text
is
certain.
36. See on
19.
38. Probably AvSpaydOov is omitted after Mr^varros by fault of engraver. This restored Andragathos is mentioned as Avp.
'Avhpayd0o<; Mrfvarrov Epcrov, St. 373, 20, where [K]e/3o-ou may safely be read, as there is a gap before EP, and in the duplicate, St.
The name of the MlrjvaTTov Kepacrtajt'ds. village was therefore Kersos or Kerasos, with ethnic Kepacriard?. The length of interval between St. 373-4, and R. I., III., etc.,
374, 18 the reading
is
is
determined by the fact that at least one man, Lucius of Gissa, appears in both groups. Though the case seems quite unique, a posremains that there
sibility
may
be other similar instances not expressly
For example in R. I. 49, if we are right in thinking that XvpvaBev^ is omitted before oIkcvv, Alexander Carici may be the same person as Alexander Carici Illae, St. 373, 21. The latter was
mentioned.
living in the house of his grandfather and ... of Illas," whereas Alexander Carici
was known was known
as
as
"
"
Alexander Alexander
in
of Caricus," because
his father's
his grandfather
(cf.
was dead now and he lived
household
pp. 100, 300).
Thus
the priority of St.

373
case
is
;
355
in this
maintained, even
if the identity
of person be admitted
and the general chronological principle would stand that the persons mentioned in St. 373 f. are mostly a generation older than those of R. I., and where identical are youthful while in R. I. they
are elderly.
two groups must be less than fifty years, than That there was and probably not more twenty-five or thirty. a considerable interval seems to follow from the number of fathers
interval between the
in the first
The
group whose sons appear
in the second.
publishing R. I., I specified the date about a.d. 225, arguing that it contained names taken from Pescennius Niger (1. 1 13), from Septimius Severus (11. 48, 56), and from Marcia (1. 14), first
In
first
wife of Severus, honoured with statues after his accession
and
then
made
the happy guess that Marsia
was
a station
on the Roman road
half-way between Apollonia and Antioch, i.e., near the north-east end of the Limnai (confirmed now, see note above on R. I. 16) that Lucius was the commonest Roman name ; and finally that Aur., used as
;
praenomen by almost
contributors and by very few of their fathers, marked out the generation which was living in a.d. 21 1-2 17.* This
all
:
reasoning is confirmed by subsequent discovery, except in one respect the expression Avp. Aou/ctos Kapt/cov was wrongly taken as implying that Caricus had not the praenomen. It is now known that he was
Thus the reasoning only Kvp. Ka/Di/cds (note above on R. I. 34). that than a.d. 211. the not earlier were proved inscriptions
later than St.
It is a generation is now pushed lower down. earliest about are at a.d. 211-230. and 373-4; they But other considerations forbid us to go down very late. There is a
The
date of R.
I.
total absence
of names marking the period towards a.d. 300.
The
as praenomen was, I believe, used there It is now abundantly justified ; yet quite a proof of date. number of writers since have stated it wrongly. The use of Aurelius as a nomen implies only a date after the middle of the second century ; it is only the strictly non-
* This observation about the use of Aur.

first
for the
time
as a
Latin and incorrect use
-iA
praenomen that proves the date after 211.
356
W. M.
in
RAMSAY
earlier
names even
later period
the latest inscriptions are of an

as they
type.
The
names Flavius and Valerius do not occur

;
were used
in that
for <P\. in St. 373, 11 (which approximates to the later

.
.
type)
is
and T. Flavius Aslclepiades, R. IV. 3, copy 4>o of the type of the old Flavian dynasty, a hereditary name in the
is in
my
family.
fair
mean
date for the

A.D.
two groups would be

I., III., etc.,
:
215-225, say 218
and R.
St. 373-4 about This exabout 245-255.

:
of entries in R. I. it belongs to the pagan plains the vast number of and its revival of the reign Decius, probable date is 250-1 a.d. The later' R. I. is not of Diocletian's time (1. i, single Emperor).
group
is
mostly
at
Ganzaia, the earlier at Sagoue.

to date.
St.
375
'>
is difficult
Aur. Chariton,
it
18, occurs also St.
But 374) ^2373) 23 Aur. Domnion, 8, occurs in R. IV. 14, and perhaps in St. 372, 5, while Socrates, 9, and Zoticus, 10, probably occur in R. IV. 9, i. It
in the earliest group.
is
This would place
therefore practically certain that St.
375 and R. IV.
are
contempor-
aneous.
Appas son of Appas might be the same as St- 376) 34 now probably St. 376 is one of the latest lists. On the other hand Appas is a very common name, and Appas son of Appas
8,
:
But R. IV.
occurs in 373, 43 and 374, 47, also perhaps in 373, 42 (but cf. Therefore St. 375 and R. IV. belong to the first group ; 374, 46).
and
St.
372 may be part of the heading of either 373 or 374.
VIII.
ECONOMICS.
The whole
the
lists,
question of the relation between the Anatolian vilcity

is
lage and the Hellenic

as
by a formula that often occurs in an example of which we may take the phrase SyvvaSev?
raised
I first
oiKOiv iv KavBpovKcojjirj.
When
I
began to study the

".
" a citizen interpreted this phrase,
the village
Kandroukome
social system revealed in R. I., of Synnada who has settled in But the late Prof. G. Hirschfeld, in his
357
p.
review of Prof. Sterrett's Wolfe Expedition, GdU. Gel. Anz., 1888,
587, proposed a different and tempting interpretation, viz., that Kandroukome was one of the villages in the territory of Synnada, and that
the person mentioned with this phrase was ranked both by his city and by his village. In Histor. Geogr., p. 41 1, 1 stated that I abandoned my
view and was " indebted to Hirschfeld's paper for full comprehension of the facts ". This latter interpretation, however, led to no further
progress
:
nothing came from
it
it
did not illustrate, and was not
illustrated
test
by further discoveries.
of a theory lies in its power of illuminating other facts subsequently observed. After some years, therefore, I was driven back to
opinion.
Experience shows that an excellent opening up the path of progress, and in its
my
original
Usage
is
entirely
on that
mula
for metics
and freedmen
oiKOiv iv is the Attic for* it is resident in a deme commonly

side.
:
used in the inscriptions of Asia

e.g., 'ETTtyoi/os
Minor
to denote resident strangers,
[Mei'JSato? oIko)v iv 'M[vTi\\y]vrj (Paton, Inscrip. Gr.
Ins.
Lesbi Nesi Tenedi, 409),
'ATTtt/xeia (Cities
and
'AprefjLwv 8ts Bish. of Phr., ii., p. 471,
Eu/capTreus oIkwv
iv
No. 310).
This view
of this
class
seems proved
in the present case
by the
fact that persons
appear as Brabeutai t of the village union, which seems to imply that

those citizens of
Greek
cities
had abandoned
their citizenship
and
taken up residence in one of the villages whence the association drew its members. In other words, they went back from Hellenism to Orientalism and the " village system ".
We
menon.
are, therefore, face
to face with a remarkable social

citizens
phenolike
Persons,
who had been
of Hellenised
cities
Synnada, were going back to the land, settling in villages, and revertI have frequently ing to Orientalism during the third century. argued that this reversion occurred extensively during the third
and
Hellenism died out, and that the Oriental In Miss Ramsay's paper at the beginning of the spirit revived. In the Tekmoreian the effect on art is exemplified. present volume,
later centuries, that
*
Cf.
e.g.,
Todd
in
Annual Bnt.
Sch. Ath., vii., 198.
t See
ii.
358
inscriptions
W. M.
we
RAMSAY
Phrygian cities where the
see the individual citizens of Hellenised

cities
abandoning their
and
Anatolian villages, settling in the
old Anatolian social system prevailed, and where such Hellenic ideas as citizenship and municipal duties and powers had never taken root.
It
can hardly be by accident that so
many
citizens
of the
during neighbouring surroundeducated from Greek a of Such domicile century. change is Oriental circumstances quite out ings to native, non-Hellenic, and It seems to of keeping with the earlier Greek or Roman spirit.
spring from two causes. The first cause was the revivification of the old Oriental character in the eastern Provinces
:
cities settled in these rural villages
the third
the native spirit had lain

it
dormant
during the spread of Hellenic education, but the second century to recover strength ; and
vinces
when
began already during the Eastern Prosteadily forced
grew more and important
in the
Empire and
the centre of gravity towards the East, till at last Constantinople became the capital, they were not Greek lands but Oriental, or at
least
informed with a new mixed character uniting Greek, Roman,

all
and above
Oriental elements.
more
Secondly, the conditions of life on the Imperial estates were attractive than in the cities. The burdens imposed on the
citizens,
ing, as time
almost solely on the well-to-do among them, became crushwent on and the old free city-system was transformed
into the Byzantine system.
The Tekmoreian
later system.
inscriptions
seem to
show the beginnings of the
The double designation by city and by village of the persons described just gives some good examples of the method of expressing the alternative designation. Either designation was in itself complete, and they were really mutually exclusive ; a Greek citizen could not
strictly
be or become a villager
being made.
The
:
interesting ; some seem convincing
but yet in practice the change was ; variations of expression are therefore following are more or less restored ; but the restorations

Avp. SwK/aarrjs Avp.
IV.
10.
*
359
/S"
Kov<Teav6<;
St.
375,
9.
'S.wKpa.Trjs [Sw/c/jcitovs
Koucreaji'os 6 kol %vvvaSv<;
R.
373,
Avp.
'OpcrTy]<;
1
;
AvSp(ovo<s JLvp.vev<; 6 kol 'OXjuiavos
St.
R- "I- 1524; 379. * Avp. ZwTt/fos KwKouTtts

10.
'E/3/i,0K:w/Ai7[Ti7s]
Svi^vaSeus
St.
375,
Avp.] Za)Ti/co[i) Kw/couras R. IV. 1,2.
Sut'i'aSews] oi/coi'i/ro[s iv 'EpfjioKcjiirj
Avp.] 'Ioi)\i9 Ka[/)i/cou 'loujXieus (Sijt'.) â' Av]p. 'louXios Kapi/coi) 'louXteus oIkwv iv [
22.
St.
374, 21.
]
St.
373>
The meaning of 6 which has a justification

strictly
/cai,
denoting alternative names, each of
in different circumstances,
though they are

is
speaking
inconsistent
with
f.
:
one
it is
another,
discussed
in
in
Review, 1898, pp. 337 especially names belonging to two different languages, as when a Syrian or Phrygian has a native name among his own people, and a Roman or a Greek name in Roman or Greek social and political relations.
cases of
Strictly the characters
Classical
common
the
are
and names, Phrygian and Greek or Roman, inconsistent with each other the same man cannot be both, but
:
he
may
be either in the appropriate surroundings.
IX.
ZEUS EURYDAMENOS.
At Genj-Ali {i.e. Young-Man-Ali, a name often modern travellers as Yenidje), on the north-west misrepresented by
27.
(R. 1887).
corner of the Limnai.
Avp. Mei'veas
i6/oeus
Ti.fj.odeov
Napaîrr^vos
rj
A 109
EvpvSaixrjvov koI
crvpfiio';
avTOv
Avp.
*
is
Tpo<f)Lp[r]
TrpojTavXo'i Aios Ovpvhap.'qvov,
{wre?.
On
this genitive
:
ending, see above.
The
accent of this non-Greek
name
quite uncertain
perhaps Kcukoutus would be better.
36o
It
W. M.
RAMSAY
:
was usual that the wife of the

official in
god Trophime was the leading fluteThe mention of the flute shows that the god was not the player. Hellenic Zeus, but a Phrygian deity, an outwardly Grecised form of the great god of this district, Men Askaenos, on whom see xii. The importance of music generally, and of the flute and cymbals in
archiereus and archiereia
:
female
the service of the
should be the leading a married pair were regularly

priest
so here
particular,
in
old Phrygian
ritual,
is
well
known.
Societies
of
Hymnodoi,
dervishes,
etc.,
who danced
to music (like the
modern Mevlevi
is
whose chief centre is Iconium and whose music and cymbals) were found at all the old religious centres
Bish. ofPhr.,
of
flutes
{Cities
and
ii., pp. 359, 630). In form the strange epithet EvpuSa/ATji'ds looks like a local Zeus of Eurydama but more probably this is mere exepithet, ternal appearance, and the word is really a compound name, the
;
second part being the name of Men, and the first being some Phrygian word. This compound name is so Grecised as to suggest the mean" " but that is only a false appearance. ing widely conquering
;
probably a real variant, nearer the original Phrygian compound name of Men, and not a mere error of
Ovpvhafj.rjvo's in
1.
The form
is
The name Evpv/3dXi.v8o<;, applied to Dionysos, suits a engraver. " derivation from vpv<;, for Ba\.7Jv in Phrygian meant king," and the Thracians called See Anderson in Dionysos ^dXiv. J.H.S., 1898, p. 96, where he publishes a fragment of three words Zeus
Eurydamenos.
ffô/fe
The same
deity occurs in R. III. 12
f.,
mentioning and in Sterrett,
Expedition,
No. 589, where tepeus Aios

is
V.x{pvhaiirivoi]
must
be restored.*
The form ^wre?

a statue
noteworthy
there
is
great variety in the use
may
TO oyaX^[a 6(ovl] NtiKa.Topo'i in the end of this inscription must probably be of Seleucus Nicator ; and the existence of a cult of Nicator beside Apollonia be taken as a proof that the city was founded by him and not (as Prof. G. Hirsch-
feld argues, Gott. Gel. Anz., 1888, p. 592)
by one of the Pergamenian kings (Eumenes

or omission of v before dentals in the inscriptions of Asia side of the thoroughly Hellenic cities of the west coast.
361
Minor
out-
The name Genj-Ali
is
probably a Turkish modification of the
ancient Banboule, revealed by a Christian inscription of Tymandos. 28. (Sterrett, Wolfe Exp., No. 564, recopied by me in 1905) my copy gives the first line complete.
:
Aprdficov KaXXi-
v]
Kevrjvov
jfj crv^Cco
jxtj-
av^Tov)
wvjos iTToCrjcra to k-
^dpuv
t/do?
jxvyjfiy)^
Avp. 'lovîavrj Av^dvovToifjirjTrjpiv

o]<;
Avp. Kvpias
M-
wpoSop-vov BavjBov\iqvrj<;
VXavKov MapKOit
In the rest
1.
generally confirms Prof. Sterrett.
Sterrett restores in
6 Â\K(.vr)vov, quoting tottov 'AKiva. in his No. 504 to illustrate the ethnic, but in that fragmentary text 'Akci'S. is a personal not a local name restore [e'ôvcria ia-r^ tottov Âk^vo., " Akenas shall have the I privilege of the burial-place ". thought that the ethnic here was
:
probably K^v-qvov
suspicious name graver's error for
there seemed
no space for a
in St.
lost
A.
The very
be an en-
Ka6aHNO
gap C
375, 17
may
KNHNO(.
X.
TOPOGRAPHY.
may
cally,
The great number of local names mentioned in these inscriptions be divided into (I.) cities and (II.) villages. The latter, practiinclude
is
all
places
which are not
in
the
first class.
The
first
class
determined
list
especially the
of
cities
by knowledge obtained from other sources, coining money and the list of the earlier
bishoprics, as
bishoprics.
less
The
later
might be expected, show much
The agreement with the names in the Tekmoreian inscriptions. second class may again be subdivided (i.) those about which something can be learned from other sources (ii.) those of which nothing can be gathered beyond the fact that they are mentioned in these
;
lists.
362
(i.)
W. M.
Places
RAMSAY
money and
as bishoprics.
known
as cities coining
Adada
-
in the Pisidian
mountains.
Anpelada, i.e., its citizens also Antiocheia villagers,

:
Amblada.
St.
373, 11
376,
2.
Apollonia.
Dabenai (no
coins).
its
Eumeneia
citizens
become
villagers.
Julia in Paroreios (the bishopric Ipsos).
See Eumeneia.
Kinnaborion (no coins).

Limenia, the bishopric Limnai (no coins).
Lykaones, see
class
ii.
Malekalessi in the Pisidian mountains (R. in Annual Brit. Sch. Athens, 1903, p. 259) the geographical expression
:
Malos
placed at
used in the inscriptions is obscure it TT/Jos Xw/xa 1a.Ky)v6v, dently intended to distinguish this from the Cilician Mallos.
;
is
evi-
Also,
the term Kaêirijs MaXiyvd?
is
obscure.
Metropolis.
Papa,
i.e.,
Pappa, thirty-five miles west of Iconium on the road
to Antioch, St. 375, 14, 16.
Synnada. See Eumeneia. Tenia, Atenia in the early Notitiae, probably at the north-west end of Bey-Sheher Lake (Karalis) see R. in Annual Brit. Sch. Athens,
:
1903,
P-
253 (no
coins).
is
Tityassos, assuming that Tyita or Teuita with the termination -sso dropped.
a variant of Titya,
These are the round it. Almost
cities
all
immediately adjoining the Estate, lying all the cities of this large district are mentioned
except Lysias, which seems here absorbed in Oinia, i.e., OinanOva, the native name of the valley where Lysias was situated (R. in Cit. and Bisk, of Phr., ii., p. 755), 2 Parlais, 3-5 Misthia, Vasada,
Zorzila,
all
three rather
more
distant
and
difficult
of access (none
coined money), 6-7 Neapolis (no coins), Anaboura (no coins), 8
Apameia.

Besides these sixteen
there are
363
two,
Archelais and Attaleia,
which are distant

coast or in
(ii.)
cities,
(it
is
one
in Cappadocia,
one on the Pamphylian
Lydia
doubtful which).
to have been villages, not ranking nor as cities, nor coining money, seats of bishoprics, but places that In this class may be reckoned retained the old Anatolian character.
The
following are
known
all
those places which are named as the second migrated from cities to settle in villages (see
villages in
homes of persons who

vii.).
We
may
fairly
assume that the

Antiochlan
which they
settled
were situated on the
estates.
This applies to Oborai, Esaboureiai, Algiza,

etc.
Algonia, Andiai, Astibia (or Astibria, see below),

ethnic
in
Afion-KaraAkroenos, form, Hissar, two miles north-west of the city Prymnessos (R. in Mitth. Hist. Ath., 1882, p. 141) cf. Ganzaenos, Imaenos, Poimanenon. Algiza, the name occurs as Argiza, bishopric in Asia, and
the
fortress
:
modern
Algiza in Hellespontus {Histor. Geogr., p. 107) must be a village nearer the Tekmoreian centre.
Algounia,
Tyriaion.
but here Algiza
now
Paroreios Phrygia, in the territory Ilghin, in
of
Anagos, or Olimanaros, a village near the Tekmoreian centre. Andiai (St. 373, 32 and R. III.), a village not remote from the
Tekmoreian
centre.
Arasiza,
modern
Aris, or Aghrls (silent gh) near Siniandos in
the Orondian territory.
Astibia
faults
Askara, modern Uskeles, village south of Lake Karalis. may be regarded as one of the numerous engraver's
for
Astibria,*
word
Cities
Bria, town.
The same town

380, 13 f
,
containing the well-known Thraco- Phrygian or village can now be restored
with confidence
in St.
ii.,
and
*
Bish.,
'A^re/xtSt taTn^êit,rjvfj. pp. 382, 616, the various forms which Bria
BIA, with note "room
for letter
Now
in
and
My
copy has
ACTI
between
and B, but
impression made by Callander also shows no reading on the stone therefore may have been Astirbia.
trace ".
no
The
trace in the gap.
The
364
W. M.
RAMSAY
Brianus took in Phrygian are discussed, and it is shown that the city Bria of Phrygia was otherwise called Berga (modern Burgas), and that
the ethnic Preizenos (for Upeyrjvo';) is used in an inscription, Berianus in a Byzantine document. This epithet of Artemis is therefore local,
formed from the town
Satibria.
Whether
:
Satibria or Astibria
is
more
correct cannot be determined
they were doubtless both used.
Attea,
i.e.,
Attaia, the villages of Attes or Attis, doubtless a
common name
Bish., ii., p. 132), which cannot here be taken as the Lydian town. Azara or Ezara, modern Azari-Keui, east of Philomelium (on the railway), a village of the Imperial estate Dipotamon or Mesanakta.
(R. in Cit.
and
Dao-kome, Jackal-village (Phr. Saos = ^ws), was not far from Kokuler, a village about one hour from Gondane near the road to Antioch (and about half an hour from Sagoue) as appears from
the following
:
29. (R. 1886).
Kokuler.
St.
364
correctly.
crcavCa
r]
Faiou.
kol 'Ajx-
fxia TKvco ^[Xu-
Tiro? \auios
Acr/fXT/TTiaSi^?
KVTa.T(o
fjir)<;
(j-vt]-
The
giving
base
it
KC KpLcriTivrj Kicrplacing of the child's
â]piv
The arrangement
more prominence, is is more common in honorary inscriptions on the of statues, e.g.. Am. J. Arch., 1888, p. 283 (Pogla), Marquardt,
apart as a superscription, thus rare in the epitaphs of this country.
name
PrivatalL, p. 27, Sterrett, IVolfe Exp., No. 419 (Adada, restore gen. or dat. here, T. Flavius Asklepiades according to regular practice). is mentioned also in R. IV. he was a native of who 3
:
[Synnada?],
had
settled in
Dao-kome.
i.e.
Eireumenia,
Ireumenia.
for L.
This may be taken perhaps
as a
form of Limenia, with R.
Esaboureiai, a village not remote from the See also Oborai.
Tekmoreian
centre.

Esouakome
:
365
Soua, either the village Soa on the Imperial estate
of Tembrion, or the Pamphylo-Pisidian bishopric Isba, i.e. Isoua. Ganzaia (the ethnic Ganzaenos gives the modern name Gondane),
one of the Tekmoreian centres.
See also Koundoia.
Giza or Gisza (Carian

in J.H.S.,
gissa, stone), a village east
of Philomelion
1898, p. 113), probably the modern Kolu-Kissa, (Anderson on the road direct from Philomelion to Psebila and Archelais.
Gordiou-Kome can hardly be

p.
574, who says it priest of Zeus Abrettenos and priest-dynast at Comana Pontica in the name Juliopolis often occurs the time of Antony and Augustus
:
the village mentioned by Strabo, was renamed Juliopolis by Cleon, afterwards
later.
There were probably more villages than one of this name. Hermo-Kome, perhaps in Tchul-Ovasi (Campus Metropolitanus),
in J.H.S., 1898, p. 342.
see
Anderson
Holmoi,
on the Great Eastern Highway or Trade-route, between Metropolis and Julia-Ipsos (Strabo, p. 663). Imaion or Imaia (ethnic 'I/ixaTji'os), the modern Imen on the
village
west borders of the hilly Orondian country. Cf. Ganzaia, AkroeAmaion nos and Poimanenon {Histor. Geogr. As. Mitt., p. 158).
(Aju.arî'os)
R.
I.
is
doubtless a variant of Imaion.
It is the village
of
the goddess
Ma,
with prothetic vowel

St.
Ama
:
or Ima.
a rude tribe
[Kabjorkoi, restored in stream of the Sangarios.

in the
383, 6
on the head
Kaloue, called Kaloe and Koloe in Not. Episc, a large village See Sagoue. upper Cayster valley, now Kelas.
a village
Kandrou-kome, modern Genlije (south-east from Kirili Tenia), on the Antiochian estates. The ethnic KavSpuavos R. III. perhaps belongs to Kandroukome.
Karbokome
see above, pp.
309
f.,
351376,
2.
Kasonia, a village near Antiochia, Katiena, a village near Antiochia,
St. St.
373, 11. Koumalettos, a village not remote from the Tekmoreian centre. Koundoza or Koundozia, a remarkable name (R. I. 70, R. III.
366
20),
W. M.
RAMSAY
which can hardly be separated from Ganzaia (R. I. 47). The and Z in Anatolian names in certain cases is well equivalence of A
established,
as in
Nazianzos-Nadiandos,
Arianzos-Ariandos,*
or
the
variation in vowel between
A or
:
and
OU
is
also
frequent,
as in Halala-Loulon, Atroa-Otroia-Otryai, Attalos-Ottalos, Tataiou-
Tottaiou, Tatas-Tottes,
in the first letter
is
etc.
f the variation between surd and sonant
Kol
o)?
is
due to the rough pronunciation (jTaêLa rfj yXcoTTrj KaTTTTaSd/cats avv-qde'; was equally true of the Pisidians),
and
ancient exemplified in the modern pronunciation of many in one -ia 1 here remains only the variation of termination names.
case, -za
or -zia in the other, which disappears

is
when we consider
that
here
an attempt to represent
in
Greek the Anatolian sound
Y(yod).
Kousea, a village not remote from the Tekmoreian centre. Laptokome, perhaps the same as Apakome of Galatia (see
Histor. Geogr. of As. Miti., p. 246).
Latmos may perhaps be a village on the Carian mount Latmos, though names from the Aegean region hardly occur in the TekThis name depends on the doubtful restoration moreian lists. MeiXa [Aa]r/u,eo? in R. I.
Limenia must, evidently, be connected with and situated on the Limnai. It may be identified with the bishopric Limnai, and has therefore been given under class (I).
Lykaones the Inner, so distinguished from the people of the This people probably inhabited the district called country Lykaonia.
Cutchuk-Sitchanli-Ova, a mountain glen and region, south-west from Afion-Kara-Hissar see Cities and Bish. of Phr., ii., pp. 664, 694. They formed a bishopric, but struck no coins.
:
Lykio-kome, must probably be connected with the Lycians who along with Thracians formed the body of coloni settled by Seleucus Nicator in Apollonia. Apollonia is the only one of the Greek
*
Histor. Geogr. of As. Min., p. Histor. Geogr., pp. 189, 353,
285
Classical Reviev;, 1905, p. 370.
437.

garrison-cities
coloni
;
367
in
Asia Minor, where the new
settlers
were called
and
this points to
constitution
of the
city.
something peculiar and distinctive in the If the Lycians had their own distinct
called co/oni in inscrip-
the reason why they were village and lands, tions and coins would be evident.
Mamouta or Mamotta (?), village of Mama, a name of the goddess Ma compare Adramytta from name (divine.?) Adramys.
:
reduplicated the personal
Mandra, sheepfold," was probably a common village-name. The one which is meant here can hardly be the modern Mandra, two hours north-west from Surmene (near the Mandri Fontes
mentioned
16).
It is
"
in Livy's
more probably
account of the marsh of Manlius Valso, xxxviii. a village near the Tekmoreian centre.
Marsia, a village near Karbokome at the north-west end of the Limnai (see vii., note on R. I. 16). On the situation as half-way station on the road from Apollonia to Antioch, see p. 355.
Misylos, placed by G. Hirchfeld {GoU. Gel. Jnz., 1888, p. 590) with great probability among the Pisidian mountains near Tymbriada.
Mordion, may probably be connected with Apollonia (which Stephanus says was originally called Mordiaion), and regarded as a
village in
its
territory.
I.
49), a village not remote from the Tekmoreian The ethnic occurs as NeiSTjvoq R. I. 34, NeiSer;i'o? St. centre. 374, 9, and NetSeiavo? St. 375, 22.
Neidos (R.
Oborai
(St.
373, 2
376,
9),
a village not
remote from the
Tekmoreian centre. Oikea may perhaps be the same

ably Vicus, a village of the Seiblian
as
Oikea is probabout twelve miles territory,
Oikokome.
north-west from Apameia-Kelainai, whose very name marks it as see Cides and Bish. of Phr., i., p. 225.* part of an Imperial estate
:
It
is,
however, possible that

*
Oikokome
here means the village called

is
An
error,
made
there about Justinianopolis,
corrected in vol.
ii.,
pp.
578,
787.
368
W. M.
RAMSAY
Episc, situated on the Im-
Oikokome and Oinokome

near perial estates
:
in the Notitiae
Motella {Histor. Geogr., p. 179 ; Cities and Bish., these Motellene estates (unnoticed in Cities and Bish., ii., p. 578 f.) more thorough examination. It seems possible L, chap, iv.) deserve that Ekkea 374, 6) may be an error for Oikea.
(St.
Oinia,
the
village
whose name remains
in
Oinan-Ova, the
from Metromountain-valley north from the Limnai, and north-east on the northern skirts of Kara-Kush-Dagh. Lysias was polis, Hellenic the that it is city situated in this valley ; and noteworthy in the occurs never a was and coined bishopric) money (which Tekmoreian lists, while Oinia is often mentioned a clear proof that
it
was the non-Hellenic rustics with some de-Hellenised natives of
cities
who formed
the variants
doia).
Tekmoreian Association. It appears also in Oeinia (with o or w), Oueinia, and Oounia {cf. Kounthe
I.
Oitinia, ethnic Otrtvia^rys R.
the termination).
Perhaps Oitonia
is
is
119 (with aspiration* of T in a variant of Oitinia compare

:
Koundoia
but [T]o[u]tonia
perhaps a better reading, R.

(iii.).
i
:
I.
72.
Strictly these
names belong to
class
see Anagos. a Mount Olymwas Olympokome, the name suggests that there either the Kara-Kushpus not far from the Limnai and Antioch, and Antioch from Dagh, or the hills which divide the Anthios valley the valley in which are situated the northern half of the Limnai {i.e.,
Olimanaros, better restoration in St. 373,
Hovian-G6l) and the

into
it
river
which flows from the
east
and north-east
through the Tchybritzi-Kleisoura, or the mighty Sultan-Dagh. This suggestion is confirmed by the story of St. George Limniota, He suffered a hermit, who was probably connected with the Limnai.
about A.D. 735 under Leo the Isaurian on 24th August {Act. Sanct., He was a hermit who made his ascetic abode on Mount p. 842).
Olympus, presumably beside the Limnai, from which he derived his * Variation between sharp surds and aspirates is common in Phrygian inscription
:
7r
and ^,
and
t,
interchange.

name.
369
Olympokome must probably

I.
:
be close to Pidra and Raita, as

placed after nomen, live
persons named Loukretios, with praenomen

at all three (R.
the fathers Lucius and Quintus were 26, 29, 80) and all three probably brothers, villages or farm-steadings ( xi.) belonged to the Antiochian estates.
It is mentioned as a Olympokome. Anatolic Theme. village of the Peisda or Peisdia is probably the modern Pissa or Bissa on the
Peidra or Pidra
see
hills
that slope
down
to the valley of Apollonia
(Kara-Arslau-Ova)
Peisza would be another form practically equivalent (see Koundoia), and Peisza stands to Pissa as Gisza to Gissa
from the north.
(Kolu-Kisa).
was
a village situated
Peskenia, Pesenia (R. I. 106, a slip of engraver) or Peskeinia on the road leading east from Philomelion in
the great Imperial estates which included Ezara, Gisza, Dipotamon, see vii., note on R. III. 11, and Anderson, J.H.S., 1898, etc.
:
p.
119.
Piliganon or Peliganon, a village not remote from the TekmoThe name is old Anatolian. Pelekas is mentioned as reian centre.
a
mountain on the Phrygian and Mysian frontier by Polybius, v., 77.* Ptagia, the village of Meter Ipta, a Phrygian or Maeonian god-
dess,
doubtless a mere form of Cybele or the Anatolian Artemis, mentioned in a dedication in the Katakekaumene (near Koula). Raita. See Olympokome.
Rimenianta (neuter
plural) or
It
Rimenias
compare Ampelada-
may Ampelas, Tymbriada-Tymbrias. a rough pronunciation of L [cf. Plouristra-Proureistra

and that Limenias -antos was
Limenia,
*
I
be suspected that
is
here
class
(ii.)],
a place
on the Limnai, the same
as
q.v.
cannot agree with

des Etudes
M.
Radet's assignment of Pelekas to the country near
Apameia, Revue
near Pelekas,
Bish. of Ph.,
is
the city
Anc, 1896, p. 14. Apia, which is mentioned by Polybius On the historical relation see Cities and of North Phrygia.
Pelekanon Bith., Hist. Geogr.,
p.
ii.,
630.
185.
24
370
Sagoue,
W. M.
modern
RAMSAY
Tekin
of the chief centres of the Saghir, one
moreian Association, two hours north of Antioch.

cf.
For the form
in Western Pisidia, Aragoue Lagbe or Lagoe {i.e. Lagoue) North Phrygia {J.U.S., 1897, p. 421), Kaloue {q.v>j.
Septoumana, perhaps
Severus
:
named
in
that case
it
may
after Septimius (or Septumius) be looked for on his line of march
somewhere Cilicia, during the war against Pescennius Niger, or or Philomelion in the district Paroreios, about Julia Tyriaion.
towards
Strouma,
Tataion
:
" the stream-town," the same

it is
name
as
Roma
(Stroma).
proved in Histor. Geogr., pp. 240 f, 182, 189,* Now Tottaion that Tataion and Tottaion are interchangeable forms. the of Tembrion, on estate was the second of the two chief places
We
therefore connect the ethnic TaraT^t-os in the Tekmoreian lists Tataion is a derivative from Tatas, a common with Tottaion.
Phrygian personal name with by-form Tottes.
The
village
name
may probably be restored in the following inscription. :t the letters 30. At Altyntash (R. 1881 and 1884)
and worn
:
are faint
on an
altar.
vr\<i
vTrep T7JS
rov Ku-
/ce
t^?
Kciju-i^s
[T-
piov
'Avrft)vetVo[v
otrou,
Nava
crvv-
tJvx'??
^^
vet/CTjs
k\
8
/Sios Meve/cXeo?
ejcoi'iov
8ia/Ao-
M77T/0I KtK-X.ea
^vyr^
In Byzantine time Tataioukome was shortened into Taioukome, This into Gaioukome. corrupted in the later Notitiae Episcopatuum
Anderson formerly accepted, he has now suggestion, which Mr. discarded (see p. 193 of this volume), and prefers to think that Trikomia was corrupted into Gaioukomia, a change which seems
to
me
improbable.
Probably Tataioukome was originally a double

Soa,
bishopric including
Later, large neighbouring village. and Taioukome. were divided, Spore they time Trouglettia or Triglettia may be the name which in later
the
was corrupted into Tzybritzi, the name of the Kleisourain which the
* See Anderson above,
p.
187.
The
copies agree exactly.

great
:
371
army of Manuel Comnenus was destroyed by the Turks see The Klelsoura leads up from the north-east this volume, p. 236. end of the Limnai to Ganzaia, and is traversed by the road from the
west to Antioch.
Tyrsa [or Thyrsa, compare Oitinia, Tettha class (ii.)] the ethnic Tyrsenos shows the name of the Tyrrhenians on the soil of Anatolia.
:
Tlos, ethnic TXovr]v6<;.
Mr. Arkwright quotes Stephanus,

I.
ecrTt,
KOL dXXr) T\ct) TToXt? IltcrtSta?. Totonia, perhaps read [T]c[v]rcDvi.a.Tr)<; in R.
72
Toutonia
:
or Totonia would be the meeting place of the Touta or people on this now in the found see the Phrygian inscriptions, Phrygian word,
"Late Phrygian Inscriptions"

97
(Beiblatt).
(iii.)
in
Jahreshefte
d. Oest.
Inst.,
1905,
p.
See above,
p.
253.
Villages otherwise
unknown
many of
these were pro-
bably on the Antiochian
estates.
Aiza, Arkasta, Barouklia, Boalia, Diatora, Chailiara, Doudada, Ekkea.'', Gardibia (-dybia), Grekea (perhaps Trekea), Kakoza, Karma or Kharma, Karsenda, Kelounia, Kerasos or Kamarga,
Kerasia,*
Klantea, Klela, Kleustia, Knouteina, Kousea, Kradra, Kranosaga,t Ktimena or Khthimena, Lamisos, Lanka or Lankea,
Lapeistra Lapistra or Laphystra, Marallis or Marallita, Mergnia, Mikkonia, Monokleros, Mouza, Nazoula, Neophytos, Oitinia or Oitonia
[see class (ii.)], Olimanaros, j; Padia, Pagada, Patea, Perokia,
Polymarga,
letter,
Plouristra or Proureistra, Pserkiokome,
Rekokome, Renbea, Rokka

initial
blank space before R which I could see no trace

(a
may have
:
contained an
of
blank spaces are
common
in these
badly
engraved inscriptions), Simikka or Simmikka, Sourbia, Strouma [see class (ii.)], Talimeta, Tettha or Thettha, Teuita Tyita Tyta or Tita [probably Tityassos class (i.)], Tyrsa or Thyrsa, Totonia (see class ii.).
*
+
We
I
cannot think of Kerasos in Pontus.

first
at
took Kpavos
as
personal name, and
Aga
(kyrjvos) as the village
name
but
\
probably right in preferring the long name for the village. Falls in class ii., near the Tekmoreian centre, St. 373, i ; 374, 11 ; R.
St. is
III. 8.
372
W. M.
RAMSAY
XI.
PROPERTY AND FAMILY RIGHTS.
There can be no reasonable doubt that the great majority of the were on the Antiochian estates. Yet iii. ii. and villages in classes on those estates. We know they do not exhaust the list of places
from other sources only a very few of these places, and of these so known several do not occur in the Tekmoreian lists, e.g., Kena, Tymandos, Banboula. Every scrap of a list contains new names
and, if a fresh
list
of lOO names were discovered, probably 60 of those would be new. The population must have been large ; and the of their subscriptions is a considerable sum in itself, and inamount of wealth and high standard of comfort in the
value of the denarius had
total
dicates a large
community.
The
much diminished
in
the third
century ; but it is impossible to state exactly the variation about the time of these inscriptions. About a.d. 290-300 the denarius was a little less than a farthing, but about a.d. 220 it was much more, and
about A.D. 200
it
was worth between 3d. and ^d.

is
in
amount of metal
the purchasing value
a different matter.
mentioned
is
6000
denarii,
stg.,
a very
it
to find change for a coin, present day value under four the whole monetary resources shillings, by combining of a large village. The difference gives a fair idea of the comparative wealth of the country in the third and nineteenth centuries.
good sum would usually be impossible
largest subscription the lowest estimate represents for a donor on such an occasion. At the
The
which
at
This large number of local names can hardly be supposed all to of the same rank. Some designate separate villages belong to towns
or large villages like Holmoi, Tenia, and
Lykiokome (if the sugon is Some But gestion p. 366 correct). belong to small villages. it seems indubitable that a considerable number denote farm-steadings, each
hereditary
home of a family of some wealth, The relation of these country holding.

the
residing on its families to the
Imperial lord of the
manor (represented by
his Procurator, p.
313)

would be an
is
373
it
interesting subject
and evidence may be found when

(pp. 351-355),
is
sought
for.
Marsia, beside
Karbokome
perhaps an example
family of Gregory Nyssenus and house and farm-steading Arianzos, at the Basil might be desigvillage Karbala, town Nazianzos.* nated of Karbala or Arianzos or Nazianzos, as the Tekmoreian Devillage, just as the
of such a farm near a
and
Basil possessed an estate
metrios
is
The
sometimes designated of Marsia, sometimes of Karbokome. plan of those farm-steadings has been described and their
origin investigated in Cities
and Bisk, of Phrygia, ii., p. 419. They were Tetrapyrgia, quadrangular buildings, probably (from the name) with a tower at each corner, enclosing an open space in the middle. Thus they were suited for defence, and military operations were
needed to reduce them.f They imply a conquering caste of landholders and -a conquered older population, and their origin probably goes back to the time when the immigrant Phrygians from Europe
settled
made
the old Anatolian people of the god's estates, and themselves the lords of property, adapting themselves to the
among
old theocracy in a
way now
quite
unknown.
in
From
towzew's
this class
of landed families were drawn the local conto
tractors, misthotai, alluded

brilliant
on
p.
311
f.,
accordance with Ros-
and epoch-making exposition.
From
the
same
class were drawn many of the leading figures in early church history, as is pointed out in the Expositor, September, 1906, p. 281. In those large households the head of the family lived as a sort of patriarch
with his sons and
his sons' wives, after the fashion alluded to several
times in this volume.^
Such
head
is
likely to
have exercised some
considerable authority in his family. It is a question whether this authority ever took the form of a patria potestas similar to the Roman
(which was quite foreign to Greek custom). Probably that Roman custom was alien to the Anatolian social system ; the development
*
Histor. Gcogf., p. 285. X See pp. 71, 121, 146 n., 150.
+ Plutarch,
Eum., 8
Cities
and
Bish.,
I.e.
374
W. M.
RAMSAY
of such authority of the father out of the old Anatolian custom, which gave power to the mother and favoured inheritance in the female
line,
seems impossible.
That among the Galatian
tribes the
power
of the father over his children included even the right of putting them to death, is recorded by the Roman lawyer Gaius, i., 55, who
says that such extension of the patria potestas
was confined to
Roman
and Galatian law.
Cassar, Bell. Gall., vi., 19,
mentions that the same
custom existed among the Gaulish tribes ; and therefore I have elsewhere * drawn the inference that this was the custom of the Gaulish
settlers in
Galatia, not of the
settled as a
conquering
caste.
Phrygian people among whom they The inference seems inevitable and
;
that the father's authority in those large Phrygian households was not after the stern and absolute Roman custom, but
we must suppose
The inscriptions, which in scores of. of a mild and kindly type. cases enumerate the varied relationship of many members of the household to the deceased head and father, favour this view they
;
suggest the mutual affection and individual rights of
all
members
and they would hardly have taken their form under a system
like the
Roman.
to have
some cases distant relatives, who can hardly be supposed been. members of the household in its strictly patriarchal
In
character, are
mentioned among those who make the tomb
and
even friends or associates in a religious society f find a place Such persons were either not members of the household list.
in the at all,
or members of a household which was united only by ties of affection and goodwill and mutual usefulness. There could be no legal
authority of a rigorous and absolute kind exercised by the head of the household over persons so Where distantly connected with him. sons-in-law are mentioned, they cannot have been members of a strict
patriarchal household, unless they were also adopted sons (see p. 147).
*
Histor.
Comm.
on
Gaktiam,
p. 131.
The
patria potestas in
its
extreme form
was confirmed
Hadrian, which dates from the time when great part of Lycaonia had been separated from the Province Galatia. + Cities and Bish. Such a society was doubtless a of Phi:, ii., p. 470, No. 309. benefit and burial society {collepum
in Galatia
by
a rescript of
tenuiorutri).

XII.
375
THE DEITY AND THE
PRIESTS.
These are mentioned much less frequently in the Telcmoreian than A priest of Zeus Eurydamenos occurs in the Ormelian inscriptions. a priest a priest of Artemis-Diana once in Call. I. once in R. III.
;
;
as
Karbokome, No. i p. 309 eponymous two dedications are made to Artemis, or Artemis of Satibria,* R. V., St. 380 an image of Artemis which stood in the pronaos (evidently There cannot be any doubt of her temple) is spoken of in St. 370.
in a village-document at
,
that
Artemis
as
is
the deity of the people on these estates in their

association
is
aspect
religious
{pkbs
collegit).
The
invocation,
here to be taken as a vocative,t occurs She is called " the goddess," St. in R. I. I and perhaps St. 370, i. Be370, II, 380, 6, or "great (?) Artemis the goddess," R. V. 4. sides her own chosen central home, she had secondary homes in
" Great Artemis," which
In her own home village," e.g. Satipreizene. " " " " the The or the she was simply. goddess goddess Artemis eponymous priest was certainly priest of Artemis, as is clear from the
various villages, as e.g. at Satibria. " Artemis of the the
In her village
homes she was
comparison with
the
Call.
I.
He retained some
of the old authority over
was apparently reconciled goddess's people, and the retention the with the Imperial rule by keeping priesthood in the hands of
Augustus's procurator. This Artemis is a mere variety of the Phrygian Cybele. The at their head prove the practical priests Galli with the Archigallos it must be and case for this individual accepted as a uniidentity
;
versal
and fundamental
Phrygia.
As
Artemis was recognised

* Or Astibria,
any description of the religion of Antiochian estates, the Parthenos the so on at Ephesus, in the paganised Church of the fifth century
fact in
x., class
ii.
fThe
Greek.
See
vocative
Chunk
in
with nominative form need cause no ditRcuIty in Phrygian the Roman Empire before a.d. 180, p. 138, on this invocation.
376
as the
W. M.
RAMSAY
Virgin Mother of God ; and her worship still draws Christian devotees once a year to her shrine in a cave on the margin of Hoiran
lake
in
Hoiran from Egerdir

is
the base of the ridge of mountains which almost divides lake.* careful examination of the localities
it might show whether this Christian shrine same place as the shrine of Artemis, or (as is more probable) was a rival which supplanted and destroyed the pagan
much
at
to be desired
is
the
sanctuary.
What was
the relation of this Artemis to
Men
Askaenos,t
whom
Strabo, p. 577, describes as the god of Antioch and original owner of The worship of Men was the exoteric form the Antiochian estates
.''
in
which the old
ritual
was maintained
a
in the
of Antioch.
There was
relations expressed the life

life,
group of gods in of nature and the contlnuousness of human

Mysteries to the initiate.
Grasco-Roman colony the ritual, whose mutual

Sometimes
and were
set forth in the
one, sometimes another

exoteric
(as
of the divine group was selected in the

cult,
as part of the religion of Antioch and of other Graeco-Phrygian cities. Corresponding to the group of deities there was a college of priests (as is
form which Hellenism imposed on the native was inevitable and invariable) it adopted this cult
when
seen on the Ormelian estates or at Pessinus) ; and different Greek or Anatolian names were in different cases adopted as suitable
best
for the prominent deity,
near
Tymandos,
etc.
central figure ; but in was to give prominence to a male deity. In Antioch identified with the Greek Apollo and Dionysos, the Roman
Antioch, Zeus Eurydamenos at or In the Anatolian religion the goddess was the the public cult of a Hellenic city the tendency
at
Men
Men
was
also
Aesculapius
and Luna.
The
festival dies festi lunae
is
probably the birth-feast of

as
* Hoiran and Egerdir

first
laices
togetlier
form the ancient Limnai,
G. Hirschfield
observed.
assume the emendation of Waddington in Strabo's text. \C.l.L., iii., 6829, Acta ^^. Trophiml, etc., 19 Sept., p. 12.
1
377
The high priest for life of the Apollo (yeuedXta 'AttoXXcuvo?). manifest god Dionysos must be the high priest for life of Men, and fund in Antioch, Aesculapius also had his sacerdos perpetuus.*
called area sanctuarii,

this cult
was probably devoted to the maintenance of of Men-Dionysos (though Waddington considered that it was intended for that of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, 1 190, St. fV. E.,
358, above p. 311).
The high priesthood of Dionysos is mentioned in the inscription, apîepevs Sto. In St. /.c, I35> ^ pCov 70V lTn<j>av(jTaTov 6eov Aiovva-ov, St. E/>. your?!., No. I 39. restoration may be suggested [6 Suva vios 'Avvtas yvyatKo^ Trpiorrj^ tjjs] KoAovct'as (sic .')
Kal r. ^Xaiov Ba[t]/3ta'ov ittttotou
'Po)/Liai'o)i',
a.p)(L^p^>v
Sia.
fHov Tov Trarpiov 6eov
Aiovvcrov
it is
usual that
husband and wife should be
priest
and
priestess (above, p.
359 f), but it is strange that the wife is mentioned first, unless the priestess was in some way more important the exact restoration at the beginning is uncertain, but
:
the general sense
is
clear.
Notes.
On On On On On
6\^vai
p. p. p.
2, ^7, 121 (3), 3 and 6, small
1.
read avrov T[t avr.

initials.
] [.
:
123, 6 and note, delete

'
p.
p.
26, 7, delete
after raois
1.
Hid., note to 4, read ^Xê.

[
;
171, No. 55,
2, for
read
1.
4, read [-Trpoyov
1.
5,
read da-eve^has a/jioi^y,
ttXtjV.
On
and puts
p.
76,
No. 68,
1.
1.
7 f , read
[vvv4>rj]
iiii^.,
No. 69,
1.
9, R.
tcXco-- in this line.

6, read
tr/.
Hid., No. 69,
" in". 4 from bottom, delete comma before also name Ba Isaurian fem. The appears in Pisidian as Oa, p. 325, 1. 86 'Oa or should be accented it B.C.H., 1899, p. 179 (where perhaps 'OS, not 'Oa). The masc. is Ba9, /.f., p. 182. Pisidian Ovuovlov (or Ovdoviov) for Vibium occurs
On On
p.
215,
1.
in St. Hôlfe Exp.,
No. 356.
EPODOS.
MARGARET RAMSAY. JOHN ERASER.
A.
W. BLAIR ANDERSON.
7]
ra poba, poboeaaav
e^êt?
âpu"
Red
roses
blow beside your garden door,
Rose-petals strew your arbour's mossy floor, Their scent is heavy on the idle wind
That
scarcely stirs your tresses rose-entwined

?
But where's the rose-wreath yesterday you wore Can aught from summer's golden chalice pour
'
Anew the fragrance that was spilled before, Or make, beyond the space the gods assigned.
Red
roses
blow
Too soon, too soon June's rose-clad grace is o'er What one day takes no morrow shall restore. Red rose amid the roses ah, be kind,
!
While yet the hurrying days leave love behind. While yet for one short moon and then no more
Red
roses blow.
A.
Margaret Ramsay.
"Quod quisque Cautum est in

Debita
et
at,
uitet
nunquam homini
satis
horas."
caelicolis
iam uota
exsoluit Atrides,
reditum incolumi
credit
fata dedisse
putat
dum
ouans tandem euasisse
pericla,
excipiunt reducem ferrea fata domi.
John Fraser.
(is
<xUi Tov ofioioi' ayei Seos (is toi' OfiOioi'.
Xaipe Kai
ivOciBe roi
elv
'Alhem
$aXd/j,oicri,
TreptKKvTe Kvpe,
'
evpvîa TIepaa>v Toô(^6pu>v âaiXev

')^p6vio<i, 8oXf)(^rjv
oBov iicirepodiaa'i
ireXdyovi,
loviov KpoXiTTmv
vcreêa>'; crov
/j-vrj/u,''
r)i6va<;
daTraÔfiai, iadi Se p! ovra
rovvop,' 'AXeâvSpov, Kelpl yevo<;
MaKeSoov.
John Fraser.
NiKa
8'
6 TrpuTos Kal TcXeuTaios Spafxui'.
MeiXavlcov
ttot'
ayaxnv
ev
wKvBpofMOK 'AraXdvrtjv
rjBvyafioi'.
viKtjffav (f>i\i7jv
eXXaêi'
^fj B'
apa
"
fieihioaiv Trpo? trapOevov,
iipyert Kovprj,
'
TjKOfjuev
6^ epLBo<; Kpt,craove<;
dfx,(j)6Tepoi
Kal yap eyco a' eSduaacra Bpo/xoK, aov B' KaWo<; ePLKTjaev Kal ^6d/j,evov Kpareet."
eô')(pv
'f]/jid<;
W.
Blair Anderson.
INDEX.
25
INDEX
FOR THE HISTORY OF SOCIETY AND CIVILISATION
IN ASIA MINOR.
Architecture^
Byzantine, at Bin-Bir-Kilisse, 255 ff.; these churches generally late, 257, but range from fourth to 264 criteria eleventh centuries, 265
; ;
ArtSymbolism
in Christian
f.,
Art {contd.)
ff.,
swastika, 21, 33
tablets, 25, 27.
38
42.
vine or branch, 10, 13

83, 85.
f.,
27, 44, 49, origin, in
of date, 262, 265. Presbyterium or Collegium, 260. Re-modelling of Presbyterium, 259. Church as vow on resigning office of
All these
symbols of pagan
f.,
9 (bird), 13
17, 45.
Tombstones
60-62.
purchased
ready
presbyter, 258.
shops, not as a rule
made to
order,
Mortuary Church, 258, 261, 262.
Art
in
Rome,
ff.
Signatures of artists, 92, i6g. Contract for a building or work of

art, 169.
f.
in Anatolia, 5-92. local forms of, in Anatolia, 5 in Isauria, 6-21, 91. in
Forms
of tombstone, 194
Nova Isaura, 22-58; its origin here was Christian, 26 f., 53, 55, 58,
61, 91.
Byzantine
f.,
254.
Byzantine sites Dagh-Euren,

Kilistra, 10.
177.
in S.
in
Lycaonia, 59-62. N. Lycaonia, i.e. East Phrygia,
63-gi. Isaurian, on road to Tarsus, 5o, 62, thence to Rome, 92. gi Isaurian, not on road direct to
;
See Architecture. Daoule, 257. Dakalias, 244. Sinethandos, Sinnada, 243. Verinopolis, 248 f.
Bin-Bir-Kilisse.
Anonymous,
Byzantine
Rome, 62, 66, 91. Grsco-Roman, in Isauria and Lycaonia, 16 f., 18, 49, 53, 59. love of ornament, 21, 26, 49, 53, 55 deterioration, 58, 64, 66, 72, 81, 87.
f.
214. fortresses
f.,
against
the
Saracens, 177, 243
248, 251, 291.
Manuel Comnenus, his crushing defeat by Turks in Tzybritzi Kleisoura, 235, 297, 370.
Christian Art, beginning
of, in
Isaura,
Saracen tribute carried to Constantinople by Psebila along the Syrian

route, 250.
26,41,49,255.
Symbolism
in Christian
Art^
Bardas Phocas and Sclerus, wars
dove, 33, 34, 40, 85, 255. fish, 8, 23 f., 54, 255.
net, 36.
Golden Gate of Constantinople

Inscriptions painted on the, 267 Leones and Cornuti, 268 f.
ff.
between, 250
f.
peacock, 254.
rosette, 27, 37, 90.
40
f.,
50
f.,
76, 88,
To welcome Theodosius
391). 270.
I.
(a.d.
388
Byzantine
INDEX
importance
of
its
Constantinople,
position, 287.
Imperial Estates Tekmoreian Guest-Friends, 200, 240, 309-370 meaning of the term,
;
Saracen conquest of Asia Minor, at

apparentl}^ complete, in reality unsuccessful, 28S. Heretic Christian sects, attitude to the Turks, and survival, 297.
first
317
f.,
318, 346-49.
;
Tekmoreian dedications
perors, 333, 334 peror, 319, 329.
to joint to a single
EmEm-
East and West The immemorial

-
Maps
of Anatolia
in
Need
of improvement, 254.
struggle between,
Language
143
281.
Centre of the struggle has lain in Asia Minor, 282. A real war of East and West lies at the basis of the Iliad, 282. The East rose against Rome by peaceful reinvigoration, 4 {., 283, 287, 357. Christianity the expression ol that reinvigoration, 283. Priority of Christian right to the land, signs of Turkish belief in, 290.
Greek language
words, 31,
f.,
52,
74
f.,
Phrygia, poetic 120-29, 139 f.,
220, 318.
Anatolian
sounds
and
pronuncia-
Excavation
tion of words, 48, 52, 6g, 75, 151 f., 360 ibis), 363 f., 366. Education, 49, 134, 213. Spelling, 131, 151 {., 366. Usages and forms peculiar, 60, 13133. 140. 151 f-. 153. 169, 176, 220, 224, 259, 278.
Metre, 133
f.,
152.
Likely to be fruitful at Bin-Bir-Kilisse, 265 f.

Saghir, 239, 376. Nova Isaura (Dorla), 255.
Modern forms and

177, 220, 258.
pronunciation,
Phrygian language, remains of, 253. S added to names of women, 121,

at Ardis126, 143, 144, 145, 203, 208, 209, 213, 216, 217, 272. Name as superscription, 364.
Hittite
Hittite site
and monuments
taura(Emir-Ghazi), 178.
Imperial Estates
Names, use of names,
for dating
Imperial estates, land, mines, etc., origin (in Asia Minor), 305 f Administration, 68, i8g f., 20O, 207, 238, 241, 247, 309, 389 (Oikokome). Life of the peasants on, 195, 307.
Coloniae, 149, 307, 311, 322, 339, 340,
341. 366.
Valerius, 32, 57, 325. Aurelius, 35, 198, 355.
Septimia, 35.
Julius, 57.
Flavius, 57.
Anatolian names, 56
f.,
40.
Organisation, 307. Authority of the priest inherited by the Emperor and wielded by his
procurator, 308, 309, 345. Imperial Estates at Antioch Extent, 310 f., 313 f. Procurator Aug. the priest of Arte-
Christian names, 40, 72 (bis). Isaurian names, 11, 15, 168, 169,377. Pisidian names, 324, 325, 377. Alternative names (6 xai), 359.
Religion.
I.
Christian
Christianity, pagan reaction against, 25, 127 f., 200, 347 f.
Hidden symbolism
197, 217.
of,
37, 58,
83
f.,
mis, 309, 345. Actor, servus Caes., member of Gerousia, 309 f., 321. Contractors, misthotai, 311, 321. Organisation of peasantry under
publishing of religion, 197, 201. Tolerant spirit in third century (intolerant and less given to general
Montanist
Anagrapheus, 312, 319, 339, 351 and Brabeutai, 312, 321, 339,
341. 343.344?. 351.357-
education in fourth and later centuries), 49, 74 f., 195, 224. Christianisation of Phrygia, three lines of influence, 196.
Gerousia, 309
f.,
328.
INDEX
Religion.
I.
389
Christian
office
Religion.
Hj-psistarii, 211.
ism
II.
Anatolian
Pagan-
Judaism, influence of, 211. Law of the Church regulating
Deities {continued)
220. {llivOfj.ni), 138, 219, Hospitality, virtue of, 224. Clergy and laity, distinction of, 201. Hymns in service for the dead, 226. Christian Inscriptions Hope in a future Life, 25, 89, 124.
Ares Epekoos, 158. Artemis and her relation to the Virgin Mother of God, 233, 319,
332, 334. 343. 345. 375-
Bennis, 127, 200, 211. Diana or Deana, 345.
" None is immortal," 129. Apocalypse in, 27, 254.

"Christians
to
Dionysos Eurybalindos,36o; Balen,

360.
Hekate
197,
Christians,"
34,
(cf.
Soteira, 201. Helios, 128, 139.
214
ff.,
227.
Domestic virtues,
Martyrs, 60, 126
368.
68
ff.
Hosios, 177. Hypsistos, 211.

Ipta, 369. Ma, 365. Manes, 164, 348. Matar, 348. Men, 160, 164, 360, 376.
201), 163 (?),
Cross
in, 37, 45, 52, 83, 143,
217.
Physicians, 55. Schoolmasters, 134, 138. Pagan forms and sentiments,

129, 138, 139
f-.
9,
Nemesis or Phthonos,
164, 220.
47, 92, 121,
142-
Early formula mentions the maker of the tomb prominently, 198.

Chrestos, Chrestian, 198. Reckoning with God, threat against
Officials and personages
Theios
?,
177.
f.
violation of tomb, 203
f.
Zeus Zeus Zeus Zeus Zeus
Bronton, 270, 272, 276 Dagouttenos, 271.

Dios, 275.
Bishop (called Papas),

36, 56.
24, 28, 30,
310, 329, 359 f. Kalokagathios, giver of the beautiful and the good, 345. Zeus Semanticus, 276.
Eurydamenos,
Presbyter, 160, 165, 174, 175, 202,

204, 219, 259.
Zeus Zemroutenos,
Zizimene, 78 f., 245 Phrygian Religion
248.
f.
Proistamenoi, 29, 202, 224. Bishoprics, smaller merged

larger, 29. Parthenoi, 34. Deacon, 38, 165. Martyr, 60, 126 {cf. 201), 163 (?).
in
Sepulchral, 65, 79, 81.
The dead
god,
lives
on merged
his
in
the
Hiereus, T75, 176. Neophotistos, 175. Kotiaion a metropolis, the reason,

202.
in early Church history often spring from landed gentry, 373. Paganisation of the Church in the fifth century and later, and the re-action against it, 284 f.
Tomb
(her) honour, 65, 79, 81, 122, 142, 146, 271, 275.
and
receives
the door of the divme dead's home, 65, 8g, 193. Altar essential part of the grave
monument,
Dedicatory
65, 193.
Leading persons
sepulchral formuliE, 79, 273 f. Death of one member of a family is expiatory on behalf of others,
123.
and
f., 368. Effect of Diocletian's, 55, 224, 284. Anatolian PaganII. Religion.
Persecution, 347
ism
Deities
348. Apollo, 128, 200, 348.
Ammon,
Identity of the god under local varieties, 272. Cemeteries at or round the hieron or sacred place, 273 f. Phrygian, i.e. Anatolian, religion, the accumulated wisdom of the race embodied in rules of life enforced by divine sanction, 305.
390
Religion.
INDEX
ism
II.
Anatolian
Pagan-
Religious law
Phrygian Religion (continued)
Estates of the god, pass under
Greek
perors, estates.
liings
305
f.
and Roman emSee Imperial
Anatolian custom and Religious law (continued) Patriarchal authority not like Roman patria potestas, but founded on custom and nature, 121 (2),
373
f-
Grave required to hallow anyplace, dedicating this place to the dead and placing it under his
god, protection, 275, 289. Grave, named by a part of the monument, the lion, the pediment, the altar, the door, etc.,
278-
Village the /ifi/ria of the Phrygian, 124 f., 195. 223. Migration from city to village, 357,
363-
Roman
Organisation
Minor
in
Asia
Archigallos of the goddess Zizimene, 247 of Artemis, 343. Galli did not use bread, 349. Priest and priestess a married pair,
;
Ala I. Aug. Gem. Colonorum, 171. Apollonia in Province Galatia, B.C. 25 to A.D. 295, its era is B.C. 25,
234-
360, 377-
Founded by Seleucus I. not by Eumenes, 360; the only Greek city which had coloni, 366.
Contractors (misthotai), 311, 373. Denarius, value of, 372. Gerousia, 309 f., 328. Iconium, capital of Proseilemmene, 17; its Four Tribes and Constituin Province Galatia, B.C. tion, 245
;
Permanence of religious attachment to localities, 289.

Continuity
289.
of
religious
feeling
under change of divine names,
Religious law and Anatolian cus-
tom
Adopted children, 11, 12, 72, 147 Adopted son marries the heiress
keep the property
f.,
ff.
25 to A.D. 295, 247. Milestones, 160 {bis), 172, 173, 174

(ter), 249. P. Calvisius 162.
to
in
the family,
Ruso Julius Frontinus,
In 176 Aphthonios 290. 148 was an adopted son(7-oK<u loosely in verse for BpfTT-rrip). Traces of inheritance in female
line, 148 f. Inheritance in
Phrygia usually according to Greek law, 149 (or in later time Roman). Division of estate among three
brothers, 213.
Bequests to daughters and wife, property to sons (Roman law),

213. Son inherits status of
in
:
Roads, Ancyra-Iconium, 173, 249. Ephesus-Caesareia, 173, 249, 250. Syrian, 157 f., 173, 248 f. Imperial Road Antioch-Lystra (i;ia Sebaste), 241 ff. Roman and Byzantine organisation and society, vitality of the, proved by its triumph over Saracen invasion, 292 destroyed by the Turkish nomads, not by Turkish sol;
diers, 295.
Roman names
in
Anatolian nomen-
Roman law Phrygian custom, 206. Household in Phrygia and

caonia,
mother case no proof of

:
clature, 162, 168, 171, 205, 309, 321, 323> 353> 355 ; name Cassius, 168,
176
Ly-
cf.
arose from a Roman official, Annius, 168 (governor under

;
patriarchal, 121, 150; sons and sons' wives live in the father's house, and hence " Bride " means daughter-in-law, 71,82, 121, 126, 150, 372 ff. the
;
Roman Roman
321.
Claudius), Calvisius, 162, etc. organisation surviving in the

state, 300.
Turkish
soldiers,
158,
176,
268
f.,
building called Tetrapyrgia, 373.
Rome,
art in, 3
ff.
INDEX
Roman
Organisation
391
Minor Rome ceased

Empire,
the E.
in
Asia
Topography
to
be centre of the
Sites of [contlniud) Ilistra, 177.
in the re-invigoration of Provinces, 4 f., 282, 287,
Isaura Nova, 47 f. Iskome, 144, 188.
357
f-
Saltuarius, 189.
Topography
Kanna, 161. Karbokome, 309

Kereura
f.,
351, 355, 367.
Kerasos, Kersos, 354.

of the Tekmoreian Lists,
Topography
361-371-
Tembris, Tembros, Tembrogius, 127,

185, 188, 272.
(Tembros, see Head,
Cat. of
B. M.
Coins Phr. s.v. Midaion.) Laughing and Weeping fountains at Apameia Celaenae, 233. Smyrna, 95-116. Beauty of, 96 f., 102 f., 104, 114. Like a statue of her own goddess sitting with her feet on the sea,
96, 103.
the village of Men Karou the is Anatolian, not Carian cf. Keretapa), 188, 208. Konna, 192 (identification only approximate, not exact).
:
(dialectic form of Karoura,

;
name
Laroumas,
170.
Males, 362. Marsia, 351, 355, 367. Oikokome, 367 (probably incorrect form better oiVoi/ i/uou Katfir), the
;
1)
village where the oikonomos of the Imperial estate resided, Cit.
Meles, 98
f.,
108-116.
and Bish., he.
cit.).
Rivers, 106.
Change. in coast hne, 100 f. Bounds and walls of the city,

105, 107.
103,
Pescenia, 353. Praipenissos Prupniasa, 186, 191. Psebila, Psibela, Pegella, 172, 248 f.
Sites of
Salarama,
170, 247.
Savatra, 158.
Abeikta, 188. Antigous, 251. Apia, Appia, 186.
Aragoua, 190. Ardistama, 180. Barata, 177, 256 ff. Bardaetta, 251. Bardakome, 176, 251.
Bria, 363
f.
Sinnada-Sinethandos, 243. Skordapia, 191, 209. Soa, 189 ff. Spore, 193. Tataion, Tottaion, Tottoion, Tat-
oukome, 187, 193, 370. Tembre, Tembrion, 188 ff., 307.

Trikomia, 188, 193. Tyranna or Tyrannoi, 251.
Zingot, 188.
City unknown, 252. Dakalias, 244. Epioikion, 144.
Zizima, 246. See also Byzantine.

Strangers, from Krete, 208 matia, igi, 209.
;
Eudokias, 193.
in
Dal-
Gaioukome,
192.
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/i^

History and Art of the

James W. H. Trail, F.R.S., Curator of the University Library.

in Arts of the University

College of Aberdeen, i^g6'iS6o.

2. Records of Old Aberdeen^

8. The House of Gordon.

William Cramond, LL.D.

No. 11. Records of No.

the Sheriff Court of Aberdeenshire.

David Littlejohn, LL.D,

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