Edwin Hatch - Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages Upon The Christian Church

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THE HIBBERT LECTURES,

1888.
The Hibbert
series
Trustees cannot add this volume to their
without a few lines of grateful acknowledgment.
It is impossible to forget either the courteous readiness
with which the accomplished author undertook the task

originally, or the admirable qualities
he brought to
it.
"When he died without completing the MS.
for the press,
the anxiety of the Trustees was at once relieved by the
kind
effort of his
family to obtain adequate assistance.
The public
will learn from the Preface
how much had
to
be done, and will join the Trustees in grateful appreciation of the services of the gentlemen
who responded
to
the occasion.
That Dr. Hatch's
friend, Dr. Fairbairn,
consented to edit the volume, with the valuable aid of
Mr. Bartlet and Professor Sanday, was an ample pledge

that the
want would be most
efficiently met.
To
those
gentlemen the Trustees are greatly indebted for the

learned
revision
and
earnest
care with which
the
laborious
was made.
AUG CI
iQsg
THE HIBBERT LECTUlh^^,^888,

THE
INFLUENCE OF GREEK IDEAS AND USAGES

UPON THE
CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
BT THE LATB
EDWIN" HATCH,
D.D.
READER IN BCCLESUSTIOAL HISTORT IN THE UNIVBKSITT OP OXFORD.
EDITED BY
A. M.
FAIEBAIRN,
D.D.
PRINCIPAL OP MANSFIELD COLLEGE, OXFORD.
SIXTH EDITION.
WILLIAMS AKD IÔEGATE,

14,
HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON; 20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH
AND
7,
BROAD STREET, OXFORD.

1897.
\ÂU Eights reserved.]
PJUKTED BT
LONDON C. GRKKN AND BOH,

:
178, STKAND.
PREFACE.
The
fittest
introduction to these Lectures will be a
few words of explanation.

Before his death, Dr. Hatch had written out and sent
to press the first eight Lectures.
Of
these he had cor-
rected six, while the proofs of the seventh and eighth,
with some corrections in his own hand, were found among

his papers.
As regards
:
these two, the duties of the editor

to correct
were simple
he had only
them
for the press.
But
as regards the remaining four Lectui'es, the

responsible.
work
was much more arduous and
continuous
MS., or even a connected outline of any one of the

Lectures, could not be said to exist.
The Lectures had
indeed been delivered a year and a half before, but the

delivery had been as
it
were
of selected passages,
with
the connections orally supplied, while the Lecturer did not always follow the order of his notes,
or, as
we know
from the Lectures he himself prepared
for the press, the
one into which he meant to work his finished material.
What came
into the editor's hands
was
a series of note-
VI
PREFACE,
first
books, which seemed at
sight but
an amorphous mass
or collection of hurried and disconnected jottings,

ink,
now in
now
in pencil
with a multitude of cross references
made by symbols and abbreviations whose very significance

had
and
to
be laboriously learned
with abrupt beginnings

with pages crowded with
still
more abrupt endings

it
successive strata, as
were, of reflections and references,

or entirely blank, speaking of
followed
by pages almost
meant
to
sections or fields
be further explored
with an
equal multitude of erasures,

plete,
now
complete,
now incom-
now
cancelled;
with passages marked as trans-
posed or as to be transposed, or with a sign of interrogation
which
indicated,
now
a suspicion as to the validity
or accuracy of a statement,
now
a simple suspense of
judgment,
now
a doubt as to position or relevance,
now
a simple query as of one asking.
Have
I not said this, or
something like
this,
before
In a word, what we had and the

literary
to
were the note-books
of the scholar
work-
man, well ordered, perhaps, as a garden
him who
made
it
and had the clue

to
to
it,
but at once a wilderness

in its making,
it
and a labyrinth and who had

it
him who had no hand
to discover the
way through
But
and out of
by research and experiment.
patient, and, I will
add, loving and sympathetic work, rewarded the editor
and his kind helpers.
The
clue
was found, the work
proved more connected and continuous than under the
PREFACE.
VU
conditions could have been thought to be possible, and
the result
is
now
presented to the world.
considerable proportion of the material for the ninth

;
Lecture had been carefully elaborated
but some of
it,
and the whole of the material

the state just described.
for the other three,
was
in
This of course added even more
to the responsibilities than to the labours of the editor.
In the body
been taken
of the Lectures
most scrupulous care has
to preserve the author's ipsissima verba, and,
wherever possible, the structure and form of his sentences.
But from the very

to
necessities of the case, the

little
hand had now and then
be allowed a
more
free-
dom
connecting words, headings, and even here and
there a transitional sentence or explanatory clause, had

to
be added
but in no single instance has a word,
phrase or sentence been inserted in the text without
warrant from some one part or another of these crowded

note-books.
With
the foot-notes
it
has been different.

difficulties
One
find
of our earliest
and most serious
was
to
whence many
of the quotations, especially in the
ninth Lecture, came.
The
author's
name was
given, but
often no clue to the book or chapter.
We
to
have been, I
think, in every case successful in tracing the quotation

to
its
source.
Another
difficulty
was
connect the
various references with the paragraph, sentence or state-
ment, each was meant to prove.'
This involved a
new
VIU
PREFACE.
labour; the sources had to be consulted alike for the
purposes of verification and determination of relevance
and
place.
The
references, too, in the note-books

it
were
often of the briefest, given, as
were, in algebraics, and
they had frequently to be expanded

while the search into the originals led
of excerpts,
and con-ected;
the
now to
making
and now
to the discovery of
new
authorities
which
it
seemed a pity not
to use.
As
a result, the
notes to Lecture IX. are mainly the author's, though all

as verified
by other hands
also
but the notes to Lecture X.,

This is
and in part
stated in
XL,
are largely the editor's.

all
order that
responsibility for errors

It
and
inaccuracies
may be
laid at the proper door.
seemed
to the editor that, while he could do little to
make the
had been
text what the author would have
made
it if it
by
his
own hand
prepared for the press, he was bound^

state of the
in the region
where the
MSS. made
a discreet
use of freedom not only possible but compulsory, to
make the book
as little
unworthy
of the scholarship
it
and
scrupulous accuracy of the author as

to do.
was in
his
power
The pleasant duty remains
of
thanking two friends

labours.
who have
Vernon
greatly lightened
my
The
first is
Bartlet,
M.A.; the second. Professor Sanday.
Mr. Bartlet's part has been the heaviest; without him

the work could never have been done.
He
laboured at
PREFACE.
the
IX
MSS.
till
the broken sentences became whole, and
the disconnected paragraphs
wove themselves together
and then he transcribed the black and bewildering pages

into clear
and legible copy
for the printer.
He
had
heard the Lectures, and had happily taken a few notes,

which, supplemented from other sources, proved most
helpful, especially in the
to
way
of determining the order
be followed.
He
has indeed been in every
way a
also
most unwearied and diligent co-worker.
To him we
owe the Synopsis
of Contents
and the Index.

all
Professor
Sanday has kindly read over
the Lectures that have
passed under the hands of the editor, and has furnished
him with most

dations.
helpful criticisms, suggestions, and emen-
The work
grateful that
is
it
sent out with a sad gratitude.
am
the
has been possible so far to
fulfil
author's design, but sad because he no longer lives to
serve the cause he loved so well.

to say a
This
is
not the place
word
either in criticism or in praise of
him
or
his work.
Those of us who knew him know how
little
book
like this expresses his
whole mind, or represents

in
all
that in this field he

is
had
it
him
to do.
The book
an admirable
illustration of his
it
method
in order to be judged aright,
ought to be judged
It is a study
within the limits he himself has drawn.

in historical development,
an analysis of some of the
PREFACE.
formal factors that conditioned a given process and de-
termined a given result
but
it
deals throughout solely
with these formal factors and the historical conditions
under which they operated.
He
never intended to
dis-
cover or discuss the transcendental causes of the process
on the one hand, or

of
to
pronounce on the value or validity
the result on the other.

;
His purpose,
like his
method,
was scientific and

of the
as an attempt at the scientific treatment

of ideas, of the evolution
growth and formulation
and establishment of usages within the Christian Church,

it
ought
to
be studied and
criticised.
Behind and beintellect,
neath his analytical method was a constructive
and beyond
his conclusions
was a
positive
and co-ordi-
nating conception of the largest and noblest order.

his
To
mind every
if
species of mechanical
Deism was
alien
and
his
method bears hardly upon the
traditions
lives in
and assumptions by which such a Deism

the region of early ecclesiastical history,
that he might prepare the
still it
was only
of a faith
way
for the
coming
of the
and a society that should be worthier

loved and the Church he served.
Master he
A. M. Fairbaien.
Oxford, Julyy 1890.
SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS.
Lecture
I.
INTRODUCTOEY.
The Problem How the Church passed from the Sermon on the Mount
a change in
soil
:
page
to
the Nicene Creed ; the change in spirit coincident with

...
...
...
...
...
1,2
2
The need
1.
of caution
two preliminary considerations
...
A religion relative to
mind during the
the whole mental attitude of an age
hence need to estimate the general attitude of the Greek

first
three centuries a.d.

religious belief
:
...
...
3,
2.
Every permanent change in
and usage
rooted in historical conditions
roots of the Gospel in
Judaism, but of fourth century Christianity

to historical
in Hellenism
as to
the
...
key
...
...
...
4,5
The Method
Evidence
as to process of
change scanty, but ample and

Eespects in which evi... ... ...
...
representative
ante -Nicene Greek thought and
post-Nicene Christian thought.
dence defective
...
10
Two
1.
resulting tendencies
To
overrate the value of the surviving evidence.
2.
To under-estimate opinions no longer accessible or known

only through opponents
... ...
...
...
10
Hence method, the

Antecedents
:
correlation of antecedents
and consequents 11
...
13
14
14
sketch of the phenomena of Hellenism
13,
Consequents
changes in original Christian ideas and usages
XU
Attitude of
1.
PAGE
mind required
...
...
...
...
...
...
15
15, IG
Demand upon
Need
(a)
attention and imagination
...
...
2.
3.
Personal prepossessions to be allowed for

to observe under-currents, e.g.
...
17, 18
The
dualistic hypothesis, its bearing on

...
baptism
...
and exorcism
(h)
...
...
...
19,
20
21
The nature of religion,

:
e.g. its
relation to conscience
History as a scientific study
the true apologia in religion
21
24
Lecture
II.
GEEEK EDUCATION.
The first step a study of environment, particularly as The contemporary Greek world an educated world in
literary sense
I,
..
literary.
a special
...
...
...
...
...
25
27
Its
forms varied, but
all literary
Grammar
Rhetoric
2830 3032
...
A
1.
"lecture-room" Philosophy
...
32
35
II. Its influence
shown by
Direct literary evidence
...
...
...
35
37
40 42 48
49
2.
Recognized and lucrative position of the teaching

profession
...
...
...
...
...
...
37
3. 4.
Social position of
its
professors
40
Its persistent survival
up
to
to-day in general
...
education, in special terms and usages

Into such an artificial habit of
42
...
mind
Christianity
came
48,
Lecture
III.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN EXEGESIS.

To the Greek the mystery of writing, the reverence
for antiquity,
the belief in inspiration, gave the ancient poets a unique
value
...
50, 51
XUl
PAGE
Homer, his place in moral education

ethics, physics,
used by the Sophists in

... ... ...
metaphysics, &c.
52
57
64
Apologies for this use culminate in allegory, especially
among the
The
Stoics
...
...
...
...
57
Allegoric temper widespread, particularly in things religious.
Adopted by Hellenistic Jews,

Philo
especially at Alexandria
6569
harmony with Greek
...
Continued by early Christian exegesis in varied schools,

chiefly as regards the Prophets, in
thought, and as a main line of apologetic
69
74
Application to the
New
Testament writings by the Gnostics

...
...
and the Alexandrines

Its aid as solution of the
...
...
...
75,70
Old Testament problem, especially in
Origen
Reactions both Hellenic and Christian
1.
:
7779
viz.
in
...
The
Apologists' polemic against
Greek mythology
79,
80 80
2. 3.
The Philosophers' polemic
against Christianity
...
Certain Christian Schools, especially the Antiochene

... ...
..
81,
82 82
Here hampered by dogmatic complications
Use and abuse of
allegory
the poetry
of life
...
...
82, 83
Alien to certain drifts of the modern

1. 2.
spirit, viz.
..
.
Historic handling of literature
...
...
...
84
84, 85
Recognition of the living voice of
God
Lecture IV.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN RHETORIC.

The period one
of widely diffused literary culture.
Schools, old
The Rhetorical
and new
...
...
86
88
Sophistic largely pursued the old lines of Rhetoric, but also
philosophized and preached professionally

Its
88
... ...
manner of
discourse
its
rewards
94
94 99
Objections of earnest
tetus
men
reaction led
by Stoics
like Epic-
99105
XIV
PAOX 105
v.
Significance for Christianity
...
Primitive Christian "prophesying"
later
"preaching."
e.g.
Preaching of composite origin

fourth century, A,D.
:
its
essence and form,
in
preachers sometimes itinerant

... ...
Summary and
conclusions
...
...
113 113 115

105
Lecture V.
CHEISTIANITY
Abstract ideas
AND GREEK PHILOSOPHY.

of the
among the Greeks, who were hardly aware
different degrees
of precision possible in mathematics
philosophy
and 116
118
118
Tendency
to define strong
with them, apart from any

...
...
criterion; hence dog^nas
...
120
123
Dogmatism, amid decay of

yet
originality
...
reaction towards doubt;

...
...
Dogmatism regnant
...
120
"Palestinian Philosophy," a complete contrast
...
123, 124
Fusion of these in the Old Catholic Church achieved through
an underlying kinship of ideas
...
...
...
125,126
126
Explanations of this from both sides

Philosophical Judaism as a bridge,
e.g.,
...
...
128
in allegorism and
cosmology
Christian philosophy partly apologetic, partly speculative.
128, 129
Alarm
of Conservatives
the second century one of tran...

...
...
sition
and
conflict
...
130
133
134
The
issue,
compromise, and a certain habit of mind

to the
...
133, 134
...
Summary answer
main question
:
...
...
The Greek mind seen 1. The tendency

2.
3.
in
to define
to speculate
i.e.
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
... ... ...
135
The tendency
The point
136
137
of emphasis,
Orthodoxy
Further development in the West.

the true damnosa h ereditas
...
But Greece the source of

...
1 37, 1 38
XV
Lecture VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN

The average morality
ETHICS.
PAGE
139, 140
of the age: its moral philosophy

...
...
An
age of moral reformation

1.
...
...
...
140
...
142
142
Relation of ethics to philosophy and
life
Revived
practical bent of Stoicism
Epictetus
...
143
...
147 147
A moral gymnastic
(1) Askesis
cultivated
:
,.
...
(aa-Krâ-is)
Philo, Epictetus,
Dio
Chrysostom
(2)
2.
148150
or moral reformer
...
The "philosopher"
150
152
The contents
reference.
of ethical teaching,
Epictetus'
marked by a religious two maxims, " Follow Nature,"
"Follow God"
Christian ethics
152155
difference
;
show agreement amid

;
based upon
the Divine
sized at
1.
command
idea of sin
agreement most empha...
first, i.e.
the importance of conduct

:
158, 159
:"
Tone of
earliest Christian writings

i.
the
...
"Two "Ways
...
Apostolical Constitutions, Bk.

2.
159
v.
162
Place of discipline in Christian

later corpus
life
Puritan ideal
... ...
permixtum
:
...
162
164
168
Further developments due to Greece

1.
Church
within
...
the
...
Church
...
askesis,
... ...
ticism...
2.
Monas164
Resulting deterioration of average ethics
Ambrose of
168, 169
Milan
Complete victory of Greek ethics seen in the basis of modern

society
169, 17G
XTl
Lecture VII.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.

L The
The
idea of
Creator.
PAGE
One God, begotten
of the unity
and order of the
world, and connected with the ideas of personality and mind.
Three elements in the idea

lute
Creator,
Moral Governor, Abso-
Being
of idea of a beginning:
171174
Monism and Dualism
...
Growth
1.
174, 175
Monism
of the Stoics
natura naturata and naturans
a beginning not necessarily involved

2.
175
Dualism, Platonic
creation recognized
:
...
177
177 180
Syncretistic blending of these as to process
Logos idea common.

:
Hence
Philo's significance
;
God
is
as Creator
Monistic and
Dualistic aspects
his terms for the Forces in their plurality
and unity
world
Earlj'-
after all,
God
Creator, even Father, of the
180188
but questions as to mode emerged, and the
... ...
...
...
Christian idea of a single supreme Artificer took perma;
nent root
first
answers were tentative

1.
Evolutional typo
supplemented by idea of a lapse
190 190 194

188
194
2.
Creational type accepted
There remained
(i.)
The ultimate
solutions
:
relation
of matter to
God
Dualistic
Basilides' Platonic theory the basis of the
later doctrine,
(ii.)
though not
at once recognized
:
194
198 200
The
Creator's contact with matter

:
Mediation hypo...
...
thesis
(iii.)
the
Z(0<70s
solution
:
...
198
Imperfection and evil
Monistic and Dualistic answers,

... ... ...
especially Marcion's
200, 201
But the Divine Unity overcomes
all
position of Irenaûs, &c.,
widely accepted: Origen's cosmogony a theodicy.

of the simpler view seen in Monarchianism
Prevalence
...
202
207
Results
207, 208
XYll
Lecture VIII.
GEEEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.

II.
The Moral Governor.

and order
page 209
A.
The Greek Idea.

1.
Unity of God and Unity of the world

Order, number, necessity and destiny
:
will
intelligent force
and law
209211
as a city-state (ttoAis)
...
The Cosmos
2.
...
211,212
and 213
New
conceptions of the Divine Nature
Justice
...
Goodness in connection with Providence

Tlius about the Christian era
215
we
find Destiny
and Providence,
and a tendency
of the terra
3.
to synthesis
through two stages in the use

215217
:
God
of evil emerges
The problem
(a)
attempts at solution.
Universality of Providence denied (Platonic and

Oriental)
217
(6) Eeality of apparent evils denied (Stoic)
217
220 223
This not pertinent to moral

(c)
evil,
...
hence
...
:
Theory of human freedom
220, 221
Its relation to Universality of Providence
the
Stoical theodicy exemplified in Epictetus 221
B.
The Christian Idea.

Primitive Christianity a contrast
1.
:
two main conceptions.

...
Wages
for
work done
...
2.
Positive
Law
God a Lawgiver and Judge

two
types.
...
...
:
...
Difficulties in fusing the

(i.)
Forgiveness and
Law
Marcion's ditheism
Solution in Irenaus, Tertullian, &c.

(ii.)
result
The Moral Governor and
Free-will.
Marcion's dualistic view of moral evil

Justin Martyr, Tatian, Irenaeus
Tertullian and the Alexandrines
...
Origen's comprehensive theodicy
by
aid of Stoicism
and Neo-Platonism
233237
5
xâll
SYNOPSIS of contents.
Lecture IX.
GREEK AKD CHRISTIAN" THEOLOGY.

III.
God as the Supreme
Being.
PAQB
Christian Theology shaped
basis
by Greece, though on
a Jewish
238, 239
A.
The Idea and
its
Develojmient in Greek Philosophy.
Parallel to Christian speculation in three stages.

1.
Transcendence of God.
History of the idea before and after Plato
Its
...
240
243
244
two forms, transcendent proper and supra- cosmic

e.g.
Blending with religious feeling,

2.
in Philo
...
244,245
Revelation of the Transcendent.
Through intermediaries
(i.)
Mythological
Philosophical,
e.g.
246
in Philo
(ii.)
246, 247
3.
Distinctions in the nature of God.

Philo's Logos
247,248
rela-
Conceived both monistically and dualistically in

tion to
God
249
. . .
But especially under metaphor of generation

B.
1.
250
The Idea and
its
Development in Christian Theology.

is
Here the idea of Transcendence

Present in the Apologists
at first absent
...
250
252
...
..
first
...
252,253
empha254
But God as transcendent (v, supra-cosmic) sized by Basilides and the Alexandrines
2.
256
Mediation
Revelation) of the Transcendent, a vital
problem
256,257
7nanifestation
...
...
TheouGS oi modal
257,258
258
259
Dominant idea that of modal existence (i.) As manifold so among certain Gnostics
:
...
(ii.)
As
constituting a unity
xix
PAGE
Its Gnostic forms
259, 260
logoi
to
Eelation
Justin
of
the
the
Logos,
especially
in
260262
is
The
3.
issue
the Logos doctrine of Irenseus
...
262, 263
Distinctions in the nature of

(i.)
God based on
the Logos.
Theories as to the genesis of the Logos, analogous to those as to the world

...
263, 264
Theories guarding the "sole monarchy," thus endangered,
culminate in Origen's idea of eternal generation

(ii.)
265
267
Theories of the nature of the Logos determined
by either the supra-cosmic or transcendental

idea of
God
267,268
a stage
Origen marks a stage

versies
and but
...
in the contro-
268, 269
Greek elements in the subsequent developments.

Ousia
;
its
history
...
...
...
...
269
272
277
Difficulty felt in applying
it to
God
...
273, 274
274, 275
As
also
with homoousios : need of another term

its
Hypostasis:
history
...
...
...
...
275
Comes
tism
to
need definition by a third term
(ttpoo-wttov)
277, 278
Eesum6
of the use of these terms; the reign of
dogma278
280
Three underlying assumptions
a legacy of the Greek
spirit
280, 281
L The
2.
importance of metaphysical distinctions.
Their absolute truth.
3.
The nature
of God's perfection.
Conclusion
282
XX
Lecture X.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE MYSTERIES UPON

CHRISTIAN USAGES.
PAGE
A. The
Greek
religion.
Greek Mysteries and Related
Cults.
Mysteries and religious associations side by side with ordinary
L The
Mysteries,
(i.)
e.g. at
Eleusis
283,284
lustra-
Initial Purification,
through confession and
tion (baptism)
(ii.)
(iii.)
285287
...
Sacrifices, -with procession, &c.
...
287, 288
Mystic Drama, of nature and

:
human
...
life
288
sacri-
290
2.
Other religious associations

fice
condition of entrance,
... ...
and common meal

extent of the above
B.
290, 291
Wide
291,292
the Church.
The Mysteries and

;
Transition to the Christian Sacraments

special
1.
influence, general
and
292294
:
Baptism
Its primitive simplicity
...
:
...
...
...
294, 295
Later period marked by

(i.)
(ii.)
Change of w?ne Change of ime and conception

parallelism
295,296 296,297
298
Minor confirmations of the

2.
300
The Lord's Supper

Stages of extra-biblical development,
Apost. Const., the "altar,"
teries"
its
e.g.
in Didach6,
as
offerings
"mys-
300303
fifth
Culmination of tendency in
century in Dionysius
303
viz.
305
The tendency
Gnostics
strongest
in
the
most Hellenic
circles,
305, 306
... ...
Secrecy and long catechumenato
306, 307
Anointing
...
...
...
...
...
...
307, 308
308, 309
Realistic change of conception
...
Conclusion
...
...
...
...
309
XXL
Lecture
XL
THE LNCOEPORATION OF CHRISTIAN IDEAS, AS MODIFIED BY GREEK, INTO A BODY OF DOCTRINE.

"Faith" in Old Testament =
trust
PAGE
trust in a person.
In Greek philosophy = intellectual conviction In Philo, these blend into trust in God
city, i.e. in
310, 311
vera-
in His
...
...
the Holy Writings

for certainty based
...
311, 312
...
Contemporary longing
on
fact
312
Here we have the germs of ... ment Canon ...

1.
(1) the Creed, (2) the

...
... ...
New
...
Testa...
313
At
first
;
emphasis on
its ethical
purpose and revealed
basis
then the latent intellectual element emerges,

... ...
though not uniformly
...
...
315
The baptismal formula becomes a
test.
...
Expansion by "apostolic teaching"
316,317
The "Apostles' Creed" and the Bishops

2.
317319
Related question as to sources of the Creed and the

materials for
its interpretation.
:
Value of written tradition

limit
influence of
:
Old Testament
apostolicity
as
and common idea of prophecy

Marcion and
319,320
the idea of a
Canon
it
...
...
320,321
321
"Faith" assumes the sense

3.
had
in Philo
But the speculative temper remained

"rule of faith:" yvwo-ts alongside
at Alexandria
:
active
Trio-Tts,
upon the
especially
Origen
...
...
...
321
323
Hence tendency
to
(1) Identify a fact

(2)
with speculations upon
it
...
323, 324
Check individual speculations in favour of those of the

majority
324326
XXU
Results
(i.)
page
Such speculations formulated and inserted in the Creed,

formally as interpretations
the importance attached to
:
belief changed, but not

... ...
it
327,328
329
(ii.)
Distinction between "majority" and " minority" views

at a meeting,
on points of metaphysical speculation
Resum^
of the stages of belief

...
329,330
...
Underlying conceptions to bo noted
...
330,331
(1) Philosophic regard for exact definition.

(2) Political belief in a majority.
(3) Belief in the finality of the views of

tained.
an age so
ascer-
Development,
if
admitted, cannot be arrested
...
...
332
Place of speculation in Christianity
332, 333
Lecture XII.
THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE BASIS OF CHRISTIAN UNION DOCTRINE IN THE PLACE OF CONDUCT.
:
Association at
tianity
first
...
voluntary, according to the genius of Chris... ... ...

...
...
334, 335
characi.),
Its basis primarily

teristic
:
moral and spiritual
Holiness
its
the "
Two Ways,"
:
Apost. Const. (Bk.
the
Elchasaites
335337
its
Also a
common Hope
changing form
...
337, 338
Coincident relaxation of bonds of discipline and change in idea

of the
Church
stress also
338,339
upon the
intellectural
Growing
clement
...
...
...
339, 340 340, 341
Causes for
this,
primary and collateral
(1) Importance given to Baptism

its relation to
realistically
...
conceived
...
the ministrant
:
341,342
moral
for-
(2)
Intercommunion
(e.g.
the necessary test at
first
Didache),
...
subsequently a
... ... ...
doctrinal
...
mula
343
345
XXIU
PAGE
This elevation of doctrine due to causes internal to the Christian
communities
but an external factor enters with case of Paul

its results
...
ofSamosata:
...
...
...
345
347
Lines of reaction against this transformation

(1) Puritan or conservative tendency
:
Novatianism
347,348
348, 349
(2)
Formation of esoteric
class
with higher moral ideal
Monachism
Conclusion
:
The Greek
spirit still lives in Christian
Churches: the
...
vital question is its relation to Christianity
349, 350
Two
theories
permanence of the primitive, assimilative

logical third
...
development: no
...
...
350, 351
...
On
either theory, the
Greek element may largely go
351
The problem
pressing
our study a necessary preliminary and

...
truly conservative
...
...
...
...
...
352
New ground here

of the future
broken
a pioneer's forecast
the Christianity
,
352,353
Lecture
I.
IITTEODUCTOEY.
It
is
impossible for any one, wl.etlier he be a student
of history or no, to fail to notice a difference of both
form and content between the Sermon on the Mount and

the Nicene Creed.
The Sermon on
of conduct
; ;
the
it
Mount
is
the
promulgation of a
new law
assumes beliefs
rather than formulates them
the theological conceptions
which underlie
absent.
it
belong to the ethical rather than the

metaphysics are wholly
a statement partly of his-
speculative side of theology;
The Mcene Creed

and partly
of
it
is
torical facts
dogmatic inferences ; the metacontains would probably have

;
physical terms which
been unintelligible
place in
it.
to the first disciples

to
ethics
have no
The one belongs

is
a world of Syrian
peasants, the other to a world of
Greek philosophers.
it is
The
contrast
patent.
If
any one thinks that

that the one
is
v^
sufficiently explained
by saying
it
a sermon
in reply
and the other a creed,

that the question
must be pointed out

and
why
an ethical sermon stood in the

a meta-
forefront of the teaching of Jesus Christ,
physical creed in the forefront of the Christianity of the
fourth century,
is
a problem
which claims
it
investigation.
It claims investigatioUj
but B
has not yet been inves*
2
tigatcd.
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
There have been inquiries, which in some cases

at positive results, as to the causes of par-
have arrived
ticular changes
or
developments in Christianity
the
development, for example, of th^ doctrine of the Trinity,

or of the theory of a Catholic Church.
But the main

is
question to which I invite your attention

to all such inquiries.
societies
antecedent
It asks, not
how
did the Christian
come
to
believe one proposition rather than
another, but
how
did they
come
to the
frame of mind
which attached importance

and made the assent
condition of
to the
to either the one or the other,
one rather than the other a
membership.
first
In investigating this problem, the

obvious to an inquirer
of gravity
is,
point that
is
that the change in the centre
from conduct
to belief is coincident
with the
transference of Christianity from a Semitic to a Greek

soil.
The presumption
is
that
it
was the
result of
Greek
influence.
It will appear
from the Lectures which follow

Their general subject
is,
that this presumption
is true.
consequently,
The Influence
of Greece
upon
Christianity.
The
subject
difficulty, the interest,
and the importance

to
of the
it
make
It
it
incumbent upon us
necessary to bear
it
;
approach
with
caution.
is
many
points in
mind
as
we
enter upon
and I will begin by asking your
attention to two considerations, which, being true of

all
analogous phenomena of religious development and
change,
may be presumed
us.
first is,
is
to
bo true of the particular
phenomena before
1.
The
that the religion of a given race at a
given time
relative to the
whole mental attitude of
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
to
that time.
It is impossible
separate the religious

in the
phenomena from the other phenomena,

that
same way
yon can separate a vein

it is
of silver
from the rock in
which
embedded.
They
are as
much determined by
its soil,
the general characteristics of the race as the fauna and

flora of a geographical area are
its climate,
determined by
and
its
cultivation
and they vary with the

as the fauna
changing characteristics
flora of
of the race
and
the tertiary system differ from those of the chalk.
They
are separable from the whole mass of phenomenaj,

fact,
not in
but only in thought.
We
may
concentrate
still
our attention chiefly upon them, but they

part of the whole complex
life
remain
of the time,
and they
life.
cannot be understood except in relation to that
If
any one
will ask
hesitates to accept this historical induction, I
him
to take the instance that lies nearest to him,
and
to consider
phenomena
doubts,
its
of
how he could understand the religious our own country in our own time its
hopes,
its
varied
its
enterprises,
its
shifting
enthusiasms,
its
its noise,
learning, its eestheticism,

of the
arts,
and
philanthropies
unless he took account
growth
of the
of the inductive sciences
and the mechanical
expansion of literature, of the social
stress, of
the com-
mercial activity, of the general drift of society towards

its
own improvement.
In dealing, therefore, with the problem before
us,
we
must endeavour
attitude of the
to realize to ourselves the
whole mental
Greek world in the

must take account
first
three centuries
of our
era.
its
We
its
of the breadth
and
depth of
sophy, of
education, of the
many
currents of
its
its
philoits
love of literature, of
scepticism and
4
mysticism.
I.
IXTEODUCTORT.
We
must gather together whatever evidence
we can
sion,
find,
not determining the existence or measuring
the extent of drifts of thought by their literary exjores-
but taking note also of the testimony of the monuof art
ments
and
history, of paintings
and sculptures,
of
inscriptions
at
and laws.
In doing
so,
we
musi^ be content,
any
rate for the present
and
until the
problem has
been more fully elaborated, with the broader features
both
of the
Greek world and
of the early centuries.
The
distinctions
which the precise study of history requires

Asia Minor, and between the age of the
us to draw between the state of thought of Greece proper
and that
of
Antonines and that of the Severi, are not necessary for

our immediate purpose, and
may
be
left to
the minuter
research which has hardly yet begun,

v/
2.
The second
is
consideration
is,
that no permanent
change takes place in the religious beliefs or usages of

a race which
not rooted in the existing beliefs and
usages of that race.
The truth which
Aristotle enun-
ciated, that all intellectual teaching is

is
based upon what
previously
known
to the person taught,^ is applicable
to a race as well as to an in lividual,
and
to beliefs
is,
even
more than
to
knowledge.
religious
change
like a
physiological change, of the nature of assimilation by,
and absorption
into,
existing elements.
The
religion
It
which our Lord preached was rooted
in Judaism.
came
''
not to destroy, but to

Kal iraaa
fulfil."
It took the
Jewish
TTucra Oi5tt(TKttA(a
jxi9r](TL'i
i.
otaro)yTt/<i) 6K 7rpovapyov(Ti]<i
yiviTai yKJcrews (Arist. Anal,
jôst.
1, p.
71).
John
is laid
I'liilopouus, in
his note on the passage, points out that emphasis

SiavoijTiKi'j, in
or/v
'i)^ci
upon the word

196
antithesis to sensible knowledge,
7;
yap
alcrOijTiK^] yvwcris
6).
-pov-OKHiiunp' yvwjiv (Sc/toL
ed. Brandis, p.
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
it
conception of a Father in heaven, and gave
new
meaning.
It took existing moral precepts,

application.
and gave
applica-
them a new
The meaning and the
tion had already been anticipated in some degree by the Jewish prophets. There were Jewish minds which had yu a.-^ been ripening for them and so far as they were ripe for "h*"**^ '
;
them, they received them.

find that the
In a similar way we
shall
Greek Christianity
of the fourth century
was rooted
in Hellenism.
The Greek minds which had
been ripening for Christianity had absorbed new ideas
and new motives; but there was a continuity between their present and their past; the new ideas and new
motives mingled with the waters of existing currents;
and
it is
only by examining the sources and the volume
of the previous flow that
we
shall
understand
how
it is
that the !N"icene Creed rather than the
Sermon on the
^
Mount has formed

Christianity.
the
dominant element in Aryan
The method of the investigation, like that of all investigations, must be determined by the nature of the evidence. The special feature of the evidence which aff'ects the method is, that it is ample in regard to the causes,
and ample
also in regard to the eff'ects,
but scanty in
regard to the process of change.
We
have ample evidence in regard to the
state of
Greek thought during the ante-Nicene period.

winters shine with a
The
side
dim and
pallid light
when put
;
by
to
side with the master-spirits of the Attic age
but
their lesser importance in the scale of genius rather adds
than diminishes from their importance as representa-
b
tives.
I.
IXTRODrCTORY.
cliildrcn of their time.
They were more the
They
its
are consequently better evidence as to the currents of
men who supremely transcended it. I will mention those from whom we shall derive most informathought than
tion, in the
hope that you will in course

with their names, but
of time
also
become
familiar, not only
with their
works.
Dio
of Prusa,
commonly known
as
Dio Chry-
sostom, " Dio of the golden mouth,"
who was raised above
the class of travelling orators to which he belonged, not
only by his singular literary

of his character
skill,
but also by the nobility

of his protests against
and the vigour
political unrighteousness.
Epictetus, the lame slave, the
Socrates of his time, in
whom
the morality and the reli-
gion of the Greek world find their sublimest expression,
and whoso conversations and lectures
at ISTicopolis, taken
reflect
down, probably in short-hand, by a faithful pupil,
exactly, as in a photograph, the interior life of a great

moralist's
school.
Plutarch, the prolific essayist and
diligent
encyclopaedist,
whose materials are
far
more
valuable to us than the edifices which he erects with
them.
Maximus
of Tyre, the eloquent preacher, in
whom
the cold metaphysics of the
Academy
arc transmuted into
a glowing mysticism.
philosopher, in
losophies are
Marcus Aurelius, the imperial

or darkened
whose mind the fragments of many phi-
lit
by hope
by
despair, as the
clouds float and drift in uncertain sunlight or in gathered
gloom before the clearing

wit,
rain.
Lucian, the
satirist
and
the prose Aristophanes of later Greece.
Sextus
Empiricus, whose writings
gathered under his
name
the are
or
collection of writings
tlic
richest of all
mines
Philo-
for the investigation of later
Greek philosophy.
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
stratus, the
author of a great religious romance, and of

It
many
sketches of the lives of contemporary teachers.
will hardly be
an anachronism
if
we add
to these the
;
great syncretist philosopher, Philo of Alexandria
for,
on
the one hand, he was more Greek than Jew, and, on the
other, several of the
works which are gathered together

to
under his name seem

quent
to his
belong to a generation subse-
own, and to be the only survivors of the

cities
Judseo-Greek schools which lasted on in the great

of the empire until the verge of Christian times.
We have
ample evidence also as
to the state of Chris-
tian thought in the
post-Mcene
Gregory
of
period.
The Fathers
Gregory of
of general
Athanasius, Basil,
jN'yssa,
Nazianzus,
and Cyril of Jerusalem, the decrees

form a
and
local Councils,
the apocryphal and pseudonymous

clear conception of the
literature, enable us to
change which Greek influences had wrought.
But the evidence

effects
as to the
mode
in Avhich the causes
operated within the Christian sphere before the final
were produced
is
singularly imperfect.
If
we
look at the literature of the schools of thought which

ultimately became dominant,
we
find that
it
consists for
It tells us
the most part of some accidental survivals.^
about some parts of the Christian world, but not about

others.
^
It represents a
c,
few phases
5) singles
of
thought with
Tertullian {adv. Valentin,
out four writers of the

:
previous generation
whom
he regards as standing on an equal footing
Justin, Miltiades, Irenûs, Proculus.
Of
these, Proculus has entirely

;
perished
of Miltiades, only a
few fragments remain
Justin survives
i.
in only a single
MS.
(see
A. Harnack, Texte und Untersuchungen, Bd.
1,
die Ueherlieferung dergriechischen Apologeten des zweitenJalirlmnderts)',
and the
greater part of Irenaeus remains only in a Latin translation.
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
it
adequate fulness, and of others

fossils.
presents only a few
In regard
to Palestine,
which in the third and

of culture,
fourth centuries
was a great centre
we have
only the evidence of Justin Martyr.
In regard to Asia
Minor, which seems to have been the chief crucible for

the alchemy of transmutation,
we have but such
scanty
fragments as those of Melito and Gregory of lêocsesarea.
The
largest
and most important monuments are those of
Alexandria, the works of Clement and Origen, which

represent a stage of singular interest in the jDrocess of
philosophical development.
Of the
Italian wiiters,
we
have
little
that
is
genuine besides Hippolytus.

chiefly Irenseus,
Of Gal-
ilean writers,
we have
whose
results are
important as being the earliest formulating of the oj)inions
which ultimately became dominant, but whose method

of the rhetorical schools.
is
mainly interesting as an example of the dreary polemics
Of African
writers,
we have
Tertullian, a skilled lawyer,
who would
;
in
modern times
have taken high rank as a pleader at the bar or as a

leader of Parliamentary debate
and Cyprian, who sur-
vives chiefly as a champion of the sacerdotal hypothesis,
and whose vigorous personality gave him a moral

powers.
influ-
ence which was far beyond the measure of his intellectual
The evidence
is
not only imperfect, but also
insuflicient in relation to the effects that
were produced.
Writers of the stamp of Justin and Irenceus are wholly

inadequate to account for either the conrersion of the
educated world to Christianity, or for the forms which

Christianity
assumed when
the
educated world had
moulded
it.
And
if
we
look for the literature of the schools of
I.
INTROBUCTORY.
as heretical,
thoiiglit
which were ultimately branded
we
look almost wholly in vain. philosophers thonght,

significant exceptions,
What
the earliest Christian
we know, with
comparatively in-
only from the writings of their

subject to a double hate
left,
opponents.
of the
They were
that
of
heathen schools which they had
and that
the Christians
philosophy.^
who The little
were saying "

trust that
l*ôn
possumus"
to
we
can place in the
them is shown by the wide differences in those accounts. Each opjoonent, with the dialectical skill which was common at the
accounts which their opponents give of
time, selected, paraphrased, distorted,
and re-combined
the points which seemed to

result
is,
him
to
be weakest.
The
naturally, that the accounts
which the several

It
opponents give are so different in form and feature as

to
be irreconcilable with one another.^
was
so also
with the heathen opponents of Christianity.^

^
"With one
Marcion, in the sad tone of one 'who bitterly
felt
that every man's
hand was against him, addresses one of his in hate and wretchedness" (o-v/x/ztcroi'/xevoi'
adv. 31 arc.
2
disciples as
/cat
"my
partner
crvvTaXaiTrwpov, Tert.
4. 9).
Examples are the accounts of Basilides in Clement of Alexandria and Hippolytus, compared with those in Irenjeus and Epiphanius ; and the accounts of the Ophites in Hippolytus, compared with those of Irena3us and Epiphanius. The literature of the subject is considerable
see especially A. Hilgenfeld, die Keizergescliiclite des Urcliristeiithum^
(e.g.
p.
202); E. A. Lipsius, zur
Qiielleiilcriiik
des Epiphanios
and
A. Harnack, zur Quellenlaitik der Gesclddde des Gnosticismus.

^
The YGvy names
of most of the heathen opponents are lost
Lac-
tantius (5. 4) speaks of "plurimos et raultis in locis et

Grrecis sed etiam Latinis litteris."
non modo
But for the ordinary student, Keim's remarkable restoration of the work of Celsus from the quotations of
Origen, with
losses (Th.
its
wealth of illustrative notes, compensates for

Celsus'
many
Keim,
Wahrcs Wort, Zurich, 1873).
10
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
the
important exceiDtion,
we cannot tell how

philosophers outside
struck a dispassionate outside observer,

that
it left
new religion or why it was

Then,
so
many
its fold.
as now, the forces of
human
nature were at work.

is
The
not
the
tendency to disparage and suppress an opponent

jDCCuliar to the early ages of Christianity.
When
associated Christian
communities won at length their
hard-fought battle, they burned the enemy's camp.

This fact of the scantiness and inadequacy of the
evidence as to the process of transformation has led to
two
results
which constitute
difficulties
and dangers in
our path.
1.
The one
is
the tendency to overrate the value of
the evidence that has survived.
When
only two or three

it is difficult
monuments
of a great
movement remain,
tend at almost
all
to
appreciate the degree in which those

representative.
monuments
are
We
times to attach
;
an exaggerated importance
writers
to individual writers
the
who have moulded
the thoughts of their contem-
poraries, instead of being
moulded by them, are always
few in number and exceptional.

writers
We
tend also to attach
an undue importance to phrases which occur in such

;
few,
if
any, writers write with the precision of
a legal document, and the inverted pyramids which have
been built upon chance phrases of Clement or Justin are
monuments
2.
of caution
which we
shall
do well to keep
before our eyes.
The other
or
is
the tendency to under-estimate the
importance of the opinions that have disappeared from

sight,
which we know only in the form and

If
to the
extent of their quotation by their opponents.
we were
I.
INTRODUCTOHY.
11
current,
to trust tlie histories that are
commonly
we
should believe that there was from the
first
a body of
doctrine of which certain writers were the recognized
exponents
and that outside
this
body of doctrine there
was only the play of more or

like a fitful guerilla warfare
less insignificant opinions,
on the flanks of a great
army.
Whereas what we
is,
really find
on examining the
evidence
that out of a mass of opinions which for a
long time fought as equals upon equal ground, there was
formed a vast alliance which was strong enough

off the
lation,
to
shake
extremes at once of conservatism and of specu-
but in which the speculation whose monuments

less
have perished had no

of which some
a share than the conservatism
monuments have survived.
This survey of the nature of the evidence enables us

to determine the
method which we should follow.

and we can see the
effects
;
We can
trace the causes
but we have
only scanty information as to the intermediate processes.

If the evidence as to those processes existed in greater
mass,
if
the writings of those
who made
the
first
tenta-
tive efforts to give to Christianity a
Greek form had been

to follow in
preserved to us,
it
might have been possible
order of time and country the influence of the several
groups of ideas upon the several groups of Christians.

This method hasbeen attempted, with questionable success,
by some
of those
who have
But
investigated the history of
particular doctrines.
it is
impossible to dej)recate
too strongly the habit of erecting theories
upon
historical
quicksands
and I propose
to pursue the surer path to

points,
which the nature of the evidence
by
stating the
12
causes,
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
by viewing
tlicm in relation to the effects, and

far they
by considering liow
There
is
were adequate in
resjoect of
both mass and complexity to produce those

v/
is
effects.
a consideration in favour of this method which
in entire
harmony with
It
that
is,
which
arises
from the
nature of the evidence.
that the changes that took
place were gradual and at
first
hardly perceptible.
if
It
would probably be impossible, even
we were
in posses-
sion of ampler evidence, to assign a definite cause
and a
definite date for the introduction of each separate idea.
For the early years
of Christianity
were in some respects

It has sometimes been
like the early years of our lives.
thought that those early years are the most important

years in the education of
all of us.
"We learn then, we
hardly
know how, through

by
effort
and struggle and inno-
cent mistakes, to use our eyes and our ears, to measure

distance and direction, a process
which ascends by
unconscious steps to the certainty which

maturity.
degree,
is
we
feel in
our
We
are helped in doing
so, to
an incalculable
by the accumulated experience

up
in language
;
of
mankind which
is
stored
but the growth
our own, the

It
unconscious development of our
own powers.
was
in
some such rmconscious way that the Christian thought

of the earlier centuries gradually acquired the form
which
WT
its
when it emerges, as it were, into the developed manhood of the fourth century. Greek pliilosophy helped
find
development, as language helps a child

it
but the
assi-
milation of
can no more be traced from year to year
than the growth of the body can be traced from day to

day.
We
shall begin, therefore,
by looking
at the several
I.
INTEODUCTOHY.
13
groups of facts of the age in which Christianity grew,
and endeavour, when we have looked their influence upon it.
at them, to estimate
We
shall look at the facts

:
which indicate the

it
state of
education
we
it
shall find that
was an age that was

all
penetrated with culture, and that necessarily gave to

ideas which
absorbed a cultured and, so to speak,
scholastic form.
We

:
which indicate the
state of
literature
we
shall find that it
was an age
its
of great lite-
rary activity, which was proud of
ancient monuments,
and which spent a large part of
its
industry in endea-
vouring to interpret and to imitate them.
We

:
which indicate the
state of
philosophy
we
shall find that it
was an age in which
metaphysical concej)tions had come to occupy relatively

the same place which the conceptions of natural science
occupy among ourselves; and that just as we tend to

look upon external things in their chemical and physical
relations, so there
was then,
as
it
were, a chemistry and
physics of ideas.
We

:
which indicate the

it
state of
moral ideas
we
shall find that
was an age
in
which
with
the ethical forces of
human
nature were
stru2:2;liu2:
an altogether unprecedented force against the degradation

of
contemporary society and contemporary religion, and
in
which the
ethical instincts
were creating the new

old
ideal of
"folloAving God,"
and were solving the

life
question whether there was or was not an art of

practising self-discipline.
by
Wc
which indicate the
state of
14
theological ideas
:
I.
INTRODTJCTOEY.
shall find that it
wc
was an age
in
which men were

vain,
feelinej after
God and
not feeling; in
and that from the domains
of ethics, physics,
meta-
physics alike, from the depths of the moral consciousness,
and from the cloud-lands
of poets' dreams, the ideas of
men were
trooping in one vast host to proclaim with a
united voice that there are not
many
gods, but only One,
one First Cause by Avhom
all
things were made, one

all
Moral Governor whose providence was over
His
works, one Supreme Being "of infinite power, wisdom,
and goodness."
We

:
which indicate the
state of
religion
we
shall find that it

for centuries
was an age
in
which the
beliefs that
had
been evolving themselves
from the old religions were showing themselves in new

forms of worship and
new
;
concei)tioiis
of
what God
needed in the worshipper
in
which
also the older ani-
malism was passing into mysticism, and mysticism was
the preparation of the soul for the spiritual religion of the time to come.
We
shall then, in the case of each great
group of
ideas,
endeavour to ascertain from the
earliest Christian docu-
ments the original Christian ideas upon which they acted;
and then compare the

Christian ideas
;
later
with the earlier form of those
and
finally
examine the combined result
of all the influences that
were at work upon the mental
attitude of the Christian world
and upon the basis
of
Christian association.
I should be glad
if
I could at once proceed to

of facts.
examine
some
of these groups
But
since the object
I.
mTRODUCTORY.
is
15
to lead
whicli I have in view
not so
much
you
to
any
conclusions of
my
own, as to invite you to walk with
me
to
in comparatively untrodden paths,
and
to
urge those of
you who have leisure for

able to do
historical
investigations
explore them for yourselves more fully than I have been
and since the main

my
purpose
if
difficulties of
the investi-
gation
of
lie less in
the facts themselves than in the attitude
mind
in
which they are approached
I feel that I
should
fail of
I did not linger still
upon
either
is
the threshold to say something of the "personal equation'' that
we must make
before
we can become
There
accurate observers or impartial judges.
the
more reason
history
is
for doing so, because the study of Christian
no doubt discredited by the dissonance in the
voices of its exponents.

state almost
An
ill-informed writer
may
state
his-
any propositions he pleases, with the certainty

;
of finding listeners
a well-informed writer
may
propositions which are as demonstrably true as

torical proposition
any
can be, with the certainty of being

is
contradicted.
There
no court of appeal, nor will there
be until more than one generation has been engaged
upon the task

1.
to
which I am inviting you.

necessary to take account of
In the
first place, it is
the
and the imagination of the student.

is
demand which the study makes upon the attention The scientific, that
is
the accurate, study of history

care
comparatively new.
The minute
which
is
which
is
required in the examination
of the evidence for the facts,
and the painful caution

requires not only
required in the forming of inferences, are but
inadequately appreciated.
attention,
The study
but also imagination.
student must have
16
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
somctliing aualogous to the power of a dramatist before
he can realize the scenery of a vanished age, or watch,

as in a
events.
moving panorama, the series and sequence of its He must have that power in a still greater
degree before he can so throw himself into a bygone
time as to be able to enter into the motives of the actors,
and
to
imagine how, having such and such a character,
and surrounded by such and such circumstances, he
would himself have thought and

the greatest
felt
and acted.
But
is
demand
that can be
made upon
is
either the
attention or the imagination of a student
that
which
made by such
a problem as the present, which requires
us to realize the attitude of mind, not of one man, but of

a generation of men, to
iloat
move with
mind
it is
their
movements,
to pass
to
upon the current

In the second
of their thoughts,
and
with
them from one

2.
attitude of
place,
into another.
necessary to take account
of our
own
it.
personal prepossessions.
Most
of us
come
to
the study of the subject already knowing something
about
It is a comparatively easy task for a lecturer
to present,
of,
and
for a hearer to realize,
an accurate picture
or of
for
example, the religion of Mexico
Peru,
the
because the mind of the student
when he begins
But most
study
is
a comparatively blank sheet.
of us
bring to the study of Christian history a

clusions already formed.
number
of con-
We
tend to beg the question
before
we examine
have before
it.
We
ideas
us,
on the one hand, the ideas and
usages of early Christianity;
on the other hand, the
and usages of imperial Greece.

to the
We bring
former the thoughts, the associations,
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
17
tlie
sacred memories, the liappy dreams,
which have been
rising
up round
if
us,
one by one, since our chiklhood.
among us who in the maturity of their years have broken away from their earlier moorings, They are not these associations still tend to remain.
Even
there be some
confined to those of us Avho not only consciously retain
them, but also hold their basis to be true.

unconsciously in the minds of those
lutely to
They
linger
reso-
who seem most
have abandoned them.

the latter, most of us, a similar wealth of
to us
We bring to
associations
tion.
which have come
through our educato deal are
The ideas with which we have
mostly
expressed in terms which are

turies of Christianity,
common
to the early cenliterature of five

tlieii
and to the Greek
centuries before.
The terms
are the same, but
meaning
Greek
is
different.
Those of us who have studied
literature tend to attach to

at
them the connotation

literature
which they had

its
Athens when Greek
was in
most perfect flower.
We
ignore the long interval of
time,
and the new connotation which, by an inevitable
law
of language,
had in the course of centuries clustered

of
round the old nucleus
meaning.
The terms have
in
some cases come down by direct transmission
into our
own
language.
They have
in such cases gathered to

until
themselves wholly
sciously hold
new meanings, which,
we
con-
them
up to the light, seem to us to form

and are with
difficulty
part of the original meaning,
disentangled.
We bring
made by
to
both the Christian and the Greek world
the inductions respecting

ourselves and
them which have been already

by
others.
We
have in those
18
inductions so
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
many
moulds, so to speak, into "which Tve
press the plastic statements of early writers.
We assume
the primitivencss of distinctions which for the most part

represent only the provisional conclusions of earlier generations of scholars,
and stages in our own
historical edu-
cation
and we arrange
facts in the categories
which we
find ready to hand, as Jewish or Gentile, orthodox or

heretical, Catholic or Gnostic, while the question of the
reality of such distinctions
and such categories
is
one of
the main points which our inquiries have to solve.

3.
In the third
place, it is necessary to take account
of the under- currents, not only of our OAvn age, but of
the past ages with which
we have
to deal.
Every age
has such under-current s, and every age tends to be unconscious of them.
We
ourselves have succeeded to a
splendid heritage.
beliefs, the habits of
Behind us are the thoughts, the

mind, which have been in process
of formation since the first beginning of our race.
They
are inwrought, for the

nature. of of
most
part, into the texture of our
of
To them the mass our thoughts are relative, and by them the thoughts other generations tend to be judged. The importance recognizing them as an element in our judgments of
cannot transcend them.
We
other generations increases in proportion as those generations recede from our own.
In dealing with a country
or a period not very remote,
we may
not go far wi'ong in

is
assuming that
its
inheritance of ideas
cognate to our
own. liut in dealing with a remote country, or a remote

period of time,
it
becomes of extreme importance to allow
for the difference, so to speak, of mental longitude.
The
men
of earlier
days had other mental scenery round them.
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
19
Fewer streams
Consequently,
kvith
of
thought had converged upon them.

ideas
many
which were in
entire
harmony
the mental fabric of their time, are unintelligible

to the standard of our
^hen referred
)ut the
own
nor can
we
inderstand them until
we have been
at the pains to find
underlying ideas to which they were actually
'dative.
I will briefly illustrate this point

[a)
by two
to
instances
"We tend
to take
with
us, as
we
travel into
bygone
is
:imes, the dualistic hypothesis
lypothesis, but
an axiomatic truth
which
most of us
no
of the existence of
soul,
m unbridged
jpirit.
;o
chasm between body and

minds
matter and
The
relation in our
of the idea of matter
the idea of spirit is such, that
though we readily conspirit,
ceive
iVe
matter to act upon matter, and spirit upon

it
find
difficult
or impossible to conceive a direct
iction
either of matter
upon
spirit
or of spirit
upon
natter.
When,
therefore, in studying, for example, the
mcient
:o
rites of baptism,
we
find expressions
which seem
attribute a virtue to the material element,
we measure
them
belong,
5uch expressions
IS
by a modern
standard, and regard
containing only an analogy or a symbol.

to another phase of
They
^n reality,
thought than our own.
riiey are an outflow of the earlier conception of matter
md
^
spirit
as
varying forms of a single substance.^ common view

;
Tins was the
of the Stoics,
probably following
4.
^Vnaxagoras or his school

^Diels,
of.
Plutarch [Aetius], de Plac. Philos,

387).
It
BoxograpM
(TVfj.TrdcT'xêL
Grcbci, p.
was stated by Chrysippus,

crviyfia
jv8ev acrco/xaTov
Tw/xaTt'
crvfnrd(T')(î
crcofiaTt
ov8e d(T(ofidT(^
(TWjJiarL
dXXa
apa
ij
aoifxa
^v)(r}
Se
aj}.
>)
^v^r]
tw
....
crwpia
;
(Chrysipp. Fragm.
Nemes. de Nat. Horn. 33)
by Zeno, in
Cic.
c2
20
*'
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
Whatever
acts,
is
body,"
it
subtlest form of body, but
it is
was said. Mind is the body nevertheless. The

for instance^
conception of a direct action of the one upon the other
presented no difficulty.
that
It
was imagined,
direct causes
demons might be the

to
enter,
of diseases,
because the extreme tenuity of their substance enabled
them
all
and
to exercise a malignant influence
upon, the bodies of men.
So water,
when
exorcized from
it,
the evil influences which might reside in
actually
cleansed the soul.^
The conception
It
of the process as
symbolical came with the growth of later ideas of the

relation of matter to spirit.
is,
so to speak, a ration-
alizing explanation of a conception
which the world was
tending to outgrow.
Academ.
1. 1.
11. 39;
Ly
their followers, Plutarch [Aetius],
(r?e
Pâc. P77o^.
11. 4 (Dials, p. 310), 06 ^toukoX iravTa to. acVta crtDjiaTtKa.' Trrei'/xara
yap;
SO
by Seneca,
Ejyist.
117.
2,
"quicquicl facit corpus est;" so
among some
^
Christian writers,
e.g. Tertullian,
de Anima,
5.
The conception
:
underlies the whole of Tertullian's treatise, de

rites
tismo
it
accounts for the
of exorcism
Bapand benediction of both
and the water which are foiind in the older Latin service-books, what is known as the Gelasian Sacramentary, i. 73 (in Muratori^ Liturgia Romana veins, vol. i. p. 594), " exaudi nos omnipotens Deus
the
oil
e.g.
in
et
et
171
hujus aquce suhstantiam immitte virtutem ut abluendus per earn
sanitatem simul et vitam mereatur a?ternam." This prayer is immediately followed by an address to the water, " exorcizo te creatura aqua3
per
Deum vivum
adjuro te per
cfficiaris
Jesum Christum
filium ejus
unicum
dominum nostrum
Spiritui Sancto
.
ut
in eo qui in te baptizandus erit fons
aqua3 salientis in vitam retcrnam, regenerans

.
eum Deo
Patri et Filio et
So in the Galilean Sacramentary published by ]\Iabillon {de Liturgia GaUlcana lihri ires, p. 362), " exorcizo te fons aqua) perennis per Deum sanctum et Deum verum qui te in principio
."
ab arida separavit
et in
quatuor lluminibus terram rigore prrccepit

ahlueiis sordcs ct dlmitttns jpeccata,
.
aqua sancta, aqua benedicta,
sis ."
I.
INTRODUCTOEY.
21
(5)
We
take with us in our travels into the past the
underlying conception of religion as a personal bond
between God and the individual

that there
is
soul.
We
cannot believe
any virtue in an
act of worship in
which
the conscience has no place.
We
can understand, how-
ever
much we may
deplore, such persecutions as those of
the sixteenth century, because they ultimately rest upon
men were so profoundly convinced own personal beliefs as to deem it of supreme importance that other men should hold those beliefs also. But we find it difficult to understand why, in the second century of our era, a great emperor who
the same conception
:
of the truth of their
was
also a great philosopher should
have deliberately per-
secuted Christianity.
The
difficulty arises
from our over-
looking the entirely different aspect under which religion

presented itself to a
lay, not
Eoman mind.
It
was a matter which

indiit.
between the soul and God, but between the

ancestral usage
It
vidual and the State.
Conscience had no place in
Worship was an
of
^
which the State sancof the ordinary duties
tioned and enforced.

life.^
was one
it,
The neglect
of
and
still
more the disavowal
These conceptions are found in Xenophon's account of Socrates,

v6{j.o)
wlio quotes more than once the Delphic oracle, ^ re yap Ili^^ta
TToAews dvaipet TroLovvra'; eucre/^ws av
Trotetv,
Xen, Mem.
1. 3. 1,
and
again
4. 3.
16
in Epictet, Encli. 31, o-TrevSetv Se Koi Oveuv Kal aTrdp:
yîddai Kara to. Trdrpia eKayrots Trpoa-^Kei repeatedly in Plutarch, e.g. de Defect. Orac. 12, p. 416, de Comm. Notit. 31. 1, p. 1074 in the Atireum Carmen of the later Pythagoreans, dOavaTovs jxlv Trpwra deohs
:
v6{i(a
ws 8idKivTai,
TLfj.a
(Frag. Pliilos. Grcbc.
i.
p.
193)
and in the
yap
IN'eoplatonist
Porphyry {ad Marcell.
18, p. 286, ed. Nauclc), outos
/AeytcTTos KapiTo'i vcre/3etas rtfiav to Oelov
Kara
to, Trdrpia. its
The
5,
intel-
lectual opponents of Christianity laid stress
upon
desertion of the
ancestral religion; e.g. Ccecilius in Minucius Felix,
Odav.
"quanto
22
of
it,
I.
INTRODIJCTOIIY.
was a crime.
to
An
emperor might pity the offender
for his obstinacy, but he
must necessarily
either compel
him
obey or punish him
for disobedience.
It is not until
we have
thus realized the fact that the
study of history requires as diligent and as constant an

exercise of the mental powers as
sciences,
any
of the physical
and until we have made what may be called the

the theories which
''personal equation," disentangling ourselves as far as
we can from
of
we have
inherited or
formed, and recognizing the existence of under-currents
thought in past ages widely different from those which
flow in our own, that
we
shall
be likely to investigate
I
with success the great problem that lies before us.

lay stress
upon these
points, because the interest of the

its
subject tends to obscure

full of
difficulties.
Literature
is
fancy sketches of early Christianity;
they are
written, for the most part,
by
enthusiasts
whose imagi-
nation soars
by an easy
flight to the
mountain-tops which
the historian can only reach by a long and rugged road
they are read, for the most part, by those
who
give them
only the attention which they would give to a shilling
hand-book or
to
an
article in a review.
have no
desire,
and
am
sure that
you have no
desire, to
add one more

for a precise
to such fancy sketches.
The time has come
study.
The materials for such a study are available. The method of such a study is determined by canons which have been established in analogous fields of reThe difficulties of such a study come almost search.
venerabilius ac melius .... iiiajorum cxcipere disciplinam, religiones
traditas colore ;"
aud Celsus
iu Origeii,
c.
Ccls. 5. 25,
35
8.
57.
I.
INTEODUCTORY.
it
23
entirely
from ourselves, and
is
a duty to begin
by
recognizing them.
Eor the study

also of
is
one not only of living interest, but
supreme importance.
Other history
or less antiquarian.
gratify our curiosity
Its ultimate result
may be more may be only to

stores of our
and
to
add
to the
knowledge.
guide of our
But
lives.
Christianity claims to be a present'!

It has
been so large a factor in the
moral development of our race, that

its
claim unheard.
JN'either
is.
we cannot can we admit it

speak in
its
set aside
until
we
The
know what
are each of
Christianity
A thousand
to
dissonant voices
them professing
from them to
its
name.
its
appeal
lies
documents and to
history.
In order
to
know what
it is,
we must
it
first
know both
The study
it is
what
it
professed to be and
what
has been.
;
of the one is the
complement
of the other
but
with
the latter only that
we have
at present to do.
We
may
enter upon the study with confidence, because

tific
it is
a scien-
inquiry.
We may hear,
It is
if
we
will, the
solemn tramp
of the science of history
marching slowly, but marching

marching in our day, almost
always to conquest.
for the first time, into the
domain
of Christian history. of
Upon
its
flanks,
as
upon the
flanks
the
physical
sciences, there are scouts
and skirmishers, who venture

is
sometimes into morasses where there

into ravines
no foothold, and
issue.
from which there

on.
is
no
But the
science
is
marching
"Yestigia nulla retrorsum."
It marches, as the physical sciences
have marched, with
the firm tread of certainty.
It meets, as the physical
sciences have met, with opposition,
and even with con-
tumely.
In front
of
it,
as in front of the physical
24
sciences, is chaos
;
I.
INTEODUCTOr.Y.
it is
beliind
order.
"We mny marcbi
in its progress, not only -with the confidence of scientific

certainty, but also with the confidence of Christian faith.
It to Ave
may
shoAV
some things
;
to
be derived which
to
wc thought
be original
thought
to
and some things
be compound which
;
be incapable of analysis
and some things

realities.
to
it
be phantoms which
will
we thought
to
be
Eut
;
add a new chapter
to Christian apologetics
it
Avill
confirm the divinity of Christianity

all else
by showing
it
to
be in harmony with
its results
that
will take their place
we believe to be divine among those truths which

a fire that cannot be
burn in the souls of men

with a light that
wîth
quenched, and light up the darkness of this stormy sea

is
never dim.
Lecture
II.
GEEEK EDUCATIOIT.
The
general result of the considerations to wliich I

is,
have already invited your attention
that a study of
the growth and modifications of the early forms of Christianity
must begin with a study

it
of their environment. to
For a complete study,
would be necessary
examine
all life
that environment as a whole.
In some respects
it is
hangs together, and no single element of

isolation.
in absolute
of
The
political
and economical features

its literary
given time affect more or less remotely
and and
philosophical features, and a complete investigation would
take them
all into
account.
But
since life is short,
human powers many other studies,
are limited, it is necessary in this, as in

to
be content with something

It will
less
than ideal completeness.
be found
sufficient in
practice to deal only with the proximate causes of the
phenomena
shall
into
do,
which we inquire
with literary
and in dealing,
as
we
mainly
effects, to deal also
mainly
also.
with those features of the age which were literary
The most general summary of those features is, that the Greek world of the second and third centuries was,
in a sense which,
though not without some just demur,

It
has tended to prevail ever since, an educated world.
26
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
was reaping the harvest which many generations had

sown.
Fi^ e centuries before, the
new elements
Greek
to
till
of
knowIt
ledge and cultured speech had begun to enter largely

into the simpler elements of early
life.
had
become no longer enough

to
for
men
the ground, or
pursue their several handicrafts, or to be practised in
the use of arms.
The word
could
a-ocpo?,
which in
skilled in
earlier
times had been applied to one

the arts of
life,
who
who was string a bow
any of
or tune a lyre or
if
even trim a hedge, had come to be applied,

sively, yet at least chiefly, to
not exclu-
one who was shrewd with
practical
wisdom, or who knew the thoughts and sayings
of the ancients. in the Greek
The
original reasons,
which lay deep

knowledge
be
character, for the element of
assuming
this special form,
had been accentuated by the

There seems
to
circumstances of later Greek history.

little
reason in the nature of things
why
Greece should
not have anticipated modern Europe in the study of

nature,
chief
and why knowledge should not have had

in earlier times that
for its
meaning
which
it is
tending to
of
mean
now, the knowledge of the
phenomena and laws

to collect
the physical world.
The tendency
and
colligate
less
and compare the
facts of nature appears to
be no
instinctive than the tendency to
become acquainted with

before us.
13ut
the thoughts of those
who have gone
Greece on the one hand had
lost political
power, and on
the other hand possessed in her splendid literature an

inalienable heritage. She could acquiesce with the greater
equanimity in
of letters she
political subjection,
because in the domain
was
still
supreme with an indisputable

tui*n to letters.
supremacy. It was natural that she should
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
27
bo
It
was natural
also that the study of letters should
reflected
upon speech. For the lore

of talkers.
of speech
had become
to a large proportion of
Greeks a second nature.
They
They were almost the slaves of cultivated expression. Though the public life out of which orators had grown had passed away with political
were a nation
freedom,
it
had
left
behind
it
a habit which in the second
century of our era was blossoming into a
Like children playing at
new spring. "make-believe," when real
speeches in real assemblies became impossible, the Greeks
revived the old practice of public speaking by addressing

fictitious assemblies
and arguing
in fictitious courts.
In
the absence of the distractions of either keen

struggles at
political
home
or wars abroad, these tendencies
had
spread themselves over the large surface of general Greek

society.
A
of
kind of literary instinct had come to
exist.
The mass
rations,
men
in the
Greek world tended

of
to lay stress
on that acquaintance with the literature
bygone gene-
and that habit
of cultivated speech,
which has
ever since been
commonly spoken
it
of as education.
Two
to the
points have to be considered in regard to that
education before
can be regarded as a cause in relation

Ave are
main subject which

at its forms,
it
examining: we must
at its mass. It is
look
first
and secondly
not enough that

certain
in
eff'ects
;
should have corresponded in kind to

to
it
must be shown
have been adequate
amount
I.
to account for them.
The education was almost

field.
as
complex as our own.

it
If
we
except only the inductive physical sciences,

It was, indeed, not so
it.
covered the same

analogous to our
much
own
as the cause of
Our own comes
28
II.
GREEK EDrCATION.
it.
by
direct tradition
from
It set a fashion
which until
recently has uniformly prevailed over the whole civilized
world.
We
study literature rather than nature because

so,
the Greeks did

the
and because when the Eomans and
Eoman
provincials resolved, to educate their sons,
they employed Greek teachers and followed in Greek

paths.
The two main elements were those which have been

already indicated, Gra;mmar and Rhetoric.^
1.
By Grammar was meant
the study of literature.^
In
it
^'
its
original sense of the art of reading

art begins
and writing,
ourselves.
began as early as that
among
We
are given over to
Grammar," says Sextus Empiriit
cus,^ " from childhood, and almost from our baby-clothes."
But
this
elementary part of
was usually designated by

itself
another name,^ and

^
Grammar
had come
to include
the
The following
:
is
designed to be a short account, not of

its
all
elements of later Greek education, but only of
more prominent and
important features
nothing has been said of those elements of the
eyKwAios waiSeta which constituted the mediaeval quadrivium. The "works bearing on the subject will be found enumerated in K. F. Hermann, Lehrliuch der griechischen Antiquitliten, Bd. iv. p. 302, 3te aufl, ed. Blumner the most important of them is Grasberger, Erzichung und UnterricM im dassischen AUertlaim, Ed. i. and ii. Wlirzburg, 18G4: the shortest and most useful for an ordinary reader is Ussing, Erzielmng und Jugendunterricht bet den Griechen und liomeni, Berlin, 1885.
:
Littcratura
is
the Latin for ypafifiaTiK-q

1.
Quintil. 2. 1. 4.
Adv. Gramm.
44.
which was taught by the ypaufxaTia-Ttjs, Avheroas ypafxnaTLKT] was taught by the ypa/ximriKo^. The relation between the two arts is indicated by the fact that in the Edict of Diocletian the fee
* ypafifxaTLo-TLKy,
of the former
is
:
limited to fifty denarii, while that of the latter rises to

Edict. Diodet. ap. Haencl, Corjûs Lcgtim, No. 1054,
two hundred
p.
178.
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
29
all
that in later times has been designated Belles Lettres.

it
This comprehensive view of

sequently, the art
division
is
was
of slow
growth
con-
variously defined and divided.
The
which Sextus Empiricus^ speaks of as most free

sufficiently indicate the
from objection, and which will

general limits of the subject,
historical,
is
into the technical, the

first of
and the exegetical elements. The

of diction, the laying
these
was the study

barisms.
down
was
of canons of
correctness, the distinction
between Hellenisms and Barstress
Upon
this as
much
laid as
was
laid
upon academic French

to
in the age of Boileau.
"I owe
of not
Alexander," says Marcus Aurelius,^
"my habit
finding fault, and of not using abusive language to those
who
utter a barbarous or
awkward
or unmusical plu'ase."
" I must apologize for the style of this letter," says the
Christian Father Basil two centuries afterwards, in writing
to his old teacher Libanius
;
" the truth

Elias,
is
is,
have been in
of that kind,,
the
company
tell
of
Moses and
and men
who
us no doubt what
true,
but in a barbarous
dialect, so that
your instructions have quite gone out of

of
:
my
head."^
The second element
Grammar was
the
study of the antiquities of an author
the exj)lanation of
the names of the gods and heroes, the legends and histories,
which were mentioned.
It is continued to this
day in most notes upon

^
classical authors.
250.
The
liave
third
Adv. Gramm.
"With
1.
91 sqq.,
cf. ih.
This
is
quoted as being most mainly to
representative of the period with

do.
it
which these Lectures
may be compared
the elaborate account given by Quin-
tilian, 1.
2 3
4 sqq.
1. 10.
The substance
is
There
of Basil's letter, Ep. 339 (146), tom. iii. p. 455. a charming irony in Libanius's answer, Ep. 340 (147), iUd.
30
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
critical,
element was partly
the distinguishing between
true and spurious treatises, or between true and false
readings
but chiefly exegetical, the explanation of an

It is
author's meaning.
spoken of as the prophetess of
the poets, ^ standing to them in the same relation as the
Delphian priestess
to
her inspiring god.
The main subject-matter of this literary education was They were read, not only for their literary, the poets. but also for their moral value.^ They were read as we read the Bible. They were committed to memory. The
minds
men were saturated with them. A quotation from Homer or from a tragic poet was apposite on all
of
occasions and in every kind of society.

in an account of his travels, tells
Dio Chrysostom,
to the
how he came
Greek colony
of the empire,
of the Borysthenitce,
on the farthest borders

settle-
and found that even in those remote

the inhabitants
ments almost
all
knew
the Iliad
by
heart,
else.^
and that they did not care

2.
to hear
about anything
Bhetoric
Grammar was succeeded by
the
study
forensic argument.
by the study of literary expression and quasiThe two were not sharply distinguished in practice, and had some elements in common. The conception of the one no less than of the other had widened with time, and Ehctoric, like Grammar, was
of literature
variously defined and divided.

precept, partly
It
was taught partly by

practice.
by example, and partly by

and gave
1.
The
professor either dictated rules

^ 2
Trpo(jirJTi<s,
lists of
selected
Sext.
Emp.
adv.
Gramm.
279.
Î'j'ôvOev îAt}?
Strabo,
1. 2. 3,
ov xpvxaydyyias x^P'"
dXXa
o-ox^-
povicr/xoi;.
3
Dio Chrys, Orat. xxxvi.
vol.
ii.
p.
51, ed. Diml.
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
31
passages of ancient authors, or he read such passages
with comments upon the

speeches of his own.
literary
style,
first
or he delivered of these
model
its
The
methods has
monument
in the hand-books
which remain.^ The

has
second survives as an institution in modern times, and
on a large
scale, in
the University "lecture," and
it
monuments in the Scholia upon Homer and other great writers. The third method gave birth to an institution which also survives in modern Each of these methods was followed by the stutimes. dent. He began by committing to memory both the
also left important literary
professor's
rules
and
also
selected
passages
of
good
In
authors
tions
the latter he recited, with appropriate modula-
and gestures, in the presence of the professor.
the next stage, he

is
made
fii'st
his
is
a short example which
comments upon them. Here embedded in Epictetus ^ the

:
student reads the

hilia^
*
sentence of Xenophon's Memorait
and makes his criticism upon
" I have often wondered what in the world were the grounds
on which Eather
, .
.
.'
. . .
'
the ground on which
.*
It is neater."
From
this,
or concurrently with this, the student pro-
ceeded to compositions of his own.

imitation of style,
^
Beginning with mere

to invent the
:
he was gradually led
These are printed in Walz, Rhetores Grceci, vol. i. the account is mainly that of the Progi/mnasmafa of Theo of Smyrna (circ. A.D. 130). There is a letter of Dio Chrysostom, printed among
here followed
his speeches,
Orat
xvii.
irepl
Xoyov
d(TK7]creM<s,
ed.
Dind.
i.
279, con-
sisting of advice to a
late in life,
man who was
beginning the study of Rhetoric

treatise, gives as
which, without being a formal
good a view
as could be
2
found of the general course of
training.
Diss. 3. 23. 20.
32
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
structure as well as the style of
what he wrote, and
to
vary both the style and the subject-matter. Sometimes he
had the use
of the professor's library;^
and though writwords

if
ing in his native language, he had to construct his periods

according to rules of
art,
and to avoid
all
for whicli
an authority could not be quoted, just as
he were an
English undergraduate writing his Greek prose.
The
crown
of all
was the
acquisition of the art of speaking
extempore.
A student's education in Rhetoric was finished

the power to talk off-hand on any subject
when he had
that might be proposed.
Lut whether he
recited a pre-
pared speech or spoke off-hand, he was expected to show

tlie
same
artificiality of structure
and the same pedantry

boundless length
of diction.
"
You must
who
is
strip off all that
of sentences that is
wrapped round you," says Charon to

just stepping into his boat, ''and
the rlietorician
those antitheses of yours, and balancings of clauses, and
strange expressions, and
all
the other heavy weights of

too heavy)."
speech (or you will
make my boat
To
phy.
a considerable extent there prevailed, in addition
to Belles Lett res

It
and Ehetoric, a teaching
of Philoso-
was the highest element

was common
in the education of
the average Greek of the period.

of Dialectic,
Logic, in the form
to Pliilosophy
and Rhetoric.
learnt,
Every one
learnt to argue: a large
number
in
addition, the technical terms of Philosophy

lines of its history.
and the out-
Lucian^
tells
a tale of a country
gentleman of the old school, whose nephew went home
from lecture night

1
after niglit,
and regaled
his
mother
Philostr.
V.S.
2.
21. 3, of Pioclns.
3
Lucian, Dial Mart. 10. 10.
jf,,rmaiiin. SI.
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
33
and himself with

tations,"
and dilemmas, talking about *' relations" and "comprehensions" and " mental presenfallacies
and jargon
" that
of that sort; nay, worse than that,
saying,
God
does not live in heaven, but goes
about among stocks and stones and such-like."

as Logic
As
far
was concerned,
it
was almost natural
to a
Greek
mind
Dialectic
was but the conversation
of a sharp-
witted people conducted under recognized rules.

it
But
it
was a comparatively
It
new phase
It
to
of Philosophy that
should have a literary

degeneracy.
It
side.
had come
had shared in the common take wisdom at second-hand.
was not the evolution of a man's own thoughts, but

of others.
to a
an acquaintance with the recorded thoughts

It
was divorced from
practice.
It
was degraded
It
system of lectures and disputations.

the same general
was taught in
it.
way
as the studies
which preceded
place.
But
lectures
had a more important
Sometimes
the professor read a passage from a philosopher, and gave

his interpretation of of his own.
it
;
sometimes he gave a discourse
Sometimes a student read an essay of his
own, or interpreted a passage of a philosopher, in the

presence of the professor, and the professor afterwards
pronounced his opinion upon the correctness of the reasoning or the interpretation.! The Discourses of Epictetus
have a singular interest in this respect, apart from their

contents; for they are in great measure notes of such
There
is
a good example
of the former of these
methods iu
and of the
Maximus
of Tyre, Dissert. 33, where 1 is part of a student's essay,

sections are the professor's
and the following

legcre^
comments
is
latter in Epictetus, Diss. 1. 10. 8,
where the student
said
dvayvwu,
the professor CTavayvwi/ai, pnclegere.
34
lectures,
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
it
and form, as
were, a photograph of a philo-
sopher's lecture-room.
Against this degradation of Philosophy, not only the

Cynics, but almost
tested.
all
the more serious philosophers proprofessor,
Though Epictetus himself was a
and
though he followed the current usages of professorial teaching, his life and teaching alike were in rebellion
against
it.
"If
I study Philosophy," he says,
"with a
view only
to its literature, I
am
not a philosopher, but

is,
a litterateur ;
the only difference
that I interpret
pro-
Chrysippus instead of Homer." ^
They sometimes
tested not only against the degradation of Philosophy,
but also against the whole conception of literary educa"There are two kinds of education," says Dio tion.
Chrysostom,^ " the one divine, the other
divine
is
great and powerful and easy;
the
human the human is

;
mean and weak, and has many dangers and no small The mass of people call it education deceitfulness. being, I suppose, an amusement (-rraiSlav^j (iraiSeiav), as and think that a man who knows most literature
Persian
and Greek
and Syrian
find
and Phoenician
;
is
the wisest and best-educated

other hand,
when they
man and then, on the a man of this sort to be man

himself.
vicious and cowardly and fond of money, they think the
education to be as worthless as the

other kind they
call
The
sometimes education, and sometimes

It
manliness and high-mindedness.
men
of old
used
to call those
who had
souls,
was thus that the this good kind

and educated as
of education
1
men
:
with manly
Enchir. 49
see also Dins. 3. 21, quoted below, p. 102.

i.
* Orat. iv. vol.
p. 69, ed.
Dind.
II.
GREEK EDUCATIOX.
of
35
Herakles was
sons
God."
And
not less significant

this kind
as an indication not only of the reaction against
of edncation but also of

of
it
its
prevalence,
it
is
the deprecation
by Marcus Aurelius: "I owe
to Eusticus,"
he
says,^ " that I formed the idea of the need of moral refor-
mation, and that I was not diverted to literary ambition,

or to write treatises on philosophical subjects, or to
rhetorical exhortations
make
.... and that I kept away from

of speech." to its extent.
it
rhetoric
and poetry and foppery

diffusion of
of
II. I pass
from the forms of education

it,
The general
evidence.
1.
and the hold which
had
upon the mass
men, are shown by many kinds of
They
are
shown by the large amount
of literary
modes of obtaining eduThe exclusiveness of the old aristocracy had broken down. Education was no longer in the hands of
evidence as to scholars and the
cation.
''
private tutors" in the houses of the great families.

life,
It
entered public
it.
and in doing
so left a record
behind
It
may be
inferred from the extant evidence that
there were grammar-schools in almost every town.

these
all
At
youths received the
first
part of their education.
But it became a common practice for youths to supplement this by attending the lectures of an eminent professor elsewhere.
school to a University.^
1
-
They went, as we might say, from The students who so went away
17.
This higher education was not confined to Kome or Athens, but was found in many parts of the empire Marseilles in the time of Strabo was even more frequented than Athens. There were other great schools at Antioch and Alexandria, at Ehodes and Smyrna, at Ephesus and Byzantium, at Iâples and Nicopolis, at Bordeaux and
:
d2
36
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
all classes of tlie
from home were drawn from
community.
"bettel-
Some
to
of tliem
were very poor, and,
like the
Btudenten" of the medieeval Universities, had sometimes
beg their bread.^
"You
to-day,
are a miserable race," says
Epictetus^ to some students of this kind; ''when you
have eaten your
fill
you
sit
down whining about
to-morrow, where to-morrow's dinner will come from."
Some of them went because it was the fashion. The young sybarites of Eome or Athens complained bitterly
that at Tîcopolis, where they had gone to listen to Epictetus,
lodgings were bad, and the baths were bad, and

bad, and "society" hardly existed.^
the
gymnasium was
Then, as now, there were home-sick students, and mothers
weeping over their absence, and
letters that
were
looked for but never came, and letters that brought bad
news
and young men of promise who were expected
to
return
doubts
tion
home as living encyclopaedias, but who only raised when they did return home whether their educaas
had done them any good.^ Then,

The
now, they went

In the
it
Autun.
practice of resorting to such schools lasted long.
fourth century and
among
the Christian Fathers, Basil and Gregory

:
Nazianzen, Augustine and Jerome, are recorded to have followed

rent educational system
"
the general recognition of Christianity did not seriously affect the cur:
Through the whole world," says Augustine

viii.
(de idilitate credendi, 7, vol.
76, ed. Migne), " the schools of the
rhetoricians are alive with the din of crowds of students."

^
There
is
an interesting instance,
at a rather later time, of the
poverty of two students, one of Avliom afterwards became famous,

Prohairesius and Ilephajstion
:
they had only one ragged
gown between
them, so that while one went to lecture, the other had to stay at home
iu
bed (Eunap. Pruhcbrcs.

2
p. 78).
3
Diss.
1.
9.
1.'.
Ih. 2. 21.
12;
3. 24. 54.
lb. 2. 21.
12, 13,
15;
3.
24. 22, 24.
II.
GEEEK EDUCATION.
37
from the lecture-room
to athletic sports or the theatre
"and
the consequence is," says Epictetus,^ "that you
don't get out of your old habits or
make moral
show
off.
progress."
Then, as now, some students went, not for the sake of

learning, but in order to be able to
Epictetus
draws a picture of one who

next
looked forward to airing his
logic at a city dinner, astonishing the

to
"alderman" who
sat
him with the
puzzles of hypothetical syllogisms.^
And
then, as now, those
who had
followed the fashion
by attending lectures showed by their manner that they were there against their will. " You should sit upright,"
says Plutarch,^ in his advice to hearers in general, "not
lolling, or
whispering, or smiling, or yawning as
if
you
were
of
asleep, or fixing
your eyes on the ground instead

also speak-
on the speaker."
In a similar way Philo,^
ing of hearers in general, says:
"Many
persons
who
come
to a lecture
do not bring their minds inside with
them, but go wandering about outside, thinking ten
thousand things about ten thousand different subjects

family
affairs,
other people's
talks to
affairs,
private affairs, ....

it
and the professor
an audience, as
were, not of
men but
2.
of statues,
which have
ears but hear not."
second indication of the hold which education

is
had upon the age

not so
1
the fact that teaching had come to
be a recognized and lucrative profession.
This
is
shown
much by
3.
the instances of individual teachers,^

15.
ii.
who
n.
16.
U,
2 77,, 1.
00
9,
2 *
De
audiendo, 13, vol.
p. 45.
i.
The passage
is
abridged above.
Quis
rer. div. lieres. 3, vol.
p. 474.
ssays,"
For example, Verrius Flaccus, the father of the system of " prize who received an annual salary of 100,000 sesterces from
38
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
might be regarded as exceptional, as by the fact of the recognition of teachers by the State and by municipalities.
The recognition by the State took the double form of endowment and of immunities from public burdens. (a) Endowments probably began with Vespasian, who
endowed teachers
of Ehetoric at
Home with an
annual
grant of 100,000 sesterces from the imperial treasury.

Iladrian founded an Athenaeum or University at
like the
Eome,
an
Museum
or University at Alexandria, with
adequate income, and with a building of sufficient importance to be sometimes used as a Senate-house.
also
He
per-
gave large sums to the professors at Athens

:
in this
he was followed by Antoninus Pius
but the
first
manent endowment
at
Athens seems
to
have been that of
Marcus Aurelius, who founded two chairs in each of the

four great philosophical schools of Athens, the Academic,
the Peripatetic, the Epicurean, and the Stoic, and added
one of the
new
or literary Ehetoric,
and one of the old
or forensic Ehetoric.^
The inscriptions of Asia Augustus (Suet, de illusfr. Gramm. 17). Minor furnish several instances of teachers who had left their homes to teach in other provinces of the Empire, and had returned rich
enough
^
to
make
presents to their native
cities.
The evidence
for the above paragraph,
additional facts rehitive to the
same
subject,
with ample accounts of but unnecessary for the
present purpose, will be found in F. H. L. Ahrens, de
statu politico et literario inde ah Achaici foederis intentu usque

;
Antuninorum femjiora, Gottingen, 1829 K. 0. Mliller, resimhlica apud Grxcos et Roinanos Uteris dodrinisque colendis et promovetidis impenderit, Gottingen (Programm zur Siicularfcier), 1837;
P. Seidel,
Athcnarum ad Quam curam
de scliolarum quoi florente
Romanonnn
imperio Athenis
exstiferunt conditione, Glogau,
1838
C. G. Zumpt, Ueber den Bestand
der philosoijlLischcn Schiden in Athen tind die Succession der Scholarcken, Berlin (Ahhandl. der Akadeniie der Wisseuschaften),
1843; L.
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
of the teaching classes
S9
(h)
The immunities
began with
Julius Csesar, and appear to have been so
amply recogand limited
nized in the early empire that Antoninus Pius placed
them upon a footing which

them.
at once established
cities
He
enacted that small
might place upon
the free
list five
physicians, thi-ee teachers of rhetoric,

;
and three of
literature
that assize towns might so place
seven physicians, three teachers of rhetoric, and three of

literature;
and that metropolitan
cities
might
so place
lite-
ten physicians, five teachers of rhetoric, and five of

rature
;
but that these numbers should not be exceeded.

of indirect
These immunities were a form
endowment.^
all
They exempted
those
whom
they affected from

literaria Atlieniensium,
the
Weber, Commentatio de academia

1858.
Marburg,
an interesting Roman inscription of the end of the Avhich almost seems to show that the endowments century a.d. second were sometimes diverted for the benefit of others besides philosophers it is to an athlete, who was at once " canon of Serapis," and entitled to
There
is
:
free
commons
at the
museum, vewKopov tov /xya[Aou

\p-LTov\[xkv(iiv
2apa7rtS]os koI
Tcov ^v TO? Movcretto
dreAwv
(juXoa-ocfiOiv,
Corpus Inscr.
Grcec. 59 i 4.
^
The
edict of
:
Antoninus Pius
is
contained in L.
is
cusat. 27. 1
the
number
of philosophers
:"
6, 2, D. de exnot prescribed, " quia rari
sunt qui philosophantur
"iude iam manifesti

immunities
is
fient
described,
and if they make stipulations about pay, non philosophantes." The nature of the "a ludorum publicorum regimine, ibid. 8
:
ab
eedilitate,
a sacerdotio, a receptione militum, ab emtione frumenti,
olei, et
nolentes neque ad alium famulatum cogi."
neque judicare neque legates esse neque in militia numerari The immunities were somee.g.
times further extended to the lower classes of teachers,

magistri at Vipascum in Portugal
EpJiemeris EjngrajMca, vol.
iii.
:
the
liidi
cf.
Hiibner and jNIommsen in the
For the regulations of de studiis Uhercdlhus urhis Romce et Constantirtopolitanai ; and for a good popular account of the whole subject, see G. Boissier, L' instruction xniblique dans V empire
pp. 185, 18S,
9,
the later empire, see Cod. Theodos. 14.
Romain^
in the
Revue des Deux Mondcs, mars
15, 1884.
40
II.
GnEEK EDUCATION.
burdens which tendod in the later empire to impoverish

the middle and upper classes.
They were consequently
equivalent to the gift from the municipality of a considerable annual income.

3.
third indication of the hold of education

is
upon
contemporary society
the place which
its
professors
held in social intercourse.

nized class
;
They were not only a

life.
recog-
they also mingled largely, by virtue of their

If a dinner of
profession, with ordinary
any pre-
tensions were given, the professor of Belles Lettres
must
be there to recite and expound passages of poetry, the

jDrofessor of Ehetoric to
speak upon any theme which
might be proposed
to him,
and the professor
of Philoso-
phy
was
to read a discourse
upon morals.
"sermonette"
from one of these professional philosophers after dinner

as
much
is
in fashion as a piece of vocal or instrumental

us.^
music
with
All three kinds of professors were
sometimes part of the permanent retinue of a great household.
But the philosophers were even more in fashion than theii' brother professors. They were petted by great ladies. They became " domestic chaplains." ^ They were
^
Lucian's Convivium
is
humorous and
17.
satirical
description of
such a dinner.
The philosopher
c.
reads his discourse from a small.
finely-written manuscript,
The
Deipnosophist(B of Athena?us,
and the
-
Quccstiones
Convivialcs of Plutarch, are important literary
monuments
of the practice.
is
An
interesting corroboration of the literary references
afforded
by the mosaic pavement of a large villa at Hammam Grous, near Milev, in North Africa, where "the philosopher's apartment," or "chaplain's room" [filosophi locus), is specially marked, and near it is a lady (tho'
mistress of the house?) sitting under a palm-tree.
(The inscription
is
given in the Corpus Inscr. Lat. vol.

is
viii.
No. 10890, -where reference
made
to a
drawing of the pavement iu Koussot, Les Bains de Pom-
pei'uiua, Constantine, 1879).
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
41
Bometimes, indeed, singularly like the chaplains of
whom
we
read in novels of the last century.
Lucian, in his
essay
"On
Persons
who
give their Society for Pay," has

life.
some amusing vignettes of their

sopher
One
is of
a philo-
who has
to
accompany
his patroness on a tour
he
is
put into a waggon with the cook and the lady'sis
maid, and there
but a scanty allowance of leaves
thrown in
is of
to ease his limbs against the jolting.^
Another
a philosopher
who
is
summoned by
will
his lady
and
complimented, and asked as an especial favour,

are so very kind
into the
"You
lapdog
and careful
you take
my
waggon with you, and see that the poor creature does not want for anything ?"2 Another is of a philosohaving her hair braided
her maid comes in with a
is
pher who has to discourse on temperance while his lady

is
:
hillet-douXj
and the discourse on temperance

an answer
suspended
until she has written

is
to her lover. ^
Another
he asks
of a philosopher
who
only gets his pay in doles of two
or three pence at a time,

for
it,
and
is
thought a bore
is
if
and whose
tailor or
shoemaker
meanwhile wait-
ing to be paid, so that even
when
the
money comes
it
seems to do him no good.^
It is natural to find that
Philosophy, which had thus become a profession, had

also
become degenerate.
It
It afforded
an easy means of
livelihood.
it it
was natural that some of those who adopted
should be a disgrace to their profession.
And
although
would be unsafe
to take every description of the great

it is difficult to
satirist literally,
is
yet
believe that there
not a substantial foundation of truth in his frequent

^
Lucian, de mere. cond. 32.

3
lb. 34.
H}. 36.
* Ih. 38.
42
caricatures.
fact that such
II.
GEEEK EDUCATION.
and
also the
The
fact of their frequency,
men
as he describes could exist, strengthen
the inference which other facts enable us to draw, as

to the large place
which the professional philosophers
occupied in contemporary society.

picture of Thrasycles
"
^
:
The following
is
his
He comes
along with his beard spread out and his eyebrows
raised, talking
eyes, with his hair
solemnly to himself, with a Titan-like look in his thrown back from his forehead, the very
This
is
picture of Boreas or Triton, as Zeuxis painted them.

tlie
morning dresses himself simply, and walks sedately, and wears a sober gown, and preaches long sermons about virtue, and inveighs against the votaries of pleasure then he has his bath and goes to dinner, and the butler offers him a large goblet of wine, and he drinks it down with as much gusto
in the
:
man who
as if
it
opposite
were the water of Lethe and he behaves in exactly the way to his sermons of the morning, for he snatches all
:
the tit-bits like a hawk, and elbows his neighbour out of the
way, and he peers into the dishes with as keen an eye as if he were likely to find Virtue herself in them and he goes on
;
preaching
all
the time about temperance and moderation, until
he
is
so dead-drunk that the servants
have to carry him
out.
jSTay,
besides this, there
is
not a
man
:
to beat
is
him
in the
way
of
lying and braggadocio and avarice

:
he
the
first
of flatterers
and the readiest of perjurers chicanery leads the way, and impudence follows after in fact, he is clever all round, doing
:
to perfection whatever he touches."
But nothing could more conclusively prove the great hold which these forms of education had upon their
4.
time than the fact of their persistent survival.
It
might
be maintained that the prominence which is given to them iu literature, their endowment by the State, and
1
Timo7i, 50, 51.
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
43
their social influence, represented only a superficial
and
passing phase.
spreads
its
But when the product

its
of one generation
branches far and wide into the generations

roots
that succeed,
must be deep and firm in the

it
generation from which

of civilization
springs.
'No lasting element
grows upon the
surface.
Greek education
itself,
has been almost as permanent as Christianity

for similar reasons.
and
It passed from Greece into Africa
and the West. It had an especial hold first on the Eoman and then upon the Celtic and Teutonic populations of
Gaul ; and from the Galilean schools
bly by direct descent, to our
time.
it
has come, proba-
own country and our own
Two
(i.)
things especially have come
The place which
literature holds in general edu-
cation.
We educate
our sons in grammar, and in doing
so
we
feed them upon ancient rather than upon English
literature,
by simple continuation
of the first branch of
the mediteval trivmrn, which was itself a continuation of the Greek habit which has been described above.
The other point, though less important in itself, is even more important as indicating the strength of the Greek educational system. It is that we retain still its
(ii.)
technical terms and
many
of its scholastic usages, either
in their original Greek form or as translated into Latin
and modified by Latin habits, in the schools of the West. The designation "professor" comes to us from the Greek sophists, who drew their pupils by promises to
:
"profess" was to "promise," and to promise was the

characteristic of the class of teachers with
whom
in the
title
fourth century B.C.
Greek education began.
The
44
II.
GKEEK EDUCATION.
and became the general designation
titles,
lost its original force,
of a public teacher, superseding the special
" phi-
losopher," "sophist," "rhetorician," "grammarian," and
ending by being the synonym of "doctor."^
The
practice of lecturing, that
is
of giving instruction
by comments upon
in
reading an ancient author, with longer or shorter

his meaning,
of
comes
to us
from the schools
which a passage
Homer
The
or Plato or Chrysippus
was
read and explained.

first
" lecture" was probably in the

:
instance a student's exercise
the function of the
teacher was to
make remarks
or to give his
:
judgment
so
upon the explanation that was given

Icgere ^^ prcelegere,
it
was not
much
whence the existing
title of
"prae-
lector."^
The use
office,
of the
word " chair"
to designate the teacher's

to denote the
and
of the
word "faculty"
branch
of
knowledge which he teaches, are similar survivals of
Greek terms.^
^
Profiteri, professio, are tlie Latin translations of cTrayyeAAecrât,

:
eVayyeAia
the latter words are found as early as Aristotle in connec-
tion with the idea of teaching,

StSao-Kciv 01 o-oipia-Tol TrpaTTet S
p. 1180/;,
ra
8e ttoXitiko.
ouSet's,
kirayykXXovTai
fiev
avrwv
Arist. EfJi.
N.
10. 10,
and apparently tovs eVayyeAAo/xevoDS is used absolutely for The first use oi projitcri "professors" in Soph. Elench. 13, p. 172a. in an absolute sense in Latin is probably in Pliny, e.g. Ep. 4. 11. 1,
"audistine Y. Licinianum in Sicilia profiteri," "is teaching rhetoric."
2
See note on
1. 8.
p.
33
an early use of prcelcgere in this sense
is
Quintil.
3
13.
is
FacuUas
the translation of 5rva/xts in
its
meaning
of an art or
branch of knowledge, which is found in Epictetus and elsewhere, e.g. a writer of the end Diss. 1. 8 tit., 8, 15, chiefly of logic or rhetoric of the third century draws a distinction between 5x'i'u/xts and rexvat,
:
and
in
classes rhetoric
'Jr.
under the former voL

ix.
Meuander,
Jlepl tViSetKTtKwf,
Walz, lihdf.
196.
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
is
45
also
Tlie use of academical designations as titles
Greek
it
was written upon a man's tombstone that he

or
was "philosopher"
"sophist,"
"rhetorician," as in later times he
"grammarian" or would be designated
M.A.
is
or D.D.^
that of
The most interesting of these designations " sophist." The long academical history of the
at
word only ceased
Oxford a few years ago, when the
clauses relating to "sophistee generales" were erased as

obsolete from the statute-book.
The
restriction of the right to teach,
and the mode
of
testing a man's qualifications to teach, have come to us
from the same source.

of the fact
The former
is
probably a result
which has been mentioned above, that the
teachers of liberal arts were privileged and endowed.
The
State guarded against the abuse of the privilege, as

it
in subsequent times for similar reasons
put limitations
upon the appointment

case of
of the Christian clergy.
In the
some
of the professors at
Athens who were en-
dowed from the imperial
chest, the
Emperors seem
to
have exercised a certain right of nomination, as in our
own country the Crown nominates a "Eegius Professor;" ^

1
Instances of this practice are
(1)
grammaticus, in Hispania Tar;
raconensis,
maticcB, at
Corpus Inscr. Led.
ii.
2892, 5079
magister artis grara-
Saguntum, ihid. 3872 ; magister grammaticus Groicus, at Cordova, ihid. 2236 ; grammaticus Grxcus, at Trier, Corpus Inscr. Rhenan. 801 (2) philosoplms, in Greece, Corpus Inscr. Grcec. 1253; in Asia Minor, ihid. 3163 (dated a.d. 211), 3198, 3865, add. 4366 1 2 ; in Egypt, ihid. 4817; sometimes with the name of the school added,
:
e.g. at
Chieronea, cîAoo-oôv IIAaTwviKoV, ihid. 1628
at Brundisium,
pliilosophus Epicureus, ihid. 5783.

2
Marcus Aurelius himself nominated Theodotus
to be
" Regius
Professor of Rhetoric," but he entrusted the nomination of the Professors of
Philosophy to Herodes Atticus, Philostrat. V.S. 2. and Commodus nominated Polydeuces, ibid. 2. 12, p. 258,
3, p.
245/
46
"but in
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
the case of others of those professors, the nominain the hands of

is,
tion
was
"the best and oldest and wisest

special Board.^
in the city," that
either the Areopagus, or the City
Council,
or,
as
some have thought, a
Elsewhere, and apparently without exception in later

times, the right of approval of a teacher
was in the hands
of the City Council, the ordinary body for the administration of municipal affairs.^
ferred the right might also take
The authority which conit away a teacher who

:
proved incompetent might have his licence withdrawn.'^
The
1
testing of qualifications preceded the admission to
Lucian, Eunuclms,
3, after
mentioning the endowment of the chairs,
says, eSci Se aTroâvovros avrl^v tivos
aAAov avTiKaO lut aaOai

1, p.
So/ci/xacr-
dkvra ^-qjn^ Ttov apicrTwv, which last words have been variously
understood
see the treatises
mentioned above, note

p. 59),
38, especially
Ahrens,
\pi](f>L(Tfj.a
p. 74,
Zumpt,
p. 28.
In the case of Libanius, there was a

i.
(Liban. de/ort. sua, vol.
lation of
Athenian usage in his time
to that
which points to an assimiwhich is mentioned in the
following note.
2
it
as a concession
This was fixed by a law of Julian in 362, which, however, states on the part of the Emperor " cûia singulis civitati:
bus adesse ipse non possum, jubeo quisquis docere vult non rcpente nee temere prosiliat ad hoc munus sed judicio ordinis probatus decretum
curialium mereatur, optimorum conspirante consilio," Cud. Theodos. 13. 3. 5 ; but the nomination was still sometimes left to the Emperor
or his chief officer, the prefect of the city.
This has an especial interest

:
in connection with the history of St. Augustine
a request
was sent
from Milan
magister
to the prefect of the city at

:
Rome
sent,
5.
:
for the
nomination of a
rhetoi'iccs
St.
Augustine was
and so came under the

13.
influence of St. Ambrose, S. Aug. Covfess.

3
This
is
mentioned in a law of Gordian

si
" grammaticos sou oratores
decreto ordinis probatos,
nou
se utiles studentibus prcxbcant,

est,"
denuo
ab eodem ordine reprobari posse incognitum non A professor was sometimes removed 10. 52. 2.
being a Christian, Eunap, PruJutres.
p. 92.
Cod. Justin.
for other reasons
besides incompetency, e.g. Proluxiresius was removed
by Julian
for
II.
GEEEK EDUCATION.
47
sort of conge
it
office.
It
was sometimes superseded by a

; ^
dêlire
from the Emperor
but in ordinary cases
con-
sisted in the candidate's giving a lecture or taking part
in a discussion before either the Emperor's representative

or the City Council.^
system of
was the small beginning of that "examination" which in our own country and
It
time has grown to enormous proportions.
The
successful
candidate was sometimes escorted to his house, as a
mark
of honour, by the proconsul and the " examiners," just as in Oxford, until the present generation,
a "grand
compounder" might claim
to
be escorted home by the
Vice-chancellor and Proctors.^
In the
foui'th
century
appear to have come restrictions not only upon teaching,
but also upon studying
a student might probably go to
a lecture, but he might not formally announce his devotion to learning
by putting on the
student's
gown without
the leave of the professors, as in a
modern University a
student must be formally enrolled before he can assume

the academical dress.^
The
^
survival of these terms and usages, as indicating

1,
Alexander of Aphrodisias, de Fato,
says that he obtained his
professorship on the testimony, vtto t^s [xapTvpLa<;, of Severus and

Caracalla.
^
The
existence of a competition appears in Lucian, Eumichus,

is
3,
the fullest account

^
that of Eunapius, Prohceres. pp. 79 sqq.
Eunapius,
ibid. p. 84.
Olympiodorus, ap. Phot. Biblioth. 80; S. Greg. Naz. Oraf. 43 (20). 15, vol. i. p. 782; Liban. de fort, sua, vol. i. p. 14. The admission was probably the occasion of some academical sport the novice was
*
:
marched in mock procession to the baths, whence he came out with his gown on. It was something like initiation into a religious guild or order. There was a law against any one who assumed the philosopher's
dress without authority, "indebite et insolenter," Cud. TJieodos. 13.
3. 7.
48
II.
GEEEK EDUCATION.
to
the strength of the system
which they originally

any, traces of them.^
belonged,
is
emphasized by the fact that for a long

if
interval of time there are few,
They
are found in full force in Gaul in the fifth and

:
sixth centuries
they are found again
when
education
began to revive on a large scale in the tenth century

they then appear, not as
usages which had lasted
^
new
all
creations, but as terms
and
through what has been called
"the Benedictine era," without special nurture and without literary expression,
original roots.
by the sheer
persistency of their
This
tianity
is
the feature of the Greek

to
life into
which ChrisThere
came
which
I first invite your attention.
was a complex system of education, the main elements in

which were the knowledge of
of literary expression,
literature, the cultivation
and a general acquaintance with

This education was widely
society.
dif-
the rules of argument.

fused,
at
1
and had a great hold upon

in its
It
had been
Its
work
The
main
outlines for several centuries.

the Christian poets
:
last traces are in
for
example, in Sidonius
est;"
Apollinaris (t482), Carm. xxiii. 211, ed. Luetjohann, "quicquid rhetorics institutionis,
quicquid grammaticalis aut
palrestrre
in
Ennodius (t521), Carm. ccxxxiv, p. 182, ed. Vogel, and in ^;. 94, which is a letter of thanks to a grammarian for having successfully in Venantius Fortunatus (t 603), who instructed the -writer's nephew speaks of himself as " Parvula grammaticse lambens refluamina gutta*,
;
Khetorici exiguum prtelibans gurgitis haustum," V. Martini,

ed.
i.
29, 30,
Leo ; but there are traces in the same poets of the antagonism between classical and Christian learning which ultimately led to the disappearance of the former, e.g. Fortunatus speaks of Martin as
"doctor apostolicus vacuans ratione sophistas," V. Martini,
^
i.
139.
"La
periode boncdictiue,"
Leon Maitre, Les
ecoles 6pisco2)ales ci
monastigues de
V Occidentf
p. 173.
II.
GREEK EDUCATION.
49
effect in the
second century of our era had been to create
a certain habit of mind.
When
Christianity
came
of
into
contact with the society in

existed,
it
which that habit

it
mind
it
modified,
it
reformed,
elevated, the ideas
which
it
contained and the motives which stimulated

;
to action
fied
but
in its turn it
was
itself
profoundly modiaccepted
it.
by the habit
of
mind
of those
who
It
was impossible
for Greeks,
educated as they were with

to
an education which penetrated their whole nature,
receive or to retain Christianity in its primitive simplicity.

ficial
it
:
Their
it
own
life
had become complex and

its
arti:
had
its
fixed ideas and
permanent categories
necessarily gave to Christianity something of its
own
form.
The world
of the time
was a world,
I will not
its
say like our
own
world, which has already burst
bonds,
but like the world from which we are beginning to be

emancipated
type of
life,
world which had created an

artificial to
artificial
and which was too
be able to
recognize
its
own
artificiality
world whose schools,
instead of being the laboratories of the

future,
knowledge
of the
were forges in which the chains of the present
were fashioned from the knowledge of the past.

on the one hand,
larger
yet,
it
And
if,
incorporated Christianity with the

it
humanity from which
had
at first
been
isolated,
on the other hand, by crushing uncultivated earnest-
ness,
and by laying more
stress
it
on the expression of ideas

tended to stem the very
its
than upon ideas themselves,

forces
which had given Christianity
place,
and
to
change the rushing torrent of the river of God into a

broad but feeble stream.
Lectuee III.
Two thousand than we are now

writing.
years ago, the Greek world was nearer

to the first
wonder
of the invention of
The mystery
of it still
seemed divine. The fact
that certain signs, of
little
or no
meaning in themselves,
felt or
could communicate what a
man
thought, not only
to the generation of his fellows, but also to the generations
that
came afterwards, threw a kind

It gave
of
glamour over
them an importance and an improssiveness which did not attach to any spoken words.
wi'itten words.
They came
their
OTVTi.
in time to have, as
it
were, an existence of
Their precise relation to the person
who
first
uttered them, and their literal

their utterance,
meaning
at the time of
tended to be overlooked or obscured.
In the case of the ancient poets, especially Homer,

this
glamour
of
written words was accompanied, and
perhaps had been preceded, by two other feelings.
The one was the reverence

of the past
2)resent.
for antiquity.
The
voice
sounded with a
fuller note
than that of the
It
came from the age
of the heroes
who had
of noble
become
divinities.
It expressed the national legends
and the current mythology, the primitive types

life
and the simple maxims
of
awakening
reflection, the
III.
51
itself
^'wisdom of the ancients," which has sometimes

taken the place of religion.
inspiration.
The other was the belief in With the glamour of writing was blended the glamour of rhythm and melody. When the gods
spoke, they spoke in verse.^
The
poets sang under the
impulse of a divine enthusiasm.

the words
:
It
was a god who gave
the poet was but the interpreter.^
The
belief
was not merely popular, but was found

of the imperial age.
in the best
minds
''Whatever wise and true words
were spoken in the world about God and the universe, came into the souls of men not without the Divine will
and intervention through the agency of divine and prophetic men." ^ "To the poets sometimes, I mean the very ancient poets, there came a brief utterance from the
Muses, a kind of inspiration of the divine nature and
truth, like a flash of light
from an unseen
fire."^
The combination
of these three feelings, the
mystery
oi writing, the reverence for antiquity, the belief in

inspiration, tended to give the writings of the ancient
poets a unique value.

limitations of place
It lifted
them above the common
and time and circumstance.
The
verses of
Homer were
not simply the utterances of a
particular person with a particular
meaning
for a par-
from the
"DictfE per carmina sortes," Hor. A. P. 403. But title of Plutarch's treatise, Ilept rov yur)
it
may
be inferred
XP^^
efifierpa vvv ttjv
UvdCav, that the practice had ceased in the second century.

^
Cf. e.g. Pindar, Frag.

;
127(118), iiavr^veo
Aristides, vol.
i.
[xola-a
7rpo(f>aTV(r(o
8'
iyio
2
and, in later times,
îus
i.
iii.
p. 22, ed.
Cant.
Dio Chrysostom, Orat

Orat. xxxvi. vol.
vol.
p.
p. 12, ed.
Dind.
OeCai <f>v(rm
* Id.
ii.
59
/cat ttov tls iiriTrvoia
T Kai
(j.Xy]6ua<i
KaOdwep auyi)
Trvpos i^ dcfjavovs Xd/xipavTOS.
e2
52
III.
GKEEK AND CHRISTIAN EXEGESIS.

Tliey had a universal validity.
ticiilar time.
They were
the voice of an undying wisdom.

of the
They were the Bible
Greek
races.
When the unconscious
imitation of heroic ideals passed

life, it
into a conscious philosophy of
was necessary that

be consonant with terms
that philosophy should be
shown
to
current beliefs,
by being formulated,
;
so to speak, in
of the current standards
and when, soon afterwards, the
conception of education, in the sense in which the term
has ever since been understood, arose,
it
was inevitable
that the ancient poets should be the basis of that education.
Literatui'e consisted, in effect, of the ancient poets.
Literary education necessarily meant the understanding

of them.
"I
consider," says Protagoras, in the Platonic
dialogue which bears his name,^ " that the chief part of a
man's education
is
to
be skilled in epic poetry

to
and
this
means that he should be able

1
understand what the

which he was held that
It
was a natural
result of the estimation in
lie
should sometimes have been regarded as being not only inspired,

:
but divine
the passages which refer to this are collected in G. Cuper,
Ajx'fheosis vel consecratio
Homeri
which
(in vol.
is
ii.
of Polenus's
Supplement
(figured,
to Gronovius's Thesaurus),
bas-relief
e.g.
primarily a commentary on the

in the British
by Archelaus of Priene, now
Museum
ii.
in Overbeck, Gcschichte der griechischen Plastik,
333).
The
idea has existed in

divine, but that so
much more recent times, much truth and wisdom

is,
not indeed that he was

could not have existed
outside Judaja.
titled,
ofj.rjpo's
There
for example, a treatise
by G. Croesus,
en-
ePpaLos sive liistoria Hebrceorum ah Ilomero Hehraicis
Avliich
nominilms ac sentcntiis conscripta in Odyssea et Iliade, Dordraci, 170-i, endeavours to prove both that the name Homer is a Hebrew word, that the Iliad is an account of the conquest of Canaan, and that
is
the Odyssey
ttji
a narrative of the wanderings of the children of Israel
to tlie
death of Mioses.
a I'lat. Frufai/. 72, p.
339
a.
III.
GKEEK AND CHRISTIAN EXEGESIS.

it
63
rightly
poets have said, and whether they have said

or not, and to
and to know how to draw The give an answer when a question is put to him." educators recognized in Homer one of themselves he,
distinctions,
:
too,
was a "sophist," and had aimed Greek continued

to
at educating
men.^
Homer was the common text-book

as long as
of the
grammar-schools
be taught, far on into
The study of him branched out in more than one direction. It was the beginning of that study of literature for its own sake which still holds its ground.
imperial times.
It
was continued
until far on in the Christian era, partly
by the
schools of textual critics, and partly
by
the suc-
cessors of the first sophists,
who sharpened
their wits
by
disputations as to Homer's meaning, posing difficulties
and solving them
of these disputations
some
relics sur-
vive in the Scholia, especially such as are based upon the

Questions of Porphyry.^
But
in the first conception, liteIt
rary and moral education had been inseparable.

impossible to regard
was
j
Homer simply as literature.

itself,
Literary
education was not an end in
but a means.
The
no
the
end was moral

less
training.
It
was imagined that

less
virtue,
than literature, could be taught, and

the one kind of education no
Homer was
so.
basis of
other.
than of the
Nor was
it difficult
for
him
to
become
For
though 'the thoughts

Ibid. 22, p.
:
of
men had
changed, and the
new
317 & oiio\oy(a re (ro<f)L(TTrjS sTvai /cat TratSeuciv dvOpiLFor detailed information as to the relation between the early sophists and Homer, reference may be made to a dissertation by W. 0.
vov<s.
Friedel, de sophistarum studiis Homericis, printed in the Dissertationes

^hilologiccz Halenses, Halis, 1873.
^
Cf,
H. Schrader, uber die porjphyrianischen
Ilias-Scholien,
Ham-
burg, 1872.
54
III.
education was bringing in
new
conceptions of morals,
Homer was
directions.
is
a force which could easily be turned in
All imaginative literature

;
is
plastic
new when it
There
used to enforce a moral
and the sophists could easily

texts.
preach sermons of their
own upon Homeric

;
was no fixed
traditional interpretation
and they were
but following a current fashion in drawing their own
meanings from him.

not a
rival.
He
thus became a support, and

3Iinor of Plato furnishes as
The Hippias
Homer.
pertinent instances as could be mentioned of this educational use of
The method
found in
It
lasted as long as
Greek
literature.
It is
full operation in
the
first
centuries of our era.

of the
its
was
explicitly recognized,
and most
prominent
writers of the time supply instances of
application.
"In
the childhood of the world," says Strabo,^
"men,
like children, had to be taught by tales;" and
Homer
told tales with a moral purpose.
"It has been contended,"
he says again,^ "that poetry was meant only to please:" on the contrary, the ancients looked upon poetry as a
form
life,
of philosophy, introducing us early to the facts of
and teaching us in a pleasant way the characters

of
and feelings and actions

were quoted,
like
men.
:
It
it
was from Homer

his verses that
us,
that moralists drew their ideals

verses
of
was
the
is
Bible with
in
to
enforce moral truths.
There
Dio Chrysostom^
a charming "imaginary conversation" between Philip and Alexander. "How is it," said the father, "that
Homer
is
1
the only poet you care for

Strab.
1. 2. 8. 2, vol.
i.
"^
there are others

\.
U.
2. 3.
Dio Chrys. Orat.
pp. 19, 20.
III.
GEEEK AND CHRISTIAN EXEGESIS.
55
who ought
son,
not to be neglected?"
"Because," said the

it is
;
"it
is
not every kind of poetry, just as

is fitting
not
every kind of dress, that

poetry of
for a
king
and the
Homer
is
the only poetry that I see to be truly

fit
noble and splendid and regal, and
for
one
who
will
some day rule over men."
And
Dio himself reads into

for example,^ the
staff
Homer many
a moral meaning.
When,
poet speaks of the son of Kronos having given the
and rights of a chief that he might take counsel

people, he
for the
meant
to
imply that not
all kings,
but only
staff
those
who have
a special gift of God,
had that
and
he
those rights, and that they had them, moreover, not for
their
own
gratification,
fact,
but for the general good
meant, in
that no bad
man
can be a true master
either of himself or of others
no, not if all the
Greeks
and
It
all
the barbarians join in calling
him
king.
of ethics that
all
was not only the developing forms

to find a support in
were thus made
Homer, but
the
varying theories of physics and metaphysics, one by one.
The Heracliteans
spoke of
held, for example, that
when Homer
" Ocean, the birth of gods,
and Tethys
their mother,"
he meant
to
say that
all
things are the offspring of

Platonists held that
flow and movement.^
The
of the
Zeus reminded Hera

heaven,
1
2
when time when he had hung

to
her trembling by a golden chain in the vast concave of

it
was God speaking

1, vol.
i.
matter which he had
Dio Chrys. Or at.

Plat. ThecBt. 9, p.
p. 3.
152 d, quoting Horn. II. 14. 201302. In later times, the same verse was quoted as having suggested and supported
the theory of Thales, Irenaûs,
2.
14
Theodoret, Grcsc. Affect. Cur.
2. 9.
56
III.

tlio
taken and bound by

into the poets so
cbains of laws.^
The
Stoics read
much
Stoicism, that Cicero says, in good-
liumoured banter,
tliat
you would think the
old poets,
who had
really no suspicion of such things, to
have been
Stoical philosophers.^
Sometimes Homer was treated as a
kind of encyclopaedia. Xenophon, in his Banquetf makes

one of the speakers, who could repeat
tliat all
" the wisest of things ;"
human
Homer by heart, say mankind had written about almost and there is a treatise by an unknown
author of imperial times which endeavours to show in

detail that
he contains the beginning of every one of
the later sciences, historical, philosophical, and political.^
When
he
calls
men
deep-voiced and
women
high-
voiced, he
shows his knowledge
of the distinctions of
its
music.
When
he gives to each character
appropriate
style of speech,
is
he shows his knowledge of rhetoric.
He
the father of political science, in having given
exam-
ples of each of the three forms of

aristocracy,
government
monarchy,
tactics
democracy.
He
is
the father of military
science, in the information
which he gives about
and siege-works.
be wrong
He knew and
taught astronomy and
medicine, gymnastics and surgery; "nor would a

if
man
of
he were to say that he was a teacher
painting also."
This indifference to the actual meaning of a writer,

1
Celsus in Origen,
Cic.
c.
Cels. 6. 42, referring to
Horn.
II. 15.
18 sqq,
N. D.
1.
15
"ut etiam veterrimi
poeta^ qui hccc nc
quidem
suspicati sint, Stoici fuisse videantur."

2 *
Xcn. Sjpnpos.
Ps-Plutarcli,
4.
3. 5.
do,
vita ct poesl
Homeri,
vol. v. pp.
1056
sqq., chapters
148, 1G4, 182, 192,216.
III.

of reading
o7
and the habit
him by
the light of the reader's
own
of
fancies,
have a certain analogy in our own day in
the feeling with

art.
which we sometimes regard other works
We stand before
St.
some great masterpiece
of paintare,
ing
as
the
Cecilia or the Sistine
Madonna
and
of
it.
it
were, carried off our feet

critics if
it.
by the wonder
We
emo-
must be cold
Eaffaelle
tions.
we simply
ask ourselves what
meant by
We interpret it by our own
The
picture speaks to us with a personal and

It links itself
individual voice.
ries of the past
with a thousand memoof the future. of a lost

It
and a thousand dreams
translates us into another world
the world
and
impossible love, the dreamland of achieved aspirations,
the tender and half -tearful heaven of forgiven sins

are ready to believe,
if it
we
only for a moment, that Eaffaelle
meant by
it all
that
means
to us
and for what he did
actually mean,
we have but
little care.
But
these tendencies to
draw a moral from
all
that
Homer wrote, and to read philosophy into it, though common and permanent, were not universal. There was
an instinct in the Greek mind, as there
times,
ists
is
in
modern
literal-
which rebelled against them.

insisted that the
There were
who
words should be taken as they
stood,
and that some of the words as they stood were

There were, on the other hand, apoloXenophanes, which
1.
clearly immoral.^
The
earliest expression of this feeling is that of
is
twice quoted by Sextus Empiricus, adv.
Gramm.
288, adv. Phys.
193:
TTavra êois dvW'qKav Ofirjpos 6 'Ho"i'oSos re
ocro-a Trap
dv9pu>7rotcriv di'ttSea Kal
ôyos
ecrru
58
gists
III.
who
said sometimes that
Homer
reflected faithfully
the chequered lights and shadows of
human
life,
and
sometimes that the existence of immorality in
Homer
must
clearly
be allowed, but that

evil,
if
a balance were struck
between the good and the

largely to predominate.^
the good would be found
There were other apologists who
made a
elements
their
distinction
:
between the divine and the human

it
the poets sometimes spoke,
was
said,
on
own
account
some of their poetry was

:
inspired,
and some was not

''
the
Muses sometimes
if,
left
them
and they may very properly be forgiven
being men,
they made mistakes
when
the
divinity
which spoke
through their mouths had gone away from them."^
But
poets,
all
these apologies were insufficient.
The chasm
between the older religion

progress
which was embodied in the
and the new ideas which were marching in steady
away from the Homeric world, was widening day by day. A reconciliation had to be found which had deeper roots. It was found in a process of interpretation whose strength must be measured by its permanence. The process was based upon a natural tendency.
The unseen working

which by an
of the will
which
lies
behind
all
voluntary actions, and the unseen working of thought

instinctive process causes
some of those
actions to be symbolical, led
men
in comparatively early
times to find a meaning beneath the surface of a record

or representation of actions.
less
A narrative
of actions, no
than the actions themselves, might be symbolical.
It
might contain a hidden meaning.

*
Men who
pp. 24, 25.
retained
Plutarch, de and. iwct.
c.
4,
'
Lucian, Ju_pit
coiifat. 2.
III.
59
their reverence for
Homer,
or wlio at least
were not pre-
pared to break with the current belief in him, began to

search for such meanings.
so
They were
assisted in doing
by the concomitant development of the "mysteries.'^ The mysteries were representations of passages in the history of the gods which, whatever their origin, had
become symbolical.
It is possible that
no words of ex-
planation were spoken in

standing, habituating the
them
but they were, notwithto symbolical
Greek mind both
expression in general,
and
to the finding of physical or
religious or moral truths in the representation of fantastic
or even immoral actions.^

It
is
uncertain
when
this
method
of interpretation
began
to
be applied
to ancient literature.
It
was part
of
the general intellectual

It is
movement by the
It
of the fifth century B.C.
found in one of
its
forms in Hecatseus,
who
explained
the story of Cerberus
existence of a poisonous
It
snake in a cavern on the headland of Tsenaron.^

elaborated
was
by the
sophists.
was deprecated by Plato.

was recognized
The connection
of allegory -with the mysteries

c.
Heraclitus Ponticus,
6, justifies
his interpretation of Apollo as the

0.1
sun, cK Tcuv iMva-TiKwv
Aoywv ovs
aTvoppqToi TeXeraL 6'eoAoyo{;crt

c.
ps-Demetrius Phalereus, de interpret,

IX. p. 47,
99, 101,
.
ajy.
.
Walz, Rhett. Gr.
/zeyaAetov Tt icm. Kal
rj
dXXrjyopca
ctAAo Tt
Trav
.
yap to wroyoovra
fJLVcrTt']pi.a
fxevov ô/Je/DcijTaTov Kal
aAAos
tt/dos
etKa^'et
5io Kal
:
V aXX-qyopiais Xeyerai
eK7rAr/^tv Kal cfiptK-qv
SO Macrobius,
til
Somn.
an account of the way in which the poets veiled truths in symbols, " sic ipsa mysteria figurarum cuniculis operiuntur ne That a phy. vel hsec adeptis nuda rerum talium se natura prcebeat."
Scip. 1. 2, after
sical
explanation lay behind the scenery of the mysteries

e.g.
is
stated else'
where,
by Theodoret, Grac.
3. 25.
Affect. Cur.
i.
vol. iv. p. 721,
without
being connected with the allegorical explanation of the poets.

2
Pausan,
46.
60
''
III.
If I disbelieved it," lie
makes Socrates
say,^ in reference
to the story of Boreas
and Oreithyia, "

:
as the philoso-
phers do, I should not be unreasonable
then I might
say, talking like a philosopher, that Oreithyia
was a
girl
who was caught by

playing on the
a strong
wind and
;
.
carried ofE while

it
cliffs
yonder
but
would take a
to deal
long and laborious and not very happy lifetime
with
all
such questions
and
for
my own
part I cannot
investigate
I first
them
until, as
the Delphian precept bids me,
Know
myself."
Nor
will he admit allegorical
interpretation as a sufficient vindication of
Homer
" The
chaining of Hera, and the flinging forth of Hephoestus
by
his father,
and
all
the fightings of gods which
Homer
has described,
we
shall not
admit into our
state,
whether
with allegories or without them."

historical tradition of the
But the
direct line of
method seems
to
begin with
Anaxagoras and
allegory
his school.^
In Anaxagoras himself the

:
was probably
vii'tues
ethical
he found in Homer a
symbolical account of the movements of mental powers
and moral
earlier or
Zeus was mind, Athene was

it is
art.
But the method which, though
found in germ among

to
contemporary writers, seems
have been
first
formulated by his disciple Metrodorus, was not ethical

1
Plat. Phccdr. \x
229
d.
c.
2 Plat.
2
Resp.
p.
378
Diogenes Laertius,
first
2.
11, quotes Favorinus as saying that
goras was the
who showed
p.
that the
Anaxapoems of Hoiuer had virtue
and righteousness
for their subject.
If the later traditions (Georg.
Syncollus, Chronogr.
149
c)
could be trusted, the disciples of Anaxa-
goras were the authors of the explanations which Plato attributes to

01
vvv
irepl "Ofi-qpov Setvot,
and which
tried
by a
fanciful etymology to
prove that Athene
Avas vovv re Kal SidyoLay (Plat. Cratijl.
407
h).
III.
61
but
pliysical.^
By a
remarkable anticipation of a modern
by a survival of memories of an earlier religion, the Homeric stories were treated as a symbolical representation of physical phenomena. The gods were
science, possibly
the powers of nature

their loves,
their gatherings, their

battles,
movements,
and their
were the play and inter-
action and apparent strife of natural forces.
The method
had
for
;
many
it
;
centuries an enormous hold
upon the Greek

scholars
mind
lay beneath the whole theology of the S^pical

it
schools
was largely current among the
and
critics of the early empire.^
Its
most detailed exposition
is
contained in two writerSy
of both of
is
whom
so little is personally
a division of opinion whether the
known that there name of the one was
Heraciitus or Heraclides,^ and of the other Cornutus or

Diog. Laert.
2.
11
Tatian, Orat.
Ofjiy^pov
ad
Grt2cos,
c.
21,
Mr^rpo'Swpos
et?
:
Se o AajtiiâKTjvos v
tw
ivepi
Xiav eujj^ws StetAcKrat Travra
dWrjyopiav
fieraycoi/.
later tradition
used the name of Pherecydes

6, p.
Isidore, son of Basilides, in

2
Clem, Alex. Strom.
767.
On
the general subject of allegorical interpretation, especially ia
regard to Homer, reference
may be made
;
to
Heraciitus Ponticus mentioned below
L.
losopMca de allegoria Homerica, Halse,

2)hamus, pp. 155, 844, 987;
Philologie, Bd.
i.
N. Schow in the edition of H. Jacob, Dissertatio pld1785 ; C. A. Lobeck, Aglao-
Grafenhau, Geschichte der Massischen
p.
211.
It has
been unnecessary for the present

(e.g.
purpose to make the distinction which has sometimes

LitteratHscher Nacldass, ed.
Lauer,
Wichmann, Bd.
ii.
p.
105) been drawn
between allegory and symbol.

^
The most
recent edition
:
is
Heracliti Allegorlce Homericce, ed. E.
Schow, Gottingen, 1782, contains a Latin translation, a good essay on Homeric allegory, and a critical letter
Mehler, Leyden, 1851
that of N.
by Heyne. It seems probable that the treatise is really anonymous, and that the name Heraciitus was intended to be that of the philosopher of Ephesus see Diels, Doxographi Ch'ceci, p. 95 .
:
62
III.

Stoics,
Phornutus;^ but both were
both are most probably
assigned to the early part of the first century of our era,
and in both
of
them the physical
is
blended with an
ethical interpretation.
1.
Heraclitus begins
apologetic purpose.
by the definite avowal of his His work is a vindication of Homer

"
from the charge of impiety.

be impious
^'
He would
unquestionably
it
is,
if
he were
of
not allegorical ;" ^ but as
there
is
no stain
unholy fables in his words: they

Apollo
is
are pure and free from impiety."^
the sun;
:
the
it
''
far-darter"
is
the sun sending forth his rays
when
it
is
said that Apollo slew
men with
when
it is
his arrows,
of
is
meant that there was a pestilence in the heat

time.*
summerAthene
Athen^
to
is
thought
it
said that
came
Telemachus,
first
is
meant only that the young upon the waste and pro-
man
then
began
:
to reflect
fligacy of the suitors
a thought, shaped like a wise old
man, came, as
of Proteus
it
were, and sat by his side.^

is
The
story
and Eidothea
an allegory of the original

shapes
is
:
formless matter taking
many
the story of Ares
and Aphrodite and Hephaestus
a picture of iron sub-
dued by
fire,
and restored
is
to its original hardness
by
Poseidon, that
^
by
water.^
critical,
is
The most
recent,
and best
edition is
by
C. Lang, ed. 1881,
in Teubner's series.
More help
aflbrded to an ordinary student
by
that which was edited from the notes of de Villoison

tingen, 1844.
^
c.
by Osann,
Gijt-
1,
c.
TravTWS yap
5,
y)(Te(3rjaev
el [irjSev
dXXi^y6pr](Tev
he defines
allegory,
/xi/
yap aXAa
fxev dyopev(i)v rpoTTOS
eVepa 8e civ Aeyet
(ri]fj.aivwv
iTr(iivvp.(ii<i
dXXqyopia KaAeirai.
* c. 8.
'
c.
c. 2. c.
^ c. Gl.
66
69.
III.
C3
2.
Cornutus writes in vindication not so much of the

:
piety of the ancients as of their knowledge

as
they knew
it
much
as
men
of later times, but they expressed
at greater length
his interpretation
and by means of symbols.

of those
He
rests
symbols to a large extent
upon etymology. The science of religion was to him, as it has been to some persons in modern days, an extension
of the science of philology.
The following
is
are examples
Hermes (from
epeiv,
''to
speak")
the power of speech

their peculiar
which the gods sent from heaven as

distinguishing gift to men.
and
He is called the
"conductor,"
because speech conducts one man's thought into his neighbour's soul. He is the " bright- shiner," because
speech makes dark things clear.
the symbols of
souls," because
''
His winged
feet are
winged words."
He
is
the " leader of
words soothe the soul
to rest;
and the
^'awakener from sleep," because words rouse

action.
men
to
The
serpents twined round his staff are a symbol
of the savage natures that are
calmed by words, and
their discords gathered into harmony.^
The
story of
Prometheus (''forethought"), who made a man from

clay, is
an allegory of the providence and forethought

:
of the universe
it
he
is
said to have stolen

of
fire,
because
:
was the forethought

have stolen
it
:
men found
out
its
it
use
he
is
said to
from heaven, because
came down
is
in a lightning-flash
and
his being chained to a rock
a picture of the quick inventiveness of
human thought
life, its
chained to the painful necessities of physical
liver
gnawed
at unceasingly
1
c.
by petty
cares.^
* c. IS.
16.
C4
III.
Two
other examples of the method
may be
given from
later writers, to
show the variety
of its application.
The one
of our era.
is
from
Sallust, a writer of the fourth
century
lie thus explains the story of the
judgment
of Paris.
The banquet
of the gods
is
a picture of the
vast supra-mundane Powers, who are always in each

other's society.
The apple
is
the world, which
is
thrown
itself
from the banquet by Discord, because the world

is
the play of opposing forces
and
different qualities
are given to the world

to
by
different Powers, each trying

;
win the world

life,
for itself
and Paris
is
the soul in
its
sensuous
which
sees not the other
Powers in the
is
world, but only Beauty, and says that the world
the
property of Love.^
The other
is
from a writer
of a late
but uncertain age.
He
of a
deals only with the Odyssey.
Its hero is the picture
man who
that
is
tossed
upon the
sea of
life,
drifted this
by adverse winds of fortune and of passion the companions who were lost among the Lotophagi are pictures of men who are caught by the baits of pleasure
way and
and do not return

over the sea of
to reason as their guide
the Sirens
j)ass
are the pleasures that tempt and allure all

life,
men who
and against which the only counter-
charm
is to fill
one's senses
and powers of mind
full of
divine words and actions, as Odysseus filled his ears
with wax,
pleasure
^
that,
no part of them being
left
empty^
may knock
vol.
iii.
at their doors in vain.c.
Sallust, de diis et viundo,
4,
in Mullacli, Fragnienfa Philoso-
phorum Grcecorum,
-
p. 32.
Incerti Scrlpton's Gncci
Fahnhc aliquot Homerica: de Vlixis
crrori'
bus ethice exiAicatce, ed. J. Columbus, Lei Jen, 1745.
III.
GREEK AND CHEISTIAN EXEGESIS.
G5
The method survived

original purpose failed.
as a literary habit long after its
The mythology which

but in so passing,
it
it
had
took
been designed
to vindicate passed
;
from the sphere of

it
religion into that of literature
with
it
the method to which
had given
rise.
The
|
habit of trying to find an arriere pensee beneath a man's

actual words had
become
so inveterate, that all great
writers without distinction were treated as writers of

riddles.
The
literary class insisted that their functions
were needed as
not
interpreters,
and that a plain man could
know what
Augustan
a great writer meant.
"The
use of
symbolical speech," said Didymus, the great grammarian

of the
age, "is characteristic of the wise
its
man,
and the explanation of

is said
meaning."^ Even Thucydides
by
his biographer to
have purposely made his
style obscure that
he might not be accessible except to
the truly wise.^
It tended to
become a fixed idea
in the
minds
of
many men
that religious truth especially
must
y/
be wrapped up in symbol, and that symbol must contain

religious truth.
The
is
idea has so far descended to the
present day, that there are, even now, persons

that a truth which
who think
obscurely stated
is
more worthy
of respect, and more likely to be divine, than a truth
which "he that runs may read."
The same kind

1
*
of difficulty
which had been
felt
on a
Clem. Alex. Strom.
5. 8, p.
673.
c.
Mavcellinus, Vita Thuajdidis,

I'va jxi] Tracriv etjj
35, do-a(^w5 5e Aeywi/ dvijp eVtTJj-
Ses
ySaros
/>ir;8e
evreXrjS (âtVr/Tat TravTt
tw
fSovXc/xeyia
voovfievos ev^cpws
Oaviid^rjTai.
aAAa
tois Atav croôis SoKt/âô'/xci'os Trapa tovtois
66
III.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN EXEGESIS. Greek world in regard

to
large scale in the

felt in
I
I
Homer, was
no
less a
degree by those Jews
students of Greek philosophy in

sacred books.
who had become regard to their own
The Pentateuch,
It,
in a higher sense than
Homer, was regarded

inspiration of God.
as having been written under the
no
less
than Homer, was so

that
it
inwrought into the minds of

set
aside.
It,
men
conld not be
no
less
than Homer, contained some

than to Homer, was
Aêils
things which, at least on the surface, seemed inconsistent
with morality.
To
it,
no
less
applicable the theory that the words were the
of
a hidden meaning.
The
application fulfilled a double
purpose
it
enabled educated Jews, on the one hand, to
reconcile their
own
adoption of Greek philosophy with
their continued adhesion to their ancestral religion, and,
on the other hand,
to
show
to the
educated Greeks with
whom
they associated, and
whom
It
they frequently
ti'ied
to convert, that their literature
was neither barbarous,
nor unmeaning, nor immoral.

that, just as in
rical
may be
conjectured
Greece proper the adoption of the allego-
method had been helped by the existence of the mysteries, so in Egypt it was helped by the large use in earlier times of hieroglyphic writing, the monuments of
which were
all
around them, though the writing
itself
had
ceased.^
earliest
The
Jewish writer of
this school of
is
whom any
of the
-i
remains have come down to us,

bulus (about
^
reputed to be AristO'
B.C.
is
170
150).^
1.
In an exposition
5,
:
The analogy
It
is
drawn by Clem. Alex. Strom.
chapters
and
7.
impossible not to mention Aristobxilus

of
he
is
quoted by
Clement
Alexandria {Strum.
15,
22;
5. 1-i;
G. 3),
and extracts
III.

is
67
Pentateiicli
which he
said to
have addressed
to
Ptolemy
Philometor, he boldly claimed that, so far from the Mosaic

writings being outside
the sphere of philosophy, the
their philosophy
Greek philosophers had taken

"Moses," he
tells
from them.
said,
"using the figures
of visible things,
us the arrangements of nature and the constitutions
of important matters."
The anthropomorphisms
this principle.
of the
Old Testament were explained on
The
"hand"
of
God, for example, meant His power. His
" feet," the stability of the world.
Put by far the most considerable monument of this mode of interpretation consists of the works of Philo. They are based throughout on the supposition of a hidden meaning. Put they carry us into a new world. The hidden meaning is not physical, but metaphysical and spiritual. The seen is the veil of the unseen, a robe
thrown over
ceals
it
which marks
its
contour, " and half con-
and half reveals the form within."
It
would be easy
to interest
you, perhaps even to
amuse you, by quoting some

which Philo gives
of the strange
meanings
to the narratives of familiar incidents.
Put
I deprecate the injustice
which has sometimes been

which
allegorical interit
done to him by taking such meanings apart from the

historical circumstances out of
pretation grew, and the purpose

to serve.
which
was designed
which I have
I will give only one passage,

it
chosen because
shows as well as any other the contem8.
from him are given by Eusebius {Prap. Evang.

the genuineness of the information that
controverted and has given rise to
will be
p.
10;
13. 1.2; but
we
possess about
him
is
much
much literature,
i.
of
which an account
found in
Schiirer,
Geschichte des judischen Vollces, 2er Th.
760
Drummond, PMlo-Judceus,
242.
f2
68
III.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAX EXEGESIS.
porary existence of both, the methods of interpretation of
which I have spoken

narrative,
cally
:
that
of finding a moral in every
and that
of interpreting the narrative symboliliteral,
the former of these Philo calls the
the
latter the
deeper meaning.
The
is
^
:
text
is
Gen. xxviii. 11,
"
He
took the stones of that place and put them beneath

;"
his
head
the commentary
"The words
are wonderful, not only because of their alle-
gorical and physical meaning, but also because of their literal teaching of trouble and endurance. The writer does not think that a student of virtue should have a delicate and luxurious
life,
imitating those
who
are called fortunate, but
who
are in
reality full of misfortunes, eager anxieties
and
rivalries,
whose
whole
life
the Divine Lawgiver describes as a sleep and a dream.

after
These are men who,
spending their days in doing injuries
homes and upset them I mean, not the houses they live in, but the body \vhich is the home of the soul by immoderate eating and drinking, and at night lie down in soft and costly beds. Such men are not the disciples
to others, return to their
of the sacred word.
Its disciples are real
men, lovers of tempe-
rance and sobriety and modesty, who make self-restraint and contentment and endurance the corner-stones, as it were, of
their lives
:
who
rise superior to
money and
pleasure and fame
who
and
are ready, for the sake of acquiring virtue, to endure hunger

thirst,
heat and cold: whose costly couch

is
is
a soft
is
turf,
whose bedding
men, Jacob
is
grass and leaves, whose pillow
a heap of
stones or a hillock rising a little above the ground.
Of such
:
an example
he
put a stone for his pillow
a little
while afterwards (v. 20), we fiud him asking only for nature's wealth of food and raiment he is the archetype of a soul that disciplines itself, one who is at war with every kind of effemi:
nacy.
"
in symbol.
But the passage has a further meaning, which is conveyed You must know tliat the divine place and the holy
*
Philo, de somniis,
i.
20, vol.
i.
p.
639.
III.
GEEEK AND CHEISTIAX EXEGESIS. who
C9
ground
souls.
is
full of incorporeal Intelligences,
are immortal
It is
one of these that Jacob takes and puts close to his

is,
mind, which
as
it
were, the head of the combined person,
body and
soul.
He
does so under the pretext of going to sleep,
but in reality to find repose in the Intelligence which he has

chosen, and to place all the burden of his
life
upon
it."
In
all
this,
Philo was following not a
Hebrew but
as the
Greek method.
of the
He
expressly speaks of
it
method
Greek mysteries.
He
addresses his hearers

to
by
the
name which was given
those
who were being

to
initiated.
He
bids
it
them be
was
purified before they listen.
And
in this
way
possible for
him
be a Greek
philosopher without ceasing to be a Jew.
The
earliest
methods
of Christian exegesis
were conat the
tinuations of the methods
which were common
time to both Greek and Grseco-Judêan writers.
They
Just as
were employed on the same subject-matter.
the Greek philosophers had found their philosophy in
Homer,
theology.
''
so
Christian wi'iters
found in him Christian
"When he
rej^resents
Odysseus as saying,^
let there
The
rule of
many
is
not good
be one ruler,"
he means to indicate that there should be but one
God
us
and his whole poem

that comes of having
is
designed to show the mischief

gods.^
many
When
he
tells
that Hephaestus represented on the shield of Achilles
" the earth, the heaven, the sea, the sun that rests not,
and the moon full-orbed," ^ he

1
is
teaching us the divine
Horn.
II. 2.
204.
Ps-Justin (probably Apollonius, see Driiseke, in the Jalirh. f. ]pTOTheologie, 1885, p. 144),
II. 18.
c.
Want.
3
17.
Horn.
483.
70
III.
order of creation whicli he learned in
Egypt from the
books of Moses. ^
So Clement of Alexandria interprets
the withdrawal of Oceanus and Tethys from each other

'^to
mean
the separation of land and sea;^ and he holds

Achilles, ''"Why
that
Homer, when he makes Apollo ask
fruitlessly
pursue him, a god," meant to show that the
divinity cannot be apprehended
Some
skirts
of the philosophical
by the bodily powers.* schools which hung upon the

such interpretations of
of Christianity mingled
Greek mythology with

Testament.
similar interpretations of the

to
Old
For example, the writer

is
whom
the
name
Simon Magus
and
given,
is
said to have "interpreted in
whatever way he wished both the writings of Moses

also those of the
(Greek) poets ;"^ and the Ophite
writer, Justin, evolves an elaborate
cosmogony from a
story of Herakles narrated in Herodotus,^ combined with
the story of the garden of Eden.^

tion
was
to
But the main applicathe Old Testament exclusively. The reasons

alle-
given for believing that the Old Testament had an

gorical
^
meaning were precisely analogous

c.
to those
which
Ps-Justin,
28.
Horn.
//.
II. 14.
206
Clem. Al. Strom.
5. 14, p.
708.
22, 8; Clem. Al. Strom. 5. 14, p.
a keen eye to see the Gospel in Homer.

the Cyclopes say to Polyplicmus
6 fxkv 6i)
fxi']
:
719; but it sometimes required For example, in Odijss. 9. 410,
Tt's ere
fiia^trai oiov eovra,
I'orcroi'
y ov
14)
ttws cVti Atos fieydXov uAeacrPat.
Clement (Strom.
but
jjjjTis
5.
makes
this to
be an evident "divination" of
is,
the Father and the Son.
His argument
of God.
G. 14.
apparently,
/xvyrts
= /x5)t6s
= Aoyo?
therefore the vocros Aios, which
fiiJTLS
(by a
LiavTiia.'i
eviTToxov) the
Son
*
6
Hippol. Philosojjl Aimena,
Herod.
4.
810,
Hippol.
5.
21.
III.

in respect to
71
had been given
Homer.
There were many
things in the Old Testament which jarred upon the
nascent Christian consciousness.
" Far be
it
from us
to
believe," says the writer of the Clementine Homilies,^
" that the Master of the universe, the Maker of heaven
He did not know for who then does foreknow? and if He 'repents,' who is perfect in thought and firm in judgment ? and if He
and
earth,
'
tempts
'
men
as though
^hardens' men's hearts,

H-e 'blinds' them,
desires
if
'
who makes them wise? and if who makes them to see? and if He
whose then are
sacrifices,
all
a fi'uitful hill,'
things
is
and
that
is
He
wants the savour of

if
who
it
needeth nothing? and

it
He
delights in lamps,
who
that set the stars in
heaven?"
Homeric mythoi
One
early answer to all such difficulties was, like a
similar answer to difficulties about the

logy, that there
was a human
:
as well as a divine element

it
^
/
1
in the Old Testament
some things in
were
true,
and
some were
false:
and "this was indeed the very reason
why
the Master said, 'Be genuine money-changers,'^
testing the Scriptures like coins, and separating the good
from the bad." But the answer did not generally
prevail.
The more common
solution, as also in the case of Homer,
was that Moses had written in symbols in order conceal his meaning from the unwise and Clement
;
to of
Alexandria, in an elaborate justification of this method,
mentions as analogies not only the older Greek poetry,
but also the hieroglyphic writing of the Egyptians.^ The
Old Testament thus came

1
to
be treated allegorically.
^
Chmentin. Horn.
2.
43, 44.
5. 4, p.
n^
2. 51.
Clem. Alex. Strom.
237.
72
III.
large part of such interpretation was inlierited.
The
coincidences of mystical interpretation between Philo and the Epistle of Barnabas
show that such
interpretations
were becoming the common property of Jews and JudteoChristians.^

data.
But the method was soon applied to new Exegesis became apologetic. Whereas Philo and
had dealt mainly with the Pentateuch, the
his school
early Christian writers
came
to deal
mainly with the
prophets and poetical books;
and whereas Philo was

of
mainly concerned
to
show that the writings

of the
;
Moses
contained Greek philosophy, the Christian writers endea-
voured
to
show that the writings

to
Hebrew preachers
and poets contained Christianity

been content
as
and whereas Philo had

having
speak of the wiiters of the Old Testament^

poets, as
Dio Chrysostom spoke of the Greek

stirred
been
by a divine enthusiasm, the Christian writers

flutes
soon came to construct an elaborate theory that the poets
and preachers were but as the

men. 2
through which the
Breath of God flowed in divine music into the souls of
The
prophets, even
more than the method
poets, lent
them-
selves easily to this allegorical
of interpretation.
The nahi was
in an especial sense the messenger of

of
God
was
and an interpreter
often a parable.
His
will.
But
his message
He saw
visions
and dreamed dreams.
He
1
wrote,
not in plain words, but in pictures.
The
These are given by
J.
G. Rosenmiiller, Hisioria Interpretationi

vol.
i.
librurum sacrorum in ccdesia Christiana,

2
c. 8,
p. 63.
Athenag. Lcgat.
plectrum.
c.
19: ps-Justin (Apollonius), Cohort, ad.
Grcec,
uses the analogous metaphor of a harp of which the Divine Spirit
is i\\Q
III.
73
meaning of the pictures was often purposely oLscure.
The Greek word " prophet" sometimes properly belonged^ not to the nahi himself, but to those who, in his own
time or in after time, explained the riddle of his message.
1
When
tion of
the message passed into literature, the interpretait
became linked with the growing conception of
the foreknowledge and providence of

lieved that
God:
it
was be-
He
nahi,
not only
knew
all
things that should
come
men.
to pass,
but also communicated His knowledge to
The
through
whom He
revealed His will as
to the present,
was
also the channel
through
whom He
revealed His intention as to the future.
The prophetic
writings came to be read in the light of this conception.
The
interpreters wandered, as
it
were, along vast corri-
dors whose walls were covered with hieroglyphs and

paintings.
They found
in
them symbols which might

times.
be interpreted of their
own
They went on
to
infer the divine ordering of the present
from the coin-
cidence of
its
features with features that could be traced
in the hieroglyphs of the past.
similar conception
prevailed in the heathen world.
It lay beneath
the
many forms of divination. Hence Tertullian^ speaks of Hebrew prophecy as a special form of divination, " divinatio prophetica."
So
far
from being strange
to
the
Greek world,
it
was accepted.
Those who read the Old

its
Testament without accepting Christianity, found in

recorded in the heathen mythologies.
symbols prefigurings, not of Christianity, but of events
The
:
Shiloli
of
Jacob's song was a foretelling of Dionysus
the virgin's
son of
Isai/ih
was a picture
*
of Perseus
the Psalmist's
Tertull. adv.
Marc.
3. 5.
74
*'
III.
strong as a giant to run his course"
was a prophecy
of
Herakles.^
The
effect.
fact that this
was an accepted method

it
of inter-
pretation enabled the Apologists to use

It
with great
became one
of the chief evidences of Chris-
Itianity.
Explanations of the meaning of historical events
and poetical figures which sound strange or impossible

to
modern
ears,
so far
from sounding strange or imposbe upon his
sible in the second century, carried conviction with them.
When
it
was
it
said, "
The government
it
shall
shoulder,"
was meant that Christ should be extended was

said,
on the cross;- when

garment in the blood
red juice of the grape,
"He
shall dip his
of the grape," it
was meant that
his blood should be, not of
human origin, but, like the from God f when it was said that
of
"
He
shall receive the
power
Damascus,"
it
was meant
that the power of the evil demon who dwelt at Damascus should be overcome, and the prophecy was fulfilled when the Magi came to worship Christ.'* The convergence of a large number of such interpretations upon the Gospel
history
was a powerful argument against both Jews and Greeks. I need not enlarge upon them. They have
of Christian teaching
formed part of the general stock

ever since.
But
I will
that the basis of this

60
draw your attention to the fact use of the Old Testament was not
much
the idea of prediction as the prevalent practice
of treating ancient literature as symbolical or allegorical.
The method came

1
to
i.
be applied to the books which

2 ji^
Justin
Ih.
i.
M. AiwL
54.
i 35,
32.
* Ih.
Tnjph. 78.
III.
GREEK AND CHraSTIAN EXEGESIS.
75
were being formed into a new volume of sacred writings,

side
by
side with the old.
It
was
so applied, in the first
instance, not
by the
Apologists, but
by the
Gnostics.
It
It
was detached from the idea of

of the method was
inevitable.
prediction.
secret.
was linked
of Christ
with the idea of knowledge as a
This extension
life
The
earthly
presented as
many
diiiiculties to the first Christian philo-
sophers as the Old Testament had done.

of Christ as the
The conception
of God seemed common human
Wisdom and
the
Power
inconsistent with
life
;
the meanness of a
and that
life
resolved itself into a series of sym-
bolic representations of
superhuman movements, and the
record of
it
was written in hieroglyphs.

of the
When Symeon
took the young child in his arms and said the Nunc
dimittis,
he was a picture
Demiurge who had

of the
learned his
own change
of place
on the coming
Saviour, and
who gave thanks
to the Infinite Depth. ^
The
raising of Jairus' daughter
was a type of Achamoth,
the Eternal Wisdom, the mother of the Demiurge,

the Saviour led
whom
anew to the perception of the light which had forsaken her. Even the passion on the Cross was a
and perplexity
of
setting forth of the anguish and fear
the Eternal Wisdom.^
The method was

teries of irony
at
first
rejected with contumely.

it
Ireneeus and Tertullian bring to bear upon
their bat-
and denunciation.
It
was a blasphemous
invention.
It
was one
of the arts of spiritual wickedness
against which a Christian must wrestle.
But
it
was
deep-seated in the habits of the time

Tertullian
*
and even while
was writing,
it
was establishing a lodgment

* lb. 1. 8. 2.
Treii. 1. 8, 4,
of the Yalentinians.
76
III.
inside the Christian communities
which
it
has nevei
ceased to hold.
It did so first of all in the great school
of Alexandria, in
ciliation
which
it
had grown up as the recon-
of
Greek philosophy and Hebrew theology.

of the school of Philo were applied to the
The methods
said,
New Testament even more than to

"The
who
the Old.
foxes have holes, but the Son
When Christ of Man hath

is
not where to lay his head," he meant that on the believer

alone,
is
separated from the
rest,
that
from the
have
it
wild beasts of the world, rests the

the kind and gentle Word.^
Head
of the universe,
is
"When he
said to
fed the multitude on five barley-loaves and two fishes,

is
meant that he gave mankind the preparatory training
of the
Law,
for barley, like the
Law, ripens sooner than
wheat, and of philosophy, which had grown, like fishes,

in the
waves of the Gentile world.^
When we
symbol
read of
the anointing of Christ's feet,
we
read of both his teachof divine

it
ing and his passion
for the feet are a
instruction travelling to the ends of the earth, or,
may be,
of the Apostles
who
so travelled,
having received
the fragrant unction of the Holy Ghost ; and the oint-
ment, which
Judas,
is
adulterated
oil, is
a symbol of the traitor
"by whom
the Lord was anointed on the feet,

:
being released from his sojourn in the world
for the
dead are anointed."^
But
gorical
it
may
reasonably be doubted whether the allej^lace
method would have obtained the

if it
which
it
did in the Christian Church
had not served an other
than exegetical purpose.

1
It is clear that after the first

329.
Id.
Clem. Al. Sh-o7n.
1. 3, p.
IL
6. 11, p.
787.
Pccdag.
2. S, p.
76.
III.
77
\
conflicts
with Judaism had subsided, the Old Testament

of those
formed a great stumbling-block in the way

appro iched Christianity on
its ideal side,
who
it
and viewed
which
by the
seemed
it
light of philosophical conceptions.

its
Its anthroit
pomorphisms,
improbabilities, the sanction
/^
to give to immoralities, the
dark picture which
sometimes presented of both God and the servants of

to
God, seemed
many men
to
be irreconcilable with both
the theology and the ethics of the Gospel.

section of the Christian world rejected
its
An important
authority altoof
gether
it
was the work, not of God, but

:
His
rival,
the god of this world
the contrast between the Old
Testament and the
New
was part
of the larger contrast
between matter and

good.^
scious of
spiiit,
darkness and light, evil and

reject it
Those who did not thus

its difficulties.
were
still
con-
There were many solutions of

that which had been
those difficulties.
Among them was
the Greek solution of analogous difficulties in Homer.
was adopted and elaborated by Origen expressly with an apologetic purpose. He had been trained in current
It
\l^
methods
to
of
Greek
interpretation.
He
is
expressly said
in the
have studied the books of Cornutus.^
He found
hypothesis of a spiritual meaning as complete a vindication of the
Old Testament as Cornutus had found
of the
Greek mythology.
tells
The
difficulties
which men
find,
he
us,
arise
it
from their lack
of the
spiritual sense.
sceptic.
Without
^
he himself would have been a
This was the contention of Marcion, whose influence upon the Christian world was far hirger than is commonly supposed. By far
the best account of him, in both this and Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, ler Th. B. i c.
2
otlier respects, is that of

5.
Euseb.
H.E.
6.
19. 8.
78
III.
"What man of sense," he asks,^ "will suppose? that the first and the second and the third day, and the evening and the morning, existed without a sun and moon and stars ? Who is
husbandman, planted a life, that might be seen and touched, so that one who tasted of the fruit by his bodily lips obtained life ? or, again, that one was partaker of good and evil by eating that which was taken from a tree ? And if God is said to have walked in a garden in the evening, and Adam to have hidden under a tree, I do not suppose that any one
so foolish as to believe that God, like a
it
garden in Eden, and placed in
a tree of
doubts that these things figuratively indicate certain mysteries,

the history being apparently but not literally true
Nay,
the Gospels themselves are filled with the same kind of narratives.
Take, for example, the story of the devil taking Jesus up
show him from thence the kingdoms of them what thoughtful reader would not condemn those who teach that it was with the eye of the body which needs a lofty height that even the near neighbourhood may be seen that Jesus beheld the kingdoms of tlie Persians, and Scythians, and Indians, and Parthians, and the manner in which their rulers were glorified among men ?"
into a high
mountain
to
the world and the glory of
The spirit intended, in all such narratives, on the one hand to reveal mysteries to the wise, on the other hand The whole series to conceal them from the multitude.
of narratives
is
constructed with a purpose, and subordiDifficulties
nated to the exposition of mysteries.

impossibilities
and
were introduced in order to prevent men

to the literal
from being drawn into adherence
meaning.
Sometimes the truth was told by means of a true narrative
which yielded a mystical sense

of
sometimes,
when
no such narrative
In
a true history existed,
one was
invented for the purpose.^

this
^
way, as a rationalizing expedient for solving

1.
Ori^"?n, de prinn'2\
16.
lb.
c.
15.
III.
70
tiie difficulties
of Old Testament exegesis, the allegorifor itself a place in the Christian
cal
method estabdshed
:
Church
it
largely helped to prevent the Old Testament

:
from being discarded
and the conservation
of the
Old
Testament was the conservation
of allegory, not only for
the Old Testament, but also for the Iêw.
Against the whole tendency of symbolical interpretation there
was more than one form of reaction in both

application
the Greek and the Christian world.

1.
It
was attacked by the Apologists in
its
to
is
Greek mythology.
"With an inconsequence which

it
remarkable, though not singular, they found in

offence.
a
in
weapon of both defence and
They used
it it
it
defence of Christianity, not only because
gave them
solved
the evidence of prediction, but also because
some of the
difficulties
which the Old Testament pre-
sented to philosophical minds.

other hand, in their attack
They used
it,
on the
Alle-
upon Greek
religion.
gories are an after-thought, they said sometimes, a
mere
pious gloss over unseemly fables.^

true,
Even
to be,
if
they were
they said again, and the basis of Greek belief were

its
as
of
good as
interpreters alleged
to
it
it
it
was a work
is
wicked demons
be behind
wrap round
a veil of dishonour-
able fictions.^
to
The myth and the god who

it
supposed
:
vanish together, says Tatian
if
the
myth be true, the gods are worthless demons; if the myth be not true, but only a symbol of the powers of
nature, the godhead
is
gone, for the powers of nature

*
Clement. Recogn. 10. 36.
Clement. Horn.
6.
18,
80
III.

In a
it
are not gods since they constrain no worship."^
similar way, in the fourth century, Eusebius treats

as a vain attempt of a
younger generation
to explain
away
(QepaTrâ-ai) the
mistakes of their fathers.^
2. It was attacked
by the Greek
philosophers in
its
application to Christianity.
There are some persons,

to find, not a
says Porphyry,^
who being anxious

it,
way
of being rid of the immorality of the
Old Testament, but
an explanation of
have recourse to interpretations

fit
which do not hold together nor

interpret,
the words which they

as a defence of Jewish
which serve not
so
much
doctrines as to bring approbation and credit for their
own.
in
It is a delusive evasion of
your
difficulties, said
eff'ect
Celsus
;*
you
find in
your sacred books narratives

;
which shock your moral sense

rid of the difficulty
you think that you get

to allegory
;
by having recourse
but
you do not:
explanation
in the first place, your scriptures do not

so interpreted
;
admit of being
is
in the second place, the
often
which
it is
it
explains.
more difficult than the The answer of Origen

is
narrative
is
weak:
partly a
if
Tu quoque : Homer
it
worse than Genesis,
and
it
allegory will not explain the latter, neither will

is
the former:
partly that, if there had been no
secret, the
Psalmist would not have said,
"Open thou mine

of
eyes, that I
1
may
ad.
see the
wondrous things
thy law."
Tatian,
Or at.
Gmc.
cf.
1
21.
Euseb. Prcrp. Evcuvj.

p. 2
2. 6, vol. iii. p.
74
Oepa-n-eia
became a tech-
nical term in this sense;
Griifenhan, GescMchte desldass. Philologie
im Alterthum,
vol.
i.
5.
Porphyr. ap. Euseb.

c.
//.
E.
6. 19. 5.
* Origen,
Cds.
4.
4850.
III.
81
The method had opponents even in Alexandria itself. Origen^ more than once speaks of those who objected to
3.
his
"digging wells below the surface;" and Eusebius

lost
mentions a
entitled
work
of the learned
Kepos of Arsinoe,
"A
Eefutation of the Allegorists."^
But
it
found
its
chief antagonist in the school of interpretation

at the
which arose
end
of the fourth century at Antioch.
The dominant philosophy of Alexandria had been a fusion of Platonism with some elements of both Stoicism and
revived Pythagoreanism
:
that of Antioch
was coming
to
be Aristotelianism.
realistic
:
The one was

and system
idealistic,
the other
the one was a philosophy of dreams and mys:
tery, the other of logic
to the one, Eevela-
tion
was but the earthy foothold from which speculation

infinite space
;
might soar into
to the other,
it
was " a
positive fact given in the light of history."^
Allegorical
literal inter-
interpretation
was the outcome
of the one
pretation of the other.
school, Julius Africanus, of

letter
The precursor of the Antiochene Emmaus, has left behind a

to contain in its
all
which has been said "
two short
pages more true exegesis than

homilies of Origen."^
the commentaries and
was Lucian,
^
a scholar
The chief founder of the school who shares with Origen the honour
3, vol.
ii.
Origen, in Gen. Horn. 13.

178.
7.
p.
94
in Joann. Horn. 10. 13,
vol. iv. p.
2 ^
Euseb. H. E.
Kilin,
24.
Theodor von Mopsuestia und Junilius Africanus aU Exe-
geten, Freib.
^
im
Breisg. 1880, p, 7.
Inferjjref.
iii.
J.
G. Eosenraliller, Hist.
p. 151.
The
letter is printed,
with the other remains of Julius Africanus, in Eouth, Reliquice

vol.
ii.
Sacrce,
82
of being
lifetime,
III.

founder of Biblical philology, and whose
tlie
which was cut short by martyrdom in 311, just

His
disciples
preceded the great Trinitarian controversies of the Nicene

period.
side
:
came
to be leaders
on the Arian
among them were Eusebius of Nicomedia and Arius The question of exegesis became entangled himself. with the question of orthodoxy. The greatest of Greek
interpreters,
Theodore of Mopsuestia, followed, a hundred

;
years afterwards, in the same path
but in his day also
questions of canons of interpretation were so entangled
with questions of Christology, and the Christology of the
Antiochene school was so completely outvoted at the

great ecclesiastical assemblies
by the Christology
of the
Alexandrian school, that his reputation
for scholarship
has been almost Avholly obscured by the ill-fame of his

leanings towards jSêstorianism.
It has
been one of the
many
results of the controversies into
which the meta-
physical tendencies of the Greeks led the churches of the
fourth and fifth centuries, to postpone almost to
modern
times the acceptance of " the

torical
literal
grammatical and his-
sense" as the true sense of Scripture.
The
its
allegorical
method
its
of interpretation has survived
the circumstances of
opponents.
birth and the gathered forces of
It has filled a large place in the literature
of Christianity.
But by the irony
of history,
it
though
it
grew out
of a
tendency towards rationalism,
has come
in later times to be vested like a saint,
and
to
wear an
aureole round
its
head.
It has
been the chief instrument have con-
by which the dominant
beliefs of every age
III.

It
83
so long as
structed their strongholds.^

it
was harmless
was
free.
It
was the play
of innocent imagination
on
the surface of great truths.

ritative,
But when
it
became autho-
when
it
the idea prevailed that only that poetical
sense was
true of
moreover
which the majority approved, and when became traditional, so that one generation
was bound
to accept the symbolical interpretations of its

it
predecessors,
became
souls.
at once the slave of
dogmatism
and the tyrant of

tism,
it
Outside
its relation to
dogmabooks
has a history and a value which rather grow than

It has given to literature
diminish with time.

which, though of
little
value for the immediate purpose
of interpretation, are yet
monuments
of life
of noble and inspir-
ing thoughts.
to literature.
It has contributed even
more
to art
than
infi-
The poetry
it.
would have been

it
nitely less rich without
For though without
Dante
Eaf-
might have been
stirred to write,
he would not have

it
written the Divine Comedy ; and though without

faelle
St.
would have painted, he would not have painted the Cecilia and though without it we should have had
;
Gothic cathedrals,
we
should not have had that sublime
symbolism
education.
of their structure
which
is
of itself a religious
It survives because it is based
upon an
ele-
ment
in
human
its
nature which
is
not likely to pass
away
whatever be
value in relation to the literature of the
past, it is at least the expression in relation to the present
that our lives are hedged round
by the unknown,
that
^ See the chapter on "Scripture and its Mystical Interpretation" in lifewman's " Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine," espe-
cially p.
324 (2nd
ed.),
" It
may
almost be laid
down
as
an historical
v^
fact that the mystical interpretation
and orthodoxy
will stand or full
together."
g2
84
there
is
III.

and our departure,
a haze about both our birth
and that even the meaner

infinity.
facts of life are linked to
But two modern beliefs militate against ]. The one belief affects all literature,
secular alike.
relative to the past,
it.
religious
and
It is that the thoughts of the past are
and must be interpreted by
it.
glamour of writing has passed away.

no more than a spoken word
in the sense in
;
written
The word is
taken
and a spoken word

it,
is
which the speaker used

it.
at the time at
which he used
There have been writers of enigmasinfi-
and painters of emblems, but they have formed an

nitesimal minority.
There have been those who, as
Cicero says of himself in writing to Atticus, have written

allegorically lest open speech should betray
them; but
such cryptograms have only a temporary and transient

use.
The idea
it is
that ancient literature consists of riddles
which
the business of modern literature to solve,
has passed for ever away.

2.
The other
belief affects specially religious litera-
ture.
It is that the Spirit of

it is
God
has not yet ceased to
speak to men, and that

not only what
important for us to know,

of other days,
He
told the
men
but also
what
He
tells
us now.
Interjoretation is of the present
as well as of the past.
We
it
can believe that there
is
Divine voice, but

died
we
find
hard to believe that

hills.
it
has
away
to
an echo from the Judean
We
we
can
it
believe in religious as in other progress, but
find
hard to believe that that progress was suddenly arrested

fifteen
hundred years ago.
The study
of nature
and the
for roll-
study of history have given us another
maxim
III.
85
gioTis
conduct and another axiom of religious belief. They

is
apply to that which

of our
divine within us the inmost secret

of that
knowledge and mastery

:
which
is
divine
is
without us
also,
man, the servant and interpreter of nature,

thereby^ the servant
and
is
and interpreter of the
living
Ood.
Lecture IY.
GEEEK AND
CHEISTIAI^ EHETOEIO.
It
its
is
customary to measure
tlic
literature of
an age hy
highest productSj and to measure the literary excel-
lence of one age as compared with that of another
by the
highest products of each of them.
We look,
in our
for example,
upon the Periclean age

at
at Athens, or the
Augustan age
country, as
Eome, or the Elizabethan age
own
higher than the ages respectively of the Ptolemies, the ;" CaBsars, or the early Georges. The former are " golden
the latter, "silver." the point of view
Nor can
it
be doubted that from
of literature in itself, as distinguished

its relation to
from literature in
history or to social
is
life,
such a standard of measurement
correct.
But the
result of its application has been the doing of a certain
kind of injustice to periods of history in which, though

the high- water
mark has been
lower, there has been a
wide diffusion
writer of the
spontaneous.
of literary culture.
This
is
the case with
the period with which

first
we
are dealing.
It
It
produced no
rather than
original.
rank.
was
artificial
It
was imitative more than
It
was
appreciative rather than constructive.

of the
Its literature
was born, not
enthusiasm of free activity, but
rather of the passivity which comes
when
there
is
no
IV.

as to a student of science the after-glow
less
87
is
hope.
But
an object of study no
than the noon-day, so to a
student of the historical development of the world the

silver
age of a nation's literature
is
an object
of
study
no
less
than
its
golden age.
it is
Its
most characteristic feature was one for which

to find
''
difficult
any more exact description than the

a viva-voce literature."
It
paradoxical phrase,
had
its
birth and chief development in that part of the

in
Empire
of the
which Christianity and Greek

contact.
It
life
came
into closest
and most frequent

rhetorical schools
was the product
which have been already described.

and instructing
his students
In
those schools the professor had been in the habit of illustrating his rules
by model
compositions of his own.^

first
Such compositions were in the

of real persons.
instance exercises in the pleading of actual causes,
and accusations or defences
The
cases
were necessarily supposed rather than
actual,
but they
had a practical object in view, and came

ble to real
life.
as close as possi-
The
large growth of the habit of studying
Ehetoric as a part of the education of a gentleman, and the

increased devotion to the literature of the past, which came
partly from the felt loss of spontaneity and partly from
national pride, 2 caused these compositions in the rhetorical
^
I have endeavoured to confine the above account to what

:
is
true
of Greek Rhetoric
the accounts which are found in
Roman
writers,
especially in Quintilian,
some
details.
The
best
though in the main agreeing with it, differ in modern summary of Greek usages is that of
Kayser's Preface to his editions of Phiiostratus (Ziivich, 1844; Leipzig,
1871, vol.
2
ii.).
E. Rohde, der griecMsche
Roman nnd
seine Vorldufer^ Leipzig,
1876, p. 297.
S8
scliools to
IV.
GREEK AXD CHEISTIAX RHErorJC.
take a wider range. ^
They began on the one

fictitious
hand
to
be divorced from even a
connection with
the law-courts, and on the other to be directly imitative of

the styles of ancient authors.
From
the older Ehetoric,
the study of forensic logic and speech with a view to the

actual practice in the law-courts, which necessarily
still
went
on, there
branched out the new Ehetoric, which

specially
was sometimes
known
as Sophistic.
Sophistic proceeded for the

lines.
most part upon the old

name,
the
into
Its literary compositions preserved the old

(^leXeVat),
" exercises"
as
though they were
still
rehearsals of actual pleadings.
They were divided
two kinds, Theses and Hypotheses^ according
as a subject
was argued
in general terms or
names were introduced.

Their subjects were
The
latter
were the more common.

fictitious,
sometimes
sometimes taken from real history.

is
Of the
^
first of
is
these there
a good example in Lucian's

to, Si/caviKoL
There
a distinction between
and ra
a/zî fieXer-qv,
and both
2.
are distinguished
from ra TroAiriKa in Philostratus, V. S.

" too
20, p. 103.
Elsewhere Philostratus speaks of a sophist as being
SiKaviKov
/lev (ro(f)ia'TiKU)Tepos (TOcfiKrTOv 8e SiKaviKwre/aos,
much
of
a litterateur to be a good lawyer, and too
much
of a lawyer to be a
good
^
litterateur," 2. 23. i, p. 108.

êcrts
is
defined by
Hermogenes
i.
as a/xîo-ySjjri^/xei'ou irpdyfiaro^
vTrodecris as
CtjTTjcris,
(Ti']Tr]<Tis,
Progi/mn. 11, Walz,

Sext.
p.
3.
50:
4
:
twv
iirl
/lepovi
Em p.
adv.
Gcom.
so ras us ovofia
x'lrodecreis,
Philostr. V. S. prooem.
3. 5. 5,
who
The distinction is best formulated by Quintilian, gives the equivalent Latin terms, " infiuitw (quaistiones)
sunt quae remotis personis et temporibus et locis cajterisque similibus

in
situm
bis
utramque partem tractantur quod Groeci Oea-iv dicunt, Cicero propofinitaj autcm sunt ex complexu rerum personarum temporum
.
cajteroruraque
has vTroOecreis a Grajcis dicuntur, caussaj a nostris, in

circa res pcrsonasque consistere."
omnis qua?stio vidctur
IV.

the situation
is,
89
Tyrannicide
citadel of a
that a
man
goes into the

:
town
for the purpose of killing a tyrant
not the
finding the tyrant, the
man
kills the tyrant's
son
tyrant coming in and seeing his son with the sword in

his body, stabs himself: the
man
claims the reward as a

of subjects, there are
tyrannicide.
Of the second kind
such instances as "Demosthenes defending himself against

brought," ^ and
Demades "The Athenians wounded at Syracuse beg their comrades who are returning to Athens to put them to death." ^ The Homeric cycle was an unfailing mine
:
the charge of having taken the bribe which
of subjects
the Persian wars hardly less
you
like to hear a sensible speech
or are
you
sick of hearing speeches
Would about Agamemnon, about Agamemnon,

so.
"
Atreus' son ?" asks Dio Chrysostom in one of his Dia" I should not take amiss even a speech about logues. ^
Adrastus or Tantalus or Pelops,
if
I were likely to get
good from
it,"
is
the polite reply.
In the treatment
laid
of both kinds of subjects, stress

consistency.
was
on dramatic
The
to
character,
whether real or supposed,

style.*
was required
speak in an appropriate
The
"exercise" had to be recited with an appropriate into1
Philostr.
V.S.
1.
25. 7, 16.
lb. 2. 5. 3. ^
"*
Dio Chrysost.
TT/Doo-wTTOTTotia,
ii.
Ivi. vol.
ii.
p. 176.
fop wliich sGe

:
Theon. Progymnasmata,
c.
10, ed.
viroKpt-
Spengel, vol.
vea-duL
115
Quintil. 3. 8.
49
9. 2. 29.
The word
was sometimes applied, e.g. Philostr. V. S. 1. 21. 5, of Scopewhose action in subjects taken from the Persian wars was so vehement that a partizan of one of his rivals accused him of beating a
lianus,
tambourine.
of Ajax."
" Yes, I do," he said
"but my tambourine
is
the shield
90
nation.^
"by
IV.

effect
Sometimes the dramatic

or
was heightened
for
the introduction of two
more characters:
style,
example, one of the surviving pieces of Dio Chrysostom^

consists of a
diction,
wrangle in tragic
and with tragic
between Odysseus and Philoctetes.

relation to contemporary
is
This kind of Sophistic has an interest in two respects,

apart from
birth to the
its
life.
It
gave
Greek romance, which

sophistical
the progenitor of the

:
media3val romance and of the modern novel
a notable
litera;
example of such a
ture
is
romance in Christian
the Clementine Homilies and Eecognitions
in
non-Christian literature, Philostratus's Life of Apollonius

of Tyana.
It
gave birth also
to the writings in the style
of ancient authors which,
though commonly included in
the collected works of those authors, betray their later

origin
by
either the poverty of their thought or inadver:
tent neologisms of expression

of Plato.4
for example, the
Eryxias
But though
it
Sophistic
had
^
its
roots also in
grew mainly out of Ehetoric, Philosophy. It was sometimes
their voice sweet with musical cadences, and moduand echoed resonances :" Plut. de and. 7, p. 41. So at Eome Favorinus is said to have " charmed even those who did not know Greek by the sound of his voice, and the significance of his look, and the cadence of his sentences :" Philostr. V. S. 1. 7, p. 208.
hations of tone,
2
^
"
They made
Orat. lix.
Eohde, pp. 336 sqq.

This trained habit of composing in different styles
latter is afforded
is
of importance
A good by Arrian, whose " chameleon-like style" (Kaibel, Dionysios von Haliharnass und die Sopliistik, Hermes, Bd. xx. 1875, p. 508) imitates Thucydides, Herodotus, and Xenophon, by
in relation to Christian as well as to non-Christian literature.
study of the
turns.
IV.

It
91
off alto-
defined as Ehetoric philosophizing.^
threw
gether the fiction of a law-court or an assembly, and

discussed
in
continuous speech the larger themes of

Its utterances
morality or theology.
were not " exer-
cises" but " discourses" (^SiaXeêny^

It created not only a
sion.
It preached sermons.
new literature, but also a new profesThe class of men against whom Plato had inveighed
class of educators
had become merged in the general
they were specialized partly as grammarians, partly as rhetoricians the word " sophist," to which the invectives
:
had
failed to attach a
permanent stigma, remained partly
as a generic name, and partly as a special
name
for the
new
class of public talkers.
sophers in that
They differed from philothey did not mark themselves off from
the rest of the world, and profess their devotion to a
higher standard of living, by wearing a special dress.*
They were a notable
feature of their time.
Some
of
them
had a fixed residence and gave discourses regularly, like

*
Philostratus, V. S. 1. p. 202, rrjv dpâtav
(ro<f)L(rTiKrjV
pr^ropiKrtv
TyyeiCTPat
^P^
a
<j>iXocro(})OV(Tav.
SiaAeyerai
jxev
yap
vjrlp ojv oi </)iAo
<TO(jiOvvTS
Si iKeivot Tus epwrrjcreLS VTroKadi]fJievoL Kal
tu a-puKpa
6
rCiv
^TjToviJLevwv
(TO(îcrTr;s cos
7rpo/3t/3dôvTes
ovttu)
cjiaa-l
ytyvojcrKetv
ra-ura
TraAaio?
eiSw? Aeyei
ib. p. 4, (TO(f)L(TTa<s 8e
ol TraAaiot f.iTOiv6[xaôv
ov fiovov Twv prjTopoiv Toris virepcfiWvovvTa.'S re Kal Xa/nrpovs,
aAAa Kal
Twv ^tAocro^cov Tovs ^vv

2
vpoi(^ kpfxrjve'vovTas.
On
the distinction, see Kayser's preface to his editions of Philo-
stratus, p. vii.
8
Philostratus, V. S. 2. 3, p. 245, says that the
famous sophist Aris-
tocles lived the earlier part of his life as a Peripatetic philosopher,

** squalid and unkempt and ill-clothed," but that when he passed into the ranks of the sophists he brushed off his squalor, and brought luxury
and the pleasuies
of
music into his
life.
On
the philosopher's dress,
see below. Lecture VI. p. 151.
92
the
''
IV.
stated minister" of a
modern congregation
to place.
some
of tliem travelled
from place
The audience
There were no
bells
was usually gathered by
invitation.
newspaper advertisements in those days, and no

consequently the invitations were personal.
made sometimes by a "card" or " Come and hear me times by word of mouth
:
They were "programme," somelecture

;
to-day."
Sometimes a messenger was sent round
some-
times the sophist would go round himself and knock at

people's doors and promise
them a
fine discourse.^
The audience
doors.
of a travelling sophist
was what might
be expected among a people
When
a stranger
much out of appeared who was known by

lived very
who
his professional dress,
and whose reputation had preceded
him, the people clustered round him
like iron filings
sticking to a magnet, says Themistius.^
If there was a
;
resident sophist, the two were pitted together

if,
just as
in
modern
times, a
famous
violinist
from Paris or
Vienna might be asked

^
to play at the
next concert with

so Pliny, Eptst. 3. IS
Epictetus, Diss. 3. 21. 6;
3.
23. 6, 23, 28
(of invitations to recitations), "
non per
codicillos (cards of invitation),

'si
non per
libellos
(programmes, probably containing extracts), sed

valde vacaret' adraoniti,"
Cf. Lucian,
commodum
esset,' et 'si
Her-
motimus, 11, where a sophist is represented as hanging up a noticeboard over liis gateway, " No lecture to-day."
'^
Philostratus,
V. S.
2.
10. 5, says that the enthusiasm at
Rome
ttJ?
about the sophist Adrian was such that when his messenger (toC
dKpod<Ti(s)<;
dyyeXov) appeared on the scene with a notice of lecture, the people rose up, whether from the senate or the circus, and flocked to
Synesius, Dio (in Dio Chrys. ed. Dind.
342), speaks of BvpOKoirriaravTa Kal eVayyeiAaj'Ta tois Iv ao-ret
the Athenoaum to hear him.

vol.
ii.
fieipaKtot^ aKpoafia iTTiStîov.
Orat. 23, p. 360, cd. Dind.
IV.

It
93
the leading violinist in London.
was a matter not
only of professional honour, but also of obligation.
A
The
but
man
could not refuse.
There
is
a story in Plutarch^
about a sophist named Niger
who found
himself in a
town in Galatia which had a resident

resident
professor.
made
a discourse.
Niger had, unfortunately, a

easily speak
:
fish-bone in his throat
and could not
he had either to speak or to lose his reputation
he spoke,
and an inflammation
set in
which
killed him.
There
is
much
longer story in Philostratus^ of Alexander Peloplato
going to Athens to discourse in a friendly contest with
Herodes Atticus.
theatre in
The audience gathered together in a the Ceramicus, and waited a long time for
:
Herodes to appear
when he
it
did not come, they grew

trick,
angry and thought that
was a
and
insisted on
Alexander coming forward

arrived.
to discourse before
Herodes
And when Herodes
did arrive, Alexander sudtenor, so to speak, instead
denly changed his style

of bass
and
sang
all
Herodes followed him, and there was a

of
charming interchange
said
compliments:
of
"We
sophists,"
of
Alexander,
"are
us only
slices
you,
Herodes."
Sometimes they went

story of one
to
to
show
their skill at one of the
great festivals, such as that of Olympia.
Lucian^
tells
who had plucked
feathers
from many orators
make a wonderful
discourse about Pythagoras.

it
His
object was to gain the glory of delivering
as
an ex-
tempore oration, and he arranged with a confederate that

its
subject should be the subject selected for

1
him by the
De
sanit. proic. 16, p. 131.

2. 5. 3.
F. S.
Fseudolog. 5 sqq.
94
audience.
of
IV.
GEEEK AND CHRISTIAN RHETORIC.

:
But the imposture was too barefaced some the hearers amused themselves by assigning the dif;
ferent passages to their several authors
and the sophist
himself at last joined in the universal laughter.
And
at
Dio Chrysostom^ draws a picture of a public place

to be as true of the time of Diogenes as of his
*'
Corinth during the Isthmian games, which he alleges
own:
they
You might
hear
many poor wretches
of sophists shoutdisciples, as
ing and abusing one another, and their

call
them, squabbling, and
their stupid compositions, and
many writers of books reading many poets singing their
poems, and
many
jugglers exhibiting their marvels, and
many
soothsayers giving the meaning of prodigies, and
ten thousand rhetoricians twisting law-suits, and no small
number
of traders driving their several trades."
Of the manner of the ordinary discourse there are many It was given sometimes in a private house, indications.
sometimes in a theatre, sometimes in a regular lectureroom.
The
professor sometimes entered already robed

it
in his "pulpit-gown," and sometimes put
on in the
presence of his audience.

professorial
chair,
He mounted
seat
the steps to his
and took his
upon
its
ample
cushion.^
He
sometimes began with a preface, some-
times he proceeded at once to his discourse.
gave the choice of a subject to his audience. ^

1
He often He was
eiri
Orat
viii. vol.
i 145.
i)
Epict. Diss. 3. 23. 35, Iv KOfi\p(^ otoAio)

:
rptPwvUo dvafSdvTa
ttovXISlvov
incipit," as
'=
but Pliny,
JEjîst. 2. 3. 2,
says of Isceus, "surgit, amicitur,
though
lie
robed himself in the presence of the audience.

'
:
Pliny, Ejiist. 2. 3, says of Isaeus

:
prrefationes tersEe, graciles,

eleciS.
Juices
graves interdum ct erectae.
Poscit controvevsias plures,
tionem auditoribus permittit, scepe etiam partes."
Philostratus, V.
IV.

;
95
his
ready to discourse on any theme

subject as to bring
and
it
was part of
art either to force the choice of a subject, or so to turn
the
in something
which he had
says
abeady prepared.
to say
" His
memory
is
incredible,"
Pliny of Isoeus; "he repeats by heart what he appears
extempore
but he does not
falter
even in a single
word."^
"When
your audience have chosen a subject
for you," says Luciau,- in effect, in his satirical advice to
rhetoricians, " go straight at
it
and say without
hesita-
tion whatever
words come
to
your tongue, never minding

first
about the
the
first
point coming
is
and the second second Athens about adultery,

:
great thing
If
to
go right on and not have any
pauses.
you have
to talk at
bring in the customs of the Hindoos and Persians

all,
above
have passages about Marathon and Cynsegirus

indispensable.
that
is
And Athos must
always be turned
into sea,
and the Hellespont into dry land, and the and
sun must be darkened by the clouds of Median arrows
.... and Salamis and Artemisium and

1.
Platcea,
so
24. 4, tells a story of
ture-room and sitting
him, and the
Mark of Byzantium going into Poleino's lecdown among the audience some one recognized whisper went round who he was, so that, when Polemo
:
asked for a subject,

shaggy beard
"
all
eyes were turned to Mark.
"
What
is
the use
of looking at a rustic like that?"

;
said Polemo, referring to Mark's
lie
Avill
not give you a subject."
" I will both give

Plutarch,
you a
subject," said
7, p.
Mark, "and
will discourse myself."
de audiendo,
42, advises those
who go
to a "feast of
words"
to
propose a subject that will be useful, and not to ask for a discourse on
the bisection of unlimited lines.
1 Plin. Epist. 2. 3. His disciple 4 ; cf. Philostr. V. S. 1. 20. 2. Dionysius of Miletus had so wonderful a memory, and so taught his
pupils to remember, as to be suspected of sorcery
Philostr. V. S. 1.
Mhet. prcec. 18,
96
forth,
IV.

in pretty frequently
;
must come
little
and, above
all,
those
Attic words I told you about must blossom
on the surface of your speech

{depoiitJien)
drra (aita) and

freely,
S/j-rrovOeu
must
be sprinkled about
:
whether
even
they are wanted or not
for they are pretty words,
when they do not mean anything."

It
was a disappointment
if
he was not interrupted

a serious-looking audi-
by
applause.
"A
sophist
is
put out in an extempore

" They are
speech," says Philostratus,^
"by
ence and tardy praise and no clapping." agape," says Dio Chrysostom,^ " for the
all
murmur
of the
crowd ....
like
men walking
in the dark, they
move
always in the direction of the clapping and the shouting."

" I want your praise," said one of
them
to Epictetus.^
"What
sopher.
do you " Oh, I want you to say Bravo
mean by my
praise?" asked the philo!
and Wondercries
ful I" replied the sophist.
These were the common
others were not
infrequent "Divine!"
"Inspired!"
clap-
"Unapproachable !"^
They were accompanied by
ping of the hands and stamping of the feet and waving

of the arms.
" If your friends see you breaking down," says Lucian in his satirical advice to a rhetorician,^ " let
price of the suppers
them pay the
you give them by
stretching out their arms and giving
you a chance
p.
of
V. S.
2. 26. 3.
3.
Oral, xxxiii. vol.
i.
422.
3
"^
Epict. Diss.
23. 24.
Plut. de cmdiendo, 15, p. 4G, speaks of the strange
and extravagant
êo</)op7;Tajs'
words
'
which had thus come into

the old WOrds,
Toij
'
use,
^ttws
koI
Ka\
aTrpoa-tTWS^
KaAws
Kal
toC
'
o-o</)(2i
Kal tou
'dXi]9ios' being
^
no longer strong enough.

21.
Ehci.
pmc.
IV.

to say in the interval
97
tMnking of something
rounds of applause."
signs of disapproval.
between the
Sometimes, of course, there were

''
It is the
mark
of a
good hearer,"
says Plutarch, 1 " that he does not howl out like a dog
which he disapproves, but at any rate waits until the end of the discourse."
at everything of
After the discourse, the professor would go round:
"'What
did you think of

"
' '
me to-day?'"
sir,
says one in
Epictetus.^
Upon my
life,
I thought
you were
admirable.'
What
it
did you thinli of
my
best passage
'Which was
Nymphs.'
'
that?'
'Where
I described
Pan and
the
Oh,
was excessively well done.' "

I think,'
Again,
to quote another anecdote from Epictetus:^ " 'A
much
larger audience to-day,
says
the professor.
'Yes; much
*
larger.'
;
'Five hundred, I should guess.'
Oh, nonsense
'
it
could not have been less than a thouis
sand.'
Why that
:
more than Dio ever had

said, too.'
I
'
wonder
Beauty,
why it was
sir,
they appreciated what I
can move even a stone.'

reputation.
They made both money and

of the time.
The more
eminent of them were among the most distinguished
men
They were the pets of society, and sometimes its masters.^ They were employed on affairs of state at home and on embassies abroad.^ They were
1
De
audlendo,
4, p. 39.
j)iss, 3. 23. 11.
Diss. 3. 23. 19.

'
^ Tvpavi/et
ye twi'
K.9i]vQ)v,
says Eunapius of the sophist Julian,
Vit. Julian, p, 68.

^
Philostr. V. S.
1.
21. 6, of Scopelianus, /Jacr/Actoi 8e avTov irpeaTV>^7^
jSiiai
ih. 1.
TToAAat
fxiv,
Kal yap tls kuI uyaOrj

of
^vvrjKoXovdei Trpecr/SivovTi:
24. 2, of
Mark
Byzantium
1.
25. 1, 5, of
Polemo
2. 5. 2, of
Alexander Peloplaton.
98
IV.

list
sometimes placed on the free

at the
of their city,
and lived
Lords
they
public
expense.
as
They were sometimes made

say, to the Ilouse of
senators
raised,
we might
and
died,
sometimes governors of provinces.^
When
and sometimes before their death, public statues
were erected in their honour.^
The
inscriptions of
some
of them are recorded by historians, and some remain:

''
The Queen
of Cities to the
Xing
of
Eloquence," was
"
inscribed on the statue of Proheeresius at Eome.^

of the
One
Seven Wise Men, though he had not

is
fulfilled
twenty-five years,"
inscribed on an existing base of
a statue at Attaleia ;^
and, beneath a representation of
Philostr, V. S. 1. 22, of Dionysius of Miletus, 'ASptavos o-aTpdirrjv
fjLiv
auTov
arreifyqvev
ovk acâvwv
Wvmv
lyKareAeê Se rots
:
SrjfjLoarta
nnrev
ovari
2
Kal toiS v tQ Movcjctw criTov/xevots
so of Polemo, ib. 1. 25. 3.
The
inscription of one of the statues

1.
which are mentioned by
Pliilostratus, V. S.
23,
2, as
having been erected to Lollianus at

:
Athens, was found a few years ago near the Propyhx?a Dittenberger, F. i. 210, see also Welcker, Rheln. 3Iu^. C. I. A. vol. iii. No. G25
:
and a monograph by Kayser, P. Hordeonius Lollianus, Heidelberg, It is followed by the epigram 1841.
:
djxcfyoTepov prjrrjpa BlkCJv fJL\iTr]<Ti
t apicrrov
AoXAiavov
t 8'
TrArj^vs euyevewv erapcov.

eicrt Sary/tevai
c^fAfts TtVes
ovvofia TrarpoS
Kal TraTprj^, avrQv T ovvo/JLa 8l(tkos X^''

Philostratus, V. S.
1.
25. 26, discredits the story that to
Polemo died
;
at
Smyrna, because there was no monument

liad died there, " not
him
there
whereas
if
he
one of the wonderful temples of that city would

for his burial."
have been thought too great

*
rj
(SaxrtXfvova-a 'Pw/x^ toi' /Saa-cXtvovTa
tQv Aoywv, Eunap.
Vit.
Pruhceres. p. 90.
*
MoSeo-Tos
cro(fii(TTr]s
(U
fiera
twv
cirra (ro<f)wv
/xt)
yefiicras iKoari
vivre ht), Bulletin de correspondence Hellenique, 1886, p. 157.
IV.
99
crowning, the words,
"He
subjects all things to elo-
quence," are found on a similar base at Parion.^
They naturally sometimes gave themselves great

There are many
stories
airs.
about them.
Philostratus tells
one of the Emperor Antoninus Pius on arriving at Smyrna

going, in accordance with imperial custom, to spend the
night at the house which was at once the best house

in the city
and the house of the most distinguished

of the sophist
man.
It
was that
Polemo,
who happened
;
on the Emperor's arrival to be away from home
but he
returned from his journey at night, and with loud excla-
mations against being kept out of his own, turned the
aXat^wu
Emperor out of doors.^ The common epithet for them is a word with no precise English equivalent, de-
noting a cross between a braggart and a mountebank.
But the
jected to
objected to
grounds on which the more earnest men them were those upon which Plato had obtheir predecessors their making a trade of
real
:
knowledge, and their unreality.

1.
The making
of discourses,
whether literary or moral,
was a thriving
trade.^
The
fees given to a leading sophist
were on the scale of those given to a prima donna in our

^
OS TravTtt Aoyois vTrordcra-ei, Mittheilungen des deutsches archcBol.
Institut, 1884, p. 61.

^
Philostratus,
V. S.
1.
25. 3, p.
228, narrates the incident with
graphic humour, and adds two anecdotes which
was rather amused than annoyed by it. It was that " he used to talk to cities as a superior, and to gods as an equal," ibid. 4.
'
said of the
show that the Emperor same sophist
to kings as not inferior,
Dio
Cassius, 71. 35. 2, iraixTrX-qBeis <^tA.o(ro<^tv en-AarTovTO
'iv
vtv
avTov TrXovTiîDVTai.
h2
100
IV.

the objection to
it
own
clay.^
But
was not
so mucli the
all.
fact of its thriving, as the fact of its
being a trade at
"If they do what they do," says Dio Chrysostom,^ "as

poets and rhetoricians, there
if
is
no harm perhaps
but
they do
it
as philosophers, for the sake of their
own
personal gain and glory, and not for the sake of benefiting
you, there
is
harm."
is
makes
for
himseK
The defence which Themistius"^ more candid than effective " I do

:
me sometimes one much as a talent: but, since I must speak about myself, let me ask you Did any one ever come away the worse for having this heard me ? Mark, I charge nothing it is a voluntary
make money," he
says; "people give
mina, sometimes two, sometimes as
contribution."
The stronger ground of objection to them was their unreality. They had lost touch with life. They had made philosophy itself seem unreal. " They are not
2.
philosophers,
but fiddlers," said the sturdy old Stoic

It is not necessary to suppose that they
Musonius.^
were
all charlatans.
There was then, as now, the

of
irre-
pressible
young man
good morals who wished to
air
his opinions.
But the tendency to moralize had become They preached, not because divorced from practice.
1
For example, the father of Herodes Atticus gave Scopelianus a

Philostr. V.S.
1.
fee
of twenty-five talents, to which Atticus himself added another twentyfive:

"
21. 7, p. 222.
p.
Dio Chrysost. Omt. xxxii.

8,
403
so Seneca, Episf. 29, says of
them, " philosophiam honestius neglexissent (ûam vendunt:"

of Tyre, Diss. 33.
3
Maximus
dyopa
TrpoK-etrat dpeTrjs, u)Vlov

is
to Trpdyixa.
Orat. xxiii. p. 351.
The whole speech
a plea against the dis-
repute into which the profession had fallen.

4
aj).
Aul. Gell. 5.
1. 1.
IV.
101
they were in grim earnest about the reformation of the

world, but because jDreaching was a respectable profession, sion.
and the listening
to
sermons a fashionable diver-
"The mass
;
of
men," says Plutarch,^
"enjoy
and admire a philosopher

their neighbours
when he
is
discoursing about
but
if
the philosopher, leaving their
neighbours alone, speaks his mind about things that are

of
importance to the
;
men
themselves, they take offence
and vote him a bore

bland
for they think that they ought to
listen to a philosopher in his lecture-room in the
same
in
way
that they listen to tragedians in the theatre.

is
This, as
might be expected,
what happens
to
them
regard to the sophists; for
when
a sophist gets
down
from his pulpit and puts aside his MSS., in the

ness of
life
real busi-
he seems but a small man, and under the
thumb
and
of
of the majority.
They do not understand about

all
real
philosophers that both seriousness and play, grim looks

smiles,
and above
the direct personal application
what they say
to each individual,
have a useful result
for those
who
are in the habit of giving a patient atten-
tion to them."
Against this whole system of veneering rhetoric with

philosophy, there was a strong reaction.
early Christian writers, with
Apart from the

is
whom
at
" sophist"
always
the
its
word
of scorn, there were men, especially
among
new
school of Stoics,
who were
you
open war with
unreality.2
^
I will ask
p. 43.
to listen to the expostulation
De
It
audiendo, 12,
is
'
clear that the
as in both earlier
and
later times,
word "sophist" had under the Early Empire, two separate streams of meaning. It
102
IV.

to a
which the great moral reformer Epictetus addresses

rhetorician
who came
For
to
him
to
1)0,
" First of all, tell yourself
accordingly.
cases.
this is
what you want what we see done
and then act
in almost all other
games first of all decide and then proceed to do the things that follow from their decision So then when you say, Come and listen to my lecture, first of all consider whether your action be not thrown away for want of an end, and then consider whether it be not a mistake, on account of your real end being a wrong one. Suppose I ask a man, Do you wish
are practising for the
to
be,
Men who
wdiat they
mean
'
Thereto do good by your expounding, or to gain applause?' upon straightway you hear him saying, What do I care for the
'
applause of the multitude

the same way, applause
is
?'
And
his sentiment is right
for in
nothing to the musician

" in
(lud musician,
or to the geometrician qud geometrician.

"
You wish
?
to
do good, then," I continue

I too
what particular
respect
tell
me, that
may
hasten to your lecture-room.
was used
as a title of honour, e.g. Lucian, Bhef.

(To<jiL(TT-i'j<i
;
Pmc.
1,
ru a-e/JLvoTarov
2.
TovTo Kal TrdvTLiioy ovofia

yEliau was addressed as
ouTO) jieyaXov ovtos
',
Philostr. V. S.
31. 1,
when
(To<î(TTi'j<i,
he was not elated

Lihan.
p. 100,
vtto
tov dvo/iaros
olfered
Eunap.
Vit.
when emperors
cfi-ja-as
Libanius great
titles
and
dignities,
he refused them,
tov o-o^wtt^v the word Dio Chrys.

i.
But the disparagement of the c?i/at fidôva. was applied runs through a large number of
Orat.
iv. vol.
i.
class to
whom
e. g.
writers,
;
70, ayiôoGvTt koI dAaôi't o-oîtTTy
ih. viii. vol.
151,
they croak like frogs in a marsh; ib. x. vol, i. 166, they are the wretchedest of men, because, though ignorant, they think themselves wise; ib. xii. vol. i. 214, they are like peacocks, showing off their
reputation and the
Epict. Diss.
2.
20. 23
number of their disciples M. Aurel. 1. 16 6.

;
as
peacocks do their
tails.
30.
Lucian, Ftnjitu: 10,

/xecrfô
compares them to hippocentaurs, a-vvd^Tov

{oretas Kal
cf)LXo(To<j>ia<;
rt koL ixlktov V
dXa-
TrXaôfitvov.
^laximus Tyr. Diss. 33.
8,
to twv
fxecrrbv
croe^tcTTwv yevos, to TroXvfiaOes
tovto Kal TroAvAdyoi' Kat ttoAAw;/

dTre/xTroXovv Tois Seo/xei/ots.
fiaO-qixaTwv, Kair-qXivov
TauTa Kal
Among
the Christian Fathers, especial reference
may be made
to
Clem. Alex.
Strom.
1,
chapters 3 and
8,
pp. 328, 3i3.
IV.
103
But can a man impart good

received good himself ?
"
to others without having previously
No
just as a
is
man
is
of no use to us in the
way
of carpen-
tering unless he
"
himself a carpenter.
Would you
like to
know, then, whether you have received
good yourself ? Bring me your convictions, philosopher. (Let us take an example.) Did you not the other day praise so-andDid you not so more than you really thought he deserved ? and yet you would not like your flatter that senator's son ?
own
"
"
sons to
be like him,
would you
God forbid Then why did you
flatter
him and toady
to
him
"
""
He
is
a clever young fellow, and a good student.
How
Yes
;
do you know that
" He admires
"
my
lectures.
that
is
the real reason.
But
don't
you think that these

?
very people despise you in their secret hearts

when a
that he
mean
tells
that
man who
is
is
conscious that he has neither done nor
thought any single good thing, finds a philosopher who

a
him
man
of great ability, sincerity,
and genuineness, of
to get
course he says to himself, 'This
man wants
something out
tell
of
me
!'
Or
(if this is
not the case with vou),
me what
proof he has given of great ability.
No
doubt he has attended
you
for a considerable
:
expounding
himself
" "
time he has heard you discoursing and but has he become more modest in his estimate of
:
or
is
he
still
looking for some one to teach
him
Yes, he
is
looking for some one to teach him.

to live
?
To teach him how

:
No, fool
*
:
not
how
*
to live, but
liow to talk
"
which
*
is,
also is the reason
why he
admires you.
you like applause you care more for that than and so you invite people to come and hear you.] for doing good, " But does a pJiilosopher invite people to come and hear him ?
[The truth
Is
it
not that as the sun, or as food,
is its
own
sufficient attrac-
tion, so the philosopher also is his
those
who
are to be benefited
let
own sufficient attraction to by him ? Does a physician invite

.
.
people to come and
him heal them ?
(Imagine what a
104
IV.
GREEK AXD CHRISTIAN EnETORIC.
genuine philosopher's invitation would be)
invite you to you are in a bad way that you care for everything except what you should care for that you do not know what things are good and what evil and that you are unhappy and unfortunate.' A nice invitation and yet if that is not the result of what a philosopher says, he and his words alike (Musonius) Eufus used to say, If you have leisure are dead. Accordingly he to praise me, my teaching has been in vain.'
'I
come and be
told that
'
used to talk in such a way that each individual one of us

sat there thought that
who
him
"
he so put his
some one had been telling Eufus about finger upon what we had done, he so set
is
the individual faults of each one of us clearly before our eyes.
The philosopher's lecture-room, gentlemen,

to
a surgery
when you go away you ought

For wdien you come
headache.
in,
have
is
felt
not pleasure but pain.

:
something
wrong with you

aljscess,
one
man
has put his shoulder out, another has an
another a
give you
Am
the surgeon then,
to sit
down and
a string of fine sentences, that you
may
praise
go away
the
abscess, the
for this that
man with the dislocated arm, man with the headache ^just as you came ? young men come away from home, and leave
'
me and then tlie man with the

Is it
their
parents and their kinsmen and their property, to say

to
you
for
your
fine
moral conclusions
?
Is this
Bravo T what Socrates
did
or Zeno or Cleanthes
Who
denies
it
?
" Well, but is there

"
no such
class of speeches as exhortations ?
But
in
what do exhortations
consist
In,
being able to show, whether to one

are given to anything but
man
or to
many men,
the
contradiction in which they are involved, and that their thoughts
what they
really mean.
For they
mean
to give
them
to the things that really tend to happiness
but they look for those things elsewhere than where they really (That is the true aim of exhortation) but to show this, is are.
:
it
necessary to place a thousand chairs, and invite people to

listen,
come and
the pulpit
and dress yourself up in a
fine
?
and describe the death of Achilles
gown, and ascend Cease, I implore
you, from bringing dishonour, as far as you can,
upon noble
words and deeds.
There can be no stronger exhortation to duty,
IV.

make
it
103
I suppose, than for a speaker to
clear to his audience

!
them Tell me who, after hearing you lecture or discourse, became anxious about or reflected upon himself? or who, as he went out of the room, I must not said, The philosopher put his finger upon my faults
that he wants to get something out of
' :
behave in that way again'

"
You
cannot
'
the utmost praise
you get
is
when
man
says
to another,
other says,
pylse/
'
That was a beautiful passage about Xerxes,' and the No, I liked best that about the battle of Thermo-
" This is a philosopher's
sermon
!"^
I have dwelt on this feature of
tlie
Greek
life
of the
early Christian centuries, not with the view of giving a
complete picture of
it,
which would be impossible within which you

it
the compass of a lecture, but rather with the view of

establishing a presumption,
justified
will find
amply
not mass^
by further
researches, that
was
sufficient,
its
only in
its
quality and complexity, but also in
to account for certain features of early Christianity.
In passing from Greek

you, in the
first
life to Christianity,
I will ask
instance, to note the broad distinction
which
exists
between what in the primitive churches was
known
stress
as "prophesying,"
and that which in subsequent

I lay the
times came to be
known
as " preaching."
more
upon the
distinction for the accidental reason that,
in the first reaction against the idea that

necessarily
"prophecy"
meant "prediction,"
with a certain
a "prophet"
and reservation the contention was true that

it
was maintained
meant a "preacher."
that the prophet
The reservation is, was not merely a preacher but a spon1
Epict. Diss. 3. 23.
lOG
IV.
GREEK AND CHKISTIAN RHETORIC.
taneoiis preacher.
He
preached because he could not
help
it,
because there was a divine breath breathing

It is
within him which must needs find an utterance.
in this sense that the prophets of the early churches were
They were not church officers appointed to They were the possessors discharge certain functions. of a charisma^ a divine gift which was not official but personal. "No prophecy ever came by the will of man; but men spake from God, being moved by the Holy Ohost." They did not practise beforehand how or what they should say; for "the Holy Ghost taught them in Their language that very hour what they should say." was often, from the point of view of the rhetoiical schools, a barbarous patois. They were ignorant of the rules both of style and of dialectic. They paid no heed to refinements of expression. The greatest preacher of them all claimed to have come among his converts, in a city
23reachers.
in which Ehetoric flourished, not with the persuasiveness of
human
logic,
but with the demonstration which was
aff'orded
by
spiritual power.
Of that "prophesying"
not certain that
of the primitive churches
it is
we
possess any
monument.
The Second
Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude are perhaps

representatives of
among the canonical books of the New Testament. The work known as the Second Epistle
it
of Clement
it
is
perhaps a representative of the form which

;
took in the middle of the second century

inspired
but though
rather more
is
it is
by a genuine enthusiasm,
it is
artistic in its
form than a purely prophetic utterance
likely to
have been.
of the second century, this original spon-
In the course
IV.

It
107
taneity of ?itteraiice died almost entirely away.
may
almost be said to have died a violent death.
nant parties in the Church

survivals of
it
set their faces
The domiagainst it. The

tried to fan
in Asia
Minor were formally condemned.

were
called,
The Montanists,
heretics.
as they
it
who
the lingering sparks of
into a flame, are

is
ranked among
And
Tertullian
not even
the calendar of the Saints, because

tanists to
now admitted into be believed the Monso.
be in the
right.
it
It
was
inevitable that
should be
The growth
Such a
it,
of a confederation of Christian communities necessitated
the definition of a basis of confederation.

nition,
defi-
and the further necessity
of
guarding
were
inconsistent with that free utterance of the Spirit
which
had existed before the confederation began.

ing died
Prophesy-
when
the Catholic Church was formed.
In place of prophesying came preaching.

ing
is
And
preach-
the result of the gradual combination of
difi'erent
it
elements.
is
In the formation
of a great institution
inevitable that, as time goes on,
different elements
should tend to unite.
To the
original functions of a
bishop, for example, were added

tions
by degrees the func-
which
had originally been separate
of
teacher.^
In a similar way were fused together, on the one hand,

teaching
that
is,
the tradition and exposition of the
The
functions are clearly separable in the Teaching of the Apostles,

[sc. iTTLCTKOTrot
'Kpo<f>y]Tojv
1j, avTOi
Ktti
StctKovoiJ
;
ydp
elaiv ol Tert/xi^/xevot vjimv
fxra Twv
Kal StSao-KaAwv
but they are combined in the
second book of the Apostolical Constitutions, pp. 16, 49, 51, 58, 84,
ed. Laârde.
108
IV.

;
sacred books and of the received doctrine

other hand, exhortation
and, on the
that
is,
the endeavour to raise

spiritual life.
men
to a higher level of moral
and
Each
of these
was a function which, assuming a
certain natural
by practice. Each of them was consequently a function which might be discharged by the permanent officers of the community, and disaptitude, could be learned
charged habitually at regular intervals without waiting

for the fitful flashes of the prophetic fire.
We
conse-
quently find that with the growth of organization there
grew up
tation,
also,
not only a fusion of teaching and exhor-
but also the gradual restriction of the liberty of

official class.
addressing the community to the

It
was
this fusion of teaching
and exhortation that

:
constituted the essence of the homily
its
form came
from the sophists. For
it
was natural that when addresses,

to prevail in
whether expository or hortatory, came
the
Christian communities, they should be afiected by the

similar addresses
which
It
filled
a large place in contempo-
was not only natural but inevitable that when men who had been trained in rhetorical methods
rary Greek
life.
came
to
make such
to
is
addresses, they should follow the

It is probable
methods
which they were accustomed.
that Origen
not only the earliest example whose writ-
ings have come
down
to us, but also one of the earliest
who
seem
took into the Christian communities these methods
of the schools.
to
He lectured,
as the contemporary teachers
have lectured, every day: his subject-matter

of the Scriptures, as that of the rhetoricians
:
M as the text
and sophists by his side was Homer or Chrysippus
his
IV.

were
109
carefully-
addresses, like those of the best professors,
prepared
he was sixty years of age, we are

the Christian
told, before
he preached an extempore sermon.^
When
communities emerge into the
clearer light of the fourth century, the influence of the

rhetorical schools
upon them begins
to be visible
on a
large scale
and with permanent
effects.
The
voice of the
prophet had ceased, and the voice of the preacher had
begun.
The
greatest Christian preachers of the fourth
century had been trained to rhetorical methods, and had

themselves taught rhetoric.
Basil and Gregory
IS'azi-
anzen studied at Athens under the famous professors
Himerius and Prohoeresius

the
still
Chrysostom studied under
said of
cessor
more famous Libanius, who on his death-bed him that he would have been his worthiest sucthe Christians had not stolen him."^
''if
The
discourses
of the
came
to
be called by the same names as those
Greek
professors.
They had
originally been called

this sense in
homilies
a word which
and
to
was unknown in
pre-Christian times, and which denoted the familiar intercourse

direct personal addresses of
common
life.
They came
schools
be called by the technical terms of the
discourses, disputations, or speeches.^

of
tinction
between the two kinds
terms
is
The disclearly shown
by a
1
later writer,
6.
who, speaking of a particular volume of

36. 1.
6. 2
Euseb. H. E.
Sozom. H. E.
8. 2.
Eusebius, H. E.
36. 1, speaks of Origen's
sermons as SiaAeêts,
whereas the original designation was 6/iiAtai. So in Latin, Augustine uses the term disputationes of Ambrose's sermons, Confess. 5. 13, vol. i.
118, and of his
jiars 2, p.
own
Tract. Ixxxix. in Jolxann. Evang.
c.
5, vol. iiu
719.
110
IV.
Chrysostom's addresses, says, " They are called 'speeches'

(Xo'yoi),
but they are more like homilies, for this reason,
above others, that he again and again addresses his hearers

as actually present before his eyes."^
The form
of the
discourses tended to be the

side a discourse of
same
if
you examine
side
by
Himerius or Themistius or Libanius,
and one of Basil or Chrysostom or Ambrose, you will

find a similar artificiality of structure,
and a similar
They were delivered under analogous circumstances. The preacher sat in his official chair it was an exceptional thing for him to ascend the reader's ambo, the modern "pulpit:"^ the audience
elaboration of phraseology.
:
crowded in front
of him,
and frequently interrupted him
with shouts of acclamation.

to
The
greater preachers tried
stem the tide of applause which surged round them
again and again Chrysostom begs his hearers to be silent
what he wants
is,
not their acclamations, but the fruits of
his preaching in their lives. ^
There
is
one passage which

afi'ords
not only illustrates this point, but also
a singular
analogy to the remonstrance of Epictetus which was
quoted just
1 2
now
Phot. Bihlioth. 172.
Sozomen. H.E. 8. 5. Augustine makes a fine point of the analogy between the church and the lecture-room (schola) " tanquam vobis Tanquam pastores sumus, sed sub illo Pastore vobiscum oves sumus.
:
vobis ex hoc loco doctores
sumus sed sub

:"
illo
Magistro in hac schola

vol. iv.
vobiscum condiscipuli sumus

ed.
^
Enarrat. in Psalm, cxxvi.
1429,
Ben.
Adv. Jud.
i.
7.
6, vol.
i.
671
Cojic. vii.
adv. eos qui

c. 4,
ad
lud. circ.
eos
790; Horn. ii. ad pop. Antioch. qui ad Colled, nan occur, vol. iii. 157; Horn.
prof. vol.
Aol. iv.
vol.
ii.
25; adv.
liv.
in cap. xxvii. Genes.

iv.
523; Horn.
Ivi.
in cap. xxix. Genes, vol.
541.
IV.
" There are
Ill
:
many
preachers
who make
long sermons
if
if
they
are well applauded, they are as glad as
they had obtained a

hell.
kingdom
if
they bring their sermon to an end in silence, their

is
despondency
worse, I
may
almost say, than
It is this
sermons that touch the heart, but sermons that will delight your ears with their intonation and the structure of their phrases, just as if you
that ruins churches, that
to hear
you do not seek
And we preachers humour your fancies, instead of trying to crush them. We act like a father who gives a sick child a cake or an ice, or somewere listening to singers and lute-players.
thing else that
it
;
just because he asks for is merely nice to eat and takes no pains to give him what is good for him and then when the doctors blame him says, I could not bear to hear That is what we do when we elaborate beautiful my child cry.' sentences, fine combinations and harmonies, to please and not to profit, to be admired and not to instruct, to delight and not to
;
'
touch you, to go away with your applause in our

better your conduct.
ears,
and not
as
to
:
Believe me, I
am
not speaking at random
when you applaud me

natural for a
as I speak, I feel at the
moment
it.
it is
man
?
to feel.
I will
make a
clean breast of
Why
when
should I not
I go
am
delighted and overjoyed.
And
then
people who have been applauding and indeed that whatever benefit they might have had has been killed by the applause and praises, I am sore at heart, and I lament and fall to tears, and I feel as though I had spoken altogether in vain, and I say to myself. What is the good of all your labours, seeing that your hearers don't want to reap any fruit out of all that you say ? And I have
home and
reflect that the
me
have received no
benefit,
often thought of laying
down a
rule absolutely prohibiting all
applause,
and urging you

is
to listen in silence."^
And
there
a passage near the end of Gregory Nazi-
anzen's greatest sermon, in which the
human
nature of
which Chrysostom speaks bursts forth with striking

force:
*
after the
S. Chrys.
famous peroration in which

c.
after bid238.
Horn, xxx. in Act, Apost.
3, vol. ix.
112
IV.

cliurcli
ding farewell one by one to the
and congregation
which he loved,
to the several
companies of his fellowto
workers, and to the multitudes
who had thronged
hear
him preach, he turns

Arian courtiers
" Farewell, princes
to the court and his opponents the
and
whether ye be
all
palaces, the royal court
and household
ye are nearly
faithful to the king I
know
not,
you unfaithful to God." (There was evidenMy a burst of applause, and he interrupts his peroration with an impromptu clap your hands, shout aloud, exalt your orator address.) " Yes to heaven your malicious and chattering tongue has ceased it
of
will not cease for long
it
will fight (though I
am
absent) with
writing and ink

the peroration
city
"1
but just for the moment we are

resumed.)
" Farewell,
silent."
(Then
is
great and Christian
I will add only one
more instance
of the
into
way
in
which
the habits
churches.
of the
sophists flowed
the Christian
Christian preachers, like the soj)hists, were

;
sometimes peripatetic
they went from place to place,
delivering their orations and
making money by delivering

and Sozomen^
tell
them.
The
historians Socrates
an
in-
structive story of two Syrian bishops, Severianus of Gabala
and Antiochus
of Ptolemais (St.
Jean d'Acre). They were

Antiochus went
both famous for their rhetoric, though Severianus could

not quite get rid of his Syrian accent.
to Constantinople,
and stayed there a long time, preach-
ing frequently in the churches, and making a good deal

of
money
thereby.
On
his return to Syria, Severianus,
hearing about the money, resolved to follow his example
he waited for some time, exercised his rhetoric, got together a large stock of sermons, and thou
*
went
to Constan-
Greg. Naz, Oral.
xlii.
Socrates,
H.E.
6.
11; Sozomen,
H.E.
8. 10.
IV.
113
tinople. He was kindly received by the bishop, and soon became both a great popular preacher and a favourite at The fate of many preachers and court favourites court.
overtook him
he excited great jealousy, was accused

;
of heresy and banished from the city
and only by the
personal intercession of the Empress Eudoxia was he
received back again into ecclesiastical favour.
Such are some of the indications of the influence
of
Greek Ehetoric upon the early churches.

Christian sermon.
officers
It created the
It
added
is
to the functions of
church
a function which
neither that of the exercise
of discipline, nor of administration of the funds, nor

of taking the lead in public worship, nor of the simple
tradition of received truths, but that of either such
an
exegesis of the sacred books as the Sophists gave of-
Homer,
result
or such elaborated discourses as they also gave

ethical aspects of religion.
upon the speculative and
The/
was more far-reaching than the creation

If
of either
closely
an institution or a function.
into history,
you look more
you will
real.
find that Ehetoric killed Philosophy.

all
Philosophy died, because for

ceased to be
but a small minority
it
It passed from the sphere of thought
and conduct
truths which
to that of exposition
and
literature.
Its
preachers preached, not because they were bursting with
could not help finding
expression,
but
because they were masters of fine phrases and lived in an
age in which fine phrases had a value.

because
it
It died, in short,
had become
sophistry.
But
sophistry
is
of
no
special age or country.
It is indigenous to all soils

I
upon
114
IV.
which
literature grows.
No
sooner
is
any
special
form
of
literature created by the genius of a great writer than there

arises a class of
style's sake.
men who
sooner
cultivate the style of
it
for the
No
is
any new impulse given either
to philosophy or to religion than there arises a class of
men who copy

to
the form without the substance, and try
make
the echo of the past sound like the voice of the
present.
So
it
has been with Christianity.
It
came
into
the educated world in the simple dress of a Prophet of
Eighteousness.
its life,
It
won that world by

its
the stern reality of
by the
subtle bonds of
brotherhood,
divine message of consolation and of hope.
by its Around it
it
thronged the race of eloquent talkers who persuaded

to change its dress
and
to assimilate its
language to their
own.
It seemed thereby to win a speedier and completer
victory.
But
its
it
purchased conquest at the price of reality.
With
ment
that
progress stopped.
There has been an

;
ele-
of sophistry in it ever since
and
so far as in
any
age that element has been dominant, so far has the

progress of Christianity been arrested.
arrested now, because
Its progress is
many
of its preachers live in
an
unreal world.
The
truths they set forth are truths of
utterance rather than truths of their lives.

tianity is to be again the
But
if
Chris-
power that
its costly
it
was in
its earliest
ages,
it
must renounce
purchase.
A
to
class of
rhetorical chemists
would be thought of only

is
it.
be
ridi-
culed
a class of rhetorical religionists

to
only less ano^
malous because we are accustomed

Christianity
is,
that
the
class
The hope of which was artificially

;
created
may
ultimately disappear
and that the sophis-
IV.
115
as
tical
element in Christian preaching will melt,
transient mist, before the preaching of the prophets of
the ages to come, who, like the prophets of the ages that
are long gone by, will speak only "as the Spirit gives
them utterance."
Lecture V.
CHEISTIANITY AND GEEEK PHILOSOPHY.
The power
among
is
of generalizing
is
and
of
forming abstract
ideas exists, or at least

different
exercised, in varying degrees

at
races
and
diJSerent
times.
The
peculiar feature of the intellectual history of the Greeks
the rapidity with which the power was developed,

of the grasp
and the strength
which
it
had upon them.

group of
The
elaboration of one class of such ideas, those of

to the formation of a
form and quantity, led
sciences, the mathematical sciences,
which hold a perof these
manent
from
fixed
place.
The
earliest
and most typical

the attention
is
sciences is geometry.
all
In
it,
drawn away
the other characteristics of material things, and

single characteristic of their form.
upon the
The
forms are regarded in themselves.
The process
of abstrac-
tion or analysis reaches its limit in the point,
and from
ideas are
that limit the mind,
making
new
departure, begins the
j^rocess of construction or synthesis.
Complex
formed by the addition of one simple idea
to another,
and having been

clear
so
formed can be precisely deiSned.
Their constituent elements can be distinctly stated, and a
boundary drawn round the whole.

off
They can be
BO
marked
from other ideas that the idea which one
V. CHRISTIANITY

to
117
man
lias
formed can be communicated
and represented
in another man's mind.

certain
to
The
inferences which, assuming
"axioms"
to
be true and certain "postulates"
be granted, are made by one man, are accepted by
another
tion of
man
mere
or at once disproved.
probability, nor
There
is
no ques-
any halting between two
opinions.
The
is,
inferences are not only true but certain.

that there are not two sciences of geoall
The
result
metry, but one

its definitions
who study
it
are agreed as to both
and
its
inferences.
The
elaboration of
another class of abstract ideas,

first
those of quality, marched at
a limited extent such a parallel
by a parallel road. To march is possible. The
words which are used
to express sensible qualities sug-
gest the same ideas to different minds.
They
are applied
limits
by
diff'erent
minds
to the
same
objects.
But the
of such an agreement are narrow.
When we
pass from
the abstract ideas of qualities, or generalizations as to

substances, which can be tested
by the
senses, to
such
ideas as those, for example, of courage or justice, law or duty, though the words suggest, on the whole, the
same
ideas to one
man
as to another, not all
men would
uniformly apply the same words to the same actions.
The phenomena which suggest such

jDoints of view.
ideas assume a dif-
ferent form and colour as they are regarded from different
They enter into different combinations. marked out by lines which would be universally recognized. The attention of difterent men is arrested by different features. There is conseThey
are not sharply
quently no universally recognized definition of them.

'Nor
is
such a definition possible.
The
idefjs
themselves
118
V. CHRISTIANITY

There
is
tend to shade
off into their contraries.
a fringe
of haze round each of them.
The
result is that assertions
about them
only
;
vary.
There
is
not one system of philosophy
there are many.
Between these two

substance,
classes
of
generalizations
and
abstractions, those of quantity
and those of quality or
many Greek
clear
thinkers do not appear to hav&
made any
distinction.
Ideas of each class were

;
regarded as equally capable of being defined

of inference
the canons
which were applicable
to the one
were con-
ceived to be equally applicable to the other:
and the
certainty of inference and exactness of demonstration
which were possible
in regard to
the ideal forms of
geometry, were supposed to be also possible in regard

to the conceptions of metaphysics
and
and
ethics.^
The habit
tions
of
making
definitions,
of
drawing deduc-
from them, was fostered by the habit of discussion.
Discussion under the

1
name
of dialectic, which implies
An indication of this may be seen in the fact that words which have come down to modern times as technical terms of geometry were used indifferently in the physical and moral sciences, e.g. theorem
(^deioprjfxa),
Philo, Leg. alleg.
3.
27
(i.
104), Oeuiprniacn Tots TTipl Kocrnov

;
Kal Twv
fiipiov
avTou
Epict. Diss. 2. 17. 3

:
3. 9.
4. 8. 12,
&c., of
inter-
the doctrines of moral philosophy
sometimes co-ordinated or
(ii.
changed with
Soyfia, e.g. Philo,
de fort. 3
377),
:
Sio,
Aoyt/ctov koX
))9iKwv Kal <f>vcriKwv SoyfiaTUiv Kal dewprjixaTOiv
EjDictet. Diss. 4. 1.
(opio-/j,os)
137, 139, and as a variant Ench. 52.

itself properly applicable
1.
So
definition
is
to the
enclosed land.
So
also ctTroSetîs
all
marking out of the boundaries of was not limited to ideal or "necesexplanations of the less by the more
excerpt.
it,
sary" matter, but was used of

evident;
e.g.
Musonius, Frag.
not a good.
cip.
eJoann. Damasc, in Stob.
Ed.
tliat
ii.
751, ed. Gaisf , after defining

is
gives as an example a proof
pleasure
V.
CHRISTIANITY AND GREEK PHILOSOPHY.
119
that
it
was but a regulated conversation, had a large

and philosophical
It
schools,
life.
place, not only in the rhetorical
but also in ordinary Greek

cards.
strict
was
like a
game
of
The game,
so to
speak,
was conducted under

it
and recognized rules; but
could not proceed
unless each card
had a determined and admitted value.
The
and
definition of terms
dialectic
was
and
its
necessary preliminary
defi-
helped to spread the habit of requiring
nitions over a wider area
to give it a deeper root.
There was
them.
less
divergence in the definitions themselves
than there was in the propositions that were deduced from
That
is to say,
there
was a verbal agreement

real
as to
:
definitions
which was not a
agreement
of ideas
the
same words were found on examination

areas of thought.
to cover different
But whether the
difference lay in the
definitions themselves or in the deductions
made from
There was
criterion^
them, there was nothing to determine which of two contrary or contradictory propositions was true.
no universally recognized standard of appeal, or

as
it
was termed.
Indeed, the question of the nature of
the criterion was one of the chief questions at issue.
Consequently, assertions about abstract ideas and wide

generalizations could only be regarded as the affirmations
of a personal conviction.
The making
of
such an affirm-
ation
was expressed by the same
for a resolution of the will
phi'ase
which was used
''It
:
seems to me," or "It

itself,
seems (good)
to
me"
{ôKd
ixoi)
the affirmation
(ô'y^ca).
by
the corresponding substantive, dogma

as the resolutions of the will of a
But
just
monarch were obeyed

of
by
his subjects, that
is,
were adopted as resolutions
the will of other persons, so the affirmations of a thinker
120
V.

to
might be assented
is,
by those who
listened to him, that
might become affirmations of other persons.

It thus
In the
one case as in the other, the same word dogma was

emiDloyed.^
doctrine.
came
to express (1) a decree, (2) a
The
latter
use tended to predominate.

to express
word came ordinarily

u philoso23her
an affirmation
as true
The made by
and
which was accepted

it,
by
those who,
from the
fact of so accepting
became
his followers
formed his school.

of
The acquiescence
of a large
number
men
in the
same affirmation gave

;
to such
it
an affirma-
tion a high degree of probability

it
but
did not cause
to lose its original character of a j)ersonal conviction,

it
nor did
afford
any guarantee that the coincidence
of
expression was also a coincidence of ideas either between

the original thinker and his disciples, or between the
disciples themselves.^
6 oe vo/xos /âcriAews 5oy/>ia,
Dio
Chrj'S. vol.
is
i.
p. 46, ed.
:
Dind.
Soy/xara
2
fill
The
use of the
word in Epictetus
especially instructive
are the inner
a large place in his philosophy.
They
the
mind
{Kpijxara
ipyx^]'?,
Diss. 4. 11. 7)
judgments of in regard to both intellectual
and moral phenomena. They are especially relative to the latter. They are the convictions upon wliich men act, the moral maxims which form
the ultimate motives of action and the resolution to act or not act in
a particular case.
us.
They
9.
are the most personal

1.
See especially, Diss.

;
11. 33, 35,
38; twv
17.
and inalienable part of 26; 29. 11, 12; 2. 1.

AaAefv, " to
21, 32
3. 2.
12
Ench. 45.
Hence awb Soy/xarwv

diro
speak from conviction,"
is
opposed to
3.
;(iAwi/ XaXe'iv, " to
speak
with the
lip only," Diss.

e.g.
16. 7.
If a
man
adopts the Soy/ia of

it
another person,
of a philosopher, so as to
make
his
own, he
is
said, Soyixari a-vixTraOrju-ai,
"to
feel in
unison with the conviction,"

Ilijpot. 1. 13,
Diss.
1.
3.
1.
Scxtus Empiricus, Pijrrh.
distinguishes
two philosophical senses of

ivooKilv
Tii't
:
Soy/xa, (1) assent to facts of sensation, to
TTpdyixaTi,
(2)
it is
assent to the inferences of the several

(a) a strictly personal feeling,
Bcieuces
in either sense
and
(b)
y. CHRISTIANITY

its
121 and
"Within these limits of
original
and proper
use,
as expressing a fact of mind, the
word has an
indis-
But the fact of the personal character of a dogma soon became lost to sight. Two tendencies which grew with a parallel growth dominated the world in place of the recognition of it. It came to be assumed
putable value.
that certain convictions of certain philosophers were not
simply true in relation to the philosophers themselves,
and
to the state of
knowledge in their time, but had a

to the
universal validity: subjective and temporary convictions
were thus elevated

truths.
rank of objective and eternal
It
came
also to
be assumed that the processes
of reason so closely followed the order of nature, that a
system of ideas constructed in
strict
accordance with the

realities
laws of reasoning corresponded exactly with the

of things.
The unity
of such a
system
reflected, it
was
It
thought, the unity of the world of objective fact.
followed that the truth or untruth of a given proposition
was thought
to
be determined by
its logical
consistency
or inconsistency with the
sum
of previous inferences.
These tendencies were strongly accentuated by the

decay
of original thinking.
Philosophy in
It
later
Greece
was
less
thought than
literature.
was the exegesis

in itself true
of received doctrines.
fessors.
Philosophers had become proof
The question
what was
had
become entangled with the question
of
:
what the Master
firm conviction, not a mere vague impression it was in the latter of the two senses that the philosophers of research laid it down as their
maxim,
they did away, not with ra tâtvo/xeva, but jj.^ Soyixariêiv with assertions about them, ibid. 1, 19, 22 their attitude in reference
:
:
to TO. aSrjXa
was simply
1.
ou^^ opiôj,
" I abstain from giving a defirition
of them," ibid.
197, 198.
122
V. CHRISTIANITY

of adherence to the traditions
of finding
had
said.
The moral duty

all
of a school
was stronger than the moral duty

hazards.
the truth at
doctrine
itself.
The
literary expression of a
came
to
be more important than the doctrine
The
differences of expression
between one thinker
Words became fetishes. Outside the schools were those who were litterateurs rather than philosophers, and who fused different eleand another were exaggerated.
ments together into systems which had a greater unity
of literary
form than of
logical coherence.
But these
it,
very facts of the literary character of philosophy, and

of the contradictions in the expositions of
served to
spread
it
over a wider area.
They tended on the one

with philosophy
hand
hand
to bring a literary acquaintance
into the sphere of general education,

to
and on the other
produce a propaganda.
its
Sect rivalled sect in
trying to win scholars for
school.
The
result
was
that the ordinary life of later Greece
was saturated with
philosophical ideas, and that the discordant theories of

rival schools
were blended together in the average mind
into a syncretistic dogmatism.
Against this whole group of tendencies there was
more than one
reaction.
to
The tendency
doubt
;
to dogmatize to
was met by the tendency

be traced in minute
is sufficiently
and the tendency
doubt flowed in many streams, which can with

detail,
difficulty
but whose general course
described for the ordinary student in the
Academics of Cicero.
of our era there Bchools.
In the second and third centuries

to
had come
be three main groups of
"
Some men,"
^
writes Scxtus Empiricus,^ " say

Ilij^pot. 1. 3.
Sext. Empir. Pijrrh.
V. CHKISTIANITT

;
123
impos-
that they have found the truth

sible for truth to
it.
some say that

;
it is
be apprehended
some
still
search for
The
fii'st
class consists of those
who
are specially
designated Dogmatics, the followers of Aristotle and

Epicurus, the Stoics, and some others
:
the second class
consists of the followers of Clitomachus
and Carneades,
and other" Academics

Sceptics."
the third class consists of the

as the philosophy
They may be distinguished
of assertion, the philosophy of denial, of research.^
and the philosophy
majority.
of
But the first of these was in an overwhelming The Dogmatics, especially in the form either
pure Stoicism or of Stoicism largely infused with
Platonism, were in possession of the field of educated
thought.
It is a convincing proof of the completeness
with which that thought was saturated with their methods
and their fundamental conceptions, that those methods
and conceptions are found even among the philosophers

of research
who claimed
to
have wholly disentangled
themselves from them.^
The philosophy
earliest
of assertion, the philosophy of denial^ of research,
and the philosophy
were
all
alike outside the
forms of Christianity.
In those forms the moral

but
and
sive.
^
spiritual elements
were not only supreme but exclu-
They
reflected the philosophy, not of Greece,
Ihid. 4, SoyfiaTLK-q, aKaSr/zâtk?;, a-KeTTTLKrj.
For example, Sextus Empiricus,

6/36^0),
in spite of his constant
formuh,
ovx
maintains the necessity of having definable conceptions,

rjixiv
it
Twv
evvooviiivoiv
pay jxaTiov ras
oi'crtas
cTrtvoeii/
6(f)t\o[Xv,
and
he argues that
because
it is
impossible for a
man
to
have an eVvota of God

3.
He
has
XtO
admitted ovo-m, Pyrrli. Hypot.
2, 3.
124
V.
oi Palestine.
That philosophy was almost entirely

It
ethical.
It dealt "with the problems, not of being in the abstract,
but of
human
life.
was
stated for the most part in
short antithetical sentences, with a symbol or parable to
enforce them.
no eye
for
was a philosophy of proverbs. It had the minute anatomy of thought. It had no

It
It
system, for the sense of system was not yet awakened.

It
had no
taste for verbal distinctions.
was content
with the symmetry of balanced sentences, without attempting to construct a perfect whole.
It reflected as in a
mirror, and not unconsciously, the difficulties, the contradictions, the unsolved
enigmas of the world of

remained
fact.
selfits
When
own
its
this Palestinian philosophy

it
became more
still
conscious than
had been,
it
within
sphere, the enigmas of the moral world were

it
still
subject-matter, and
became in the Fathers

fatalism,
of the
Talmud on the one hand

casuistry.
and on the other
The
side
earliest
forms of Christianity were not only out-
the
sphere of Greek philosophy,
but they also
appealed, on the one hand, mainly to the classes which
philosophy did not reach, and, on the other hand, to a

standard which philosophy did not recognize.
''Not
many
time
:
wise
men
after the flesh"
were
called in St. Paul's

sar-
and more than a century afterwards, Cclsus

be
castically declared the
law
''
of
admission to the Christian

enter,
communities to
Let no educated man
no
wise man, no prudent man, for such things

evil
;
we deem
him como
but whoever
is
is
ignorant,
whoever
is
is
unintelligent,
whoever
uneducated, whoever
simple, let
V.
125
and be welcome."^
It proclaimed, moreover, that 'Hlie
philosophy of the world was foolishness with God."

appealed to prophecy and to testimony.
logical demonstration, it
It
" Instead of
produced living witnesses of the

of
words and wonderful doings
Jesus
Chiist."
The
philosophers from the point of view of "worldly educa-
tion"
made
sport of it: Celsus^ declared that the Chris-
tian teachers
were no better than the
priests of
Mithra
or of Hekatd, leading
men wherever
they willed with the
maxims
of a blind belief.
It is therefore the
more remarkable that within a cenfirst
tury and a half after Christianity and philosophy
came
into close contact, the ideas
and methods
have made
of philo-
sophy had flowed in such mass into Christianity, and

filled so
large a place in
it,
as to
it
no
less
philosophy than a religion.
The question which
arises,
and which should properly
be discussed before the influences of particular ideas ar&

traced in particular doctrines,
is,
how
this result is to
be
The answer must explain both how Christianity and philosophy came into contact, and how when in contact the one exercised upon the
accounted for as a whole.
other the influence of a moulding force.
The explanation
is to
be found in the fact

superficial antagonism,
that, in
spite of the apparent
and
between
certain leading ideas of current philosophy
and the lead-
ing ideas of Christianity there was a special and real

1
Origen,
c.
Cels.
3.
44
see also the references given in
Keim^
Celsus' walires
2
Wort, pp. 11, 40.

Cels. 1. 9.
Origen,
c.
126
kinsliii^.
V.

Christianity gave to the problems of philosophy
old,
a new solution which was cognate to the

doubts the certainty of a revelation.
ideas
is
and
to its
The kinship
it
of
admitted, and explanations of
are offered
'^
by
both Christian writers and their opponents.
"We teach
the same as the Greeks," says Justin Martyr,^ "though we alone are hated for what we teach." " Some of our
number," says Tertullian,^ "who are versed in ancient literature, have composed books by means of which it
may be
of
clearly seen that
or monstrous,
we have embraced nothing new nothing in which we have not the support
public literature."
common and
Elsewhere^ the same

be
writer founds an argument for the toleration of Christianity on the fact that its opponents maintained
it
to
but a kind
of philosophy, teaching the
very same doc-
trines as the philosophers
innocence,
justice, endui-ance,
soberness, and chastity
he claims on that ground the
same
liberty for Christians
which was enjoyed by philo-
sophers.
The general recognition of this kinship of ideas is even more conclusively shown by the fact that explanations of
it
were offered on both the one side and the
other.
was argued by some Christian apologists that the best doctrines of philosophy were due to the iuworking in the world of the same Divine Word who had
(a) It
become incarnate
Christ,
in Jesus Christ.
"
The teachings
For
of
Plato," says Justin Martjrr,^ "are not alien to those of
though not
^
in all respects similar.

2
all
Apol.
i.
20.
De
testim. animce^ 1.
Ax)ol. 46.
* Apol. 2. 13.
V. CHRISTIANITY
127
the writers (of antiquity) were able to have a dim vision
by means of the indwelling seed It was argued by others planted Word."

of realities
of the im-
that philo-
sophers had borrowed or "stolen" their doctrines from

the Scriptures.
prophets,"
"From
the divine preachings of the
says Minucius Felix,^
"they imitated the

poet or sophist," says
shadow
phets?
of half-truths."
"What
Tertullian,^
"has not drunk

it is,
at the fountain of the pro-
From thence
therefore, that philosophers
have quenched the
thirst of their minds, so that it is the
very things which they have of ours which bring us into

comparison with them."
"They have borrowed from

and knowledge and
our books," says Clement of Alexandria,^ "the chief

doctrines they hold, both on faith
science,
on hope and
fear of
love,
on repentance and temperance

goes in detail through
and the
God:" and he
many
show
doctrines, speculative as well as ethical, either to
that they were borrowed from revelation,
or to
uphold the truer thesis that philosophy was no

schoolmaster of the Greeks than the
less
the
Law was
of the
Jews
of
to
bring them to Christ.
(b) It
was argued, on the other hand, by the opponents Christianity that it was a mere mimicry of philosophy
it.
or a blurred copy of
" They weave a web of mis-
understandings of the old doctrine," says Celsus,^
"and
sound them forth with a loud trumpet before men, like

hierophants booming round those
in mysteries."
who
are being initiated
Christianity
in
it
Platonism.
1
Whatever
2. 1.
was but a misunderstood was true had been better

2
Octav. 34.
^pol
47.
c.
Strom.
* Origen,
Cels. 3. 16.
128
V.
CHRISTIANITY AND GREEK PHILOSOPHT.
expressed before.^
Even
the striking and distinctive
saying of the Sermon on the Mount, " Whosoever shall

smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to
also," was but a coarser and more homely
him the other way of saying
what had been extremely well

It
I
said
by
Plato's Socrates.^
was through
this kinship of ideas that Christianity
was readily absorbed by some of the higher natures in The two classes of ideas probably 'the Greek world. came
had a
ture
into contact in philosophical Judaism.
For
it
is
clear on the one hand that the Jews of the dispersion

literature,
and on the other hand that that

itself in
litera-
was clothing
Greek forms and attracting

of that literature
the attention of the
Greek world. Some

letters
was philosophical.
In the Sibylline verses, the poem of

of
:
Phocylides, and the
Heraclitus, there
in
is
blending of theology and ethics
some
of tlie writings
which are ascribed

there
of
to Philo,
but which in reality bridge
the interval between Philo and the Christian Fathers,

is
a blending of theology and metaphysics.

are
them
is
"very
far
from the kingdom of God."
None The
hypothesis that they paved the
way
for Christian philofirst
sophy
confirmed by the fact that in the
articulate
expressions of that philosophy precisely those elements

are dominant which were dominant in Jewish philosophy.
Two
such elements
may
specially be mentioned: (1) the
âllegorical
method of interpretation which was common to both Jews and Greeks, and by means of which both the
^
Origen,
c.
Ceh.
5.
65;
G.
1, 7,
15, 19
see also the references in
Keim,
^
p. 77.
Ibid. 7. 58.
So Minucius
Felix, in
Keim,
p.
157.
T. CHRISTIANITY
129
Gnostics
who were
without, and the Alexandrians
who
were within, the pale of the associated communities, were

able to find their philosophy in the Old Testament as
well as in the
New;
(2) the cosmological speculations,
which occupied only a small space in the thoughts of

Greek thinkers, but which were already widening to a larger circle on the surface of Greek philosophy,
earlier
and which became

philosophies
so
prominent in the
first
Christian
as to have thrust aside almost all other
elements in the current representations of them.
The
Christian
philosophy which thus rose
out
of
philosophical Judaism was partly apologetic and partly

speculative.
The
apologetic part of
it
arose from the

to
necessity of defence.
The educated world tended

it
scout Christianity
when
was
first
presented to them, as
It
an immoral and barbarous atheism.
was necessary
other.
to
show that
it
was neither the one nor the

fell into
The
less
defence naturally
the hands of those Christians

;
who were
difference,
versed in Greek methods
and they not
naturally sought for points of agreement rather than of
and presented Christian truths in a Greek

speculative part of
it
form.
The
arose from
some
of its
elements having found an especial affinity with some of

the
new developments
of Pythagoreanism
and Platonism.
to
Inside the original communities were
men who began
build great edifices of speculation upon the narrow basis

of one or other of the pinnacles of the Christian temple
and outside those communities were men who began

coalesce into communities
to
which had the same moral
aims as the original communities, and which appealed
130
in the
V. CHRISTIANITY

authorities,
main
to the
same
but in which the
simpler forms of worship were elaborated into a thaumaturgic ritual,
and the
solid facts of Scripture history-
evaporated into mist.
They were linked on the one

Greek mysteries, and on the
hand with the

other
cults of the
with philosophical idealism.
The tendency
to
conceive of abstract ideas as substances, with form and

real existence, received in
them
and
its
extreme development.
"Wisdom and
vice, silence
desire,
were
real beings
they were not, as they had been to earlier thinkers, mere

thin vapours which had floated upwards from the world
of sensible existences,
and hung
like clouds in
an uncer-
tain twilight.
The
real
world was indeed not the world
of sensible existences, of thoughts and utterances about

sensible things, but a world in
which sensible existences
were the shadows and not the substance, the waves and
not the
It
sea.i
was natural that those who held
to the
earlier
forms of Christianity should take alarm.

the design of his Stromateis^'^ "of what
ears
"I am
not
unaware," says Clement of Alexandria, in setting forth

is
dinned in our
tell
by the ignorant timidity
of those
who
us that
^ The above slight sketch of some of the leading tendencies which have been loosely grouped together under the name of Gnosticism has
been left unelaborated, because a fuller account, -svith the distinctions which must necessarily be noted, would lead us too far from the main
track of the Lecture
some of the tendencies will re-appear in detail and students will no doubt refer to the brilliant exposition of Gnosticism in llarnack, Dog me ngcschi elite, i. pp. 18G
:
in subsequent Lectures,
226, ed.
2
2.
Strnvi.
1.1: almost the wliole of the
first
book
is
valuable as a
vindication of the iilacc of culture in Christianity.
V.

to
131
we ought
should
occupy ourselves with the most necessary
matters, those in
jDass
which the Eaith consists and hj the superfluous matters that lie
:
that
we
outside
them, which vex and detain us in vain over points that

contribute nothing to the end in view.
There are others

hands of a
" The
who
think that philosophy will prove to have been introlife
duced into
from an
evil source, at the
mischievous inventor, for the ruin of men."
simpler-minded," says Tertullian,^ "not to say ignorant
and unlearned men, who always form the majority

believers,
of
are frightened at the
Economy"
[the philoTrinity].
sophical explanation of the doctrine of
the
" These men," says a contemporary writer,^ of some of

the early philosophical schools at Eome, " have fearlessly
perverted the divine Scriptures, and set aside the rule of

the ancient faith, and have not
as they do, not
known
Christ, seeking
say,
what the divine Scriptures
but what
form of syllogism may be found

ness
;
to support their godless-
and
if
one advances any express statement of the

it
divine Scripture, they try to find out whether
can form
a conjunctive or a disjunctive hypothetical.
And
having
deserted the holy Scriptures of God, they study geometry,
being of the earth and speaking of the earth, and ignoring
Him who
rate,
comes from above.

:
Some
some
of them, at
of
any
give their minds to Euclid
them are
:
admiring disciples of Aristotle and Theophrastus
as for
Galen, some of them go so far as actually to worship
him."
The
history of the second century is the history of
the clash and conflict between these

1
new
mystical and
5.
Adv. Prax.
3.
Quoted by Euseb. H. E.
28. 13.
k2
132
V.
CHRISTIANITY AND GREEK PniLOSOPHT.
philosophical
/forms.
elements of Christianity and

the
its
earlier
On
one hand were the majority of the
original communities, holding in the

of Christianity
main the conception

best contemof
which probably
first
finds its
porary exposition in the
two books
the Apos-
tolical Constitutions, a religion of stern
moral practice
and of
strict
moral
discipline, of the simple love of
God
the
and the unelaborated

other hand were the
faith in Jesus Christ.
On
the
new communities, and

side with faith,
new
their
members
of
of the older communities,
with their conception
knowledge side by
and with
tendency to speculate side by side with their acceptance

of tradition.
The
conflict
was
it
inevitable.
In the current
as impos-
state of educated opinion

sible for the original
would have been
communities
to ignore the existence
of philosophical elements either in their
the
own body, or in new communities which were growing up around

it
them, as
would be
for the Christian churches of our
own day
to ignore physical science.
The
result of the
conflict was, that the
extreme wing of each of the conoff
tending parties dropped

old-fashioned Christians,
from the main body.

of
The
who would admit
no com-
promise, and maintained the old usages unchanged, were
gradually detached as Ebionites, or Nazaraeans.
The
old
orthodoxy became a new heresy.
In the
lists
of the
early hand-books they are ranked as the first heretics.
The more
philosophical Gnostics also passed one
by one
lost
outside the Christian lines.

their Christian colour. Christian, form.
Their ideas gradually
They
The
lived in another, but non-
The true
Gnostic, though he repudiates

logical
the name,
is
Plotinus.
development of the
V. CHRISTIANITY

of Yalentinus
133
thouglits of Basilides
and Justin,
and the
Naassenes,
is to
be found in Neo-Platonism
that splendid
vision of incomparable and irrecoverable cloudland in
which the sun
of
Greek philosophy
set.
The
struggle really ended, as almost
all
great conflicts
end, in a compromise.
There was apparently so com-
plete a victory of the original communities
and
of the
principles
which they embodied, that

from Christian
their opponents
seem
to vanish
literature
and Christian
history.
It
was in
reality a victory in
which the victors
were the vanquished.
There was so large an absorption
by
the original communities of the principles of their
opponents as to destroy the main reason for a separate

existence.
The absorption was

speculate.
less of s peculatio ns
than
of the tendency to
The residuum
of per-
manent
is at
effect
was mainly a
certain habit of mind.
This
once a consequence and a proof of the general argucertain eleso widely so
ment which has been advanced above, that

ments
of education in philosophy
had been
diffused,
and in the course of centuries had become
strongly rooted, as to have caused an instinctive tendency

to
throw ideas into a philosophical form, and to
test
assertions
The existence of such a tendency is shown in the first instance by the mode in which the earliest " defenders of the faith" met
by philosophical canons.
their opponents
;
and the supposition that

from the
it
was
instincit
tive is a legitimate inference
fact that
was
unconscious.
For Tatian,^ though he ridicules Greek

it,
philosophy and professes to have abandoned

1
yet builds
Orat ad
Grcec. 2.
134
V.
up
theories of the Logos, of free-will,
and
of the nature
of spirit, out of the elements of current philosophical

conceptions.
Tertullian,
though he
asks,^
''What
re-
semblance
tian,
is
there between a philosopher and a Chi-isof
between a disciple
Greece and a disciple of
heaven?" expresses Christian truths in philosophical

terms, and argues against his opponents
for example,
against
Marcion
by
methods which might serve as
typical examples of the current
methods of controversy
Hippolytus,^ though
for listening
between philosophical
schools.
And
he reproves another Christian writer
to
Gentile teaching, and so disobeying the injunction, "
Go
not into the
way
of the Gentiles," is himself saturated

litera-
with philosophical conceptions and philosophical

ture.
The answer,
been before us
in short, to the
is
main question which has came

into a
that Christianity
for
it.
ground
which was already prepared

diffused over the
Education was widely

all classes of
Greek world, and among

It
is
the community.
of inquiry
had not merely aroused the habit

the foundation of philosophy, but
Certain
which
had
also
taught certain philosophical methods.
elements of the philosophical temper had come into existence on a large scale, penetrating
all classes of society
and inwrought
time.
into the general intellectual fibre of the
They had produced
certain
habit of mind.
When, through
the kinship of ideas, Christianity had

classes, the habit of
been absorbed by the educated

*
mind
Apol. 46.
Rcfut. ovin. hccres.
5. 18,
T. CHRISTIANITY

remained and dominated.
13o
It
which had preceded
it
showed
1.
itself
firgt
mainly in three ways

of these
The
was the tendency
to define.
earliest Christians
had been content
to believe in
The God
their
and
to worship
Him, without endeavouring
to
define
precisely the conception of

faith
Him
which lay beneath

to
and their worship. They looked up
Him
as their
They thought of Him as one, as beneficent, and as supreme. But they drew no fence of words round their idea of Him, and still less did they attempt to demonstrate by processes of reason that their idea of Him was true. But there is an anecdote quoted with approval by Eusebius^ from Ehodon, a controverFather in heaven.
sialist of
the latter part of the second century, which
furnishes a striking proof of the growing strength at

that time of the philosophical temper.
It relates the
main points of a short controversy between Ehodon and

Apelles.
Apelles was in some respects in sympathy
with Marcion, and in some respects followed the older

Christian tradition.
He
refused to be drawn into the
new
philosophizing current; and
Ehodon attacked him

to
for his conservatism.

errors,
''He was often refuted for his

but that as every one
which indeed made him say that we ought not

;
inquire too closely into doctrine
had believed,
those
so
he should remain.
For he declared that
who
set their
hopes on the Crucified One would be
saved, if only they were found in good works.
But the
most uncertain thing

about God.
ciple, just as
of all that
he said was what he said

is
He
we
held no doubt that there
One Prin'
hold too: but

1
when
13.
I said to him,
Tell
H. E.
5.
136
US
V.

that, or
is
how you demonstrate
on what grounds you

Principle,'. ...
are able to assert that there

said that
tion.
One
he
he did not know, but that that was his convicadjured him to
tell
When I thereupon
is
the truth,
he
swore that he was telling the truth, that he did not
know
how there
so
one unbegotten God, but that nevertheless
he believed.
Then
I laughed at
him and denounced
him, for that, giving himself out to be a teacher, he did

not
to prove what he taught." The second manifestation of the philosophical habit mind was the tendency to speculate, that is, to draw
know how
2.
of
inferences from definitions, to
weave the inferences into
systems, and to test assertions by their logical consistency

or inconsistency with those systems.
tians
The
earliest Chris-
had but
little
conception of a system.
The incon-
sistency of one apparently true statement with another did
not vex their souls.

of the It
Their beliefs reflected the variety
world and of men's thoughts about the world.

of the secrets of the first great successes of
was one
Christianity.
There were different and apparently

it.
irre-
concilable elements in
It appealed to
men
of various
mould.
It furnished a basis for the
construction of
strangely diverse edifices.
But the
result of the ascenfifth
dency of philosophy was, that in the fourth and

centuries
the
majority of churches insisted not only
upon a unity of belief in the fundamental facts of Christianity,
but also upon a uniformity of speculations in
regard to thosejacts.
The premises
of those speculations
:
were assumed
propositions
the conclusions logically followed

or
the
to-
which were contrary
contradictory
them were measured, not by the greater
or less pro-
V.
137
bability of the premises, but
by the
logical certainty of
test of truth.
the conclusions
3.
and symmetry became a
in
The new habit of mind manifested itself not less the importance which came to be attached to it. The
and
at last superior to, trust in
life.
holding of approved opinions was elevated to a position

at first co-ordinate with,
God and
the effort to live a holy

first
There had been
indeed from the
an element of knowledge in the
conception of the means of salvation.
The knowledge
Greek philosophy^
of the facts of the life of Jesus Christ necessarily precedes faith in him.
But under the touch

:
of
knowledge had become speculation

attached to faith in
attach to
it
whatever obligation
its
original sense
:
was conceived
of
to
in its
new
sense
the
new form
knowledge
was held
to
be not
less
necessary than the old.
The Western communities not only took over the

greater part of the inheritance, but also proceeded to
assume in a
still
greater degree the correspondence of
ideas with realities,
and
of inferences about ideas It
with
truths about realities.
added such large groups to

dogmatic theology of Latin
is
the
sum
of them, that in the
and Teutonic Christendom the content

than Eastern.
more Western
But the conception
of such a theology
and
its
underlying assumptions are Greek.

to attach the
They come
are in reality
from the Greek tendency
same certainty
to metaphysical as to physical ideas.
They
built
upon a quicksand.
There
is
no more reason to
revelatio njg^
suppose that
God has
revealed metaphysics than that
He
has revealed chemistry.
The Chr istian
at least primarily, a setting forth of certain facts^
It
138
V. CHRISTIANITY
itself afford

a guarantee of the certainty of
does not in
the speculations which are built upon those facts.
All
such speculations are dogmas in the original sense of the

word.
They
are simply personal convictions.
To the
assent:
statement of one man's convictions other
men may
but they can never be quite sure that they understand

its
terms in the precise sense in which the original framer
of the statement understood them.
The
and
it
belief that metaphysical theology is
more than
this, is the chief
bequest of Greece to religious thought,

It has given to
is
has been a damnosa hereditas.
later Christianity that part of it
which
doomed
to
perish,
and which
yet,
while
it lives,
holds the key of
the prison-house of
many
souls.
Lecture YI.
GEEEK AND CHEISTIAN ETHICS.
It has been
common
to construct pictures of tlie state
of morals in the first centuries of the Christian era
from
the statements of
satirists
who, like
all satirists,
had a
large element of caricature, and from the denunciations
of the Christian apologists, which, like all denunciations,
have a large element
of exaggeration.
The
pictures so
constructed are mosaics of singular vices, and they have

led to the not unnatural impression that those centuries
constituted an era of exceptional wickedness.
Ic is
no
doubt
It
is
difiicult to
gauge the average morality
of
any age.
the
questionable whether the average morality of civi:
lized ages has largely varied

satirists
it is
possible that
if
of our
vices of ancient
own time were equally outspoken, the Eome might be found to have a parallel
it is
in modern London; and
probable, not on merely

of the evidence
u priori grounds, but from the nature
which remains, that there was in ancient Eome, is in modern London, a preponderating mass
as there
of those
who loved
their children
and their homes, who were
good neighbours and
faithful friends,
who
conscientiously
140
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN ETHICS.

civil duties,
discharged their
senses of the
It has also
and were in
all
the current
word " moral" men.^

been common
to
frame statements of the
moral philosophy which dominated in those centuries,

entirely
from the data afforded by
earlier writers,
and
to account for the existence of nobler elements in con-
temporary writers by the hypothesis that Seneca, Epictetus,
and Marcus Aurelius, had come into contact with

In the case of Seneca, the belief
in
Christian teachers.
such contact went so far as to induce a writer in an imitative age to produce a series of letters
which are
still
commonly printed
It is difficult,
at the
end
of his
works, and which

St.
purport to be a correspondence between him and
Paul.
no doubt,
to
prove the negative jDroposition
that such writers did not

tianity
;
come
into contact with Chris-
but a strong presumption against the idea that

if it
such contact,
existed, influenced to
is
any considerable
extent their ethical principles,
established
by the de-
monstrable fact that those principles form an integral part

of their
is
whole philosophical system, and that their system
in close logical
and
historical connection
with that of
their philosophical predecessors.^ It will be found on a closer examination that the
age
in
^
which Christianity grew was

The evidence
for the
is
in reality an age of moral
above statements has not yet been fully

:
gathered together, and

writer on the
geschichte
^
too long to be given even in outline here
the statements are in full harmony with the view of the chief modern
subject,
Friedliinder,
iii.
Darstellungen aus der Siitenp.
Roms,
see especially Bd.
676, 5te
aufl.
is
Tliis is sufficiently
shown by the
constitutiri'' a
fact,
which
in other respects
earlier
to bo rogretted, that in
most accounts of Stoicism the
and
later
elements are viewed as
homogeneous whole.
VI.
141
reformation.
morality,
There was the growth
of a higher religious
which believed that God was pleased by moral
action rather than
by
sacrifice.^
There was the growth There was a

vices of the
of a belief that life requires
amendment.^
This
reaction in the popular
mind against the

is
great centres of population.
especially seen in
the large multiplication of religious guilds, in which purity of

life
was a condition of membership
it
pre-
pared the minds of
men
to receive Christian teaching,
and forms not the
least important
among the
causes which
:
led to the rapid dissemination of that teaching
it
affected
the development of Christianity in that the
members
of
the religious guilds
who
did so accept Christian teaching,
brought over with them into the Christian communities
many of the practices
of their guilds
and of the conceptions

of the
which lay beneath them. The philosophical phase

ism.
reformation began on the confines of Stoicism and Cynic-
For Cynicism had revived.
It
had almost faded
into
its its
insignificance after
Zeno and Chrysippus had formed
nobler elements into a

^
'
new
system, and left only
dog-bark " ^ and
descendants of
But when the philosophical Zeno and Chrysippus had become fashionits
squalor.
able litterateurs
and had sunk independence of thought
and
^
practice in a respectability
and "worldly conformity"

to Epictetus
:
"How am
I to eatl" said a
man
"So
:
as to please
God," was the reply {Diss. 1. 13). The idea is further developed in Porphyry, who says " God wants nothing (281. 15) the God who is
:
771 TTtto-iv is
aiiAos
hence
all
IvvXov
is to
Him
aKaOaprov, and should

(163. 15).
therefore not be offered to

2
Him, not even the spoken word
M. Aurelius owed
depaTreia.
(i.
to Rusticus the idea that life required BiopOoicris

ii.
and
*
7 and
13).
TO uA-aKTcti/, Philostr. 587.
142
VI.

felt to
which the more earnest men

ism revived, or rather the
be intolerable, Cynic-
earlier
and better Stoicism
revived, to re-assert the paramount importance of moral
conduct, and to protest against the unnatural alliance
between philosophy and the fashionable world.

It
is
to this
moral reformation within the philosophical

Its
sphere that I wish especially to draw your attention.

chief preacher
was Epictetus.
He was
ranked among
is
the Stoics
but his portrait of an ideal philosopher
the
portrait of a Cynic.^
In him, whether he be called Stoic
or Cynic, the ethics of the ancient world find at once

their loftiest expression
and their most complete
realiza-
tion
and
it
will be an advantage, instead of endeavouiing
to construct a composite
all
and comprehensive picture from
the available materials, to limit our view mainly to

says, and, as far as possible, to let his
what Epictetus
sermons speak for themselves.
The reformation
affected chiefly
two points:
life
;
(1) the
(2) the
place of ethics in relation to philosophy and
contents of ethical teaching.

1.
The
and
;
Stoics of the later Eepublic
and
of the
age
of the CaBsars
had come
to give their chief attention to
logic
literature.
The study
of ethics
was no longer
Logic,
supreme
and
it
had changed
its character.
which
its
in the systems of Zeno and Chrysippus had been only

servant,
its
was becoming
its
it
master
it
was both usurping
place and turning
into casuistry.
The study
of
literature, of
what the great masters
of philosophy
had
taught, was superseding the moral practice which such

^
Tlie title of Diss. 3. 22, in
which the
ideal philosopher is described,
is irpl K-VVLO-fLOV.
VI.
GEEEK AND CHRISTIAN ETHICS.
143
Stoics of
study was intended to help and foster.
The
the time could construct ingenious fallacies and compose

elegant moral discourses
;
but they were ceasing to regard
the actual "living according to nature" as the main object

of their lives.
The
revival of Cynicism
was a
and
re-assertion
of
of the supremacy of ethics over logic,
conduct
over literary knowledge.

repulsive.
salon,''^
was at first crude and were "the preachers of the the Cynics were "the preachers of the street." ^
It If the
Stoics
They The earnestness was of the essence, the squalor was accidental. The former was absorbed by Stoicism and gave it a new
friars of imperial times.
They were the mendicant

were
earnest, but they
were squalid.
impulse
the latter dropped off as an excrescence
when
Cynicism was tested by time.

as far as the Cynics
Epictetus was not carried
were in the reaction against Logic.

indesaid.^
The Cynics would have postponed the study of it finitely. Moral reformation is more pressing, they
as a prophylactic against the deceitfulness of
Epictetus holds to the necessity of the study of Logic
arguments
But he deprecates the exaggerated importance which had come to be attached to it. The students of his day were giving an altogether
and the
plausibility of language.
disproportionate attention to the
weaving of
fallacious
arguments and the mere setting of traps

in their speech.
to catch
men
He would
Neither
it
restore Logic to its original
subordination.
1 "
nor the whole dogmatic phii,
H.
Schiller, Geschichte der

1.
romischen Kaiserzeit, Bd.
452.
Diss.
17. 4,
e77-tyet
fiaXXov Oeparr^veLv, the interpolated remark

:
of a student
when
Epictetus has begun a lectura upon Logic
the addi-
tion, Kal TO. ajjioia,
seems
to
show
that the phrase was a customary one.
144
VI.

it
losophy of which
was the instrument was of value in And moreover, whatever might be the place of itself. such knowledge in an abstract system and in an ideal
world,
it
was impossible
to disregard the actual condi-
tions of the world as

is such,
it is.
The
state of
human
nature
that to linger
upon the threshold
of philosophy at
is to
induce a moral torpor.
The student who aims
shaping his reason into harmony with natui-e has to

begin, not with unformed and plastic material, which he
can fashion to his will by systematic rules of
art,
but
with his nature as
it is
shaped already, almost beyond
by pernicious habits, and beguiling associations of ideas, and false opinions about good and evil. While you are teaching him logic and physics, the very evils which it is his object to remedy will be The old familiar names of gathering fresh strength.
possibility of unshaping,
"good" and
"evil," with all the false ideas which they
suggest, will be giving birth at every
moment
to
mistaken
judgments and wrong
actions, to all the false pleasures
and
false pains
which
it is
the very purpose of philosophy

as he
to destroy.
He must begin,
must end, with
practice.
He
must accept precepts and
act
upon them before he
learns the theory of them.
His progress in philosophy
must be measured by
but in moral conduct.
his progress, not in knowledge,
This view, which Epictetus preaches again and again
with passionate fervour, will be best stated in his own
words
"
^
:
A man
who
is
making
progress, having learnt from the phiits
losophers that desire hab good things for

i
object
and undesire
Diss.
1.
4.
VI.
145
evil things,
having learnt
contentment and dispassionateness come

object of undesire,
moreover that in no other way can to a man than by his

altogether, or at least post-
never failing of the object of his desire and never encountering the
banishes the one
pones
that
if
it,
while he allows the other to act only in regard to those
things which are within the province of the will.
For he knows
he strives not to have things that are without the province
of the will, he will
things and so be unhappy.

fesses is to
some time or other encounter some such But if what moral perfection procause happiness and dispassionateness and peace of
is
mind, then of course progress towards moral perfection

gress towards each one of the things
pro-
which moral perfection

is
professes to secure.
to that to
"
For in all cases progress which perfection finally brings us.

then, that while
the approaching
How
?
is it,
of moral perfection,
we admit this to be the definition we seek and show off progress in other
?
things
What
then
is
is
the effect of moral perfection

?'
"'Peace of mind
"
Who
making progress towards

Chrysippus
?
it ?
He who
:
has read
many
treatises of
Surely moral perfection does

if it
is
not consist in this
in
understanding Chrysippus
does,
then confessedly progress towards moral perfection

else
is,
nothing
as
it
than understanding a good deal of Chrysippus.
But
while
"
'
we admit
that moral perfection effects one thing,

to perfection
we
make
progress
the approximation
tells us,
'
effect another.
This man,' some one
can
now read Chrysippus even
by himself.'
"'You
friend,'
are
tells
most assuredly making splendid progress,

him.
!
my
he
indeed why do you make game of him ? Why do you lead him astray from the consciousness of his misfortunes ? Will you not show him what the effect of moral perfection is, that he may learn where to look for progress towards it ? "Look for progress, my poor friend, in the direction of the effect which you have to produce. And what is the effect which you have to produce ? Never to be disappointed of the object
" Progress
of your desire, and never to encounter the object of your unde-
146
sire
:
VI.
never to miss the mark in your endeavours to do and not

:
to do
never to be deceived in your assent and suspension of
assent.
The
first
of these
is
the primary and most necessary
point
for if it is
with trembling and reluctance that you seek
to avoid falling into evil,
how
can you be said to be making
progress
" It is in
these respects, then, that I ask you to
show me your
muscles,
progress.
If I were to say to
'
an
athlete,
'
Show me your
and he were to say, See here are my dumb-bells,' I should reply, Begone with your dumb-bells What I want to see is, not them, but their effect.' (And yet that is just what you do :) 'Take the treatise On Effort' (you say), and examine me in it.' Slave that but rather how you endeavour to is not what I want to know do or not to do how you desire to have and not to have
'
!
'
how you form your

action
If
plans and purposes and preparations for

all this in
whether you do
harmony with nature

;
or not.
you do so in accordance with nature, show me that you do so, and I will say that you are making progress but if not, begone, and do not merely interpret books, but write similar ones yourAnd what will you gain by it ? Don't you know self besides. that the whole book costs five shillings, and do you think the man who interprets the book is worth more than the book itself costs ? " Never, then, look for the effect (of philosophy) in one place,
and progress towards that effect in another. " Where, then, is progress to be looked for ? If any one of you, giving up his allegiance to things outside him, has devoted himto cultivating and elaborating it so as self entirely to his will to make it at last in harmony with nature, lofty, free, unthwarted,
unhindered, conscientious, self-respectful
if
he has learned that
one who longs for or shuns what

be conscientious nor
free,
is
not in his power can neither
but must be carried along with the
changes and gusts of things
must
:
be at the mercy of those
who can produce or prevent them if, moreover, from the moment when he rises in the morning he keeps watch and guard over these qualities of his soul bathes like a man of honour, eats through all the varying incilike a man who respects himself
dents of each successive hour working out his one great purpose,
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN
ETHICS.
147
as a runner makes all things help his running, and a singing-
master his teaching:

truth
"
this
man
is
making progress
left
in very
this
if,
man
is
one
who has not
home
in vain.
at
But what
is
on the other hand, he is wholly bent upon and labours found in books, and has left home with a view to
tell
acquiring that, I
him
to
go home again at once, and not

:
may have there for the object which has brought him away from home is a worthless one. This only (is worth anything), to study to banish from one's life sorrows and lamentations and Alas and Wretched me and misfortune and failure and to learn what death really is, and exile and imprisonment and the hemlock-draught, so as to be
neglect whatever business he
'
!'
'
!'
able to say in the prison,

so let
it be.'
'
My dear
Crito, if so
it
please the gods,
This
science
new or revived conception of philosophy as of human conduct, as having for its purpose
state of
the
the
actual reformation of mankind, had already led to the
view that in the present
human
nature the study

effort.
and practice
of
it
required special kinds of
It
It
was not only the science but
also the art of life.^
formed, as such, no exception to the rule that

require systematic and habitual training.
training of the muscles
all arts
Just as the
which
is
necessary to perfect
bodily development
is
effected
by giving them one by

effected, not
one an
artificial
and for the time an exaggerated exercise,

moral powers was
so the training of the
by
reading the rules and committing them to memory, but
by giving them a
exercise.
similarly artificial
and exaggerated
A kind of moral gymnastic was necessary.

was
to
The
of
aim of
reason,
it
to bring the passions
under the control
and
bring the will into harmony with the will

Emp.
of God.
1
Sext.
iii.
239.
l2
148
VI.
GREEK AND CHEISTIAN ETHICS.
(1) This special discipline of life
was designated by
the term which was in use for bodily training, askesis

\^
(acr/cjyo-i?).!
It is frequently
used in this relation in Philo.
He
distinguishes three elements in the process of attain-
ing goodness
nature,
who
learning, discipline.^
lie distin-
guishes those
means
literary
of actual
wisdom by works, from those who have only a

discipline themselves in
of
it.^
and intellectual knowledge
He
holds
that the greatest and most
numerous blessings that a

efforts.*
man
can have come from the gymnastic of moral
Its elements are "reading, meditation, reformation, the
memory
of noble ideals, self-restraint, the active practice
of duties:"^ in another passage he adds to ih.B^Q prayer,
and the recognition

indifferent.^
of the indifference of things that are
In the second century, when the idea of

carried out under systematic
moral reformation had taken a stronger hold, this moral

discipline
rules.
was evidently was not

left to
It
a student's option.
He must
undergo hardships, drinking water rather than wine,

sleeping
^
on the ground rather than on a bed; and

wisdom
as Oetiov tc Kal ai/^pw7rtVwv
7rtcrT7j/i7jv,
The
Stoics defined
and philosophy
pldl. 1. 2
2
;
as acrKija-Lv i-n-tTrjSeiov re^viy?, Plutarch (Aetius),

;
j^lcic.
Galen, Hist. Phil. 5

11
(ii.
Diels, Doxogr. Gr. pp. 273, 602.

1 (ii.
De Abraham.
(ii.
9)
de Joseph.
41)
de praem.
ei
poen.
8,
11
416, 418).
Philo
is
quoted because his writings are in some
respects as faithful a photograph of current scholastic

of Epictetus.
It is also possible that
to
(i.
(i.
under Philo's name belong

3
(i.
methods as those some of the writings that stand the same period.
:
Quod
det. potior.
12
198, 199)
591).
(i.
so de congr. erud. cans. 13
529); de mut. nom. 13

*
5
De
congr. erud. cans.

3.
28
542).
Leg. alleg.
(i.
91),
Quis
rcr. div. hcres.
51
(i.
509^
VI.

austerities,
149
being
sometimes even subjecting himself to

scourged and bound with, chains.
There was sometimes
ostentation of endurance.
it
Marcus Aurelius says that

he did not show oS with a
he owed
to Eusticus that
striking display either his acts of benevolence or his
moral exercises.^
" If you drink water," says Epictetus
in his Student's Manual,^ "don't take every opportunity of saying, I drink water
And
if
you resolve
it
to
exercise yourself in toil and hardship, do

alone,
for yourself
and not
for the
world outside.
Don't embrace
if
statues (in public, to cool yourself); but

thirst
ever your
become extreme,
it
fill
your mouth with cold water

tell
and put
out again
that
and
no oney
Epictetus him-
self preferred
bodily hardships, but

desire.
against
should be disciplined, not by by the voluntary repression of The true " ascetic " is he who disciplines himself all the suggestions of evil desire ^ "an object of
:
men
desire comes into sight
wait, poor soul
do not straight-
way be
is great,
carried ofi your feet
by
it
consider, the contest
the task
is
divine
it is
for kingship, for free-
dom, for calm,
for undisturbedness.
Think of God
in a storm
for
call
Him
is
to
be your helper and to stand by your
side,
as
sailors call
upon Castor and Pollux

all
yours
a storm, the greatest of
storms, the storm of strong
suggestions that sweep reason away."
In a similar way
Lucian's friend Nigrinus condemns those

to fashion
1
who endeavour
young men
1. 7.
:
to virtue
by great bodily hardships
M.
Aurel.
Enchir. 47
is
cf.
Diss.
3. 14. 4.
In Diss.
3.
12. 17, part of the
above
3
given as a quotation from Apollonius of Tyana.

:
Diss. 2. 18. 27
cf. 3. 2. 1
3. 12. 1
4. 1.
81.
150
rather than
VI.

discipline of
by a mingled
body and mind
and Lucian himself says that he knew of some who had

died under the excessive strain.^
This moral gymnastic,

practised
it
was thought, was often best

Conse-
away from
a man's old associations.
quently some philosophers advised their students to leave
home and study
elsewhere.
They went
into "retreat,'^
either in another city or in solitude.
Against this also
there was a reaction.
In a forcible oration on the subject^

monastic
system. ^
Dio Chrysostom argues, as a modern Protestant might

argue,
against the
" Coelum non
animum mutant," he
city to
city.
says, in effect,
when they go from

will find the
Everywhere a man
:
same
hindrances both within and without

a sick
he will be only like
man changing from
one bed to another.
The true
to
discipline is to live in a
crowd and not heed
its noise,
train the soul to follow reason without swerving,
and not
to " retreat '' from that which seems to be the immediate
duty before
us.
The extent
of "retreats"
to
which moral
is
discipline
and the system
went on
uncertain, because they soon
blended, as
we
shall see,
with Christianity, and flowed
with
it
in a single stream.
(2)
ideals
But out of the ideas which they expressed, and the which they held forth, there grew up a class of men
since died out,
which has never
who devoted themselves

to the moral re-
"both by
imitators,
1
their preaching
and living"
formation of mankind.
Individual philosophers had had

ascetic school,
and Pythagoras had founded an
Nigrin. 27.
Ond. XX.
vol.
i.
pp.
288 sqq. (Dind.),
irtpl 'Avaxw/j^ô-ewj.
VI.
151
but neither the one nor the other had

in contemporary society.
filled a large place
With
the revived conception

it
of philosophy as necessarily involving practice,
was
necessary that those
who
professed philosophy should be
marked out from the perverted and degenerate world

around them, in their outer as well as in their inner
" The
life
life.
of one
who
practises philosophy," says
Dio
Chrysostom, "is different from that of the mass of men:

the very dress of such a one
is different
from that of
all
ordinary men, and his bed and exercise and baths and
the rest of his living.
man who
in
none of these
as one of
respects difiers from the rest
must be put down

is
them, though he declare and profess that he

sopjier before all
a philo-
Athens or Megara or in the presence of

^
the Lacedaemonian kings."
The
(1)
distinction
was marked
in
two chief ways

atten-
philosopher let his beard grow, like the old

It
Spartans.
was a protest against the elaborate
tion to the person

of the time.
which marked the fashionable society

coarse blanket, usually as his
(2)
A philosopher wore a
It
only dress.
was
at once a protest against the preva-
lent luxury in dress
and the badge of his profession.

see one
is
"Whenever," says Dio Chrysostom, "people

in a philosopher's dress, they consider that he
thus
equipped not as a
to
sailor or a shepherd,
but with a view

to give not
men, to warn them and rebuke them, and
one of them any whit of flattery nor to spare any one of

them, but, on the contrary, to reform them as far as he
Vol.
ii.
p.
240.
152
VI.
GEEEK AND CHRISTIAN ETHICS.

to
possibly can
by talking
them and
this
to
show them who

class of
they are."^
The frequency with which

reformers
is
new
moral
mentioned in the literature of the time shows

it filled.
the large place which

2.
The moral reformation affected the contents of
ethical teaching chiefly
by
raising
them from the sphere

In Epictetus there
of moral philosophy to that of religion.

are
two planes of
ethical teaching.
:
The one
is
that of
orthodox and traditional Stoicism

is
in the other. Stoicism
transformed by the help of religious conceptions, and

it
the forces which led to the practice of
receive the
enormous impulse which comes from the religious emotions.
The one
;
is
summed up
in the
maxim, Follow
stated
fact.
Nature
the other in the maxim. Follow God.

is
On
the lower plane the purpose of philosophy
in various ways, each of
which expresses the same
It is the bringing of the will into
harmony with
nature.
it
It consists in making the " dealing with ideas" what
should be, that

nature.^
is,
in dealing with
them according
of
to
It is the
evil,
thorough study
of the conceptions of
good and
and the right application

It is the
them
to par-
ticular objects.^
endeavour
2
to
make
the will
Vol.
ii.
p.
246.
Enclh
4, 13, 30.
element in the philosophy XPW'-'^ ^cLVTaa-Lwv is an important of Epictetus. Every object that is presented to the mind by either the
3
The
senses or imagination tends to range itself in the ranks of either good

Br evil,
and thereby to
call forth desire or
undesiro
in most
men
this
association of particular objects with the ideas of
good or
evil,
and the
consequent stirring of desire,

tion
is
unconscious, being the result of educa-
and habit
it is
the task of the philosopher to learn to attach the
VI.

its action,^ to
153
unth-warted in
take sorrow and disappointto
ment out
of a
man's
life,^
and
change
its
disturbed
The result of the practice of philosophy is happiness.^ The means of attaining that result are marked out by the constitution of human nature itself and the circumstances which
torrent into a calm and steady stream.
surround
desires to
it.
That nature manifests
itself in
two forms,
have or not
stimulated
is
to have, efforts to
do or not to do.^
to the
The one
is
by the presentation
to
mind
of
an object which
judged
is
that of one which
be "good," the other by judged to be " fitting." The one
mainly concerns the individual man in himself, the other

concerns
^'
him
in his relations with other
men.
state according to
fails of
nature" of desire
the
is
that in
The which it
never
gratification,
it
corresponding state of
of its mark.
efi'ort is
that in which
never
fails
Both the
one and the other are determined by landmarks which

nature
us.
itself
has set in the circumstances that surround
The
natural limits of desire are those things that

is
idea of good to what

to
really good, so that desire shall never go forth

:
what
is
either undesirable or unattainable

Diss.
1.
this
is
;
the " right dealing
with ideas."
3. 21.
^
28. 11
1.
30. 4
2. 1.
2. 8.
4;
2.
19.
32;
23;
3.
22. 20, 103.
kâpfioyri
twv
TrpoArî/'ewv TOi? CTt [lepovi, Diss. 1. 2. 6; 1. 22. 2, 7;

:
7r/DoAî/'s are the ideas 9, 12, 16; 4. 1. 41, 44 formed in the mind by association and blending.
2. 11. 4, 7; 2. 17.
'
Diss.
Diss.
1.
1.
31
23.
1. 4.
18;
1. 17.
21
and elsewhere.
1. 4.
The
distinction
between (1)
opeîs, cK/cAicrt?,
the desire to have or
not to have, and (2) opfi-i], a(ôpii.rj, the effort to do or not to do, is of some importance in the history of psychology. It probably runs back
to the
Platonic distinction between
to
eTn9v{x,rjTt,Kov
/xepos
and to
154
are in our
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN

:
ETHICS.
is
power
the direction of effort
determined by
our natural relations.
For example
"
^
:
Bear in mind that you are a

?
son.
What
is
involved in being
a son
To consider all that he has to be his father's property, to obey him in all things, never to disparage him to any one, never to say or do anything to harm him, to stand out of his way and give place to him in all things, to help him by all means in
his power.
"
:
Next remember that you are also a brother the doing of what is fitting in this capacity involves giving way to him,
yielding to his persuasion, speaking well of him, never setting
up a
rival claim to
him
in those things that are
beyond the
control of the will, but gladly letting
them go that you may have
the advantage in those things which the will controls.
you are a senator of any city, remember that you are a youth, that you are a youth if an old man, tliat you are an old man if a father, that you are a father. For in each of these cases the consideration of the name you bear will suggest to you what is fitting to be done in relation to it."
"
Next,
if
a senator
if
This view of right moral conduct as being determined
by the natural
to
relations
in
which one man stands to
another, and as constituting
those relations,
in that
what is Fitting in regard had overspread the Eoman world.

jDliilosophical
But
world the
theory which lay

less
behind the conception of the Fitting was

than the conception
itself,
prominent
and two other terms, both of

to the
which were natural and familiar
Eoman mind,
came
into use to express
the idea of
The one was borrowed from the functions which men have to discharge in
it.
the organization of civil government, the other from the

idea of a debt.
The former
1
of these,
2.
*'
officium^''
has not
Diss.
10.
VI.
155
passed in this sense outside the Latin language: the

latter,
'-'
debitum^^'' is familiar to
us under its English form
"duty."
On the higher plane

and ends in God.
I will ask
of his teaching Epictetus expresses
moral philosophy in terms of theology.
Human life begins

a sublime religion.
Moral conduct
is
you
to listen to a short cento of passages,
strung
:
loosely together, in
"
which his teaching

Every one
is
expressed
'We
also are
His
offspring.'
of us
may
call
him-
self a
son of God.^
Just as our bodies are linked to the material
universe,^ subject while
we live to the same forces, resolved when same elements,^ so by virtue of reason our souls are linked to and continuous with Him, being in reality parts and offshoots of Hira> There is no movement of which He is not conscious, because we and He are part of one birth and
we
die into the
growth f to Him all hearts are open, all desires known ;'^ as we walk or talk or eat. He Himself is within us, so that we are His
'
shrines, living temples

this
and incarnations of
HimJ
By
virtue of
communion with Him we are in the first rank of created things ? we and He together form the greatest and chiefest and
most comprehensive of
" If
all organizations.^
we
once realize this kinship, no

souls.^*^
mean
or
unworthy
of
it
thought of ourselves can enter our
The sense
forms
a rule and standard for our lives. must be faithful if God be beneficent, cent. If God be highminded, we also must be highminded, doing and saying whatever we do and say in imitation of and union
If
:
God be faithful, we also we also must be benefi-
with Him.^^
did He make us ? He made us, first of all, to complete His conception of the universe He had need for such completion of some beings who
" "
:
Why
1. 9. 6, 1.
13.
1.
i_ i4_ 6,
3. 13, 15.
1.
4
6
14.
6;
11.
17.
27;
7
10
2. 8.
11.
^ 8
U.
6. 2. 8.
2. 14.
2. 8.
1214.
1. 9.
5;
11.
1. 9. 4.
1. 3. 1.
"
2.
14. 13.
156
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN

lie
ETHICS.
should be intelligent.^
made
us, secondly, to
behold and
:
understand and interpret His administration of the universe to be His witnesses and ministers.^ He made us, thirdly, to be happy in ourselves like a true Father and Guardian, he has
:
placed good and evil in those things which are within our
power.^
own
given
What He
it
;
says to each one of us

thyself.'^
is,
'
If thou wilt have
any good, take
from within
there
is
To
this
end
He has
us freedom of will bar our freedom.^

grant that I
We
feel
no power in heaven or earth that can cry out in our sorrow, '0 Lord God,
sorrow
it.*^
;'
may not
and
all
the time
He
has given
us the means of not feeling
He
has given us the power of
bearing and turning to account whatever happens, the spirit of
the
manliness and fortitude and highmindedness, so that the greater difficulty, the greater the opportunity of adorning our
character by meeting
it.
'
If,
for
example, fever comes,
it
brings
from
Him
this message,
real.'
Give
is
me
:
a proof that your moral train-
ing has been

practising
There
a time for learning, and a time for
what we have learnt in the lecture-room we learn and then God brings us to the difficulties of real life and says to
'
us,
It is time
now
:
for the real contest.'
Life
is
in reality an
Olympic festival we are God's athletes, to whom He has given an opportunity of showing of what stuff we are made.'^
"
What
is
our duty to
" It is
simply to follow
Him ? Him :^
to be of
:^
one mind with
Him
:'
to acquiesce in His administration
gives, to resign ourselves to the absence of
The only thought

1
of a good
man
is,
what His bounty what He withholds.^^ remembering who he is, and

to accept
1. 6. 1. 9.
13:
cf.
1.
29. 29.
4;
17.
15;
1.
29. 46,
56;
* 6 3. 2.
2.
16.
33;
4. 7. 7.
3. 24. 2, 3.
6 7 8
4.
1.
24. 3.
16. 13.
82, 90, 100.
1. 24. 1, 1. 12. 5,
2;
1.
29. 33, 36,

15.
46;
3. 10.
7;
4. 4.
32.
8; 1.20.
9 o/ioyvw/xovefv
^
tw
Sew, 2. 16.
42;
2. 19. 26.
j
evapecTTilv ry 6(1^
4. 1. 90,
98.'
5i.oiKrj(Tt, 1.
12. 8
2. 23. 29,
4&
"
VI.
GEEEK AND CHRISTIAN
ETHICS.
157
whence he came, and to Whom he owes his being, to fill the place which God has assigned to him,^ to will things to be as they are, and to say what Socrates used to say, If this be God's will, so be Submission must be thy law thou must dare to lift up it.'^ your eyes to God and say, 'Employ me henceforth for what service Thou wilt I am of one mind with Thee I am Thine I ask not that Thou shouldest keep from me one thing of all that
' :
: : :
Thou hast decreed

'
for me.'^
Fate,
Lead Thou me, God, and Thou,
Thy appointment
Only lead me, I
I await
shall go
With no flagging steps nor slow Even though I degenerate be,
And
consent reluctantly,
less I follow Thee.'^
None the
"
when we keep our eyes fixed on Him, joined in close communion with Him, absolutely consecrated to His commandments. If we will not do it, we suffer loss. There
can only do this
are penalties imposed, not
We
acting law.
If
we
will not take
by a vindictive tyranny, but by a selfwhat He gives under the

the fruit of wretched-
conditions under which
He gives it, we reap
ness and sorrow, of jealousy and fear, of thwarted effort and

unsatisfied desire.^
"
Above
all,
we must
bide His time.
He
has given to every
one of us a post to keep in the battle of life, and we must not His bidding is indicated by circumleave it until He bids us.^
stances.
When He
does not give us what our bodies need,

life is
when
He
sends us where
according to nature
is
impossible, He, the
Supreme Captain,
to us,
'
sounding the bugle

is
for retreat,^
He, the
Master of the Great Household,

Come.'^
opening the door and saying

so,
And when He
:
does
instead of bewailing your
misfortunes, obey and follow

1
come
forth,
not murmuring, but

^
3. 24.
95.
1,
29.
18;
;
4. 4. 21.
2. 16.
42.
* 6
Encliir.
2. 16.
52
Diss.
3. 11.
4. 1.
131
24.
4. 4.
34
4.
a quotation from Cleauthcs.

32.
s
46;
1;
7
3.
42;
4.
1. 9, 16.
1.
29. 29.
2. 13.
U.
168
VI.

who
has finished His work, conscious that
as God's servant
He
has no more present need of you.^

" This, therefore,
should take the place of every other pleasure,
the consciousness of obeying God.

to say,
praise
Think what it is to be able 'What others preach, I am doing their praise of virtue is a of me God has sent me into the world to be His soldier and
: :
witness, to tell
men
that their sorrows and fears are vain, that to
a good
sends
man no me at one
evil
can happen whether he live or

:
die.
He
time here, at another time there
He
disciplines
me by
to
poverty and by prison, that I
may
be the better witness
mankind.
With such
:
a ministry committed to me, can I any
longer care in what place I am, or
who my companions
are, or
what they say about me

strain after God,
nay, rather, does not
my
whole nature
His laws and His commandments V"'^
Between the current
ethics of the
Greek world and the

were many
ethics of the earliest forms of Christianity
points both of difference and of contact.
The main point
of difference
was that Christianity

It took over the
Its ultimate
rested morality on a divine
command.
fundamental idea of the Jewish theocracy.^
appeal was not to the reasonableness of the moral law in

itself,
but
to the fact that
God had
enacted
it.
Greek
morality, on the contrary,
was "independent." The idea
that the moral laws are laAVS of

in the Stoics
;
God
is,
no doubt, found
but they are so in another than either the

:
Jewish or the Christian sense

as being expressions of
they are laws of God, not

will,
His personal
but as being
laws of nature, part of the whole constitution of the

world.
1
3.
24.
97;
cf.
3. 5.
810;
2.
4. 10.
14
?,qq.
3,
04.
110114.
Katvos
vo/xos,
Barn.
6,
and
note, in
GebharJt and Ilarnack's
edition.
VI.
159
Consequent upon the conception of the moral law

as a positive enactment of God, the breach of moral
law was conceived as
sin.
Into the
early
Christian
It
conception of sin several
elements entered.
it
was
probably not in the popular mind what
was in the
mind
of St. Paul, still less
what
it
became in the mind
But one element was constant. It was a trespass against God. As such, it was on the one hand something for which God must be appeased, and on the other hand something which He could forgive. To the Stoics it was shortcoming, failure, and loss the chief sufferer was the man himself amendment was possible for the future, but there was no forgiveness for the past. Beyond these and other points of dijfference there was a wide area of agreement. The former became accentuated as time went on it was by virtue of the latter
of St. Augustine.
:
: :
that in the earliest ages the
minds
of
many
and
persons had
that,
been predisposed
accepted
it,
to accept Christianity,
having
they tended to fuse some elements of the
new
teaching with some elements of the old.

is
The agreement
and above
most conspicuous in those respects which were the chief

;
aims of the contemporary moral reformation

all in
the importance which was attached to moral con-
duct.
This importance was overshadowed in the later
Christian communities
by the importance which came

:
to
be attached to doctrine
its
existence in the earliest

classes of proofs.
is
communities
1.
is
shown by two
these proofs
The
first of
the place which moral
conduct holds in the earliest Christian writers. The docu-
ments which deal with the Christian

moral.
life
are almost wholly
They
enforce the ancient code of the
Ten Words.
IGO
VI.
They
raise those
Ten Words from being the lowest and

and amplifying
most necessary
level of a legal code, to being the expres-
sion of the highest moral ideal, expanding
make them embrace thoughts and desires as well as words and actions. The most interesting of such documents is that which is known as the " Two
them
so as to
Ways."^
Apostles.
It has recently acquired a fresh significance
by having been found
as part of the Teaching of the
It is there prefixed to
the regulations for
ceremonial and discipline which constitute the

of that work.
It proves to
new
part
be a manual of instruction to
be taught to those who were to be admitted as members

of a Christian community.
It
may
thus be considered to
express the current ideal of Christian practice.
In the
"
Way
is
of Life"
which
it
sets forth, doctrine has
no place.
summed up in the two commandments: " First, thou It shalt love God who made thee secondly, thy neighbour
;
as thyself:
whatsoever things thou wouldest not have

do not thou to another." ^
done to
thyself,
These com-
mandments
the Mount.
are amplified in the spirit of the
Sermon on
thou
"Thou
shalt not forswear thyself:

:
shalt not bear false witness
thou shalt not speak evil thou shalt not be doublefor double-tonguedness
is
thou shalt not bear malice
minded nor double-tongued,

snare of death.
Thy
speech shall not be false or hollow,
but
filled to
the full with deed.
Thou
shalt not be covet-
ous, nor rapacious,
nor a hypocrite, nor evilly disposed,
nor haughty
^
thou shalt not take mischievous counsel
See especially Harnack, die Apostellchre und die Jiidischen Beiden
Wege, Leipzig, 1886.

*
Teachinj of the Apodlcs,
1. 1.
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN
ETHICS.
161
against
tliy
neighbour.
Thou
shalt not hate

for
any man,
shalt pray,
soul.^
is
.
.
but some thou shalt rebuke, and
some thou
and some thou
shalt love
more than thine own
My
child,
be not a murmurer, for murmuring

:
on the
path to blasphemy
nor self-willed nor evil-minded, for
from
ing,
all
these things blasphemies are born.
But be thou
and kind, and
lieard.^
meek, for the meek shall inherit the earth: be long-suffer-
and
pitiful,
and
guileless,
and
quiet,
trembling continually at the words which thou hast

.
.
.
Thou shalt not hesitate to give, nor in giving shalt thou murmur for thou shalt know who is the good paymaster of what thou hast earned. Thou shalt not turn away him that needeth, but thou shalt share all things
;
with thy brother and shalt not say that they are thine
own for if ye be fellow-sharers in that which is how much more in mortal things."^
;
immortal,
Another such document

tion
is
the
first
book of the
:
collec-
known
as the Apostolical Constitutions
it
begins at
once with an exhortation to morality.
"Listen
to holy teaching,
ye who lay hold on His
promise, in accordance with the

in
command
of the Saviour,
harmony with
his glorious utterances.

all
Take heed,
ye sons of God, to do
to
thiags so as to be obedient
all
God and
to
be well-pleasiQg in
if
things to the Lord
our God.
For
any one follow

to the will of
after
wickedness and
do things contrary
God, such a one will
be counted as a nation that transgresses against God.

27.
68.
Teaching of the Apustles,

-1.
2.
lUd.
3.
5 Ibid.
7, 8.
1C2
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN

all
ETHICS.
Abstain then from

ness."^
2.
covetousness and unrighteous-
The second proof
is
afforded
by the
place which
life.
discipline
held in contemporary Christian
The
Iso-
Christians were
lation
drawn together
into communities.
was discouraged and soon passed away.
Christian was to be a
basis of the
member
of a
community.
community was not only a

It
To be a The common belief,

of the
but also a common practice.
was the task
community
as an organization to keep itself pure.
The
offences against
which
fell
it
had
to
guard were not only the
open crimes which

law, but also and
within the cognizance of public

especially sins of moral conduct
more
and
of the inner life.
The
qualifications
which in
officers,
later
times were the ideal standard for church

also in the
earliest times the ideal
were
standard for ordi-
nary members.
" If any
man who
has sinned sees the
bishop and the deacons free from fault, and the flock
abiding pure,
first
of all he will not venture to enter
into the assembly of God, being smitten
conscience
but
if,
secondly, setting lightly
by his own by his sin
he should venture
to enter,
he will forthwith be taken to
task .... and either be punished, or being admonished
by the pastor will be drawn
to repentance.
For looking
round upon the assembly one by one, and finding no

blemish either in the bishop or in the ranks of the people
^ Const. Apost 1. This may be supplemented 1, p. 1, ed. Lagarde. by the conception of Christianity as a new law in Barnabas ii. 6, see Thomasius, Justin passim, Clem. Alex. E. T. i. 97, 120, 470 Dogmengescli. i. 110 sqq.
:
VI.
163
Tinder him, with
shame and many
tears
he will go out
in peace, pricked in heart,

cleansed,
and the flock will have been

tears to
:
and he will cry with

sin,
God and
will
repent of his
and will have hope

not lost,"^
and the whole

In other cases
:
flock beholding his tears will be
admonished that he who

the
has sinned and repented

expulsion was a
is
solemn and formal act

:
sinful
member was
sion.
cast into outer darkness
re-admission was
accompanied with the same
rites as the original
admis-
In other words, the earliest communities endeaof Christian life,
voured, both in the theory which they embodied in their
manuals
enforced
and in the practice which they
by
discipline,
to realize
what has
of
since
been
a
known
as the Puritan ideal.

of saints.
Each one
them was
community
"Passing their days upon

^
earth,
they were in reality citizens of heaven."
The
and
earthly
ever-
community
was the
sitting
reflected in all but its glory
its
lastingness the life of the
"new
Jerusalem."
Its bishop
visible representative of Jesus Christ himself

of heaven,
on the throne
with the white-robed
members were the "elect," the "holy ones," the "saved." "Without were the dogs, and the sorcerers, and the murderers, and the idolaters, and every one that loveth and maketh a lie:" within were "they which were written in the Lamb's book of life." To be a member of the community was to be in
elders round
him:
its
reality,
and not merely in conception, a child
of
God and
heir of everlasting salvation: to be excluded from the
community was
to pass again into the outer darkness,
the realm of Satan and eternal death.

1
Const. Ajôsf. 2. 11, p. 22.
-^j^^
^d Diogn.
5.
1G4
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN
ETHICS.
Over these
earliest
communities and the theory which
they embodied there passed, in the last half of the second

century and the
change.
first
half of the third,
an enormous
The
processes of the change and its immediate
causes are obscure.
The
interests of
contemporary writers
are so absorbed with the struggles for soundness of doctrine,
as to leave but little

life.
room
for a record of the

last stages of those
struggles for purity of
In the
struggles, the party which endeavoured to preserve the
ancient ideal was treated as schismatical.

of visible communities
The aggregate
was no longer
identical with the
number
of those
party framed a
who should be saved. The dominant new theory of the Church as a corpus
it
permixtum^ and found support for

selves.
in the Gospels them-
Morality became subordinated to belief in Chris-
tianity
by the same
inevitable drift
by which
its
practice
had been superseded by theory in Stoicism. In both the production of this change and
net result of the active forces which
it
further
developments Greece played an important part.
The
brought to bear
of a
upon Christianity was, that the attention

of Christian
majority
men was
turned to the intellectual as dislife.
tinguished from the moral element in Christian
And
when
the change was effected,
it
operated in two further
ways, which have survived in large and varied forms to

the present day.
1.
The
idea of moral reformation had from the
first
men with a varying tenacity There were some men who had a higher moral
seized diflferent
^ Side by had found a
of grasp.^
ideal than
ethics,
side witli the average ethics
were the Pauline
which
certain
lodgment in some.
VI.
165
others
there were some whose natures were stronger
there were some to

tion of
whom
from
moral
life
was not the perfecspirit
human
citizenship,
but the struggle of the

its
to disentangle itself
material environment, and
to rise by contemplation to fellowship with God.
There
are proofs of the existence in the very earliest Christian
communities of those who endeavoured to live on a

higher plane than their fellows.
Abstinence from mar-
riage and from animal food were urged and practised as
" counsels of perfection."
In some communities there

counsels of perfection obli-
was an attempt
gatory.
to
make such
In the majority of communities, though they

of
were part
bers, they
"the whole yoke
of the
Lord,"^ and were

all
specially enjoined at certain times
upon
church
mem-
were not
of universal or constant obligation.
Those who habitually practised them were recognized as

a church within the Church.
The
practice of
to
them was
in
known by
name which we have seen

It
life as
be
common
was that
the Greek philosophical schools.
was
relative to the
It of
conception of
an
athletic contest.
bodily training or gymnastic exercise
(aV/cj/o-i?).^
The
element
secession of the Puritan party left

still
much
it
of this
within the great body of confederated comthe end of the third century
munities.
At
became
important both within them and without.

creased, partly
It
was
in-
by the growing
partly
influence of the ideas
which found
of society
^
their highest expression outside Christianity

;
in Neo-Platonism
itself,
by the growing complexity
the strain and the despair of an age

6. 2.
Teaching of the Apostles,
'
Of
a type of Gnosticism, Harnack, Dogmengesch. 202.
166
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN

partly also
ETHICS.
of decadence
by the necessity
of finding a
new
outlet,
wlien Christianity became a legal religion,
for the passionate love of
God which had

It
led
men
to a
sometimes ecstatic martyrdom.

parallel
was joined by the

It
tendency among professors of philosophy.
soon took a
new
form.
Hitherto those
who
followed
counsels of perfection lived in ordinary society, undis-
tinguished except by their conduct from their fellow-
men.
The
ideal " Gnostic" of
Clement
of
Alexandria
"acting the
takes his part in ordinary
human
affairs,
drama
of life
is
which God has given him

to
to play,
knowing
both what
be done and what
is to
be endured."^
Eut
life
early in the fourth century the practice of the ascetic

in CTiristianity
came
to be
shown
in the
same out-
ward way, but with a more marked emphasis, as the It was indeed known as similar practice in philosophy.
philosophy.^
it
It
was most akin
to Cynicism, with
which
had sometimes already been confused, and its badges were the badges of Cynicism, the rough blanket and the
unshorn
hair.
To wear the blanket and

and
sanctity.
to let the hair
grow was
to profess divine philosophy, the
higher
life of
self-discipline
1
It
was
to claim to stand
on
Strom.
7. 11.
3.
2 e.g.
Euseb. Dem. Ev.
"
Not only old men under Jesus Christ

it
practise this
mode
of
of philosojjhy, but
would be hard
to say how-
many thousands
it
were, of the
women throughout the whole world, priestesses, as God of the universe, having embraced the highest
for
wisdom, rapt with a passion
heavenly knowledge, have renounced

flesh,
the des/re of children according to the
care to their soul, have given themselves
and giving their whole up wholly to the Supreme

29
Sozom.
6.
King and God

and
virginity."
of the universe, to practise (aa-K7yo-acrât) perfect purity
So
also id. de Vit. Constant. 4. 26,
33,
of the Syrian monks.
VI.
GKEEK AND CHRISTIAN ETHICS.
167
a higher level and to be working out a nobler ideal than
average Christians.
development.
times found
life
The
practice soon received a further
Just as ordinary philosophers had somein society to be intolerable
and had gone
into "retreat," so the Christian philosophers
began
to
withdraw altogether from the world, and

lives
to live their
solitude.
of self-discipline
and contemplation in
The
retention of the old
names shows the continuity of

practising discipline,
aV/cjyo-i?,
the practice. They were

or philosophy,
society, they
still
(piXoaocpia.
still
So far as they retired from

ava-^^wpelv^
were
said " to go into retreat,"
whence the current appellation
oiava-^^wprjral^ ''anchorets."
The
place of their retreat was a "school of discipline,"

or a "place for reflection,"
(ppovria-Triptov,'^
a(rKt]T}]piovj
To
these were soon added the
new names which were
rela-
tive to the fact that moral discipline
was usually practised

of their retirement
in solitude.
'"
Those who retired from the world were

ixova-^ôl^
solitaries,"
and the place
was a "place
tice
for solitude,"
ixovaary'ipiov.
When
for
the pracit
was once firmly rooted in Christian

ways
soil,
was
largely developed in independent
which Greece
was not primarily responsible, and which therefore cannot

properly be described here; but the independence and
enormous overgrowth of these
later forms cannot
wipe
away the memory

to
of the fact that to Greece,
more than
any other
factor,
was due the place and
earliest conall
ception of that sublime individualism which centred
a man's
^
efibrts
on the development of his

i.
spiritual
life,
a.arKrjrripiov,
Socrat.
11
distinguished from /iovacrrr^piov, ibid.

:
4. 23, as
the smaller from the larger
(}>povrurTi]piov,
Evagr.
i.
21.
168
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN

liim
ETHICS.
to
and withdrew
from his fellow-men in order
bring
him near to God. 2. It was inevitable that when the Puritan party had left the main body, and when the most spiritually-minded
of those
who remained detached themselves from the

life
common
of their brethren,
there should be a de-
terioration
in
the
average moral
It
conceptions
of
the-
Chi-istian Churches.
was
also inevitable that those
conceptions should be largely shaped
by
Grreek influences.
The Pauline
ethics vanished
from the Christian worlds
For the average members

average citizens of the
of the churches
were now the
empire,
educated
by Greek
methods, impregnated with the dominant ethical ideas.
They accepted Christian ideas, but without the enthusiasm which made them a transforming force. As in regard ta
metaphysics, so also in regard to ethics, the frame of
mind
which had been formed by education was stronger than

the
new
ideas
which
it
absorbed.
:
The current
ideals re-
mained, slightly raised
the current rules of conduct
continued, with modifications.

tions of righteousness
Instead of the concepthere
and
holiness,
was the old

namely,
conception of virtue
instead of the code of morals which

in
this
was "briefly comprehended
saying,
Thou
shalt love thy neighbour as tliyself," there
was
the old enumeration of duties.
At the end
of the fourth
century the
new
state of things
by
ecclesiastical writers.
was formally recognized Love was no more " the handof Milan, formulated
is
book of divine philosophy:"^ the chief contemporary

theologian of the West,
Ambrose
the current theory in a book which

1
the more important
Clem. Alex. P(xdacj.
3. 11.
YI.
ICD
because
it
not merely expresses the ideas of his time and
seals the proof of their prevalence,
but also became the
basis of the moral philosophy of the
Middle Ages.
But
the book
of the
is less
Christian than Stoical.^
It is a recJiaiiffee
book which Cicero had compiled more than three

It is Stoical,,
\
centuries before, chiefly from Pancetius.
not only in conception, but also in detail.

virtue the highest good.
to
It
It make& makes the hope of the life

Its ideal
come a subsidiary and not a primary motive.

life
is
of
happiness
it
holds that a happy

it is
life is
life
according to nature, that

it is
realized
by virtue, and
that
capable of being realized here on earth.
Its virtues
are the ancient virtues of
and temperance.
of each of
moralists.
It
wisdom and justice, courage tinges each of them with a Christian,

;
or at least with a Theistic colouring
but the conception

to the
them remains what
it
had been
wise
Greek
Wisdom,
is
for example, is
Greek wisdom, with
the addition that no
man can be
justice,
who
is
is
ignorant of
God:
its
justice
Greek
with the addition that

helped by the
.
subsidiary
form of beneficence
Christian society.
The
victory of
Greek
ethics
was complete.
While
Christianity
was being transformed
into a system of doc-
trines, the Stoical jurists at the imperial court
were slowly
ethics of
elaborating a system of personal rights.
The
the Sermon on the Mount, which the earliest Christian
communities endeavoured to carry into practice, have been

transmuted by the slow alchemy of history into the ethics
P. Ewald, der Einfluss der stoisch-ciceronianischen Moral auf . . ; Draiseke in the Rivista difilologia, Ann. v. 1875-6.
^
.
Ambrosms, Leipzig, 1881
170
of
VI.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN
ETHICS.
Eoman
law.
The
basis of Cliristiaii society is not

Stoical.
Christian, but
Eoman and
A fusion of the Eoman

is
conception of rights with the Stoical conception of relations
involving reciprocal actions,
in possession
of
practically the
whole
field of civilized society.
The
transis
mutation
so
is
so complete that the
modem
question
not
much whether
The
the ethics of the
Sermon on the Mount

would be which formulate in
are practicable, as whether, if practicable, they

desirable.
socialistic theories
modern language and justify by modern conceptions such an exhortation as " Sell that thou hast and give to the
poor," meet with no less opposition within than without
the Christian societies.
The conversion
of the
Church
to Christian theory must precede the conversion of the
world to Christian practice.
working in
worked
in
But meanwhile there is Christianity the same higher morality which the ancient world, and the maxim. Follow
God, belongs to a plane on which Epictetus and Thomas

h.
Kempis meet.
Lecture VII.
GEEEK AND CHEISTIAN THEOLOGY.

I.
The Ceeator.
Slowly there loomed through the mists Greek thought the consciousness of one God.
It
of earlier
came with the sense

of earth
of the unity of the world.
That sense had not always been awakened.
The varied
phenomena
into
and sea and sky had not always
been brought under a single expression.
The groups
which the mind tended
to arrange them were con-
ceived as separate, belonging to different kingdoms and

controlled
by independent
divinities.
It
was by the
unconscious alchemy of thought, working through successive generations, that the separate groups
came
to
be
^
combined into a whole and conceived as forming a universe.

It
came
also
with the sense of the order of the world.
The sun which day by day rose and set, the moon which month by month waxed and waned, the stars which year by year came back to the same stations in the sky, were like a marshalled army moving in obedience to a
fixed
command.
There was order, not only above, but
also beneath.
The
sea,
which
for all its storms
and
172
VII.

its
murmurings, could not pass

after spring the
after
bounds, the earth upon

failed,
which seed-time and harvest never
but spring
buds burst into blossom, and summer
summer
the blossom ripened into fruit, were part
of the same great system.
The conception was
that not
merely of a universe, but of a universe moving in obedience to a law.
The
earliest
form of the conception
is
probably that of Anaxagoras, which was formulated by

a later writer in the expression,
are infinite, the origin of
"The
origins of matter
This conception of
as
it
movement and birth is one."^ an ordered whole was intertwined,

itself,
slowly elaborated
with one or other of two

it
kindred conceptions, of which one had preceded

the other grew with
it.
and
The one was the

be called natural,
sense of personality.
By
a transferit
ence of ideas which has been so universal that

all
may
things that
stars
life
life.
move have been invested

rivers
with personality.
The
life,
and
were persons.
Movement meant
application of
and
meant everywhere someIt
thing analogous to
human
was by an inevitable
the conception that
when
it
the
sum
of
movements was conceived

and the unity
Person.
of their
as a whole,
should be also
conceived that behind the totality of the phenomena
movements there was a

of mind.
It
single
The other was the conception

that of bodily powers.
revelation,
^
was a con-
ception which had but slowly disentangled itself from

It as
was
like the preaching of a
and almost
fruitful,
f.
when Epicharmus
Theophrastus ap. Simplic. inj^hys.
6 (Diels, Dozograplii Graeci,
p. 479).
YII.
GREEK 4ND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.
173
:
proclaimed
it is
"It
is
not the eye that sees, but the mind

all
not the ear that hears, but the mind:

It
things
except mind are blind and deaf."
was the mind that

and the Person
each one of us
not only saw but thought, and that not only thought
but willed.
It alone
was the
real self:
it
who
is
behind nature or within

is
was
like the personality
which
behind the bodily
activities of
His essence was mind.

There was one God.
The gods
of the old
mythology
were passing away,
like a splendid pageantry of clouds
moving
and
said,^
across the horizon to be absorbed in the clear
infinite heaven.
"He
has
"But though God is one," it was many names, deriving a name from each
is of
of the spheres of His government
Son of Kronos, that

from eternity
to
Time, because
He is He
called the
continues
eternity;
and Lightning -God, and
Thunder-God, and Eain-God, from the lightnings and

thunders and rains ; and Fruit-God, from the fruits (which
he sends)
tects);
and City-God, from the

births,
cities
(which he pro-
and the God of
and homesteads, and
kinsmen, and families, of companions, and friends, and

armies
after all
God, in short, of heaven and earth, named
forms of nature and events as being Himself the cause of all." " There are not different gods among
different peoples," says Plutarch, 3
and Greek gods, nor gods

voos opy KOL voos d.KOVi'
of
"nor foreign gods the south and gods of the

Koi TVcftXa, quoted in Plut.
TaXXa KWâ
1.
de
fort. 3, p. 98,
de Alex. magn. fort.
3, p.
336, and elsewhere
Lucret. 3. 36; Cic.

2
Tmc. Disp.
20.
Pseudo-Arist. de mtcndo,
7, p.
401
a.
De
Isid. et Osir. 67, p. 378.
174
Vir.
north; but just as sun and

sea are
moon and sky and
earth,
and
common
to all
mankind, but have different names
among different races, so, though there be one Eeason who orders these things and one Providence who administers
them
....
there are different honours and
appellations
among
different races;
and men use con-
secrated symbols, some of

clear,
them obscure and some more

on the path to the
;
so leading
:
their thoughts
Divine
but
it is
not without risk
for
some men, wholly
missing their foothold,
have slipped into superstition,
and
others,
avoiding the slough of superstition, have
in their turn fallen over the precipice of atheism."
In the conception
of
God
as it thus uncoiled itself in
Greek
history, three strands of
thought are constantly

thought of
intertwined
the thought
of a Creator, the
a Moral Governor, and the thought of a Supreme or
Absolute Being.
It is desirable to trace the history of
each of these thoughts, as far as possible, separately,
and
to consider their separate effects of Christian theology.

first
:
upon the developwill
ment
The present Lecture
deal mainly with the
the two following Lectures
with the other two.
It
was
at a comparatively late
stage in
its
history
that
Greek thought came

all things.
to the conception of a
first
begin-
ning of
The conception was

in
formulated
b.c.^
by Anaximander,
earlier conception
the
sixth
century
The
was that
of a chaos, out of
which gods
and
^
all
things alike proceeded.

ap.
The
f.
first
remove from
p.
Theophrast
Simplic.
in phys.
6 (Diels,
476), tt/jwtos
TovTo Tovvofia
Ko/Aio-as
T^s a/3x^s
so Hippol. Philosoph. 1. 6.
VII.
GREEK
AOT) CHRISTIAK THEOLOGY.
175
that earlier conception
was hylozoism, the
belief that life
and matter were the same.
was not yet evolved.

of
When
it
thought began to diverge.
The conception of mind was evolved, two lines The one, following the
conception of
human
personality as absolutely single,
conceived of both reason and force as inherent in matter

it is
the theory which
following the
known as 3onism. The other, conception of human personality as a

is
separable compound, body and soul, conceived of reason
and force as external

is
to matter
it is
the theory which
known
1.
as Dualism.
These two theories run through
all
subsequent Greek philosophy.
The
chief philosophical expression of
Monism was
Stoicism.
The
Stoics followed the lonians in believing
that the world consists of a single substance.
followed Heraclitus in believing that
They the movements and
modifications of that substance are due neither to a blind
impulse from within nor to an arbitrary impact from

without.
It
moved, he had thought, with a kind of

fire
rhythmic motion, a
was kindling and being quenched with regulated limits of degree and time.^
that
is
The substance
is
one, but
a force that acts
immanent and inherent in it with intelligence. The antithesis
between the two was expressed by the Stoics in various

forms.
was sometimes the bare and neutral contrast For the Passive was of the Active and the Passive.
It
sometimes substituted Matter, a term which, signifying,

as it originally does, the timber
^
which a carpenter uses
Heraclit. ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. 14, Koa-fiov tov avTov dravTajv
iiroirjcrev'
ouT Tis êwv owTC avOpuiTTOiv
dW
rfv
dei Kat ecrrat irvp
du^wov,
aTTTOfxtvov fikrpa koI d7rocr(SVVVjJ.evov [MeTpa.
176
yil.
GREEK AND CHEISTIAN THEOLOGY.
for the purposes of his craft, properly belongs to another
order of ideas
and
for the
Active was frequently subit
stituted the term Logos^ which, signifying as
does,
on
the one hand, partly thought and partly will, and, on
the other hand, also the expression of thought in a sentence and the expression of will in a law, has no single
equivalent in
modem
language.
But the majority
of
Stoics used neither the colourless term the Active, nor
the impersonal term the Logos.
The Logos was vested
with personality:
the antithesis was between matter
and God.
This latter term was used to cover a wide
The two terms of the antithesis being regarded as expressing modes of a single substance, separable in thought and name but not in reality, there
range of conceptions.
was a natural
drift of
some minds towards regarding
mode of matter as a mode

as a
God
matter, and of others towards regarding

of God.
The former conceived
of
Him
as the natura naturata: "Jupiter est
quodcunque vides
quodcunque moveris."^
The latter conceived of Him as This became the governing conthe natura naturans. ception. He is the sum of an infinite number of rational
forces
selves
which are continually striving to express themthrough the matter with which they are in union.
through them and in them working
to realize
He
is
an
end.
The
is
teleological idea controls the
whole conception.
He
always moving with purpose and system, and
always thereby producing the world.

all divine,
The products are

In His purest
in union with
but not
is
all
equally divine.
essence,
He
the highest form of
mind
the most attenuated form of matter.

^
In the lowest form
LMcan, Phars.
9.
579.
VII.
177
of
His essence,
He
is
the cohesive force which holds
together the atoms of a stone.
Between these two

Nearest of
soul.
poles
are infinite gradations of being.
all to
the
purest essence of
especial sense
God
is
the
:
human
It is in
an
His offspring
it is
described
by the metalife of its
phors of an emanation or outflow from Him, of a sapling
which
mother
is
separate from and yet continues the
parent tree, of a colony in which some members of the

state
have
settled.^
If all this
were expressed in
it
modem
terms, and
by
is
the help of later conceptions,
would probably be most
suitably gathered into the proposition that the world
the self-evolution of God.
Into such a conception the

:
idea of a beginning does not necessarily enter

sistent
it is
con-
with the idea of an eternal process of differentia-
tion
that
which
:
is,
always has been, under changed and

is
changing forms
cosmogonical
:
the theory
cosmological rather than

it is
it
rather explains the world as

its origin.
than
gives an account of
2.
The
chief philosophical expression of
Dualism was
1.
airoppoia,
M. Anton.
5.
2.
aTrocnraa-fia,
Epict. Diss.
14. 6
2.
8.
11; M. Anton.
The
51
rrj'i
de mund. opif. 46 (i. 32). co-ordination of these and cognate terms in Philo is especially
27:
aTrotKia, Philo,
important in view of their use in Christian theology

(i.
de mund. opif.
35), Tras av^pcuTTO? Kara, ixkv rrjv Sidvoiav WKCtcorat deCco Aoyw,
i]
fxaKapias <^wecos eKfiayelov
aTrocnraa-fMa
-q
dTravya(rfJ.a "veyovtus
he considers the term iKfiayeiov

TTys
to
be more appropriate to theology,

-q
Tov TravTos
'/'I'X^'
d7ro(r7rao-/ia
oirep
ocrnoTepov eiTreiv tois
Kara
M.(jDV(xqv (juXocrocjiovcrLV, ik6vos ^tas eK/xayetov c/iêpes,
de mutat. nom.
39
(i.
612)
and he
is
careful to guard against
an inference that
a.Tr6cnra(TfJLa
implies a breach of continuity between the divine and the
human
KIT
soul, aTroo-Tracr/xa rjv ov Statperov' Te/Averat
yap ovSev tou deiov

24
(i.
aTrdpTrja-iv,
dXXa
/;Iofov eKTetverai,
quod
det, pot. insid.
209).
178
Vir.
Platonism.
Plato followed Anaxagcaas in believing that

acts
mind is separate from matter and beyond him in founding upon this
distinction
upon
it
he went
separation a universal
between the
real
and the phenomenal, and
between God and the world. God was regarded as being

outside the world.
potential
was that
moulds
The world was in its origin only being (to fxt] 6V). The action of God upon it of a craftsman upon his material, shaping it as
it
a carpenter shapes wood, or moulding

clay.
as a statuary
In so acting,
He
acted with reason, follow-
ing out thoughts in His mind.
Sometimes His reason,

a group of
or His mind, is spoken of as being itself the fashioner of
the world. ^
Each thought shows material objects. Such objects, so
itself in
far as
they admit of
being grouped,
may be viewed
as imitations or embodias a
ments of a form or pattern, existing either

in the
/
thought
mind of the Divine Workman, or as a force proceeding from His mind and acting outside it. As the conception of these forms was developed more and more,
they tended to be regarded in the latter light rather than in the former.
They were cosmic
forces
which
had the power of impressing themselves upon matter.
They were less types than causes. They came midway between God and the rude material of the universe, so that its changing phenomena were united with an unchanging element. They were themselves grouped in a vast gradation, reaching its highest point in the Form of Perfection, which was higher than the Form of Being. The highest and most perfect of types is conceived as the
^
Pldleh. IG, p. 28
1',
vovv koX
<f>p6vr)criv
Ttva
6avjj.a(rTi'jv
iu
tlia
post-Platonic Ei>inomis, p. 98Gc, Aoyos o ttcivtwv daoraTos.
VII.

of forces.
it is
179
most powerful and most active

rate cosmology of the Timceus^
In the elabospoken of as
further conceived as
a person.
The
creative energy of
God
is
the Demiurgus^
and employed subordinate agents in the construction of the The matter upon which the Demiurgus actual world.
ideal world,
who
himself
made an
or his agents
iDcing,^
work
is
sometimes conceived as potential

receiving
qualities
the bare
capacity of
and
forms, and sometimes as chaotic substance which was
reduced to order.^
The agents were gods who, having

to create living
been themselves created, were bidden

beings, capable of growth and decay.^
The
distinction
between the two spheres of
creation, that of a world in
which nothing was imperfect

^
since
it
was the work
of a
The
best account of Plato's complex, because progressive, theory

is
of matter
that of Siebeck, Plato's Lehre von der Materie, in his
UntersucJiungen der Fliilosopliie der Griechen, Freiburg
im Breisg. 1888.
schools,
The
conception of
is
it
which was current in the Platonist
and
is
which
therefore important in relation to Christian philosophy,
,<jiven in
the Placita of Aetius, ap. Stob.

1.
Ed.
1.
11 (Diels,
p. 308),
and
Hippol. Philosoph.
19.
Trai/
Plat. Ti77l, p. 30,
ocrov rjv
oparov rrapaXajSwu ovk
rjcrvx^Lav
avov
aAAa
3
Kivovixevov 7rAi;/t/ieAc3s /cai droLKTWi els rctîv avrb yjyayev k rrjs
ara^tas.
In Tim.
p. 41,
the Oeol OeQv are addressed at length by o roSe to

8r][ji.iovpy6s)
:
3ra;/ yevvrjcras (
=o
the most pertinent words

TpeTreade Kara
are,
iv
ovv
ryv
dvqTo. T y TO T
TTtti/
oVtws
ciTTav y,
cjiva-Lv ii/iets Itti
TOJv {'wcov oyixcQvpycav, fiifiov/JLevot ti]V ep-yv 8vvap,Lv rrepl
ryv vp.wv yevecnv.
The whole
Creator
theory
is
summed up by
artist
tion to his translation of the Timcaus (Plato, vol.

is like
Professor Jowett in the Introduc" The ii. p. 470)

:
human
who
frames in his mind a plan which he
executes
by means of his servants. Thus the language of philosophy, which speaks of first and second causes, is crossed by another sort of phraseology, God made the world because he was good, and the demons
'
ministered to him.'"
n2
180
VII.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOI OGY.
Perfect Being, and that of a world which was full of imperfections as being the
as
work
of created beings, camCy
we
shall see, to
be of importance in some phases of
Christian thought.
It
was
inevitable,
in the syncretism
which results
an age
when an age
of
of pliilosophical reflection succeeds
of philosophical origination, that these two great drifts
thought should tend in some points to approach each
other.
The elements
in
them which were most readily
fused together were the theories of the processes
by
the
which the actual world came
into being,
and
of
nature of the forces which lay behind those processes.
In Stoicism, there was the theory of the one

Logos expressing forms
:
Law
or
itself in
an
infinite variety of material
in Platonism, there
was the theory
of the
one
God, shaping matter according to an

patterns.
infinite variety of
In the one, the processes of nature were the
operations of active forces, containing in themselves the
law
of the forms
in
which they exhibit themselves^

each of them a portion of the
self-developing seeds,
one Logos which runs through the whole.^

other, they
In the
were the operations
of the infiaiitely various
and eternally active energy of God, moving always in

the direction of His thoughts, so that those thoughts
1
Aoyot cnrepfxariKoi, frequently in Stoical writings,
e.g. in
the defigiven in
nition of the TTvp rexî-Koi',
which
is
the base of
all things, as
the Placita of Aetius, reproduced

Dials, p. 30G,
iiJ.irepuik-)]cjioS
by Plutarch, Eusebius, and Stobreus, Trdvras Tovs cnrepfxaTLKOvs Aoyoi'S Kad ovs
(Kaa-ra Kad'
lfj.apiJ.V)]v
yiviTai.
is
The
best account of this important
clement in later Stoicism
in Heinze, die Lchre
vom Logos
in der
(jriechischen Pliilosophie, 1872, pp.
110 sqq.
VII.
181
miglit
themselves be conceived as the causes of the
operations. 1
In both the one theory and the other, the
processes
were sometimes regarded in their aj)parent
multiplicity,
and sometimes in their underlying unity
and
in both also the unity
was expressed sometimes by
the impersonal term Logos^ and sometimes

sonal term God.
by the
per-
But while the monism of the Stoics, by laying stress upon the antithesis between the two phases of the one
substance, was tending to dualism, the dualism of the
Platonists,
by laying
stress
upon the
distinction
between
the creative energy of God and the form in the mind of God which His energy embodied in the material universe,
was tending
two
to introduce a third factor into the concep-
tion of creation.
It
became common
to speak, not of
principles, but of three
God, Matter, and the Form,
Hence came a new fusion of conceptions. The Platonic Forms in the mind of God, conceived, as
or Pattern.2
they sometimes were, as causes operating outside Him,

^
Hence the
Kal
definition
which Aetius gives

toutwv
iSea kcrrlv ovcria da-wfia-
Tos, avTTj fxev v<f>(Trwara Ka6' avTrjv
elKOviôvcra Se ras
dfj-opcfyovi
vAas
1.
atTi'a yivojxkv)] ttJs
Set^tws, ap. Plut, de plac. philob'.
Stob.
2
10; 'Euseh. proip. evang. 15. 45; with additions and differences in Ed. 1. 12 (Diels, p. 308).
The
three apx"' are expressed
by varying but
identical terms
God, Matter, and the Form (t'Sea), or the By Whom, From What, In view of What (w(/)' ov, e^ ov, irpos o), in the Placita of Aetius,
1. 3. 21, ap. Plut.
de placit. pMl.
and
in Timseus Locrus, de an.
1. 3, Stob. Ed. 1. 10 (Diels, p. 288), mundi 2 (MuUach F P G 2. 38) God,

:
Matter, and the Pattern (TrapaSeiyiMo), Hippol. Philosoph.

Irris. Gent. Phil. 11
:
1.
19,
Herm.
the Active (to iroioGv), Matter, and the Pattern,
Alexand. Aphrod. ap. Simplic. in phys. f. 6 (Diels, p. 485), where Simplicius contrasts this with Plato's own strict dualism.
182
YII.

less identified
were more or
with the Stoical Logoi, and,
being viewed as the manifold expressions of a single

Logos, were expressed
by a singular rather than
a plural
term, the Logos rather than the Logoi of God.

It is at this point that the writings of Philo of special importance.
become
They gather
together, without
fusing into a symmetrical

theories
of the past,
system, the two dominant
and they contain the seeds of
nearly
It
is
all
that afterwards
grew up on Christian
soil.
possible that those writings cover a

is
much
larger
if
period of time than
commonly supposed, and that
we we
could find a
key
to their chronological arrangement,
should find in them a perfect bridge from philoso-
phical Judaism to Christian theology.
And
even without
such a key
we
are able to see in
tion of the processes of thought that
them a large representawere going on, and
can better understand by the analogies which they offer
both the tentative theories and those that ultimately
became dominant
in the sphere of Christianity.
It
is-
consequently desirable to give a brief account of
the'
view which they present.
The ultimate cause

nature of God.
ferent sense,
of the
world
is to
be found in the
As
is
in Plato, though perhaps in a dif-
God
regarded as good.
He was
make
it
impelled to
make
the world
By His goodness He was able ta
by
virtue of His power.
" If any one wished
to search out the reason
why
the universe was made, I

if
think that he would not be far from the mark
he were,
to say, what, in fact, one of the ancients said, that the
Father and Maker
is
good, and that being good
He
did
not grudge the best kind of nature to matter
[ova-ln)
VII.
183
it
whicli of itself
had nothing
all
excellent,
though
again:
was
capable of becoming
soul once told
things."^
And
"My
with a
me
more
serious story (than that of the

seized, as it often was,
Greek mythology), when

divine ecstasy
existing
It told
me
that in the one really
God
there are two chief and primary faculties.
Goodness and Power, and that by Goodness

the universe, and by
He
begat
Power He governs it."^ God is thus the Creator, the Fashioner and Maker of the world, its Builder and Artificer.^ But when the conception of
His
is
relation to the world is
more precisely examined,
it
found to be based upon a recognition of a sharp
dis-
tinction
between the world
of
thought and that of sense
and
to
be monistic in regard to the one, dualistic in
regard to the other.

a fountain, proceed
all
God
is
mind.
From Him,
as
from
forms of mind and reason.
Eeason,
whether unconscious in the form of natural law, or conscious in the form of
human
5)
:
thought,
is like
a river that
De mundi
Se
opif. 5
(i.
cf.
Plat.
Tim.
p.
30
(of
God),
o.yaBo<s tjv
dyaOw
ovSels Trepl ovSevo? ovSeiroTe
iyytyverat
<f)d6i'os'
tovtov 8
CKTos (ov TTccvra oTifidXicTTa kfBovXrjd-q yivecrOaL irapaTrX-qa-ta auT^. 2

3
De
cherub. 9
(i.
144)
cf. ih.
35
(i.
162).
The most frequent word

de con/us.
(i.
is S-qixiovpyo'?,
but several others are used,

;
e.g. TrXda-T-qs,
TJ^s,
ling.
38
(i.
434)
rexvtTJjs, ibid.
Kocr[xoTrXdar-
de plant Noe, 1
329);
koct/xottoios, ibid.
31
(i.
348), ov Te;(vtT7js
Kal TraTrjp tcov yiyvop-kviov, Leg. alleg. 1. 8 (i. 47). The which became important in later controversies do not appear in the writings which are probably Philo's own, but are found in those which probably belong to his school the most explicit recognition of them is de somn. 1. 13 (i. 632), o êos ra z-avra
fiovov
dXXa
distinctions
yVV7^cras
iTToirjcrev,
ov p-ovov
ts
to e/x(âvS tjyayev
dXXa
Kal d Tporepov ovk ^v
ov 8r]p.Lovpyos p.ovov
(ii.
aXAa Kal
KTLcrTrjS
avros wv
TrotT^rr);
cf.
also de
oXtav.
monarch. 3
216), êos ?$ la-ri Kal ktmttjjs Kal
twv
184
VII.
flows forth from
Him
and
fills
the universe.^
is
:
In
man
the two worlds meet.
The body
fashioned
Artificer from the dust of the earth
by the " The soul came
from nothing that

Leader of
is
created, but
from the Father and

breathed into
all things.
For what
He
Adam
for
was nothing
else
than a divine breath, a colony from
that blissful and
happy nature, placed here below

;
the benefit of our race
so that granting
man
to
be
^
mortal in respect of his visible part, yet in respect of

that
which
again:
is
invisible he is the heir of immortality."

is
And
Him,
"The mind
(of God),
an offshoot from the divine
and happy soul
an offshoot not separated from and disjoined, but
for nothing divine is cut off
only extended."^
And again, in expounding the words, " They have forsaken me, the fountain of life" (Jeremiah
13),
ii.
he says: "Only
God
is
the cause of soul and

life
;
life,
especially of rational soul
and reasonable
but
He
Himself
is
more than
life,
being the ever-flowing
fountain of
life." *
But the theory of the origin of the sensible world is dualistic. The matter upon which He acted was outside Him. " It was in itself without order,
This
is
monistic.
without quality, without

portion,
soul, full of difference, dispro-
and discord
identity,
37
it
received a change and trans-
formation into what was opposite and best, order, quality,

animation,
1
proportion, harmony,
all
that
is
Desomn.
2.
(i.
691).
(i.
2
(i.
De mnndi
Quod
oxtif.
46
32)
cf. ih.
51
(i.
35)
quod deus immut, 10
279), and elsewhere.

3
det. lot. ins.

(i.
24
(i.
208, 209).
Deprofu'j. 36
575).
YII.
185
characteristic of a better form."^
He
himself did not
touch
it.
" Out of
it
:
it
God begat
all things,
Himself not
touching
for
it
was not right that the all-knowing
and blessed One should touch unlimited and confused

matter
:
but
the
its
He
used the unbodied Forces whose true

(iSeai)^
name
is
Forms
fitting
that each class of things should
receive
shape." ^
These unbodied Forces,

of Forms,
which are here

(Xoyoi),
called
by the Platonic name
are elsewhere spoken of in Stoical language as Eeasons
sometimes in Pythagorean language as IsTumbers
or Limits, sometimes in the language of the Old Testa-
and sometimes in the language of popular mythology as DaBmons.^ The use of the two
as Angels,
^
ment
De mundi
1
(i.
opif.
(i.
5)
this is the
most
explicit expression of
his theory of the nature of matter.
It
may be supplemented by
ets
de
plant Noe,
329), tjjv ova-lav araKrov Kal (rvyKiyyiikviqv oucrav 1^
avTrjs els rdîv e^
dra^tas Kal eK (rvyxwews

rjpâro
:
SiaKpLCTiv aytav 6
(i.
Koa-ixoTrXda-T-qs fiop(f)ovv
quis rer. div. her. 27
492)
de
eomn.
found,
word
2.
(i.
e.g.
665) ovcrta is the more usual word, but vXrj is sometimes de plant Noe, 2 (i. 330) the conception underlying either
:
:
is
more
Stoical than Platonic,
i.
e.
it is
rather that of matter
having the property of resistance than that of potential matter or empty space hence in de profug. 2 (i. 547), t^v diroiov Kal dvdSeov
:
Kal
da-)(r]p.6.Ti(TTov
ovaiav
is
contrasted, in strictly Stoical phraseology,
with TO KIVOVV
*
atTLOV.
De
sacrlf.
13
(ii.
261).
I8eai are
The terms Aoyot and

:
common.
Instances of the other

(i,
terms are the following

epyoiv Kal
angels, de con/us. ling. 8

4'ôs
408), rwv
i.
ddwv
638),
122),
Aoywv ous Kakelv

oi"?
dyyeXovs
:
de somn.
19
(i,
ddavdrois Aoyois
KaXiiv idos dyyeXovs

:
Leg. alley.
3. 2.
62
2
(i.
(i.
Tous dyyeAovs Kal Aoyovs avrov
Sat/zoves,
de gigant.
263),
'.
ous aAAo6
<f)i.X6(ro(f)oi
Satjuovas,
dyyeXovs
1.
MwiJcrTjs
eicadev
ovo/mêiv
SO, in identical
words, de somn.
(i.
22
(i.
642)
dpiOp-ol
and
ixkrpa,
tt/jos
quis rer. div. heres. 31
495), Tracrtv dpiOpioh Kal irda-ais rats

Trcjrotrj kotos
:
TcAcioTijTo iSeais KaTa)(p-qa-afivov rov
de mund. opif. 9
186
VII.
names Force and Form, with the synonyms which are

interchanged with each of them, expresses the two sides
of the conception of them. or instruments
They
of
are at once the agents
by means
which God fashioned the
world, and also the types or patterns after which
He
fashioned
it.^
In both respects they are frequently viewed, not in

the plurality of their manifestations, but in the unity of
their essence.
On
the one hand, they collectively form
the world which the Divine Architect of the great City

of the Universe fashioned in
His mind before His thought

its
went outside
Logos.) the
Him
to
stamp with
impress the chaotic

is
and unformed mass.
The
place of this world
the
Eeason or Will or
Word
of
God
more preits
cisely, it constitutes that
Logos in a special form of
activity
for in the building of

it
an ordinary city the
ideal
which precedes
"is no other than the mind of
the architect, planning to realize in a visible city the

iSeai
(i.
7),
KoX fxerpa Kal tvttoi Kal cr^/sayiSes

aTTiipa.
cf.
de monarch. 6
Treparovcrat
(ii.
219),
Ta
Kal aopurra Kal
dcr)(r^fJ.a.TurTa
Kat
TripiopLôvcrai Kal
^
(T)(t^ fnaTLôvcrai.
The
clearest instance of the identification is probably in de
(ii.
218, 219), where
God
tells
Moses that so
far
monarch, from Himself being

are cognizable in
cognizable, not even the powers that minister to

their essence
;
Him
but that as seals are known from their impressions,

fi
ToiavTtts VTroXTjTTTeov Kal Tas Trepl

pop(f)as
a.fJLop(pOL<;
Svvafieis uTrotois TrotOTT^ras Ka\
Kal
fxrjSiv
rrjs
dl'Siov
cîVews fieTaXXofJuvas
ft^Tl
)UtOV/iVaS.
2
De mund.
Tf
opif.
(i.
5),
oiSkv av erepov curoi

'
toi/
votjtov c?vai
Kocrfiov
Oiov Xoyov
rjSrj
KocrixoTTOiovvTos
vit.
Mos.
3,
13
(ii.
154),
Twv
acrco/iciTcav
Kal Tra/jaSciy/xaTtKwi/ iScwv l^

(i.
tov 6 voj^tos iTrdyrj Kocr/J.o<s:
BO de confiLs. ling. 34
Epictct. Diss.
1.
431)
cf.
the Stoical definition of Aoyos in
20. 5, as (n-Vxyâ Ik iroidv
<âvTa(nw.
VII.
187
city of his
call
thought
The archetypal
is itself
seal,
which we
the ideal world,

of
the archetypal pattern, the
Form
Forms, the Eeason of God." ^
On the other hand,

It is the
the Eeason of
God
is
sometimes viewed not as a Form
but as a Force.
It is
His creative energy .^
instrument by which
He made
all
things.^
It is the
"river of
forth to
God" that is "full of waters," and "make glad the city of God," the
from a fountain,
all
that flows
universe.'*
From
flow.
it,
as
lower Forms and Forces

it,
By
another and even sublimer figure,
the
eldest born of the " I
am," robes
itself
with the world
as with a vesture, the high-priest's robe, embroidered

all
by
the Forces of the seen and unseen worlds.^
But
in all this, Philo never loses sight of the primary
truth that the world was

beings, but
made not by inferior
or opposing
by God. It is the expression of His Thought. His Thought went forth from Him, impressing itself in Forms and by means of infinite Forces: but though His Thought was the charioteer, it is God
infinite
^
De mund.
opif.
(i.
4)
the same conception

(i.
is
expressed in less
figurative language in Leg. alley. 1. 9

a'urdr^ra. rjv
47), irp\v dvaretAai
Kara
/xepos
to yevtKov al(r6y]Tov
TrpofirjOiia
tou
TrcTroiij kotos.
^ SvvafiLS KO(T[J.oTroti]Ti.Kr],
de mund. opif. 5
(i.
5); Suva/zis
TroirjTiKT'f
deprofug. 18
(i.
560).
Leg. alleg.
1.
(i.
47),
rw yap
Trepiffiavea-TaTU) /cat T-qXavyea-raTC^
Aoyo), p-qixari, 6
êos
ajxônpa
(i.
(i.e.
both heaven and earth) irouli

xpw/zevos vK-qpirrj SoypeQu
it is
(i.
quod dens immut. 12

Tov
Leg.
* 6
281),
Aoyw
Kal
Koa-fiov LpydêTo
alleg. 3.
more
expressly,
the instrument, opyavov^
31
2.
(i 106),
de cherub. 35
162).
De De
somn.
37
(i.
691).
profug. 20
(i.
562), de migrat. Ahr. 18
(i.
452)
cl Wisdom,
18. 24.
188
VII.
Himself who gives the orders.^
By
a different concepis
tion of the genesis of the world,
and one that
of
singular interest in view of the similar conceptions which
we
of
shall find in
some Gnostic
schools,
God
of
is
is
the Father
is
the
world:
and the metaphor

:
Fatherhood
expanded into that of a marriage

the Father,
God
conceived as
His Wisdom
as the
Mother:
fruitful
"and
she,
receiving the seed of God, with
birth-pangs
brought forth this world. His visible

beloved." ^
son, only
and well-
"We have now the main elements

tianity constructed
of
the current
conceptions out of which the philosophers of early Chiis-
new
fabrics.
Christianity
had no need
the world.
to
borrow from Greek philo-
sophy either the idea of the unity of God, or the belief

that
He made
Its ultimate basis
was the
belief in one
God.
It rode in
reaction against polytheism.

it
upon the wave of the The Scriptures to which

It
appealed began with the sublime declaration, " In the
beginning
God
created the heavens and the earth."
accepted that declaration as being both final and complete.
It
saw therein the picture

and
it
''
of a single
supreme
aid of
Artificer:
elaborated the picture

:
by the
anthropomorphic conceptions
By
His almighty power
He
1
fixed firm the heavens, and
by His incomprehensible
Deprofiuj. 19 (i 561).
^ o
tZv oXwv
Trar-qp,
1.
de mi'jrat. Ahrah. 9
(i.
(i.
443); 6 êos ri
flravra
yivvq(Ta<i,
8
de sonin.
13
632),
and elsewhere.
De
ebriet.
(i.
361).
VII.
189
wisdom He
set
them
in order
He
it
separated the earth
from the water that encompassed
...
and
last of all
He
formed man with His sacred and spotless hands, the
impress of His
The
belief
own image." ^ that the one God was
the Creator of heaven

to
and earth came, though not without a struggle,
be a
foremost and permanent element in the Christian creed.
The various forms

and around
it fostered,
it,
of ditheism
which grew up with

its
it
finding their roots in
unsolved pro-
blems and their nutriment in the very love of God which

gradually withered away.
But
in proportion
as the belief spread widely over the
Greek world, the

insufiicient.
simple
Semitic
cosmogony became
The
questions of the
relation of
mode
of creation,
and
of the precise
God
to the material world,
which had grown
with the growth of monotheism as a philosophical doctrine,
were asked not
less instinctively,
and with an even

a
keener-sighted enthusiasm,
religious conviction.
when monotheism became
as the necessary outgrowth

of that which, not less
They came not from curiosity, but among an educated people
now than
philosophy
:
then,
is
the crucial
question of
all theistic
almighty
fection
God made
failure
the world, can

?
How, if a good and we account for imper-
and
and pain
of the
These questions
relation of
^
mode
of creation and of the
God
to the material world,

:
and the underlying
trast
Clem. Rom. 33. 3, 4 but it is a noteworthy instance of the conbetween this simple early belief and the developed theology which
in less than a century later, that Irenoeus,
lib. 4, pra^f.
had grown up
c. 4,
explains the 'hands' to
mean
the Son and Spirit
"
homo
per
manus
dixit
ejus plasmatus est, hoc est per Filium et Spiritum quibue et
Faciamus hominem."
190
VII.
question which any answer to them must at the same time

solve,
fill
a large place in the history of the
first
three
centuries.
The compromise which ultimately
resulted
has formed the basis of Christian theology to the present

day.
The
first
answers were necessarily tentative. Thinkers
of all schools, within the original communities and outside them, introduced conceptions
which were afterwards

tableaux of the
discarded.
of
One group
of philosophers, treating the facts
Christianity as symbols,
like the
mysteries,
also,
framed cosmogonies which were symbolical
and
fantastic in proportion as they
were symbolical.
with the
Another group
of philosophers, dealing rather
ideal than with the actual,
framed cosmogonies in which and per-
abstract ideas were invested with substance

sonality.
The philosophers
of all schools
were met, not
only by the
common
sense of the Christian communities,
but also by caricature.
Their opponents, after the man-
ner of controversialists, accentuated their weak points,
and handed on
theories
to later times only those parts of the to attack,
which were most exposed

least
intelligible
and which
were
also
except in relation to the
whole system.
But
so far as the underlying conceptions

details,
can be disentangled from the

of Greek philosophy.
1.
they
may be
clearly
drifts
seen to have drifted in the direction of the
main
There was a large tendency
to
account for the

In.
world by the hypothesis of evolution.
some way
it
had come forth from God.

in
The
belief expressed itself
many
forms.
It
was
in all cases svncretist.
The
VII.
191
same writers frequently made use of different metaphors but all the metaphors assumed vast grades and distances
between God in Himself and the sensible world.
One
its
metaphor was that of an outflow, as of a stream from

source.^
Other metaphors were taken from the phenofrom
mena
a
of vegetable growth, the evolution of a plant
seed, or the putting forth of leaves
by
a tree.^
The
metaphors of other writers were taken from the pheno-
mena
of
human
generation
they were an elaboration
of the conception of
God
as the Father of the world.

:
They were sometimes
pressed
there
was not only a
Father, but also a Mother of the world,
Wisdom or Silence
it
or some other abstraction.
In one elaborate system
was held
pairs,
that,
though God Himself was unwedded,
all
the powers that came forth from
Him came
forth in
and
all
existing things were the offspring of their

also conceived in
union.*
^
That which came forth was

:
Derivatio
Iren. 1. 24. 3, of Basilides (or rather one of the schools
of Basilidians).
2
This
is
probably the metaphor involved in the

Hippol.
6. 38,
common word
3rpo/3oXi7, e.g.
of Epiphanes.
2 The conception of the double nature of God, male and female, is found as early as Xenocrates, Aetius ap. Stob. Eel. 1. 2. 29 (Diels, p. 304) ; and commonly among the Stoics, e.g. in the verses of Valerius
Soranus, which are quoted by Varro, and after
him by
S. Augustitie,
de
civit.
Dei,
7.
Jupiter omnipotens regum rex ipse deusque
Progenitor genitrixque deum, deus unus et omnis.
So Philodemus, de
Zeus
o.ppr]v,
piet.
;
6,
ed.
Gomp.
p.
83
(Diels, p. 549), quotes

3. 9,
Zcvs dyjXv;
:
and Eusebius, proap. Evang.
p.
100
6,
quotes the Orphic verse

Zeus
*
ap<Tr]v ye veto,
in, e.g.,
Zevs afx/Sporos
err Aero vl'/^^t/.

:
TheValentinians
6,
Hippol.
(^Jjcri
6.
29; 10, 13
so of
Simon Magus,
ajro
ib
12, îyovhat, Se rd? piâs
Kurd crvûyias
tov
irvpui.
192
VII.
various ways.
philosophers
is
The common expression in one group of won {alwv^^ a term which is of uncertain
In other groups of philoStoical
origin in this application.
sophers the expressions are relative to the metaphor of
growth and development, and repeat the

seed.
term
In the syncretism
of the
of
Marcus the several expresand made more

intelligible
sions are gathered together,
by the use
synonym
logoi;^ the thoughts of
God
were conceived as active
forces,
embodying themselves in
material forms. In the conception of one school of thinkers,

the invisible forces of the world acted in the same
that the art of a craftsman acts
way
In
upon
his materials.^
the conception of another school, the distinction between

intellectual
and material existence tended

forth
to
vanish.
at
The powers which flowed

intellectual
from God were
once
and material, corresponding
to the monistic
conception of
God
Himself.
They were
subtler
its
and
more
active forms of
matter acting upon
grosser
but plastic forms.
In the conception
of another school,
God
is
^
is
the unbegotten seed of which the Tree of Being
the leaves and fruit, ^ and the fruit again contains

Hippol.
6.
43
(of Marcus),
ra
Se ovo/iara Ttuv a-Toiyi-'nav
ra
kolvo,
Kal pr]Ta aiwj/as xal
Aoyous
Kat piâs Kai (nrepiMara Kai irXij-
pdifiara koI Kapirovs

^
ii)v6fj.a(re.
Hippol.
5.
/at)
TrapaAeiVets
voi]6iv,
19 (of the Sethiani), Trav o ti vo-qa-et tTnvods y Kat touto iKacrTrj twv dp^wi' vre^vKe yevecrât J)s v
dvdpioTrii'r) ^v)(îf Tracra r]Tt.(TOvv 8t.8aa-K0fj.evr] T)^vrj.
Hippol.
8.
8 (of the Docetse), ôv eTvai tov irpQrov olovel cnrepfMa

a7rei/D0v
:
(TVKTJs [JLeyWei
pXv iXa-îa-Tov TravrtAtos Swdfiei 8e

17
ibid.
c.
9,
TO 8e TrpwTov (nvepfxa ckuvo, oOev yeyovcv
avKrj, eoriv dyevvrjTOV.

6.
A
it
similar metaphor was used by the Simonians, Hippol.

is
9 sqq., but
fire
complicated with the metai)hor of invisible and visible

It is adopted
(heat
flame).
by Peter
in the Clementines, Horn. 2. 4,
and where
G^d
is
the fnâ,
man
the Ka/)-o9.
VII.
193
in itself infinite possibilities of renewing the original

seed.^
The obvious
its failures
difficulty
which the actual world,
with,
and imperfections, presents
to all theories of
evolution which assume the existence of a good and

perfect God,
lapse.
was bridged over by the hypothesis of a

"fall
The
itself.
from
original
righteousness"
was
carried back from the earthly Paradise to the sphere of
divinity
The theory was shaped
in various ways,
some
of
which are expressed by almost unintelligible

That
and
of the widely-spread school of Valentinus
symbols.
was, that the Divine

to passion,
that,
Wisdom
herself
had become subject

desire,
having both ambition and
she
had produced from herself a shapeless mass, in ignorance

that the XJnbegotten another, produce
One
alone can, without the aid of
what
is perfect.
Out
of this shapeless
mass, and the passions that came forth from her, arose
the material world and the Demiurgus
who
fashioned
it.^
Another theory was that

the supernal powers.^
difficulty
of revolt
and insurrection among

pushed the
it
Both
:
theories simply
farther back
they gave no solution of
they were opposed as strongly by philosophers outside

Christianity as they were
it
:
by polemical theologians within
they helped to pave the

....
6 KapTTos ev
way
for the Augustiniau
Ibid. 8, 8,
y to
aireipov Kal to dveâpiOfiTjTOV
6r]<Tavpt^6[Xvov <f)v\d(T(TTai (nrepfia crvKrjs.

2
The
chief authorities for this theory,
which was expressed

the
first
iu lan-
guage that readily lent

of the
3
itself to caricature, are
seven chapters
first
book of
Ireno3us,
and Hippolytus
6.
32 sqq.
5. 13.
This was especially the view of the Peratte, Hippol.
Kotably by Plotinus, Etm.
ii,
9.
25.
194
YII.
theology of succeeding centuries, but they did not themselves
win permanent acceptance

Side
either in philosophy or
in theology, in either the Eastern or the

2.
Western world.
to It
by
side with these hypotheses of evolution
was a tendency, which ultimately became supreme, account for the world by the hypothesis of creation. was the
matter.
result of the action of
God upon already
existing
It
was not evolved, but ordered or shaped.
God was
the Builder or Framer: the universe was a
work of art.^ But this, no
less
than the monistic hypothesis, con-
tained grave difficulties, arising partly from the metaphysical conception of God, and partly from the conception
of
moral
evil.
Three main questions were discussed in

it
:
connection with
of matter to
(i.)
"What was the ultimate relation
God ?
(ii.)
How
did
with
it
so as to shape it?
(iii.)
How
God come into contact did a God who was

is
almighty as well as beneficent come to create what

imperfect and evil
(i.)
The
dualistic hypothesis
assumed a co-existence of
matter and God.
The assumption was more frequently tacit than explicit. The difficulty of the assumption varied according to the degree to which matter was There was a regarded as having positive qualities.
universal belief that beneath the qualities of
all
existing
things lay a substratum or substance on which they
The conception appears

ajjiopcjiov
in Justin Martyr,
^4^50?.
i.
10,
raVra
:
ti)v
apx^jv dyaduv oVra Srjfiiovpyrja-at avTov i^ dfi6p(f>ov vXrjs

uAtjv
ovcrav (TTpk\pavra. tov 6(.ov Kocr/iov Troi^crai
:
ih. c,
59,
but Justin,
tliough he avowedly adopts the conception from Plato, claims that
Plato adopted
it
from Mosea.
VII.

and which gave
to
195
its
were
grafted,
each thing
unity.
But the conception

and formless
of the nature of this substance varied

to that of
from that of gross and tangible material

space.
empty
of
The metaphysical conception
substance tended to be confused with the physical conception of matter.
Matter was sometimes conceived as
a mass of atoms not coalescing according to any principle

or order of arrangement:^
the action of the Creator
upon them was that
of a general changing a rabble of

It
individuals into an organized army.
was sometimes
as a potter as a
conceived as a vast shapeless but plastic mass, to which

the Creator gave form, partly by moulding
it
moulds
house.2
clay, partly
by combining various elements
builder combines his materials in the construction of a
Both these conceptions

it
of matter tended to
It
regard
as
more or
less gross.
was
still
plastic in the
hands of the Divine Workman, but

quality of resistance.
possessed the
With
Basilides, the conception of
matter was raised to a higher plane.

subject and object
The
distinction of
was preserved,
so that the action of
the Transcendent
of evolution
;
He
still that of creation and not was " out of that which was not " that made things to be. That which He made was
God was
but
it
expressed by the metaphor of a seed which contained in
Plutarch, de anim. procreat.

fir]
5. 3,
ov yap eK tov
:
p) oiros
rj
yevecrts
t^v to.
aXA. cK To{3
7r/3o ttJs
KttAws
firj^
iKavw? e;ôvTOS
:
ibid. aKoa-jxia
yap
tou Koa-fiov yeveo-ews
cf.
Moller, KosmoloQie, p. 39.

:
- Wisdom, 11. 18, Kria-aa-a tov koctjxov l^ dp.6p(jiov vXr]s Apol 1. 10. 59 (quoted in note, p. 194) Athenag. Ler/at
:
Justin M.
15, ws
yap
o /cepaêus
Kat, o ttt^Xos, v\'i]
pev o
TvrjXos, Te;(viTr;s 8e 6
i)
Kepapevs, Kal 6
êos B'Qp.LOVpyos, viraKovova-a 8e avTi^
vXtj Trpo? r-qv
rex^W'
o2
196
VII.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY,

not only of growth, but of different
itself possibilities,
kinds of growth.
the world of
spirit,
Three worlds were involved in
it:
and the world

life.
of matter,
and between
is
the two the world of
The metaphor
original seed
sometimes
explained by
the help of the Aristotelian conception of
genera and species}

is
The
which God made

process
the ultimate
summum
genus.
The
by which
all
things came into being followed in inverse order the
process of our
ideas ascend,
knowledge.
The
steps
by which our
by an almost
infinite stairway of subor-
dinated groups, from the visible objects of sense to the highest of

all abstractions,
the Absolute Being and the
Absolute Unity, are the steps by which that Absolute
Being and Absolute Unity, who
is
God, evolved or made
the world from that which was not.
The
basis of the
theory was Platonic, though some of the terms were borrowed from both Aristotle and the Stoics. It became
itself
the basis of the theory which ultimately prevailed
in the Church.
The
transition appears in Tatian.
In
him,
God
is
the author, not only of the form or qualities,

all
but also of the substance or underlying ground of

things.-
"The Lord
of the universe being Himself the
substance of the whole, not yet having brought any

creature into being,
was alone
and since
all
power over
both visible and invisible things was with Him,
Ho
Himself by the power of His word gave substance

*
to all
Hippol.
Tiji'
7.
22 (of Basilidos),
toijto
eVn To
(TTTipjxa o ;êi Iv
eavrw
TTa'sav
Trav(nrepiJ.Lav
o (^fjcnv A/atcrToreAr^s yei'os
dvai
cis det'/DOVS
Tc/iv'()/xei'ov
tSeas ws Te/JLvofuv avru tov ('oov fôvy, lttttov, avOptnTrov ovtp
ICTTIV *
OVK ov.
Cf.
ih.
10. 14.
Orat.
ad Grace. 5 (following the
text of Schwartz).
VII.

This theory
^
197
things with Himself."
is
found in another
of
form in Athenagoras
he makes a point in defence

of all existence,
It is
Christianity that, so far from denying the existence of
God,
it
made Him the Author
He
alone
in
it.
being unborn and imperishable.
found
also
Theophilus,^ who, however, does not lay stress upon
But
its
importance was
soon seen.
It
had probably
been for a long time the unreasoned belief of Hebrew
monotheism
the development of the Platonic conception

it
within the Christian sphere gave
a philosophical form
and early in the third century
it
had become the prevail-
ing theory in the Christian Church.

matter.
God had
created
He was not merely the Architect of the universe,

Source.^
but
* 2
its
Snppl. j)ro Christ.
4.
Ad
Autol. 2. 5 and 10; but in the former of these passages ho

et o
adds, Tt 8e fikya
2
êos e^
v-!roKet[XV)]S
is
dAtjs cTrotei Toi' Koafiov.

1,
The most important passage

Kal
is
7roi7^cras
e/c
Hermas, Aland.
to.
which
is
expressed
in strictly philosophical language, 6 deos 6

Tticras
Trdvra Kxto-as Kal Karapto,
tou
[xi]
ovtos
3.
etS
to etVat
4.
i.
iravra (the pas-
sage
5. 8.
quoted as Scripture by Irenteus,

1.
20.
p.
Eusebius, H. E.
1. 5,
7: Origen, de princip.
:
3, vol.
61, 2.
p. 79,
elsewhere)
this
must be read by the

is
light of the distinctions

19,
and which
are clearly expressed
by Athenagoras, Legat 4 and

aykv-qrov
'.
where to ov
=
is
TO voj^Tov, which
to
ot5k
ov
:
to
alcrO-qrov,
which
i^rj
yevrjToi', dp)^6ixevov erât
Kal Trav6[j.evov
the meaning of to
ov
appears from the expression, to ou ov yLverai

it is
dXXd
to
/xt)
ov,
whence
clear that to
p.
/xy]
ov
= to
Swajxei ov, or potential being (see Mbller,
Kosmologie,
123).
it is
phrases occur,
In some of the other passages in which similar not clear Avhether the conception is more than that
to exist
errotrja-ev
of an artist who,
by impressing form on matter, causes things

:
which did not

avTO, 6 Oeos
'.
exist before
i.
2 Maccab. 7. 28, e^ ovk oVtwv
2 Clem.
8, e/caXeo-ev
:
yap
rjfids
ovk ovTac Kal

tiJ)
rj9e\-t)(TV
(K
fj,r]
ovTOi (TvaL
rjixas
Clementin. Horn,
3. 32,
tci /x>|
oVto
ts
tj
198
VII.

its
But the theory did not immediately win

acceptance.
way
to
It rather set aside the moral difficulties

It
than solved them.

those
difficulties
was attacked by those who

There are two chief
:
felt
lite-
strongly.
rary records of the controversy
one
is
the treatise of
is
Tortullian against Hermogenes, the other

of about the same date which
is
a dialogue
ascribed to an otherwise
unknown Maximus.^
insoluble difficulties
Both
treatises are interesting as
examples not only of contemporary polemics, but of the
which beset any attempt
to explain
the origin of moral evil on metaphysical grounds.
attempt was soon afterwards practically

solution of the moral difficulties
of Free-will
:
The abandoned. The

in the doctrine
was found
the solution of the metaphysical difficulties
was found
in the general acceptance of the belief that

all
God
created
things out of nothing.
(ii.)
How, under any

so as to give
it
conception of matter, short of
its
having been created by God, did God come into contact

with
it
qualities
and form
The
difficulty
of the question
became greater as the
tide of
thought
receded from anthropomorphism.

tri/at (Tvo-Tr^crajjiivij),
The dominant idea

Bdkacra-av
:
ovpavov
5}]fJ.LOvpyyjo-avTi, yTjv TrtAojcrai'Ti,
iptopicravTi, TO. kv ^îj rafiuvixavrL Kal ra Trai/ra dept TrXijpdxravTi
llippolyt. in Genes. 1, ry [ilv Trpi^Ty yiJ-epa eirotv^crev 6 êos ocra iirocyaiv

K
[Ml]
(jVtwi'
Tats Si
aAAais ovk
p)
uvTiov.
7}
In Theopliilus, these
v\i] in
expressions are interchanged with that of
v7T0Ke.ip.kvi)
such a
way
as to suggest their identity

:
1.4;
TrdvTa
oj/
2.
10,
e^ ovk ovtwi'
vXi]'i
tu iravra
kiroUt tov
eTTOLijcrev
2. 4,
tl 81
p.kya
f.1
o êo?
to.
k^
v7roKeLp.kvy]<;
Koap-ov .... iVa k^ ovk ovtwv
iironjcrev.
In the
:
hiter
books
of the Clementine Homilies, to

17. 8, gives a clear
^
p)
= void
space
the whole passage,
and interesting exposition.

7. 22,
In Euseb. Praep. Evang.

ii.
and elsewhere
reprinted in Eouth,
Reliquiae Sacrae,
87.
VII.
199
was that
plurality
of mediation.
Sometimes, as in Philo, the
mediation vras regarded from the point of view of the
and variety
of the effects,
and the agents were
conceived as being more than one in number.
They
indica-
were the angels of the Hebrews, the daemons of the

Oreeks.
Those who appealed
to Scripture
saw an
tion of this in the use of the plural in the first chapter
of Genesis, " Let us
make man."^
Another current
of
speculation flowed in the channel, which had been
first
formed by the Timceus
of Plato, of supposing a single
Creator and Euler of the world who, in subordination to

the transcendent God, fashioned the things that exist.
In some schools
of thought this theory
was combined
with the theory of creation by the Son.^

trolled play of imagination in the region of
The unconthe unknown

it
constructed more than one strange speculation which

is
not necessary to revive.
The view
up out
Greek.
into
which the Christian consciousness
ultiitself
mately settled down had meanwhile been building

of elements
which were partly Jewish and partly
On
the one hand, there had long been
the Jews a belief in the power of the
among word of God:

itself into
and the
belief in
His wisdom had shaped
conception of that wisdom as a substantive force.
On
the other hand, the original conception of Greek philo-
Justin
M. Tryph.
Q'2;
(i.
Iren. 1. 24,
25; Hippol.
7.
16,
20: so
/xo'
Philo,
de irrofug. 13
556), where, after quoting the passage of
Genesis, he proceeds, following the Platonic theory, SiaAeyerai

o Twv oXiiiv Trarryp rats ka.vTOv Swa/xcriv a?s to dvrjTov
fiepos k5o}Ke StaTrAarTeiv, {JLifiov/xevaLS Tr)v
^
rjfjLiov
ovv
rr^s
Î'X^'
avTov
T)(^vy]y.
The
Perate in Hippol. 5. 17.
200
VII.
GKEEK AND CHEISTIAN THEOLOGY.
sophy that Mind or Eeason had marshalled into ordei

the
confused and warring elements of the primaeval
chaos,
had passed into the conception

of the activity of
of the Logos as
mode
God.
These several elements,

each other, had already
which had a natural

prehensive system
entering into
affinity for
been combined by Philo, as we have seen, into a com:
and
in the second century they
were
new
combinations both outside and inside
the Christian communities.^
The vagueness of conception

is
which we have found

clear
in Philo
found also in the

It is
earliest
expressions of these combinations.
not always
whether the Logos
is
regarded as a mode of God's
activity, or as
having a substantive existence.

as the Creator
:
In either
because
view,
God was regarded
His supremacy
rival,
was
as absolute as
His unity
there
was no
in either view the Logos

(iii.)
was God.
at once beneficent
How
could a
God who was
and almighty create a world which contained imperfection and moral evil? The question was answered, as we
have
on the monistic theory of creation by the It was answered on the dualistic hypothesis of a lapse.
seen,
theory, sometimes matter,
by the hypothesis of evil inherent in and sometimes by the hypothesis of creation by

came rather from the
harmonized with and
of matter as the
subordinate and imperfect agents.

Tlie former of these hypotheses
East than from Greece;
but
it
was supported by the Greek conception

8eat of formlessness
^
and
disorder.
says, " If
The Jew through whom Celsus sometimes speaks Logos ir the Son of God, we also assent to the same."
2. 31.
youu
Origcn,
c CeU*
Til.
201
The
latter hypothesis is
an extension of the Platonic
distinction
between the perfect world which God created
direcily through the operation of
His own powers, and In the
the world of mortal and imperfect existences the creation of
which
He
entrusted to inferior agents.
Platonic conception,
God
Himself, in a certain
mode
of
His
activity,
inferior
was the Creator (Demiurgus), and the agents were beings whom He had created.^
In the conception which grew up early in the second century, and which was first formulated by Marcion, the
Creator was detached from the Supreme God, and conceived as doing the
was subordinate
derived from
finite
to
:
work of the inferior agents. He the Supreme God and ultimately
Him ^ but looming large in the horizon of thought, He seemed to be a rival and an adversary.
ability,
The
contradictions, the imperfections, the inequalities of
both condition and

material
which meet us in both the
and the moral world, were solved by the
hypothesis of two worlds in conflict, each of them moving
under the impulse of a separate Power.

tion applied also to the contrast of the
The same
solu-
Testaments.
of the
It
Old and New had been already thought that the God
di:fferent
Jews was
from the Father of Jesus
Christ; but, with an exaggerated Paulinism, Marcion
made
so deep a
chasm between the
Law and
the Gospel,
the Flesh and the Spirit, that the two were regarded as
inherently hostile,
and the work of the Saviour was
Cf. Origen,
c.
Cels. 4. 54.
'
Hippol.
c.
Noet. 11.
202
VII.
regarded as bringing back into the world from which
he had been shut out the God
of love
and
grace.^
The
objection to all this
was
it
that,
in spite of its
reservations and safeguards,
tended to ditheism.
The
philosophical difhculties of monotheism were enormous,
but the knot was not to be cut by the hypothesis of

either a co-existent
and resisting matter or an indepen-
dent and rival God.
The enormous wave of belief in the Divine Unity, which had gathered its strength from the whole sea of contemporary thought, swept away the
barriers in its path.
The moral
difficulty
was
solved, as
we
shall see in the

:
next Lecture, by the conception of
free-will
the metaphysical difficulties of the contact of
God with matter were solved, partly by the that God created matter, and partly by the
that
conception
conception
is
He moulded
it
His Son, eternally
by His Logos, who co-existent with Him.

into form
also
The
it
first patristic
statement of this view
is
:
in Irenseus
stands in the forefront of his theology
and
it
seems
to of
have been so generally accepted in the communities
which he was cognizant, that he
states it as part of
is
^
:
the recognized "rule of truth:" the following
only
one of several passages in which he so states

"
it
There
is
one Almighty
God who
created all things
by His
Word and
1
fashioned them, and caused that out of what was not
It is not the least, of the
many
contributions of Professor
Harnack
he has vindicated Marciou from the excessive disparagement which has resulted from the blind adoption of
to early Christian history tliat
the vituperations of Tertullian
see especially his Dogmengeschichte,
Bd.
2
i.
pp.
22G
:
sqq., 2te aufl.
1.
22
cf. 4.
20.
VII.
203
all
things should be: as saith the Scripture,
By
the
Word
of
the Lord were the heavens made, and all the host of them by the Breath of His mouth and again, All things were made by Him, and without Him was not anything made that was made. There is no exception the Father made all things by Him,
:
:
whether
visible or invisible, objects of sense or objects of intel-
ligence, things temporal or things eternal.
by angels
He made them not by any powers separated from His Thought for God needs none of all these beings but it is by His Word and His Spirit that He makes and disposes and governs and presides
or
:
over
all things.
This
fashioned man, this
God who made the world, God of Abraham, and God

is
:
this
God who
and
the
of Isaac,
God
of Jacob, above
whom there
this
no other God, nor Beginning

is
nor Power nor Fulness
God, as we shall show,
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ."
The same view is expressed with equal prominence and emphasis by a disciple of Irenseus, who shows an
even stronger impress of the philosophical speculations
of his time
^
:
"The one God, the
first
and
sole
and universal Maker and

air,
Lord, had nothing coeval with
him, not infinite chaos, not

or
measureless water, or solid earth, or dense
warm
:
fire,
or
subtle breath, nor the azure cope of the vast heaven
but
He
was
one, alone
by Himself, and by His
will
He made
the things
that are, that before were not, except so far as they existed in
This supreme and only God begets Eeason first, having formed the thought of him, not reason as a spoken word, but as an internal mental process of the universe. Him alone did He beget from existing things for the Father himself constituted existence, and from it came that which was begotten. The cause of the things that came into being was the
His foreknowledge
Eeason, bearing in himself the active will of

BO that
Him who
begat
him, and not being without knowledge of the Father's thought
when
the father bade the world

1
come
into being, the
Hippol. 10. 32, 33.
204
TIL GREEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.
Eeason brought each thing to perfection one by one, thus pleasing

God."
This creed of Irenceus and his
scliool
became the
It appealed,
basis of the theology of later Christendom.

as time
went
on, to a
widening sphere, and summed up
the judgment of average Christians on the main philosophical questions of the second century.
The questions
all
were not seriously re-opened. The

no
less
idealists of Alexandria,
than the rhetoricians of Gaul, accepted, with

the belief that there was one
its difficulties,
God who
revealed Himself to mankind by the
had created them, and that

Jesus Christ.
less
this
Word by whom He Word was manifested in

diffi-
But the Alexandrians were concerned

difficulties
with the metaphysical than with the moral

;
culties
and their view of those

of creation.
modified also
their
The cosmogony of Origen was a His aim was less to show in detail how the theodicy. world came into existence, than to ''justify the ways of
view
God
to
man."
He
proceeded strictly on the lines of the
older philosophies, justifying in this part of his theology
even more than in other respects the criticism of Porphyry,^

that though in his
his opinions about
manner
of life
he was a Christian, in
God he was
a Greek.
He
followed
the school of Philo in believing that the original creation
was
of a world of ideal or "intelligible"
existences,
and that the cause of creation was the goodness of God.-
He
differed from,
or expanded, the teaching of that
school in believing that the
Word
or
Wisdom
of God,
by whom He made
the world,
was not impersonal, but

De princip.
His Son, and that both the existence of the Son and the
ap.
Euseb. H. E.
6. 19.
2. 9. 1, 6.
Vn. GREEK AND CHEISTIAN THEOLOGY.

creation of the ideal world
205
had been from
all eternity.'
For
it is
impious to think that
God
ever existed without
His Wisdom, possessing the power to create but not the

will
;
and
it is
inconceivable either that
Wisdom
should
ever have been without the conception of the world that
was
to be, or that there should ever
have been a time at
which God was not omnipotent from having no world to

govern.2
ijj^g
relation of each to the world is stated in
varying ways
one mode of statement
is,
that from the
Father and the Son, thus eternally co-existent, came the

actual world
it
;
the Father caused

3
it
to be, the
Son caused
to
be rational:
another
is,
that the whole world,
visible
and
invisible,
was made by the agency of the

a share in himself to
only begotten Son,
who conveyed
certain parts of the things so created
and caused them

a
thereby to become rational creatures.* This visible world,

which, as also Philo and the Platonists had taught,
is
copy of the ideal world, took

it is
its
beginning in time
last, of
but
not the
first,
nor will
it
be the
such worlds.^
The matter
God.^
It
of
it
as well as the form

to
was created by
it
was made by Him, and
Him
will return.
The
Stoical theory
had conceived
of the
universe as
analogous to a seed which expands to flower and fruit
and withers away, but leaves behind

which has a similar
through
life
it
a similar seed
:
and a similar succession

its
so did
one universal order spring from

its
beginning and pass
appointed period to the end which was like

it
the beginning in that after

1
all
2
things began anew.
Deprincip.
1. 2. 2.
mî
2. 2,
10.
Ibid. 1. 3. 5, 6, 8,
* Ibid. 2. 6. 3.
Ibid.
3. 5. 3.
Ibid. 2. 9. 4.
206
VII.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOQT.

:
Origon's theory was a modification of this
it
recognized
an absolute beginning and an absolute end: both the

beginning and the end were God:
poised as
it
were
between these two divine
eternities
were the worlds of

creatures were
which we are
part.
In them,
:
all rational
originally equal
and free
they are equal no longer

:
because they have variously used their freedom

the hypothesis of more Avorlds than one
is
and
a complement,
on the one hand on the other hand

because
it
of the hypothesis of
human
freedom,
of the hypothesis of the divine justice,
accounts for the infinite diversities of condition,

for the discipline of reformation.
and gives scope
Large elements
of this theory
dominated in the theo-
logy of the Eastern Churches during the fourth century.
But
ultimately those parts of
it
which distinguished
it
from the theory of Irenseus faded away.

Christians
The mass of were content with a simpler creed. More

;
than one question remained unsolved

of creation
and the hypothesis
by a
rival
God was
part of the creed of a
Church which flourished

faded away, and
it
for several centuries before it
also left its traces in
many
inconsis-
tent usages within the circle of the communities

rejected
it.
which
and in
But the
belief in the unity of God,
the identity of the one

world,
God with
the Creator of the
was never again
seriously disturbed.
The
close
of the controversy
difierent,
was marked by its transference to a though allied, area. It was no longer Theolo-
gical but Christological.
The expression " Monarchy,"

government
of the one
which had been used

gods,
of the sole
God, in distinction from the divided government of many
came
to
be applied to the sole government of the
YII.

*'
207
Father, in distinction from the
economy"
In
this
of the Father,
the Son, and the
Holy
Spirit.
new
area of con-
troversy the old conceptions re-appear.
The monistic
and
dualistic
theories of the origin of the world lie
beneath the two schools of Monarchianism, in one of
which Christ was conceived as a mode

the other as
of
God, and in
His exalted creature.
In the determination
of these Christological controversies
Greek philosophy
it
had a no
ments
less
important influence than
had upon the

ele-
controversies
which preceded them
and with some
of that determination
we
shall
be concerned in a
future Lecture.
We may sum up
universe,
the result of the influence of Greece
on the conception of God in His relation to the material
by saying
that
it
found a reasoned basis for
Hebrew monotheism.
nities to believe as
It helped the Christian
commuThe
influ-
an intellectual conviction that which
they had
first
accepted as a spiritual revelation.
moral
difficulties of
human
life,
and the Oriental
ences which were flowing in large mass over some parts

of the Christian world, tended towards ditheism.
But
is
the average opinion of thinking
men, which
the
for
ultimate solvent of
all
philosophical theories,
had
centuries past been settling
down
into the belief in the
unity of God.
"With a conviction which has been as
permanent as
difficulties in
it
was of slow growth,
it
believed that the
the hypothesis of the existence of a
Power
limited
by the existence
of a rival Power, are greater
even than the great
difficulties in
the belief in a
God
who
allows evil to be.
The dominant
Theistic philosophy
208
TII.

of Chris-
of Greece
tianity.
became the dominant philosophy

form as well as
It prevailed in
in substance.
It laid emphasis on the conception of
God
as the Artificer
its
and Architect of the universe rather than as

Cause.
immanent
But though the substance

Platonism
is
"will
remain, the form

is
may
change.
not the only theory that
consistent with the fundamental thesis that
"of Him,
:
and through Him, and

is
to
Him, are
all
things " and
it
not impossible that, even after this long lapse of centhe Christian world
turies,
may come back
to that con-
ception of
Him
which was shadowed

far off
in the far-off ages,
and which has never been wholly without a witness,

that
He
is
"not
in
but very nigh;" that

that
"He
is
in
us and
we
Him;"
He
is
changeless and yet

;
changing in and with His creatures
and that
He who
"rested from His creation," yet so " worketh hitherto"

that the
moving universe
itself is
the eternal and unfold-
ing manifestation of
Him.
Lecture YIIT.
GEEEK AND CHEISTIAN THEOLOGY,

11.
The Moeal Goveenor.
A. The Greek Idea.

1.
The
idea of the unity of
God had grown,
as
we
of
have already seen, in a common growth with the idea

the unity of the world.
But
it
it
did not absorb that idea.
The dominant element
in the idea of
in the idea of the world
God was personality was order. But personality
implied will, and will seemed to imply the capacity to
change
whereas in the world, wherever order could be
traced, it
was fixed and unvarying.

in the
The order was most conspicuous

the heavenly bodies.
movements
of
It could be expressed
by numbers.
give to the
The philosopher
army.^
of
numbers was the

of
first to
world the name Cosmos, the "order" as of a marshalled
The order being capable
being expressed by
numbers, partook of the nature of numerical relations.
Those relations are not only fixed, but absolutely unalterable.
That a certain
ratio should
be otherwise than what

of
it is, is
1
inconceivable.
Hence the same philosopher

2. 1. 1 (Diels, p.
Aetius ap. Plut. de plac. phil.
327), Iiv9ay6pa<;
ar^wTOS wi/o/xacre t^v twv
oAwv
iripLoyi^v koct/j-ov Ik ttJs ev
avTw
rcigews.
210
VIII.

first
numbers who had

of
it
conceived of
tlie
Cosmos conceived
,
also as being "invested with necessity," and the
metaphysicians
who
followed
bim framed the formula,

an older idea of Greek
"All things are by necessity."^

This conception linked
religion.
itself with
The length of a man's life and his measure of endowments had been spoken of as his " share" or " portion."
Sometimes the assigning
of this portion to a
man
was conceived as the work of Zeus or the other gods

sometimes the gods themselves had their portions like
men
It
and very commonly the portion

though
it
itself
was viewed
it
actively, as
were the activity of a special being.

:
was sometimes
any
personal, sometimes impersonal
was,
in
case, inevitable.^
Through
its
character of inevi-
tableness, it fused with the conception of the unalterable-
ness of physical order.
things are
by
necessity,"
Hence the proposition, "All soon came to be otherwise ex-
pressed, " All things are by destiny." ^

^
Aetius, ibid.
1.
25
(Diels, p. 321), Yivdayopa'i dvdyKrjv
effii]
Trepi-
Kela-Oai
"
tw
koct/xw'
XlapjUcvtSr^S Kal ArjfioKpLTO'S Travra
Kara dvayKi^v.
For
tlie
numerous passages which prove these statements, reference

to Nagelsbach,
3. 2. 2.
1.
may be made
^
Homerische Theologie,
2.
2.
3; Nacli-
homerische Theologie,
Aetius, ui supra,
27 (Diels,
p. 322),
'H/aaKAeiros iravTa KaO'

:
flfjLapiJLevrjv,
tyjv Se avTrjv VTrdp-êiv
Kal dvdyKrjv
the identification of
uvdyK-r}
a a
made by Parraenides and Democritus in But in much later times continuation of the passage quoted above. distinction was sometimes drawn between the two words, dvdyKrj
and
elfiapixevq is also
:
being used of the subjective necessity of a proposition of which the AIba. Aphrcdia. QucBst. Nat. 2. 5 (p. 96, contradictory is unthinkable
ed. Spengel), recrcrapa
yovv
to. 81s
Svo e^ dvdyKi]<s, ov
elixapfxevqv
;
/xrjv
KaO
etfiap-
jLevqv ei ye iv rots yevofievois to

liand, oTs kclO
cti]
Ka&
but,
on the other
ilppov aiViajv yivopLevon to a/TtKci/xevov ddvvaTOt; irdvTa
av KaO
elfiapfjihriVt
VIII.
211
Over against the personal might of Zeus there thus came to stand the dark and formless fixity of an impersonal Destiny.^ The conception was especially elaborated by the Stoics. In the older mythology from which it had sprung, its personifications had been spoken of sometimes as the daughters of Zeus and Themis, and some-
times as the daughters of Night. 2 The former expressed

its certainty
its
and perfect order
the other, the darkness of
working.
It
The former element became more promi-
nent.
was an " eternal, continuous and ordered movement."^ It was ''the linked chain of causes."^ The
idea of necessity passed into that of intelligent and in-
herent force
that of law.
the idea of destiny was transmuted into
This sublime conception, which has become a perma-
nent possession of the
human
race,
was further elaborated
into the picture of the world as a great city.

zro'Ai?,
The Greek
times
is
the state, whose equivalent in

ecclesiastical,
modem
not
civil
but
was an ideal
society, the
embodied
type of a perfect constitution or organization

Its parts
(arua-rrnu.a').^
were
all
interdependent and relative to the
Nagelsbach, Nachhomerische Theologie, p. 142.
2 Hesiod, Theog. 218, 904.

^
Chrysippus, ap. Theodoret. Gr.
affect,
curat. 6. 14, c'vat 8e ttjv

:
tfiapfievr]v KivqcrLV dtSiov crvve^Tj
koI TeTayjxhrjv
SO, in
other words,
ap. Aul. Gell. 6. 2. 3.

*
Aetius ap. Plut, de placit. philos.

(i.
1.
28, 06 SrwtKot
ei/)/xov alriCiv:
Philo, de mut. nom. 23
598), aKoXovOta Kal avaXoyia. t(ov o-v/xrav:
Twv, dpixQv eyova-a aStaAurov
Ic.
de divin.
1.
55,
'
ordinem seriemque
causarum cum causa causae nexa

^ The Stoical definition of a 71 rwv i>7ro vo'/iov StotKou/zei/ov, Cl\ Didvmus, ap. Diels, p. 464.
em
At?
D.
ex so gignat.'
was
a-va-T-q/xa
Kal ttXijOos dvO^dj4.
Alex. Stroni.
2C
cf.
Ariua
p2
212
whole
;
VIII.
the whole was flawless and supreme, working
out without friction the divine conception which
was
ideal
expressed in
society.^
its
its
laws.
The world was such an

and men
:
It consisted of gods
;
the former were
The moral law was a reason inherent in human nature, prescribing what men should do, and forbidding what they should not do
rulers
the
latter, its citizens.
1/
human laws were but appendages of it.^ man was a " citizen of the world." ^ To
man, as
to
In
this sense
each individual
every other created being, the administrators had assigned a special task. " Thou be Sun: thou hast
the power to go on thy circuit and
the seasons, to
lull
make
the year and
make
fruits
grow and
ripen, to stir
and
the winds, to
warm
the bodies of
men
go thy way,
make thy circuit, and

things and in great the
so fulfil
thy ministry alike in small

to lead
Thou hast the power

be Agamemnon.
:
army
to Ilium:
Thou hast the

be Achilles." To
power
to fight in
combat with Hector
this function of administration the
gods were limited.
The
constitution of the great city
was unchangeable.
:
* The idea is found in almost all Stoical writers Plutarch, de Alex. Magn. virt. 6, speaks of 17 iroAv Oavjxaôixkvii TroAtTeia tov t)v Stwikwi/
aLpicTLv KaTa/3aXofJLvov Zt]vwvos
'
Chrysippus ap. Phfedr. Epicur. de

5, ed. Peerlk. p. IG-i
e'^
nat. Deoriim, ed. Petersen, p.
19: Muson. Frag.

1^
(from Stob. Flor. 40), tou Aios :rdAeus

deCiv
:
(rvvka-TqKiv
avdp(l)Tr(Jiv
:
KaX
Epict. Diss.
1, 9.
2. 13. 6
3.
22. 4
3. 24.
10
4,
most fully
ouVw nal o
in Arius Dielymus ap. Euseb.

KOO"/-IOS
Prcep. Evang. 15.
15.
OlOl'Cl TToAlS
tCTTtV iK
dcdv KOt dvdpWTTiOV
CTWCCTTOJIXa,
TWV ukv
Oiiov
*
Ti)i'
))yfjL0VLav e^ôvTWi/ tC)v 6

(ii.
dvOpwirtov VTroTerayêrcov.
Philo, de Josepho, 6
46),
Aoyos
Se eVrt Î'crews T-pocrraKTiKu's
[j.ev (jjv
TrpaKTeov aTrayopevTLKos Se
wv ov
irpaKrkov .... irpocrOiiKOLL
ixtv
\ap
ot
Kara
TroAets I'ojxoi
tov
t>}s (^vcrecos
opdov Aoyov.
Epict. Diss. 3. 22.
VIII.
213
Tlie gods, like men, were, in the Stoical
conception,
bound by
" That
the conditions of things.

is
which
best of all things
have the gods placed in our
and supreme," says Epictetus, power the faculty of rightly deal-
ing with ideas
all
other things are out of our power.
Is it that
they would not ? I for my part think that if they had been able they would have placed the other things also in our power but
;
they absolutely could not.

if it liad
For what says Zeus
'
Epictetus,
been
is
possible, I
possessions free and unhindered.
would have made thy body and thy But as it is, forget not that
thy body
not thine, but only clay deftly kneaded.

this, I
And
since
I could not do
gave thee a part of myself, the power of

effort,
making
or not
;
making
dulging desire
in short, the
the power of indulging or not inpower of dealing with all the ideas
of thy mind."'i
by side with this conception of destiny were growing up new conceptions of the nature of the gods. The gods of wrath were passing away. The awe of the
2.
Side
forces of nature, of night
and thunder, of the whirlwind
and the earthquake, which had underlain the primitive religions, was fading into mist. The meaner conceptions which had resulted from a vividly realized anthropomorphism, the malice and spite and intrigue which
make
some parts of the

scandaleuse of a
earlier
mythology read
court,
like the chronique
European
were passing into the
region of ridicule and finding their expression only in

burlesque.
Two
great conceptions, the elements of which

earliest religion,
had existed in the

their supremacy.
also good.
gradually asserted
The gods were
just,
and they were
They punished wicked deeds, not by an arbitrary vengeance, but by the operation of unfailing laws.
1
Epict. Diss.
1.
1.
10;
cf.
Seneca, de Provid.
5. 7,
'non potest
it
artifex
tion,
mutare mateiiam.'
But Epictetus sometimes makes

e.g.
a ques
not of possibility, but of will,
Diss. 4. 3. 10.
214
VIII.

of the highest conceivable
The laws were the expression

morality.
Their penalties were personal to the offender,

this life paid
and the sinner who did not pay them in
them
after death.
of their kindness,
The gods were also good. The idea which in the earlier religion had been
a kindness only for favoured individuals, widened out to

a conception of their general benevolence.^ ception of their forethought, which at
first
The con-
had only been
that of wise provision in particular cases, linked itself
with the Stoical teleology .2 The God who was the Eeason
of the world, and
immanent
in
it,
was working
to
an end.
also
That end was the perfection of the whole, which was

the perfection of each
member
of the whole.
In the
sphere of
human
life,
happiness and perfection, misery
and imperfection, are linked together.

or ''Providence" of
The forethought
It
God was
thus beneficent in regard
both to the universe itseK and to the individual.
worked by
tetus,^
\
self-acting laws.
"There
it
are," says Epic-
"punishments appointed as
were by law to
"Whoever
those
who
disobey the divine administration.

is
thinks anything to be good that

his will, let that
let
outside the range of
man
feel
envy and unsatisfied longing

;
him be him
flattered, let
him be unquiet
is
whoever thinks
anything to be evil that

let feel
outside the range of his will,
pain and sorrow, let him bemoan himself and
be unhappy."
^
And
again:
"This
is
the law
divine
Nach-
The data
which
for the long history of the
moral conceptions of Greek
religion
are briefly indicated

:
above are far too numerous to be

of titles applied
tAao-Kco-ô*.
given in a note
to God, e.g. in
2
the student
i.
is
referred to Xiigclsbach, Die

list
homerische Tlieologic,
17
58.
One may note the
Dio Chrysostoni, and the diminishing use of

1. 6.
Epict. Diss.
3 jîsg^ 3. 11. 1.
7III.
215
greatest
and strong and beyond escape

sins.
which exacts the
punishments from those who have sinned the greatest
For what says
it ?
the things that do not concern him, let
The man who lays claim to him be a braggart,

disobeys the divine
let
him be vainglorious administration, let him slave, let him feel grief, let him bemoan himself
let
:
the
man who
be mean-spirited,
him be a
;
and jealousy, and pity
in short,
and be unhappy."
There were thus at the beginning
of the Christian era

of the super-
two concurrent conceptions of the nature
human
forces
which determine the existence and control

all
the activity of
created things,
the conceptions of
Destiny and of Providence. The two conceptions, though

apparently antagonistic, had tended, like
all
conceptions
which have a strong hold upon masses

each other.
of
men, to approach
in the
The meeting-point had been found

It
conception of the fixed order of the world as being at
once rational and beneficent.
was
rational because
;
it
was the embodiment
of the highest reason

is is
and
it
was
beneficent because happiness
incident to perfection,
and the highest reason, which

tion of the whole, is also the
parts.
the law of the perfec-
law of the perfection of the

this
There were two stages in

:
blending of the
two conceptions into one the identification, fii'st of Destiny with Eeason;^ and, secondly, of Destiny or Eeason
1 2
Diss.
3.
24. 42, 43.

is
Destiny
1.
Eeason
Heraclitus ap, Aet. Placit in Plut. de placit

1. 5.
pMlos.
28. 1; Stob.
Ed.
15 (Diels,
p. 323), oio-cai' dixapfiepr^s

:
Aoyov Tov 8ta t^s

tfMap[Xvrj tcTTiv o
ovcrtas
tou Travros Si7y/<ovTa
Chrysippus, ibid.
Koa-fxco
to,
TOV
KocTfJLov
Aoyos
17
Adyos Twv v Tw
yeyovdra yeyoj/e
Trpovoi^
owtKov/xevwi/
rj
Adyos Kad ov
to. /iev
8e
yivoneva
216
VIII.
with Providence.^
raclitus,
The former
of these is
found in Hedistinguishes
but
is
absent from Plato,
who
what comes into being by necessity, from what is wrought by mind: the elaboration of both the former and the latter is due to the Stoics, growing logically out of their
conception of the universe as a single substance
moved
many cases a change rather of language than of idea when Destiny or Eeason or Providence was spoken of as God ^ and yet
by an inherent law.
It
was probably
in
sometimes, whether by the lingering of an ancient belief

or
by an
all
intuition
which transcended
logic, the sense of
personality mingles wdth the idea of physical sequence,
and
things that happen in the infinite chain of

:
immu-
ytVerai
to, Se ycvr^cro/xeva yev7;creTai
Zeno
ap. Ar.
Did. Epit. pliys. 20,
iu Stob.
EcL
1.
11. 5 (Diels, p. 458), tov tou ttuvtos
Xoyov ov
evioc
et/xap/ievTjv KaXov(TLV.
^
Destiny, or Reason,
is
Providence
:
Clirysippus, in the quotation
given in the preceding note

15 (Diels,
2
Zeno
ap. Aet. Flacit. in Stob.
Ed.
1. 5.
p.
322).
is
Destiny, Reason, Providence,
God, or the "Will of God
Chry-
sippus in Plut. de Stoic, repug. 34.

T7JS (fivcrews
5,
on
S'
7;
Koin) t^wts koI 6 kolvo<s

toi'S
Xoyos
ilfiapfievy]
Kal irpovoia Ka\ Zer's ecTTtv ovSe

vtt
uiTtS*
TTOoa? XiX^]6e' Trai'Tayou
yap Tavra OpuXecTai

(fit](Tlv
avrQv' Kal 'Atos
eVcAeteTO fSovX^]' tuv 0/x7/pov dpyjKevat

(TTi
[sc.
o X/3U(rt7r7ros] op^ws
c})vcnv
TTjv Lp,apiXvi)v (ivacjiepovTa

:
Kal
tt^v*
twv oAcuv
Kad
ijv
Trdura
StoiKUTat.
e;(ii'
id.
de commmi. not. 34.

>]
5,
ouSe ToijAa;^ta-Tov
/3ovXi]<tlv
:
ecm
twi' [lepujv
aAAws dXX
Kara
Trjv
rov Aios
Arius Didymus,
:
Ejnt. ap. Euseb. Prcep. Ev. 15. 15 (Diels, p. 464)

piet. frag. ed.
Philodecius, de
Gomportz,
p.
83 (Diels,
p. 30G),
p. 549).
The more
is
exact state1. 7.
ment
Stob.
is
in the
1. 2.
summary
of Aetius ap. Plat, de placit. pliilos.
17,
Ed.
29 (Diels,
where God
said to
comprehend
iljiap^
within Himself rois

jj.k\n)v
o~7rep[j.aTLKovi
Xoyovs Kad' ous aTravra Kad'
yiveTai.
Tlie loftiest
2.
Lucan, Pharsal.
of i\ite or
form of the conception is expressed by 10, 'se quoque lege tenens:' God is not tke slave
it.
Law, but voluntarily binds Himself by
VIII.
217
table causation are conceived as
happening by the will of

of a perfect
God.
3.
But over against the conception
Eeason
or Providence administering the world, was the fact of
the existence of physical pain and social inequality and
moral
filled
failure.
a large
The problems which the fact suggested place in later Greek philosophy, and were
ways.
solved in
many
The
solution
was sometimes found in the denial
of the
universality of Providence.
God
is
the Author only of
good: evil
is
due
to other causes.^
This view, which
found
Plato,
its first
philosophical expression in the Timceus of

of the Platonic
was transmitted, through some

In
its
schools, to the later syncretist writers
who
it
incorporated
Platonic elements.
Platonic form
assumed the
existence of inferior agents
who
ultimately
owed
their
existence to God, but whose existence as authors of evil
He
permitted or overlooked.
itself
In some
later
forms the
view linked
with Oriental conceptions of matter as
inherently evil.
The
* Plat.
solution
was more commonly found

379, 380
;
in a denial
Rep.
2, pp.
Tim.
p. 41.
Pliilo,
de mund. opif.
24
(i,
17), de confus. ling.

rrjv ewl
"''0^5
35
(i.
432), 6^^ yap
t^
iravr]yejxovL kîirpeirh
ovK eSoêv crvat

yrja-at'
ov X^P'^'
KaKiav oSov Iv ^'^XV ôyiKrj 8i lavTOV 8r]/XL0vpfier avrov iireTpeif/e t-)]^ tovtov tov [xepovs Karacr556), avayKalov ovv rjyrjcraTO T7)v KaKcav ycvecnv
Kivrjv:
deprofvg. 13
(i.
trepois aTTOveifiai Srjp.Lovpyoi'S Trjv 8e
twv dya^wi' eavTw povca
SO also
in the (probably) post-Philonean de
Abraham. 28
(ii.
22).
The other
phase of the conception
is
stated
tion of the difficulty, but as one

iâpKi.1 Se ets ttAtJôs elprjcrOai
by Celsus, not as a philosophical soluwhich might be taught to the vulgar,

deov pikv ovk Ictti kuko. vXtj 8i
(is
vpocTKeLTai.
218
VIII.
of the reality of apparent evils.
They were
all
either
forms of good, or incidental to

to its
its
operation or essentia)
production.
It
Stoics.
This was the common solution of the had many phases. One view was based upon
the teleological conception of nature.
The world
is
march-
ing on to
its
:
end
it realizes its
purpose not directly but
by degrees there are necessary sequences of its march which seem to us to be evil.^ Another view, akin to the
preceding,
as a whole.
tions
was based upon the conception of the world In its vast economy there are subordinaSuch subordinaof the plan.
and individual inconveniences.

of the individual is not
tions
and inconveniences are necessary parts

an
"
evil,
The pain
but his contri-
What about my leg being lamed, then ?" says Epictetus,^ addressing himself
bution to the good of the whole.
in the character of
an imaginary objector.
"Slave
do
you
will
really find fault
with the world on account of one

to the universe ?
it
bit of a leg ? will
you not give that up

go
? will
you not
let it
you not gladly surrender

in other words,
to the
Giver ?"
The world,
{oIkovoixlo)^
was regarded
which
as an economy
like that of a city, in
there are apparent inequalities of condition, but in which

^
This
is
one of tho solutions offered by Chrysippus
the concrete
form of the
Kara
difficulty,
with which he
dealt,
was
at
twv
di'^pwTrojv voVot
and his answer was that diseases come Kara irapnon per naturam sed per sequellas quasdam necessarias,' Aul. Gell. 7 (G). 1. 9. So also in the long fragment of Philo in Euset. Pra;p. Ev. 8. 13 (Philo, ii. 643, G-44), êos yap ovSevos atVios KaKov to
(fivaiv y'lvovTai,
'
aKoXovOrjo-iv,
TTapdivav
d\X
at rtuv (rroiêtwi/ yLtera/JoAat Ta{;Ta yevvwcrtv, ov Trpoi]yov-
fieva (pyo- (fivaews cIAA. 7ro/i.va rots ai'ayKatois
xal tois vpo^^yovp-kvoii
iTraKoXovdovvTa.
2
Diss.
1.
12. 24.
YIII.
210
Bucli inequalities are necessary to the constitution of the
whole.^
"What
is
meant, then," asks Epictetus,

'
"by
if
distinguishing
'
'
the things that happen to us as

trary to nature
'
according to nature
The phrases
'
are used as
and conwe were isolated.

'
For example, to a foot to be according to nature is to be clean; but if you consider it as a foot, a member of the body, and not as isolated, it will be its duty both to walk in mud, and to tread on thorns nay, sometimes even to be cut off for the benefit of
if it refuse, it is no longer a foot. We have to form a similar conception about ourselves. What are you ? A man. If you regard yourself as isolated, it is 'according to
the whole body
to live until old age, to be rich, to be in good health you regard yourself as a man, a part of a certain whole, it is your duty, on account of that whole, sometimes to be ill, sometimes to take a voyage, sometimes to run into danger, sometimes to be in want, and, it may be, to die before your time. Why then are you discontented ? Do you not know that, as in the example a discontented foot is no longer a foot, so neither are you a man. For what is a man ? A member of a city, first the city which consists of gods and men, and next of the city which is so called in the more proximate sense, the earthly city, which is a small model of the whole. 'Am I, then, now,' you
nature
'
but
if
say,
'
to be brought before a court

:
is
so-and-so to
:
fall into
fever
to be
so-and-so to go on a voyage
so-and-so to die
so-and-so
sort of
condemned V Yes body we have, with

;
for it is impossible, considering the
this
atmosphere round
us,
and with
these companions of our

" It is
life,
that different things of this kind
should not befall different men.^
on
this account that the philosophers rightly tell us
that
if
a perfectly good
to him,
happen
^
man had foreknown what was going to he would co-operate with nature in both falling
2, ap.
Chrysippus, de Diis,
Plut. de Stoic, repug. 35, ttotc filv

ov)( ojcnrep rots
(jiOTrep iv
to,
Zva-y^prjcna (rvjxf3alvi rots
dyaôis
(pavXoa
KoA-acrecus
\o.piv
2
aAAa
KttT
5.
aXXr^v otKovoju,iav
24.
rats
TroAecrii'.
Diss. 2.
220
sick
VIII.
and dying and being maimed, being conscious that this is is assigned to him in the arrangement of the universe, and that the whole is supreme over the part, and the city over the citizen."^
the particular portion that
This Stoical solution,

underlies
it
if
the teleological conception which
be assumed,
may have been
adequate as an
explanation both of physical pain and of social inequality.
But it was clearly inadequate as an explanation of misery and moral evil. And the sense of misery and moral evil was growing. The increased complexity of social life revealed the distress which it helped to create, and the
intensified consciousness of individual life
quickened also
the sense of disappointment and moral shortcoming.

solution of the difficulties
sented,
The
which these
facts of
life pre-
was found in a
belief
which was
correlative to
the growing belief in the goodness of God, though logically inconsistent
with the belief in the universality of

It was, that
His Providence.
their
men were
the authors of
own
misery.
Their sorrows, so far as they were
not punitive or remedial, came from their

perversity.
own
folly or
They belonged
to a
margin
of life
which
was outside the
will of the gods or the ordinances of fate.
The
is
belief
was repeatedly expressed by Homer, but does

:
not appear in philosophy until the time of the Stoics
it
found in both Cleanthes and Chrysippus, and the latter
also quotes it as a belief of the Pythagoreans.^

it
Out
of
came the solution

it
of a
problem not
itself
less
important than
that from which that
had
sprung.
The conception
free.
men were
free to bring ruin
upon themselves, led
to the
1
wider conception that they were altogether
Diss. 2. 10. 6.
Aul. Gell. 7
(6). 2.
1215.
VIII.
GEEEK
AJfD CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.
221
There emerged for the
first
time into prominence the
idea which has filled a large place in all later theology
and
ethics, that of the
freedom of the
will.
The freedom
to
which was denied
to external nature
was asserted of
do
human
natiu'e.
It
was within a man's own power

happy or miserable.
is
right or wrong, to be
"
Of
all
things that are," says Epictetus,^ " one part

;
in our
control, the other out of it
in our control are opinion, impulse
to do, effort to obtain, effort to avoid

activities
office
;
in a word, our own proper

Things
]
out of our control are our bodies, property, reputation,!

all
in a word,
things except our proper activities.
in our control are in their nature free, not liable to hindrance in
the doing or to frustration of the attainment
things out of our
control are weak, dependent, liable to hindrance, belonging to
Bear in mind, then, that if you mistake what is depenis free, and what belongs to others for what is your own, you will meet with obstacles in your way, you will
others.
dent for what
be regretful and disquieted, you will find fault \vith both gods and men. If, on the contrary, you think that only to be your own which is really your own, and that which is another's to be,
as
it
really
is,
another's,
no one will thwart you, you will find
fault
with no one, you will reproach no one, you will do no single
thing against your will, no one will
harm
you, you will not have
an enemy."
The
incompatibility of this doctrine with that of the
universality of Destiny or Eeason or Providence
"antinomy
lines,
it
of the practical
understanding"
was
tha
not
always observed.- The two doctrines marched on parallel
them was sometimes stated as though had no limitations. The harmony of them, which is
and each
of
indicated
by both Cleanthes and Chrysippus, and which
underlies a large part of both the theology and the ethics

^
Endu
1.
Kg.
Sext. Empir. Pyrr. 3.
9.
222
VIII.

:
of Epictetus, is in effect this

its
The world marches od
to
end, realizing
its
own
perfection,
with absolute cerin that
tainty.
The majority
of its parts
move
march
unconsciously, with uo sense of pleasure or pain, no idea

of good or evil.
To man
is
given the consciousness of
action, the sense of pleasure
and pain, the idea

between them.
of
good
If
and
evil,
and freedom
is
of choice
he
chooses that which
against the
;
movement
of nature,
he chooses for himself misery

is
if
he chooses that which

finds happiness.
in accordance with that
movement, he
In either case the movement of nature goes on, and the
man
fulfils his
destiny:
''
Ducunt volentem fata^ nolentem
traliuntr^
It is a
man's true function and high privilege
so to educate his
that to
mind and discipline his will, as to think be best which is really best, and that to be avoided
:
which nature has not willed
in other words, to acqui-
esce in the will of God, not as submitting in passive
resignation to the power of one
who
is
stronger, but as
having made that will his own.^

If a
man
realizes this, instead of
bemoaning the
to
diffi-
culties of
life,
he will not only ask God

for them.
send them,
but thank
Him
This
is
the Stoical theodicy.
The
life
and teaching of Epictetus are for the most part

it.
a commentary upon
Seneca, Ep. 107. 11
a free Latin rendering of one of the verses
of Cleanthes quoted from Epictetus in Lecture VI. p. 157.

'^
Seneca, Dial.
1. 5.
quid est boni viril prrebere se

quicquid est quod nos
deos adligat.
ille
fato.
grande
solatium est
cum
universo rapi.
sic vivere, sic
mori
jussit, eadeoi necessitate et
inrevocB bills
humana
pariter ac divina ';ursus vehit.

stripsit
ipse
omnium
conil'tor et rector
quidcm
fata,
sed scquitur.
seniner paret, semcl jussit.
VIII.

you have
;
223
1
"Look
at the powers
and when you have looked at
God, what difficulty Thou wilt; for I them, say, 'Bring me, have the equipment which Thou hast given me, and the means
for
making
all
things that happen contribute to
my
adornment.'
'
Nay, but that
is
not what you do
at the thought of
what may
sometimes shuddering happen, sometimes bewailing and

:
you
sit
grieving and groaning over what does happen.

fault with the gods
!
Then you
find
For what but impiety
is
the consequence
of such degeneracy
And
yet
God
but
has not merely given you
these powers by which
we may
it,
bear whatever happens without

also, like
"^
being lowered or crushed by

true Father that
the good
King and
it
He
is,
has given to this part of you the capacity
of not being thwarted, or forced, or hindered,
and has made
absolutely your own, not even reserving to Himself the power of thwarting or hindering
"
it."^
What words
are sufficient to praise or worthily describe the

?
gifts of
Providence to us
If
we were
really wise,
what should
we have been
God, and bless God, 'Great
;
doing in public or in private but sing
hymns
?
to
Him and
recount His
gifts (ras
yipnai)
Digging
we not to be singing this hymn to God for having given us these tools for tilling the ground great is God for having given us hands to work with and throat to swallow with, for that we grow unconsciously and breathe while we sleep ? This ought to be our hymn for everyor ploughing or eating, ought
is
'
thing: but the chiefest and divinest
hymn should be for His having given us the power of understanding and of dealing since most of you are utterly bKnd rationally with ideas. Nay
to this
function,
be some one to make this his special and to sing the hymn to God for all the rest ? What else can a lame old man like me do but sing hymns to God ? If I were a nightingale, I should do the work of a nightingale if a swan, the work of a swan but being as I am a rational being, I must sing hymns to God. This is my work this I do this
to
;
ought there not
rank
with
as
me
far as I
can
I will not leave

Epict. Diss,
1. 6.
and I invite you
to join
in this
same song."^
1
3740.
Hid.
16.
15 2 L
224
VIII.

B.
The Christian
Idea.
In primitive Christianity we find ourselves in another

sphere of ideas
:
we seem
to
be breathing the
us,
air of Syria,
with Syrian forms moving round
and speaking a lan-
guage which
with
its
is
not familiar to us.
For the Greek
city,
orderly government,
we have
to substitute the
picture of
an Eastern sheyk, at once the paymaster of
his dependents
and
their judge.
Two
conceptions are
dominant, that of wages for work done, and that of positive law.
1.
The idea
of
moral conduct as work done for a
master
who
will in
due time pay wages for
it,
was a
natural growth on Semitic

fellahin^ to
whom
the day's
soil. It grew up among the work brought the day's wages,
and whose work was scrutinized before the wages wero

paid.
It is
found in many passages of the Iêw Testaall
ment, and not least of
in the discourses of our Lord.

of the
The
ethical problems
which had vexed the souls
writers of Job and the Psalms, are solved
by the teaching
that the wages are not
all
paid now, but that some of
them
are in the keeping of the Father in heaven.
The
persecuted are consoled by the thought, " Great are your
wages in heaven."^ Those who do

wages stored up
not go without
for
their alms before
men
receive tbeir wages in present reputation, and have no
them
in heaven.-
The
smallest act
of casual charity, the giving of a cup of cold water, will

its
wages.^
at the return of the

1
Son
S.
of
The payment will be made Man, whose " wages are with
G.
S.
Matthew,
5.
12;
Luke,
9.
23.
Ibid.
6.
1.
Ihid.
10.42; S.Mark,
41.
VIIT.
225
him
to
to give to every
is
man
according as his work is."^
So fundamental
the conception that
"he
that cometh
is,"
God must
believe," not only ''that

their
He
but also
that
He "pays
due
to
them that seek
after
Him."^
L/
still
So also in the early Christian literature which moved within the sphere of Syrian ideas. In the " Two
is
Ways," what
given in charity should be given without

it
:
murmuring, for God will repay

with that of the judge.*
respect of persons
:
in the Epistle of
is
Barnabas, the conception of the paymaster
blended
"The Lord
judges without
every one shall receive according as

shall
he has done
before
if
he be good, his righteousness

of his
go
him
if
he be wicked, the wages
wicked-
ness are before his face."

2.
God
is at
once the Lawgiver and the Judge.

is
The
underlying conception
that of an Oriental sovereign

is
who
issues definite
commands, who
gratified
by obe-
made angry by disobedience, who gives prewho please him and punishes those with whom he is angry. The punishments which he inflicts are vindictive and not remedial. They are the manifestation of his vengeance against unrighteousness. They are external to the ofi'ender. They follow on the offence by the sentence of the judge, and not by a self-acting
dience and
sents to those law.
He
sends
men
into
punishment.
^
/ico-ôs
The introduction
1
into this primitive Christianity of

so Barnab. 21. 3
:
Revelation, 22, 12
eyyvs 6 Kvpios kuI 6
avTov.
^
Hebrews, 11.
Didaclie,
6.
4. 7, Y'wcri]
yap
rts ecrriv o rov fiicrOov
KaAos avTairoSorr)^.
Bariiab. 4. 12.
226
VIII.

diffi-
the ethical conceptions of Greek philosophy, raised

culties
which were long in being
solved,
if
indeed they
can be said to have been solved even now.

these difficulties were,
(i.)
The
chief of
the relation of the idea of

(ii.)
forgiveness to that of law;
the relation of the con-
ception of a Moral Governor to that of free-will.

(i.)
The
Christian conception of
God on
its ethical
side
was dominated by the idea
of the forgiveness of sins.
who had issued commands: He was a Householder who had entrusted His servants with powers to be used in His service. As Sovereign, He
God was
a Sovereign
could, at
His pleasure, forgive a breach of His orders
as Householder,
to
He
could remit a debt which was due
Him
from His servants.
The
sj)ecial
message of the
Gospel was, that God was willing to forgive

transgressions,
men
their
and
to remit their debts, for the sake of
Jesus Christ.
I
The corresponding Greek conception had
'/^
come
to
be dominated by the idea of order.
The order
It
If
(was rational
and beneficent, but
it
was
universal.
The punishment There was a of its violation came by a self-acting law. possibility of amendment, but there was none of remisEach of these conceptions is consistent with itseK sion.
could not be violated with impunity.
:
each by
itself
furnishes the basis of a rational theology.
But
the two conceptions are apparently irreconcilable

;
with each other
and the history

is
of a large part of early
Christian theology
cile
the history of endeavoui's to recon-
world,
The one conception belonged to a moral by a Personality who set forces in motion the other to a physical world, controlled by a force which was also conceived as a Personality. Stated
them.
controlled
;
VIII.
227
in Christian terms, the one resolved itself into the proposition,
God
is
good; the other into the proposition,

propositions seemed at
:
God
is just.
The two
first to
be
"p
inconsistent with each other

nite love of
on the one hand, the
infi;
God excluding
the idea of punishment
on
the other hand. His immutable righteousness excluding
the idea of forgiveness.^
The
difficulty
seemed insoluble,
except upon the hypothesis of the existence of two Gods.
by the conception that the second God had been created by the first, and was ultimately subordinate to Him. In the theology of
The ditheism was sometimes
veiled
Marcion, which
filled
a large place in the Christianity of
both the second and the third centuries, ditheism was

presented as the only solution of this and
contrasts of
all
the other
of
which the world

is
is full,
and
of
which that
Law and
^
Grace
the most typical example.-
The
ISTew
These conceptions of the
earliest Christian philosopliers are stated,

2. 5. 1
:
in order to be nioditied, by Origen, de princ.
existimant igitur
bonitatem affectum talem

etiam
tur
si
quemdam
esse
quod bene
fieri
omnibus debeat
indignus
sit is
cui beneficium datur nee bene consequi mereaesse talem qui unicuique
.... Justitiam vero putarunt affectum

. . .
.
prout meretur retribuat
ut secundum sensum ipsorum Justus
malis non videatur bene veils sed velut odio

^
quodam
ferri
'
adversus eos.
The
title of
Marcion's chief work was 'AvTlêcê^s,

is
Contrasts': the
extent to which his opinions prevailed

testimony,
T'/]s
shown both by contemporary

Kara
Trai-
e.g.
Justin
M. Apol.
by the
1.
26, os
yevos av6pwiriav Sia

/3Aa(j</)i//îas
Twv
8at/i.oi'OJv
(jvXX'i]\p(.oi<i
TToXXovs
TreTrolrjKe
Xkyetv,
Iren. 3. 3. 4,
and
also
fact that the
Churches into which his
adherents were organized flourished side
Churches for many centuries (there

dated a.d. 318, in Le Bas et
by side with the Catholic an inscription "of one of them, Waddington, vol. iii. iSTo. 2558, and they
is
had not died out

Quinisext.
c.
at the
:
time of the TruUan Council in a.d. 692, Cone.
95)
the importance which was attached to
him
is
shown
by the
Martyr,
large place
Ii'enteus,
which he occupies in
early controversies, Justin
the Clementines, Origen, TertuUiau, being at pains
to refute him.
^ n
228
VIII.

of the
Testament was the revelation

of love
;
good God, the God
the Old Testament was that of the just God,

of wrath.
the
God
Redemption was the victory
of for-
giveness over punishment, of the
by Jesus Christ over the

Law.
God who was revealed God who was manifested in the

was
itself
The
ditheistic hypothesis
it
more
difficult
than
the difficulties which
explained.
The
writers
who
opposed
it
were helped, not only by the whole current

but also by the dominant ten-
of evangelical tradition,
dencies of both philosophy and popular religion.

insisted that justice
They
and goodness were not only comjustice
patible but necessarily co-existent in the Divine nature.

'
Goodness meant not indiscriminating beneficence
meant not inexorable wrath

combined in the power
of
goodness and justice were

to deal
God
with every
man
according to his deserts, including in the idea of deserts

.
that of repentance.
The
solution is found in Ireneeus,
who
argues that in
the absence of either of the two attributes,

cease to be
" If the
God would
bestow
God
also good, so as to
God who judges be not
favours on those on
lie should,
whom He
ought, and to reprove those
whom
Judge neither wise nor just. On the other hand, if the good God be only good, and not also able to test those on whom He shall bestow His goodness, He will be uutside goodness as well as outside justice, and His goodness will seem imperfect, inasmuch as it does not save all, as it should do if it be not accompanied with judgment. Marcion, therefore, l)y dividing God into two, the one a God who judges, and the other a God who is good, on both sides puts an end to God."*
He
will he as a
1 Iren. 3. 25. 2.
VIII.
229
It is
found in Tertullian, who, after arguing on a priori
grounds that the one attribute implies the other, passes
by an almost unconscious
transition
from physical
to
moral law: just as the ''justice" of
God
it
in its physical
operation controlled His goodness in the

orderly world, so in
Fall, regulated
its
making
of an
moral operation
has, since the
His dealings with mankind.
is good which is unjust; all that is just is good where the just is. From the beginning of the workl the Creator has been at once good and just. The two qualities came forth together. His goodness formed the world, His justice
"Nothing
is
The good
harmonized
tion
it.
It is the
work
of justice that there
is
a separa-
between light and darkness, between day and night, between heaven and earth, between the greater and the lesser lights As goodness brought all things into being, so did justice distin-
The whole universe has been disposed and ordered Every position and mode of the the movement and the rest, the rising and the setting elements,
guish them.
by the
decision of His justice.
of each one of them, are judicial decisions of the Creator
When
God
evil
broke out, and the goodness of
God came hence-
forward to have an opponent to contend with, the justice also of

acquired another function, that of regulating the operation
it
:
of His goodness according to the opposition to
the result
is
is
that His goodness, instead of being absolutely free,
dispensed
is
according to men's deserts
it
is
offered to the worthy, it
denied to the unworthy,

it is
it is
taken away from the unthankful,
avenged on
all its adversaries.

is
In
this
:
way
this
whole
function of justice
an agency
for goodness
in condemning, in
it,
punishing, in raging with wrath, as

it
you
JMarcionites express
does good and not evil."^
It is
found in the Clementines,^ the " Eecognitions

it
going so far as to make the acceptance of

1
an element
Tert.
c.
Marc.
2. 11, 12.
Homil.L 13;
9.
19;
18. 2,3.
230
VIII.

it is
in " saving knoTrledgc :" "

to kno^Y that
is
not enough for salvation

also that
God
is
good
wc must know
it is
He
just."^
It is elaborated
;
by both Clement
of
Alex-
andria^ and Origen
but in the latter
linked closely
with other problems, and his view will be best considered

in relation to them.^
The Christian world
in his time
was
settling
down
mind
into a general acceptance of the belief
that goodness and justice co-existed, each limiting the
other in the
of
God
the general effect of the con-
troversy was to emj)hasize in Christianity the conception

of
God
(ii.)
as a
Moral Governor, administering the world by

problem
of the relation of goodness to
laws Avhich were at once beneficent and just.
But
this
justice passed, as the corresponding
problem in Greek
philosophy passed, into the problem of the relation of a
good God
to
moral
evil.
its
The
difficulties of the
problem
Iwere increased in
Christian form
by the conception
of moral evil as guilt rather than as misery, and by the
emphasis which was laid on the idea of the Divine fore-
knowledge.
The problem was

" If
evil,
stated in its plainest form
by Marcion
God
is
good, and prescient of the future, and able to avert
why
did
He
allow man, that
is
to say
His own image and
hkeness, nay more, His
own
substance, to be tricked
?
by the
if
devil and fall from obedience to the law into death
For
He
had been good, and thereby unwilling that such an event should happen, and prescient, and thereby not ignorant that it would happen, and powerful, and thereby able to prevent its happening, it would certainly not have happened, being impossible under But since it did these three coii(li':ions of divine greatness.
1
Recogn.
3.
37.
p. 233.
Especially Padag.
1. 8, 9.
See below,
Vin. GEEEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.

happen, the inference
is
231
certain that
God must be
believed to be
neither good nor prescient nor powerful."^
The hypothesis
of the existence of
two Gods, by which
Marcion solved this and other problems of theology,

consistently opposed
was
by the great mass of the Christian communities. The solution which they found was almost
uniformly that of the Stoics
production of moral virtue
there
It
is
: :
evil is necessary for the
there
is
no virtue where
free to choose.
no choice
and man was created
was found,
"
in short, in the doctrine of free-will.

is
This solution
found in Justin Martyr

is to
The nature
:
of every created being
be capable of vice
and virtue for no one of them would be an object of praise if it had not also the power of turning in the one direction or the
other." 2
It is
"
is
found in Tatian
of the
Each
two
classes of created things
(men and angels)
born with a power of self-determination, not absolutely good by nature, for that is an attribute of God alone, but brought to perfection through freedom of voluntary choice, in order that the
bad man may be justly punished, being himself the cause of his being wicked, and that the righteous man may be worthily praised for his good actions, not having in his exercise of moral
freedom transgressed the will of God."^
It is
"
found in Irenseus
as in angels, for angels also are rational beings,
In
man
has placed the power of choosing, so that those

;
God who have obeyed
who have
might justly be in possession of what is good and that those not obeyed may justly not be in possession of what is good, and may receive the punishment which they deserve But if it had been by nature that some were bad and others
1
ap. Tert.
c.
Marc.
2. 5.
j^pî g. 7.
* Tatian, Orat.
ad
Grcec. 7.
232
VIII.
good, neither would the latter be deserving of praise for beiug

good, inasmuch as they were so constituted
;
nor the others of
inasmuch as they were born so. But since in fact all men are of the same nature, able on the one hand to hold fast and to do what is good, and again on the other hand to reject it and not do it, it is right for them to be in the one case praised for their choice of the good and their adherence to it, and in the other case blamed and punished for their rejection of it, both among well-governed men and much more in the sight
blame
for beiug bad,
of God."i
It is
fouud in Theopliilns^ and Athenagoras,^ and, as a

in Tertiillian
more elaborate theory,

of Alexandria.
and the philosophers
Just as Epictetus and the later Stoics

will to be the specially divine part
had made freedom of

of
human nature, so Tertullian* answers Marcion's objection, that if God foreknew that Adam would fall He
should not have made him
the goodness of
God
in
free, by the argument that making man necessarily gave him
the highest form of existence, that such highest form
was
''the
image and likeness of God," and that such

of will.
image and likeness was freedom

moral
discipline,
And
just as
life
Epictetus and the later Stoics had conceived of
as a
and
of its apparent evils as necessary
means
of
of testing character, so the Christian philosophers
Alexandria conceive of God as the Teacher and Trainer

of life as being disof sin as being not
and Physician of men, of the pains

ciplinary,
and of the punishments
vindictive but remedial.^
Iren. 4. 37.
Ad
Autoh
2.
27.
Legcit. 31.
5
* c.
1,
Marc.
2. 5.
2. 10.
E.g. Clem. Alex. Pccilag.

:
1; Origen, de princ.
G;
c.
OeU,
6.
56
so
all
Tert. Scorjy. 5.
VIII.

still
233
There was
a large marg'm of unsolved difficulties.

it
The hypothesis
sessed
it
of the freedom of the will, as
had|
pos-
hitherto been stated, assumed that all beings
who
were equal in both their circumstances and their

It took
natural aptitudes.
difference
no account of the enormous
between one man and another in respect of
either the external advantages or disadvantages of their

lives, or
the strength and weakness of their characters.
The
difficulty
was strongly
felt
by more than one

so because
it
school
of Christian philosophers, the
more
applied,
also
to*
not only to the diversities
among mankind, but

mankind
as a
the larger differences between
whole and
the celestial beings
who
rose in their sublime gradations
above
it.
"Very many
it is
persons, especially those
who come from
the
school of Marcion and Valentinus and Basilides, object to us that
God in making the world to some creatures an abode in the heavens, and not merely a better abode, but also a loftier and more honourable position to grant to some principahty, to others powers, to others dominations to confer upon some the noblest seats of the heavenly tribunals, to cause others to shine out with brighter rays, and to flash forth the brilHance of a star to give to some the glory of the glory of the moon, and to others the the sun, and to others
inconsistent with the justice of assign to
; ;
glory of the stars glory
to
make one
star differ
from another
star in
In the second place, they object to us about terrestrial
beings that a happier lot of birth has come to some

others
;
men
than ta
one man, for example,

;
is
is
begotten by
Abraham and born
according to promise
another
the son of Isaac and Eebekah,
womb, is said even before he is born to be beloved of God. One man is born among the Hebrews, among whom he finds the learning of the divine law ; another among the Greeks, themselves also wise and men of no
and, supplanting his brother even in the
small learning
another
among the
Ethiopians,
who
are canni-
234
bals
;
VIII.
another among the Scythians, with
whom parricide is legal;
another
"
among the Taurians, who offer their guests in sacrifice. They consequently argue thus If this great diversity of
:
circumstances, this varied and different condition of birth
matter in which free-will has no place
is
not caused by a
diversity in the nature of the souls themselves, a soul of an evil
nature being destined for an evil nation, and a soul of a good

nature for a good one, what other conclusion can be drawn than
that all this
is
the result of chance and accident

it
And
if
that
no longer be credible either that the world was made by God or that it is governed by His proconclusion be admitted,
will
vidence and consequently neither will the judgment of God upon every man's doings seem a thing to be looked for."^
:
It is to this phase of the controversy that the ethical
theology of Origen
is relative.
In that theology, Stoicism
and IS"eo-Platonism are blended into a complete theodicy

nor has a more logical superstructure ever been reared
on the basis
whole, and
of philosophical theism.
It is necessary to
it is
^
:
show the coherence
of his
view as a
advisable, in doing so, to use chiefly his
own words
"
There was but one beginning of
all things, as
there will be
but a single end. The diversities of existence which have sprung
from a single beginning
M'ill
be absorbed in a single end.^
The
causes of those diversities
lie
in the diverse things themselves.*

;
They were created absolutely equal had no reason in Himself for causing
being an advantage which
^
for,
inequalities
on the one hand, God ;^ and, on the

could not give to one
other hand, being absolutely impartial,
He
He
did not give to another.^
They
Origeu, de princ.
2. 9. 5.
follows is, with the exception of one extract from the contra Celsum, a catera of extracts from tho de 'princiîis,
-
Tho passage which

Deprinc.
2. 9. 6.
1.
6. 2.
M.
8.
2;
2. 9. 7.
1. 8. 4.
VIII.
235
were
also,
by a
;
similar necessity, created with the capacity of
being diverse
for spotless purity is of the essence of
none save
it must be accidental, and conseThe lapse, when it takes place, is voluntary for every being endowed with reason has the power of exercising it, and this power is free ^ it is excited by external causes, but not coerced by them.^ For to lay the fault on external causes and put it away from ourselves by declaring that we are like logs or stones, dragged by forces that act upon them from Every created rational without, is neither true nor reasonable. being is thus capable of both good and evil consequently of praise and blame consequently also of happiness and misery of the former if it chooses holiness and clings to it, of the latter if by sloth and negligence it swerves into wickedness and ruin.*
God
in all created beings
quently liable to lapse.^

;
The
will,
lapse,
when
it
has taken place,
is
not only voluntary but

free-
also various in degree.
Some
beings,
though possessed of
never lapsed
slightly,
they form the order of angels.
Some
lapsed
but
'
and form in their varying degrees the orders of
thrones, dominations, princedoms, virtues, powers.'
lower, but not irrecoverably, and form the race of men.^
Some lapsed Some

In the
lapsed to such a depth of unworthiness and wickedness as to be
opposing powers
they are the devil and his angels.^

is
temporal world which
seen, as well as in the eternal worlds
which are unseen,

merits
;
all
beings are arranged according to their
been determined by their own conduct.'^ "The present inequalities of circumstance and character are
their place has
life.
thus not wholly explicable within the sphere of the present
But
this
world
is
not the only world.

;
from the beginning

already,
it
Every soul has existed has therefore passed through some worlds
and will pass through others before it reaches the final consummation. It comes into this world strengthened by the Its victories or weakened by the defeats of its previous life. dishonour or to place in this world as a vessel appointed to
honour
is
1
determiiaed
1. 5.
by
its
previous merits or demerits.

2
Its
5;
1. 6. 2.
3. 1. 4.
3 3. 1. 5.
1, 5. 2, 5.
6 1. 6. 2.
1. 6. 3.
7 3. 3,
3. 5. 3.
236
work
VIII.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN TffEOLOGY.

its
in this world determines

this.^
place in the world which
is to
follow
" All this takes place
with the knowledge and under the over-
sight of God.
It is
an indication of His ineffable wisdom that
the diversities of natures for

selves responsible are
world.^
It is
which created beings are themwrought together into the harmony of the
is
an indication not only of His wisdom but of His

coerced into acting rightly,
it
goodness that, while no creature

yet
when
it
lapses
meets with evils and punishments.
All
punishments are remedial. God calls what are termed evils into existence to convert and purify those whom reason and admonition fail to change.
He
is
thus the great Physician of souls.^

it
The process
suffering,
of cure, acting as
does simply through free-will,
takes in some cases an almost illimitable time.
For God
is
long-
some souls, as to some bodies, a rapid cure is But in the end all souls will be thoroughly not beneficial. purged.* All that any reasonable soul, cleansed of the dregs of all vices, and with every cloud of wickedness completely wiped away, can either feel or understand or think, will be wholly God:
and
to
will no longer either see or contain anything else but God God will be the mode and measure of its every movement and Nor will there be any longer any distincso God will be all.'
it
:
'
tion between good and
evil,
because evil will nowhere exist
for
God
is
all things,
and in
Him
no evil inheres.
So, then,
when
it
the end has been brought back to the beginning, that state of things will be restored which the rational creation had
when
;
knowledge and He all sense of wickedness will have been taken away evil who alone is the one good God becomes to the soul all,' and There will be no longer that not in some souls but 'in all.'
had no need
;
to eat of the tree of the
of good
'
3.
1.
20, 21
to a lower grade, that they
but sometimes beings of higher merit are assigned may benelit those who properly belong to
that grade, and that they themselves

of the Creator, 2. 9. 7.
2 1. 2. 1.
1,
may
G,
be partakers of the patience
e.
Cds.
56; de princ.
2.
10.
* Dej^rinc. 3.
11, 17.
VIII.

any
evil
237
death, uor the sting of death, nor
anywhere, but God
wmbe'alliuaU.'"^
Of
this great theodicy, only part has
been generally
it,
accepted.
The Greek conceptions which underlie

it,
and which preceded

forms.
have survived, but in other
Free-will, final causes, probation,
have had a
share.
it
later history in
which Greece has had no
The
has
doctrine of free-will has remained in name, but
been so mingled on the one hand with theories of human

depravity, and on the other with theories of divine grace,
that the original current of thought
into
is lost
in the marshes
which
it
has descended.
The
doctrine of final causes
has been pressed to an almost excessive degree as proving

the existence and the providence of God
;
but His govern-
ment
of the
human
race has been often viewed rather as
the blundering towards an ultimate failure than as a
complete vindication of His purpose of creation.
The
Christian world has acquiesced in the conception of life

as a probation
;
but while some of
its
sections
have con|
ceived of this
life
as the only probation,

life to
and others have
admitted a probation in a
into the recognized
come, none have admitted
'
body of
their teaching Origen's sub-
lime conception of an infinite stairway of worlds, with

its
perpetual ascent and descent of souls, ending at last
in the union of all souls with

1
God.
3. 6. 3.
Lecture IX.
GEEEK AND CHEISTIAN THEOLOGY.

III.
God as the SuPREiiE Being.
It was in the Gentile rather than in the

that the theology of Christianity
built
Jemsh world
It
was shaped.
was
of
upon a Jewish
basis.
The Jewish communities

for
the great cities and along the commercial routes of the
empire had paved the
way
Christianity
by
their
its_
active propaganda of monotheism.
Christianity
won
way_among the eclu^ted^ckssesjbyjvii'tue

intellectual conceptions.
of its satisfy-
ing^ not^nly_their moral idealsj_but also theii' highest
On
its ethical side it
had, as
we have
seen, large elements in

its
Stoicism; on
theological side
common with reformed it moved in harmony
with the new movements of Platonism.^
And
those
movements reacted upon

elements of
in
it.
They gave
faith,
a philosophical
to those
form to the simpler Jewish

it
and especially
of St.
which the teaching
Paul had
earlier
already given a foothold for speculation.

conceptions remained
;
The
but blending readily with the
philosophical conceptions that were akin to them, they
were expanded into large theories in which metaphysics

*
Cf. Justin, Dial.
c.
7'ri/ph. 2.
IX.

had an ample
field.
239
and
dialectics
example, of
The conception, for the one God whose kingdom was a universal
all ages,
kingdom and endured throughout

and passed
into, the philosophical
blended with,
conception of a Being
who was beyond time and
The conception that " clouds and darkness were round about Him," blended
space.
with, and passed into, the philosophical conception of a
Being who was beyond not only human sight but human
thought.
The conception
of
it
His transcendence obtained

confirmed the prior concepof
the stronger hold because

tion of
His unity
and that
His incommunicability,
gave a philo-
and of the consequent need

His Son.
of a mediator,
sophical explanation of the truth that Jesus Christ
was
A. The Idea and
its
Development in Greek Philosophy.

to
But the
prevail,
theories
which in the fourth century came

were the result
of at least
and which have formed the main part
of specu-
lative theology ever since,
two
centuries of conflict.
At every
stage of the conflict the
conceptions of one or other of the forms of Greek philo-
sophy played a decisive part

of the conflict find a
and the changing phases
remarkable parallel in some of tho
philosophical schools.
The
stages,
conflict
may be
said to have
had three leading

God, (2)
which are marked respectively by the dominance

Himself, (3) the distinctions in His
of speculations as to (1) the transcendence of
His revelation
nature.
of
(1) The Transcendence of God.
l^Tearly
seven hun-
240
IX.

the
dred years before
time
when
Christianity
first
came
into
of a
large
contact with
Greek philosophy, the
mind
of
ences of
Greek thinker, outstripping the slow inferpopular thought, had leapt to the conception
God
as the Absolute Unity.
He was
the ultimate
generalization of all things, expressed as the ultimate
abstraction of
or
is
He was by bodily form: "all of Him understanding, all of Him is

number:^
not limited by parts

is
sight,
all
of
Him
it
hearing."
But
is
probable that the conception in
its first
:^
form was rather
of a material than of an ideal unity
the basis of later

of
metaphysics was
first
securely laid
by a second form
first
the conception which succeeded the

afterwards.
half-a-century
The conception was

really
is :
it
that of Absolute Eeing.

will be
:
Only the One

now, and
is
was not nor

space,
it is
everywhere
entire,
a continuous unity, a
perfect s^Dhere
able.
which
fills all
undying and immov-
Over against
:
it
are the
objects of sense
they are not,

to
Many, the innumerable but only seem to be the

:
Imowledge that we seem

but
illusion.
have
of
them
is
not truth,
form,
But the conception, even in this second was more consistent with Pantheism than with
It
Theism.
was
lifted to the
higher plane on which
it
has ever since rested by the Platonic distinction between

the world of sense and the world of thought.
God
be-
longed to the latter, and not to the former.

^
Absolute
The more common conception

2.
of the earliest
t]
Greek philosophy
crco/iacri
was that of ra?
ei'SujKovcras Tois (rToi;!îots
tois
Suvct/xeis,
Aetius ap. Stob. Eel. PInjs.

2
29.
The form
in whicli
it is
given by Sextus Empiricu?, in whose time

:
the distinction was clearly understood, implies this

Koi rhv Oiov
o-1'/a</)i
y
iv
that to nat
Tracrt,
Pt/n-h. Ilypotijp. 225.
IX.

all
241
Unity, Absolute Being, and
the other terms which
expressed His unique supremacy, were gathered up in

the conception of
Mind
for
mind
in the highest j)hase

:
of its existence is self-contemplative
the modes of
:
its
it
expression are numerous, and perhaps infinite
but
can
itself
go behind
its
modes, and so
retire, as it
were,
a step farther back from the material objects about which

its
modes employ themselves.

{eiriKeiva
''
In
this
sense
God
is
transcendent
rtj?
ova-la?^^
beyond the world

is
of
sense and matter.

rate
God
therefore
is to say,
Mind, a form
sejDait,
from
all
matter, that
out of contact with

is
and not involved with anything that

acted on."^
capable of being
This great conception of the transcendence of

filled
God
a large place in later Greek philosojDhy, even out-
side the Platonic schools.^
The
history of
it is
beyond
our present purpose
but we shall better understand the
relation of Christian theology to current thought
take three expressions of the conception at

that theology
we the time when

if
was being formed and in Plotinus.
in
Plutarch, in Maxi-
mus
^
of Tyre,
is
This
a post-Platonic
summary of
Plato's conception
into the
it
inner development,
Plato's
and consequently varying expressions, of

it
in
own
writings
is
not necessary to enter here.
It is
more
important in relation to the history of later Greek thought to
know
what he was supposed to mean than Avhat lie meant. The above is taken from the summary of Aetius in Plut. de plac. pliilos. 1. 7, Euseb. The briefest Pnejj. evang. 14. 16 (Diels, Doxografphi Grceci, p. 304). and most expressive statement of the transcendence of God (to dyadov)
in Plato's
own
writings
is
probably Republic,
p.
509, ovk ovcrias ovros

dvvdjJi.ei.
Tou dyaOov,
dW cVi
eVeKetva tt}? ova-Las 7rpeo-yQ;t^ Kal
vrep-
It
was a struggle between
this
and Stoicism.
242
IX.
Plutarch says
"
What, then,
is
is
that which really exists
It is the Eternal,
the Uncreated, the Undying, to
whom
time brings no change,

:
Tor time
always flowing and never stays

it
it is
a vessel charged a 'will be' and

'is.'
with birth and death:

a 'has been:'
it
has a before and

'is
after,
belongs to the
not' rather than to the
and that not in time but in eternity, motionless, timeless, changeless eternity, tbit has no before or after and being One, He fills eternity with one aSTow, and so really is/ not 'has been,' or 'will be,' without beginning and without
is
: :
But God
'
ceasing."^
Maxinius
"
of
Tyre says
all
God, the Father and Fashioner of

is
things that are,
He
who
older than the sun, older than the sky, greater than time
and lapse of time and the whole stream of nature, is unnamed by legislators, and unspoken by the voice and unseen by the eyes and since we cannot apprehend His essence, we lean upon words and names and animals, and forms of gold and ivory and silver, and plants and rivers and mountain-peaks and springs of waters, longing for an intuition of Him, and in our inability naming by His name all things that are beautiful in this world
:
of ours."-
And
" It
tells
again
Father and Begetter of the universe that Plato
tell us, for
is of this
:
us
His name he does not

tell
he knew
not
felt
;
it
not
nor
does he
lie
us His colour, for he saw
Him
nor His
size, for
touched
Him
not.
Colour and size are
by the touch and
^ Ph;tavch, de Ei ap. Delph. 18; cf. Ocelkis Lucanus in the Augustan Age, ap. Diels, 187, Mullach, i. p. 383 sq. The universe has no beginning and no end it always was and always Avill be (1. 1. p. 388). It
:
comprises, however, to irotovv and to Traa-xov, the former above the
moon, the
latter below, so that the course of the
moon marks
400).?
the limit
between the changing and changeless, the
aet Okovros
Odov and the
a^
-
/xT/3dA/\ovTos y^vt-jTov (2.
1, p.
394,
2. 23, p.
Max. Tyr.
Diss. 8. 9.
IX.

:
243
seen by the sight unspoken by the
but the Deity Himself
voice,
the hearing, seen only
is unseen by the sight, untouched by fleshly touch, unheard by through its likeness to Him, and heard
only
through
its
kinship with Him, by the noblest and purest

soul."^
and clearest-sighted and swiftest and oldest element of the

Plotinus similarly, in answer to the old problem,
"how
from the One, being such as we have described Him?

anything whatever has substance, instead of the One abiding by Himself," replies
"
Let us
call
upon God Himself before we thus answer

bu.t
not
with uttered words,
stretching forth our souls in prayer to
Him,
wdio
for this is the
only
way
in
is
alone.
We must,
then, gaze
which we can pray, alone to Him upon Him in the inner part
of us, as in a temple, being as He is by Himself, abiding still and beyond all things (cTre/ceti/a airavTuv). Everything that moves must have an object towards which it moves. But the One has no such object consequently we must not assert movement of Him. .... Let us not think of production in time, when we speak of things eternal. What then was produced was produced without His moving .... it had its being without His assenting or willing or being moved in anywise. It was like the light that surrounds the sun and shines forth from it, though the sun is itself at rest it is reflected like an image. So with what That which is next greatest comes forth from Him, is greatest. and the next greatest is vovs for vous sees Him and needs Him
;
. .
alone." ^
1
Max. Tyr.
17. 9.
5. 1.
^ Plotinus,
Enneades,
7)
cf.
1. 8,
where vovs
is
a/>iepccrTos,
distinguished from
irepl
ra crwyxara
iMepccrrr) (oucrta).
We are between
the two, having a share of both.

Ojaotwcrts Trpos deov, 1. 2.
The
KaOapcris of the soul consists in
the love of beauty should ascend from that
of the body to that of character and laws, of arts and sciences, utto Se
TMV dpeTwv
TTopecav, 1.
t^Stj
dva/3aiveiv
7rt
vovv,
eirl
to
ov,
kukci /3a8i(TTeov rrjv avo
2.
r2
244
13 lit
IX.

transcendence
that of a
is
the conception of
It
capable
of
taking two forms.
may be
God who
passes
are
beyond
all
the classes into which sensible

of
phenomena
divisible,
by virtue
;
His being pure Mind, cognizable

that of a
only by mind
or
it
may be
God who
exists
extra flammantia moenia mundi, filling the infinite space-
/-nvhich surrounds and contains all the spheres of material

existence.
The one God

;
is
transcendent in the proper

is
sense of the term

case
I
the other
supra-cosmic.
In either
;
He is
of
said to be unborn, undying, uncontained
and
since the
same terms are thus used
to express the eleit is
ments
I
both forms of the conception,
natural that
these forms should readily pass into each other,

that the distinction between
and
them should not always be

a
present to a writer's
mind
or perceptible in his writings.

fills
But the conception

large place in later
in one or other of its forms
Greek philosophy.
It
blended in a
common
ing.
stream with the

is
new
currents of religious feel-
[The process
" I
well illustrated
by
Philo.]
The words
is full
am
thy
God"
are used not in a proper but in a
secondary sense.
of itself
For Being,
q_iia
Being,
is
out of relation
itself
and
sufficient for itself,

it.^
both before the birth of

transcends
all quality,
the world and equally so after
He
being better than virtue, better than knowledge, and better even
than the good
itself
;
and the beautiful
itself.^
He
is
not in space,
but beyond
is
it
for
He
contains
it.
He
is
not in time, for
He
the Father of the universe, which

its
is itself tiie
father of time,
since from
movement time
*
;
proceeds.^
i.
He
is
"without body,
De mut. nom. 4 De mund. op. 2 Be post. Cain, 5;

;
582, ed. Maugey.

2.
i.
228, 229.
IX.
{parts or

:
245
passions"
all
without
:
feet,
for
whither should
who
fills
things
without hands, for from

possesses all thing?
:
whom
should
He walk He
receive anything
who
Nvithout eyes, for hov/
should
He
need eyes
how
can eyes that

to gaze
who made are too weak

its
the light.^
to gaze
He
is invisible, for
upon the sun be strong

incomprehensible
:
enough
upon
Maker.^
He
is
not
much less the human mind, can contain the conception of Him :^ we know that He is, we cannot know what He is:* we may see the manifestations of Him in His
even the whole universe,
works, but
it
were monstrous
folly to go
is
inquire into His essence.^
He
behind His works and hence unnamed: for names

is
are the symbols of created things, whereas His only attribute

vto he.^
(2) The Revelation of the Transcendent.
Side by
side
with this conception of the transcendence of God,
and
intimately connected with

forces
it,
was the idea
of beings or
coming between God and men.

in Himself incommunicable
:
transcendent
God was
the more the con-
ception of His transcendence
was developed, the stronger
was the necessity

mediate linksJ
^
for conceiving of the existence of inter-
Quod deus immut. 12;

i.
i.
281.
'
De Ahrah. 16;
ii.
ii.
12.
224, 281, 566;
ii.
12,
ii.
654; Frag, ap Joan. Dam.

415.
cf.
^
654.
i.
*
6
De
proim.
et poen.
7;
i.
De post.
Cain, 48;
ii.
258.
Damtd. nom. 2;
580;
630, 648, 655;
8-9, 19, 92-93,

griechiacheji
597.
Cf. in general Heinze,
Die Lchre vom Logos in der

6.
is
PhUosophie, Oldenburg, 1872, pp. 206, 207, n.

^
The necessity
for
such intermediate links
not affected by the
question
'real
how
In
far,
outside the Platonic schools, there was a belief in a
transcendence of God, or only in His existence outside the solar

this connection, note the allegory in the Phaidrus.
system.
The
Epicureans coarsely expressed the transcendence of

sion, î-QprjTai.
rj
God by
the express-
oucria,
p.
Sext.
Emp. Pyrrh.
Lucanus, cited above,
242.
p. 114, 5; cf. Ocellus Hippolytus describes Aristotle's Meta7. 19, p.
physics as dealing with things beyond the moon,
354;
cf.
246
i.
IX.
GREEK AND CHRISIIAN THEOLOGY.
basis for such a conception
was afforded in the

daemons
popular mythology by the
belief in
spirits
inferior to the gods, but superior to
men.
The
belief
was probably "a survival
of the primitive
psychism
which peopled the whole universe with life and animaThere was an enormous contemporary develoption."^
ment
They are found in Epictetus, Dio Chrysostom, Maximus, and Celsns. In the latter some are good, some bad, most of them of mixed nature to them is due the creation of all things
of the idea of
dsemons or genii.
except the
human
soul
they are the rulers of day and

cold.^
night, of the sunlight

ii.
and the
philosophical basis for the theory

or Forms,
was afforded
Stoical Locfoi
by the Platonic Ideai

or Eeasons.
and the
We have
already seen the place which those
Forms, viewed also as Forces, and those Eeasons, viewed

also as productive Seeds, filled in the later
Greek cosmoimportant
logies
and cosmogonies.
They were not
less
in relation to the theory of the transcendence of God.
The Forms according to which He shaped the world, the Forces by which He made and sustains it, the Eeasons which inhere in it and, like laws, control its movements,
Origen's idea of the lieavens in de ^^rinc. that Christians misunderstand Plato
ii. 3, 7, and Celsus' objection by confusing his heaven with the
Jewish heavens.
^
Origen,
c.
Cels. vi.
2.
19;
of.
Iveim, p, 84.
Benn, Greeh Philosophers,
252.
Similarly, Thales, tu
ttu-v efixj/vxov
2 Cf.
Hesiod in Sext. Emp.
ix. 86.
a/ia Kul 8ai[i.6vo}v TrXrjpes
(Diels, 301);
Pythagoras, Empedocles in
;
Hippolytus, StotKoGvTcs
rot
Kara
Philo,
Tr]v
y^v (Diels, 558)

1. 14.
Plato and the

3. 13.
Stoics (Diels, 307), e.g. Plutarch, Epictetus,
12;
15 (Diels,
1307)
8.
Athenagoras, 23 ; 13; see references in Keim's

;
ii.
635
Frag. ap. Eus. Prcej). Evan.
Oclsus, p.
u.
jLnsichten der Stoiker iiher
Mantik
120; cf. Wachsmuth, Die Ddmoncn, Berlin, 1860.
IX.

of
247
are outflows from and reflexions
His nature, and
communicate a knowledge
tures.
of it to
His intelligent crea-
In the philosophy of Philo, these philosophical

of Angels.
conceptions are combined with both the Greek conception

of
Daemons and the Hebrew conception
The
four conceptions, Forms, Logoi^ DoBmons,
and Angels,
pass into
relative to
one another, and the expressions which are
them
are interchangeable.
is
expression for
them
Logoi,
and
it
The most common is more commonly
found in the singular. Logos.

(3) The Distinctions in the Nature of God.
is
The Logos
it is itself
able to reveal the nature of
God
because
the reflexion of that nature.
It is able to reveal that
nature to intelligent creatures because the
gence
is itself
an offshoot
of the Divine.
human intelliAs the eye of

is
sense sees the sensible world, which also

of God,^ since
it is
a revelation
His thought impressed upon matter,

intelligible realities, existing
so the reason sees the intelligible world, the world of
His thoughts conceived as

separate from
Him.
to
apprehend God, and travelHng first of all meets with the divine Eeasons, and with them abides as a guest hut when he resolves to pursue the further journey, he is compelled to abstain, for the eyes of his understanding being opened, he sees
along the path of wisdom and knowledge,
;
"The wise man, longing
that the object of his quest

infinite distance in
is
afar off
him.'"-^
and always receding, an
advance of
into the antechamber of the Divine Eeason, and
"Wisdom leads him first when he is there

;
he does not
at once enter into the
Divine Presence
off
but sees
Him
afar
off,
or rather not
^
even afar
can he behold Him, but

(i.
Philo, de con/us. ling. 20
419).
De
post Cain. 6
(i.
229).
248
IX.

is still
only he sees that the place where he stands
infinitely far
from the unnamed, unspeakable, and incomprehensible God."^
What
he sees
is
not
Him, "just as those yet gaze upon a reflexion
God Himself but the likeness of who cannot gaze upon the sun may
of it."
^
The
Logos^ reflecting
not only the Divine nature, but also the Divine will and
the Divine goodness, becomes to
men
it
a messenger of
help
like
the angel to Hagar,
brings advice and
encouragement;^ like the angel who redeemed Jacob

(Gen.
xlviii. 16), it
rescues
men from
all
kinds of evil;*
it
like the angel
who
delivered Lot from Sodom,
succours
the kinsmen of virtue and provides for

"
them
what
a refuge.^
to
Like a king,
a teacher,
;
it
it
announces by decree what

instructs its disciples in
it
men ought
do
like
will benefit
them
best
like a counsellor,
suggests the wisest plans, and so

of themselves
secrets
greatly benefits those

;
who do not
know what
is
like a friend,
it tells
many
which
it is
not lawful
for the uninitiated to hear."''
And
standing
midway between God and man,

to
it
not only
reflects
God downwards
to
man, but
also reflects
man
upwards
" It
God.
stands on the border-line between the Creator and the
creation, not unbegotten like
and
so
God, not begotten like ourselves, becomes not only an ambassador from the Euler to His
subjects, but also a suppliant
from mortal
man
yearning after
the immortal."^
The
from
1
relation of the Logos to God, as distinguished
its
functions, is expressed
somn.
1.
by
2
several metaphors, all

1,
(i.
De
11
1 3.
(i.
(i.
(i.
630).
mî
41 î 655)^
139).
(i.
8
*
Deprofug.
Leg. Alleg.
547);
(i.
so de Chcruh. 1
^ 7
G2
122).
/^^ gomn. 1. 15
633).
Ihid. 1.
33
Gi9).
Qîis êr. div. her.
42
(i.
501).
IX.
249
of which are important in view of later theology.
They
may
be gathered into
two
classes,
corresponding to the
two great conceptions
of the relation of the universe to
God which were

nists.
held respectively by the two great
sources of Philo's philosophy, the Stoics and the Plato-
The one
class of
metaphors belongs
to the monistic,
the other to the dualistic, conception of the universe.
In the former, the Logos

other,
is
evolved from
God
in the
created
by Him.^
projected
The
chief metaphors of the

:
former class are those of a phantom, or image, or outflow

the Logos
is
by God
as a man's as
shadow
off
or his
phantom was sometimes conceived

body,^ expressing
separate existence
reflexion cast
its
thrown
by
it
every feature, and abiding as a
after the
body was dead;
is
by God upon the space which He

is cast
contains,
as a parhelion
by
the sun;^
it is
an outflow as
class
from a spring.*
^
The
chief
metaphor of the second

175), 6
De
sacrif. Abel, et Cain.
18
(i.
yap êos Aeywi/
a/ia ejrotei
[j.rj8iv
fiiTa^v djxôiv
:
Tibet's' et Se y^pi^
(ii.
Soy/xa Ktvetv dX-qOicrrepov, 6 Xoyos
epyov avTov
of the
de decern orac. 11
in
188),
LXX.
Exodus xx.
18, 6 Aaos ewpa rrjv
commenting on the expression c^covr^v, he justifies it
on the ground
6<f>daX[xol irpo
eiTTOL
2
oVt ocra dv Xeyrj 6 êos ov py]fiaTd ecrrtv
dW
'^pya, direp
wTwv
Scoptôvcrt
de mund. opif. 6
Oeov Aoyoi'
rjSrj
(i.
5), ouSev dv erepov
Tov voi]Tov iTvai k6(tixov
rj
koct/xottoioiji/tos.
The word
o-Kia
seems to be used, in relation to the Logos, not of
the shadow cast by a solid object in the sunlight, but rather, as in
Homer, Odyss. 10. 495, and frequently in classical writers, of a ghost or phantom hence God is the TrapaSety/xa, the substance of which the
:
Logjs
is
the unsubstantial form, Leg. Alleg.
3.
31
(i.
106)
hence also
cTKvi is
used as convertible with
etV-wv [ibid.), in its

:
sense of either a
(i.
portrait-statue or a reflexion in a mirror
in de confus. ling. 28
427),
the Logos
3
is
the eternal etKwv of God.

1.
De
somn.
41
(i.
656).
Quod
det. pot. ins.
23
(i.
207),
250
is
IX.

;
that of a son
the Logos
is
the first-begotten of
God ;^
and by an elaboration
in later theology,
of the
is
metaphor which reappears

hence tends some-
God
in one passage spoken of as its

It
Father,
Wisdom
as its Mother.^
times to be viewed as separate from God, neither
God
nor man, but " inferior to
God though
greater than man." ^
The
earlier conception
:
had already passed through several

itself
forms
it
had begun with that which was
the
greatest leap that
any one thinker had yet made, the

:
conception that Eeason

of
Eeason led
:
Eeason
out of
made the world the conception to the conception of God as Personal that grew the thought of God as greater
it
than Eeason and using
as
His instrument
and
at last
had come the conception of the Eeason of God as in some way detached from Him, working in the world as a subordinate but self-acting law.
It
was natural that
this
should lead to the further conception of Eeason as the

offspring of
God and Wisdom,
the metaphor of a
human
birth being transferred to the highest sphere of heaven.
B.
The Idea and
its
Development in Christian
Theology.
(1) The Transcendence of God.
All
28
(i.
the conceptions
which we have seen to exist in the sphere of philosophy
were reproduced in the sphere of Christianity.

1
They
De
agric.
12
(i.
(i.
308): de con/us.
414),
ling.
427)
spoken of as
yvvi]Bi.i<i, ibid.
14
De
profug. 20
(i.
5G2)
(i.
so
God
is
spoken of as the husband of

in de ebriet. 8
(i.
cro<^ta in
dc Cherub. 14
148).
But
361),
God
is
the Father,
universe.
8
Knowledge the
mit. somn.
]\Iother,
not of the Logos but of the
Quod a Deo
i.
683.
IX.
251
are sometimes relative to God, in contrast to the world
phenomena phenomena come into being, God is unbegotten and without beginning: phenomena are visible and tangible, God is unseen and untouched.
of sensible
:
They
are sometimes relative to the idea of perfection
God is unchangeable, indivisible, unending. He has no name for a name implies the existence of something prior to that to which a name is given, whereas He is
:
prior to all things.
These conceptions are
all
negative
the positive conceptions are that

((3v6o?)
He
is
the infinite depth

that
which contains and embosoms

and that
all things,
He
is self-existent,
He
is light.
"The
is
Father of
all," said
one school of philosophers,^ "
a primal light,
blessed, incorruptible,
and
infinite."
'-The essence of
is
the unbegotten Father of the universe
incorruptibility
and self-existing
light, simple
and uniform."^
From
near to
the earliest Christian teaching, indeed, the con-
ception of the transcendence of
God
:
is
absent.
God
is
men and
speaks to them
:
He
is
angry with them
and punishes them

them.
He
is
merciful to
them and pardons
He
does
all this
through His angels and prophets,
and last of all through His Son.

than because
But he needs such

is invisible,
mediators rather because a heavenly Being
He
is
transcendent.
The conception which
underlies the earliest expression of the belief of a Christian
community
is
the simple conception of children
"We
and
give Thee thanks,
Holy
Father, for
Thy holy name which
Thou hast caused

faith
for the knowledge and immortality which Thou hast made known to us through Jesus Christ, Thy servant. To Thee be glory for ever.
to dwell in our hearts,
and
1-
i.e.
Sethiani ap. Iren.
1.
30.
1.
* Ptolemseus, ad Flor.
7.
252
IX.

j\Iaster,
Thou, Almighty
hast created all things for
Thy name's
and drink to men for their enjoyment, that they may give thanks to Thee and upon us hast Thou bestowed spiritual food and drink and eternal life through Thy servant. Before all things we give Thee thanks for that Thou art mighty to Thee be glory for ever."^
sake, hast given food
:
In the original sphere of Christianity there does not

appear to have been any great advance upon these simple
conceptions.
The doctrine upon which

is,
stress
was
laid
wasj that
God
that
and
is
everlasting, that
all
He is one, that He is almighty He made the world, that His mercy

There was no taste for metathere was possibly no appreciation
It is quite possible that
over
His works.^
:
physical discussion
of metaphysical conceptions.
some Christians
laid themselves
open to the accusation
which Celsus brings,

Stoicism,
of believing that
God
is
only cog-
nizable through the senses.^
They were influenced by

intellectual existences,
which denied
all
and
regarded
spirit itself as material.^
This tendency resulted
in Adoptian Christology.^
But most
of the philosophical conceptions
above de-
scribed were adopted
by the Apologists, and through

are for the most part stated,
such adoption found acceptance in the associated Christian communities.
They
not as in a dogmatic system, but incidentally.
For
inter-
example, Justin thus protests against a

1
literal
Teachin<i of iha Twelve Apostles, 10.

Cf. the Ebionites, Alogi,
24.
1. 1. 7.
and the Clementines.

de princ.
3
^
Origen,
c.
Ccls. 7.
7.
36;
cf.
Cvn. Cels.
37,
;
Kai hoyjiaTiûv
cf.
TrapaTrXrjo-ms
TOis
dvaipovcri
ii.
V07JTUS oi'o-ias ~T(x)iKois

p.
Keiiu,
p.
100.
Sec also
Oi'ig. in
Gen. vol.
25 (Dehirue), and Eus.

^
//.
E.
iv.
26, for a view ascribed to Melito.
TTarnack, Dogmengcscli p. 160.
IX.
253
Old
pretation of the anthropomorpliic expressions of the
Testament
"You
Lord of
nor
are not to think that the unbegotten

'
God 'came down'
from anywhere or went

all
up.'
For the unutterable Father and

place wherever that place
ears,
things neither comes to any place nor walks nor sleeps
rises,
but abides in His
own
may
but
be, seeing
keenly and hearing keenly, not with eyes or
with His unspeakable power, so that
He
sees all things

:
and
knows
He
move,
world,
nor is any one of us hid from Him nor does He who is uncontained by space and by the whole seeing that He was before the world was born."^
all things,
And
"I
Athenagoras thus sums up his defence of Chris-
tianity against the charge of atheism
have
sufficiently
demonstrated that they are not atheists

is
who
sible,
believe in
One who
unbegotten, eternal, unseen, impas:
comprehended by mind and reason only, invested with ineffable light and beauty and spirit and power, by whom the universe is brought into being and set in order and held firm, through the agency of his own
incomprehensible and uncontained
Logos."
'^
Theophilus replies thus to his heathen interlocutor asked him to describe the form of the Christian
" Listen,
who
God
His glory
my
friend
the form of
God
is
unutterable and in:
describable, nor can

is
it
be seen with fleshly eyes

is
for
uncontained. His size
incomprehensible, His loftiness is

is
inconceivable. His strength
is unHis beneficence rivalled. His goodness beyond imitation. beyond description. If I speak of Him as light, I mention His handiwork if I speak of Him as reason, I mention His government
:
incomparable, His wisdom
if I
mention His breath if I speak of mention His offspring if I speak of Him as strength, I mention His might if I speak of Him as providence,
speak of
as spirit, I
:
Him
Him
as wisdom, I
Dial.
c.
Tnjph.
c.
127.
Legatio, 10.
254
IX.

:
I mention His goodness His glory." ^
if I
speak of His kingdom, I mention
It is not easy to determine in regard to
many
of these
expressions whether they are relative in the writer's
mind
to a supra-cosmic or to a transcendental conception of
God.
The
case of Tertullian clearly shows that they are
compatible with the former conception no less than with

the latter; for though he speaks of
God
as
"the great
Supreme, existing in eternity, unborn, unmade, without

beginning, and without end,"'^ yet he argues that
material; for
He
is
"how
full,
could one
things that are solid, and one things that are
who is empty have made who is void have made and one who is incorporeal have
But there were some
made
things that have body?"^
schools of
philosophers in which the transcendental cha-
racter of the conception is clearly apparent.

of such schools,
lides.
The
earliest
and the most remarkable,
is
that of Basito form, the
It anticipated,
and perhaps helped
later developments of Neo-Platonism.
It conceived of
God
as transcending being. Iôt
He was
absolutely beyond
all predioation.
even negative predicates are predi-
Him. The language of the school becomes paradoxical and almost unmeaning in the extremity of its
cable of
effort to express the transcendence of
God, and at the
same time
to reconcile the belief in
His transcendence
with " When there was nothing, neither material, nor essenthe belief that
is
tial,
1
He
the Creator of the world.
nor non-essential, nor simple, nor compound, nor

1.3;
cf. ISIinuc.
Ad Autohjcum.
2.
Felix, Odavius, 18,
and Novatian,
ie Trln. 1.
2
Adv, Marc.
1. 3.
Adv. Prax.
7.
IX.
255
unthoughfc, nor unperceived, nor man, nor angel, nor god,
nor absolutely anj^ of the things that are named or perceived or thought, ....
God who was not
(ovk
cov 0eo?),
without thought, without perception, Y/ithout
will,
with-
out purpose, without passion, without desire, willed to
make a
world.
In saying 'willed,' I use the word only

is
because some word
necessary,
but I mean without
volition, without thought, and without perception; and
in saying
sible
'
world,' I do not
mean
the extended and diviits
world which afterwards came into being, with

^
capacity of division, but the seed of the world."
This
was
ing,
said
more
briefly,
:
but probably with the same meanis
by Marcus
There
no conception and no essence
of God.2
These exalted ideas
of
His transcendence, which had

soil,
especially thriven on Alexandrian
were further
ela-
borated at the end of the second century by the Christian

philosophers of the Alexandrian schools,
who
inherited
the wealth at once of regenerated Platonism, of Gnosticism,
and
of theosophic
Judaism.
Clement anticipated
Plotinus in conceiving of
One and higher than

name
the
God Monad
as being
itself,"^
"beyond the
which was the
There
''
:
highest abstraction of current philosophy.^

that can properly be
is
no
named
of
Him
neither the
One, nor the Good, nor Mind, nor Absolute Being, nor
Father, nor Creator, nor Lord."
1
'No science can attain
ap. Hippol. 7. 21, p. 358.
"
for
3
avevvorjTOs Kal dvovcrios, ibid. 6. 42, p. 302; cf. 12 Monoimus, and aho Ptolemaeus, ad Floram, 7.
f.,
pp.
424
ff.,
Poedag.
1. 8.
cf.
* Moller, KosmoJogie, p. 26,
124 129, 130.
256
unto
IX.

all
is
Him; "for
;
science depends on antecedent prin-
ciples
but there
nothing antecedent to the Unbegot-
ten."^
of
Origcn expressly protests against the conceptions

as supra-cosmic rather than
God which regarded Him

human
form.^
is
transcendent, 2 and as having a material substance though
not a
His own conception
is
that of a
or
nature which
absolutely simple and intelligent,
which transcends both intelligence and existence.

absolutely simple.
after,
Being
He
has no more or
less,
no before or
and consequently has no need
of either .^paê or
time.
is to
Being absolutely
intelligent.
His only
v.
tri )ute
know and
to
be known.
But only "like knows
like."
He
is
is to
be apprehended through the intelligence
which
of
made
in
His image
the
human mind
is
is
capable
it.
knowing the Divine by
virtue of its participation in
But
as
in the strict sense of the

:
word He
beyond our
knowledge
our knowledge
is like
the vision of a spark
compared with the splendour
of the sun.^
(2) Revelation or Mediation of the Transcendent.

as in
But
How
The
soli-
Greek philosophy,
so also in Christian theology,
the doctrine whether of a supra-cosmic or of a tran-
scendent
could
God
necessitated the further question,

?
He
pass into the sphere of the phenomenal
rougher sort of objectors ridiculed a
God who
was "
tary and destitute" in his unapproachable uniqueness:^

the
more serious heathen philosophers asked.

like,
1
If like
knows
how can your God know

5. 12.
1. 1. 2, 5, 7. *
the world? and

19 sqq.
Strom.
CeU.
G.
Deprinc.
4 Ibid. 1. \,
passim;
c.
cf.
4. 1.
cf.
36.
Celsus, 158.
e.g.
Min. Felix,
10;
Keim,
IX.
GEEEK AND CHRISTIAN TIIEOLOGT.
257
the mass of Christian philosophers, ^ both within and
without the associated communities,
felt this
it,
question,
to
or one of the questions that are cognate to
be the
cardinal point of their theology.^
The
tentative answers
were innumerable.
One
early
group of them maintained the existence of a capacity in

the Supreme Being to manifest Himself in different forms.
The conception had some elements

phism had been
versies, as
of Stoical
and some of
popular Greek theology, in both of which anthropomorpossible.^
It
came
to
an especial promi-
nence in the earlier stages of the Christological contro-
an explanation
of the nature of Jesus Christ.
It lay beneath
what
is
known
as
Modal Monarchianism,
the theory that Christ was a temporary

existence of the one God.
exist in one
"
mode
of the
It
was simply His
will to
mode
rather than in another.^

is
One and
the same God," said Noetus, "
the Creator and

pleasure,
Father of
*
all things, and,
because
it
was His good
He
The
older sort,
who
clung to tradition pure and simple, were

:
dubious of the introduction of dialectic methods into Christianity

Eus. V. 28
3. 2
;
see
cf. v.
13.
"Expavescunt ad
oiKovo/xtav," Tert. adv.
Prax.
Cf.
Weingarten,
p. 25.
Pantsenus,
world,
when asked by
if like
outside philosophers, "
How
i.
can
p.
God
know the
Tov vTTip
knows
rot
like 1" replied (Routh, Rel. Sac.
379)
/xryre aladrjTois
ra
alcrOrjTa
/jt^^re
voepws
to. vo-qra
ov yap eivai Suvarov
TO,
ovra Kara
oVra twv oVtwv XafifSdveadai., dXX ws tSta
deXijfiara yivuxxKiiv auToi/
ra ovra
(fiajxev
for if
he made
all
things
by His win, no one can deny that He knows His own will, and hence knows what His will has made. Cf. Julius Africanus (Routh, ii. 239),
Aeyerat yap ofKavvfJiws 6 O^hs
^
Trdcri
ei/xt,
rots i^ auTOv, eTretS^ ev Tracrtv IcrrtV.

as
yivofxai o
OeXw Kai dfu
used by the Naassenes,
ap.
Hipp,
5. 7.
*
Cf.
Harnack,
art.
in Encycl. Brit. " Sabellius."
258
IX.
appeared to righteous
is invisible,
men
of old.
is
For when
He
:
is
not seen
is
He
and when He
seen
He
is visible
He
uncon-
tained
when He
contained
wills not to be contained,
and contained when
He
was
is
When
:
the Father had not been born,

it
He
rightly styled Father

birth,
undergo
He
was His good pleasure to became on being born His own son, not
when
another's."*
But the dominant conception was

of
in a line with that
both Greek philosophy and Greek religion.
From
the Supreme
God came
forth, or in
forms and modifications
Him existed, special by which He both made the

it.
world and revealed HimseK to

(i.)
The
speculations as to the nature of these forms
varied partly with the large underlying variations in the
conception of
God
as supra-cosmic or as transcendental,
less
and partly with the greater or
development of the
forms were viewed
tendency to give a concrete shape to abstract ideas.
They varied
forces;
also according as the

its
in relation to the universe, as

or in relation to
types and formative
the Supreme Being and His
rational creatures, as manifestations of the one
and means
of
knowledge
to the other.
The
variations are found to
exist,
not only between one school of philosophers and
another, but also in the
same
school.
For example, Ter-
tuUian distinguishes between two schools of Valentinians,

that of Valentinus himself and that of his great, though
independent, follower Ptolemy.^
The former regarded
the iEons as simply modes of God's existence, abiding
within His essence

^
the latter, in
common with
n.
I.
the great
Hipp.
9.
c.
10; Schmid, Dogmeng. 47,

Valeiit.
Tert
cf.
StaêVets of Ptol. ap. Iten.
12. 1
IX.
259
majority of the school, looked upon them as " personal
substances" which had come forth from
God and
re-
mained outside Him.

the same school
And
again, most philosophers of
made a genealogy
of
ôns, and
fur-
nished their opponents thereby with one of their chief

handles for ridicule
duction of the
:
but Colorbasus regarded the proas a single
ôns
times, however, the expressions,
momentary act.^ Somewhich came from difmeans by which

It is as inherent
it is
ferent sources, were blended.
Almost
all
these conceptions of the
God communicated Himself to the world were relative

to the conception of
Him
as
Mind.
a necessity for thought to reveal itself as

to shine.
for light
Following the tendency of current psychology
to regard the different manifestations of
to different elements in
mind
itself,
mind as relative some schools of phi-
losophers gave a separate personality to each supposed
element in the mind of God.
There came forth thought

^
:
and
or
reflexion, voice
and name, reasoning and intention

visible forms
from the original Will and Thought came forth Mind
and Truth (Keality) as
and images of the
invisible qualities (SiaOea-ecov) of the Father.^

(ii.)
But
side
by
side with this
tendency to indivi-
dualize
of the
and hypostatize the separate elements or modes
Divine Mind, there was a tendency to regard the

of
mind
God
mind
as a unity existing either as a distinct
element in His essence or objective to Him.

theory,
1
is
the only -begotten of God.'*

2
cf.
On one He alone
-qv.
ap. Iren. 1. 12. 3.
jjipp. 6. 12.
2 *
Ptolemy
ap. Iren. 1. 12. 1;
Hipp.
c.
Noet. 10, iroXvs
ap. Iren. 1. 2. 1, 5 (Yalentinians).
S2
2 GO
IX.
On another knows God and wishes to reveal Him. from unborn Father, and from the theory, mind is born
Mind
are born Logos
and Prudence, Wisdom and Force,
and thence
in their order all the long series of
Powers
of the as the
by whom the universe was formed.^

that of Marcus, probably contains the
others
;
Another theory,
key
to
some
the meaning of the conception of

is
Mind
only -begotten of God,
that
Mind
is
the revelation of
is,
God
to
nimself
His seK-consciousness
so to speak,
projected out of
creation
Him.
It is at once a revelation
and a
the
only immediate revelation and the only
The Father, "resolving to bring forth that which is ineffable in Him, and to endow with form that which is invisible, opened His mouth and sent forth the Logos^'' which is the image of Him, and revealed
immediate creation.
Him
to Himself.^
sent forth
The Logos or "Word, which was so was made up of distinct utterances: each
^
utterance was an ceon^ a logos^ a root and seed of being

in
other words, each
was a part and phase of God's

itself in a
nature which expressed and reflected
part and
phase of the world, so that collectively the logoi are

equivalent to the Logos,
of God.
who
is
the image and reflection
The theory
is
not far distant from that which
is
found
in the earlier Apologists, and which passed through
more
than one phase before

ance.
it
won
its
way
to general accept-
The leading point
in both is the relation of the
individual logoi to the Logos.

1
We
have already become
ap. Iron. 1. 24. 3 (Basilides)
cf.
Clem. Al. Protrep. 10, the Loijca
is
the Son of vovs.

-
Iren.
1.
14. 1, TrpoiljKaTO
\6yov
o/xoiov avry.
IX.
GEEEK AND CHRTSTIAN THEOLOGY.
261
acquainted with the syncretism which had blended the

Platonic ideas with the Stoical
logoi,
the former being
regarded as forces as well as forms, and the latter being

not only productive forces, but also the laws of those
forces
;
and which had viewed them both in their unity,
rather than in their plurality, as expressions of a single
Logos.
We
How
He
have
could
also
seen that the solution of the

create ?
problem,
God
was found
of
in the doc-
trine that
created
by means
His Logos, who im-
pressed himself in the

things.
innumerable forms of created
The
solution of the metaphysical difficulty,
How
to
can a transcendent
God know and be known ? was found

which had already been given
to lie in the solution
the cosmogonical difficulty.

contact with matter?^
How
could
God come
also
into
they were activities
The Forces were and also thoughts

:
Eeasons
woke mind
Logos
to consciousness
and the mind

like,
of
men they man knew the

in
of God, as like
it
knows
by virtue
of
of containing
within
" a seed of the Logos,'^ a particle of the divine
itself.
That divine Logos "

is
which the whole

at one time ap-
human
angels,
race,
race
partaker,"
fire,
"which had
and
peared in the form of
at another in the
form of
now by
the will of God, on behalf of the
human
had become a man, and endured
to suffer all that
the daemons effected that he should suffer at the hands

of the foolish Jews."^
The
difference
between Christ
and other men was thought

^
to be, that other
men have
As compared with
Philo,
who
emphasizes the Logos in relation to
work of creation, Justin lays stress on the Logos as Revealer, making known to us the will of God of. aTroa-roXos, Tnjph. 61.
the
:
Justin, Apol.
i.
63.
262
IX.

Logos^'''^
:
only a "seed of the
whereas in liim the whole

difl'erenee
Logos was manifest

tians
and the
between Chris-
and philosophers was, that the
latter lived
by the
light of a part only of the divine Logos, whereas the
former lived by the knowledge and contemplation of the
whole Logos}
Within
half a centnry after these tentative efforts/^
and largely helped by the dissemination of the Foui'th

Gospel, which had probably at
first
only a local influence,
the mass of Christians were tending to acquiesce not only

in the belief of the transcendental nature of God, but
also in the belief that, in
some way which was not yet
closely defined, Jesus Christ
was the Logos by
whom
the
world had been made, and who revealed the unknown

Father to men.
The form
in
which the
belief is stated
by
Irenseus
is
the following
"
No
is
one can
know
the Father except by the

:
Word
of God,
that
by the Son reveahng Him Son except by the good pleasure

and the Son
is
nor can any one

for the
know
the
of the Father.
:
But the Son

Father sends,
that the
performs the good pleasure of the Father

sent and comes.
And His Word knows

:
Father
and unlimited: and since He is ineffable, He himself declares Him to us and, on the other hand, it is the Father alone who knows His own Word both these truths has the Lord made known to us. Wherefore the Son reveals the knowledge of the Father by manifesting Himself: for the manifestation of the Son is the knowledge of
is,
as far as concerns us, invisible
Apol.
It
ii.
8.
would bo boyond our present purpose

:
to go into Christology.
(1) INIodal
It will be sufficient to indicate three tlieoiies

isni; (2)
Dogmc.ii'j.
MonarchianCf.
Dynamical Monarchianisiu
i.
(3)
Logos theory.
Harnack,
IGl, 220, for Gnostic Christology.
IX.

all
263
by the Word The all by making His Word visible to all and conversely the Word showed to all the Father and the Son, since He was seen by all. And therefore the righteous judgment of God comes upon all who, though they have seen as others, have not believed as others. For by means of the creation itself the AVord reveals God the Creator by means of the world, the Lord who is the Fashioner of the world and by means of His handiwork (man), the Workman who formed it; and by the Son, that Father who begat the Son."^
fclie
Father: for
things are manifested
Father therefore has revealed Himself to

:
(3) The Distinctions in the Nature of God^ or the Mediation
and Mediator.
;It
was by a natural process
of deve-
lopment that Christian philosophers, while acquiescing

in the general proposition that Jesus Christ
was the Logos

definition
in
human
form, should go on to frame large theories as

It
to the nature of the Logos.
was an age of
and
than
dialectic.
It
was no more
in
possible for the
mass
of
educated
it
men to
is
leave a metaphysical problem untouched,
possible
our
own days
for chemists to
leave a natural product unanalyzed.
Two main
genesis,
questions
(ii.)
engaged attention
(i.)
what was the
what
was the
thought
(i.)
nature, of the Logos.
In the speculations which
rose out of each of these questions, the influence of

is
Greek
even more conspicuous than before.
The question of the genesis of the Logos was mainly answered by theories which were separated from one another by the same broad line of distinction which
separated theories as to the genesis of the world.
The philosophers
of the school of Easilides,

first to
is,
who, as
we have seen, had

1
been the
formulate the doctrine
of an absolute creation, that

Iren. 4. 6. 3, 5, 6
;
of a creation of all things

7. 2.
cf.
Clem. Alex. Strom.
264
:X.
out of nothing, conceived that whatever in their theory
corresponded to the Logos was equally included with

other things in the original seed.
nite proposition,
all
Hence came the
defi-
which played a large part in the contro-
versies of the fourth century, that the Logos
was made
"out
of the things that
were not."^
under various
But the majority

metaphors the
idea,
of creation, that in
of theories expressed
which was
relative to the other theory
some way the Logos had come forth

as to the nature of
that,
from God.
The
rival hypotheses
creation were reconciled
by the hypothesis
it
though
the world was created out of nothing,
was
so created
by the Logos, who was not created by God, but came forth from Him. The metaphors were chiefly those of
the "putting forth"
or fruit of a plant,
{irpo(5o\}], prolatio),
as of the leaves
son.
and of the begetting of a
They
esta-
were in use before the doctrine

blished
itself,
of the Logos
had
and some
of
them were
originally relative,,
not to the Logos, but to other conceptions of mediation
between God and the world.
They were supplemented
by
the metaphors, which also were in earlier use, of the
flowing of water from a spring, and of the radiation of

light.^
That there was not originally any important

between them,
is
distinction
disclaimer of Irenteus and
shown both by the express by the fact of their use in
combination in the same passages of the same writers.
The combination was important. The metaphors supplemented each other. Each of them contained an element
1
Cf.
Hipp.
7.
21,
;
22; Sclimid, Dogm. 52.

Hipp.
c.
Tert.
Apol 51
Noet. p. 62.
IX.
GREEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY. which ultimately expressed the
265
settled
in the theory
judgment
of the Christian world.

difficulty
The main
of
which they presented was that

of the "sole
of
an apparent inconsistency with the

God.
belief in the unity
The doctrine
monarchy"
of
God,
which had been strongly maintained against those who

explained the difficulties of the world by the hypothesis
of
two Gods in
conflict,
seemed
to
be running another
its
kind of danger in the very ranks of

Logos
defenders.
The
who
reflected
God and
revealed
Him
to rational
creatures,
who
also contained in himself the
form and
forces of the material world,
must be in some sense God.
In Athenagoras there
universe, spirit, force,
is
a pure
monism But
"
God
is
Him-
self all things to Himself,
unapproachable
^
light, a perfect
logos?''
in other writers the
idea of development or generation, however lightly the
metaphor might be pressed, seemed

ence of the Logos both outside
to involve
an exist-
God and
posterior to
Him.2
He was
the "first-born," the "first ofi'spring of
after the Father of all and the Lord God;" for "as the beginning, before all created things, God begat from Himself a kind of rational Force, which is called by the Holy Spirit (i.e. the Old Testament)
God," the " first force
sometimes 'the Glory of the Lord,' sometimes 'Son,'

1
Leg. 16;
cf.
Clem. Al. Btrom.
5.
1;
cf.
Theophilus,
2.
22, for
distinction of Aoyos TrpofjiopiKos as well as evStaêros, denied

(loc.
cit.),
hy Clement
c.
but repeated in Tert. adv. Prax. 5

8. 2,
cf.
Hipp,
Noet. 10.
See Zahn's note in Ign. ad Magn.

eternal generation.
2
on TrpoeXdwv in relation to
Philo applied the phrase
"Son
of
God"
to the world
cf.
Keim,
Celsus, 95.
266
IX.

Wisdom,'
'
sometimes
'
sometimes
^^
Angel,'
sometimes
God,' sometimes
'
Lord and Logos
sometimes he speaks
:
of himself as
Captain of the Lord's host
'
for
he has
all these appellations,
both from his ministering to the
Father's purpose and from his having been begotten
by
the Father's pleasure."^

is
It follows that
"there
the
is,
and
spoken
of,
another
God and Lord beneath

it.^
Maker
of the universe."^
to ditheism
The theory thus formulated tended

It
and was openly accused of
was saved
two
dis-
from the charge by the gradual formulating

tinctions,
of
both of which came from external philosophy,
one of them being an inheritance from Stoicism, the other
from Neo-Platonism.^
Deity
The one was
that the generation
or development had taken place within the sphere of

itself:
the generation had not taken place by the
severing of a part
from the whole, as though the Divine
nature admitted of a division,^ but by distinction o

function or
^
by
c.
multiplication, as
Tryph. 61 A, 16
;
many
torches
may
be
Justin, Dial.
c.
cf.
c.
62 E, TrpofiXfjOlv yiwtîia; and

;
Hipp.
2 2
Noet.
8, 10,
c.
Tatian,
Irenaeus ap. Schmid, p. 31.
Justin, Dial.
Tryph. 56 C,
p. 180.
Hipp. 9. 12; Callistus, while excommunicating the Sabellians Schmid, 48 ; Weing. 31), also called Hippolytus and his party ditheists. For Callistus' own view, cf. ibid. 9. 11. See Schmid, p. 50
(cf.
also p. 45 for Praxeas ap. Tert.

*
The Gnostic
controversies in regard to the relation to
God
of the
Powers who were intermediate between

to forge such intellectual instruments.
^
Him
and the world, had helped
Justin,
<i)S
C.
Trijph.
128
Zwafiu koI SovXy avrov d\X ov kot

toG /rarpos oucrias
ov nar
;
aTro-
rofJLrjv
d7ro/x6/3tô/iei'j;s ttJs
:
cf.
Plotinus ap.
Ham.
j
Dogm. 493
cf.
Kara
jiepicriiov
d;roTo/xT;v in Tatian, 6, is dilTerent
Hipp.
c.
Noet. 10.
IX
lit
267
from one without diminishing the light of that one.^

other was that the generation had been eternal.
The
In
an early statement of the theory

taken place in time
:
it
it it had was argued that " God could not
was held that
have been a Father before there was a Son, but there
was a time when there was not a Son."^ But the influence of the other metaphors in which the relation was
expressed overpowered the influences which came from
pressing the conception
of
paternity.
Light,
its
it
was
argued, could never have been without

shine.^
capacity to
The Supreme Mind could never have been withThe Father Eternal was always a out His Thought. Father, the Son was always a Son.^ (ii.) The question of the nature of the eternally-begotten Logos was answered variously, according as the supra-cosmic or the transcendental idea of God was dominant in a writer's mind.^ To Justin Martyr, God is con1
Justin, Dial,
c,
Tnjpli. 61 C,
where the metaphor of "speech"
is
also employed.
2 3
ap. Tert.
c.
Hermog.
3.
For metaphor
There
of light, cf.
Monoimus
ap.
Hipp.
8.
12
also Tatian,
c. 5.
is
uncertainty as to eternal generation in Justin

It is not in Hippolytus,
p.
c.
see Engel-
hardt, p. 118.
in Irenceus
Noet. 10.
Though implied
is
(Ham.
495),
it is
in Origen that this solution attains

ff.,
clear expression, e.g. de princ. 1. 2
though his view
not through-
Emanation seemed to him to imply division out steady and unifonn. But he hovers between the Logos as thought and as into parts.
substance.
Eor Clement and Origen in
this connection, see
Harnack,
pp. 579, 581.

5
God unchangeable
:
in Himself comes into contact with

oIkovoiiI(j., c. Cels. 4.
human
changes
c.
affairs
t-q -rrpovoiq.
koi ry
14.
His
Word
according to the nature of the individuals into

4. 18.
whom
he comes,
Cels,
268
IX.
GKEEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.

lie abides
ceived as supra-cosmic.
:
"in the places
tliat
are above the heavens " the " first-begotten," the Logos,
is
the "first force after the Father: " he
is
"a
second
God, second numerically but not in

the Father's pleasure.^
'will,"
doing only
far the idea
is
It is uncertain
how
who
of personality entered into this view.
There
a similar
uncertainty in the view of Theophilus,
introduced
the Stoical distinction between the two aspects of the

Logos^
thought and speech

still
"ratio"
and "oratio;"^
while Tertullian
speaks of "virtus" side by side
with these.
It
was only gradually that the subject was raised to

which
it
the higher plane, from
never afterwards deof the transcen-
scended,
by the spread and dominance

It came, as
dental as distinguished from the supra-cosmic conception of God.
we have
already seen, mainly from
the schools of Alexandria.
It is in Basilides, in
whom
of
thought advanced to the belief that God transcended not
merely phenomena but being, that the conception

quasi-physical influence emanating from
Him
is
seen to
be
first
expressly abandoned.^
doctrine in
But the place of the later the Christian Church is mainly due to Origen.
of the
He
uses
many
same expressions
as Tertullian,
but
with another meaning.

taking, but
The Saviour
is
God, not by par-
by
essence.^
He
is
begotten of the very

is
essence of the Father.

of light
1 ^
The
generation
an outflow as
from
light.
i.
Justin,
Apol
22. 23. 32,
c.
Try. 5G.
ad AuMi/c.
net
ii.
22.
IIo held that side

c/ji'crts,
by
:
side with
God
existed,
iôva-ia,
but
oixria,
vTrocTTao-is
see Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. 1.

p.
* Cf.
Hainack, Dugmaig.
580.
IX.
269
But
the controversies did not so
much end with Origen
as begin with him.
From
that time they were mostly
internal to Christianity.
in origin.
'
But their elements were Greek The conceptions which were introduced into
In Christian theology that philosophy has
the sphere of Christian thought were the current ones of

philosophy.
survived.
But although
lowed the
final
it
would be beyond our present purpose which

fol-
to describe the Christological controversies
dominance in the Church

it is
of the tran-
scendental idea of God,
within that purpose to point
out the Greek elements, confining ourselves as far as

possible to the later
Greek uses
of the terms.
Ousia
(ova-la) is
is
used in at least three distinct senses
the distinction
clearly phrased
by
Aristotle.^
(a) It is used as a
material part of
synonym of h?/ie, to designate the a thing. The use is most common among
of the universe,
the Stoics.
In their monistic conception
the visible world
was regarded
as the ousia of God.^
In
the same
way
Philo speaks of the blood as the material

of the vital force. ^
vehicle, to
ovcricoSe?,
Hence
in both
philosophical and Christian cosmologies, ousia

^
was some-
ova-ta
1]
re vkr^ Kal to etSos Kal to k toutcov, 3Ietap7i. 6. 10,

is
p.
1035a, "ousia
matter, form, and the
compound
of matter
and
form."
^
ovcriav Se deov Zijvwv [lev

8e Kal XpucrtTTTros
e.g. 4, 40, cv
.
(fitjcri
tov oAov koct/xov Kal tov ovpavov.

:
6fxoi(o<;
Kal IXoo-etSojvto?, Diog. L. 7. 148
SO in
M. Anton,
iirexov,
fwov tov
Koa-fiov iiiav ovrrlav Kal ^v)(^v jxiav

:
paraphrased in the well-known lines of Pope
"
AU
are but parts of one stupendous

is,
Whole,
soul."
i.
Whose body Nature

* T^s ^wTiKvJs 5vvdii(Ds,
and God the
Quod
det pot. insid. 25,
209.
270
IX.
times used as intercliangeable with hjle^ to denote the
matter out of which the world was made.

{h) It is
used of matter embodied in a certain form
this has since been distinguished as the substantia conereta.
In Aristotle, a sensible material thing, a particular

or a particular horse,
man
which in a predication must always

is
be the subject and cannot be a predicate,

the strictest sense.
((?)
an ousia in
It is used of the
into
which sensible
common element in the classes material things may be grouped:

it
this has since
been distinguished as the substantia ab-
stracta
(etSog),
in the language of Aristotle,

^jv
was the form
or ideal essence (to ti
ewai)P-
This sense branched
out into other senses, according as the term
was used
was the
by a
realist or a nominalist
to the
former
it
common
aîivaTOV
essence which exists in the individual

elô?
etvai
members
(since
of a class (to
X'^jOi?
TO
eôV),3
and not outside them

ov
tj
rriv
oxxrlav kolI
ovcriaj
OV
whlch
exists outside them,
and by participation in which they

this latter is Plato's conception of
oua-ia.
are
what they
and
are:
elSosj^
of its equivalent
To a
^
ll-l']T
nominalist, on the other hand, ousia is only the

7}
ovcria 8e eo-Ttv
KvpiwraToi re Kal Trpwrws Kal fxaXtcTTa Xeyofxevr]

1'
tj
KaO
VTVOKiLlxkvOV Ttl'OS AeyfTttt /X?)t
VTTOKeifMei'CO TtVl eCTTlV' OtOl'

:
6 Tt avOf)w-o^ Kal 6 Tis
iWos, Cafcj.
of the form,
5, p.
2 a
but in the Metaphysics

irpwirf
a different point of view is taken,
and the term

e.g. 6,
ovaia
is
used ia
the following sense,

2 3
i.e.
11, p. 1037.
Frequently in the Metaphysics,

Arist.
e.g. 6. 7, p.
1032
&, 7. 1,
p.
1042
a.
Metuph.
6. 11, p.
1037 a.
4
^
Ibid. 12. 5, p.
e.g.
1079
6.
rarineu.
p.
132c:
etcos.
ol 6' uv tu
6'/xota
[XirkyovTa o/xota y, ovk
iK(.'./o
iiTTaL
auTo TO
IX.

is preclicable
271
to a
common name which
in the
same sense
number of individual existences.^ The Platonic form of realism grew out

between the
it
of a distinction
its
real
and the phenomenal, which in
turn
tended to accentuate.
The
as
visible
world of concrete
individuals
was regarded
phenomenal and transitory
the invisible world of intelligible essences was real and permanent the one was genesis^ or " becoming ;" the
:
other, ousia^ or
" being." ^ The distinction played a large

:
part in the later history of Platonism
and whereas in
class, as
the view of Aristotle the species, or smaller
being
nearer to the concrete individuals, was more ousia than

the genus, or wider class, in the later philosophy, on the
which was at the farthest remove from the concrete, and filled the widest sphere, and contained the largest number of other
contrary, that
ousia in its highest sense
classes in itself
:
was
it
was the summum
genus.^
Hence
Plotinus says that in respect of the body
we
are farthest
from
soul
;
ousia^
but that
we
partake of
it
in respect of our
and our soul

under our
is itself
a compound, not pure ousia^
but ousia with an added difference, and hence not absolutely

^
control.^
Kara
iratrOtv
ovcrca ecTtv ovofia kolvov Kai aoptcnov

o/xoTi/iWS
twv
vtt
avTrjv
iiTTOCTTacrecov
êpo/xevov,
Kai,
cwwi/i^yutos
KaTrjyopovfiivov,
Suidas,
^
s. V.
vor]Ta
eKeivoJV (TcojuaTa
arra Ka\ da-wfiara etSi] nyv dXrjdivrjv ovcriav ilvat' to. 5e yevecriv dvT overeat (ê/DO/xevr^v Ttva 7rpo(TayopevQvcn,,
.
Plat. Sophist, p. 246.

2
e.g. it is
stated
by Celsus and adopted by Origen

tw
Origen,
c.
Cels.
7.
45
^
7}
sq.
ovcrta
ai/ojTaTO)
ovcra,
jUTjSev
itvai
irpo
avrrj?,
yeuos
-tjv
to
yeviKajraTov, Porphyr. Eisag. 2. 24.

* Kao"Tos [liv rjjxi^v
Kara pXv to
crw/xa Troppin
av
i'li]
ovcrtas',
Kara
St
272
IX.

of ousia^
Of these two meanings
namely " species
and "gcnu-s," the former expressing the whole essence

of a class-name or concept, the latter part of the essence,
the former tended to prevail in earlier, the latter in later
Greek philosophy.
oiisia
In the one, the knowledge of the

in the definition, so that
was completely unfolded

was
itself
:
a definition
defined as " a proposition which

in the latter,
it
expresses the ousia "

so unfolded, so that
was only
in part
it is
necessary for us to
know
not
only the ousia of objects of thought, for example, whether
they
fall
within or without the class "body," but also
the species [eUti)!^
But
of the
class,
in the one
meaning
as in the other, the
members
same
class,
or the sub-classes of the
same wider
were spoken of as homoousioi: for example, there
was an argument that animals should not be killed for food, on the ground that they belong to the same class
as men, theii* souls being homoousioi with our
men
are homoousioi with

feet of the
one another,
three strangers
washed the
himself.*
Tr)v xpvyriv,
own ^ so and Abraham who came to

:
him, thinking them to be
men "of like
substance" with
Kol o fiaXicTTa
icrfiiv, fJLTi)(ÔfMev oi)o-tas,
Kat
ea-fiev Tts ovcrla.
TOVTO Se
ovcria.
ecTTiv olov crvvderov tl k
Stacôpas Kat orcrtas, ovkohv Kvptws
ovB' avroovcria' 8lo ovSk
KvpiOL t)}s avrwy oucrtas, Plotin.
nn.
6. 8. 12.
1
Arist. Ajial :post. 2. 3, p.

h.
90
Tox>. 5. 2, p.
130 i; Metaph.
6. 4,
p.
1030
^
^
Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. Hypotyp.

t
3.
1. 2.
ye o/xoovcrioi at twv
1.
(^âiav
\pv\âl
rats
rjfJ.Tpai<;,
Porphvr. de
Ahstin.
*
19.
Tovs TToSa?
w5
oyuooi'cri'wv
dvOpdnriav avdpwTTOi.
tvi\fav,
Clement,
Hum.
20. 7, p. 192.
IX.
273
to
The difficulty of the whole conception God was felt and expressed. Some
haAê already seen,
possible.
in its application
philosophers, as
we
was
denied that such an application
The
tide of
which Neo-Platonisni was the

ousia,
most prominent wave placed God beyond
Origen
meets Celsus's statement of that view by a recognition of

the uncertainty which flowed from the uncertain meaning
of the term.^
The
Christological controversies of the
fourth
century were
complicated to no
small
extent
from the existence of a neutral and conservative party,
who met
And, in
the dogmatists on both sides with the assertion
that neither oiisia nor hypostasis
was predicable
of God.^
spite of the acceptance of the
Nicene formula,
I^Teo-
the great Christian mystic
who most fully represents
Platonism within the Christian Church, ventured more

than a century later on to recur to the position that
has no ousia, but
is
God
hjperousios?
Even
those
who mainthis
tained the applicability of the term to God, denied the

possibility of defining it
when
so applied to
Him. In
they followed Philo

of their
" Those
shall
who do not know

But
the ousia
own
soul,
how
they give an accurate account

*
of the soul of the universe ?"

culties,
in spite of these
diffi-
the conservative feeling against the introduction

6.
1 2 ^
c.
Geh.
64.
e.g.
in S. Athanas.
ad Afr.
episc. 4, vol.
5.
i.
i.
714.
Dionys. Areop. de div. nam.

Philo, Leg. Alleg.
is
1.
30, vol.
62
cf.
de post. Cain.
8, vol.
i.
229
there
a remarkable Christian application of this in a dialogue between
a Cliristian and a
Jew who was
curious as to the Trinity, Hieronymi
Theologi Grseci, Dialogus de sancta Triniiate, in Gallandi, Vet. Pair.

Bibl. vol.
vii.,
reprinted in Migne, Patrol. Gr. vol.
xl.
845.
274
ol"
IX.

tlie
metapliysical terms into theology, and
philosophical
doctrine of absolute transcendence, were overborne

practical necessity of declaring that
by the
Him.
He
is,
and by the
corollary that since
He is,
there
must be an
ousia of
But when the conception

Church, the term homoousios
of the
one God as transcend-
ing numerical unity became dominant in the Christian

(oixoovctlo^)
was not unnatu-
rally adopted to express the relation of

to
God
the Father
God
the Son.
It accentuated the doctrine that the

(/cr/cr/xa)
;
Son was not a creature

applied to the
and
so of the
term as
Holy Spirit. Those who maintained that the Holy Spirit was a creature, thereby maintained that He was severed from the essence of the Father.^ The
term occurs first in the sphere of Gnosticism, and expresses
part of one of the two great concej^tions as to the origin
of the world.2
It
was rejected in
its
application to the
world, but accepted within the sphere of Deity as an
account of the origin of His plurality.
But
homoousios,
though
true,
was
It
insufficient.
It exj)ressed the unity,
but did not give sufficient definition to the conception of

the plurality.
^
was capable
of being
used by those
3, vol.
i.
Si-i]pi][iVov Ik tv/s oi;crtas
tov Trarpos, Athan. ad Antioch,
GIG.
2
Cf.
Harnack,
i.
191, 219, 476 sqq., 580.
system, the spiritual existence which
Achamoth brought
5.
1.
In the Valentinian forth was of
the same essence as herself, Iren.

three-fold sonship
1.
In that of Basilides, the

so as regards
6.
which was in the seed which God made, was Kara

:
TrdvTa T<p ovK ovTt Oe^ 6/iooTJcrios, Hippolytus, 7. 22
TO
1'
in
Epiphanes (Valentinian?),
ap. Iren.
1.
11.
3 (Hipp.
38),
it (TVi'VTro.p'êL rrj fxovorrjTL
as Suva/its o/xooiVtos
(Ivtyj.
Cf. Clem.
Hom.
20.7;
Iren. ap. Ilarn. 481,

;'"'
"ejusdeni substantias;" Tert. Ajpol. 21,

488, 491.
"ex
unitate substantias
Ham.
IX.
275
who held
nal.^
the phirality to be merely modal or phenome-
It thus led to the use of another term, of
which
it
is necessary to trace the history.
The term
and hyparxis
here.^
ousia in
most
of its senses
had come
to
be
convertible with two other terms, hypostasis (vTroaraa-ifj

(uTrapî^).
The
latter of these
played but a
disregarded
small part in Christian theology, and
may be
i/cfyia-rdvai,
The term hypostasis is the conjugate of the verb which had come into use as a more emphatic
elvai.
form than
It followed almost all the senses of ousia.
Thus
it
was contrasted with phenomenal existence not
merely in the Platonic but in the conventional sense

. g. of
things that take place in the sky, some are appearinvoa-Taa-iv.^
ances, some have a substantial existence, KaO'

It also, like ousia, is used of that
which has an actual as

;*
compared with a potential existence

exists in the thinking subject.^
also of that
which
has an objective existence in the world, and not merely
Hence when things

Moreover, in
it
came
into being,
its
ova-la
was
said vcpia-rdvai.^
one of
chief uses,
namely that in which
designated
the permanent element in objects of thought, the term

^ It was expressly rejected at the Council of Antioch in connection with Paul of Samosata; and Basil, Ep. 9, says that Dionysius of Alex-
andria gave
2
it
up because of
its
use by the Sabellians
cf.
Ejx 52 (300).
It is found, e.g., in
-iwocTTao-ts
Kal
writers, e.g.
Athan. ad Afr. episc. 4, vol. i. 714, ri yap ecm. The distinction is found in Stoical Chrysippus says that the present time virapxet, the past
tj
ova-ca vrrapîs
and
2 4
future vcfiLcrTavraL.
Diels, ibid.
Diels, Doxogr. Greed. 462.

cf.
1.
372
p.
363, where
it is
contrasted with âvrao-ta.
Sext. Empir.
192,
226.
5 Diels,
318.
lb. 469.
20
so
Kara
t7)v t^Js ovo-ias wrocTTao-tv, p.
462, 26.
t2
276
ova-la
IX.
GHEEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.

inr ca-racna.'^
had sometimes been replaced by the term

otisia
"When, therefore, the use of
in its ISTeo-Platonic
sense prevailed, there arose a tendency to differentiate
the two terms, and to designate that which in Aristotle
had been
Trpcorrj
ova-la
by the term
vTroa-Taa-L<s.
:
This
is
expressed by Athanasius
when he
says
" Ousia signifies

is
community," while "hypostasis has property which

not
common
to the hypostases of the
same ousia j"^ and

growth of the
itself
even more clearly by Basil.
There was the more reason

tinction,
for the
dis-
because the term homooiisios lent
more
readily to a Sabellian Christology.
This was anticipated
by Irenseus
and
species,
in his polemic against the Valentinian heresy

Oiisiai^ in
of the emission of iEons.
the sense of genera
might be merely conceptions in the mind

So that hypostasis came in certain schools
the alternative was that of their having an existence of

their own.^
Epict.
1.
14. 2.
:
Ath. Dial, de Trin. 2

tStoTTjra
e^êt
r]
ova-la
ti]v
KOLVorrjTa o-qfJiawei, 'while

tCjv tt/s
avrrj'i
I'TTOCTTao-ts
i^Tis
ovk
ecrrt
koivt)
it
ova-ta^
vTroa-Taa-ewv.
Cip'il.
He
elsewhere identifies
:
with
Trpoa-ioTrov
in Ath. et
IStU}-
in ExjWS. vrtliod.fid.
vTroa-raa-iS
eo-rtv
ovVta /xera tlvwv
fjLaTWV dpidfii^ TtSv 6/i.oeiSwv Staêpovcra' Tovrea-Ti, irpocruiirov 6/ioov<riov.

Still
the identity of the two terms was allowed even after the}' were
:
tending to be differentiated
{iTTOcTTacrts
of,
Atlian.
ad Afr.
Ej). 4, vol.
6>^t
t]
i.
714,
>)
Se
ov.
ova-la ecrrt /cat ouSev ciAAo

6. (i.
a~rj[J.aivo[JLii'ov
avro to
So ad Antioch,
one
617), he tolerates the view that there
was only
vTToo-Tacrts in
the Godhead, on the ground that Im-oa-raais might

ova-ia.
be regarded as synonymous with

Sardica,
Cf.
objection at Council of
against three
i<7roa-rdo-eis
in the Godhead, instead of one
rTToo-rao-is,
3
of Father,
Son and
Spirit.
Cf.
Harn. Dogm. 693.
iotar Liroj-rao-ti', Sext. Enipir. dc Pyrrh. 2. 219.
IX.
277
of
tlioiiglit to
be the term for the substantia concreta, the"^

oiKrla arojuos
individual, the
of Galen.^
The
distinction,
however, was far from being universally recognized. The clearest and most elaborate exposition of it is contained
in a letter of Basil to his brother Gregory,
who was
evi-
dently not quite clear

that just as
vTroa-raa-ig
upon the
point.^
The
result was,
had been used
to express one of the
senses of
oJcr/a,
so a
new term came

vTroarraa-i?.
into use to define

Its origin is pro-
more
precisely the sense of
bably to be traced to the interchange of documents be-
tween East and West, which leading

regard to this use of
of a third term.
vTroaraai^,
to a difficulty in
ended in the introduction
So long as
ovarla
and
vir6(TTa(7i<s
had been convertible
terms, the one Latin
equivalent of
vTroo-rao-/?,
word had
substantia, the etymological
sufficed for both.
When
it
the
two words became differentiated in Greek,

advisable to
essentia,
became
mark the
difference.
However, the word

ova-la,
the natural equivalent for
jarred upon a
Latin
ova-ia,
ear.^
Consequently substantia was claimed for

lTr6(TTa(Ti<s
while for
a fresh equivalent had to be
L^
sought.
This was found in persona, whose antecedents

those of
may be
"a
character in a play," or of "person"
in the juristic sense, a possible party to a contract, in
which case Tertullian may have originated

1
this usage.*
Ed. Kuhn,
5.
662.
^p. 210; Harn. Dogm. 693.

in turn to Plautus
:
Cf. Quintiliau,
2.
who
3. 6.
ascribes
it
and
6,
to Sergius to Cicero,
riavius,
U. 2;
23;
8. 3.
33
Seneca, EjJ. 58.

cf.
and more recently Fabianus.

* Cf.
For substantia,
Quint.
7. 2. 5,
" nam
et substantia ejus sub oculos cadit."
Harnack, 489, 543

1.
for its use
by
Sabellius, &c., ib.
679
also
Orig. de 'princ.
2. 8.
278
IX.
Such Western practice would tend to stimulate the employment of the corresponding Greek term irpoa-wTrov^
whose use hitherto seems to have been subordinate to And, finally, the philosophic terms that of vTrocrraa-i?.^
(pva-ig
(p{i<Ti<s
and natura came into
use.
In the second century
had been
distinct
from
ovala
and
it
identical
to
with
Eeason.2
tified
it,
But
in the fourth century
came
be iden-
with ovala,^ and afterwards again distinguished from
whereas the Monophysites identified it with viroaracri^. To sum up, then. We have in Greek four terms, ovalaj.
uTToa-raai?, irpoaunrov, (pvcri^,
and in Latin
three, substantia^
persona, natura, the
two
series not
being actually parallel

so in appearance.
even to the extent to
which they are
Times have changed since Tertullian's^ loose and vague usage caused no remark; when Jerome, thinking as a Latin, hesitates to speak of rpeh vTroarda-eig, by which he
understood
tres substantias,
and complains that he
is
looked upon as a heretic in the East in consequence.
There
is
a remarkable saying of Athanasius which is

it
:
capable of a wider application than he gave
it
runs
E.g. Aih. et Cyr. in Expos, orth. fid.,
I'Troo-Tacrts
Tvpoa-divov o/jlo-
ova-iov.
In Epictetus,
1. 2. 7,
14, 28,
it
denotes individuality of cha-
racter, that
*
which distinguishes one man from another.

7.
:
In Ath. ad. Ant

ovcri'a
25,
77
ra oAa StotKovcra
rj
<f>va-i<s
is
distinguished
from
Twv oAwi/
SO 7. 75,
tov oAou
(^vcris iirl rrjv Koa-fJiOTrouav

3.
Jp/xrjo-ev.
^
For
<^v(rts
in Philo, see Leg. All.
30
(i.
105).
Leontius of Byzantium says that both ova-ia and ^wris
cTSos,
Pat. Grobc. Ixxxvi. 1193.

*
E.g. odv. Prax. 2 (E. T.

tlie
ii.
337),
where he makes the distinctions

;
of.
within
p. 407.
ceconomia of the Godhead to be gradu, forma, specie, with
a unity of substantia, status, potestas
Bp. Kaye, in E. T.
ii.
IX.
279
as follows:^
that
to
"They seemed to be ignorant of the fact when we deal with words that require some training understand them, different people may take them in
Thus there was an
indisposition to accept
of the people.^
;
senses not only differing but absolutely opposed to each

other." ^
ova-kt.
The phrase was not understanded
A reacbut the
tion took place against the multiplicity of terms
simple and unstudied language of the childhood of Christianity,
with
its
awe-struck sense of the ineffable nature
of God,
was but a fading memory, and on the other hand was

strong.
the tendency to trust in and insist upon the results of

speculation
trine
Once indeed the Catholic doctill
was formulated, then, though not
then, the
majority began to deprecate investigations as to the
nature of God.
But
I do not propose to dwell
upon the sad and weary

more than a century
history of the
way
in
which
for
these metaphysical distinctions formed the watchwords

of political as well as of ecclesiastical parties
strife
of the
and murder, the devastation of
fair fields,
the flame
and sword, therewith connected.

philosophy was not responsible.
For
all this,
Greek
These
evils
mostly came
from that which has been a permanently disastrous fact

in Christian history, the interference of the State,
which
gave the decrees of Councils that sanction which elevated

^
De
Sententia Dionys. 18, quoted in Diet, of Christ. Biog. under
Homoousios.
2
Thus the Eoman Dionysius,

iil
in a fraguK^nt against the Sabellians
(Routh, Reliq.
pp. 373, 374), objects to the division of the fiovapxta

fiefjiepicrfievas
into rpets Swa/êis rivas Kat

T/DCIS.
VTroo-Tacreis Kal OeioT-qras
'
dyi'oovixevov vtto
twv
Aawi',
Athan. de Synod. 8
(i.
577).
280
IX.
the resolutions of the majority upon the deepest subjects

of
human
speculation to the factitious rank of laws

of forfeiture,
which
must be accepted on pain

death.
banishment or
Philosophy branched
its
ofi
from theology.
It
It
became
their
for
handmaid and
its
rival.
postulated doctrines
instead of investigating them.
It
had
to
show
reasonableness or to find reasons for them.
And
ages afterwards philosophy was dead.

as
I feel as strongly
you can
feel the weariness of the discussions to
which
are,
I have tried to direct your attention.
But
it is
only by
seeing
that
how minute and how purely speculative they

Whether we do
we can
properly estimate their place in Christian

or do not accept the concluof the Christian
theology.
sions in
which the greater part
world
ultimately acquiesced,
we must
at least recognize that
they rest upon large assumptions.
Three may be
indi-
cated which are all due to the influence of Greek philosophy.^

^ [As this summing up never underwent the author's final revision, and the notes which follow stand in his MS. parallel with the corre-
sponding portion of the Lecture as originally delivered,

thought well to place them here.
(1)
it
has been
Ed.]
The tendency
to abstract has
combined with the tendency

tlie
to
regard matter as evil or impure, in
production of a tendency to
form rather a negative than a positive conception of God. The majority of formularies define God by negative terms, and yet they have claimed
which are negative a positive value. to Greek philosophy to the hypothesis of the chasm (2) between spirit and matter the tendency to interpose powers between It may be held that the attempt to the Creator and His creation. solve the insoluble problem, how God, who is pure spirit, made and sustains us, has darkened the relations which it has attempted to explain by introducing abstract metaphysical conceptions.
for conceptions
We
owe
IX.
2 SI
(1) It is
assumed that metaphysical distinctions are

but
not
important.
I
less
am
far from saying that they are not
it is
important to recognize that
much
of
what we believe
There
is
rests
upon
this
assumption that they
are.
other-
wise no justification whatever for drawing men's thoughts
away from
plate,
the positive knowledge which
we may
us, to
gain
both of ourselves and of the world around
contem-
even at
far distance, the conception of Essence.

is
(2)
The second
the assumption that these metaphy-
sical distinctions
which we make in our minds correspond

world around
it.
;
to realities in the
us, or in
God who
but
is
beyond the world and within

Again, I
is at least
am
far
from saying that they do not
it
important for us to recognize the fact that, in
speaking of the essence of either the world or God,
we
are assuming the existence of something corresponding

to our conception of essence in the one or the other.^
(3)
The
third assumption
is
that the idea of perfection
which we
It is
transfer from ourselves to God, really corre-
sponds to the nature of His being.
assumed that
than change.
rest is better
than motion, that
passionlessness is better than feeling, that changelessness

is better
selves
selves,
know these things of ourof One who is unlike ourwho has no body that can be tired, who has no
we cannot know them
that even in the later
We
It
may be noted
Greek philosophy there
was a view, apparently

Origen, de Princ, i.
1.
identical with that of Bishop Berkeley, that
matter or substance merely represented the

34.
sum
of the
qualities,
282
IX.
OKEEK AND CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.

its
imperfection that can miss
aim, with
perfect
whom unhindered
life.
movement may conceivably be

it
I have spoken of these assumptions because, although
would be
difficult to
over-estimate the importance of
the conceptions by which Greek thought lifted the conception of
men from
God
as a
Being with human form and

infinite Presence, the
human
feel
passions, to the lofty height on which they can
around them an awful and
time
may have come when

and research
in face of the large
knowledge of
His ways which has come to us through both thought
we may be destined
life.^
to transcend the as-
sumptions of Greek speculation by
new
assumptions,
which
will lead us at once to a diviner
knowledge and
the sense of a diviner
1 These Lectures are the history of a genesis it would otherwise have been interesting to show in how many points theories which have been thought out in modern times revive theories of the remote past of
:
Christian antiquity.
Lecture X.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE MYSTEEIES UPON

CHKISTIAN USAGES.
A. The Greek Mysteries and related Cults.

Side by side in Greece with the religion which was
openly professed and with the religions rites which were

practised in the temples, not in antagonism to them, but
intensifying their better elements and elaborating their

ritual,
were the splendid

Side
rites
which were known as the
Mysteries.
by
side also with the great political
communities, and sheltered within them by the
common
political
law and drawn together by a stronger than
brotherhood, were innumerable associations for the practice of the
new forms
of
worship which came in with
foreign commerce, and for the expression in a
common
worship of the religious feelings which the public religion

did not satisfy.
These associations were known as dlaaoh

of the mysteries,
epavoi or opyeuive?.
I will speak
first
and then
of the
associations for the practice of other cults.
The mysteries were probably the survival of the oldest religions of the Greek races and of the races which pr-eceded them. They were the worship not of the gods
1.
284
X.
THE INFLrENCE OF THE MYSTERIES

Zeus and Apollo and Athene, but
of the gods
of the sky,
of the earth
and the under-world, the gods of the pro-
ductive forces of nature and of death.^
The most important
of
them were celebrated
at Eleusis,
near Athens, and the scattered information which exists
about them has been made more impressive and more

intelligible to us
by excavations, which have brought
to
light large remains of the great temple
Greece
a cult
in
the
It
largest in
which they were
celebrated.
had been
borrowed
settled.
common
to the Ionian tribes, probably
from the
It
earlier races
among whom they had
was
originally the cult of the powers
which produce
the harvest, conceived as a triad of divinities
god
and two goddesses, Pluto, Demeter and Kore, of
whom
the latter became so dominant in the worship, that the
god almost disappeared from view, and was replaced by a divinity, lacchus, who had no place in the original
myth. 2
fice,
Its chief elements
were the
initiation, the sacri-
and the scenic representation

life
of the great facts of

histories of
natural
and human
life,
of
which the
the gods were themselves symbols.^

*
For what follows, reference in general
may be made
to Keil,
Attische Culte aus Inschriften, Philologus, Bd. xxiii. 212
259, 592
441 sqq.,
622
^
and Weingarten, Histor.
Zeitschrift, Bd. xlv. 1881, p.
as well as to the authorities cited in the notes.
Foucart, Le culte de Pluton duns la religion eleusinienne, Bulletin

pj).
de Correspondance Helleniquc, 1883,

2
401 sqq.
The
successive stages or acts of initiation are variously described

at least four: tdOapa-L';
and enumerated, but there were

purification
fivr)(TL<;
;
the preparatory
;
crvcr-aa-ts
the
the
initiatory rites
;
and
sacrifices
reXirrj or
prior initiation
and
kirovTiia,
the higher or greater
initiation,
which admitted
to the Trapdoocrts
tmv Upwv, or holiest act of
the
ritual.
Cf. Lobeck, Aglaojjh. pp.
39
if.
UPON
(i.)
CIIiaSTIAN USAGES.
285
The main underlying conception
of initiation was,
that there were elements in
human
life
from which the

fit
candidate must purify himself before he could be
to
approach God.
There was a distinction between those
wlio were not purified,

of being purified,
to
and those who, in consequence

to a diviner life
were admitted
and
The creation of this The race of mankind distinction is itself remarkable. was lifted on to a higher plane when it came to be taught that only the pure in heart can see God. The
the hope of a resurrection.
rites of Eleusis
were originally confined
to the inhabitants
all
of Attica: but they

later to all
came
in time to
be open to
to
Greeks,
Eomans, and were open
women
to
as well as
to men.^
The bar
at the entrance
came
be only a
moral bar.
The whole ceremonial began with a solemn proclamation

:
" Let no one enter whose hands are not clean and
is
whose tongue
not prudent."
enter
is
In other mysteries
is
it
was
"
He
only
may
who
pure from
all
defile-
ment, and whose soul
conscious of no wrong, and

^
who
has lived well and justly."
The proclamation was probably accompanied by some words or sights of terror. When Nero went to Eleusis and thought at first of being initiated, he was deterred by it. Here is another instance of exclusion, which is not less important in its bearing upon Christian rites. ApoUonius of Tyana was excluded because he was a
^
An
interesting inscription has recently
come
to light, -which
shows
that the public slaves of the city were initiated at the public expense. Foucart,
*
I.e.
p.
394.
c.
Cf. Origen,
Cels. 3. 59.
286
magician
X.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE MYSTERIES and not pure in respect

of ra Sai/novia
(70*??)
he had intercourse with other divinities than those of

the mysteries, and practised magical
rites.^
We learn
In
it
something from the parody
of the mysteries
in Lucian's romance of the pseudo-prophet Alexander.
Alexander
institutes a celebration of mysteries
and
torchlights and sacred shows,

cessive days.
which go on
is
for three suc-
On
the
first
there
a proclamation of a
similar kind to that at Athens.
" If any Atheist or

as a spy
Christian or Epicurean has

val, let
come
upon the
festi-
him
flee
let
the initiation of those
who
believe
Then forthwith at the The prophet himself sets the example, saying, "Christians, away!" and the whole crowd responds, " Epicureans, away " Then the show begins the birth of Apollo, the marriage
in the
god go on successfully."
very beginning a chasing away takes place.
of Coronis, the
coming
and in
of -i^sculapius, are represented
the ceremonies proceed through several days in imitation

of the mysteries
glorification of
Alexander.
The proclamation was thus intended to exclude notorious sinners from the first or initial ceremonial.^ The rest was
1 ^
Philostratus, Vita Apoll.

Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. pp.
ii.
4. 18, p.
138.
ff. ;
2 j^j^x.
38.
39
ff.
and 89
inoa|t
Welcker,
Griecli. Got-
terl.
530
532,
"
The
first
and
important condition required

is
of those
who would
enter the temple at Lindus
that they be pure in
heart and not conscious of any crime."
Professor W. M. Ramsay in
at
Ency. Brit.
s. v. "Mysteries." For purification before admission to the worship of a temple, see, in G.I. A. iii. Pt. i. 73. 74, instances of regu-
lation prescribed at the temple of

e.g. [XTrjOeva
Men Tyrannus
Laurium
in Attica,
aKadapTov
irpocrdyeiv, various periods of jiurification
being
specified.
on the inscr. of Andania in Messenia, b.c. 91 ; the mysteries of the Cabiri in Le Bas and Foucart, Inscr. du Pcloponnese, ii. 6, p. 161; and Sauppe, die
Cf. Reinach, Traite d'Epigr. Grecque, p. 133,
Mysterieninschr, von Aiidania.
UPON CHRISTIAN USAGES.

thrown upon a man's own conscience.
287
He was
asked
to confess his sins, or at least to confess the greatest
" To whom am I to crime that he had ever committed. ?" said Lysander to the mystagogoi who were confess it
conducting him.
" To the gods."
"
Then
if
you
will
go away," said
he,
"I
will tell them."
Confession was followed by a kind of baptism.^

candidates for initiation
sea.
The
of the
bathed in the pure waters
The manner of bathing and the number of immersions varied with the degree of guilt which they had confessed.
the bath
They came from
new men.
It Avas a KaOapa-i?,
a Xovrpovj a laver of regeneration.

certain forms of abstinence
:
They had
;
to practise
they had to fast
and when
they ate they had to abstain from certain kinds of food.^
The purification was followed by a sacrifice was known as a-oor/jpia a sacrifice of salvation
(ii.)
which
:
and in
addition to the great public sacrifice, each of the candi-
dates for initiation sacrificed a pig for himself.^

^
Then
lava-
Tertullian, de Baptismo, 5, "
Nam
et sacris
quibusdam per
crum
to
initiantur
ipsos etiam deos suos lavationibus efferunt;" Clem.

4
:
Alex. Strom. Bk.

all,
5.
"
The mysteries
are not exhibited incontinently
but
:
only after certain purifications
and previous instructions."
Ibid. 5. 11
"It
is
not without reason that in the mysteries that obtain
among the
Greeks, lustrations hold the first place, as also the laver among
the Barbarians.
After these are the minor mysteries, which have some

is
foundation of instruction and of preliminary preparation for what
to
come
and the great mysteries, in whicli nothing remains to be learned of the universe, but only to contemplate and comprehend nature and things." We have thus a sort of baptism and catechumeuate,
after
;
The
fast lasted nine days,
and during
it
certain kinds of food were
wholly forbidden.
^
Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. pp.
189
:
197.
is
and a greater initiation law that those who have been admitted to the
lesser
There was a
" It
a regulation of
lesser
5,
should again be
:
initiated into the greater mysteries."
Hippol.
see the
whole
chapter, as also cc. 9, 20.
288
X.
THE IXFLUEXCE OF THE MASTERIES
there was an interval of two days before the more solemn

sacrifices
and shows began.

of
procession each
those
They began with a great who were to be initiated

from Athens
at sunrise
candying a long lighted torch, and singing loud pa3ans

in
honour
of the god.^
It set out
The next day there was Then followed three days and nights in which the initiated shared the mourning of Demeter for her daughter, and broke their fast only by
and reached Eleusis at night.
sacrifice.
another great
drinking the mystic
kvkccov
drink of flour and water
and pounded mint, and by eating the sacred cakes.

(iii.)
And
at night there
were the mystic plays
the
scenic representation, the
drama in symbol and

:
for sight.
Their torches were extinguished
they stood outside
the temple in the silence and the darkness.
The doors
before
opened
there
was a blaze of
light
and
them
loss
was acted the drama of Demeter and Kor^

of the daughter, the
the
wanderings of the mother, the birth
of the child.
It
was a symbol of the earth passing

It
through
It
its
yearly periods.
is
was the poetry
of !N'ature.
was the drama which
acted every year, of
summer
fruits
and winter and spring.
Winter by winter the
and flowers and grain
die
down
into the darkness,
and
life.
spring after spring they come forth again to
new
"Winter after winter the sorrowing earth

1
is
seeking for
Cf.
Clem. Alex. Profrejjf. 12:
"0
truly sacred mysteries!
stainless light!
My
:
way
is
lighted with torches and I survey the
heavens and
is
God
am become
holy whilst I
am
initiated.
The Lord
the hierophant, and seals while illuminating him who is initiated," &c. lb. 2 : " Their (Demeter's and Proserpine's) wanderings, and seizure,
and
grief,
Eleusis celebrates by torchlight processions;" and again p. 32.

i.
So
2
/Elius Aristid.
p. 45-4 (cd. Canter),
ras
(/)cucr</>opovs
vvKzai.
2.
"I have
fasted, I
have drunk the cup," &c. Clem. Alex. Proircpt.
UPON CEEISTIAN USAGES.

Iier lost
289
the
child
the hopes of
men look forward to

life.
new
blossoming of spring.
It
was a drama
It
also of
human
It
was the poetry

to
of the hope of a world to come.

life.
Death gave place
was a
fit
piirgatio
animce,
might be
for the presence of God.

initiated
by which the soul Those who had

a
been baptized and
were
lifted into
new
life.
Death had no
terrors for them.
The
blaze of light after

life
darkness, the symbolic scenery of the
of the gods,
were a foreshadowing of the

There
is
life to
come.^
a passage in Plutarch which so clearly shows
tbis, that I will

"
quote
dies,
it.^
is
When
man
he
like those
who
are being initiated
The one expression, reAeurav the other, Our whole life is but a succession of TcXda-Oai, correspond. wanderings, of painful courses, of long journeys by tortuous ways without outlet. At the moment of quitting it, fears, terrors, quiverings, mortal sweats, and a lethargic stupor, come over us and overwhelm us but as soon as we are out of it, pure spots and meadows receive us, with voices and dances and the
into the mysteries.
.
.
solemnities of sacred words and holy sights.
It is there that
man, having become perfect and initiated restored to liberty, really master of himself celebrates, crowned with myrtle, the
most august mysteries, holds converse with just and pure souls, looking down upon the impure multitude of the profane or uninitiated, sinking in the mire and mist beneath him through fear of death and through disbelief in the life to come, abiding
in
its
miseries."
There was probably no dogmatic teaching
were possibly no words spoken

1
there
it
was
all
an acted
Cf. iElius Arislid.
The gain
2
of the festival
lie in
they would not
454, on the burning of the temi:)lc at Eleusis. was not for this life only, but that hereafter darkness and mire like the uninitiated.
i.
Fragm.
p.
ap.
Stob. Florileg.
120.
Leuormant, Cont. Rev. Sept.
1880,
430.
290
parable.^
X.
THE INFLUENCE OP THE MYSTERIES

it
But
was
all
kept in silence.
it.
There was an
sight in comIt
awful individuality about
They saw the

for himself.
life.
mon, but they saw

personal
it
each
man
was his
glamouito
communion with
it
the divine
The
and the glory of

all
were gone when

effect of it
it
was published
to
the world.2
The
was conceived
be a
change both of character and of relation to the gods.
The
go
initiated
were by virtue
life to
of their initiation
made
partakers of a
to the
come.
" Thrice happy they
who
:
world below having seen these mysteries

is life
to-
them alone
2.
there, to all others is misery."^
In time, however, new myths and new forms of

It is not easy to
worship were added.
draw a
definite line
between the mysteries,
strictly so called,
and the forms of

mysteries, but
worship which went on side by side with them. Iôt only

are they sometimes spoken of in
common as
there
is
a remarkable syncretist painting in a non- Chris-
tian catacomb at
Eome,
of
in
which the elements of the

of
Greek mysteries
Demeter are blended with those
Sabazius and Mithra, in a
way which shows
that the
worship was blended

1
also.*
These forms of worship

oi fxaOeTv rt Seiv dAAol iraêtv kzI
Synes. Orat.
p.
48
(ed. Petav.),
8iaTe6T]vai yevofxevovs SrjXovoTi einTrjSeiovs.
But the
fivcTTaywyol pos-
sibly gave
some private instruction

to
to the groups of fiva-Tai
who were
committed
2 3
them.
p.
Cf.
Lenormant, Cont. Rev. Sept. 1880,

:
414
sq.
8; 493 B, Phcedo. G9 C (the lot of the uninitiated). They were bound to make their life on earth correspond to iheir initiation ; see Lenormant, zd siqy. p. 429 sqq. In later uii.il.ii it was supposed actually to make them better ; Sopatros in Walz,
Cic. Legg.
2.
Soph. frag. 719, ed. Dind.

14.
so in effect Pindar, /m^;. thren.
36
Plato, Gorg. p.
Rhet. Gr.
^
viii.
114.
See
Garrucci, Les Mystercs
da Syncrctisme Phrygien dans
les
Caiacomhes Romaines de Prxtexiat, Paris, 1S54.
UPON CHEISTIAN USAGES.

also
291
had an
initiation
they also aimed at a pure religion.
The
condition of entrance was:
"Let no one
it
enter the
most venerable assembly of the association unless he be

pure and pious and good."
individual
Nor was
to
left
to
the
conscience
man had
much
be tested and
in
examined by the
officers.^
But the main element

it.
the association was not so

sacrifice
the initiation as the
and the common meal which followed
The
offerings
were brought by individuals and offered in comis
mon
they were offered upon what
sometimes spoken
distributed
of as the " holy table."
They were
by the
in
servants (the deacons), and the offerer shared with the rest
in the distribution.
In one
association, at
Xanthos
Lycia, of which the rules remain on an inscription, the

offerer
had the right

There was in
to half of
what he had brought.

effort after real feliowis
The
feast
which followed was an

it,
ship.2
as there
in Christian times, a
in a
sense of
communion with one another

earliest
communion
the
with Grod.
During the
centuries
of
Christianity,
mysteries, and the religious societies which were akin

to the mysteries,^ existed
on an enormous scale throughout
the eastern part of the Empire.

in
There were elements

recoiled,
some of them from which Christianity
and
against which the Christian Apologists use the language

^
There was a further and larger process before a

c.
man was
re Act o?.
Tert. adv. Valent.

'"'
1,
says that
it
took five years to become reAeios.

that of the Arval feast at
The most
fivcTTai
is
elaborate account
is
Kome
ci.
^
iienzen, Acta fratrum ArvaUura.
used of members of a religious association

in Epiph. 55. 8
at
Teos
(Inscr. in Bullet, de Uorresp. Hellenique, 1880, p. 164),
and of the
Koman Monarchians
of.
Harnack, Dogm. 628.
U 2
292
X.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE MYSTERIES

But, on the other hand, the majority
as Christianity itself
of strong invective.^
of
them had the same aims

of
the
aim
life,
worshipping a pure God, the aim of living a pure

of cultivating the spirit of brotherhood.'-^
and the aim
They were
part of a great religious revival which distin-
guishes the age.^
B.
It
The Mysteries and the Church.
was inevitable when a new group of associations came to exist side by side with a large existing body of associations, from which it was continually detaching
members, introducing them into
its
own midst with

upon
the
practices of their original societies impressed
their
minds, that this
new group should tend
to assimilate,
with the assimilation of their members, some of the This is what we elements of these existing groups.^
1
Clem. Alex.
(ii.
Protrejy. 2
el
Hippol.
1, proo???i.
lo
Cf. Philo, de sacrif.
12
2
260), Tt yap
also
KaXa ravT
icrrlv
fivarTai k. t. X.
They
had the same sanction
the
fear of future punishments,
cf.
Celsus in Oiig. 8. 48.
Origen does not controvert this statement,

effect of Christianity as
but appeals to the greater moral

for
its
truth.
is
They
possibly also
an argument communicated divine knowledge.

artists at
There
an inscription of Dionysiac
as Oavfiacnov
Nysa, of the time of the

of the temples at
Bull,
Antonines, in honour of one
who was OeoXoyo?

1.
Pergamos,
Ev.
3
deoXoyov and tQv
dTroppi'jTWV fxvcTTijv.
de Corr. Hellen. 1885,

5. 14.
p. 124,
4;
cf.
Porphyry in Eusebius, Prap.
This revival had
many
forms,
cf.
Harnack, Dogm.
p. 101.
* Similar practices existed in the Church and in the new religions which were growing up. Justin Martyr speaks of the way in whirh, under the inspiration of demons, the supper had been imitated in the o-rrep kuI iv rots tov MiOpa jxv(tti]p'iols irapeSwKav !Mithraic mysteries
:
yiVifrOai
p.i.iJ.rj(ja.p.ivoi
oi
Trovr]pol
Sat/xoves
ApoJ.
1.
66.
Tertuliiatl
points to the fact as an iustance of the power of the devil {de prcBse.

find to
293
have been in fact the
case.
It is possible that
they made the Christian associations more secret than

before.
Up
to a certain time there is

secrets.
no evidence that
Christianity had any

to the world.
It
was preached openly

were simple and
all is
It
guarded worship by imposing a moral
bar to admission.
teaching was public.
But
its
rites
its
After a certain time
changed
mysteries have arisen in the once open and easily accessible faith,
and there are doctrines which must not be
declared in the hearing of the uninitiated.^

hcer.
But
the in-
40)
**
:
mysteriis semulatur."
qui ipsas quoque res sacramentorum divinorinn idolorum He specifies, inter alia, " expositionem delictorum
Celsus, too,
:
de lavacro repromittit .... celebrat et panis oblationem."

speaks of the
c.
fiva-Tyjpta
and the TeXeral of Mithras and others
Orig.
Cels. 6. 22.
^
The
objection
secrecy of the Christian associations
which Celsus makes (c. Cels. 1. 1; Keim, p. 3) to the would hardly have held good in
Origen admits
(c.
the apostolic age.
Cels. 1. 7) that there are exoteric
and
esoteric doctrines in Christianity,
and
justifies it
by
(1) the philo-
sophies, (2) the mysteries.
On
the rise of this conception of Christian

cf.
teaching as something to be hidden from the mass,

in Tert.
c.
the Valentinians
Vcdent.
1,
where there
:
is
a direct parallel
drawn between
two
classes
them and the mysteries

TTvevâTiKol
also the distinction of
men
into
:
and
xpvx^xol or vXikol
2^'>'0(^'^'î
among the Gnostics
Harn. Dogm.
222,
cf.
Hipp.
1,
V- ^>
"^^^ condemns ra aTropprjra ixvcrr-qpia
of the heretics, adding, Ka\ Tore SoKi/iao-avres Secr/xtov elvai t^s a/xapria?
fivovcri
fMrfve
TO TeAciov twv KaKo^v TrapaStSovres, opKois
87/crai/Tes firJTe eêiTreiv
rvxovTL jnexaSouvac k.t.X. Yet this very secrecy was naturalized in the Church. Cf. Cyril Hier. Catech. vi. 30; Aug. in Psalm ciii., Horn.
T(^
xcvi. in Joan.
Theodoret, Qucest. xv. in Num., and Dial.
ii.
{Inconfvsus)
Chry.
Hom.
Se
xix. in Matt.
is
Sozomen's
TOtaura
(1. 20. 3)
reason for not giving
the Nicene Creed

u(re/3ajv
significant alike as regards motive

tTTto-TTj/iovwv,
and language
Se
(}>i\wv koI to,
ota
nva-jais /cat
7rr^vcra
fjLva-TaytoyoLS /xovots Seov

T7]i'
raSe Aeyetv kol aKOvecv v^rjyovpikvijiv,

ct/Avr^Tcoi/
(3ovXr]v' oi
yap
aTreiKos Kai Tiov
rtv'as
ryjSe
t-q
[ii[3Xia
294
X.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE MTSTERIEJ?
fluence of the mysteries, and of the religious cults which
were analogous
to the mysteries,
was not simply general
they modified in some important respects the Christian

sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist
that
is,
the
practice,
of admission to the society
fication,
and the practice
of
by a symbolical puriexpressing membership of

I will ask
the society
sider first
by a common meal.
you
to con-
Baptism, and secondly the Lord's Supper, each
in its simplest form,
and then I will attempt
to
show
how
the elements which are found in the later and not
in the earlier form, are elements
which are found outside
Christianity in the institutions of

1.
which I have spoken.
Baptism. In the earliest times, (1) baptism followed
at once
upon conversion
it
(2) the ritual

it
was
of the sim-
plest kind, nor does
appear that
needed any special
minister.
The
the
first
point
is
shown by the Acts
of the Apostles
men who repented at Pentecost, those who believed when Philip preached in Samaria, the Ethiopian eunuch,
Cornelius, Lydia, the jailor at Philippi, the converts at
Corinth and Ephesus, were baptized as soon as they were
known
to recognize Jesus Christ as the Messiah.^

is
The
second point
also
shown by the
Acts.
It
was a bap-
tism of water.
A later,
"he
1
though
still
very early stage, with significant

^
modifications, is seen in the " Teaching of the Apostles :"

(1) no special minister of baptism
is specified,
the vague
that baptizeth" (o
ii.
/3a7rT/â>i^)
seeming to exclude a
x.
Acts
8
;
38, 41;
viiL 12, V6, 30,
38;
47,
48;
xvi. 15,
33;
xviii,
-
xix. 5.
7.
UPON CHEISTIAN USAGES.

limitation of
is specified is
it
295
to
an
officer
(2) the only element that
hut there
is
water; (3) previous instruction is implied, no period of catechumenate defined ; (4) a
fast is enjoined before baptism.
These were the simple elements of early Christian

baptism.
When
it
emerges after a period
of obscurity
like a river
which flows under the sand

point of change
the enormous
changes of later times have already begun.

(i.)
The
first
is
the change of name.
(a) So early as the time of Justin
Martyr we find a
name given
ipcorlêcrOai).'^
to
baptism which comes straight from the
Greek mysteries
It
(b)
the name "enlightenment"

Came
to
(<^ft)Tio-/xo?,
be the constant technical term.^

(â-cppayl?),
The name "
seal"
which
also
came both
from the mysteries^ and from some forms of foreign cult, was used partly of those who had passed the tests and
who were " consignati," as Tertullian calls them,^ partly of those who were actually sealed upon the forehead in ;sign of a new ownership.
1
Apol.
1.
61;
cf.
Otto, vol.
1.
i.
p. 146, n.
14; Engelhardt,
p.
p. 102.
2
]S"az.
Clem. Alex. Pcedag.

for baptism,
Can. Laod. 47, Bruns,

ot <^coTi{'d/>ievot
Orat. xl. pp. 638, 639.

ot
Hence
= those
Cf.
78; Greg. being preCyr. Hier.
pared
^wTto-êvres
=
ff.
the baptized.
Catech. 13. 21, p. 193 et passim.

^
Lobeck, Aglao^jh.
Apol. 8
:
p. 3G, cf.
31
talia initiatus et
consignatus
cf,
= /xep)rj/xevo9
1.
Kal ecr^payw-
jxevoi.
^
See Otto,
vol.
i,
p.
141;
ad
Valent.
For the
seal in baptism, cf.

3.
Clem. Al. Strom.
2.
3; Quis
dives,
42, ap. Euseb. Hist.

Catech. 5
;
Greg. E"az.
23; Euseb. Vita Const. Orat. 40, p. 639 ; Orig. c.

12.
1. 4.
Cels.
62; Cyr. Hier. 6. 27. For the

initia-
use of imagery and the terms relating to sealing

tion
IS
from the mysteries, Clem. Al. Protrep.

1.
illumination
The
si] is
effect of
baptism
illumination, perfection, Pa^dag.
6; hence
before and after
296
(e)
it
Z.

nxva-rvpiov is
The term
applied to baptism,^ and with
comes a whole
series of technical
terms unknown to
to the mysteries,
the Apostolic Church, but well
known
and explicable only through ideas and usages peculiar to

them.
Thus we have words expressive

yuuj/crf?,^
either of the rite
or act of initiation, like
^^^^^^
3 'reXeiwa-i?,'^ ixva-ra;
jcoyla)^ of the agent or minister, like /xL/o-raycoyo?
of the
subject, like
fJ.ua-Ta'yco'yovjuLeuo?/ /J.fjLV}]fxivog, fivrfie'i^, Or,
with
reference to the unbaptized,
u/xvijTo^fi
In
this terminology
we
can more easily trace the influence of the mysteries
than of the
(ii.)
Kew
Testament.^
is
The second point
the change of time, which

(a) Instead of
it
involves a change of conception,
baptism
to
being given immediately upon conversion,

in all cases postponed
baptism,
i.e.
came
be
by a long period
2.
of preparation,
13.
enlightonment, are different, Strom.
Early instances
cf.
of cr^yDayt? are collected in Gebhardt on 2 Clem. pp. IGS, 169;

Cyr. Hier. Ccdech. 18. 33,
^
als>
p.
301.
;
Greg. Naz. Oraf. 39, p. 632

ii.
Chrys. Horn. 85 in Joan. xix. 34
Sozomen,
2
8, 6.
i.
Sozomen,
3. 5.
^ 1.
Dion. Areop. Eccles. Hierar.

6, p.
;
3, p.
242.
Clem. Alex. Pccdag.
Greg. Naz. Orat. 40, p. 648

5
93; Atlian. Cont. Ar. Dion. Areop. Eccles. Hier.

Tlieod. in Cantic.
1. 1. 1.
3, p. 3,
413 0.;
242.
Chrys. Horn. 99, vol.
v.
*
"^
Dion. Areop. Eccles. Hier. 1.1; Mijs. Theul.

Chrys. Horn. 1 in Act. p. 615
ii.
;
Ham. 21
acZ
^j)^^:)?^/.
Antioch;
Sozomen,
17. 9.
8 Sozomen, i. 3. 5 ; ii. 7. 8 ; iv. 20. 3; vi. 38. 15 ; vii. 8. 7, etjmssim. These examples do not by any means exhaust or even adequately represent the obligations in the sphere of language, and of the ideas it at once denotes and connotes, which the ecclesiastical theory and practicebut they may help to indicate of baptism lies under to the mysteries
;
the degree and nature of the obligation.

^ For the sphere of the influence of the mysteries on the languageand imagery of the New Testumeut, see 1 Cor. ii. 6 ff.; cf. Ileb. vi. 4
UPON cnmsTiAN usages.

and in some cases deferred until the end
of life.^
(b)
297
The
Christians were separated into two classes, those
who
had and those who had not been baptized.

regards
it
Tertullian
as a
:
mark
of heretics that they

is
have not this
distinction
who among them

:
a catechumen,
who a
believer, is uncertain
they are no sooner hearers than
they "join in the prayers;" and "their catechumens

are perfect before they are fully instructed {edocti)^'^
And
for
{c)
Basil gives the custom of the mysteries as a reason
the absence of the catechumens from the service.^
As
if
to
show conclusively that the change was due

seen, distinguished
to the influence of the mysteries, baptized persons were,
as
we have
from unbaptized by the
very term which was in use for the similar distinction in

regard to the mysteries
the minister
initiated
and uninitiated, and
is ixva-raywyo's^
and the persons being baptized
are ixvcrraywyovfiepou
I dwell
upon these broad
features,
and especially on the transference

is
of names, because it
necessary to show that the relation of the mysteries
to the sacrament
was not merely a curious coincidence

of
and what
have said as to the change
name and the
change of conception, might be largely supplemented
by evidence
^
of parallelism in the benefits

8. 32.
which were con-
Apost. Const
pp. 443
Cf. passages
quoted from Clem. Alex, and
others, supra, p. 287, note 1; p. 295, notes 2

vol.
2 2
c.
iii.
and
5.
446.
fin.
See Bingham,
Deprcesc.
hcer. 41.
Cf.
Epiphan. 41. 3; Apost. Const.
12.
cf.
a QvSk
eTTOTTTeveii'
eêcm
Tois a/xv7jT0ts, de Spir. Sciuct. 27;
Orig.
Cels. 3.
59 ad
and
them
8.
to participation
"then and not before do we invite in our mysteries," and " initiating those already
60, e.g.
Cf. Diet, Christian Antiquities^
purified into the sacred mysteries."

V. Disciplina
Arcani.
298
X.
THE INFLUENCE OP THE MYSTERIES

There are
ceived to attach to the one and the other.
many
(a)
slighter indications serving to supplement
what has
been already adduced.
As
those
who were admitted

had a formula
to
to the inner sights

(criyV/3oXoi/
of the mysteries
or pass- word
or
crw0>7//a),
SO the
catechumens had a formula which
was only entrusted

catechumenate
them
in the last days of their

itself
the
baptismal formula
and the
Lord's Prayer.^
occupies
In the Western
rites the iraditio symholi
an important place
rite for
it.
in
the whole ceremony.
There was a special
It took place a
week
or
ten days before the great
office of
Baptism on Easter-eve. and

to the present
Otherwise the Lord's Prayer and the Creed were kept

secret
and kept
so as mysteries
for
day
the technical
(/3)
name
a creed
is a-vjuôXov
or pass-word.
Sometimes the baptized received the communion
at once after baptism, just as those
who had been
initiated
at Eleusis
proceeded at once
after a
day's fast
to
drink of the mystic kukewv and to eat of the sacred cakes.

(7)
The baptized were sometimes crowned with a

until
garland, as the initiated wore a mystic crown at Eleusis.
The usage was local, but lasted at Alexandria modern times. It is mentioned by Vansleb.^
((?)
Just as the divinities watched the initiation from
out of the blaze of light, so Chrysostom pictures Christian
baptism in the blaze of Easter-eve

1
and Cyril describes

s.
See
p.
293, note
also
p.
Did. Christian Antiquities,
vv. Baptism,
Catechumens, especially
2
318, and Creed.
Histoire de I'eglise d' Alexandrie, p. 12: Paris, 1677.
De
haptismo Christi,
4.
ii.
374, rouXptcrToC irapovTos, rdv dyyeXoJV
Trape(TTioT(x)v, tt/? (fipiKrrjs
raiWi]? TpaTreîfs TrpoKetfievq^, tcjv
aSeA^wv avv
fj.v(j-Tayoiyovp.eyo}v tVi.
Cyril, Prcefatio
ad Catech.
15.
299
the white-robecl band of the baptized approaching the
doors of the church where the lights turned darkness

into day.
(e)
Baptism was administered, not
at
any place or
time,
but only in the great churches, and only as a
rule once a year
on
Easter-eve, though Pentecost
also a recognized season.
was The primitive " See here is

to
water,
what doth hinder me

which
be baptized?" passed
into a ritual
at every turn recalls the ritual of the
mysteries.
I will abridge the account
which
is
given of
the practice at
Eome
so late as the ninth century.^
Pre-
paration went on through the greater part of Lent.

candidates were examined and tested
:
The
they
they fasted
received the secret symbols, the Creed and the Lord's
Prayer.
afternoon,
On
Easter-eve, as the day declined towards

St.
they assembled in the church of
John
Lateran.
The
rites of
exorcism and renunciation were

rituals survive.
gone through in solemn form, and the
The Pope and

Pope then
there
is
his priests
come
forth in their sacred vest-
ments, with lights carried in front of them, which the

blesses
:
there is a reading of lessons and a
singing of psalms.
And
then, while they chant a litany,
a procession to the great bath of baptism, and the
water
is blessed.
The baptized come forth from the water,

Pope
are signed with the cross, and are presented to the
one by one, who vests them in a white robe and signs

their foreheads again with the cross.
They
are arranged
in a great
circle,
and each
of
them
;
carries a light.
Then
It
a vast array of
lights is kindled
the blaze of them, says
a Greek Father, makes night continuous with dawn.

1
Mabillon, Com. prcBV. ad. ord. Rom.;
Musceum
Ital. II. xcix.
300
is
THE INFI<UENCE OF THE MYSTERIES
the beginning of a
new
life.
The mass
is
celebrated
the mystic offering on the Cross is reiDresented in figure
but for the newly baptized the chalice
is filled,
not with
wine, but with milk and honey, that they
may imderstand,
upon
more symbolical
says an old writer, that they have entered already
the promised land.

rite in that early
is
And
there was one
Easter sacrament, the mention of which
often suppressed
a lamb
was
offered on the altar

It
afterwards cakes in the shape of a lamb.^
was simply
and
the ritual which
we have
seen abeady in the mysteries.
The
purified
crowd
at Eleusis
saw a blaze
of light,
in the light were represented in symbol
life
and death
and resurrection.
2.
Baptism had
felt
the spell of the Greek ritual:

Its elements in the
not less so had the Lord's Supper.

earliest times
may be
gathered altogether apart from the Testament, upon which, however
passages of the
clearly
New
feel,
we may
no sensible
man will found an
argu-
ment, and which, taken by
themselves, possibly admit of
more than one meaning.
The
extra-biblical accounts are
(1) " The
Teachmg
; of the Apostles "
which implies
servant,
(a) Thanksgiving for the wine.
"
We thank Thee, our

which
Christ
Father, for the holy vine of
David Thy
Thou
(b)
hast
Servant.
made known to us through Jesus To Thee be glory for ever."

life
Thy
Thanksgiving for the broken bread.
"We thank
Thee, our Father, for the

1
which Thou hast made
It Avas
one of the points ii which the Greeks objected in the dia-
russions of the nintli century,

3
c.
9.
301
known
to us
through Jesus Thy Servant.
To Thee be
none
glory for ever."
After the thanksgiving they ate and drank:
could eat or drink until he had been baptized into the
name
of
the
Lord.
After the partaking there was
another thanksgiving and a prayer of supplication.

(2) There is a fragmentary account
which has been
singularly overlooked, in the Apostolical Constitutions,^
which
carries us
one stage further.
After the reading
and the teaching, the deacon made a proclamation which

vividly recalls the proclamation at the beginning of the Mysteries. " Is there any one
who has
a quarrel with
(ev viroKpia-ei'^?
any?
(3)
Is there
any one with bad feeling"

stage
is
The next
found in the same book of the
Apostolical Constitutions.^
fact that the
The advance
consists in the
out, just as
catechumens and penitents go
those
who were
not yet initiated and those
who were
impure were excluded from the Greek Mysteries.

This marked separation of the catechumens and the
baptized,
which was possibly strengthened by the

oi irpoKoirrovTeq
it
philo-
sophic distinction between

lasted until,
and
ol reXeioij
under influences which
would be beyond
exist.^
our present purpose to discuss, the prevalence of infant
baptism caused the distinction no longer to

1
Bk.
viii.
ii.
57, p. 87:
cf. viii. 5, p.
239, lines 18, 19.
11. 12, p. 248.

c.
Origen,
Cels. 3. 59.
Persons
who have partaken

ad Demet.
c.
of the Eucha6.
i.
rist are ot reAecrêvTes
(Chrys. de compunct.
1.
p. 132),
and
ot ixeixvq[j.voi (id.
x.,
Ho7n.
vi.
de
beat. Phil.
4,
3.
i.
p.
498, and in
Ep. ad Hehr. cap.

distinctions
Horn. xvii.
vol.
xii.
169).
Degrees and
came
to be recognized within the circle of the very initiated

vii.
themselves, Aposi. Const,
44,
viii.
13.
o02
X.
(4) In a later stage there is a mention of the holy

table as
an
altar,
and
of the offerings placed
npon the
later
table of
(a)
which the
faithful partook, as mysteries.^

of the table as
The conception
an altar
is
than the middle of the second century.^

the Apostolic Fathers of the Jewish
altar.
It is nsed in
It is
used
by Ignatius
phorically.^
in
It
Christian sense, but
always meta-
may be
ii.)
noted that though the Apostolic

Oua-la^
Constitutions (Bk.
of a
Qva-iaa-rripiov.^
speak of a
they do not speak
This use of
Oucriaa-Tijpiov is
probably
not earlier than Eusebius.^

(b)
The conception
;
of the elements as
it
/jLva-ryjpia is
even
like
later
but once established,
became permanent,
the Latin term " sacramentum."

^ The earlier offerings were those of Irenasus, 4. 17. 5, where he speaks of Christ " suis discipulis dans consilium, primitias Deo offerre ex suis creaturis ;" and again the Church ofTers " primitias suorum
munerum
offerings
:
in
Novo Testamento
ei
qui alimenta nobis prsestat."

it
The
118.
table in the heathen temple
was important ; upon

cf.
were placed the

p,
Th, Homolle in Bulletin de Corresp. Hellen. 1881,

itself as a
i.
For the Eucharist

de sacerdot.
3.
mystery,
^piKwSca-TaTry tcAct^, Chrys.
4, vol.
382.
He
7,
argues for silence on the ground

ii.
that they are mysteries, de hapt. Christ. 4.

Orat. 44, p.
2
375.
Cf. Greg. Naz.
713
Cone. Laod.
Bruns,
p. 74.
ii.
Found
;
in Chrys. e.g. Horn, in Ep.
ad
Corinth, v.
(T<f)ayrj.
c.
3, vol. x.
470
^
TOLavTr) to dvaiacrTripLOv iKetvo (f)oivi(T(reTaL
Ad
Ephes. 5
2.
ii.
see Lightfoot's note.
Cf.
Trcdl. 7
Philad. 4
Mag. 7; Rom.
*
Ap. Const,
57, p. 88.
6, iv. 3.
But
see for ^vo-no-Trjioiov in a highly
figurative sense,
5
iii.
//.
E.
X. 4, 44.
Isid. Pelus. Epist. 3. 340, p. 390, Trpo(r?]X9e /xv

Tujv
dLO)v ixv(rT-i]piu)v fJ.TaXy]\f6iJ.vo<s io-Oai fLvaTi'jpLa.
;
ry
o-eTrTol ^txriaor-
Trjpito
also 4. 181, p. 516,
ra
L
Bilu
fjLv
50
Cf. Chrys. de comp.
ad Demet.
1. 6, vol.

(5)
303
The conception of a priest into which I will not now enter was certainly strengthened by the mysteries
and
associations.
full
The
development or translation of the idea
is
found in the great mystical writer of the end

century, in
in terms
of the fifth
whom
every Christian ordinance
is
expressed
which are applicable only
to the mysteries.
is
The
extreme tendency which he shows
perhaps personal to
him; but he was

influence on the
in sympathy with his time, and his Church of the after-time must count
for a large factor in the history of Christian thought.
There are few Catholic

do not enter. ^
treatises
on the Eucharist and few
Catholic manuals of devotion into which his conceptions
I will here quote his description of the

itself
this.
:
Communion
"All the other initiations are incomplete without
The consummation and crown
of all the rest is
p.
dial. 2, vol. iv. 125. There was a sacred formula. no saint has written down the formula of consecration After saying that some docde Spir. Sando, 66, vol. iv. pp. 54, 55. trines and usages of the Church have come down in writing, ra Se Ik
131; Theodore t,
Basil says that
Tijs Tcuv
aTTOCToAwv TTapaSocTews StaSoPevra
rjixiv
iv fJLVcrTrjpio) TrapeSeâ-
fieda,
he instances the words of the Eucharistic invocation

;
as
among
the latter
ra
rijs iTriK\rj(TU}<; p-qfiara
ctti
ry avaSetêi tov apTOv t^s
kvyapL(TTias xal tov TTOTrjpiov ttjs evAoytas Tis twv dytojv eyypd(po}<s
rjfiLV
1
KaraAeAotTrev.
In Dionysius Areop.
(s. v.
lepapx-q^, ed.
Corderius,
i.
839), the
bishops are xeAecrTai, leporeAecrTai, TeAco-Tapiât, p.v(jray(ayoi, xeAecrTovpyoi, TeXecTTLKoi; the priests are c^wTtcrTiKoi
TiKoi',
;
the deacons, KaOap-
the Eucharist
OatpeL Tovs areAecTTovs (c. 5, 3, p. 233),
the priest,
hand into
The deacon, diroKathem in the water; ^WTaywye? tovs KadapOevTas, i.e. leads the baptized by the the church; the bishop, aTroTeAeio? tovs t^ dtL(^ ôjtj
is
teporeXearTiKiOTaTr] (c. 4).

i.e.
dips
KeKoiva)y7^xoTas.
304
X.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE MASTERIES
the participation of
mysteries.
him who
it
is
initiated in the thearchio
For though
be the
common
characteristic
of all the hierarchic acts to
make
the initiated partakers
of the divine light, yet this alone imparted to

vision through
me
the
whose mystic
light,
as
it
were, I
am
guided
to the
contemplation
(e7ro\//-/av)
of the other sacred
things."
The
ritual is then described.
and
the cup of blessing are placed

(^lepdp-^tjg)
upon the
The sacred bread " Then altar.

prayer
after all
the sacred hierarch
initiates the sacred

:
and announces
completed.
to all the holy peace
and
have
lists
saluted each other, the mystic recital of the sacred

is
The hierarch and the
priests
wash
their
hands in water; he stands in the midst

altar,
of the divine
and around him stand the
priests
and the chosen
ministers.
The
hierarcli sings the praises of the divine
working and consecrates the most divine mysteries,

{iepovpyel
ra Oeiorara)^ and by means of the symbols

set forth,
which are sacredly

has shown the
he brings into open vision
the things of which he sings the praises.

gifts of the divine
And when he
working, he himself
comes into a sacred communion with them, and then

invites the rest.
And
having both partaken and given
to the others a share in the thearchic
communion, he
he himself,
ends with a sacred thanksgiving
and while the people

only,
bend over what are divine symbols

always by the thearchic
spirit, is
led in a priestly
man-
ner, in purity of his godlike

rrjg OeoeiSovs ejecof),
frame of mind
(ev KaOaporriTL
through blosscd and spiritual contem-
^ plation, to the holy realities of the mysteries."
Dion. Arcop. Ecclcs.
Ilicr.
c.
3, par. 1, 1, 2, pp.
187, 188.
305
elements -the
Once again
tices
must point out that
tlio
conceptions which he has added to the primitive prac-
are
:
identical with those in the mysteries.
The
tendency which he represented grew: the Eucharistic

sacrifice
came
in the East to be celebrated behind closed
doors
the breaking of bread from house to house was

so
changed into
awful a mystery that none but the

it.
hierophant himself might see
The
idea of prayer
and thought as offerings was preserved by the NeoPlatonists.
There are two minor points which, though

are less certain and also less important,
likely that the use of Siwrvxci.
interesting,
(a) It
seems
benefactors or departed saints
was
tablets
commemorating
a continuation of
(b)
a similar usage of the religious associations.^

blaze of lights at mysteries
The
may have
suggested the use
of lights at the Lord's Supper.^

It
seems
fair
to
infer that, since there
were great
changes in the
ritual of the sacraments,
and since the
new
elements of these changes were identical with ele-
ments that already existed in cognate and largely diffused

forms of worship, the one should be due to the other.
This inference
is
strengthened
when we
find that the
Christian communities which were nearest in form and

spirit to the
Hellenic culture, were the
first
in
which
among
For in the decree mentioned in a previous note (p, 292, n. 2), other honours to T. .Êlius Alcibiades, he is to be irpQiTov tois
evypaôyLievov.
St7rTz;;)(0ts
2
Cf. for the use of lights in worship, the
money
accounts, from a
Berlin papyrus, of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus at Arsinoe, A.t;

215, in Hermes, Ed. xx. p. 430.
30
these
X.
elements appear, and also those in which they
assumed the strongest form. Such were the Valentinians,

of
whom
SM
Tertullian expressly speaks in this connection.^

of
We read
had
life to
Simon Magus that he taught that baptism

efficacy as to give
supreme an
all
by
itself eternal
^co^?
who were
baptized.
The
it
Xovrpov
was
expanded
to its full extent,
and
was even thought that

fire
it.
to the water of baptism
was added a
which came
from heaven upon
all
who
entered into
Some even
introduced a second baptism.^
So also the Marcosians and some Yalentinian schools

believed in a baptism that was an absolute sundering of
the baptized from the corrujDtible world and an emancipation into a perfect and eternal
life.
Similarly,
some
other schools added to the simple initiation rites of a less
noble and more sensuous order.^

It
was but the

is
old belief in the effect of the mysteries
thi'own into a Christian form.

school
So also another Gnostic
said to have not only treated the truths of
Christianity as sacred, but also to have felt about
them
what the
mysteries
" I swear by Him who
initiated
were supposed
to
is
feel
about the
all,
above
by the
Hippolytus (1, prooem; 5. 23, 24) says the 1. had mysteries which they disclosed to the initiated only after long preparation, and with an oath not to divulge them so the Iâassenes, 5. 8, and the Peratse, 5. 17 (ad fin.), whose mysteries "are delivered in silence." The Justinians had an oath of secrecy before proceeding to behold "what eye hath not seen" and "drinking from the living water," 5. 27.
1
Adv. Valent.
heretics
E.g. Marcus, in connection with initiation into the higher mysteries,

G.
Hipp.
^
41,
and the Elkasaites as cleansing from gross
sin, 9. 15.
Eus.
II, E. iv. 7.
307
Good One,
to no
to
keep these mysteries and to reveal them

after that oath each
one;" and
of
seemed
to feel the
power
God
to
be upon him, as
it
were the password
of entrance into the highest mysteries.^
As
soon as the
oath had been taken, he sees what no eye has seen, and
hears what no ear has heard, and drinks of the living
water
which
it is
is
their baptism, as they think, a spring
of water springing
up within them
to everlasting life.
Again,
probably through the Gnostics that the

Ter-
period of preparation for baptism was prolonged.
tullian says of the Yalentinians that their period of pro-
bation
is
longer than their period of baptized
life,
which
is precisely
what happened
in the
Greek practice of the
fourth century.
The general
inference of the large influence of the

is
Gnostics on baptism,
confirmed by the fact that another

its
element, which certainly came through them, though

source
is
not certain and
is
more
likely to
have been
There were
Oriental than Greek, has maintained a permanent place

in most rituals
the element
of anointing.
two customs
the
oil of
in this matter, one
more
characteristic of
the East, the other of the
West
the anointing with

oil of
(1)
exorcism before baptism and after the renun-
ciation of the devil,
and (2) the

bishop,
thanksgiving,
which was used immediately

presbyter and then
after baptism, first
by the
of the
by the
who then
sealed the
candidate on the forehead.
The very variety
custom shows how deep and yet natural the action of

the Gnostic systems, with the mystic and magic customs
2
Hipp.
5. 27, of
the Justiuians.
Cf. Hilgenfeld, Ketzergesch. p. 270.
x2
30S
X.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE MY5TERIES
of the Gnostic societies or associations,
had been on the
practices
and ceremonies
of the Church.^
But beyond matters

to realize the
of practice,
it
is
among the
Gnostics that there appears for the
first
time an attempt
change of the elements to the material

Christ.
body and blood of

regarded
is
The
fact that they
were so
found in Justin Martyr.^
But
at the
same
time, that the change
was not vividly
realized, is
proved
by the
for
fact that, instead of
being regarded as too awful
men
to touch, the elements

to their
were taken by the com-
municants
on their
travels.
homes and carried about with them But we read of Marcus that in his
realistic conception of the Eucharistic service the white
For the Eastern custom, see Cyril Hier. Catech. Myst. ii. 3, 4, 312: the candidate is anointed all over hefore baptism with exorcised oil, which, by invocation of God and prayer, purities from the burning traces of sin, but also puts to flight the invisible powers of
1
p.
the evil one.

Constitutions,
Cf. Apost.
c.
Const, vii. 22, 41,
iii.
15,
16; the Coptic
46
(ed.
Tattam),
cf.
Boetticher's Gr. translation in

3.
Bunsen's Anal. Ante-Nic. ii 467; Clem. Recog.

6. 4,
67; Chrys. Horn.

cis
in Ep.
ad
Col. xi. 342, dAetêrai
(ixnrep ot
all
dOXrjTal
;
a-ToiSiov
e[xf37]cr6[ji.evoL,
here also before baptism and

;
over
Dionys. Areop.
Eccles. Hicr. 2. 7
Basil, de Spir.
Western
hapt. 6
as distinct
;
Sand. 66, vol. iv. 55. For earlier from Eastern thought on the subject, cf. Tert. de
and 7 de resiirr. carnis. 8; adv. Marc. i. 14; Cyprian, JEjh For the later Western usage, introduced from the East, see Cone. Bom. 402, c. 8, ed. Bruns. pt. ii. 278 Ordo 6, ad fac. Catech. in Martene, de ant. eccl. rit. i. p. 17; Theodulfus Aurel. deord. hapt. 10; unction of the region of the heart before and behind, symbolizing the Holy Spirit's unction with a view to both prosperity and adversity Catechumens (Sirmond, vol. ii. 686) Isid. Hisp. de off. eccl. 2. 21 exorcizantur, sales acci]_nunt et uiujuntur, the salt being made tit eorum
70.
; ; ;
gustu condimentum sap)ientice percipiant, neque desipiant a sapore Christi

(]Migne, Ixxxiii. col. 814, SI 5); Ca?s. Arclat. scrm. 22.
2
Apol.
1.
66.
UPON CHRISTIAN FSAGES.

wine actually turned
309
to the colour of blood before the
eyes of the communicants.^
Thus the whole conception

changed. 2
of Christian
worship was
But
it
was changed by the influence upon
Christian worship of the contemporary worship of the
mysteries and the concurrent cults.
The tendency
to
an
elaborate ceremonial
of
which had produced the magnifaith
ficence
those
mysteries and cults, and which had
combined with the love of a purer
and the tendency
towards fellowship, was based upon a tendency of

nature which was not crushed by Christianity.
to a
human
It rose
it
new
life,
and though
life still.
it
lives only
by a
survival,
lives that
new
In the splendid ceremonial
of
Eastern and "Western worship, in the blaze of
lights, in
the separation of the central point of the rite from com-
mon
view, in the procession of torch-bearers chanting
their sacred
hymns
there
is
the survival, and in some
cases the galvanized survival, of
what
;
I cannot find
it
in
it
my
heart to call a pagan ceremonial
because though
it
was the expression

offered to
its
of a less enlightened faith, yet
was
than
search for
God from a heart that was God and in its efiort
not less earnest in

after holiness
our
1
own.
ap.
Hipp.
6.
39.
2,
* Tert.
ad Sca^.
holds that sacrifice
may
consist of simple prayer.
Lecttjee XI.
THE INCOEPOEATIOlSr OF CHEISTIAN IDEAS, AS MODIFIED BY GEEEK, INTO A BODY OF DOCTEINE.
The
to
object
which
have in view in this Lecture
is
show the
transition
by which, under the
influence of
to-
contemporary Greek thought, the word Faith came
be transferred from simple trust in God to mean
the-
acceptance of a series of propositions, and these propositions, propositions in abstract
metaphysics.
The Greek words which designate

and primarily trust in a person.
belief or faith are

trust,
used in the Old Testament chiefly in the sense of
They expressed conThey implied
fidence in his goodness, his veracity, his uprightness.
They
are as
much moral
of character.
as intellectual.
an estimate
Their use in application to
God was not different from their use in application to men. Abraham trusted God. The Israelites also trusted God when they saw the Egyptians dead upon the seaIn the first instance there was just so much of shore.
intellectual assent involved in belief, that to believe God.
involved an assent to the proposition that
God
exists.
XI.
THE INCORPORATION OF CHRISTIAN IDEAS.
311
But
this
element was latent and implied rather than

It is not difficult to see
conscious and expressed.
how,
when this
it
proposition
should lead to other propositions.
came to be conscious and expressed, The analysis of
belief led to the construction of other propositions besides
the bare original proposition that

trust
God ?
good, or just.
God is. "Why do I The answer was Because He is wise, or The propositions followed I believe that
: :
God is wise, that He is good, that He is just. Belief in God came to mean the assent to certain propositions
about God.^
In Greek philosophy the words were used rather

intellectual conviction
of
than of moral
trust,
and of the
higher rather than of the lower forms of conviction.

Aristotle distinguishes faith
from impression
for a
man,
it.
he
says,
may have an
it
impression and not be sure of
He
uses
both of the convictions that come through the
senses and of those that
come through
to
reason.
There
is
in Philo a special application of this philo-
sophical use,
which led
even more important

it is
results.
He
blends the sense in which

is
found in the Old
Testament with that which
found in Greek philosophy.
The mass of men, he says, trust their senses or their The good man trusts God. Just as the mass reason.
of
men
believe that their senses and their reason do not
deceive them, so the latter believes that
God
does not
deceive him.
the occasions on which

rare,
God was to trust His veracity. But God spoke directly to a man were and what He said when He so spoke commanded
To
trust
an unquestioning acceptance.
1
He more commonly
c.
spoke
Cf. Celsus' idea of faith
Orig.
Cels. 3.
39
Keim,
p. 39.
312
to
Xr.
THE INCORPORATION OF CHRISTIAN IDEAS

the agency of messengers.
men through
His angels
spoke to men, sometimes in visions of the night, sometimes in open manifestation by day.
to
His prophets spoke
men.
To
believe God, implied a belief in
what
He
said indirectly as well as directly.
It implied the acceptis to
ance of what His prophets said, that
say, of
what
they were recorded to have said in the Holy "Writings.

Belief in this sense
is
not a vague and mystical senti-
ment, the hazy state of mind which precedes knowledge,
but the highest form of conviction.

in certainty.
It transcends reason
It is the full assurance that certain things
are so, because
God
has said that they are
so.^
In
this
connection
we may
note the
way
in
which
the Christian communities were helped by the current

reaction against pure speculation
tainty.
the longing
for cer-
The mass
certainty.
of
men were
sick of theories.
They
wanted
teachers
i
The current teaching of the Christian gave them certainty. It appealed to definite
their predecessors
life
facts of
which
were eye-witnesses. Its
simple tradition of the

of Jesus Christ of
/
and death and resurrection

basis for the satisfaction
was a necessary
but
men's needs.
Philosophy and poetry might be built

;
upon that
tradition
if
the tradition were shown to
be only cloudland, Christian philosophy was no more

than Stoicism.
"We have thus

faith passed
to see
how, under the new conditions,

stage, or simple trust in a
beyond the moral
person, to the metaphysical stage, or belief in certain
propositions or technical definitions concerning

^
Him, His
Philo's view of faith

rer. div.
is
i.
well expressed in two striking passages,

46,
ii.
Quis
Hcres, 18,
485; and de Ahrah.
39.
INTO A BODY OF DOCTEINE.

nature, relations and actions.
313
In
this latter
we may
distinguish two correlated and interdependent phases or
forms of
belief, the
one more intellectual and
logical, the
other more historical and concrete, namely, (1) the conviction that
attributes
;
God being
of a certain nature has certain
(2) the conviction that,
God being
true, the
statements which
He makes
through His prophets and
The one of these forms of belief was elaborated into what we know as the Creed; the other, into the Canon of the New Testament.
ministers are also true.^
We
shall first deal
with these phases or forms of belief,
and then with the process by which the metaphysical

definitions
1.
became
first
authoritative.
In the
instance the intellectual element of

to the ethical
belief
was subordinated
Belief
purpose of the
itself
religion.
itself,
was not
insisted
upon in
and for
but as the ground of moral reformation.
The main
content of the belief was "that

their sins
men
are punished for
and honoured
for their
good deeds i"^ the

belief that
ground
of this conviction
was the underlying
God
is,
and that
He
rewards and punishes.
The
feature
which differentiated Christianity from philosophy was,

^
Cf.
is
He
is
-
of
God must believe that He is, and that them that seek Him," Heb. xi. 6 ; and " He that God heareth God's words," John viii. 47.
that cometh to
a rewarder of
"
He
was one of Celsus' objections to Christianity that its preachers more stress on belief than on the intellectual grounds of belief Orig, c. Cels. 1. 9. Origen's answer, which is characteristic rather of
It
laid
his
this
own time than

was necessary
expressive of the belief of the apostolic age,

for the
is
that
mass of men, who have no leisure or inclination for deep investigation (1. 10), and in order not to leave men altogether without help (1. 12).
314
XI.
that this belief as to the nature of

certain
by a
revelation.
was
salvation
degrees stress
God had been made The purpose of the revelation regeneration and amendment of life. By came to be laid on this underlying element.
had not only made some propositions
it
The
tain
revelation
cer-
which hitherto had been only speculative,
had also
added new propositions, assertions

differentiating belief.
of its distinctive or
the narrowest limits,
But it is uncertain, except within what those assertions were. There
are several phrases in the

apostolic writings
New
Testament and in sub-
elementary statements or rule.^

tain or
some But none of them conexpress a recognized standard. Yet the standard
like references to
which read
may be
in
gathered partly from the formula of admission
into the Christian
community, partly from the formulae

to Grod.
which praise was ascribed

its
The most imporis
tant of these, in view of
subsequent history,
uncertain
is
;
the
former.
at least in
But the formula two main forms.
is itself
it
existed
There
evidence to show
that the injunction to baptize in the
name
of the three
last
Persons of the Trinity, which

of St.
is
found in the
It is
chapter
Matthew, was observed.^
the formula in the

is also
Teaching of the Apostles.^

side
^
But
there
evidence,
of the
by
side with this evidence as to the use
E.g.
Rom.
vi. 17,
els
;
ov TrapeSo^r^re tittov
2 Tim.
;
8tSa;;^^s
2 John, 9, iv
TTj
SiBa'îj
Tou XpicTTOu
e'/xou
i.
13, vTrorvirwariv iyê tiytaivovTWv

vi. 12,
Adywv
(OV Trap
T^Kovcras
Tim.
tu/toAoyi^cras
rijv
KaXrjv
ojxokoyLav;
ap. Eus.
Jude
3,
i)
ajra^ TrapaSoOeicra tois dyiots Trtcms.

:
Polycrates,
H. E. 5. 24, 6 Kavwv t?}s Trto-rews see passages collected ia Gebhardt and Harnack's Patres Apost. Bd. i. th. 2 (Barnabas), p. 133.
2
3
Cf.
c.
Schmid, Dogmeng.
p. 14,
Das Taufsymbol.
7. 4.
INTO A BODY OF DOCTRINE.

Trinitarian formula, of baptism into the
or into the death of Christ.^
315
of Christ,
name
which
The next element

as to
in the uncertainty
exists is
how
far the formula, either in the one case or the

to involve the assent to
other,
was conceived
any other
propositions except those of the existence of the divine
Persons or Person mentioned in the formula.

assent
Even
this
was implied rather than

of Jesus Christ
explicit.
It is in the
Apologists that the transition from the implicit was made.
The teaching
became
especially in Justin Martyr.^

explicit is
of
of
them important, by which it great importance, but we have

became
to
The
step
no means
is
knowing when
it
or
how
it
was made.^
It
conceivable that
was
first
made
homiletically, in
the course of exhortation to Christian duty.^

intellectual contents of the formula did
When
its
the
become
explicit,
the formula became a
test.
Concurrently with
use as
a standard or test of belief, was probably the incorporation in

it of so
much
of Christian teaching as referred
to the facts of the life of Jesus Christ.
But the
and
facts
were capable
^
of different interpretations,
16, xix. 5,
different
vi. 1
See Acts
xxii. 16.
viii.
with which compare Eom.

eis
11,
',
Acts
Didaclie, 9. 5, ol /JaTrTto-êvres
ii.
ovo/ia
Kvpiov
and
ol
Apost. Const. Bk.

l^vptov
Irjcrov
7,
p.
20, ot jSaTma-OevTes els Tov ddvarov rov
ovk
offteiXovcriv
afxapTaveiv ol
roiovroC
ws
yap
aTTOâvovTes dvevepy^jroi Trpos afiapTiav uTrapôvcrtv, ovrois Kal ol avvaTTOâvovres
tw XptcrTW airpaKTOi
Trpo? afxapriav
cf.
148. 7, and else-
where, in composite form.
Against this Cyprian wrote, in Up. 73,
ad Juhaianum, 16
2
18
cf.
Harnack, Dogmeng. 176.

p.
Cf.
Cf.
von Engelhardt, Das Christenthum Justins,

Harnack, Dogmeng.
p.
107.
'
130
ff.
* Cf.
Clement's account of Basilides' conception of faith in contrast

5. 1.
to his
own, Strom.
316
XI.
propositions might be based

instance,
upon them.
In the
first
speculation
was
free.
Different facts had a

facts of the life
different significance.
The same
were
interpreted in different ways.
There was an agreement
as to the main principle that the Chi'istian societies were

societies for the
amendment
of life.
It is
an almost ideal
picture
which the heathen Celsus draws
of the Christians
differing widely as to their speculations,
and yet
all
agreeing to say,
"The world
^
is
crucified to me,
and I
unto the world."

partly
The
influence of
Greek thought,
by the
allegorizing of history, partly
struction of great superstructures of
by the conspeculation upon
slender bases,
made
the original standard too elastic to
serve as the basis and bond of Christian society.

theories were added to fact, different theories
When
impor
certain
were added.
It
is
at this point that the fact
became
of special
tance that the Gospel had been preached

persons,
by
and that
It
its
content was the content of that
was not a philosophy which successive generations might modify. It went back to the definite
preaching.
teaching of a historical person.
It It
was
of importance to
to recog-
be sure what that teaching was.

interpretation of Christ's.
was agreed
nize apostolic teaching as the authoritative vehicle
and
it.^
All parties appealed to
But there had been more than one apostle. The teaching was consequently that, not of one person, but of many. Here was the main point of dispute. All parties
within the Church agreed as to the need of a tribunal,
but each party had

>
its
own.
Each made
its
appeal to a
Orig.
c.
Cels. 5. 65.
c,
Cf. PtolemK?us ad Floram,
7, ed.
Pot

different apostle.
317
But
since,
though many in number,
they were teachers, not of their
own
opinions, but of the
doctrine which they had received from Jesus Christ, the
more orthodox
to lay stress
or Catholic tendency
found
it
necessary
upon
their unity.
the plural,
ol aTroa-roXoiA
They were spoken of in While the Gnostics built upon
one apostle or another, ^ the Catholics built upon an

apostolic
consensus.
Their tradition was not that of
Peter or of James, but of the twelve apostles.
The
ttIo-ti?
was
It
airoa-ToXiKTjj
an attribute which implies a uniform
tradition.^
was
at this point that organization

:
and confederation
^
became important
were regarded
the bishops of the several churches

:
as the conservators of the tradition
while
to a
the bishops of the apostolic churches settled

^
down
See instances in Harn. Dogm.
p.
134.
Thus
Basilides, ap. Hippol. 7. 20, preferred to follow a tradition

to
from Matthias, who was said

Saviour.
have been specially instructed by the

7.
The
^Naassenes, ib. 10. 9, traced their doctrine to James, the
Brother of the Lord.

to
Valentinus, Clem. Alex. Strom.
17,
was said
be a hearer of Theudas,
all
who was
a pupil of Paul.
Hippol. l,^)rocemy
argued against
Scripture,
e.
heretics that they
had taken nothing from Holy

ScaSo-^rjv.
and had not preserved the rtvos ayiov

21.
Cf. Tert.
Marc.
1.
But
see the very remarkable statement of Origen as

c.
to the cause of heresies,

2
Cels. 3.
12
cf.
Clem. Al. Strom.

.
7. 17.
Cf.
Clem. Alex. Strom.

2^'>'cssc.
7. 17, fiia
TrapdSocris,
tion of Tert. de
hcer.
32, Sicut apostoli
and the contennon diversa inter se

;
docuissent, ita et apostolici
non
contraria apostolis edidissent
pp. 133
ff.,
especially note 2, pp.
134
136.
Harnack,
4. 7.
Eusebius, H. E.
writers
mentions that very

behalf
ttJs
many contemporary church
had written in
aTrocrToXiKrjs /cat eKKAiô-tacTTtKTjs 6o^?js,
against Basilides,
especially Agrippa Castor.

^
Adamantius (Origen,
ed. Delarue,
i.
809) says that the Marcion-
Xtes
had iTna-Ko-wv, juaAAov
Se ipevSen-ccrKOTruyv 8iaô)(â.[.
318
XI.
THE INCORPORATION OP CHRISTIAN IDEAS
general agreement as to the terms of the apostolic tradition.^
In distinction from the Gnostic standards, there

to
came
be a standard which the majority

in the
of the
churches
the middle party

uncertain
Church
accepted.
But
it is
It is quite
when
the rule came to be generally accepted,

it
or in what form
was accepted.
in the
main
preserved for us
with undoubtedly
later accretions
in
the Apostles' Creed.

rule
is
Tertullian's contention is that this
not only apostolic and binding, but also adequate

representation of apostolic teaching
it.^
a complete
the
that
sense,
there were no necessary truths outside
The
additions
were made by the gradual working
of the
common
common
consciousness, of the Christian world.
They
were approved by the majority; they were accepted by

the sees which claimed to have been founded by the
apostles.
The
earliest
form
is
that
which may be gathered
from several writers as having been generally accepted in
Eome and the West it is a bare statement. " I believe in God Almighty, and in Jesus Christ His Son our Lord, who was born of a virgin, crucified under Pontius Pilate,
:
the third day rose again from the dead, sitteth on the
right
hand
of the Father,
from whence he
;
is
coming
to
judge the living and dead
and in the Holy Spirit." The term Son came to be qualified in very early times by "only begotten;" and after "the Holy Spirit," "the
^
For the TrapdSocns

prcef. 2
iKKXyjo-LacrTiKrj,
hcer.
cc.
especially of "ecclesire apos-
tolicse," cf. Tert.
de 2^r^sc.
for the
21.
36;
Iren. 3. 1
3;
Orig. de
princ.
4; Tert. adv. Marc. 1. 21 (regula sacramenti) ; de Virg. vel. 1; adv. Prax. 2; depmsc. hcer. cc. 3. 12. 42; di monog. 2. In general, see Weingarten, Zdttafeln^
;
:
KavMv t^?
iria-Tews, Iren, 1, 9.
6.
17. 19.
2
De
prcBsc.
Iicbt. cc.
25. 26.
319
Holy Church, the remission

of the flesh,"
of sins,
and the resurrection
were added.
side with this question of the standard or
of traditional teaching,
2. Side
by
authentic
minimum
it
and growing
of
necessarily with
and out
of
it,
was the question
the sources from which that teaching could be drawn,
and
been
of the materials
by which the standard might be
interpreted.
oral.
The greater part of apostolic teaching had The tradition was mostly oral. But as the
generations of
age,
men
receded farther from the apostolic
and
as the oral tradition

it
which was delivered came
necessarily to vary,
became more and more uncertain
what was the true form and content of the tradition. Written records came to be of more importance than
oral tradition.
They had
at first
only the authority
which attached to tradition.

ment.
Their elevation to an inde-
pendent rank was due to the influence of the Old Testa-
There had been already a
series of revelations of
Ood
to
men, which having once been
oral
had become
written.
The
revelation
consisted of
what was then
known
as the Scriptures,
and what we now know as the
Old Testament.
a large extent in
The
its
proofs of Christianity consisted to
consonance with those Scriptures.
But the term Holy

is
Scriptures
was
less strictly
used than
The hedge round them had gaps, and there were patches lying outside what has It was partly the indefinitesince come to be its line. ness of the Old Testament canon which caused the
sometimes supposed.
term Scripture
apostolic age.
to
be applied to some writings of the

question, "Which writings ?
But the
was
320
XI.
only answered gradually.

only gradually passed away.
for the reception
of the
The
It
spirit of
prophecy had
was the common ground
Old Testament and the
New
Testament; as the
both,
it
spirit of
prophecy was common to
was but natural that both should have the same
attributes.
But prophecy was not

ypacpr)) is
in the first instance
conceived as having suddenly ceased in the Church.
The
term Scripture
(?
applied to the Shepherd of

delimitation of the
Hermas by
IrenaGus.^
The
body of
writings that could be so denoted was connected with the

necessity of being sui*e about the apostolical teaching
the
TTapaôa-i's.^
The term
Scripture
was applied
to the
recorded sayings of Jesus Christ (the Xo'ym) without
demur.^ It came to be applied also to the records which

the apostles had left of the facts of the
life of Christ.
Then,
finally, it
tended more gradually to be applied to
the writings of the apostles and of apostolic men.
But
questions arose in regard to
all
these classes, which
were not immediately answered.
There were several There were many
recensions current both of the sayings of Jesus Christ
and
of the
memoirs
of the apostles.
writings attributed to apostles and apostolic
men which
were
slow,
of doubtful authority.
and the date
But the determination was when a general settlement was made is
4. 20.
See Overbeck, die Anfdnge der patrisl Literatur, in the Hist Zeiischri/t, N.F. Ed. xii. 417472.
2 2
Cf.
Hegesippus, ap. Eus. H.E.
4. 22. 3,
iv
eKacrrj;
TroAei
olItws
fêi ws o vo/xos KY^pvcra-ei Kal ol Tr/aoc^^rai xai 6 Kvptos, for this practical
co-ordination; see Gebhardt and
Harnack on
131.
2 Clement, p. 132, for
examples; also ilaruack,
Dogm.

uncertain.^
321
There
is
no distinction between canonical and
uncanonical books either in Justin Martyr or in Irenseus.
The
first
Biblical critic
was Marcion
its
first
the controversy
with his followers, which reaches

forced on the Church the
question,
Christ,
height in Tertullian,
serious consideration of the

of the
Which recensions
be a recognized
list
words and memoirs of

of the
and which
of the letters
and other writings
apostles and apostolic men, should be accepted ?
There
came
to
of the writings of the
new
revelations, as there
came
to
be
whether there had yet come

recognized
to
though be a
list
it is
doubtful
of the -writings
of the earlier revelations to the Jews.

list
Writings on the
came in
as the voices of the
Holy Ghost.^
had been,
They were,
as the writings of the prophets
the revelation of the Father to His children.

faith or belief
Hence
came
to take in the Christian world the
sense that
it
had in Philo
of assent not only to the
great conceptions which were contained in the notion of
Ood, but
also to the divine revelation
which was recorded
in the two Testaments.
3.
It
might have been well

to
if
the Christian Church

first
had been content

^
rest
with this
stage in the
Cf.
Weingarten, Zeittafeln,
first
fragment, Origen (ap. Eus.
whom
he traces the
where he cites the Muratorian and Athanasius, in the last of use of the term "canon" in our sense. But
p. 19,
H.E.
6. 25),
we must
canon and the contents whence the idea of a canon of Scripture tame, whether from the ecclesiastical party or from the Gnostics and if from the latter, whether it was from Basilides, or Valentinus, or Most likely the last. Harnack, Dogm. 215 fF. ; cf, 237 Marcion. 240 for Marcion as the first Biblical critic.
carefully distinguish the idea of a
of the canon.
It is uncertain
Harnack, pp. 317
f.
322
XI.
TIIE
INCORPORATION OF CHRISTIAN IDEAS

its
transformation of the idea of belief, and to take as
intellectual basis only the simple statements of the primi-
tive creed interpreted
conflict of speculations
by the New Testament. But the which had compelled the middle
of the sources also
party in the Christian churches to adopt a standard

of belief belief
and a limitation
from which the

eff'ect
might be interpreted, had
had the
of
bringing into the Church the philosophical temper.^
In
the creed of the end of the second century, the age of
TertuUian, there are already philosophical ideas
the
or
creation of the world out of nothing, the "Word, the

relation of the
Creator to the world, of the
Word
Son
to the Father,
and of both
to
men.
The Creed^
is
as given
elaborate.^
it to
in
the treatise against Praxeas,
equally
"With that Creed
be
TertuUian himself was
traditional as
satisfied.
he believed.
He
depre-
cates
the
"curiositas" of the brethren no less than
the "scrupulositas" of the heretics.

applicability of the text,
He
denies
the
"Seek and ye
shall find," to
:
research into the content of Christian doctrine
it
relates
only to the traditional teaching

that, he has
all
when
man
has foundis-
that he needs:
further "seeking"
incompatible with having found.
In other words, as
among modem Ultramontanes,

search but on
faith
tradition (authority).^
must rest not on. The absolute freeof faith"
dom
of speculation
was checked, but the tendency to

it
speculate remained, and
had in the "rule
a vantage-ground within the Church.

1
There grew up
he abandons argu1.
TertuUian, though in his treatise de prcesc.
han-.
ment with the Gnostics, yet in his adv. Marc. of argument, and enters into formal discussion.
2
c.
22, relaxes that line
2.
^ Tert.
dc x>rascr.
hcer. cc. 8, 18,
323
witlim the lines that had been marked out a tendency
which, accepting the rule of faith, and accepting
also,
with possibly slight variations, the canonical

tried to build theories out of
Scriptui-es,
its
them
yvwa-i's
took
place
side
by
side
with
Tr/o-Tf?.^
It
grew up
in several parts of
Christendom.
In Cappadocia, in Asia, in Edessa, in
Palestine, in Alexandria,
were different small groups of
men who
within the recognized lines were working out
philosophical theories of Christianity.^
"We know most
about Alexandria. There was a recognized school

type of the existing philosophical schools
of philosophical Christianity.
on the
study
for the
Its first great teacher
was
Clement.
He was the first to
construct a large philosophy
of Christian doctrine,
with a recognition of the conven-
tional limits,
but by the help and in the domain of Greek

is of less
thought.
But he
first
importance than his great

Principiis of the latter
;
disciple Origen.
In the
De
we
its
have the
complete system of dogma

it,
and
I recom-
mend
the study of
of its omissions as well as of
assertions, of the strange fact that the features of it
which
are in strongest contrast to later dogmatics are in fact its
most archaic and conservative elements.

It is not to
my
present purpose to state the results of
these speculations.
The two
points to
which
wish to
draw your attention

losophi2;e, are these
in reference to this tendency to phi-
(1)
1
The
distinction
between what was either an

yi/c3cris
ori;
Theories were framed as to the relation of
and
Trto-rts
e. g.
the former was conceived to relate to the Spirit, the latter to the Son,
which Clem. Alex, denies (Strom.

2
5. 1).
See Harnackj 549.
y2
324
XT.
ginal and ground belief or a historical fact of which a
trustworthy tradition had come down, and speculations

lin
regard to such primary beliefs and historical
facts,
tended to disappear in the strong philosophical current

of the time.
It did not disappear without a struggle.
Tertullian,
among
others, gives indications of
it.
The
doctrine of the Divine
Word had begun

:
in his time to
as the " dis-
make
its
way
into the Creed
it
was known
^jensation" i^ceconomia).
''The simpler-minded men," he
remarks,
"not
to
say ignorant and uneducated,
who
always constitute the majority of believers

rule of faith itself transfers us
since the
from the belief in poly-
theism to the belief in one only true

standing that though
God
not
underis to
God be
one, yet
His oneness
be understood as involving a dispensation, are frightened

at this idea of dispensation."^
I
But the ancient

to
conser-
vatism was crushed.
It
came
be considered as imporit
tant to have the right belief in the speculation as
confessedly was to have

(2)
it
in the fact.
The
result of the fading
away
of this distinction,
and
of the
consequent growth in importance of the spe-
culative element,
speculations,
was a tendency
to
check individual
and
to fuse all speculation in the average
speculations of the majority.
The
battle of the second
century had been a battle between those

that there
who
asserted
was a
single
and
final tradition of truth,
and
as
those
who claimed
that the
Holy
Spirit spoke to
them
truly as
tles.
He had
spoken to
men
in the days of the apos-
The
final,
victorious opinion
had been that the revelation
was
and that what was contained in the records of

1
Adv. Prnx
3.
INTO A BODY OP DOCTRINE.

the apostles
325
was the
sufficient
sum
of Christian teaching
hence the
stress laid
upon
apostolic doctrine.
The
were
battle of the third century as
was between those who

and those who
claimed,
to
Marcion claimed, that inspired documents

literal sense,
be taken in their
claimed that they needed a philosophical interpretation,^
that while these monuments

interpretation, ^ yet they
of the apostolic age
required
were
of
no private In other
interpretation,
and that theories based upon them must

j
be the theories of the apostolical churches.
words, the contention that Christianity rested upon the

basis of a traditional doctrine and a traditional standard,
was
tion.
necessarily supplemented
by the contention that the

i
doctrine and standard must have a traditional interpreta-
A rule
of faith
and a canon were comparatively

be
so,
'
useless,
and were
felt to
without a traditionally
The Gnostics were prepared They also appealed to tradition to accept all but this. and to the Scriptures.^ So far it was an even battle each side in such a controversy might retort upon the
authoritative interpretation.
other,
^
and did
so.^
If
it
were allowed
to each side to
Which had been
the contention of the heretics

16, 17.
whom
Tertullian
opposed: de prcesc.
2
liczr. cc.
upon
Origen {de princ, prcef. 3) follows in the line of those who rested apostolic teaching, but gives a foothold for philosophy by saying
(2) that
(1) that the Apostles left the
tigated
they affirmed the existence of
grounds of their statements to be invesmany things without
stating the
^
manner and
origin of their existence.
Valentinus accepted the whole canon (integro instrumento), and
the most important work of Basilides was a commentary on the Gospel

Tert. de prcEsc. hcsr. 38.
* Tert.
de prcesc.
hcer. 18.
It is important to contrast the
arguments
of Tertullian with those of Clement of Alexandria, and of both with
32 G
XT.
argue on the same bases and by the same methods, each

side
might cLaim a
victory.
A new principle
had
to
be
introduced the denial of the right

tion.
of private interpretaarticles of belief
In regard both to the primary
and
to the majority of apostolic writings,
no serious
dif-
ference of opinion had existed
among
the apostolical
churches.
It
was otherwise with the speculations that

of faith
were based upon the rule

required discussion.
and the canon.
They
The
Christological ideas that were
growing up on
Gnostic
all sides
had much in common with the
They needed a limitation and a The check was conterminous with the sources check. of the tradition itself; the meaning of the canon, as
opinions.
well as the canon
itself,
was deposited with the bishops

and
their
of apostolical churches;
method
of enforcing
the check was the holding of meetings and the framing

of resolutions.
Such meetings had long been held
to
ensure unity on points of discipline.
be held to ensure unity on that no

less
They came now to which had come to be

of bishops.
important
the
interpretation of the recognized
standard
of belief.
They were meetings
Bishops had added to their original functions the function of teachers (îtida-KaXoi)
of
and interpreters of the
will
God
{irpocpriTai)}
Accordingly meetings of bishops
were held, and through the operation of political rather

practice
tlie
which circumstances rendered
necessary.
In Strom.
7.
IG and 17, Clement makes Scripture the criterion between the Church
and the
apostolic
^
heretics,
though he assumes that and uniform.

is first
all
orthodox teaching
is
The combination
2.5.
found in
A}iost. Const.
Bk.
ii.
pp. 14, 10.
IG,
51. 17, 20. 5S, 22.
INTO
A BODY OF DOCTRINE.
827
than of religious causes their decisions were held to be

final.
(i.)
Two
The
important results followed.

result
first
was the formulating
of the speculaof such
tions in definite propositions,
and the insertion
propositions in the Creed.

insertions
The theory was that such

of definitions
were of the nature
and interprecommunities
tations of the original belief.
The mass
of
have never wandered from the
belief that they rest
upon
tradi-
an
original revelation preserved
by a continuous
tion.
But a
is
definition of
what has hitherto been undePerhaps
fined
necessarily of the nature of an addition.
the earliest instance which has come down to us of such
an expansion
of
the Creed,
is
in the
letter
sent
by
Hymenseus, Bishop of Jerusalem, and his colleagues to
Paul of Samosata.^
The
faith
is
which had been handed

is
down from
the beginning
"that God
unbegotten,
one, without beginning, unseen, unchangeable,
whom
no
it
man
hath seen nor can
see,
whose glory and greatness
is impossible for
human
nature to trace out adequately

to
but we must be content

of
have a moderate conception

as he himself says,
Him
His Son reveals
Him ....
*No man knoweth
the Father save the Son, and he to
whomsoever the Son revealeth Him.' We confess and proclaim His begotten Son, the only begotten, the image
of the invisible God, the firstborn of every creature, the
wisdom and word and power of God, being before the worlds, God not by foreknowledge but by essence and
substance."
They had passed

historical
1
into the realm of metaphysics.

earlier
iii.
The
facts
of the
creed
were altogether
p.
Routh, Rcl. Sacr.
p.
290; Harnack,
644.
328
XI.
THE INCORPOKATIOX OF CHRISTIAN IDEAS

Belief
obscured.
was
belief in
certain
speculations.
The conception
round a wide
of the nature of belief It will
had travelled
circuit.
be noted that there had
been a change in the meaning of the word which has

lasted until our
own
day.
The
belief in the veracity of
a witness, or in facts of
which we are cognizant through
our senses, or the primary convictions of our minds
which
may
include the belief in
God
in
admit of a
degree of certainty which cannot attach to the belief in

deductions from metaphysical premises.^
Belief
came to
mean, not the highest form of conviction, but something

lower than conviction, and
still.
it
tends to have that meaning

belief,
But with
this
change in the nature of

in the importance
there
had been no change

to
it.
which was attached

in Jesus Christ,,
find
The acceptance
of these philosophical speculations
was
as important as the belief in
God and
the Son of God.

it
The tendency developed, and we

through the fourth century.
politically
developing
all
In the
Nicene Council the tendency was

tant,
more imporfrom what
but
it
was not theologically
different
had gone
before.
The habit
of defining
and of making
as the philo-
inferences from definitions,
grew the more
sophers passed over into the Christian lines, and logicians
and metaphysicians presided over Christian churches.
The
speculations which were then agreed
upon became
still
stamped as a body of truth, and with the

speculations
of
deeper
the
Councils
of
Constantinople
and
Chalcedon, the resolutions of the Nicene Fathers have
come
to
be looked upon as almost a
new
revelation,
and
the rejection of them as a greater bar to Christian

*
Cf. the definitions of faith in Clem. Al. Sfrovi. 2, cc. 2
and
3.

fellowship than
itself.
329
the
rejection
of
the jS'ew Testament
The second result was the creation of a distinction between what was accepted by the majority at a meeting and what was accepted only by a minority. The distinc(ii.)
tion
had long been growing.
There had been parties

first.
in the Christian communities from the
And
the
existence of such parties
was
admissible.^
They broke the
concord of the brethren, but they did not break the unity
of the faith.
tified
;
ISTow heretics
and schismatics were iden-
difference in speculative belief
was followed by
'
political
penalty.
The
original
contention,
still
pre-
served in Tertullian,^ that every
man
should worship
God
according to his
own
conviction, that one
man's
religion neither
harms nor helps another man, was exfaith.
changed
for the contention that the officers of Christian
communities were the guardians of the

versy on these
lines,
Contro-
and with these assumptions, soon
began
to breed its offspring of
venom and
abuse.
I
But I
will not pain
your ears by quoting, though
have them at
hand, the torrents of abuse which one saint poured upon

another, because the one assented to the speculations of
a majority, and the other had speculations of his own.^

It
^
was by these
t$
stages,
which passed one

7. 15,
into the
atpecTLs is
used in Clem. Al. Strom.

:
of the true system of
Christian doctrine
p. 13,
17
ovtl dpLcrrrj
at'/Decris:
as in Sext.
Empir. (Pijrrh.
16)
it
meant only adherence
to a system of
dogmas (no standard
implied).
2
Ad
Scap. 2.
Philosophers had abused each other.
Theologians followed in their
track.
The "cart-loads
e. g.
of abuse they emptied
upon one another"
(oAas d/tdtâs
(SXacrcf^rjjxtiov
KaTecTKeSacrav dAAryAwv, Lucian, UunucJl. 2)
are paralleled in,
Gregory of Nyssa.
odU
other
XI.

evolution, that the idea of trust in God,
all religion,
by a slow
is
which
the basis of
changed into the idea

fact,
of a creed, blending theory
with
and metaphysical
speculation with
It
spiritual truth.
began by being (1) a simple trust in God; then
followed (2) a simple expansion of that trust into the

assent to the proposition that
God
is
good, and (3) a
simple acceptance of the proposition that Jesus Christ
was His Son

finally,
then (4) came in the definition of terms, and each definition of terms involved a new theory
;
(5) the theories
were gathered together into

Christian
systems, and the martyrs and witnesses of Christ died

for their faith,
not outside but inside the

of a
sphere
and instead
world of religious
belief,
which
resembled the world of actual fact in the sublime unsym-
metry
of its foliage
and the deep harmony

the test of
of its discords,
all,
there prevailed the most fatal assumption of
that the
symmetry
thereof.
of a
system
is
its
truth and a proof
am
far
from saying that those theories are not

is, first,
true.
The
point to which I would draw attention

;
that
they are speculations

tian thought arises
secondly, that their place in Chrisfact that
from the
they are the specu-
lations of a majority at certain meetings.
The importance
body
which attaches to the whole subject with which we are

dealing, lies less in the history of the formation of a
of doctrine, than in the
growth and permanence of the
conception.3
which underlie that formation.
(1)
belief
The first conception comes from the antecedent which was rooted in the Greek mind, that, given
which
f^re
certain primary beliefs

to be necessary,
it is
admitted on
all sides
requisite that a
man
should define
INTO
those beliefs^
A BODY OF DOCTRINE.
it is
331
that
-with
as necessary that a
man
should
be able to say
minute exactness what he means by

say,
God, as that he should

purely philosophical.
I believe in God.
It is
A philosopher
cannot be satisfied
with unanalyzed
(2)
ideas.
The second conception comes rather from
politics
than from philosophy.
It is the belief in a majority of
a meeting.
It is the conception that the definitions
and
interpretations of primary beliefs
which are made by the
majority of church
officers
assembled under certain conso certainly true, that the
ditions, are in all cases
and
duty
of the individual
is,
not to endeavour, by whatever
light of nature or
Spirit
whatever illumination of the Holy
may be
given to him, to understand them, but to
acquiesce in the verdict of the majority.
The theory
assumes that God never speaks

the voice of the majority.
to
men
except through
It is a large assumption.
It is a transference to the transcendental sphere in
which
the highest conceptions of the Divine Nature move, of
what
is
a convenient practical rule for conducting the
business of
human
its
society
" Let the majority decide."

it
I do not say that
it is
untrue, or that
has not some
arguments in
favour ; but I do venture to point out
that the fact of
its
being an assumption must at least be

that the definitions and
recognized.
(3)
The
third conception
is,
interpretations of primary beliefs
which were made by
the majority, or even by the unanimous voice of a church
assembly, in a particular age, and which were both relative to the
dominant mental tendencies of that age and

final.
adequately expressed them, are not only true but

1
See Lecture V.
p. ,135.
332
XI.
THE INCORPORATION OF CHRISTIAN IDEAS view that once, and once only, did
of
It is a conceivable
God speak
It
is
to
is
men, and that the revelation
Himself in
continually
the Grospels
also
a unique fact in the history of the universe.
a conceivable view that
God
is
speaking to men, and that now, no less than in the early

ages of Christianity, there
in men's souls,
is
a divine Voice that whispers

of the
and a divine interpretation
meaning
assump-
of the Gospel history.
The
difi&culty is in the
tion
which
is
sometimes made, that the interpretation of
the divine Yoice was developed gradually through three

centuries,
difficulty
and that
it
was then suddenly
arrested.
The
has sometimes been evaded by the further
assumption that there was no development of the truth,
and that the Nicene theology was part

revelation
apostles
of the original
theology divinely communicated to the

himself.
by Jesus Christ
is
The point
of
most
importance in the line of study which

following together,
we have been
it
the demonstration which

is
affords
that this latter assumption
wholly untenable.
We
have been able

of
to see, not only that the several elements
what
is
distinctive in the
Nicene theology were gra-
dually formed, but also that the whole temper and frame
of
mind which led

to it
to the formation of those elements
were extraneous
to the first
form
of Christianity,
and
were added
traced.
by the operation
be
so,
is
of causes
which can be
If this
the assumption of the finality of

the hypothesis of a development
the Nicene theology
which went on
and
for three centuries,
and was then suddenly

if it
for ever arrested.
Such a hypothesis, even
be
a priori conceivable, would require an overwhelming
amount of
is
positive testimony.
Of such testimony there

bo that the time has
absolutely none.
But
it
may
INTO A BODY OF DOCTRIXE.
333
come
in "vvhich, instead of travelling once
more along the
beaten tracks of these ancient controversies as to particular speculations,
we
should rather consider the prior
question of the place which speculation as such should
occupy in the economy
of religion
and
of the criterion
by which
speculations are to be judged.
We
have to
for the
learn also that although for the needs of this

solace of its sorrow, for the development of
life,
its possibilities,
we must combine
an average, yet law
into societies
and frame our rules
of
[
I
conduct, and possibly our articles of belief,

for the highest
;
by
striking
knowledge we must go
alone upon the mountain-top

is
and that though the moral
thundered forth so that even the deaf
the deepest secrets of God's nature and of our
may hear, own are
whispered
dual soul.
It
still
in the silence of the night to the indivi-
may
be that too
much
time has been spent upon
speculations about Christianity, whether true or false,
and that that which

lations
is
essential consists not of specu-
but of
facts,
and not in technical accuracy on
questions of metaphysics, but in the attitude of
mind
in
which we regard them.
It
would be a cold world in
which no sun shone

it
until the inhabitants thereof had;
arrived at a true chemical analysis of sunlight.
And
may be
is
that the knowledge and thought of our time,
which
drawing us away from the speculative elements

it
in religion to that conception of
which builds
is
it
upon
of
the character and not only upon the intellect, us thereby to that conception of
it
drawing
life
which the
Christ was intended to set forth, and which will yet

regenerate the world.
Lecture XII.
THE TRATTSFOEMATION OF THE BASIS OF CHEISTIAN UNION: DOCTEINE IN THE PLACE OF CONDUCT.
I SPOKE in the
last
Lecture of the gradual formation

I propose
under Greek influence of a body of doctrine.

to speak in the present Lecture of that
enormous change
assent to that
in the Christian communities
by which an
body
of doctrine
became the
but
basis of union.
I shall
have to speak
less of the direct influence of

:
Greece than
in previous Lectures
it is
necessary to show not

efi'ects,
only the separate causes and the separate

also their general
but
sum
in the
changed basis
of Christian
communion.
There
is
no adequate evidence
that, in the first
age of
It
Christianity, association
was other than voluntary.

It
was profoundly Jndividuah_

in
assumed for the
fii'st
time
human
history the Jnfinite worth of the individual

of that individual
ôuL
The ground
worth was a divine

brethren.
sonship.
And
the sons of
God were
They
were drawn together by the constraining force of love.
But the clustering together under that constraining force was not necessarily the formation of an association.
XII.
THE TRANSFORMATION CF CHRISTIAN UNION.
335
tenof
There was not necessarily any organization.^

dency
to organization
The
came partly from the tendency
the Jewish colonies in the great cities of the empire to
combine, and to a far greater extent from the large ten-
dency of the Greek and Eoman world

for both religious
to
form
societies
and
is
social purposes.
But though there
no evidence that associations were

is
in the first instance universal, there
ample evidence
that,
when once they began
to
be formed, they were formed on
a basis which was less intellectual than moral and spiiitual.
An
intellectual element existed
but
it
existed as an
element, not
by
itself
but as an essential ingredient in

It
the whole spiritual

spiritual
was not separable from the element. Of the same spiritual element, " faith"
life.
and "works" were two

associations,
sides.
The
associations, like the
primitive clusters which were not yet crystallized into
were held together by

it
faith
and love and

enthusiasm.
hope, and fused, as
were,
by
common
They were
one
spirit,
Saviour,
by by the common belief in Jesus Christ as their by the overpowering sense of brotherhood, by
baptized, not only into one body, but also
of immortality.
is,
the
common hope
Their individual
mem-
bers were the saints, that
the holy ones.

of
The
collective
unity which they formed

It
the Church
God
was holy.
which
was regarded as holy before it was regarded as catholic. The order of the attributes in the creed is historically
correct
the holy Catholic Church.

of the earliest Christian
The
pictures
remain
communities show that
there was a real effort to justify their name.

Socrates,
The
earliest
H.E.
p. 177, evwo-is toij crtiJixaTos, of
the corporate unity
of a philosophical school.
336
Xir.
THE TEANSFOEMATION OF THE

is
complete picture of a Christian commimity

*'
that of the
Two Ways."
There are fragments elsewhere.
From
it
the Acts of the Apostles and the canonical Epistles, and the extra-canonical writings of the sub-apostolic age,
is
possible to put together a mosaic.
But
of
''Two Ways" we have a primitive manual Christian teaching, and the teaching is wholly moral.
in the
It professes to be a short exposition (^SiSuxh) of the
two
commandments of love The exposition bour.
to
is
God and
love to one's neigh-
partly a quotation from and
partly an expansion of the
Sermon on the Mount. "Bless

" If
those that curse you, and pray for your enemies."
any one give thee a blow on the one cheek, turn to him " Give to every one that asketh thee, the other also." and ask not back."
nor double-tongued."
grasping."
"
Thou shalt not be double-minded " Thou shalt not be covetous nor
angry nor envious."
"Thou
shalt not be
"Thou
shalt not
be lustful nor filthy-tongued."
"But
thou shalt be meek and long-suffering and quiet and

guileless
and considerate."^
it
The
ideal
was not merely
moral, but
was
also that of
an internal morality, of a
new
is
heart, of a
change of character.
is
The book which

is
probably nearest in date, and which
certainly most alike in character to this simple manual,
the
first
book of the
collection of
documents known as
the Apostolical Constitutions.

Christian
life
It pictures the
aim of the
will
as being to please
God by obeying His

" Take heed,
and keeping His commandments.
sons
of God, to do everything in obedience to God, and to
become well-pleasing in
1
all
things to the Lord our God." ^

'
Didache,
cc. 1
3.
Ajwst. Const p.
1.
15
17.
BASIS OF CHRISTIAN UNION.

*'
337
If thou wilt please God, abstain
from
all that
He
hates,
and do none
of those things that are displeasing to
Individual Christians are spoken of as

of
Him." ^ servants and sons
God, as fellow-heirs and fellow-partakers with His

i.e.,
Son, as believers,
as the phrase
is
expanded, "those
^
who have
of life
is
believed on His unerring religion."
The
rule
the
Ten Commandments, expanded

so as to
as Christ
expanded them,
well as of deed.
comprehend
sins of
thought as
ideal
It
was a fellowship
of a
common
all
and a common enthusiasm of goodness, of neighbourliness

and
of
mutual
service, of abstinence
from
that would
rouse the evil passions of
human
nature, of the effort to
crush the lower part of us in the endeavour to reach

after God.^
It is
even possible that the baptismal formula may

belief,
have consisted, not in an assertion of

the candidate promise
but in a
promise of amendment; for a conservative sect made
"I
call these
seven witnesses to
witness that I will sin no more, I will commit adultery
no more, I will not
steal,
I will not act unjustly, I will
not covet, I will not hate, I will not despise, nor will I
have pleasure in any evil."*
The Christian communities were based not only on the

fellowship of a
of a
common ideal, but also on the fellowship common hopa In baptism they were born again,
to immortality.
and born
1 ^
There was the sublime con2
lb. 5.
2022.
/J
6^
"We
Christians are remarkable," says Tertullian
"only
lives
^
for the
reformation of our former vices."
(Ad Scap. 2), The plea of the
Apologists was based on the fact that the Christians led blameless
:
de causa innocenticB consistam, Tert. AiJol.

Elchasaites, ap. Hipp. 9. 15.
c.
4.
The
338
XII.
THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE
ception that the ideal society which they were endea-
vouring to realize would be actually realized on earth.
The Son of Man would come again, and the regenerated would die no more. The kingdoms of this world would become the kingdom of the Messiah. The lust and hate,
the strife
and
conflict,
the iniquity and vice, which
dominated in current society, would be cast out for ever
and over the new earth there would be the arching

spheres of a
angels,
new
heaven, into which the saints, like the
might ascend.
But
as the generations passed,
and
all
things continued as they had been, and the sign
of the Son of
Man
to
sent no premonitory ray from the
far-off heaven, this

its force,-
hope of a new earth, without changing

change
its
began
form.
It
was no longer
of the
conceived as sudden, but as gradual.
The nations
world were to be brought one by one into the vast com-
munion.
There grew up the magnificent conception of

e/c/cX/;o-/a.^
a universal assembly, a KuOoXiKn
There would
be a universal religion and a universal society, and not

until then
would the end come
it
would be a transformed
and holy world.
The
this
first
point which I will ask you to note
Is,
that
reli-
very transformation of the idea of a particular
gion into that of a universal religion
this conception of
an all-embracing human
sciously, carried
discipline.
society,
naturally, if uncon-
with
it
a relaxation of the bonds of
The very
earnestness
which led men
to
preach the Gospel and to hasten the Kingdom, led

1
their
vol.
ii.
Weingarten, Zeiita/eln,
p. 12,
See also Lightfoot, Ignatius,
pp.
310312.

also to gather into the net fish of erery kind.
339
There
was always a test, but the rigour
of the test
was
softened.
The
old
Adam
asserted
itself.
There were
social influ-
ences,
and weakness
of character in the officers,
and a
less
condonation by the community.
It
became
less
and
practicable to eject every offender against the Christian
ode.
It
was against
this
whole tendency that Montanism

officialism of Chris-
was a
rebellion
not only against the

its
tianity,
but also against
worldliness.^
it
The
earlier
conception of that code, in which

thought, came to be narrowed.
embraced
sins
of
the limitation to open
sins.
The first narrowing was The Christian societies fell

all
under the common law which governs

izations, that
human
organ-
no cognizance can be taken of the secret
thoughts of the heart.

even
The second
limitation was, that

sin,
when
man had committed an open
and had
been therefore excluded from the community, he might
be re-admitted. The limitation was not accepted without a controversy which lasted over a great part of two centuries,
and which
at one time threatened to
rend the whole
The Church was gradually transformed from being a community of saints of men who were bound together by the bond of a
Christian communities into fragments.
lioly life,
separated from the mass of society, and in

it
antagonism to
to a
community
of
men whose moral

few respects from
of Clirist,
ideal and moral practice differed in but
those of their Gentile neighbours.
The Church
which
floated
upon the waves
of this troublesome
world
was
a Noah's ark, in
which there were unclean as well
as clean.
*
Weingarten,
p. 17.
z2
340
XII.
Side by side with this diminution in the strictness of

the moral tests of admission and of continued
ship,
member-
was a growth in the importance
of the intellectual
elements, of which I spoke in a previous Lecture.

idea of holiness and purity
The
times
came
to include in early
the idea of sound doctrine.
Hegesippus,^ in speaking of
its
a church as a virgin, gives as his reason, not

purity, but the fact that
doctrines.
its
it
moral
foolish
was not corrupted by
The growth, both within the Chiu'ch and on outskirts, of opinions which were not the opinions of
the majority
the tendency
of all majorities to assert their
power
the flocking
into the Christian fold of the educated

intellec-
Greeks and Eomans, who brought with them the

tual habits of
mind which dominated
in the age
gave to
had not
the intellectual element an importance which
it
previously possessed.
Knowledge, which had always
been in some
sort
an element in Christianity, though not
as a basis of association, side with love.
came
to assert its place side
by
Agreement
in opinion,
which had been

form a
the basis of union in the Greek philosophical schools,
and
later in the Gnostic societies,
now came
to
new element
1
in the
bond
of
union within and between
the Churches.^
Eusebius, H. E.
But the
4. 22, 4.
practical necessity,
when once
of
is
The very terms heresy and heterodox bear witness to the action the Greek philosopliical schools on the Christian Church at'/Dccris
:
used in Sext. Empir. Pyrrh.
p. 1 3, of
any system of dogmas, or the

:
principle
which
is
distinctive of a philosoj)hical school
cf.
Diels,
In Clem. Alex. Strom. 7. 15, it is Doxogr. Gr. pp. 27G, 673, 388. used to denote the orthodox system, 'ErepoSoôvs is used of the dogmatics from point of view of a sceptic
40.
:
Sext. Empir. adv. Matli.
p.
771,
Joseph us uses
it
of the
men
of the other schools or parties as

2.
distinguislied from the Essenes, de Bell. Jiul.
8. 5.
For the place
341
an
intellectual element
was admitted, of giving some
limitations to that element
by
establishing a rule of faith
and a standard
within which
it
list of
apostolic documents, caused stress

intellect
to be laid at once
upon the
and the region

necessary
moved. It was, that
is to say,
to ensure that the intellectual element
was
of the right
kind, and this of itself gave emphasis to the
new temper
which
and tendency.
The
profession of belief in Christ
had been in the

of
first
instance subordinate to love and
hope, and which had consisted in a simple recognition
him
as the
Son
of
God, became enucleated and elabo-
rated into an explicit creed; and assent to that creed
became the
membership.
condition, or, so to speak, the contract of
The
profession of faith
rule.^
must be in the
of the cate-
words of the Christian
The teaching
which we
chumens was no longer
that
find in the "

it
Two
was
Ways"
its
the inculcation
of the higher morality;
the traditio symbolic the teaching of the pass-word and of
meaning.
The creed and teaching were the creed

of the communities.
and teaching of the average members

In
religion, as in society, it is the
average that rules.
The law
of
life is
compromise.
with its curious counterpart in laxity of 42 44. He speaks of the Valentinians,
of opinion in Gnostic
societies,
discipline, see Tevt. de prcesc.
adv. Val., as " frequentissimum plane collegium inter heereticos."
Cf.
Harnack, 190 ff., also 211. The very cultivation of the Gnosis means the supremacy of the intellect.
^
Tertullian, de Spedaculis,
c. 4.
If yvwo-ts
Trto-Tis
was important
if iria-TLs
as
au
element in salvation side

yvwcrts
tion
:
by
side
with
then
2.
or
included
also the rejection of the right faith Avas a bar to salvavras regarded as involving eternal
hence heresy
death
Tert. de
prase.
342
XII.

collateral causes
it.
There were two
which contributed to which was
the change and gave emphasis to

(1)
The one
arose from the importance
attached to baptism.
There
is
no doubt that baptism
was conceived to have in itself an efficacy which in later The expressionstimes has been rarely attached to it.
which the more
ing away of sins
it
literary ages
have tended to construeIt
metaphorically were taken

;
literally.
was a
real
washlife ;
it
was
a real birth into a
new
was a
real adoption into a divine sonship.
The renun-
ciatio diaholi
the abjuring
also
of false gods
and their wicked
worship
was
an important element.^ These element*
were indeed even more strongly emphasized by certain Gnostic societies than by the more orthodox writers but
;
they directly suggested a question which soon becamevital, viz.
whether
all
baptism had this
efficacy.
it
Was-
the mere act or ceremonial enough, or did
depend on
the place where, the person
by whom, and the ritual witk

In particular, the question
It cameefficacy,
which
it
was administered ?
of the minister of to be doubted

if
baptism became important.

its
whether baptism had
awful
the baptizer were cut off from the general society of
Christians on the ground of either his teaching or hi

practice.
It
became important
to ensure that those

lest
who
baptized held the right faith,
the baptism they
administered should be invalid, and should carry with

it all
the evil consequences of a vitiated baptism.
Th&
rules
which were
laid
down were minute.
There werefact of
grave controversies as to the precise amount of difference

of opinion
which
vitiated baptism,
^
and the very

4.
To it. de Sped.
c.
343
the controversies about opinion accentuated the stress
which was
laid
upon such opinion.

beliefs.
It
drew away
attention from a man's character to his mental attitude
towards the general average of

(2)
There was another feature
of early Christian life

else to
which probably contributed more than anything

strengthen this tendency.
course and intercommunion.
velled widely
pleasure.
It
was the habit
of inter-
Christians, like Jews, tra-
more
for trade
and commerce than for

of Christians, like the
all
The new brotherhood
ancient brotherhood of the Jews, gave to
the travelling
brethren a welcome and hospitality.
test
had been
of the
necessary in the earliest times in regard to the prophets
and
teachers.
It is
mentioned in the Teaching

test
Apostles.
intellectual
But the
teaching.
all
was of moral rather than of "Whoever comes to you and

(i.e.
teaches you
these things"
the moral precepts of
the
"Two Ways"),
teaches,
ing^ so
But in case he who himself turns and teaches you another teachas to destroy (this teaching), listen not to him
receive him.
to
but
if
he teaches you so as
add
to
your righteous-
ness and knowledge of the Lord, receive
him
as the
Lord." 2
So of the prophets:
is
"Not
every one
who
speaks in the spirit
a prophet, but only he

(^tov? rpoiroui Kfjo/of)
:
who has the
moral ways of the Lord

shall
by these ways
be known the
false
prophet and the true prophet

truth, if
Every prophet who teaches the

he teaches,
^ 2
SlSuxi'}',
c.
he does not what
is
a false prophet."^
So also of the travelling

c,
here expressly used of the moral precepts in
2. 1.
11. 1, 2.
c. 11. 8,
10;
cf.
Herm. Mand.
11. 7
and
16.
344
brethren:
XII.
THE TRANSFOEMATION OF THE
''Let every one

;
who comes
in the
the Lord be received

find out
afterwards ye shall test

to settle
name of him and

is
....
If
he wish
among you and
craftsman, let
him work and
so eat.
If he be not a
craftsman, provide some
way
of his living
among you
as
a Christian, but not being idle.

to do,
If he be unwilling so
of godliness."
^
he
is xP'-'^'^^l^'^^po^
making a gain
The test here also is a test of character and not of belief. But when the intellectual elements had asserted a prominence in Christianity, and when the acceptance of the baptismal formula had been made a test of admission to a Christian community, it gradually became a custom to make the acceptance of that formula also a condition of
admission to hospitality.^
or pass-word.
It was, so to speak, a tessera
it
By
being a pass-word to hospitality,
became
also a
form which a man might easily strain his
conscience to accept, and in religion no less than in

politics there are
no such strenuous upholders
of current
opinion as those
of the
who
are hypocrites.
The importance
to indi-
formula as a passport attached not only
viduals, but also to
whole communities.^
The
fact that
the Teaching of the Apostles makes the

individual,
test personal and
shows that in the country and at the time
when
that book
was written the
later
system had not
yet begun to prevaiL
This later system was for a com-
munity
1
to furnish its travelling
members with a
et appellatio
circular
c.
12. 1,
35.
i.e.
The jura,
the communicatio
pads
fratemitatis et
tradition of
contesseratio hosjntalitatis,
were controlled
{regit)
by the
the creed
^
{uiiiiis
sacramenti traditiu), Tert. de prcesc. 20.
Gommunicamus cum ecclesiis apostolicis, quod nulla doctrina diversa;

est
hoc
testimonium
veritalis, Tert. ibid. 21.

letter of
345
a pass-
recommendation.
Such a
letter served as
it
port.
The
travelling Christian
who brought
received
But when an immediate and ungrudging hospitality:. churches had wide points of difference, they would not receive each other's letters. The points of difference which
thus led to the renunciation of fellowship, related in the
first
instance to discipline or practice.
They came
to relate
to belief.
cipline,
Points of doctrine, no less than points of dis-
came
to
be discussed at the meetings of the

Doctrine came to be
representatives of the churches in a district, concerning
which I spoke in the
last Lecture.
thus co-ordinate with character as the basis on which

the churches joined together in local or general confederations,
and accepted each
other's certificates.
it
The
it.
hier-
archical
tendency grew with
and out
of
The
of the
position of the bishops,
which had grown out
assumed
desirability of
guarding the tradition of truth,

It gave to tradition
tended to emphasize that tradition.

not only a
new
importance, but also a
new
sanction.
It
rested belief
upon living authority.
Men
were no longer
free to interpret for themselves.
This elevation of doctrine to a co-ordinate position
with
life in
the Christian communities was the effect of
causes internal to those communities.
Those causes were

but in their
in themselves the effects of other causes, the influence of
which I have traced in previous Lectures

direct operation within the churches they
internal.
were altogether
But that which gave importance to their operation was not internal, but external. It was the interposition of the State. The first instance of that
346
XII.

in the days of Aurelian, in the case of
interposition
was
Paul of Samosata.
communities ever
of churches
The
since.
principle
which was then
esta-
blished has been of enormous importance to the Christian

It is clear that confederation
was
so far established in Syria in the
middle
of the third century, that the bishops of a district claimed
a right to interfere in the affairs of a neighbouring church.
There was not yet the complete confederation, on the basis

of the organization of the
Empire, which
we
find after the
Nicene Council
it
was a question only of neighbourhood.

Paul
of Samosata,
The Bishop
of Antioch,
who was a
statesman as well as a theologian, had a difference of

opinion with the leading bishops of Syria on one of the
new
questions of the metaphysical theology, which

its
was
forcing
way
into the Christian churches.

first
Meetings
to
were held, at the
of
which there appears
have
been a compromise. At the second, Paul was condemned.
He was
formally deposed from his see.
He
refused to
recognize the authority of the meeting, and probably
with the support of his people, remained in possession of

the church-buildings.
An
appeal as of "civil right"
was made by his opponents to the Emperor. The answer of the Emperor determined the principle already referred The tenant of the buildings held them on condition to.
of being a Christian.
what Christianity
lever
The Emperor did not determine But he determined that whatwas.

of Italy
was taught by the bishops

it
might be properly
[taken as the standard.
This determined
Eoman
policy,
and
went
far to
determine Christian doctrine for the
future.
When Chrisdanity came
to
be recognized by the State,
34V
Constantine adopted the plaii of assembling the bishops
on his own authority, and
of giving
whatever sanction
the State could give to their resolutions.

ejffect,
He
said in
"I, as Emperor, cannot determine what Christian

is,
doctrine
but I will take the opinion of the majority^
and
I will so far recognize that opinion that no one sha\l

to hold property
have the privileges of Christians, a right
and an exemption from

to that opinion."
civil
burdens,
who
does not assent
The succeeding Christian Emperors The test of being a Christian was followed in his track. conformity to the resolutions of the Councils. One who accepted them received immunity and privileges. One who did not was liable to confiscation, to banishment, to death. I need hardly draw out for you, who know what
human
nature
is,
the importance which those resolutions
of the Councils assumed.
Against this whole transformation of the basis of union

there were two great lines of reaction.
1.
The one was the
reaction of the Puritan party in

party,
the Church
the conservative
which was always
smouldering, and sometimes burst forth into flame.
The
most important
of the
of such reactionary outbursts
were those
Novatians in the third century, and of the Donatists

I will speak
in the fourth.
Its first cause
Callistus,
now
only of the former.
was the action
of the
Eoman
bishop,
who allowed the return to who had been excluded on account

and
of return to idolatry.
the Church of those

of sins of the flesh,
The
policy
was continued.
it.
In 250, a determined stand was made against

election of a bishop
The
who belonged
to the lax party forced
d4b
XII.
on a schism.
The schism was
strong.
It
had sym-
pathizers all over the Christian world
in Egypt, in
Armenia, in Asia Minor, in Italy and Spain. It invoh'ed

the whole theory of the Church
It lasted long.
It
the power
of the
Keys.
was
so strong that the State
had
to
recognize
it.
It did not die out until at least five cenIt lingered
turies after its birth.
on in detached com-
munities, but
it
ceased to be a power.
State,
The
majority,
with the support not only of the
but also of
human
nature, dominated the Christian world.

2.
The other
It
reaction
was stronger and even more

an inner
class,
permanent.
Christian
consisted of the formation within the

of
community
who framed
for
themselves and endeavoured to realize a higher than the
common
as the
They stood to the rest of the community community itself stood to the rest of the world.
ideal.
itself
The tendency
schools,
came, as I have tried to point out in
a previous Lecture,^ mainly from the Greek philosophical
and was fostered
to a large extent
by the
its
influ-
ence on the main body of Christians of the philosophic

parties
upon
its
borders.
But
it
asserted
place as a
permanent element in the Christian world mainly as a

reaction against the change of the basis of the Christian
communities, and the lowering of the current standard

of their morality.
Henceforward there was,

T(Jov
side
by
side
with the
Tuy/ULa
KXrjpiKociv
and the Tayna
Tcou XaiKcoVj
a third rank, rdyjua rwv

:
acrKyjTwu.
obscured by its history but that was impracticable and undesirable
The ideal has been ideal was sublime. It

;
and yet sometimes
in
human
life
room must be found

*
for impossible ideals.

sq.
Lcct. vi. p.
164
349
it
And
tlie
blurred and blotted picture of
wMcli has
survived to our
own
times, cannot take the place of the
historical fact that it
began as
as
it
a,
reaction against Chriseffort to
tianity as
it
was and
is
an
regenerate
fact of
human
society^
But Monachism, by the very
its separation,
did not leaven the Church and raise the
current morality.
The Church became, not an assembly

life
of devout men, grimly earnest about living a holy

its
bishops were statesmen

its
its officers
were men
of the
members were of the world, basing their conduct on the current maxims of society, held together by the loose bond of a common name, and of a creed which they did not understand. In such a society, an
world;
intellectual basis is the only possible basis.
In such a
society also, in
which
officialism
must necessarily have an
important place, the insistence on that intellectual basis
comes from the
instinct of self-preservation.
But
it
checked the progress of Christianity.
Christianity has
won no
great victories since
its basis
was changed.
The
|
victories that it has
won,
it
has
Greek metaphysics, but the love

of its
won by preaching, not; of God and the love of
man. Its darkest pages are those which record the story
endeavouring to force
its
transformed Greek metato
physics upon
alien.
men
is
or
upon races
whom
they were
The only ground
of despair in those
who
accept
Christianity now, entertain
the fear
that the
which
I for one cannot

ele-
dominance of the metaphysical
ment
in
it
will be perpetual.
I have
now brought
is
these Lectures to a close.
The
net result
the introduction into Christianity of the
350
XII.
three chief products of the Greek
mind
Ehetoric, Logic,
shown
called Christian
and Metaphysics.
that a large part of
doctrines,
I venture to claim to have
what are sometimes
and many usages which have prevailed and and Greek usages changed
in
continue to prevail in the Christian Church, are in reality
Greek
colour
theories
form and
by the
life
influence of primitive Christianity, but in
their essence
Greek
still.
Greece lives; not only
its
dying
in the lecture-rooms of Universities, but also
with a more vigorous growth in the Christian Churches.

It lives there, not of this or that
by
virtue of the survival within
them
fragment of ancient teaching, and this or
that fragment of an ancient usage, but
by the continuIts
ance in them of great modes and phases of thought, of

great drifts and tendencies, of large assumptions.
I
thics of right and duty, rather than of love and selfsacrifice

;
its
theology, whose
God
it is
is
more metaphysical
than spiritual
its
whose essence
important to define
in life is
creation of a class of
men whose main duty
that of moral exhortation, and whose utterances are not
the spontaneous
artistic periods of
outflow of a prophet's soul, but the
a rhetorician
its religious
ceremonial,
with the darkness and the

I
light, the initiation

;
and the
solemn enactment of a symbolic drama
its
conception
of intellectual assent rather than of moral earnestness as
the basis of religious society

I
in
all these,
and the ideas
that underlie them, Greece lives.

It is
an argument
for the divine life of Christianity
that
first
it
has been able to assimilate so

it.
much
that
was
at
alien to
It is
an argument
for the truth of

it
much
of that
which has been assimilated, that
has been
BASIS OF CHRISTIAJ^- UNION.
351
etroDg enough to oust
many
of the earlier elements.
But
the question which forces itself upon our attention as the
phenomena pass before us in review, the relation of these Greek elements

the nature of Christianity
Its importance
itself.
is
the question of
in Christianity to
is vital.
The question
can hardly be over-estimated.
It claims
a foremost place in the consideration of earnest men.
The
theories
which
rise out of it are
two in number.
a
It
is possible to urge,
on the one hand, that Christianity,

soil
which began without them

whereon
victories over the
which grew on metaphysics never throve which won

of Jesus Christ,
loser,
its first
world by the simple moral force of the

influence of
off
Sermon on the Mount, and by the sublime

the
life
and death
may throw
Hellen-
ism and be none the
but rather stand out again
before the world in the uncoloured majesty of the Gospels.

It is possible to urge that
what was absent from the early

and that the Sermon on the
its
form cannot be
essential,
Mount
life,
is
not an outlying part of the Gospel, but
sum.
It is possible to urge, on the other hand, that the tree of
which was planted by the hand

soil of
of
God Himself
in
the
to
human
society,
was intended from the
first
it
grow by assimilating
to
to itself
whatever elements
found there.
It is possible to maintain that Christianity
was intended
essential.
be a development, and that
its
successive
growths are for the time at which they exist integral and
It is possible to hold that
it is
the duty of each
succeeding age at once to accept the developments of the

past,
and
to do its part in bringing
on the developments
of the future.
Between these two main views
it
does not seem possible
852
XII.
to find a logical basis for a third.
The one
or the other
must be accepted, with the consequences which it involves.

I3ut whether
clear that
we accept the one or the other, it seems much of the Greek element may be abandoned.
;
On the former hypothesis, it is not essential

it
on the
latter,
is
an incomplete development and has no claim to

I believe the consideration of this question,
of
it,
permanence.
and practical action on the determination
to
be the
work
that lies before the theologians of our generation.
I claim for the subject
which we have been considering

it
an exceptional importance, because on the one hand
will enable us, if
we
accept the theory that the j)rimitive
should be permanent, to disentangle the primitive from

the later elements, and to trace the assumptions on which
these later elements are based
;
and
if
on the other hand

will enable us,
we
adopt the theory of development,
it
by
tracing the lines of development, to weld the

of our time with the old in
new thoughts
by that historical continuity which

permanence. I
human
societies is the condition of
am
not unaware that there are

lysis of Christian history,
many who
deprecate the anato accept the to
and are content
deposit.
There has been a similar timidity in regard

It
the
Bible.
seemed a generation ago as though the whole

depended on the acceptance of the belief
the
fabric of belief
that Genesis
work of a single author. The timidity The recognition of the fact that has virtually ceased. the Book of Genesis was not made, but grew, so far from
is
having been a danger to

support of the
faith.
religion,
has become a
new
So
it
will be with the analysis of

;
Christian doctrine and of Christian history

fore I
and there-
am
earnest in urging
its
study.
For though the
353
Lectures are ended, the study of the subject has only
begun.
I have ventured as a pioneer into comparatively

:
unexplored ground
to
I feel that I shall no doubt be found

;
have made the mistakes of a pioneer
but I feel also
the certainty of a pioneer
who
after
wandering by
devious paths through the forest and the morass, looks

out from the height which he has reached upon the fair
landscape
looked, I
and speaking
am
sure that
it is
as one
who
it
has so stood and so
you
will find the country to be in

to be,
the main what I have described

will find also that
and that you

still
but the entrance to a
fairer
landscape beyond.
For though you may believe that

to see,
am
but a dreamer of dreams, I seem

far horizon
though
fields
it
be
on the
either
we
is
or our children will
the horizon beyond the tread a

old,
which
Christianity
which
not
new but
which
is
not old but new, a

spiritual elements
Christianity in
which the moral and
will again hold their place, in
which men
will be
is
bound
together
by the bond
of mutual service, which
the bond
of the sons of God, a Christianity which will actually

realize
the brotherhood of men, the ideal of
its
first
communities.
INDEX,
CONTAINING THE CHIEF TOPICS, PROPER NAMES, AND TECHNICAL
TERMS, REFERRED TO IN THE LECTURES.
Italicized subdivisions of a
title
are elsewhere treated in more detail as separate
titles.
Abstract ideas, Greek tendency

118.
to,
116
Apostolical Constitutions, Bk. i.,
its ethical
;
type of teaching, 161,

idea,
cf.
132, 336
Bk.
ôn, common Gnostic

ways
of
190
two
259.
ii.,
on place of discipline, 162, 163

ii.
viewing the ôns, 258
fin.,
Bks.
and
viii.,
on Lord's Supper, 301.

fin.
Africanus, Julius, as an exegete, 81.
Aristobulus, his allegorism, 66
Alexandrine School,
transcendence,
its
philosophy, 81
Aristotle, his use of ousia, 269,

pistis, 311.
270; of
in Philo,
on moral probation,
255.
232
on God's
See also Philo
AsJcesis {dffKTjaic:), Greek,
148
ff.
and Origen.
Allegorism, 58 ff. ; " mysteries," 59,
physical, 61
;
148 reduced
;
to system, e.g. "retreats.
connection with the

cf.
148150.
Christian,
164
ff.
its
germ,
66
ethical,
60
the Stoics, 61
63
164, 165; ran parallel to Greek, 166,
later
167; Monachism, 167, 168.

Association at
Associations,
cretistic,
first
exponents, 64.
in religion, 65
e.g.
;
The temper widespread

Hellenistic Jews, 65
ff.,
voluntary, 334, 335.

religious,
Greek
290
ff.
Syn-
Aristobulus and Philo, 66

;
69, 72,
128
72
early Christian exegesis, especially

ff.
;
Gnostic, 69
;
prophecy
its
compared with Philo's, main subject, 72
akin to "mysteries," 290, 291; purity of life required, 141 ; mixed effects on Chriselements, 291, 292
;
tianity,
292295,
cf.
141.
74 ; an 0. T. Apologetic, 7779. Reactions, 79 82 ; dogmatic complica-
Athenagoras on absolute creation, 196;

transcendence of God, 253
265.
;
his
Monism,
tion,
82
irony of
its history, ib.
use
life,
and abuse, 83 ;
its place in
modern
8385.
Alogi, 252, n.
\
its exegesis, 81, 82.
Baptism and dualism, 19. Primitive simits its formula, 315 plicity, 294, 295
; ;
Ambrose
of Milan, his ethics Stoic, 169.
ethical character
among the
Elchasaites,
Antiochene School,
Apologists
337
later
change in name, 295, 296
mark
transition,
e.g.
;
126
in time, 296, 297; minor features
131
idea of creation, 196
free-will,
231 transcendence of God, 252, 253 Logos doctrine, 261263, 267, 268.
;
ritual, 299,
"symbolum," lights, &c., 298, 299 late 300 ; Gnostic realism, 30

;
and unction, 307.

342.
Its importance, 341,
Apostolic doctrine,
idea
of,
316, 317
"Apostles' Creed,'
317319.
Basilides characterized, 9, n. '
his view
356
of creation, 195,
INDEX.
196
;
of transcendence,
Definition
among the Greeks, 118;
infla
254, 255; genesis of the Lo'jos, 263.
ence on Catholic Church, 135, 330, 331.
Bishops, and the "rule of faith," 317,
318
speculative intei-pretation by conF.
sensus, 326, 327; results, 327
Development not arrested, 332, 351, 352. Dialectic, Greek, 118 fin. Didache, the: the "Two Ways" emphasizes conduct, 160, 161, 335,
336; and
Canon
of N. T.,
development of the idea,

put
the idea of wages, 225

logy, 251,
;
its
simple theo-
319321.
Catholic Church, its genesis, 11, 132
;
an end
to "prophesying," 107; a fusion
252 Baptism, 294, 295, cf, 315 the Lord's Supper, 300, 301 intercommunion based on moral test, 343,
; ;
of Christianity
and Greek philosophy, 125; unconsciously Hellenized, 132 135; as a " corpus pcrniixtum," 164.
and Porphyry's polemic against
;
344.
Dio
Chrysostom
characterized,
on
"askcsis," 150.
Celsus, his
Dionysius Areopagites sums up the influ-
Christian allegorism, 80
on relation of
ence of the " mysteries," 303, 304.

Discipline,
Christianity and philosophy, 127, 128,

cf.
early
Christian,
ii.
162
ff:
in
11
init.
:
Apost. Const. Bk.

the
Christianity, primitive
New Law,
238, 239,
162, 163 ; its Puritan ideal, 163; later " corpus per-
158162
225
;
its ethical
idea of God, 224,
its
theological basis,
251, 252.
mixtum" idea, 164. Dogma (Soyfia), its original sense, 119, 120; later Dogmatism, 121123; the
age of Dogmatism, 280.
Church,
its early
;
character,
335 ;
holiness,
335337
Clement
of
hope, 337, 338.
Dualism and Baptism, 19

ib.; its basis,
and Stoicism,
Alexandria, his allegorism,

;
and 70 ; appeal to hieroglyphics, 71 on Christianity N. T. allegories, 76 and philosojiliy, 127 on the Conserva:
175; Platonic, 177; variously expressed, 178180; later modified,
181
in Christian theories of crea-
tion, 194,
195; transition in Tatian,
tives, 130, 131.
195.
their Old Testament
Clementines,
the:
;
criticism, 71
God
just and good, 229,
Ebionites become
" heretics,"
*.
132
as
230.
Conservatives, 252, n.
:
Consecration of the elements

secret, 302, n.^.
the formula
Education, Greek, 26
ff.
its
forms literary,
Rhetoric,
Conservatism
Clement and Tertullian on in Ebionites and Elchait, 130, 131 often not recognized saites, 252, 337
:
27 28
mainly
;
Grammar and
its
ff.
also
main study, 30 a litterateur philosophy, 32 ff.

the poets
ff.
spite of protest, 34; its extent, 35
as such
(cf.
Ebionites), e.g. in Origen,

sort,
Epictetus characterized, 6
former, 142
ff.;
as moral re-
323; the simpler

Samosata, 327,
tanism, 347, 349. Creed, the, 313
ff: cf.
;
324; Paul of
;
his attitude, 143,

"aslcesis,"
345, 346
in Puri-
quoted, 144
his
348
Monachism, 348,
germs, 313, 314;
147; on two planes Nature," 152 155;

155158.
:
144; 149;
of ethics,
152: "follow
"follow God,"
its
the baptismal formula, 314, 315; be-
Essentia
its
bad Latinity a source of

'.
dis-
comes a
test, 31 5
expanded, 315, 316
use, 277, especially n.
by "Apostolic teaching," 316, 317; the "Apostles' Creed " of the Bishops (TrapaSoaic ticK\i](na(TTtK)i), 317
Ethics, Greek, 139
ff.
319.
Cyprian characterized,
8.
139 ; philosophic 140; moral reformation in first centuries a.d., 140, 141 ; in religioui
Average
ethics,
morality,
guilds and philosophy, 141
its relation
Daemons, 246, especially
n.
to Logic
and Literature, 142, 143;
in
INDEX.
Epictetus,
357
fin.
;
143
ff. ;
147 150
ashesis,
148
152
ff. ;
moral gymnastic, the " philsopher,"

e.g.
without and within, 193

transcendence, 251
Basilides
on matter and God, 195, 196.

:
Idea of
ff. ;
contents of ethical teaching,

fl.
e.g. Basilides
and
in Epictetus,
Ethics, Christian,
158170.
Modalism, 257 ff. Connecting link with the Mysteries, 305 ff.;
e.g.
Marcus, 254.
Compared with Greek, 158; its basis and characteristic idea (sin), 158, 159 agreement upon value of conduct, 159 the "Two Ways," 160, 161; Apost.
;
unction and sacramental realism,

Attitude to tradition
306, 308, 309,
Const. Bis,
i.
161
discipline, earlier
;
and 164
later,
162
;
168
164
169
;
and the Scriptures, 325, Grammar in Greek education, 28 ff. Ypai.iixaTi.Kr), and ypafifiaTiauKi], 28
its
fin.
Christian askesis,
of
elements, 29, 30.

:
deterioration
victory
average
Guilds
see Associations.
ethics,
168,
of
Greek
Hellenism characterized, 13, 14. Heresy, original use of term, 340,
Hippolytus, 6 203.
;
ethics in
Roman Law
of Rights, 169,
170.
n.
^,
Evolutionary ideas among the Gnostics, as

regards creation, 177, 190
lation,
his
theory of creation^
193;
reve-
257
ff. ;
genesis of the Logos,
History, its difficulties and rewards, 22

24.
263 ff. Exorcism in relation

cially n.
;
Monism, 20, espein Baptism, 307, 308, nJ.

to
Homer
in
Greek thought, 51
ff. ;
in Chris-
tian theology, 69, 70.
Homily, the, 109113.

Faith
in
(mffTic;), history of its usage,
310
ff.
Homoousios
Gnostics,
{ofioovaioq) shared senses of

;
Old Testament, 310, 311; Greek philosophy, 311 Philo, 311, 312.
;
" ousia," 272
first
;
used of
God by the
274
its
ambiguity, 274
Christian form issuing in the Creed,
276,
313
ff. ;
relation
ff.
to
New
Testament
speculative
Eyparxis
{vTrapîg)
^.
= " hypostasis,"
275,
Canon, 319
Further
especially n,
development, 321, 322; "gnosis" by

the side of "2nstis," 323
ff.
Hypostasis
sia,"
TTpuiTt]
{viroffratrig), relation to
"ou-
and
339
275;
of
gradually
f.
:
specialized
341
check found
;
in
consensus of
ovaia, 276
further defined
(
Bishops, 326 expansion of Creed, 327 contrasted uses of term " belief, " 328
by aid
;
"prosdpon"
Trpoo-wTroi'
through use of "persona," 277, 278;

usage often doubtful, 278.
majority and minority views, 329

capitulation, 330.
Fitting, the, as a Stoic category, 153,
re-
root of "officium"
154 and "debitum," 154,
tfpapx?jc
and cognate terms

i.
for minis-
trants, 303, n.
155.
""Generation, eternal," 267; essential, 268
Immortality in the Mysteries, 289, 290.

Initiation {TiKirri): its stages, 284, n. ^;
;
its idea,
285.
Proclamation, 285, 286
Origen's contributions, ib.

{gnosis (yvwaiQ) as a tendency, 129, 130;
confession and baptism {KaQapaig, \ovTQov),
287;
;
sacrifice,
procession,
its
&c.,
side by side with "pistis" in Catholi-
287, 288
mystic drama,
nature,
cism,
130134,
cf.
323
ff.
and
339
288290.
Inspiration
in
341 ; as well as in Neo-Platonism, 133. Gnosticism between two fires, 9 allego;
Greece,
connected
with
rhythm, 51.
Irenoeus, 8
:
rizes the
Old Testament, 70; also the

75.
Its
his theory of creation, 202,
Gospel,
cosmogonies,
190
203
evolutional types, 190

sis of
193
hypothe-
on Justice and Goodness in God, 228; on free-will, 231 ; his Logos doc;
lapse,
193
opposition from
trine, 262,
263,
cf.
266,
n.^ 267, n,*;
358
INDEX.
and Lord's Supper, 300 ff. culmination of influence, 303 305; Gnostics
;
view of the Eucharistic elements, 802,
a bridge, 305
ff.
General result, 309.
Jadaism as basis
238, 239.
Justin Martyr,
8
of Christian theology,
fivrjaig,
fivarayuiyoc, 296, 297.
philosophy, 126
on free-will, 231
;
on Christianity and on
;
Natura
see
(piiaiQ.
vojxoQ Kaivog, 158,

cially note).
cf.
159
162
(espe-
God's transcendence, 253

trine, 261,
Logos doc-
262; genesis of the Logos,

of the Logos, 267, 268.
Novatianism a Puritan reaction, 347, 348.

Ocellus Lucanus on idea of transcendence
(supra-cosmic), 242, n.
^.
266 ; nature
Logoi (Xoyoi),
182,
Stoical (= laws), 180; compared with Platonic "ideas," 181,

cf.
180; appearinPhilo's "forces,"
Origen, 8
77, 78
;
his apologetic use of allegorism,
185; their sum the Logos, 176, 180,

182.
defence of
it,
a theodicy, 204
206
268
;
80
;
his
cosmogony
scale,
its
grand
Logos, the, in Philo, 247 ff. ; relation to God, 249, 250 ; and " logoi," 259261
233
the
237
first
shapes Logos doctrine, 267

^),
(especially n.
his
Dcprincipiis
growth of Logos doctrine, 261
263
dogmatic system, 323.
genesis of the Logos, 263, 264; 7rpo(po-
Ousia [ovaia), three Aristotelian senses

[(i.)
(iii.)
piKog and hSidOiro^, 265, n. ^; nature

of the
=hyle;
(ii.)
= substantia concreta;
Its
Logos, 267, 268.
subst. abstracta], 269, 270.
Lucian and the Antiochene exegesis, 81,

82.
later history in Platonic realism, 271,
272.
DiiSculties in its application to

f.
;
God, 273
Marcion, his ditheistic tendency, 227, 230
his idea of a Canon, 321
;
;
not popularly understood,
279,
his literal
method, 325.
Paul of Samosata, his

326.
case, 345, 346, cf.
Marcus
syncretistic grouping of meta;
phors under term " logoi," 190

transcendence, 255.
God's
Persona appropriated for hypostasis, 277,

278.
Maximus
of Tyre, 6
quoted for God's

see
Philo and Philonian writings a valuable

bridge,
transcendence, 242.
Mediation of God's transcendence

Logos.
67
69;
7,
128, 182;
his
his
v.
allegorism,
"^
"literal"
" deeper
sense compared with Christian exegesis,
Metaphysics and revelation, 137, 138.
72; God the ultimate cause, 182, 183;

monistic elements, 183, 184; dualistic,
184, 185; his "forces," in plurality,
Modalism,
its
:
Monachism
two types, 257 ff. parallel of Greek and Chris-
168; a reaction, 348, 349. Monarchianism a witness to older " Motian, 1G7,
185, 186;
and
unity, 186,
187; but
interme-
God
is
Creator or Father, 187, 188;

ff. ;
narchia," 206, 207.

diaries,
Monism, in baptism and exorcism, 20 Stoic, 175177 selfits basis, 175

;
247; distinctions in God's naff.
ture,
247
evolution of God, 177.
Philosophy in Greek education, 32

a profession, 40
ditas," 138
;
ff.;
as
Montanism
a survival of "prophecy,"
ff.
its
"damnosa here-
107; a reaction, 339.

Mysteries: their connection with allegory,
its
decay amid dogma, aad
legacy to Christendom, 280, 281,
66
Greek, 283
ff.
;
initiation at Eleusis,
Philosopher, the, as moral reformer, 150;
284
together with religious guilds
outward marks, 151.

Platonism and Christianity, 81, 120;
theological affinity,
its
affect Christianity,
293 ;
Bpecially
292 ff. generally, as to Baptism, 294 ff.

;
238
Plato author
INDEX.
of transcendence proper, 240, 241, and
n.
^
;
359
:
Supper, the Lord's

lopments, 300 ff.
;
extra-biblical deve-
243
genesis
in Didachi, 300, 301;
daemons, 246.
Plotinus on transcendence, 243
of Logos, 266, n.
^.
;
Apost. Const. Bks. ii. and viii., 301 the " altar," its " mysteries," the sacred
formula, 302 and n.^; "priest," 303;
Plutarch, 6
quoted for transcendence,
culmination in Dionysius, 303, 304;

realism
first
242; immortality through "initiation,"

289.
Poetry, its place in the
among
Gnostics, 308, 309.

:
Symboli traditio, 298
cf.
contesseratio,
Greek mind, 51 ff.

Church, 331.
fif. ;
344.
<s<ppayiQ, of
Political analogies in the
baptism, 295.
Preaching and "prophesying," 105

composite origin, 107
mily,"
of
109;
the "ho-
Tatian: his view of creation, 196

will,
;
free-
109113.
;
Prophecy and divination, 72, 73 and apologetic, 74 ; died with formation of

Catholic Church, 107.
TrpocrwTTO)',
on genesis of Logos, 266, 231 n. 1 and n. , 267, n. . Teaching profession, 37 ff. endowed, 38
;
excused public burdens, 39.

^
how
used, 278, especially n.
te\et7), reXtiaQai
see initiation,
cf.
296.
see hypostasis.
Tertullian, 8; his Stoic view of substance,

19, n., 20, n., cf. 254; on Christianity and philosophy, 126, 127 ; the Conservatives,
Ptolemaeus, on God's transcendence, 251

his idea of ".fflons,"
258
fin.,
259.
Puritanism in early Church, 347, 348. Pythagoreanism and Christianity, 81, 129.
Religion, its political aspect to the
131, 257, n. ^;
on creation,
197; on God as just and good, 229;

on
free-will,
232
transcendence in him
;
Roman,
n.
supra-cosmic, 254
genesis of the Logos,
21
connected with usage {vofioq), 21,
265, n. ^; nature of the Logos, 268;
Revelation and metaphysics, 137, 138.

Rhetoric, Greek, 87, 88.
on
ecclesiastical tradition
and specula-
tion, 322.
"Rule
of Faith :" see Faith.
Theodore of Mopsuestia as exegete, 82. Theophilus on creation, 196 God's tran;
coipoQ, its later usage, 26.
scendence, 253;
;
on genesis of Logos,
Sophistic, its genesis, 87, 88
lines of the older Rhetoric,
mainly on 88 90;
265, n. S
cf.
268.
Transcendence, as of absolute Unity, Being,
popularized in SiaXs^ng, 91
rant, 92
94; mannerof
rewards, 97, 98
and
itine-
Mind, 240
in Plutarch
and Maximus,
discourse, 94
;
242
Plotinus,
243
97
its
and
airs, 99.
Philo, 244, 245.
two forms, 244 Absent from earliest

;
its
Objections, 99
101
reaction led by
Christian teaching, 251

Apologists, 252, 253
;
f.
appears in
f.
Stoics like Epictetus,
101105.
Gnostics, 254
;
Speculation, its true place in Christianitj-,
Alexandrines,
255
f.
mediation
of,
332, 333.
State, its interference with doctrine,
256
ff.,
especiaUy 257, n. I
(1) exorcism, (2) thanksgiving,
279 f.
Unction of
n.
;
345347.
Stoicism
view of substance, 19, and the moral reformation, 141 ff.

:
its
307, 308, especially n.
\
278
its
(piait;
(
ethics in Ambrose, 169; ethical affinities
with Christianity, 238; daemons,

first
of.
sometimes
(fiiitTiafioQ,
= natura), later use = ousia, = hypostasis, ib.

of baptism, 295.
246.
Sulstantia at
ousia, 277,
hypostasis,
then
278.
Writing as mysterious, 60.
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BW970.H36 1897 The influence of Greek ideas and usages

Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library
1012 00081 7009

Edwin Hatch - Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages Upon The Christian Church

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'ii

THE HIBBERT LECTURES,

Trustees cannot add this volume to their

without a few lines of grateful acknowledgment.

It is impossible to forget either the courteous readiness

with which the accomplished author undertook the task

"When he died without completing the MS.

for the press,

the anxiety of the Trustees was at once relieved by the

family to obtain adequate assistance.

will learn from the Preface

how much had

That Dr. Hatch's

friend, Dr. Fairbairn,

consented to edit the volume, with the valuable aid of

Mr. Bartlet and Professor Sanday, was an ample pledge

want would be most

gentlemen the Trustees are greatly indebted for the

care with which

THE HIBBERT LECTUlh^^,^888,

INFLUENCE OF GREEK IDEAS AND USAGES

READER IN BCCLESUSTIOAL HISTORT IN THE UNIVBKSITT OP OXFORD.

PRINCIPAL OP MANSFIELD COLLEGE, OXFORD.

WILLIAMS AKD I^OEGATE,

BROAD STREET, OXFORD.

LONDON C. GRKKN AND BOH,

introduction to these Lectures will be a

few words of explanation.

these he had cor-

rected six, while the proofs of the seventh and eighth,

with some corrections in his own hand, were found among

these two, the duties of the editor

for the press.

as regards the remaining four Lectui'es, the

was much more arduous and

MS., or even a connected outline of any one of the

The Lectures had

indeed been delivered a year and a half before, but the

from the Lectures he himself prepared

for the press, the

one into which he meant to work his finished material.

into the editor's hands

books, which seemed at

or collection of hurried and disconnected jottings,

with a multitude of cross references

made by symbols and abbreviations whose very significance

with abrupt beginnings

more abrupt endings

were, of reflections and references,

equal multitude of erasures,

with passages marked as trans-

posed or as to be transposed, or with a sign of interrogation

a suspicion as to the validity

a doubt as to position or relevance,

a simple query as of one asking.

I not said this, or

In a word, what we had and the

were the note-books

man, well ordered, perhaps, as a garden

and had the clue

but at once a wilderness

and a labyrinth and who had