Rasmussen 1 Rachel Rasmussen Social Change Dr.

Amy Reynolds 5/9/13 Uganda: Trial by Fire From the early cultural rulers of Uganda to the present government headed by Museveni, Uganda has experienced political violence and injustice recurrently. Cultural, ethnic, and religious divides are underlying tensions which have perpetrated violence. Influence from outside sources has, at times, enhanced these tensions. Each of Ugandas political regimes has been marked by violence and injustice. Throughout Ugandas history, patriarchy has been supreme, and gender equality is not something embraced thoroughly. Especially in the recent conflict in northern Uganda, women were particularly at-risk and subjected to horrifying violence which created an especially vulnerable position for them. From the early on in Ugandas history, it has been divided into different regions. Each of these has a unique cultural heritage, which has led to political conflict from the pre-colonial era to now. There is also a historical division between the centralized and sometimes despotic rule of the ancient African kingdoms and the kinship-based politics elsewhere. The kingdoms were often at odds in regard to the control of land. During the colonial period the south had railways, cash crops, a system of Christian mission education, and the seat of government, seemingly at the expense of other regions, especially the north, where the Acholi are located. All these divisions precluded the formation of a national culture in Uganda and help explain the emergence and development of anti- state ethnic and

Rasmussen 2 religious groups. The contemporary political impact of groups such as the LRA, however, cannot be explained merely by allusion to resurfacing of colonial and pre-colonial issues: we also need to include the fact that developmental disappointments contribute to contemporary religio-ethnic conflicts in Uganda (Haynes, 2007, p. 312). As Uganda has developed as a country, it has not developed equally. Different regions in Uganda have different resources, and even agricultural divides have caused inequality. Under British rule, certain provinces were given access to different resources. Due to access to different resources and different agriculture abilities, Uganda developed unequally, with some areas becoming more developed than others. These divides of development have further enhanced the cultural conflicts of the areas. Pre-colonization, Uganda was divided into self-ruling cultural groups deeply rooted in kinship and cultural ties (Rowe 6). The Buganda province has largely been powerful and more endowed than other areas of Uganda. During British rule, the Buganda kingdom received more resources than the Northern region of Uganda, leading to separatism between provinces. Mass nationalism here was largely retarded by Buganda separatism (Maxon, 2009). Uganda has never been a nationally unified country, largely due to the remaining traces of ethnic conflict which has been continually played up throughout the history of the country. The 1955 Agreement strengthened Bugandas position within Uganda, and this was the cause of a good deal of ill feeling and tension after 1955 (Maxon, 2009, p. 240). Politically Buganda was favored by the British rule, and was the province that received the most western influence and resources. As the tensions leading up to independence continued, Buganda and the other provinces continued to battle politically.

Rasmussen 3 With the coming of a self-government, the Bunyoro authorities stepped up pressure on Britain for a return of the counties, and there were disturbances there also, including civil disobedience, arson, and attacks on Buganda officials. Buganda claimed that her control of the area was given permanent standing by the 1900 agreementWhile letting the British off the hook, this decision left a very volatile and potentially divisive issue for the Obote government to grapple with (Maxon, 2009, p. 244-245). Eventually, when the British pulled out, they left a mess of political and cultural hostilities for Obote to clean up, with the ethnic tensions unresolved. Obote become Prime Minister in the midst of the political mess, and attempted to reconcile Buganda with the other states of Uganda. He married a Buganda woman and attempted to please all sides. Unable to succeed, his political control weakened and his reliance on the military to subdue the Buganda led to his overthrow (Maxon, 2009, p. 285). Idi Amin, the military ruler who overthrew Obote, is the most infamous of Ugandas political powers. Amins dictatorship combined brutal force, scapegoatism, and a public cult of personality that glorified the ruler. Amins dictatorship was soaked in blood (Maxon, 2009, p. 287). Amins dictatorship was welcomed by the Buganda, who had remained at odds with Obote. He massacred Obotes supporters and did not stop.It is estimated that politically inspired violence caused the death of 800,000 or more Ugandans between 1971 and 1985(Tripp, 2004, p. 4). Amin found scapegoats wherever he could, including all of the Israelis and the Asian population in Uganda. Murdering thousands of Ugandans, people lived in fear under Amin. He veiled his murderous regime with a campaign of cleanliness. Keep Uganda Clean was an effective means of promoting Amins legitimacy as a ruler because it gave him the opportunity to show the public that he could solve one of the nations most visible problems (i.e. dirt). The

Rasmussen 4 campaign also served as a convenient excuse to rid the nation of undesirables (Decker, 2010, p. 492). But the campaign was deadly to Ugandan citizens and economy, and by the end of Amins rule, Uganda had virtually no exports and was economically in deep distress. After the atrocities committed by the Amin dictatorship, Obote was idealized and made a huge comeback to the presidency. His comeback did not bring a quick end to Ugandas problems. Huge inflations, shortages of domestic and imported goods, and insufficient exports set a daunting task for the new administrationLess progress was made in righting the countrys political ills. Civil disorder was the order of the day since early 1981. Under Obote, as under the Amin dictatorship, detentions, torture, and killings characterized an essentially unstable and violent political situation (Maxon , 2009, p.289). Unfortunately, this comeback did not solve Ugandas problem, and instead, his second term in office was much more like Amins dictatorship. Uganda was stuck in political violence for four more years after Amin was removed from power. In 1985, the army deposed Obote and the NRA scrapped with their various factions. Museveni was eventually established as president, and has been since (Maxon 290). Musevenis time in office has been a mixed bag. Under him, Uganda has experienced economic growth and development, but his rule is still not free of corruption. In many ways, Musevenis flirtation with democracy is reminiscent of the first postindependence regime of Milton Obote (1963-66)Like Museveni, Obote claimed he was creating a national identity by minimizing the salience of ethnicity, but ethnic politics were the core of his strategy of maintaining power (Tripp, 2004, p. 8). With the ethnic divides still strong, his presidency has not been without political conflict

Rasmussen 5 From pre-independence to today, Uganda has been gashed by political strife. Ugandas history since independence has been characterized by farm more political strife than that of the other East African nations (Maxon, 2009, p. 282). As cultural divides do not simply disappear, Ugandas nationalism has never been established, and the country has suffered greatly in the latest conflict, the invasion of the LRA in northern Uganda. The conflict between the LRA and the government was more complicated than just an invasion by rebels. The northern region of Uganda, left underdeveloped since the British rule of Uganda, was not treated well by the government. Soon after the Museveni and NRM/A takeover, killings, rape, and other forms of physical abuse aimed at non-comabatants became the order of the day in Alcholiland, which was foreign territory to the NRM/A soldiers (Finnstrm, 2006, p. 203). Playing on ethnic conflicts of past times, the LRA invaded, and was supported by Northern Ugandans at first. Initially the LRA had the support of the northern Acholi and Lango tribes who felt marginalized by the government but the abuses against local tribespeople weakened this support (Haynes, 2007, p. 311). But this changed as the atrocities of the rebel groups continued. One of the lasting effects of the conflict in Northern Uganda is the extreme poverty. After years of displacement, tragedy, loss, and atrocious abuses, the people of northern Uganda are impoverished and at risk. The length of time over which many people in these communities experienced conflict and resulting livelihood disruptions demonstrates that conflict and insecurity have indeed led to chronic poverty in Northern Uganda. In addition, because of the prolonged nature of such poverty, and the implications of this for household investments in nutrition, health and education and the development and options available to children and young people, it appears that poverty has indeed been intergenerationally transmitted.

Rasmussen 6 The persistence of poverty in Northern Uganda at a regional level supports these observations (Bird, Higgins, & McKay, 2010). While the rest of Uganda has developed economically over the past twenty years, northern Uganda contrasts that with its poverty level. Disabilities due to maiming and injuries from the conflict have limited peoples ability to work. Rape has shamed women so that they are no longer able to be married, creating instability for them. Property has been taken and demolished. All of these horrors from the conflict have perpetrated poverty in Northern Uganda. Besides poverty, the conflict in northern Uganda has devastated communities by the abuses committed against women. In the conflict with the LRA, women were abused as a way to affect the community in northern Uganda. Abuses against both men and women were atrocious, but by sexually abusing women, the soldiers could accomplish multiple goals. There are two aspects of reproductive labor to consider: rape to impregnate, making women bear children for the enemy community, and rape to prevent women from becoming mothers in their own community by making them unacceptable to their community or by injuring them physically so that they are unable to bear children (Turshen, 2000, p. 813). Rape is a powerful tool used in war because it breaks down the communities that are subjected to it. Women, already holding less power, are often rejected from their communities after being raped. Rape exacerbates womens vulnerability because of the many social and cultural issues related to womens cleanliness and good behavior (Turshen, 2000). Although the women were not the perpetrators or the provokers of rape, they suffer the consequences deeply. In Ugandan society, since women already hold less power, they are punished for being raped. The after effects of rape almost certainly mean a life of poverty, if a life at all, because women who have been raped are not seen as suitable for marriage.

Rasmussen 7 Rape was not the only way that women were abused. Slavery was another way that women were wronged. Girls are used as domestic servants for commanders and their households. At age fourteen or fifteen, many are forced into sexual slavery as "wives" of LRA commanders and subjected to rape, unwanted pregnancies, and the risk of sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS (Stolen Children: | Human Rights Watch, 2003). The women abducted and forced to become wives not only had to deal with that, but also with the after effects of sexually transmitted diseases and children of rebel soldiers. If women were released or escaped from captivity, they often were not accepted back into their previous lives. The womens own personal trauma was compounded by constant reminders of their extreme vulnerability in their immediate community (Dolan, 2009, p. 59). Not only did the women have to deal with the intense and horrifying experiences that they survived, they also had to deal with the aftermath and the consequences to events that were not their fault. During these times of conflict and in the aftermath of that, being a woman in Uganda is a particularly vulnerable position to be in. But generally in the Ugandan society today, women still do not hold much power. Although in Uganda women are allowed to vote and serve in the government, the patriarchal heritage of the country is still alive and well today. Africa Today article, Reconceptualizing Gender and Reconstructing Social Life: Ugandan Women and the Path to National Development, says, Womens vulnerability is related to their structurally subordinate position in the workplace, the household, and the broader society (Wakoko & Lobao, 1996, p. 310). Because women do have as much power as men, they are in a position of vulnerability. The patriarchal structure of Ugandan society grants men more opportunity and ability to be in positions of power. In the workplace, men are able to get better jobs because they

Rasmussen 8 have higher access to education; in the household, men are the head, and make decisions; and in society at large, men are able to control women more often. The imbalance of power skews sexuality and how it is experienced by men and women in Uganda. Culture, Health, and Sexuality published a qualitative study on gender and sexuality in schoolgirls in Uganda in 2011. Several important observations were made in the study. 1) Girls/women are not supposed to express sexual desire, that is a masculine experience (Muhanguzi, 2011, p. 716). Young men are expected to initiate and pursue sexual experiences, while young women are seen as the object of that desire. 2) Double standards: girls feel pressure to accept sexual invitations from boys, while boys suggested that quickly accepting those invitations was negative (Muhanguzi, 2011, p. 717). Girls in Uganda were harassed or mistreated if they rejected sexual advances from boys, but boys also commented that the girls who were overly accepting of sexual advances were negatively stereotyped. This creates a double standard, it is a lose-lose situation for women. If a girl rejects a sexual invitation, she may be harassed or harmed, but if she accepts quickly, she is viewed as easy or even sick. 3) In Uganda, because of the gendered power imbalance, girls are especially vulnerable to sexual violence (Muhanguzi, 2011, p. 719). Girls voices were silenced when they spoke up about experiencing sexual harassment. And if they attempted to reject boys sexual advances, they were often harassed more. This skewing of sexuality with male domination and power creates a vulnerability which allows girls to be treated with a lack of dignity. The lack of dignity that women received in the previously mentioned study is again echoed in a study of interpersonal violence. The prevalence of interpersonal violence in households in Uganda is another manifestation of the patriarchal power. More than half of women (57%) report that they have ever experienced sexual or physical violence, and she also

Rasmussen 9 found that almost three-quarters (74%) of women and over half (56%) of men agreed with wifebeating in any scenario (Speizer, 2009, p. 1231). The power dynamic is culturally embedded in everyday life, and many women lack the power to even disagree with domestic violence. Instead of an injustice against them, wife beating is a normalized part of life for women in Uganda. Because women do not have a much agency over their lives, they cannot receive retribution for actions like domestic violence committed against them. From the vulnerability in times of conflict to everyday life and domestic violence, women in Uganda are vulnerable in an already impoverished and vulnerable place. Understanding the political background and ethnic divides of the country provides insight into why it remains impoverished, but does not give much hope for the future, because in all the years of its development, the ethnic and cultural divisions have remained a factor of political conflict, which has in turn, caused violence and many humans rights abuses. Without unity, the country will continue to suffer from these political conflicts indefinitely. For future implications, there are two different aspects which must be politically considered. If Uganda moved toward a more representative government, with each district represented fairly in the government to ensure that they were each equally favored, that could help with political unity. Since much of the political conflict comes from the power struggle, and is rooted in differences in culture, a more democratic government could allow for states which make their own laws while guided by a federal government. And if the government was able to be scourged of corruption, Uganda would be able to develop more successfully, because corruption in the government has caused problems in elections and has affected political change throughout Ugandas history. Uganda has natural resources and could be a very successful

Rasmussen 10 country if it can become more unified and heal from the terrible violence and conflict it has endured.

Rasmussen 11 References Bird, K., Higgins, K., & McKay, A. (2010). Conflict, education and the intergenerational transmission of poverty in Northern Uganda. Journal of International Development, 22(8), 11831196. doi:10.1002/jid.1754 Decker, A. (2010). Idi Amins Dirty War: Subversion, Sabotage, and the Battle to Keep Uganda Clean, 1971-1979. International Journal of African Historical Studies, 43(3), 489513. Dolan, C. (2009). Social torture: the case of northern Uganda, 1986-2006. New York: Berghahn Books. Finnstrm, S. (2006). Wars of the Past and War in the Present: The Lords Resistance Movement/Army in Uganda. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 76(2), 200220. doi:10.2307/40027109 Haynes, J. (2007). Religion, ethnicity and civil war in Africa: The cases of Uganda and Sudan. Round Table, 96(390), 305317. doi:10.1080/00358530701463865 Maxon, R. M. (2009). East Africa: an introductory history (3rd and rev. ed.). Morgantown: West Virginia University Press. Muhanguzi, F. K. (2011). Gender and sexual vulnerability of young women in Africa: experiences of young girls in secondary schools in Uganda. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 13(6), 713725. doi:10.1080/13691058.2011.571290 Speizer, I. S. (2009). Intimate Partner Violence Attitudes and Experience Among Women and Men in Uganda. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 25(7), 12241241. doi:10.1177/0886260509340550 Stolen Children: | Human Rights Watch. (2003, March 29). Retrieved May 7, 2013, from http://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/03/28/stolen-children-0

Rasmussen 12 Tripp, A. M. (2004). The Changing Face of Authoritarianism in Africa: The Case of Uganda. Africa Today, 50(3), 326. doi:10.2307/4187590 Turshen, M. (2000). The Political Economy of Violence against Women During Armed Conflict in Uganda. Social Research, 67(3), 803824. Wakoko, F., & Lobao, L. (1996). Reconceptualizing Gender and Reconstructing Social Life: Ugandan Women and the Path to National Development. Africa Today, 43(3), 307322. doi:10.2307/4187111