A Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar; A Contribution to the History of India by Robert Sewe !refa"e #he two !

ortuguese "hroni" es$ a trans ation of whi"h into Eng ish is now for the first time offered to the pub i"$ are "ontained in a %e um&bound fo io %o ume in the 'ib iothe(ue )ationa e in !aris$ amongst the manus"ripts of whi"h institution it bears the designation *!+R#, )+, -.,* #he %o ume in (uestion "onsists of "opies of four origina do"uments; the first two$ written by Fernao )uni/ and 0omingo !aes$ being those trans ated be ow$ the ast two 1at the end of the 2S,3 etters written from China about the year 4.56 A,0, #hese wi probab y be pub ished in trans ation by 2r, 0ona d Ferguson in the pages of the I)0IA) A)#I78AR9, #he first pair of origina papers was sent with a "o%ering etter by some one at :oa to some one in Europe, #he names are not gi%en$ but there is e%ery reason for be ie%ing that the re"ipient was the historian 'arros in ;isbon, 'oth these papers are in the same handwriting$ whi"h fa"t < sin"e they were written by separate !ortuguese mer"hants or tra%e ers at Vijayanagar in different years$ one$ I be ie%e$ short y subse(uent to 4.56 A,0,$ the atter not ater than about 4.=- or 4.=> < "on" usi%e y pro%es them to be "opies of the origina s$ and not the origina s themse %es,?5@ I ha%e inserted a fa"simi e of two pages of the teAt$ so that no doubt may remain on this point, #he first portion "onsists of the "on" usion of the teAt of Fernao )uni/; the se"ond of the "o%ering etter written by the person who sent the origina s to Europe; the third of the beginning of the teAt of 0omingo !aes, !aes being the ear ier in date 1about 4.563 I ha%e gi%en his a""ount of persona eAperien"es first$ and afterwards the histori"a summary "omposed by )uni/ about the year 4.=- or 4.=>, I ha%e stated that the person to whom the do"uments were sent from :oa was probab y the "e ebrated historian 'arros, He is a uded to in the "o%ering etter in the words: *It seemed ne"essary to do what your Honour desired of me$* *I send both the summaries B be"ause your Honour "an gather what is usefu to you from both;* and at the end of the ong note on *#ogao 2amede$* Cing of 0e hi$ (uoted in my introdu"tion$ *I Ciss your HonourDs hand,* Sin"e the first 0ECA0A of 'arros was pub ished in 4..5$?=@ this argument is not unreasonab e; whi e a "omparison between the a""ounts gi%en by )uni/ and 'arros of the siege and batt e of Rai"hur suffi"ient y pro%es that one was taCen from the other, 'ut we ha%e fortunate y more dire"t e%iden"e$ for the dis"o%ery of whi"h we ha%e to thanC 2r, Ferguson, I ha%e mentioned abo%e that at the end of the 2S, %o ume are "opies of two etters "on"erning China, #hese were written subse(uent to the year 4.56 by Vas"o Ca %o and Christo%ao Vieyra, 2r, Ferguson has pointed out to me that$ in the third 0ECA0A 1 i%, IV$ "aps, E$ .3$ after (uoting some passages a most %erbatim from this "hroni" e of )uni/ regarding Vijayanagar$ 'arros writes: *A""ording to two etters whi"h our peop e had two or three years afterwards from these two men$ Vas"o Ca %o$ brother of 0iogo Ca %o$ and Christo%ao Vieyra$ who were prisoners in Canton$ et"B,* He a so mentions these etters in two subse(uent passages$ and (uotes from them, #his renders it "ertain that 'arros saw those etters; and sin"e they are "opied into the same %o ume whi"h "ontains the "hroni" es of )uni/ and !aes$ we may be sure that 'arros had the who e before him, It is of itt e importan"e to sett e the (uestion whether the "hroni" es of )uni/ and !aes were sent dire"t to 'arros < whether$ that is$ 'arros himse f is the addressee of the "o%ering etter < or to some other offi"ia 1the *our peop e* of the passage from 'arros ast (uoted3; but that 'arros saw them seems "ertain$ and it is therefore most probab e that the !aris 2S, was a %o ume of "opies prepared for him from the origina s, FFF #hese do"uments possess pe"u iar and uni(ue %a ue; that of !aes be"ause it gi%es us a %i%id and graphi" a""ount of his persona eAperien"es at the great Hindu "apita at the period of its highest grandeur and magnifi"en"e < *things whi"h I saw and "ame to Cnow* he te s us < and that of

)uni/ be"ause it "ontains the traditiona history of the "ountry gathered first&hand on the spot$ and a narrati%e of o"a and "urrent e%ents of the highest importan"e$ Cnown to him either be"ause he himse f was present or be"ause he re"ei%ed the information from those who were so, #he summaries of the we &Cnown historians a ready a uded to$ though founded$ as I be ie%e$ part y on these %ery "hroni" es$ ha%e taCen a the ife out of them by e iminating the persona fa"tor$ the presen"e of whi"h in the origina s gi%es them their greatest "harm, Senhor ;opes$ who has pub ished these do"uments in the origina !ortuguese in a re"ent worC$?E@ writes in his introdu"tion: *)othing that we Cnow of in any anguage "an "ompare with them$ whether for their histori"a importan"e or for the des"ription gi%en of the "ountry$ and espe"ia y of the "apita $ its produ"ts$ "ustoms$ and the iCe, #he Ita ian tra%e ers who %isited and wrote about this "ountry < )i"o o di Conti$ Varthema$ and Federi"i < are mu"h ess minute in the matter of the geography and "ustoms of the and$ and not one of them has eft us a "hroni" e,* #hey are indeed in%a uab e$ and throw an eAtraordinary ight on the "ondition of Vijayanagar as we as on se%era doubtfu points of history, #hus$ for instan"e$ we ha%e in )uni/ for the first time a definite a""ount of the e%ents that ed to the fa of the First 0ynasty and the estab ishment of the se"ond by the usurpation of )arasimha, !re%ious to the pub i"ation of these "hroni" es by Senhor ;opes we had nothing to guide us in this matter$ sa%e a few %ague and unsatisfa"tory ines in the "hroni" e of the historian Firishtah,?.@ )ow a is made " ear$ and though as yet the truth "annot be definite y determined$ at east we ha%e an eAp i"it and eA"eeding y interesting story, !aes too$ as we as )uni/$ "on" usi%e y pro%es to us that Grishna 0e%a Raya was rea y the greatest of a the Cings of Vijayanagar$ and not the mere puppet that Firishtah appears to "onsider him 1Firishtah does not mention him by name3; for !aes saw him on se%era o""asions and speaCs of him in warm and g owing terms$ whi e )uni/$ whose narrati%e was e%ident y firsthand$ ne%er so mu"h as hints that his armies were ed to %i"tory by any other genera but the Cing himse f, )uni/ a so gi%es us a graphi" des"ription from persona Cnow edge of the "hara"ter of GrishnaDs degenerate su""essor A"hyuta$ whose feeb eness$ se fishness$ "owardi"e$ and "rue ty pa%ed the way for the fina destru"tion of the great empire, 'y the side of these two "hroni" es the writings of the great European historians seem "o d and ife ess, FFF I ha%e mentioned the pub i"ation of Senhor ;opes, It is to that distinguished Arabi" s"ho ar that we owe the Cnow edge of the eAisten"e of these pre"ious do"uments, He it was who brought them to ight in the first instan"e$ and to him persona y I owe the fa"t of my being ab e to trans ate and pub ish them, His introdu"tion to the 0+S REIS 0E 'IS)A:A is fu of %a uab e matter, India owes him a debt of gratitude for his ser%i"es; and for myse f I desire to re"ord here my sin"ere thanCs for the disinterested and generous he p he has so "onstant y a""orded to me during the ast two years, 2y thanCs are a so due to 2r, 0ona d Ferguson for his "arefu re%ision of the who e of my trans ations, I desire further to eApress my appre"iation of a parti"u ar Cindness done to me by Co one R, C, #emp e$ C,I,E,$ and ast y to a"Cnow edge gratefu y the ibera ity of H,E, the :o%ernor of 2adras and the 2embers of his Coun"i $ who by subsidising this worC ha%e rendered its pub i"ation possib e, I trust that my remarCs regarding the "auses of the downfa of !ortuguese trade in the siAteenth "entury wi not be misunderstood, It is not in any spirit of "riti"ism or "omparison that I ha%e written those passages, History$ howe%er$ is history; and it is a fa"t that whi e the main "ause of the sma su""ess whi"h attended the efforts of the !ortuguese to estab ish a great and asting "ommer"e with India was no doubt the oss of trade after the destru"tion of Vijayanagar$ there must be added to this by the impartia re"order the dis iCe of the inhabitants to the %io en"e and despotism of the Vi"eroys and to the un"ompromising into eran"e of the Hesuit Fathers$ as we as the horror

engendered in their minds by the se%erities of the terrib e In(uisition at :oa, FFF A word as to my spe ing of names, I ha%e adopted a medium "ourse in many "ases between the "rudities of former generations and the s"ientifi" re(uirements of the age in whi"h we i%e; the resu t of whi"h wi probab y be my "ondemnation by both parties, 'ut to the high y edu"ated I wou d point out that this worC is intended for genera reading$ and that I ha%e therefore thought it best to a%oid the use of a spe"ia font of type "ontaining the proper dia"riti"a points; whi e to the rest I %enture to present the p ea that the time has passed when Vijayanagar needs to be spe t *'eejanuggur$* or Gonda%idu *Condbeer,* #hus I ha%e been bo d enough to drop the fina and essentia *a* of the name of the great "ity$ and spe the word *Vijayanagar$* as it is usua y pronoun"ed by the Eng ish, #he name is "omposed of two words$ VIHA9A$ *%i"tory$* and )A:ARA$ *"ity$* a the *aDs* to be pronoun"ed short$ iCe the *u* in *sun$* or the *a* in *organ,* *)arasimha* ought$ no doubt$ to be spe t *)risimha$* but that in su"h "ase the *ri* ought to ha%e a dot under the *r* as the sy ab e is rea y a %owe $ and I ha%e preferred the "ommon spe ing of modern days, 1Here again a three *aDs* are short,3 As with the fina *a* in *Vijayanagara$* so with the fina *u* in su"h names as *Gonda%idu* < it has been dropped in order to a%oid an appearan"e of pedantry; and I ha%e preferred the more "ommon *Rajahmundry* to the more "orre"t *Rajamahendri$* *#ri"hinopo y* to *#iru"hhinapa e$* and so on, #his system may not be %ery s"ientifi"$ but I trust it wi pro%e not una""eptab e, FFF #he name of the "apita is spe t in many different ways by the "hroni" ers and tra%e ers, #he usua !ortuguese spe ing was *'isnaga;* but we ha%e a so the forms *'i"heneger* 1)IGI#I)3$ *'idjanagar* 1A'08R RAIIAG3$ *'i/enega ia* 1C+)#I3$ *'isnagar$* *'eejanuggur$* J", A Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar CHAPTER 1 Introdu"tion Introdu"tory remarCs < Sour"es of information < SCet"h of history of Southern India down to A,0, 4==- < A Hindu bu warC against 2uhammadan "on(uest < #he opening date$ as gi%en by )uni/$ wrong < *#ogao 2amede* or 2uhammad #agh a( of 0e hi < His "areer and "hara"ter, In the year 4==- A,0,$ during the reign of Edward III, of Eng and$ there o""urred in India an e%ent whi"h a most instantaneous y "hanged the po iti"a "ondition of the entire south, Kith that date the %o ume of an"ient history in that tra"t " oses and the modern begins, It is the epo"h of transition from the + d to the )ew, #his e%ent was the foundation of the "ity and Cingdom of Vijayanagar, !rior to A,0, 4==- a Southern India had ain under the domination of the an"ient Hindu Cingdoms$ < Cingdoms so o d that their origin has ne%er been tra"ed$ but whi"h are mentioned in 'uddhist edi"ts ro"C&"ut siAteen "enturies ear ier; the !andiyans at 2adura$ the Cho as at #anjore$ and others, Khen Vijayanagar sprang into eAisten"e the past was done with for e%er$ and the monar"hs of the new state be"ame ords or o%er ords of the territories ying between the 0aChan and Cey on, #here was no mira" e in this, It was the natura resu t of the persistent efforts made by the

2uhammadans to "on(uer a India, Khen these dreaded in%aders rea"hed the Grishna Ri%er the Hindus to their south$ stri"Cen with terror$ "ombined$ and gathered in haste to the new standard whi"h a one seemed to offer some hope of prote"tion, #he de"ayed o d states "rumb ed away into nothingness$ and the fighting Cings of Vijayanagar be"ame the sa%iours of the south for two and a ha f "enturies, And yet in the present day the %ery eAisten"e of this Cingdom is hard y remembered in India; whi e its on"e magnifi"ent "apita $ p anted on the eAtreme northern border of its dominions and bearing the proud tit e of the *City of Vi"tory$* has entire y disappeared sa%e for a few s"attered ruins of bui dings that were on"e temp es or pa a"es$ and for the ong ines of massi%e wa s that "onstituted its defen"es, E%en the name has died out of menDs minds and memories$ and the remains that marC its site are Cnown on y as the ruins ying near the itt e %i age of Hampe, Its ru ers$ howe%er$ in their day swayed the destinies of an empire far arger than Austria$ and the "ity is de" ared by a su""ession of European %isitors in the fifteenth and siAteenth "enturies to ha%e been mar%e ous for si/e and prosperity < a "ity with whi"h for ri"hness and magnifi"en"e no Cnown western "apita "ou d "ompare, Its importan"e is shown by the fa"t that a most a the strugg es of the !ortuguese on the western "oast were "arried on for the purpose of se"uring its maritime trade; and that when the empire fe in 4.-.$ the prosperity of !ortuguese :oa fe with it ne%er to rise again, +ur %ery s"anty Cnow edge of the e%ents that su""eeded one another in the arge area dominated by the Cings of Vijayanagar has been hitherto deri%ed part y from the s"attered remarCs of European tra%e ers and the desu tory referen"es in their writings to the po iti"s of the inhabitants of India; part y from the summaries "ompi ed by "arefu mediae%a historians su"h as 'arros$ Couto$ and Correa$ who$ though to a "ertain degree interested in the genera "ondition of the "ountry$ yet "onfined themse %es most y to re"ording the deeds of the European "o onisers for the en ightenment of their European readers; part y from the "hroni" es of a few 2uhammadan writers of the period$ who often wrote in fear of the disp easure of their own ords; and part y from Hindu ins"riptions re"ording grants of ands to temp es and re igious institutions$ whi"h do"uments$ when %iewed as state papers$ se dom yie d us more than a few names and dates, #he two "hroni" es$ howe%er$ trans ated and printed at the end of this %o ume$ wi be seen to throw a f ood of ight upon the "ondition of the "ity of Vijayanagar ear y in the siAteenth "entury$ and upon the history of its su""essi%e dynasties; and for the rest I ha%e attempted$ as an introdu"tion to these "hroni" es$ to "o e"t a a%ai ab e materia s from the different authorities a uded to and to we d them into a "onse"uti%e who e$ so as to form a foundation upon whi"h may hereafter be "onstru"ted a regu ar history of the Vijayanagar empire, #he resu t wi perhaps seem disjointed$ "rude$ and uninteresting; but et it be remembered that it is on y a first attempt, I ha%e itt e doubt that before %ery ong the who e history of Southern India wi be "ompi ed by some writer gifted with the power of *maCing the dry bones i%e;* but meanwhi e the bones themse %es must be "o e"ted and pie"ed together$ and my duty has been to try and "onstru"t at east the main portions of the sCe eton, 'efore pro"eeding to detai s we must short y g an"e at the po iti"a "ondition of India in the first ha f of the fourteenth "entury$ remembering that up to that time the !eninsu a had been he d by a number of distin"t Hindu Cingdoms$ those of the !andiyans at 2adura and of the Cho as at #anjore being the most important, #he year 4664 A,0, saw the first inroad into India of the 2uhammadans from o%er the north&west border$ under their great eader 2ahmud of :ha/ni, He in%aded first the p ains of the !anjab$ then 2u tan$ and afterwards other p a"es, 9ear after year he pressed forward and again retired, In 4654 he was at Ga inga; in 465= in Gathiawar; but in no "ase did he maCe good his footho d on the "ountry, His eApeditions were raids and nothing more, +ther in%asions$ howe%er$ fo owed in (ui"C su""ession$ and after the apse of two "enturies the 2uhammadans were firm y and permanent y estab ished at 0e hi, Kar fo owed war$ and from that period )orthern India Cnew no rest, At the end of the thirteenth "entury the 2uhammadans began to press southwards into the 0aChan, In

45L= A a&ud&din Ghi ji$ nephew of the Cing of 0e hi$ "aptured 0e%agiri, Four years ater :ujarat was atta"Ced, In 4=6= the redu"tion of Karanga was attempted, In 4=6- there was a fresh eApedition to 0e%agiri, In 4=6L 2a iC Gafur$ the "e ebrated genera $ with an immense for"e swept into the 0aChan and "aptured Karanga , #he o d "apita of the Hoysa a 'a a as at 0%arasamudra was taCen in 4=46$ and 2a iC Gafur went to the 2a abar "oast where he ere"ted a mos(ue$ and afterwards returned to his master with enormous booty,?-@ Fresh fighting tooC p a"e in 4=45, SiA years ater 2ubaraC of 0e hi mar"hed to 0e%agiri and inhuman y f ayed a i%e its unfortunate prin"e$ Haripa a 0e%a$ setting up his head at the gate of his own "ity, In 4=5= Karanga fe , #hus the period at whi"h our history opens$ about the year 4==6$ found the who e of )orthern India down to the Vindhya mountains firm y under 2os em ru e$ whi e the fo owers of that faith had o%errun the 0aChan and were threatening the south with the same fate, South of the Grishna the who e "ountry was sti under Hindu domination$ but the suprema"y of the o d dynasties was shaCen to its base by the rapid y ad%an"ing terror from the north, Kith the a""ession in 4=5. of 2uhammad #agh a( of 0e hi things be"ame worse sti , 2ar%e ous stories of his eAtraordinary pro"eedings "ir"u ated amongst the inhabitants of the !eninsu a$ and there seemed to be no bound to his into eran"e$ ambition$ and fero"ity, E%erything$ therefore$ seemed to be eading up to but one ine%itab e end < the ruin and de%astation of the Hindu pro%in"es; the annihi ation of their o d roya houses$ the destru"tion of their re igion$ their temp es$ their "ities, A that the dwe ers in the south he d most dear seemed tottering to its fa , Sudden y$ about the year 4=EE A,0,$ there was a "he"C to this wa%e of foreign in%asion < a stop < a ha t < then a so id wa of opposition; and for 5.6 years Southern India was sa%ed, #he "he"C was "aused by a "ombination of sma Hindu states < two of them a ready defeated$ Karanga and 0%arasamudra < defeated$ and therefore in a probabi ity not o%er&"onfident; the third$ the tiny prin"ipa ity of Anegundi, #he so id wa "onsisted of Anegundi grown into the great empire of the Vijayanagar, #o the Cings of this house a the nations of the south submitted, If a straight ine be drawn on the map of India from 'ombay to 2adras$ about ha f&way a"ross wi be found the Ri%er #ungabhadra$ whi"h$ itse f a "ombination of two streams running northwards from 2aisur$ f ows in a wide "ir"uit north and east to join the Grishna not far from Gurnoo , In the midd e of its "ourse the #ungabhadra "uts through a wi d ro"Cy "ountry ying about forty mi es north&west of 'e ary$ and north of the rai way ine whi"h runs from that p a"e to 0harwar, At this point$ on the north banC of the ri%er$ there eAisted about the year 4==6 a fortified town "a ed Anegundi$ the *)agundym* of our "hroni" es$ whi"h was the residen"e of a fami y of "hiefs owning a sma state in the neighbourhood, #hey had$ in former years$ taCen ad%antage of the ofty hi s of granite whi"h "o%er that tra"t to "onstru"t a strong "itade ha%ing its base on the stream, Fordab e at no point within many mi es the ri%er was fu of running water at a seasons of the year$ and in f ood times formed in its "onfined bed a turbu ent rushing torrent with dangerous fa s in se%era p a"es, +f the Anegundi "hiefs we Cnow itt e$ but they were probab y feudatories of the Hoysa a 'a a as, Firishtah de" ares that they had eAisted as a ru ing fami y for se%en hundred years prior to the year 4=.6 A,0,?>@ #he "hroni" e of )uni/ gi%es a definite a""ount of how the so%ereigns of Vijayanagar first began to a"(uire the power whi"h afterwards be"ame so eAtensi%e, #his a""ount may or may not be a""urate in a detai s$ but it at east ta ies fair y with the epigraphi"a and other re"ords of the time, A""ording to him$ 2uhammad #agh a( of 0e hi$ ha%ing redu"ed :ujarat$ mar"hed southwards through the 0aChan 'a aghat$ or high ands abo%e the western ghats$ and a itt e pre%ious to the year 4==-?M@ sei/ed the town and fortress of Anegundi, Its "hief was s ain$ with a the members of his fami y, After a futi e attempt to go%ern this territory by means of a deputy$ 2uhammad raised to the dignity of "hief of the state its ate minister$ a man whom )uni/ "a s *0eorao$* for *0e%a Raya,* or Harihara 0e%a I, #he new "hief founded the "ity of Vijayanagar on the south banC of the ri%er opposite Anegundi and made his residen"e there$ with the aid of the great re igious tea"her

2adha%a$ wise y ho ding that to p a"e the ri%er between him and the e%er&marauding 2os ems was to estab ish himse f and his peop e in a "ondition of greater se"urity than before, He was su""eeded by *one "a ed 'u"arao* 1'uCCa3$ who reigned thirty&se%en years$ and the neAt Cing was the atterDs son$ *!ureoyre 0eo* 1Harihara 0e%a II,3, Ke Cnow from other sour"es that part at east of this story is "orre"t, Harihara I, and 'uCCa were the first two Cings and were brothers$ whi e the third Cing$ Harihara II,$ was "ertain y the son of 'uCCa, #he su""ess of the ear y Cings was phenomena , Ibn 'atuta$ who was in India from 4=== to 4=E5$ states that e%en in his day a 2uhammadan "hief on the western "oast was subje"t to Harihara I,$ whom he "a s *Haraib* or *Harib$* from *Hariyappa* another form of the CingDs name; whi e a hundred years ater Abdur Ra//aC$ en%oy from !ersia$ te s us that the Cing of Vijayanagar was then ord of a Southern India$ from sea to sea and from the 0aChan to Cape Comorin < *from the frontier of Serendib 1Cey on3 to the eAtremities of the "ountry of Ga bergah B His troops amount in number to e e%en aC$* I,E, 4$466$666, E%en so ear y as 4=>M A,0,$ a""ording to Firishtah$?L@ the Raya of Vijayanagar was *in power$ wea th$ and eAtent of "ountry* great y the superior of the 'ahmani Cing of the 0aChan, #he o d southern states appear 1we ha%e itt e history to guide us3 to ha%e in genera submitted pea"eab y to the ru e of the new monar"hy, #hey were perhaps g ad to submit if on y the dreaded foreigners "ou d be Cept out of the "ountry, And thus by eaps and bounds the petty state grew to be a Cingdom$ and the Cingdom eApanded ti it be"ame an empire, Ci%i war and rebe ion amongst the 2uhammadans he ped Harihara and 'uCCa in their enterprise, Si"C of the tyranny and eA"esses of 2uhammad #agh a($ the 0aChan re%o ted in 4=E>$ and the independent Cingdom of the 'ahmanis was for a time firm y estab ished, #he "hroni" e of )uni/ opens with the fo owing senten"e: < *In the year twe %e hundred and thirty these parts of India were ru ed by a greater monar"h than had e%er reigned, #his was the Cing of 0i i$?46@ who by for"e of arms and so diers made war on Cambaya for many years$ taCing and destroying in that period the and of :u/arate whi"h be ongs to Cambaya$?44@ and in the end he be"ame its ord,* After this the Cing of 0e hi ad%an"ed against Vijayanagar by way of the 'a aghat, #his date is a "entury too ear y$ as a ready pointed out, #he so%ereign referred to is stated in the fo owing note 1entered by )uni/ at the end of Chapter AA,$ whi"h " oses the histori"a portion of his narrati%e3 to ha%e been "a ed *#ogao 2amede,* *#his Cing of 0e hi they say was a 2oor$ who was "a ed #ogao 2amede, He is he d among the Hindus as a saint, #hey re ate that on"e whi e he was offering prayer to :od$ there "ame to him four arms with four hands; and that e%ery time he prayed roses fe to him from out of hea%en, He was a great "on(ueror$ he he d a arge part of this earth under his dominion$ he subdued B 1b anC in origina 3 Cings$ and s ew them$ and f ayed them$ and brought their sCins with him; so that besides his own name$ he re"ei%ed the ni"Cname B whi"h means D ord of B sCins of Cings;D he was "hief of many peop e, *#here is a story te ing how he fe into a passion on a""ount of 1'EI): :IVE)N3 eighteen etters 1+F #HE A;!HA'E# #+ HIS )A2EN3$ when a""ording to his own re"Coning he was entit ed to twenty&four,?45@ #here are ta es of him whi"h do indeed seem most mar%e ous of the things that he did; as$ for instan"e$ how he made ready an army be"ause one day in the morning$ whi e standing dressing at a window whi"h was " osed$ a ray of the sun "ame into his eyes$ and he "ried out that he wou d not rest unti he had Ci ed or %an(uished whomsoe%er had dared to enter his apartments whi e he was dressing, A his nob es "ou d not dissuade him from his purpose$ e%en though they to d him it was the sun that had done it$ a thing without whi"h they "ou d not i%e$ that it was a "e estia thing and was o"ated in the sCy$ and that he "ou d ne%er do any harm to it, Kith a this he made his for"es ready$ saying that he must go in sear"h of his enemy$ and as he was going a ong

with arge for"es raised in the "ountry through whi"h he began his mar"h so mu"h dust arose that it obs"ured the sun, Khen he ost sight of it he made fresh in(uiries as to what the thing was$ and the "aptains to d him that there was now no reason for him to wait$ and that he might return home sin"e he had put to f ight him whom he had "ome to seeC, Content with this$ the Cing returned by the road that he had taCen in his sear"h for the sun$ saying that sin"e his enemy had f ed he was satisfied, *+ther eAtra%agan"es are to d of him whi"h maCe him out a great ord$ as$ for instan"e$ that being in the Charamaode "ountry he was to d that "ertain eagues distant in the sea there was a %ery great is and$ and its and was go d$ and the stones of its houses and those whi"h were produ"ed in the ground were rubies and diamonds: in whi"h is and there was a pagoda$ whither "ame the ange s from hea%en to p ay musi" and dan"e, 'eing "o%etous of being the ord of this and$ he determined to go there$ but not in ships be"ause he had not enough for so many peop e$ so he began to "art a great (uantity of stones and earth and to throw it into the sea in order to fi it up$ so that he might rea"h the is and; and putting this in hand with great abour he did so mu"h that he "rossed o%er to the is and of Cey ao$ whi"h is twe %e or fifteen eagues off?4=@$ #his "auseway that he made was$ it is said$ in "ourse of time eaten away by the sea$ and its remains now "ause the shoa s of Chi ao, 2e i(uiniby$?4E@ his "aptain&genera $ seeing how mu"h abour was being spent in a thing so impossib e$ made ready two ships in a port of Charamaode whi"h he oaded with mu"h go d and pre"ious stones$ and forged some despat"hes as of an embassy sent in the name of the Cing of the is and$ in whi"h he professed his obedien"e and sent presents; and after this the Cing did not pro"eed any further with his "auseway, *In memory of this worC he made a %ery arge pagoda$ whi"h is sti there; it is a great p a"e of pi grimage, *#here are two thousand of these and simi ar stories with whi"h I hope at some time to troub e your honour; and with other better ones$ if :od gi%es me ife, I Ciss your honourDs hand,*?4.@ #o "on" usi%e y estab ish the fa"t that this a""ount "an on y refer to 2uhammad #agh a( of 0e hi$ who reigned from 4=5. to 4=.4$ it is ne"essary that we shou d ooC into the Cnown "hara"ter of that monar"h and the e%ents of his reign, )uni/ states that his *#ogao 2amede* "on(uered :ujarat$ was at war with 'enga $ and had troub e with the #urComans on the borders of SheiC Ismai $ I,E, !ersia,?4-@ #o taCe these in re%erse order, Ear y in the reign of 2uhammad #agh a( %ast hordes of 2oghu s in%aded the !anjab and ad%an"ed a most unopposed to 0e hi$ where the Cing bought them off by payment of immense sums of money, )eAt as to 'enga , !rior to his reign that pro%in"e had been subdued$ had gi%en troub e$ and had again been redu"ed, In his reign it was "rushed under the iron hand of a %i"eroy from 0e hi$ :hiyas&ud&din 'ahadur *'ura$* who before ong attempted to render himse f independent, He sty ed himse f 'ahadur Shah$ and issued his own "oinage, In 4=5> 1A,H, >5M3 the egends on his "oins a"Cnow edge the o%er ordship of 0e hi$ but two years ater they des"ribe him as independent Cing of 'enga ,?4>@ In 4=== 2uhammad issued his own "oinage for 'enga and pro"eeded against the rebe , He defeated him$ "aptured him$ f ayed him a i%e$ and "ausing his sCin to be stuffed with straw ordered it to be paraded through the pro%in"es of the empire as a warning to ambitious go%ernors, Kith referen"e to :ujarat$ )uni/ has been ed into a s ight error, 2uhammad #agh a( "ertain y did go there$ but on y in 4=E>, Khat he did do was to "on(uer the 0aChan, Firishtah mentions among his "on(uests 0%arasamudra$ 2a abar$ Anegundi 1under the name *Gampi a$* for a reason that wi present y be eAp ained3$ Karanga $ J"$ and these p a"es *were as effe"tua y in"orporated with his empire as the %i ages in the %i"inity of 0e hi,*?4M@ He a so he d :ujarat firm y, If$ therefore$ we %enture to "orre"t )uni/ in this respe"t$ and say that *#ogao 2amede* made war on the *0aChan* instead of on *:ujarat$* and then ad%an"ed against Anegundi 1wrong y "a ed *Vijayanagar$* whi"h p a"e was not as yet founded3 we sha probab y be not far from the truth, #he history of *#ogao 2amede* so far is the history of 2uhammad #agh a(, #hen as to the eAtraordinary stories to d of him, #rue or not$ they app y to that so%ereign, 2uhammad is des"ribed by "ontemporary writers as ha%ing been one of the wonders of the age, He

was %ery ibera $ espe"ia y to those earned in the arts, He estab ished hospita s for the si"C and a m&houses for widows and orphans, He was the most e o(uent and a""omp ished prin"e of his time, He was sCi ed in many s"ien"es$ su"h as physi"$ ogi"$ astronomy$ and mathemati"s, He studied the phi osophies and metaphysi"s of :ree"e$ and was %ery stri"t in re igious obser%an"es, *'ut$* "ontinues Firishtah$ from whom the abo%e summary is taCen$ *with a these admirab e (ua ities he was who y de%oid of mer"y or "onsideration for his peop e, #he punishments he inf i"ted were not on y rigid and "rue $ but fre(uent y unjust, So itt e did he hesitate to spi the b ood of :odDs "reatures that when anything o""urred whi"h eA"ited him to pro"eed to that horrid eAtremity$ one might ha%e supposed his obje"t was to eAterminate the human spe"ies a together, )o sing e weeC passed without his ha%ing put to death one or more of the earned and ho y men who surrounded him$ or some of the se"retaries who attended him,* #he s ightest opposition to his wi dro%e him into a most insane fury$ and in these fits he a owed his natura fero"ity fu p ay, His who e ife was spent in %isionary s"hemes pursued by means e(ua y irrationa , He began by distributing enormous sums of money amongst his nob es$ spending$ so it is said$ in one day as mu"h as ?pound ster ing@.66$666, He bought off the in%ading 2oghu s by immense payments instead of repe ing them by for"e of arms, Short y after this he raised a huge army for the "on(uest of !ersia$ his "a%a ry$ a""ording to Firishtah$ numbering =>6$666 men, 'ut nothing "ame of it eA"ept that the troops$ not re"ei%ing their pay$ dispersed and pi aged the "ountry, #hen he de"ided to try and "on(uer China and sent 466$666 men into the Hima ayas$ where a most a of them miserab y perished; and when the sur%i%ors returned in despair the Cing put them a to death, He tried to introdu"e a depre"iated "urren"y into his territories as a means to wea th$ issuing "opper toCens for go d$ whi"h resu ted in entire oss of "redit and a standsti of trade, #his fai ing to fi the treasury he neAt destroyed agri"u ture by into erab e eAa"tions; the husbandmen abandoned their fie ds and tooC to robbery as a trade$ and who e tra"ts be"ame depopu ated$ the sur%i%ors i%ing in the utmost star%ation and misery and being despoi ed of a that they possessed, 2uhammad eAterminated who e tribes as if they had been %ermin, In"ensed at the refusa of the inhabitants of a "ertain harassed tra"t to pay the inordinate demands of his subordinates$ he ordered out his army as if for a hunt$ surrounded an eAtensi%e tra"t of "ountry$ " osed the "ir" e towards the "entre$ and s aughtered e%ery i%ing sou found therein, #his amusement was repeated more than on"e$ and on a subse(uent o""asion he ordered a genera massa"re of a the inhabitants of the o d Hindu "ity of Ganauj,?4L@ #hese horrors ed of "ourse to famine$ and the miseries of the Hindus eA"eeded a power of des"ription, +n his return from 0e%agiri on one o""asion he "aused a tooth whi"h he had ost to be interred in a magnifi"ent stone mauso eum$ whi"h is sti in eAisten"e at 'hir, 'ut perhaps the best Cnown of his inhuman e""entri"ities was his treatment of the inhabitants of the great "ity of 0e hi, 2uhammad determined to transfer his "apita then"e to 0e%agiri$ whose name he "hanged to 0ou atabad, #he two p a"es are siA hundred mi es apart, #he Cing ga%e a genera order to e%ery inhabitant of 0e hi to pro"eed forthwith to 0e%agiri$ and prior to the issue of this order he had the entire road ined with fu &grown trees$ transp anted for the purpose, #he unfortunate peop e were "ompe ed to obey$ and thousands < in" uding women$ "hi dren$ and aged persons < died by the way, Ibn 'atuta$ who was an eye&witness of the s"enes of horror to whi"h this ga%e rise$ has eft us the fo owing des"ription: < *#he Su tan ordered a the inhabitants to (uit the p a"e 10e hi3$ and upon some de ay being e%in"ed he made a pro" amation stating that what person soe%er$ being an inhabitant of that "ity$ shou d be found in any of its houses or streets shou d re"ei%e "ondign punishment, 8pon this they a went out; but his ser%ants finding a b ind man in one of the houses and a bedridden one in the other$ the Emperor "ommanded the bedridden man to be proje"ted from a ba ista$ and the b ind one to be dragged by his feet to 0au atabad$ whi"h is at the distan"e of ten days$ and he was so dragged; but his imbs dropping off by the way$ on y one of his egs was brought to the p a"e intended$ and was then thrown into it; for the order had been that they shou d go to this p a"e, Khen I entered 0e hi it was a most a desert,*?56@

It is "hara"teristi" of 2uhammadDs whimsi"a despotism that short y afterwards he ordered the inhabitants of different distri"ts to go and repeop e 0e hi$ whi"h they attempted to do$ but with itt e su""ess, 'atuta re ates that during the inter%a of deso ation the Cing mounted on the roof of his pa a"e$ and seeing the "ity empty and without fire or smoCe said$ *)ow my heart is satisfied and my fee ings are appeased,* Ibn 'atuta was a member of this CingDs "ourt$ and had e%ery opportunity of forming a just "on" usion, He sums up his (ua ities thus: < *2uhammad more than a men o%es to bestow gifts and to shed b ood, At his gate one sees a ways some faCir who has be"ome ri"h$ or some i%ing being who is put to death, His traits of generosity and %a our$ and his eAamp es of "rue ty and %io en"e towards "rimina s$ ha%e obtained "e ebrity among the peop e, 'ut apart from this he is the most humb e of men and the one who disp ays the most e(uity; the "eremonies of re igion are obser%ed at his "ourt; he is %ery se%ere in a that "on"erns prayer and the punishment that fo ows omission of it B his dominating (ua ity is generosityB, It rare y happened that the "orpse of some one who had been Ci ed was not to be seen at the gate of his pa a"e, I ha%e often seen men Ci ed and their bodies eft there, +ne day I went to his pa a"e and my horse shied, I ooCed before me and I saw a white heap on the ground$ and when I asCed what it was one of my "ompanions said it was the trunC of a man "ut into three pie"esB, E%ery day hundreds of indi%idua s were brought "hained into his ha of audien"e$ their hands tied to their ne"Cs and their feet bound together, Some were Ci ed$ and others were tortured or we beaten,*?54@ A man of these seeming y opposite (ua ities$ "harity$ generosity$ and re igious fer%our inCed to unbrid ed ust for b ood and an apparent y o%ermastering desire to taCe ife$ possesses a "hara"ter so bi/arre$ so tota y opposed to Hindu idea s$ that he wou d a most of ne"essity be a""ounted as something superhuman$ monstrous$ a saint with the heart of a de%i $ or a fiend with the sou of a saint, Hen"e 2uhammad in the "ourse of years gathered round his memory$ "enturies after his death$ a the (uaint ta es and "urious egends whi"h an +rienta imagination "ou d de%ise; and whene%er his name is mentioned by the o d "hroni" ers it is a ways with some eAtraordinary story atta"hed to it, )uni/$ therefore$ though a""urate in the main$ was a "entury too ear y in his opening senten"e, His *#ogao 2amede* "an be none other than 2uhammad #agh a(, Hen"eforward this wi be assumed,?55@

CHAPTER 2
+rigin of the Empire 1A,0, 4=4-3 2uhammadDs "apture of Gamp i and Anegundi < 0eath of his nephew 'aha&ud&din < 2a iC )aib made go%ernor of Anegundi < 0isturban"es < Harihara 0e%a Raya raised to be Cing of Anegundi < 2adha%a"harya Vidyaranya < #he "ity of Vijayanagar founded < ;egends as to the origin of the new Cingdom, #he "ity of Vijayanagar is$ as a ready stated$ genera y supposed to ha%e been founded in the year 4==-$ and that that date is not far from the truth may be gathered from two fa"ts, First y$ there is eAtant an ins"ription of the ear iest rea Cing$ Harihara I, or Hariyappa$ the *Haraib* of Ibn 'atuta$ ?5=@ dated in A,0, 4=E6, Se"ond y$ the a""ount gi%en by that writer of a raid southwards by 2uhammad #agh a( ta ies at a most a points with the story gi%en at the beginning of the Chroni" e of )uni/$ and this raid tooC p a"e in 4==E,?5E@ For if a "omparison is made between the narrati%e of 'atuta and the traditiona a""ount gi%en by )uni/ as to the e%ents that pre"eded and ed to the foundation of Vijayanagar$ itt e doubt wi remain in the mind that both re ate to the same e%ent, A""ording to Ibn 'atuta$?5.@ Su tan

2uhammad mar"hed southwards against his rebe nephew$ 'aha&ud&din :ushtasp$ who had f ed to the prote"tion of the *Rai of Gambi a$* or *Gampi a* as Firishtah "a s the p a"e$ in his strongho d amongst the mountains, #he tit e *Rai* unmistaCab y points to the Ganarese "ountry$ where the form *Raya* is used for *Rajah;* whi e in *Gambi a* or *Gampi a* we re"ognise the o d town of Gamp i$ a fortified p a"e about eight mi es east of Anegundi$ whi"h was the "itade of the prede"essors of the Cings of Vijayanagar, #hough not itse f a"tua y *amongst the mountains$* Gamp i is ba"Ced by the mass of ro"Cy hi s in the "entre of whi"h the great "ity was afterwards situated, It is high y natura to suppose that the *Rai$* when atta"Ced by the Su tan$ wou d ha%e (uitted Gamp i and taCen refuge in the fortified heights of Anegundi$ where he "ou d defend himse f with far greater "han"e of su""ess than at the former p a"e; and this wou d a""ount for the differen"e in the names gi%en by the two "hroni" ers, Ibn 'atuta goes on to say that the Raya sent his guest safe y away to a neighbouring "hief$ probab y the Hoysa a 'a a a$ Cing of 0%arasamudra in 2aisur$ then residing at #anur, He "aused a huge fire to be it on whi"h his wi%es and the wi%es of his nob es$ ministers$ and prin"ipa men immo ated themse %es$ and this done he sa ied forth with his fo owers to meet the in%aders$ and was s ain, #he town was taCen$ *and e e%en sons of the Rai were made prisoners and "arried to the Su tan$ who made them a 2ussa mans,* After the fa of the p a"e the Su tan *treated the CingDs sons with great honour$ as mu"h for their i ustrious birth as for his admiration of the "ondu"t of their father;* and 'atuta adds that he himse f be"ame intimate y a"(uainted with one of these < *we were "ompanions and friends,* #here are on y two substantia points of differen"e between this story and the traditiona Hindu a""ount gi%en by )uni/, +ne of these "on"erns the reason for the Su tanDs atta"C, A""ording to the Hindus it was a war undertaCen from pure greed of "on(uest; a""ording to 2uhammadan story it was a "ampaign against a rebe , #he se"ond is that whi e the Hindus de" are that none of the b ood roya es"aped$ 'atuta distin"t y mentions the sur%i%a of e e%en sons$ and pro%es his point in"ontestab y, 'ut this does not %itiate the genera resemb an"e of the two a""ounts$ whi e the syn"hronism of the dates renders it impossib e to be ie%e that they "an refer to two separate e%ents, Ke may suppose that sin"e the e e%en sons be"ame fo owers of Is am they were for e%er b otted out of a""ount to the orthodoA Hindu, After the "apture of the fortress the Su tan$ a""ording to Ibn 'atuta$ pursued 'aha&ud&din southwards and arri%ed near the "ity of the prin"e with whom he had taCen refuge, #he "hief abandoned his guest to the tender mer"ies of the tyrant$ by whom he was "ondemned to a death of fiendish barbarity, *#he Su tan ordered the prisoner to be taCen to the women his re ations$ and these insu ted him and spat upon him, #hen he ordered him to be sCinned a i%e$ and as his sCin was torn off his f esh was "ooCed with ri"e, Some was sent to his "hi dren and his wife$ and the remainder was put into a great dish and gi%en to the e ephants to eat$ but they wou d not tou"h it, #he Su tan ordered his sCin to be stuffed with straw$ to be p a"ed a ong with the remains of 'ahadur 'ura$?5-@ and to be eAhibited through the "ountry,* #o "ontinue brief y the story gi%en by )uni/, After the "apture of Anegundi in 4==E the Su tan eft 2a iC )aib 1whom )uni/ "a s *Enybi(uyme y* in his se"ond "hapter$ and *2i e(ue neby$* *2e i(uy niby$* and *2e inebi(uy* in the third3 as his o"a go%ernor$ and retired northwards, #he "ountry rose against the usurpers$ and after a time the Su tan restored the prin"ipa ity to the Hindus$ but made a new departure by raising to be Raya the former "hief minister 0e%a Raya$ "a ed *0eorao* or *0ehorao* by )uni/, He reigned se%en years, 0uring his reign this "hief was one day hunting amongst the mountains south of the ri%er when a hare$ instead of f eeing from his dogs$ f ew at them and bit them,?5>@ #he Cing$ astonished at this mar%e $ was returning homewards ost in meditation$ when he met on the ri%er&banC the sage 2adha%a"harya$ surnamed VI09ARA)9A or *Forest of ;earning$* < for so we earn from other sour"es to name the an"horite a uded to < who ad%ised the "hief to found a "ity on the spot, *And so the Cing did$ and on that %ery day began worC on his houses$ and he en" osed the "ity round about; and that done$ he eft )agumdym$ and soon fi ed the new "ity with peop e, And he ga%e it the name V90IAH8)A$ for so the hermit "a ed

himse f who had bidden him "onstru"t it,*?5M@ #hus$ in or about the year A,0, 4==-$ sprung into eAisten"e the great "ity whi"h afterwards be"ame so magnifi"ent and of su"h wide&spread fame, #he "hroni" e "ontinues by saying that the Cing "onstru"ted in the "ity of Vijayanagar a magnifi"ent temp e in honour of the sage, #his temp e I taCe to be the great temp e near the ri%er$ sti in use and Cnown as the temp e of Hampi or Hampe$ ha%ing a sma %i age " ustering about it, +n the ro"Cs abo%e it$ " ose to a group of more modern Hain temp es$ is to be seen a sma shrine bui t entire y$ roof as we as wa s$ of stone, E%erything about this itt e re i" pro%es it to be of greater anti(uity than any other stru"ture in the who e "ir"uit of the hi s$ but its eAa"t age is doubtfu , It ooCs iCe a bui ding of the se%enth "entury A,0, 2r, Rea$ superintendent of the 2adras Ar"haeo ogi"a Sur%ey$ in an arti" e pub ished in the 2A0RAS CHRIS#IA) C+;;E:E 2A:AII)E for 0e"ember 4MM-$ points out that the fa"t of mortar ha%ing been used in its "onstru"tion throws a doubt upon its being as o d as its type of ar"hite"ture wou d otherwise maCe it appear, It is (uite possib e$ howe%er$ that the shrine may ha%e been used by a su""ession of re" uses$ the ast of whom was the great tea"her 2adha%a, If we stand on that ro"C and imagine a the great ruins of the "ity %isib e from then"e$ the pa a"es and temp es$ the statues and towers and wa s$ to be swept out of eAisten"e$ we ha%e around us nothing but )ature in one of her wi dest moods < ofty hi s near and far$ formed a most entire y of huge tumb ed bou ders of granite$ but with trees and grass on a the ow ground, It was a one y spot$ separated by the ri%er from the mere inhabited "ountry on the farther side$ where dwe t the "hiefs of Anegundi$ and was just su"h as wou d ha%e been "hosen for their abode by the as"eti"s of former days$ who o%ed to dwe in so itude and iso ation amid s"enes of grandeur and beauty, Ke sha $ howe%er$ in a probabi ity ne%er Cnow whether this hermit$ whose a"tua eAisten"e at the time is attested by e%ery tradition regarding the origin of Vijayanagar$ was rea y the great 2adha%a or another ess "e ebrated sage$ on whom by a "onfusion of ideas his name has been foisted, Some say that 2adha%a"harya i%ed entire y at Sringeri, #here are a number of other traditions re ating to the birth of the "ity and empire of Vijayanagar, +ne has it that two brothers named 'uCCa and Harihara$ who had been in the ser%i"e of the Cing of Karanga at the time of the destru"tion of that Cingdom by the 2uhammadans in 4=5=$ es"aped with a sma body of horse to the hi "ountry about Anegundi$ being a""ompanied in their f ight by the 'rahman 2adha%a or 2adha%a"harya Vidyaranya$ and by some means not stated be"ame ords of that tra"t$ afterwards founding the "ity of Vijayanagar,?5L@ Another states that the two brothers were offi"ers in the ser%i"e of the 2uhammadan go%ernor of Karanga subse(uent to its first "apture in 4=6L, #hey were despat"hed against the Hoysa a 'a a a so%ereign in the eApedition under the "ommand of 2a iC Gafur in 4=46$ whi"h resu ted in the "apture of the Hindu "apita $ 0%arasamudra; but the portion of the for"e to whi"h the brothers be onged suffered a defeat$ and they f ed to the mountainous tra"t near Anegundi, Here they met the ho y 2adha%a$ who was i%ing the ife of a re" use$ and by his aid they estab ished the Cingdom and "apita "ity, A %ariant of this re ates that the two brothers for some reason f ed dire"t from Karanga to Anegundi, #his a""ount redounds more to their honour as Hindus, #hough "ompe ed first to a""ept ser%i"e under their "on(uerors$ their patriotism triumphed in the end$ and they abandoned the f esh pots of Egypt to throw in their u"C with their "o&re igionists, A fourth story a%ers that the hermit 2adha%a himse f founded the "ity after the dis"o%ery of a hidden treasure$ ru ed o%er it himse f$ and eft it after his death to a Guruba fami y who estab ished the first regu ar dynasty, A fifth$ mentioned by Couto$?=6@ who fiAes the date as 4556$ states that whi e 2adha%a was i%ing his as"eti" ife amongst the mountains he was supported by mea s brought to him by a poor shepherd "a ed 'uCCa$ *and one day the 'rahman said to him$ D#hou sha t be Cing and emperor of

a Industan,D #he other shepherds earned this$ and began to treat this shepherd with %eneration and made him their head; and he a"(uired the name of DCing$D and began to "on(uer his neighbours$ who were fi%e in number$ %i/,$ Canara$ #a igas$ Cangui%arao$ )egapatao$ and he of the 'adagas$ and he at ast be"ame ord of a and "a ed himse f 'o"a Rao,* He was atta"Ced by the Cing of 0e hi$ but the atter was defeated and retired$ whereupon 'uCCa estab ished a "ity *and "a ed it Visaja )agar$ whi"h we "orrupt y "a 'isnaga; and we "a a the Cingdom by that name$ but the nati%es amongst themse %es a ways "a it the DCingdom of Canara,D * CoutoDs narrati%e seems to be a miAture of se%era stories, His wrong date points to his ha%ing part y depended upon the origina "hroni" e of )uni/$ or the summary of it pub ished by 'arros; whi e the rest of the ta e sa%ours more of Hindu roman"e than of histori"a a""ura"y, He retains$ howe%er$ the tradition of an atta"C by the Cing of 0e hi and the atterDs subse(uent retirement, Another authority suggests that 'uCCa and Harihara may ha%e been feudatories of the Hoysa a 'a a as, )iCitin$ the Russian tra%e er$ who was in India in 4E>E$ seems to fa%our the %iew that they be onged to the o d roya house of the Gadambas of 'ana%asi$ sin"e he speaCs of *the Hindoo Su tan Gadam$* who resided at *'i"henegher,*?=4@ Here we ha%e a who e bund e of ta es and traditions to a""ount for the origin of the great Cingdom$ and "an taCe our "hoi"e, #here are many others a so, !erhaps the most reasonab e a""ount wou d be one "u ed from the genera drift of the Hindu egends "ombined with the "ertainties of histori"a fa"t; and from this point of %iew we may for the present suppose that two brothers$ Hindus of the Guruba "aste$ who were men of strong re igious fee ing$ ser%ing in the treasury of the Cing of Karanga $ f ed from that p a"e on its sa"C and destru"tion in 4=5= and tooC ser%i"e under the petty Rajah of Anegundi, 'oth they and their "hiefs were fi ed with horror and disgust at the "ondu"t of the marauding 2os ems$ and p edged themse %es to the "ause of their "ountry and their re igion, #he brothers rose to be minister and treasurer respe"ti%e y at Anegundi, In 4==E the "hief ga%e she ter to 'aha&ud&din$ nephew of 2uhammad of 0e hi$ and was atta"Ced by the Su tan, Anegundi fe $ as narrated by 'atuta$ and the Su tan retired$ ea%ing 2a iC as his deputy to ru e the state, 2a iC found the peop e too strong for him$ and e%entua y the Su tan restored the "ountry to the Hindus$ raising to be rajah and minister respe"ti%e y the two brothers who had former y been minister and treasurer, #hese were Harihara I, 1*HuCCa*3 and 'uCCa I, #he First Vijayanagar 0ynasty ?#he fo owing shows the pedigree of this dynasty as gi%en in the E!I:RA!HIA I)0ICA 1iii, p, =-3, Ins"riptions not yet satisfa"tori y eAamined wi probab y add to the information gi%en,@

CHAPTER 3
#he First Gings 1A,0, 4==- to 4=>L3 Rapid a"(uisition of territory < Reign of Harihara I, < Che"C to 2uhammadan aggression < Reign of 'uCCa I, < Gampa and SangamaN < #he 'ahmani Cingdom estab ished$ 4=E> < 0eath of )agade%a of Karanga < VijayanagarDs first great war < 2assa"res by 2uhammad 'ahmani < 'att e at Adoni$ 4=-- < F ight of 'uCCa < 2ujahidDs war$ 4=>. < He %isits the 2a abar "oast < Siege of Vijayanagar < EAtension of territory < 0eath of 2ujahid$ 4=>M, #he "ity of Vijayanagar$ thus founded about the year 4==.$ speedi y grew in importan"e and be"ame the refuge of the out"asts$ refugees$ and fighting men of the Hindus$ beaten and dri%en out of their o d strongho ds by the ad%an"ing 2uhammadans, #he first ru ers of Vijayanagar$ howe%er$ did not dare to "a themse %es Cings$ nor did e%en the

'rahmans do so who "omposed the teAt of their ear y ins"riptions, It is for this reason that I ha%e spoCen of Harihara I, and 'uCCa I, as *Chiefs,* #he ins"ription referred to of Harihara in 4=E6 "a s him *Hariyappa V+0E9A$* the former name being ess honourab e than *Harihara$* and the atter definite y entit ing him to ranC on y as a "hieftain, 2oreo%er$ the SansCrit tit e gi%en him is 2AHA2A)0A;ESVARA$ whi"h may be trans ated *great ord* < not Cing, And the same is the "ase with his su""essor$ 'uCCa$ in two ins"riptions$?=5@ one of whi"h is dated in 4=.=, A ready in 4=E6 Harihara is said to ha%e been possessed of %ery arge territories$ and he was the a"Cnow edged o%er ord of %i ages as far north as the Ga adgi distri"t$ north of the 2a prabha$ a "ountry that had been o%errun by 2uhammad #agh a(, #hat this was not a mere empty boast is shown by the fa"t that a fort was bui t in that year at 'adami by permission of Harihara, And thus we see the first "hief of Vijayanagar (uiet y$ and perhaps pea"efu y$ a"(uiring great inf uen"e and eAtensi%e possessions, #hese so rapid y in"reased that 'uCCaDs su""essor$ Harihara II,$ sty es himse f RAHA0HIRAHA$ *Cing of Cings$* or emperor, 'ut to re%ert to the first Cing Harihara$ or$ as )uni/ "a s him$ *0ehorao$* for 0EVA RA9A, He reigned$ a""ording to our "hroni" e$ se%en years$ *and did nothing therein but pa"ify the Cingdom$ whi"h he eft in "omp ete tran(ui ity,* His death$ if this be so$ wou d ha%e taCen p a"e about the year 4=E=, )uni/ re ates that he founded a temp e in honour of the 'rahman hermit$ his prote"tor, #his was the great temp e at Hampe " ose to the ri%er$ whi"h is sti in fu preser%ation and is the on y one among the massi%e shrines ere"ted at the "apita in whi"h worship is sti "arried on; the others were remorse ess y wre"Ced and destroyed by the 2uhammadans in 4.-., As a ready stated$ the tra%e er Ibn 'atuta refers to this Cing under the name of *Haraib* or *Harib* in or about the year 4=E5, If the traditions "o ated by )uni/$ a""ording to whi"h Harihara I, i%ed at pea"e during the se%en years of his reign$ be true$ his death must ha%e o""urred before 4=EE$ be"ause in that year$ as we earn from other sour"es$ Grishna$ son of !ratapa Rudra of Karanga $ tooC refuge at Vijayanagar$ and$ in "on"ert with its Cing and with the sur%i%ing 'a a a prin"es of 0%arasamudra$ dro%e ba"C the 2uhammadans$ res"ued for a time part of the Southern 0aChan "ountry$ and prepared the way for the o%erthrow of the so%ereignty of 0e hi south of the Vindhyas, I taCe it$ therefore$ that Harihara died in or about the year A,0, 4=E=, As to his ha%ing reigned (uiet y$ I Cnow of on y one statement to the "ontrary, An ins"ription of Samgama II, re"ording a grant in 4=.-$ and referred to be ow$ states that Harihara I, *defeated the Su tan;* but perhaps this on y a udes to the fa"t that 2uhammad #agh a( had to abandon his ho d on the "ountry, #he neAt Cing was HariharaDs brother$ 'uCCa I, 1*'u"arao*3$ and a""ording to )uni/ he reigned thirty&se%en years$ "on(uering in that time a the Cingdoms of the south$ e%en in" uding +rissa 1+rya3, Kithout aying too mu"h stress on "on(uests by for"e of arms$ it seems "ertain that most if not a Southern India submitted to his ru e$ probab y on y too anAious to se"ure a "ontinuan"e of Hindu domination in preferen"e to the despotism of the hated fo owers of Is am,?==@ A""ording to the "hroni" e$ therefore$ the death of 'uCCa I,$ as we must "a him$ tooC p a"e about the year A,0, 4=M6, As to ins"riptions of his reign$ 0r, Hu t/s"h?=E@ mentions that they "o%er the period from about 4=.E to 4=>4$ whi e the first ins"ription of his su""essor$ Harihara II,$ is dated in 4=>L,?=.@ If$ then$ we assume that 'uCCa I, reigned ti 4=>L$ we find the "hroni" e so far a""urate that 'uCCa I, did in fa"t reign thirty&siA years$ though not thirty&se%en < A,0, 4=E= to 4=>L, 'ut meanwhi e we ha%e another story from an ins"ription on "opper&p ates whi"h is to be seen preser%ed in the Co e"torDs offi"e at )e ore,?=-@ It has been "arefu y edited by 2r, H, Grishna Sastri, A""ording to this it wou d appear that 'uCCa I,$ who undoubted y was a man of war$ usurped the throne, It asserts that the father of Harihara I,$ who was named Samgama$ had fi%e sons, #he e dest was Harihara himse f$ the se"ond Gampa$ and the third 'uCCa, Ke want to Cnow who su""eeded Harihara, #here is eAtant an ins"ription of 'uCCa dated in 4=.E$ and there is this )e ore ins"ription dated in 4=.-, #he atter "omes from a far&off "ountry near the eastern "oast$ and it re ates that Gampa su""eeded Harihara$ and that Samgama II,$ son of Gampa$ su""eeded his father$

and granted a %i age in the )e ore distri"t to the 'rahmans on a date whi"h "orresponds to 2ay =$ A,0, 4=.-, It imp ies that Samgama had su""eeded his father Gampa eAa"t y a year pre%ious to the grant, #hus it " aims that Gampa was Cing from 4=E= to 4=.., Ke Cnow nothing more of this$ and there is on y one other do"ument at present Cnown to eAist whi"h was eAe"uted in the reign either of Gampa or of Samgama #his is a uded to by 2r, Grishna Sastri$ who refers us to the "o ophon of the 2A0HAVI9A 0HA#8VRI##I$ a""ording to whi"h its author$ Sayana"harya$ uterine brother of the great 2adha%a"harya$ was minister to Cing Samgama$ son of Gampa, #he on y possib e inferen"e is that the su""ession to Harihara was disputed$ and that somehow 'uCCa got the upper hand and at east as ear y as 4=.E de" ared himse f Cing$ afterwards " aiming to ha%e immediate y su""eeded Harihara, It wi be seen farther on that in a most e%ery "ase the Cingdom was ra"Ced with dissension on the demise of the so%ereign$ and that year after year the members of the reigning fami y were subje"ted to %io en"e and murder in order that one or other of them might estab ish himse f as head of the State, +n the assumption$ therefore$ that the reign of 'uCCa I, asted from 4=E= to 4=>L$ we turn to Firishtah to earn what were this CingDs re ations with the fo owers of Is am$ now supreme on the north of the Grishna, Hust after his a""ession$ as it wou d appear$ o""urred the su""essfu "ampaign a uded to abo%e$ in whi"h a "ombination of Hindus from different States dro%e ba"C the in%aders, Here is FirishtahDs a""ount of what tooC p a"e,?=>@ He is speaCing of the year A,H, >EE$ whi"h asted from 2ay 5-$ A,0, 4=E=$ to 2ay 4.$ 4=EE$ and he says that Grishna )aiC$ son of Rudra 0e%a of Karanga $ went pri%ate y to 'a a a 0e%a and urged him to join a "ombination of Hindus with the %iew of dri%ing out the 2uhammadans from the 0aChan, #he 'a a a prin"e "onsented$ and Grishna )aiC promised$ when the preparations were "omp ete$ to raise a the Hindus of #e ingana and p a"e himse f at their head, 'a a a 0e%a then bui t the "ity of Vijayanagar$?=M@ raised an army$ and the war began, Karanga $ then in the hands of the 2uhammadans$ was redu"ed$ and its go%ernor$ Imad&u &2u Ch$ retreated to 0au atabad or 0e%agiri, #he two "hiefs then indu"ed other Rajahs of the 2a abar and Ganara "ountries to join them$ and the joint for"es sei/ed the who e of the 0aChan and eApe ed the 2uhammadans there$ *so that within a few months 2uhammad #agh aC had no possessions in that (uarter eA"ept 0au atabad,* So far the 2uhammadan historian, It is ne"essary to obser%e that this su""ess of the Hindus was on y temporary$ for their enemies sti swarmed in the 0aChan$ and immediate y after this "ontest the Hindus appear to ha%e retired south of the Grishna$ ea%ing the distra"ted "ountry a prey to temporary anar"hy, #his$ howe%er$ was of short duration$ for though the domination of the Su tan of 0e hi in that tra"t was "omp ete y destroyed$ yet three years ater$ %i/$ on Friday the 5Eth Rabi&a & aChir A,H, >EM$ a""ording to Firishtah$ a date whi"h "orresponds to Friday$ August =$ A,0, 4=E>$ A a&ud&din 'ahmani was "rowned so%ereign of the 0aChan at Gu barga$ estab ishing a new dynasty whi"h asted for about 4E6 years, A few years after this there was a su""essfu in%asion of the Carnati" "ountry by A a&ud&0in; but though the army returned with some booty Firishtah does not " aim for him a de"isi%e %i"tory, He does$ howe%er$ " aim that the new Su tan eAtended his territory as far south as the ri%er #ungabhadra$ *the %i"inity of the fortress of Adoni,* A a&ud&din died at the age of siAty&se%en on Sunday$ February 5$ A,0, 4=.M$?=L@ and was su""eeded by 2uhammad Shah, #he Raya of Vijayanagar had presented A a&ud&din with a ruby of inestimab e pri"e$ and this$ set in a bird of paradise "omposed of pre"ious stones$ the Su tan p a"ed in the "anopy o%er his throne; but some say that this was done by 2uhammad$ and that the ruby was p a"ed abo%e his umbre a of State, Ear y in the reign of 2uhammad it was dis"o%ered that the go d and si %er "oins of the 'ahrami Su tans were being me ted down in arge (uantities by the Hindus of Vijayanagar and Karanga $ and numbers of the mer"hants were put to death, At the same time 'uCCa I,$ supported by his friend at Karanga $ demanded the restoration of "ertain territories$?E6@ and as the Su tan was not ready for

war$ he *during a year and a ha f Cept the ambassadors of the Raies at his "ourt$ and sent his own to 'eejanugger to amuse his enemies,* Fina y he reso %ed on war$ and made eAtra%agant "ounter& demands on the Hindus, 'uCCa joined for"es with Karanga $ and 2uhammad waged war on the atter state$ p undering the "ountry up to the "apita $ and retiring on y on re"eipt of a arge indemnity, Firishtah does not re ate that any further "ampaign was at that time initiated$ and we are therefore free to suppose that the 2uhammadans were unab e to press their ad%antage, Karanga was not ong eft in pea"e$ and it may be we to g an"e at its subse(uent history before returning to the e%ents of the reign of 'uCCa at Vijayanagar, After an inter%a $ enraged at an insu t offered or supposed to ha%e been offered by the Rajah of Karanga $ 2uhammad made a rapid ad%an"e to the formerDs "ity of *Ve unputtun$* as it is spe t by Firishtah$ or *Fi ampatan$* a""ording to the author of the '8RHA)&I&2AASIR, He sei/ed it$ s aughtered the inhabitants without mer"y$ and "aptured the unfortunate prin"e VinayaCa 0e%a,?E4@ #he Su tan *"ommanded a pi e of wood to be ighted before the "itade $ and putting )agdeo in an engine 1"atapu t3$ had him shot from the wa s into the f ames$ in whi"h he was "onsumed,* After a few daysD rest the Su tan retired$ but was fo owed and harassed by arge bodies of Hindus and "omp ete y routed, +n y 4.66 men returned to Gu barga$ and the Su tan himse f re"ei%ed a se%ere wound in his arm, #his was fo owed by a joint embassy from 'uCCa of Vijayanagar and the prin"e of Karanga to the Su tan of 0e hi$ in whi"h they offered to a"t in "onjun"tion with him shou d an army be sent southwards by that monar"h in order to regain his ost power in the 0aChan; *but Fero/e Shah$ being too mu"h emp oyed with domesti" "ommotions to assist them$ did not attend to their representations,* #hus en"ouraged$ 2uhammad assemb ed fresh for"es and despat"hed them in two di%isions against Karanga and :o Conda, #he eApedition was su""essfu and the Rajah submitted$ the Su tan re"ei%ing :o Conda$ an immense treasure$ and a magnifi"ent throne as the pri"e of pea"e, #he throne was set with pre"ious stones of great %a ue$ and being sti further enri"hed by subse(uent so%ereigns was at one time %a ued at four mi ions ster ing,?E5@ Karanga fina y fe in A,0, 4E5E$ and was anneAed to the 'ahmani Cingdom$ thus bringing the 2uhammadans down to the Ri%er Grishna a a ong its ength eA"ept in the neighbourhood of the east "oast, )ow for the prin"ipa e%ents of 'uCCaDs reign and the affairs of Vijayanagar, #he story deepens in interest from about the year 4=-.$ and for two "enturies we "an fo ow the fortunes of the Hindu Cingdom without mu"h diffi"u ty, Ear y in A,0, 4=--?E=@ the Su tan opened his first regu ar "ampaign against Vijayanagar, +riginating in an after&dinner jest$ it ended on y after su"h s aughter that Firishtah "omputes the %i"tims on the Hindu side a one as numbering no ess than ha f a mi ion, #he story is to d us by an eye&witness$ one 2u ah 0aud of 'idar$ who was sea &bearer to Su tan 2uhammad,?EE@ *+ne e%ening$ when the spring of the garden of mirth had infused the "heeC of 2ahummud Shaw with the rosy tinge of de ight$ a band of musi"ians sung two %erses of Ameer Ghoossroo in praise of Cings$ festi%ity$ and musi", #he Su tan was de ighted beyond measure$ and "ommanded 2a eC Syef ad 0ien :horee to gi%e the three hundred performers a draft for a gratuity on the treasury of the roy of 'eejanuggur, #he minister$ though he judged the order the effe"t of wine$ in "omp ian"e with the humour of the Su tan wrote it$ but did not despat"h it, Howe%er$ 2ahummud Shaw penetrated his thoughts, #he neAt day he in(uired if the draft had been sent to the roy$ and being answered$ not$ eA" aimed$ D#hinC you a word without meaning "ou d es"ape my ipsN I did not gi%e the order in intoAi"ation$ but serious design,D 2a eC Syef ad 0ien upon this$ affiAed the roya sea to the draft$ and despat"hed it by eApress messenger to the roy of 'eejanuggur, #he roy$ haughty and proud of his independen"e$ p a"ed the presenter of the draft on an assDs ba"C$ and$ parading him through a the (uarters of 'eejanuggur$ sent him ba"C with e%ery marC of "ontempt and derision, He a so ga%e immediate orders for assemb ing his troops$ and prepared to atta"C the dominions of the house of 'hamenee, Kith this intent he mar"hed with thirty thousand horse$ three thousand e ephants$ and one hundred thousand foot to the %i"inity of the fortress of +odnee;?E.@ from when"e he sent

deta"hments to destroy and ay waste the "ountry of the faithfu ,* #he Raya$ in spite of the season being that of the rains$ pressed forward to 2udCa $ an important "ity in the Rai"hur 0oab$ or the arge triang e of "ountry ying west of the jun"tion of the Grishna and #ungabhadra ri%ers$ a territory whi"h was e%er a debatab e ground between the Hindus and 2ussu mans$ and the s"ene of "onstant warfare for the neAt 566 years, 2udCa was "aptured$ and a the inhabitants$ men$ women$ and "hi dren$ put to the sword, +ne man on y es"aped and "arried the news to Gu barga, *2ahummud Shaw$ on hearing it$ was sei/ed with a transport of grief and rage$ in whi"h he "ommanded the unfortunate messenger to be instant y put to death; eA" aiming that he "ou d ne%er bear in his presen"e a wret"h who "ou d sur%i%e the sight of the s aughter of so many bra%e "ompanions,* #he same day < I,E, on a day in A,H, >->$ in the month of Hamad&u &awwa $ whi"h asted from Hanuary to February 4=$ A,0, 4=-- < the Su tan mar"hed southwards taCing a so emn oath < *that ti he shou d ha%e put to death one hundred thousand infide s$ as an eApiation for the massa"re of the faithfu $ he wou d ne%er sheathe the sword of ho y war nor refrain from s aughter, Khen he rea"hed the banCs of the Gistna$ he swore by the power who had "reated and eAa ted him to dominion$ that eating or s eep shou d be un awfu for him ti he had "rossed that ri%er in fa"e of the enemy$ by the b essing of hea%en routed their army$ and g addened the sou s of the martyrs of 2udCu with the b ood of their murderers, He then appointed his son 2ujahid Shaw to su""eed him$ and 2a eC Syef ad 0ien regent of his Cingdom, He resigned a his e ephants$ eA"ept twenty$ to the prin"e$ ga%e him his ad%i"e$ and sent him ba"C to Gu barga, He then "rossed the ri%er with nine thousand "hosen horse without de ay, #he roy of 'eejanuggur$ notwithstanding his %ast army$ was so a armed?E-@ that he sent off a his treasure$ %a uab e baggage$ and e ephants towards his "apita $ intending to engage the neAt morning$ or retreat$ as he shou d find it ad%iseab e, #he night being stormy and hea%y rain fa ing$ the e ephants and other beasts of burden stu"C fre(uent y in the mud$?E>@ and were not ab e to ad%an"e abo%e four mi es from the "amp, 2ahummud Shaw heard of the enemyDs mo%ement during the night$ and immediate y mar"hed towards them$ ea%ing his en"ampment standing, #owards the dawn he arri%ed at the royDs "amp$ and the a arm being gi%en$ so great was the "onfusion$ that the infide s f ed with the utmost pre"ipitation towards the fortress of +odnee$ ea%ing e%erything behind them, 2ahummud Shaw entered the "amp of their marCet and baggage$ putting a to death without any distin"tion; and it is said that the s aughter amounted to se%enty thousand men$ women$ and "hi dren,* 2uhammad passed the hot weather and the season of the ear y rains that year near 2udCa $ and after being reinfor"ed mar"hed against Adoni < *in the p ains of whi"h$ on the banCs of the #ummedra 1#ungabhadra3$ the roy of 'eejanuggur had taCen up his station in his own territories$ ha%ing gi%en the "ommand of +odnee to his sisterDs son, Here he had "o e"ted a great army$ and brought e ephants and a the sp endid insignia of empire from 'eejanuggur,*?EM@ #he Su tan had with him a train of arti ery?EL@ and in a short time "rossed the #ungabhadra$ *and entered the domains of 'eejanuggur$ whi"h were now for the first time in%aded by a 2uhammadan so%ereign in person,* #his remarC of FirishtahDs is histori"a y "orre"t$ for the 0e hi Su tanDs atta"C on Anegundi tooC p a"e on the north banC of that ri%er, 'efore "ontinuing the story I must note that Firishtah "a s the Cing of Vijayanagar *Gishen Roy$* otherwise Grishna Raya; but there "an be no doubt that his rea name was 'uCCa, #he historian "o e"ted his information more than two hundred years after these e%ents$ and often misnamed the Hindu Cings of whom he writes, 2uhammad$ then$ "rossed the #ungabhadra$ and on y about twenty&fi%e mi es inter%ened between him and the great fortress of Adoni$ whi"h is situated on a pre"ipitous range of hi s about that distan"e from the ri%er, #he #ungabhadra at this portion of its "ourse may be "onsidered as forming the ar"$ west to north$ of a (uarter "ir" e ha%ing Adoni for its "entre$ the radius rough y measuring

about twenty&fi%e mi es, #he ri%er is fordab e at most seasons of the year$ ying as it does in a sha ow ro"Cy bed with ow banCs, It is diffi"u t to o"ate with any "ertainty the s"enes of this "ampaign$ but I gather genera y that$ finding the 2uhammadans aiming at the redu"tion of Adoni$ 'uCCa mar"hed out with a %ery arge for"e to inter"ept this mo%e$ and p a"ed himse f on the south banC of the #ungabhadra$ In the neighbourhood of the threatened fortress, #he Su tan "rossed somewhere near the present town of Siruguppa$ and the great batt e that ensued tooC p a"e in the open "otton&p ains$ perhaps near Ga%uta 1*Gowta * on the +rdnan"e 2ap3, Here is FirishtahDs a""ount:?.6@ < *Roy Gishen Roy 1I,E, 'uCCa3$ on re"ei%ing the inte igen"e 1that 2uhammad had "rossed3$ "a ed together a the first nob es of his "ourt$ and "onsu ted on the best mode of opposing the mussu mauns, It was agreed that Hoje 2u $?.4@ a materna re ation to the roy and "ommander of his armies$ shou d ha%e the "ondu"t of the war, Hoje 2u $ %ain to eA"ess$ on re"ei%ing his "ommand$ asCed the roy if he shou d bring the prin"e of the mussu mauns a i%e a prisoner into his presen"e$ or present him on y his head upon a spear, Gishen Roy rep ied$ that a i%ing enemy$ in any situation$ was not agreeab e$ therefore he had better put him to death as soon as he shou d taCe him, Hoje 2u $ ha%ing re"ei%ed his dismission mar"hed to oppose 2ahummud Shaw with forty thousand horse and fi%e hundred thousand foot, He "ommanded the 'ramins to de i%er e%ery day to the troops dis"ourses on the meritoriousness of s aughtering the mahummedans$ in order to eA"ite /ea for eApe ing them, He ordered them to des"ribe the but"hery of "ows$?.5@ the insu ts to sa"red images$ and destroying of temp es$ pra"tised by the true be ie%ers, *2ahummud Shaw$ when the enemy arri%ed within fifteen "oss?.=@ of his "amp$ "ommanded his genera $ Ghan 2ahummud$ to muster the troops$ who were found to be fifteen thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, #en thousand horse and thirty thousand foot$ with a the arti ery$ he ad%an"ed under Ghan 2ahummud Ghan, *+n the 4Eth of IeeCaud 1A,H, >->$ or #hursday$ Hu y 5=$ A,0, 4=--3$ the armies of ight and darCness met, From the dawn ti four in the afternoon$ iCe the wa%es of the o"ean$ they "ontinued in warm "onf i"t with ea"h other$ and great numbers were s ain on both sides, 2ooseh Ghan and Eeseh Ghan$ who "ommanded the right and eft wings of Ghan 2ahummudDs ine$ dranC the sherbet of martyrdom$ and their troops broCe; whi"h misfortune had near y gi%en a b ow to the army of Is aam, At this instant 2ahummud Shaw appeared with three thousand fresh horse, #his restored the spirits of Ghan 2ahummud as a so of the disordered troops$ who ra ied and joined him, 2uCCrib Ghan$ ad%an"ing with the arti ery$ was not wanting in eAe"ution$ great y disordering the enemyDs horse and foot, He asCed ea%e to "harge and "omp ete the rout, Ghan 2ahummud upon this$ deta"hed a number of the nobi ity to support him$ and permitted him to ad%an"e; whi"h he did with su"h rapidity that the infide s had not time to use fireworCs 1I,E, "annon3$ but "ane to short weapons su"h as swords and daggers, At this time an e ephant$ named Sheer ShiCar$?.E@ be onging to Ghan 2ahummud$ refused the guidan"e of his dri%er$ and rushed into the "enter of the enemyDs ine$ where he was stopped by the e ephants of Hoje 2u Roy$ and his dri%er was Ci ed, Ghan 2ahummud with fi%e hundred horse fo owed$ and the e ephant be"oming unru y$ turned upon the enemy$ throwing their ranCs into "onfusion, Hoje 2u Roy$ after re"ei%ing a morta wound$ f ed$ and his fo owers no onger made resistan"e, #he infide s$ seeing their "enter broCe$ f ed on a sides, #he s"ymetars of the faithfu were not yet sheathed from s aughter when the roya umbre a appeared, #he su tan ga%e orders to renew the massa"re of the unbe ie%ers, #hey were eAe"uted with su"h stri"tness that pregnant women$ and e%en "hi dren at the breast$ did not es"ape the sword, *2ahummud Shaw ha ted a weeC on the fie d$ and dispat"hed a""ounts of his %i"tory to his own dominions, In performan"e of his %ow of massa"re he neAt mar"hed towards the "amp of Gishen Roy$ who$ thinCing himse f unab e to oppose notwithstanding his numerous for"e$ f ed to the woods and mountains for she ter, #he su tan fo owed him from p a"e to p a"e for three months$ putting to death a who "ame in his way$ without distin"tion, At ength Gishen Roy tooC the road of 'eejanuggur$ his "apita , #he su tan$ pursuing$ soon arri%ed with his army near the "ity,*

#o maCe a ong story short$ the Su tan besieged Vijayanagar in %ain for a month$ and then retreated a"ross the #ungabhadra$ harassed at e%ery step by masses of the Hindus from the "ity, He ha ted at ast in an open p ain$ and the Cing a so pit"hed his "amp at no great distan"e, 2uhammadDs retreat had been de iberate y "arried out in order to draw on his enemy$ and "ause him by o%er&"onfiden"e to neg e"t proper pre"autions, #he ruse was su""essfu , #he 2uhammadans made a sudden and uneApe"ted night&atta"C, 'uCCa 1"a ed$ as before$ *Gishen*3 was off his guard$ ha%ing indu ged in wine and the amusements pro%ided by a band of dan"ing&women, #he s aughter was terrib e$ and the Raya f ed to Vijayanagar$ ten thousand of his troops being s ain; < *'ut this did not satisfy the rage of the su tan$ who "ommanded the inhabitants of e%ery p a"e round 'eejanuggur to be massa"red without mer"y,* #hen 'uCCa tried to maCe pea"e$ but the Su tan refused, *At this time a fa%ourite remarCed to the su tan that he had on y sworn to s aughter one hundred thousand Hindoos$ and not tota y to destroy their ra"e #he su tan rep ied that though twi"e the number of his %ow might ha%e been s ain$ yet ti the roy shou d submit$ and satisfy the musi"ians$ he wou d not pardon him or spare the i%es of his subje"ts, #o this the ambassadors$ who had fu powers$ agreed$ and the money was paid at the instant, 2ahummud Shaw then said$ D!raise be to :od that what I ordered has been performed, I wou d not et a ight word be re"orded of me in the pages of timeOD * #he ambassadors then p eaded that no re igion ordained that the inno"ent$ and parti"u ar y he p ess women and "hi dren$ shou d suffer for the gui ty: < *If Gishen Roy had been fau ty$ the poor and wret"hed had not been partaCers in his "rimes, 2ahummud Shaw rep ied that the de"rees of pro%iden"e had so ordered$ and that he had no power to a ter them,* #he ambassadors fina y urged that as the two nations were neighbours$ it were sure y best to a%oid unne"essary "rue ty$ whi"h wou d on y embitter their re ations with one another; and this argument had effe"t, *2ahummud Shaw was stru"C by their remarCs$ and tooC an oath that he wou d not in future put to death a sing e enemy after %i"tory$ and wou d bind his su""essors to obser%e the same enity,* For some years$ no doubt$ the promise was fu fi ed$ but we read of who esa e massa"res perpetrated by so%ereigns of ater date, As to 2uhammad$ Firishtah g ories in the statement that he had s aughtered .66$666 Hindus$ and so wasted the distri"ts of the Carnati" that for se%era de"ades they did not re"o%er their natura popu ation, #hus ended the war$ and for some years there was pea"e between Vijayanagar and Gu barga, 2uhammad Shah died on 54st Apri A,0, 4=>.$?..@ and was su""eeded by his son 2ujahid$ then nineteen years o d, Short y after his a""ession 2ujahid wrote to 'uCCa Raya 1sti "a ed *Gishen Roy* by Firishtah?.-@3$ *that as some forts and distri"ts between the Gistnah and #ummedra 1#ungabhadra3 ri%ers were he d by them in parti"ipation$ whi"h o""asioned "onstant disagreements$ he must for the future imit his "onfines to the #ummedra$ and gi%e up a on the eastern side to him$ with the fort of 'eeCapore and some other p a"es,* #his *'eeCapore* is the important fortress of 'anCapur$ south of 0harwar, #he 0aChani so%ereigns a ways ooCed on it with "o%etous eyes$ as it ay on the dire"t route from Vijayanagar to the sea$ and its possession wou d para yse Hindu trade, #he Raya rep ied by a "ounter&demand that the Su tan shou d e%a"uate the who e of the 0oab$ sin"e Rai"hur and 2udCa had a ways be onged to the Anegundi fami y, 'uCCa de" ared the Grishna ri%er to be the true boundary$ and asCed that the e ephants taCen by Su tan 2uhammad shou d be restored, #he Su tanDs answer was a de" aration of war, He ad%an"ed in person$ "rossed both the ri%ers$ and arri%ed before Adoni, +n hearing that the Raya was en"amped on the banC of the #ungabhadra$ he

eft one for"e to besiege the fortress$ sent another to ad%an"e towards Vijayanagar$ and himse f mar"hed$ probab y in a north&wester y dire"tion$ towards the ri%er$ *by s ow mar"hes and with great "aution,* #he Hindu prin"e at first prepared to re"ei%e his atta"C$ but for some reason?.>@ ost heart and retired to the forests on the hi s of Sandur$ south of his "apita , Firishtah here pays a tribute to the interest fe t by the inhabitants of this part of India in the new "ity$ then on y forty years o d$ but e%ident y growing in grandeur year by year, *2ujahid Shaw$ ha%ing heard great praises of the beauty of the "ity$ ad%an"ed to 'eejanuggur; but thinCing it too strong to besiege at present$ he mo%ed in pursuit of the enemy in the fie d,* )ow fo ows a passage on whi"h it is diffi"u t to p a"e fu re ian"e$ but whi"h on y e"hoes "ommon tradition, It runs to the effe"t that$ on the ad%an"e of the Su tan$ the Raya *f ed through the woods and hi s towards Seet 'under Ramessar fo owed by the su tan$ who "ut passages for his "a%a ry; through forests before ina""essib e, In this manner the roy f ed from p a"e to p a"e for siA months$ but ne%er dared to appear without the woods, It was in %ain that the fa%ourites of the su tan represented the pursuit as fruit ess and destru"ti%e to the troops, He wou d not desist, At ast his good fortune pre%ai ed, #he hea th of Gishen Roy and his fami y be"ame affe"ted by the noAious air of the woods$ and they were warned to (uit them by the physi"iansB, 0ri%en by ne"essity$ he retired by se"ret paths to his "apita of 'eejanuggur, #he su tan despat"hed an army after him$ whi e he himse f$ with the ameer a amra 'ahadur Ghan and fi%e thousand men$ went to amuse himse f with the sight of Seet 'unda Ramessar, *#he su tan at this p a"e repaired a mos(ue whi"h had been bui t by the offi"ers of Su tan A a ad 0ien Ghi jee, He broCe down many temp es of the ido aters$ and aid waste their "ountry after whi"h he hastened with a eApedition to 'eejanuggur,* It is a fa"t that a mos(ue is de" ared to ha%e been ere"ted by 2a iC Gafur on the sea&"oast in 4=46$ but apparent y not at Rames%aram$ whi"h ies in the eAtreme south of India$ on the eastern "oast opposite the is and of Cey on, 2oreo%er$ it is eAtreme y improbab e that a 2uhammadan so%ereign "ou d$ in the fourteenth "entury A,0,$ ha%e penetrated so far south with su"h a handfu of men, #hey wou d ha%e been harassed at e%ery step by myriads of Hindus$ who$ though doubt ess tremb ing at the sight of a 2uhammadan$ wou d$ we may be sure$ ne%er ha%e permitted .666 men to tra%erse in pea"e 4666 mi es of forest and mountain; for Rames%aram is fu y .66 mi es from Vijayanagar, 2a iC GafurDs eApedition is said to ha%e taCen p a"e after the "on(uest by him of the 'a a a Rajah of 0%arasamudra in 2aisur$ when he ere"ted a mos(ue on the SEA&C+AS# +F 2A;A'AR$ and therefore nowhere near Rames%aram, Co one 'riggs has obser%ed this diffi"u ty$?.M@ and thinCs that the p a"e a uded to must be Sadasi%aghur$ on the western "oast$3 south of :oa$ adding$ *#he spot B is "a ed Cape Ramas on our maps,*?.L@ He be ie%es$ howe%er$ that the remains of an o d mos(ue do eAist at Rames%aram$ and its date shou d be sett ed, ;ea%ing it to others better informed to throw ight on this point$ I return to 'uCCa Raya and his doings, Firishtah says that there were two roads to Vijayanagar: *one fit for the passage of armies$ the other narrow and diffi"u t, As the former was ined with ambushes$ he "hose the atter$ through whi"h he mar"hed with a se e"t&body of troops$ and appeared sudden y in the suburbs of the "ity,* If 2ujahid "ame up from the 2a abar "oast$ the former of these two roads wou d perhaps be the usua route adopted by tra%e ers$ whi"h eads through open undu ating p ains, A%oiding this route$ the Su tan may ha%e turned the Sandur hi s by a f anC mo%ement to his right$ and approa"hed either a ong the %a ey of Sandur or a ong the %a ey whi"h now "arries the main road from 'e ary to Vijayanagar$ between the Sandur hi s and the hi s that surround the atter "ity, *Gishen Roy was astonished at his bo dness$ and sent myriads of his peop e to defend the streets, #he su tan dro%e them before him and gained the banC of a pie"e of water whi"h a one now di%ided him from the "itade $ in whi"h Gishen Roy resided, )ear this was an eminen"e$ upon whi"h stood a

temp e "o%ered with p ates of go d and si %er set with jewe s$ mu"h %enerated by the Hindoos$ and "a ed in the anguage of the "ountry !uttuC, #he su tan$ esteeming the destru"tion of it as a re igious ob igation$ as"ended the hi $ and ha%ing ra/ed the temp e$ possessed himse f of the pre"ious meta s and jewe s,* #he pie"e of water a uded to may ha%e been the pi"tures(ue aCe at Gama apuram; but whi"h was the temp e that 2ujahid destroyedN It seems use ess to spe"u ate$ "onsidering that the historian on y wrote from tradition after a apse of two "enturies, #here are many temp es on hi s to "hoose from$ and se%era pie"es of water, 'ut the strangest part of the story is that we are not to d how the Su tan su""eeded in penetrating the outer ines of worCs$ and in rea"hing a spot whi"h di%ided him on y from the inner "itade or pa a"e en" osure, It must$ howe%er$ be remembered that though in A,0, 4EE= Abdur Ra//aC saw se%en ines of wa s$ we are not "ertain how many there were in the days of 'uCCa Raya, At this point 2ujahid was atta"Ced and near y ost his ife, *#he ido aters$ upon seeing their obje"t of %eneration destroyed$ raised their shrieCs and amentations to the sCy, #hey ob iged Gishen Roy to head them and ad%an"ed reso ute y in astonishing numbers, 8pon whi"h the su tan formed his disposition, He aid aside his umbre a$ and with one of his arms&bearers$ an Afghaun named 2hamood$ "rossed a sma ri%u et to obser%e the numbers and motions of the infide s, A Hindoo$ who Cnew the su tan from the horse he rode$ reso %ed$ by re%enging the destru"tion of his gods and "ountry$ to gain immorta reputation for himse f, He mo%ed unper"ei%ed through the ho ows and broCen ground a ong the banC of the ri%u et$ had gained the p ain$ and was "harging towards the su tan at fu speed$ when 2ujahid Shaw$ at a u"Cy instant$ per"ei%ing him$ made a sign to 2hamood Afghaun$ who without de ay "harged the Hindoo, 2hamoodDs horse rearing$ he fe to the ground, His antagonist$ ha%ing e%ery ad%antage$ was on the point of putting him to death$ when su tan 2ujahid Shaw ad%an"ed with the (ui"Cness of ightning, #he Hindoo$ "hanging his obje"t$ aimed a hea%y stroCe at the su tan$ gi%ing at the same instant a shout of triumph$ whi"h made the spe"tators be ie%e his b ow was effe"tua , ;u"Ci y$ a he met of iron sa%ed the head of the su tan$ who now inf i"ted su"h a wound on his enemy that he was di%ided from the shou der to the na%e and fe dead from his horse$?-6@ upon whi"h the su tan remounted 2hamood and joined his army on the other side of the ri%u et,* A batt e ensued in whi"h the Hindus were defeated; but whi e the in%ading for"e had hard y re"o%ered from their fatigue$ the RayaDs brother?-4@ *arri%ed at the "ity from his go%ernment with a reinfor"ement of twenty thousand horse and a %ast army of foot*?-5@ #he fighting then be"ame furious, In the midd e of the batt e the Su tanDs un" e$ 0aud Ghan$?-=@ fearfu for the safety of his so%ereign$ (uitted his post at *0hunna Sodra*?-E@ and joined in the engagement with distinguished ga antry, #he 2uhammadans were again %i"torious; but the enemy$ ha%ing taCen ad%antage of 0aud GhanDs mo%ement$ had "aptured the abandoned position$ and thus serious y threatened the Su tanDs retreat, He therefore eft the fie d$ and by sCi fu manoeu%ring enab ed the who e of his for"e to eAtri"ate themse %es in safety from the hi s, Kith between siAty and se%enty thousand prisoners$ most y women$ he retreated from Vijayanagar and sat down before Adoni; but after a siege asting nine months the attempt was abandoned$ and the Su tan retired to his own territories, #hus ended the "ampaign, Firishtah gi%es a short a""ount of the Cingdom of Vijayanagar at this period 1about 4=>M A,0,3$ from whi"h the fo owing eAtra"ts are taCen, *#he prin"es of the house of 'ahmanee maintained themse %es by superior %a our on y$ for in power$ wea th$ and eAtent of "ountry the ro es of 'eejanuggur were great y their superiors;* and he imp ies that at this time$ as "ertain y in after years$ a Southern India had submitted to the sway of the Raya, *#he seaport of :oa$?-.@ the fortress of 2a gaon$?--@ B be onged to the roy of 'eejanuggur$ and many distri"ts of #u ghaut?->@ were in his possession, His "ountry was we peop ed$ and his

subje"ts submissi%e to his authority, #he ro es of 2a abar$ Cey on$ and other is ands and other "ountries Cept ambassadors at his "ourt$ and sent annua y ri"h presents,*?-M@ Ke must re%ert for a moment to the Su tanDs un" e and his beha%iour before Vijayanagar, It wi be remembered that$ fi ed with the best intentions$ he had (uitted his post to defend his Cing, *#he su tan$ on seeing the standard of 0aood Ghan$ was enraged$ but stif ed his disp easure ti the ga e of %i"tory had wa%ed o%er the standards of the faithfu , He then "a ed 0aood Ghan before him$ and ga%e him a harsh reprimand for (uitting a station so important that$ shou d the enemy gain possession$ not a mussu maun "ou d maCe his es"ape from the "ity,* 0aud treasured up his resentment at this treatment$ and$ being joined by other disaffe"ted nob es$ se"ret y p otted the assassination of the Su tan, #he "onspirators waited ti 2ujahid was on his way from Adoni towards Gu barga$ and then one night$ that of Friday$ Apri 4-$ A,0, 4=>M$?-L@ whi e the Su tan was as eep in his tent$ 0aud$ a""ompanied by three other men$ rushed in and stabbed him, #here was a strugg e$ and the unfortunate monar"h was despat"hed by the b ow of a sabre,?>6@ 0aud at on"e pro" aimed himse f Su tan as nearest of Cin < 2ujahid ha%ing no "hi dren < and being a"Cnow edged$ pro"eeded to Gu barga$ where he was pro" aimed, #he assassination of his nephew a%ai ed 0aud but itt e$ as the "ountry was at on"e di%ided into two opposing fa"tions$ and on 2ay 54$ A,0, 4=>M$?>4@ after a reign of on y one month$ the murderer was himse f assassinated whi e at prayer in the great mos(ue of the "apita , 2eanwhi e 'uCCa Raya o%errun the 0oab$ ad%an"ed as far as the ri%er Grishna$ and in%ested the fortress of Rai"hur, 0aud was su""eeded by A a&ud&dinDs youngest son 2ahmud I$?>5@ 2ujahidDs sister Ruh !ar%ar Agah ha%ing b inded 0audDs son$ then a boy of eight years$ in order to pre%ent dissension, 2ahmud was apparent y we "ome to a parties$ for e%en the Raya raised the siege of Rai"hur and agreed to pay him the tribute eAa"ted by 2uhammad Shah; so at east says Firishtah, And during the who e of his reign of near y twenty years there was pea"e and tran(ui ity at home and abroad, He died on the 56th Apri A,0, 4=L>,?>=@ #he de"ease of 'uCCa I, of Vijayanagar must apparent y$ for reasons shown$ be p a"ed at about A,0, 4=>L,

CHAPTER 4
:rowth of the Empire 1A,0, 4=>L to 4E6-3 Harihara II, < Firu/ Shah of Gu barga < Fresh wars < Assassination of a prin"e in 4=LL A,0, < 'uCCa II, 'uCCa I, was su""eeded by Harihara II,$ his son by his wife :auri, )uni/ "a s the new Cing *!ureoyre 0eorao$* and *!ureoyre* seems to be a rough !ortuguese %ersion of the name Harihara; H and ! representing the same sound in the Ganarese and #e ugu anguages, A""ording to the ins"riptions$?>E@ Harihara II, reigned at east twenty years$ and he was the first Cing who ga%e himse f imperia tit es under the sty e of 2AHARAHA0HIRAHA, He ga%e many grants to the temp es$ and "onso idated the suprema"y of his dynasty o%er a Southern India, Sayana$ brother of 2adha%a"harya$ appears to ha%e been his "hief minister$ as he was to Ging Samgama II,?>.@ 2udda is mentioned in two ins"riptions of A,0, 4=>L and 4=M5 as the CingDs genera , Another of his genera s was "a ed Iruga, He was son of Chai"ha$ minister of 'uCCa II, His name appears on a pi ar in a Hain temp e near Gama apura at Vijayanagar in an ins"ription bearing date A,0, 4=M.; whi"h pro%es that the Cing was to erant in re igious matters, #here seems a so to ha%e been a genera named :unda i%ing in his reign$ but his date is un"ertain,?>-@ A""ording to another ins"ription$?>>@ Ging Harihara ear y in his reign eApe ed the 2uhammadans from :oa; and the ast ins"ription of his reign at present dis"o%ered?>M@ mentions that one 'a"hanna 8daiyar was then go%ernor of that p a"e,

#he CingDs wife$ or one of his prin"ipa wi%es$ was 2a ade%i$ or 2a ambiCa, #he eAtent of his domination is shown by the fa"t that ins"riptions of his reign are found in 2ysore$ 0harwar$ Conjee%eram$ Ching eput$ and #ri"hinopo y,?>L@ He was a worshipper of Si%a under the form VirupaCsha$ but appears to ha%e been singu ar y to erant of other re igions, #he atest a"tua date of the reign afforded by ins"riptions is +"tober 4.$ A,0, 4=LL,?M6@ :hias&ud&din$ a boy of se%enteen$ e dest son of the ate Su tan 2ahmud$ had su""eeded his father on the throne of Gu barga; but on Hune 4E$ 4=L>$?M4@ he was trea"herous y b inded during an entertainment by an ambitious s a%e$ after a reign of on y one month and twenty days, His younger brother$ Shams&ud&din$ was then p a"ed on the throne$ but after a reign of fi%e months was b inded and deposed by his "ousin Firu/$ se"ond son of the ate Su tan 0aud, Firu/ was by birth undoubted y of the e der bran"h$ and he be"ame one of the most "e ebrated monar"hs of his ine$ as"ending the throne on )o%ember 4.$ A,0, 4=L>,?M5@ He must ha%e then been we ad%an"ed in years$ as Firishtah says he was *o d* in A,0, 4E4L, #he date of the ast ins"ription of Harihara II, as yet brought to ight is$ as before stated$ +"tober 4.$ A,0, 4=LL, #here are two ins"riptions eAtant of 'uCCa II,$ his e dest son$ both dated in A,0, 4E6-$ ?M=@ and se%era of the atterDs su""essor$ the younger brother of 'uCCa II,$ whose name was 0e%araya I,$ and whose reign asted ti at east A,0, 4E45, It wi be remembered that the first Cing of Vijayanagar$ Harihara I,$ was an o d man 1)uni/ says *%ery o d*3$ and reigned se%en years, His su""essor$ 'uCCa$ his brother$ reigned thirty&se%en years a""ording to )uni/$ and perhaps$ therefore$ it wou d be best not to assume too great an age for Harihara I, Howe%er this may be$ it wou d appear that when the pea"efu monar"h Harihara II,$ son of 'uCCa I,$ "ame to the throne$ his father must ha%e died at a %ery ad%an"ed age$ and he himse f must ha%e been by no means young, He reigned at east twenty years$ as before stated$ and we are therefore justified in assuming that at the " ose of his reign 1in A,0, 4=LL3 he was (uite an o d man, Kith this in our minds$ et us turn to FirishtahDs narrati%e of the reign of Firu/ Shah 'ahmani$ beginning with his a""ession in )o%ember A,0, 4=L>, He te s us that in the Hijra year M64 14=th September 4=LM to =rd September 4=LL3$ month not gi%en < *0ewa Roy of 'eejanuggur$ with thirty thousand horse and a %ast army of foot$ in%aded the roya territories between the ri%ers$ with a design to redu"e the forts of 2udCu and Roijore* 1Rai"hur3, And in a ater passage we are to d that the "ampaign was at an end a few months before the end of Hijra M64; I,E, a few months before the end of August A,0, 4=LL, #he first mo%ement of the Hindu army must therefore ha%e taCen p a"e at the beginning of the "o d season of A,0, 4=LM$ probab y not ear ier than 0e"ember in that year$ when the great "otton p ains a"ross whi"h the troops had to mar"h were passab e, It "an hard y be supposed that Ging Harihara II,$ then (uite o d and a ways a o%er of pea"e$ wou d without moti%e ha%e waged this sudden war and himse f ed his armies into the fie d$ and it seems more iCe y that the in%asion was a bo d dash made by his son with the CingDs permission, #he 2uhammadan historians admit an unbroCen pea"e of twenty years pre%ious to this date, It seems$ therefore$ that the "hroni" es of )uni/$ the writings of Firishtah$ and the eAtant ins"riptions a agree together$ and that we must p a"e the death of Harihara II, at the " ose of the year A,0, 4=LL, ;itt e more "an be said about the e%ents of his reign, #he new Cing$ his e dest son$ 'uCCa II,$ must ha%e been a man of midd e age$ as he had a son o d enough to taCe the fie d with him before he himse f "ame to the throne, *#his Cing 1D!ureoyreD3$* says )uni/$ *had a son$ who by his death inherited the Cingdom$ who was "a ed Ajarao; and he reigned forty&three years$ in whi"h time he was a ways at war with the 2oors,*

I "an gi%e no eAp anation as to why )uni/ "a s the su""essor of Harihara II *Ajarao$* nor as to his estimate of forty&three years for his reign, #he names and engths of reigns gi%en to *AjaraoDs* su""essors by our "hroni" er pro%e that by *Ajarao* he means two Cings$ 'uCCa II, and his su""essor$ 0e%a Raya I,; and the period "o%ered by their "ombined reigns was on y fourteen years$ not forty&three, )uni/ states that the su""essor of Harihara II, great y impro%ed the "ity of Vijayanagar$ raising fresh wa s and towers$ in"reasing its eAtent$ and bui ding further ines of fortifi"ation, 'ut his great worC was the "onstru"tion of a huge dam in the #ungabhadra ri%er$ and the formation of an a(uedu"t fifteen mi es ong from the ri%er into the "ity, If this be the same "hanne that to the present day supp ies the fie ds whi"h o""upy so mu"h of the site of the o d "ity$ it is a most eAtraordinary worC, For se%era mi es this "hanne is "ut out of the so id ro"C at the base of the hi s$ and is one of the most remarCab e irrigation worCs to be seen in India, )o detai s are gi%en of the wars he engaged in$ eA"ept that$ besides his "ampaigns against the 2oors$ he tooC *:oa$ Chau $ and 0abu $* and redu"ed the Choromande side of the peninsu a to oya ty and obedien"e to his ru e, Ke earn a great dea more about the doings of 'uCCa II, and 0e%a Raya I, from Firishtah than from )uni/$ and I maCe no apo ogy for (uoting "opious y from the former author$ whose writings throw mu"h ight on the period, 'uCCaDs first war began with the in%asion a ready a uded to, It tooC p a"e during his father HariharaDs reign$ apparent y about the month of 0e"ember A,0, 4=LM 1rather ater than ear ier3, #he wide "otton p ains of that tra"t are on y passab e during pro onged dry weather$ and the prin"e wou d "ertain y not ha%e risCed an ad%an"e whi e there was any iCe ihood of rain fa ing, 'uCCaDs son a""ompanied his father$ and the obje"ti%e was the "ountry of the 0oab$ and parti"u ar y the fortresses of 2udCa and Rai"hur$ then in the hands of the 'ahmani Su tan, Su tan Firu/ mo%ed to meet him$ s aughtering on the way a Hindu "hief or /amindar and se%en or eight thousand of his fo owers$ *who had a ways been %ery troub esome and refra"tory,* #he Raya had ad%an"ed to the northern frontier of the debatab e and and was en"amped on the ri%er Grishna$ then in fu f ood$ ha%ing arge bodies of troops posted to oppose the passage of the 2uhammadans, *Su tan Fero/e Shaw$?ME@ on his arri%a near the ri%er$ he d a "oun"i of war with his "hief offi"ers$ but re"ei%ed no ad%i"e that to him appeared satisfa"tory, *Khi e the su tan was debating in his own mind how to a"t$ Cau/i Serauje$ seeing his "on"ern$ offered$ if the su tan wou d permit him$ to "ross the ri%er with a few of his friends$ whom he wou d se e"t for that purpose$ to assassinate 0ewa Roy or his son$ as he found most "on%enientB, *#he su tan appro%ing the measure$ some hundreds of hurd es "o%ered with eather?M.@ were prepared eApeditious y for the troops to "ross, Cau/i Serauje$ with se%en of his friends disguised as ho y mendi"ants$ pro"eeded to the royDs "amp$ and repaired to the (uarter where the dan"ing&gir s resided,?M-@ Here the "au/i pretended to be enraptured with a "ourtesan$ and was gui ty of a thousand eAtra%agan"es to support his "hara"ter, In the e%ening the gir $ ha%ing adorned herse f in her ri"hest ornaments$ prepared to go out$ on whi"h the "au/i$ iCe a jea ous and distra"ted o%er$ fa ing at her feet$ entreated her to stay$ or et him attend her$ and not rend his heart by her absen"e, #he woman upon this informed him that she was ordered to attend an entertainment by the royDs son$ and durst not disobey$ nor "ou d she taCe him with her$ as on y musi"ians and dan"ers wou d be admitted, #he "au/i upon this rep ied that he p ayed on the same instrument as herse f$ and had$ besides$ some "urious a""omp ishments that wou d high y p ease the royDs son, #he dan"ing&gir $ thinCing him in jest$ out of "ontempt ga%e him her munda $?M>@ and desired him to p ay$ whi"h he did in so master y a manner that she was de ighted$ saying that his "ompany wou d gi%e her superiority o%er her fe ows and do her honour with the royDs son, A""ording y he with his "ompanions attended the gir to the tents of the young roy, *As is the "ustom of 0eCCan$ many sets of oo ies?MM@ and dan"ing&gir s were ordered to perform at the same time$ and ha%ing finished their parts$ the royDs son "a ed for the p ayers and mummers,

#he dan"ing&gir now obtained ea%e for the "au/i and one of his "ompanions to show their feats, Ha%ing assumed the dress of women$ they entered og ing and smi ing$ and so we imitated the mummers in p aying on the munda $ dan"ing$ and mimi"ry$ that the royDs son was "harmed with their performan"es, At ength they ea"h drew a dagger$ and$ iCe the dan"ers of 0eCCan$ "ontinued to f ourish them for some time$ maCing a thousand anti" postures in ad%an"ing$ retreating$ and turning round, At ast$ sudden y rushing upon the royDs son$ they p unged both the daggers into his breast$ afterwards atta"Cing his "ompanions, #heir remaining friends$ who were wat"hing without the tent$ on hearing an a arm$ ripped up the "urtain$ and entered to assist them, 2any of the "ompany$ being mu"h intoAi"ated$ were easi y put to death, #he "au/i with his friends eAtinguished a the ights$ and$ maCing their es"ape through the rent$ ming ed with the "rowd, #he out"ry soon be"ame genera round the tents, :reat "onfusion ensued$ and %arious reports and a arms tooC p a"e, Some said that the su tan had "rossed the ri%er and surprised the "amp$ others that one of his "hiefs$ with twe %e thousand men$ had "ut off both the roy and his son, #he night was un"ommon y darC$ and the "amp eAtended near ten mi es$ so that "ir"umstan"es were %arious y reported$ and the different "hiefs$ ignorant of the rea "ause of the a arm$ "ontended themse %es with waiting in their se%era (uarters; under arms, About four thousand of the su tanDs troops$ in this interim$ "rossed the ri%er in boats and rafts whi"h had been prepared for the purpose, #he enemyDs foot$ stationed to oppose the passage$ terrified by the a arm in "amp and the approa"h of the su tanDs for"es$ f ed in "onfusion without waiting to be atta"Ced, 'efore the morning Fero/e Shaw had "rossed the ri%er with his who e army$ and at dawn assau ted the enemyDs "amp with great fury, 0ewu Roy grie%ed by the death of his son and pani" stru"C at the bra%ery of the assai ants$ made but a faint resistan"e, 'efore sunrise$ ha%ing taCen up his sonDs "orpse$ he f ed with his army, #he su tan gained immense p under in the "amp$ and pursued him to the %i"inity of 'eejanuggur, Se%era a"tions happened on the way$ a of whi"h were fortunate to the su tan$ and the roads were heaped up with the bodies of the s aughtered Hindoos,* 'uCCa rea"hed Vijayanagar in safety and tooC refuge behind its fortifi"ations$ whi e the Su tan sent his brother Ahmad 1afterwards Su tan3$ whom he had honoured with the tit e of *GhanChanan$* to ra%age the ri"h distri"ts south of the "ity, Ahmad fu fi ed his instru"tions and returned with number ess prisoners$ and amongst them many 'rahmans, #he re ati%es of these in the "ity begged the aged Raya 1Harihara II,$ sti a i%e3 to offer ransom$ and after mu"h negotiation the Su tan a""epted *ten aChs of oons*?ML@ and agreed to the eAe"ution of a treaty, A""ording to this treaty$ whi"h was entered into a few months before the " ose of the Hijra year M64$ I,E, a few months before =rd September A,0, 4=LL$ the boundaries of the two Cingdoms were to be the same as before the war$ and ea"h party agreed to refrain from mo esting the subje"ts of the other, #his does not ooC as though the Su tan had gained any %ery materia ad%antage in the "ampaign$ sin"e the true boundary was a ways a subje"t of dispute, I obtain the date abo%e gi%en from FirishtahDs senten"e: *In a few months after the "on" usion of this "ampaign$ and the beginning of the year M65$ the su tan mar"hed to punish )ersing$* a "hief who had raised disturban"es on the borders of 'erar, #he '8RHA)&I 2AASIR passes o%er this war with great bre%ity, It states that the Su tan began it$ and that at its " ose he a""epted a arge indemnity and promise of payment of annua tribute, #he date gi%en is identi"a , )ot ong after this war$ but "ertain y not before +"tober 4.$ A,0, 4=LL$ Harihara II$ died$ and was su""eeded by 'uCCa$ his son, Ke ha%e itt e to guide us as to the e%ents of 'uCCaDs reign$ but Firishtah states that he "eased to pay tribute to Firu/ Shah$ part y owing to instigation from :ujarat$ 2a wa$ and Ghandeish, In Hijra M6M 1Hune 4E6. to Hune 4E6- A,0,3 four yearsD tribute was owing$ but the Su tan tooC no noti"e$ and waited for a more "on%enient time, 'uCCa was fo owed on the throne of Vijayanagar by his brother 0e%a Raya I,$ the date of whose

"oronation is fiAed by an ins"ription at Hasan in 2ysore as )o%ember .$ 4E6-,?L6@ #he ast ins"ription of 'uCCa Raya at present Cnown bears a date "orresponding to Apri =6th in that year < in Hindu re"Coning the 45th day of the first ha f of the month VaisaCha$ in the 1eApired3 SaCa year 4=5M$ the name of the "y" i" year being *Vyaya,*?L4@

CHAPTER 5
0e%a Raya I, 1A,0, 4E6- to 4E4L3 #he amorous monar"h$ 0e%a Raya I, < #he farmerDs beautifu daughter < #he CingDs es"apade < #he "ity threatened < A Hindu prin"ess wedded to a 2uhammadan prin"e < Firu/ ShahDs anger < !erta Ds marriage < Ging Vijaya < !robab e date of a""ession of 0e%a Raya II, Firishtah te s us of an e%ent that must ha%e taCen p a"e towards the end of the year A,0, 4E6-$ in whi"h the prin"ipa a"tor was the Cing of Vijayanagar, #his Cing I be ie%e to ha%e been 'uCCa II,Ds su""essor$ his younger brother$ 0e%a Raya I, #he story re ates to a mad ad%enture of the Raya whi"h he undertooC in order to se"ure for himse f the person of a beautifu gir $ the daughter of a farmer in 2udCa , His desire to possess her attained su"h a pit"h$ that he made an eApedition into the debatab e and north of the #ungabhadra for the so e purpose of "apturing the gir and adding her to his harem, I ha%e a ready shown reasons for supposing that 'uCCa II, was a midd e&aged man at his a""ession$ and it is not unreasonab e to suppose that this hot&b ooded monar"h was his younger brother$ who began to reign in )o%ember 4E6- A,0, His es"apade must be narrated in fu as to d by Firishtah$ sin"e it ed to %ery important "onse(uen"es, *#here resided in the town of 2udCu a farmer$ who was b essed with a daughter of su"h eA(uisite beauty$ that the Creator seemed to ha%e united a his powers in maCing her perfe"t,* #his attra"ti%e person was edu"ated by an o d 'rahman$ whose admiration of her ed him to thinC that she wou d pro%e a desirab e member of the RayaDs househo d, *He pro"eeded to 'eejanuggur and being introdu"ed to the roy$ spoCe in su"h praise of the beauty and a""omp ishments of the young maid$ that he was fired with the desire of possessing her$ and entreated the bramin to pro"ure her for him of her parents in marriage, #his re(uest was what the bramin earnest y wished$ and he immediate y agreed to satisfy him; upon whi"h the roy despat"hed him with ri"h gifts and great promises of fa%ours to the parents$ and the tit e of ranee$ or prin"ess$ for their beautifu daughter, #he bramin ost no time in his journey$ and$ upon his arri%a at the farmerDs house$ de i%ered to him and his wife the royDs orders$ that they shou d repair to 'eejanuggur with their daughter, #he parents were o%erjoyed at su"h uneApe"ted good fortune$ and "a ing for the young maid$ aid before her the ri"h gifts of the roy$ "ongratu ated her on being soon to be united to a great prin"e$ and attempted to throw upon her ne"C a go den "o ar set with jewe s$ as a toCen of immediate espousa s$ and whi"h$ if done$ "ou d not ha%e been broCen off, *#he beautifu %irgin$ to their great astonishment$ drawing her ne"C from "omp ian"e$ refused to re"ei%e the "o ar$ and obser%ed$ that whoe%er entered the harem of 'eejanuggur$ was afterwards not permitted to see e%en her nearest re ations and friends; and though they might be happy to se her for wor d y ri"hes$ yet she was too fond of her parents to submit to eterna absen"e from them$ e%en for a the sp endour of the pa a"e of 'eejanuggur, #his de" aration was a""ompanied with affe"tionate tears$ whi"h me ted her parents; who rather than use for"e$ dismissed the bramin with a his gifts$ and he returned$ "hagrined and disappointed$ to 'eejanuggurB, *Khen the bramin arri%ed at 'eejanuggur$ and re ated to the roy the fai ure of his s"heme$ the prin"eDs o%e be"ame outrageous$ and he reso %ed to gratify it by for"e$ though the obje"t resided in the heart of Fero/e ShawDs dominions,?L5@ For this purpose he (uitted 'eejanuggur with a great army$ on preten"e of going the tour of his "ountries; and upon his arri%a on the banCs of the Ri%er #ummedra$ ha%ing se e"ted fi%e thousand of his best horse$ and gi%ing the reins of his "ondu"t to

o%e$ "ommanded them$ in spite of the remonstran"es of his friends$ to mar"h night and day with a eApedition to 2udCu $?L=@ and$ surrounding the %i age where !erta ?LE@ i%ed$ to bring her prisoner to him$ with her who e fami y$ without injury,* #he uneApe"ted$ howe%er$ happened, #he Cing neg e"ted to send the 'rahman to warn !erta Ds fami y$ and on the arri%a of news at 2udCa that a arge for"e of the RayaDs troops was approa"hing$ the inhabitants f ed$ and amongst them the gir and her re ati%es, #he troops therefore resumed$ but on the way ooted the "ountry, #hey were atta"Ced by superior for"es and 5666 of them were s ain, #his ed to a war, *In the beginning of the winter of the year M6L 1I,E, the winter of A,0, 4E6-3$?L.@ he 1the Su tan3 mo%ed in great for"e$ and arri%ed near 'eejanuggur$ in whi"h 0ewu Roy had shut himse f up, An assau t was made upon the "ity$ and the Su tan got possession of some streets$ whi"h$ howe%er$ he was ob iged to (uit$ his army being repu sed by the Carnati"Cehs, 0ewu Roy$ en"ouraged by his su""ess$ now %entured to en"amp his army under prote"tion of the wa s$ and to mo est the roya "amp, As the mussu mauns "ou d not maCe proper use of their "a%a ry in the ro"Cy une%enness of ground round 'eejanuggur$ they were somewhat dispirited, 0uring this$ Su tan Fero/e Shaw was wounded by an arrow in the hand$ but he wou d not dismount; and drawing out the arrow$ bound up the wound with a " oth, *#he enemy were at ast dri%en off by the %a our and a"ti%ity of Ahmed Ghan and GhanChanan$ and the Su tan mo%ed farther from the "ity to a "on%enient p ain$ where he ha ted ti his wounded men were re"o%ered,* He ha ted here for four months$ ho ding the Raya a prisoner in his own "apita $ whi e bodies of troops harassed and wasted the "ountry south of Vijayanagar$ and atta"Ced the fortress of 'anCapur, #he *"on%enient p ain* was probab y in the open and ri"h %a ey near the town of Hospett$ south of the "ity; for the Su tan "ou d not ha%e ra%aged the "ountry to the south un ess he had been master of the who e of this %a ey for many mi es, 'anCapur was taCen$ and the deta"hed for"es returned bringing with them -6$666 Hindu prisoners; on whi"h the Su tan eft GhanChanan to ho d Vijayanagar$ whi e he himse f attempted to redu"e the fortress of Adoni$ *the strongest in possession of the enemy,* 0e%a Raya then began to treat for pea"e$ and was "ompe ed to submit to "onditions to the ast degree humi iating, He agreed to gi%e the Su tan his daughter in marriage$ to indemnify him with an immense treasure$ and to "ede for e%er the fort of 'anCapur,?L-@ *#hough the roies of Carnati" had ne%er yet married their daughters but to persons of their own "ast$ and gi%ing them to strangers was high y disgra"efu $ yet 0ewu Roy$ out of ne"essity$ "omp ied$ and preparations for "e ebrating the nuptia s were made by both parties, For forty days "ommuni"ation was open between the "ity and the su tanDs "amp, 'oth sides of the road were ined with shops and booths$ in whi"h the jugg ers$ dro s$ dan"ers$ and mimi"s of Carnati" disp ayed their feats and sCi to amuse passengers, GhanChanan and 2eer Fu//u +o ah$ with the "ustomary presents of a bridegroom$ went to 'eejanuggur$ from when"e at the eApiration of se%en days they brought the bride$ with a ri"h portion and offerings from the roy$ to the su tanDs "amp, 0ewu Roy ha%ing eApressed a strong desire to see the su tan$ Fero/e Shaw with great ga antry agreed to %isit him with his bride$ as his father&in& aw, *A day being fiAed$ he with his bride pro"eeded to 'eejanuggur$ ea%ing the "amp in "harge of GhanChanan, +n the way he was met by 0ewu Roy in great pomp, From the gate of the "ity to the pa a"e$ being a distan"e of siA mi es$?L>@ the road was spread with " oth of go d$ %e %et$ satin$ and other ri"h stuffs, #he two prin"es rode on horseba"C together$ between ranCs of beautifu boys and gir s$ who wa%ed p ates of go d and si %er f owers?LM@ o%er their heads as they ad%an"ed$ and then threw them to be gathered by the popu a"e, After this the inhabitants of the "ity made offerings$ both men and women$ a""ording to their ranC, After passing through a s(uare dire"t y in the "entre of the "ity$?LL@ the re ations of 0ewu Roy$ who had ined the streets in "rowds$ made their

obeisan"e and offerings$ and joined the "a%a "ade on foot$ mar"hing before the prin"es, 8pon their arri%a at the pa a"e gate$ the su tan and roy dismounted from their horses$ and as"ended a sp endid pa an(uin$ set with %a uab e jewe s$ in whi"h they were "arried together to the apartments prepared for the re"eption of the bride and bridegroom$ when 0ewu Roy tooC his ea%e$ and retired to his own pa a"e, #he su tan$ after being treated with roya magnifi"en"e for three days$ tooC his ea%e of the roy$ who pressed upon him ri"her presents than before gi%en$ and attended him four mi es on his way$ when he returned to the "ity, *Su tan Fero/e Shaw was enraged at his not going with him to his "amp$ and said to 2eer Fu//u +o ah that he wou d one day ha%e his re%enge for the affront offered him by su"h neg e"t, #his de" aration being to d to 0ewu Roy$ he made some inso ent remarCs$ so that$ notwithstanding the "onne"tion of fami y$ their hatred was not "a med,* Firu/ returned after this to his "apita and sent for the o%e y !erta $ and on her arri%a $ finding that her beauty surpassed a report$ he ga%e her in marriage to his e dest son$ Hasan Ghan$ when *the Cnot was tied amid great rejoi"ings and prin"e y magnifi"en"e,* #he adyDs husband is des"ribed by Firishtah as being *a weaC and dissipated prin"e,* He was heir to the throne$ but was easi y ousted by the %a iant Ahmad *GhanChanan$* and i%ed pri%ate y at Firu/abad$ *entire y de%oted to redo en"e and p easure,* #he ast we hear of him is that his usurping un" e$ Ahmad Shah I,$ treated him Cind y$ *ga%e him the pa a"e of Firo/eabad for his residen"e$ with an amp e jaghire 1estate3$ and permission to hunt or taCe his p easure within eight mi es round his pa a"e$ without restri"tion to time or form,* Hasan *was more satisfied with this power of indu ging his appetites than with the "harge of empire, Khi e his un" e i%ed he enjoyed his ease$ and no differen"e e%er happened between them; but he was afterwards b inded and Cept "onfined to the pa a"e of Firo/eabad,* #his must ha%e been after A,0, 4E=E, 0e%a Raya I, i%ed ti at east 4E45 A,0,$ and was su""eeded by his son Vira&Vijaya$ whom )uni/ "a s *Visaya$* and who$ he says$ reigned siA years, #he ast eAtant ins"ription of 0e%a Raya I, is dated in A,0, 4E45 < 4=$ the first of his su""essor Vijaya in 4E4= < 4E, VijayaDs ast Cnown ins"ription is one of 4E4- < 4>$ and the first yet Cnown of his su""essor$ his e dest son$ 0e%a Raya II,$ is dated 2onday$ Hune 5-$ 4E5E < 5., )uni/ gi%es 0e%a Raya II, a reign of twenty&fi%e years, I am in" ined to thinC that 0e%a Raya II, began to reign in 4E4L$ for the fo owing reason, #he informants of )uni/ stated that during VijayaDs reign he *did nothing worth re ating$* and the "hroni" e re"ords that during the reign whi"h fo owed$ name y that of 0e%a Raya II,$ there was *"onstant warfare,* )ow we ha%e it from Firishtah that in 4E4> Firu/$ Su tan of Gu barga$ "ommen"ed a war of aggression against the Hindus of #e ingana He besieged the fortress of !angu $ ?466@ se%enty mi es north&east of Adoni$ for a period of two years$ but the attempt to redu"e it ended in fai ure owing to a pesti en"e breaCing out amongst both men and horses, *2any of the first nobi ity deserted the "amp and tied with their fo owers to their jaghires, At this "risis 0ewu Roy "o e"ted his army$ and ha%ing obtained aid from the surrounding prin"es$ e%en to the Raja of #e ingana 1Karanga 3$ mar"hed against the su tan with a %ast host of horse and foot,* #his then tooC p a"e in 4E4L A,0,$ and sin"e this energeti" a"tion was not "onsonant with the "hara"ter of Vijaya$ the FAI)EA)# so%ereign$ *who did nothing worth re"ording* in a his "areer$ we must suppose that it tooC p a"e as soon as 0e%a Raya$ his su""essor$ was "rowned; when the nob es surrounding him 1he was$ I be ie%e$ (uite young when he began to reign3?464@ fi ed with /ea and ambition$ roused the Hindu troops and in the CingDs name p unged into war against their "ountryDs hereditary foe, If this be "orre"t$ the reign of 0e%a Raya II,$ granting that it asted as stated by )uni/ for twenty& fi%e years$ ended in A,0, 4EEE, )ow the "hroni" e te s us a story of how this 0e%a RayaDs son and su""essor$ *!ina Rao$*?465@ was atta"Ced by his nephew with a poisoned dagger$ and died from the effe"ts of his wounds after a apse of siA months, Abdur Ra//aC$ more re iab e be"ause he was not on y a "ontemporary but was at Vijayanagar at the time$ re ates the same ane"dote of 0e%a Raya II,

himse f$ maCing the wou d&be assassin the CingDs brother$ and definite y fiAing the date beyond a shadow of a doubt, #he e%ent o""urred on some day between )o%ember 4EE5 and Apri 4EE= < the outside imits of Ra//aCDs %isit to Ca i"ut < during his stay at whi"h p a"e he says it happened, Abdur Ra//aC does not mention the CingDs death$ and this therefore had not super%ened up to the time of the tra%e er ea%ing the "apita in 0e"ember 4EE=, +n the assumption that we need not be too parti"u ar about )uni/Ds *siA months$* we may "on" ude that the atta"C was made about the month of Apri 4EE=$ and that 0e%a Raya II, died ear y in 4EEE A,0, #here is sti $ howe%er$ a diffi"u ty$ as wi be noti"ed be ow$ ins"riptions gi%ing us the name of a 0e%a Raya as ate as 4EEL A,0,$ but it is just possib e that this was another Cing of the same name, !utting together the fa"ts gi%en abo%e$ we find that the twenty&fi%e years of the reign of 0e%a Raya II, ay between 4E4L and 4EEE A,0,

CHAPTER 6
0e%a Raya II, 1A,0, 4E4L to 4EEE or 1N3 4EEL3 A fresh war$ 4E4L < Su""ess of Vijayanagar < 0eath of Firu/ < Su tan Ahmad atta"Cs 0e%a Raya < #he atterDs ad%enture and narrow es"ape < Ahmad at the gates of the "ity < He near y oses his ife < Submission of 0e%a Raya < Fa of Karanga < Su tan A a&ud&din < 0e%a RayaDs pre"autions < His attempted assassination$ 4E== < #he story as to d by Abdur Ra//aC < EApedition against Gu barga < Impro%ements at the "apita < !robab e date of the Cings death < Kas there a Ging 0e%a Raya III,N #here was war then with Gu barga in 4E4L$ 0e%a Raya II, being Cing of Vijayanagar, #he Su tan had been unsu""essfu in his atta"C on the Karanga fortress$ !angu $ and the troops of Vijayanagar mar"hed against him with horse$ foot$ and e ephants, Firu/ Shah ga%e batt e forthwith$ though he judged his for"es to be inferior, Firishtah does not mention where the fight tooC p a"e, *2eer Fu//u +o ah$ who "ommanded the troops of Is aam$ "harged the infide s with heroi" %igour$ and$ routing their "enter$ pro"eeded to atta"C their right wing, He was on the point of gathering the f owers of %i"tory$ when one of his own attendants$ bribed for the purpose by 0ewu Roy$ ga%e him a morta wound on the head$ and he instant y (uaffed the sherbet of martyrdom, #his fata e%ent "hanged the fortune of the day; the su tan was defeated$ and with the utmost diffi"u ty$ by the most surprising and ga ant efforts$ made his es"ape from the fie d, #he Hindoos made a genera massa"re of the mussu mauns$ and ere"ted a p atform with their heads on the fie d of batt e, #hey fo owed the su tan into his own "ountry$ whi"h they wasted with fire and sword$ tooC many p a"es$ broCe down many mos(ues and ho y p a"es$ s aughtered the peop e without mer"y; by their a"tions seeming to dis"harge the treasured ma i"e and resentment of ages, Su tan Firo/e Shaw$ in the eAigen"e of distress$ re(uested aid of the su tan of :u/arat$ who$ ha%ing but just a""eded to the throne$ "ou d afford none, At ast fortune tooC a turn fa%ourab e to his affairs$ and the enemy$ after repeated batt es$ were eApe ed from his dominions by the Su tanDs brother$ GhanChanan; but these misfortunes dwe t on the mind of Firo/e Shaw$ now o d$ and he fe into a ingering disorder and owness of spirits,* #he Su tan desired the throne for his son Hasan$ husband of the beautifu !erta $ but on Ahmad GhanChanan taCing up arms to support his intended usurpation and ad%an"ing$ supported by most of the nob es$ to the "apita $ Firu/ ga%e way and nominated him Su tan in his stead, Firu/ died on September 5E$ A,0, 4E55$?46=@ and GhanChanan be"ame Su tan of Gu barga under the tit e of Ahmad Shah I, #he first a"t of the new monar"h$ after *impressing the minds of his peop e with affe"tion to his go%ernment* < probab y$ that is$ after an inter%a of a few months < was to strengthen his army in

order to taCe re%enge for the in%asions of the Raya; and ha%ing made a preparations he ad%an"ed to the atta"C, 0e%a RayaDs genera s "o e"ted their troops$ sent for aid to Karanga $ and mar"hed to the #ungabhadra where they en"amped, From this it appears that they had retired from the 0oab after their su""essfu raid, #he Su tan arri%ed on the north banC of the ri%er opposite the Hindu "amp$ and ;AA:ERE0$ if we may use the term now in fashion, Firishtah says that he *surrounded his "amp with "arriages 1"arts and waggons3$ after the usage of Room 1#urCey in Europe3$ to pre%ent the enemyDs foot from maCing night&atta"Cs, Here he ha ted for forty days,* Ke are now$ therefore$ probab y in the dry season at the beginning of the year A,0, 4E5=$ for if the ri%er had been in f ood there wou d ha%e been no fear of the enemyDs "rossing it, In the ear y months of the Christian year that ri%er is usua y sha ow in the open "ountry east of the Hindu "apita and away from the hi s that surround it$ ha%ing on y thin streams running in its ro"Cy bed, Indeed$ Firishtah himse f te s us that the ri%er was at that time fordab e, #hen ensued a dramati" episode, #he 2uhammadan "a%a ry had "rossed the ri%er and de%astated the "ountry of the Raya$ who remained ina"ti%e$ and the Su tan determined on a dire"t fronta atta"C, #he troops of Karanga deserted the Raya and withdrew, *Ear y in the morning ;odi Ghan$ Au um Ghan$ and 0i awer Ghan$ who had mar"hed during the night and forded the ri%er at distan"e$ rea"hed the en%irons of the enemyDs "amp, It happened that the roy was s eeping$ attended by on y a few persons$ in a garden$ " ose to whi"h was a thi"C p antation of sugar&"ane,?46E@ A body of the mussu mauns entered the garden for p under$ and 0ewu Roy$ being a armed$ f ed a most naCed into the sugar&"ane p antation, Here he was found by the so diers$ who thought him on y a "ommon person$ and < ha%ing oaded him with a bund e of "anes$ ob iged him to run with it before them, 0ewu Roy$ rejoi"ed at his being undis"o%ered$ he d his pea"e$ and tooC up the burden readi y$ hoping that he shou d be dis"harged as a poor person or be ab e to maCe his es"ape, *#hey had not gone far when the a arm of Su tan Ahmed ShawDs ha%ing "rossed the ri%er$ and the oss of the roy$ fi ed the "amp$ and the Hindoos began to disperse, #he su tan entered the "amp$ and 0ewu RoyDs masters$ hoping now for more %a uab e p under than sugar&"ane$ hastened to join their own fronds$ ea%ing him to shift for himse f, 0ewu Roy ran with his own troops$ and about noon "ame up with some of his nob es$ by whom he was re"ognised and re"ei%ed with great joy, His safety being made Cnown$ his army ra ied into some order; but as he regarded the ate a""ident as an i omen$ he aid aside a thoughts of engaging in the fie d$ and f ed to 'eejanuggur,?46.@ *Ahmad Shaw not stopping to besiege the "ity$ o%erran the open "ountry$ and where%er he "ame$ put to death men; women$ and "hi dren$ without mer"y$ "ontrary to the "ompa"t made by his an"estor 2ahummud Shaw with the roies of 'eejanuggur, ;aying aside a humanity$ whene%er the number of the s ain amounted to twenty thousand$ he ha ted three days$ and made a festi%a in "e ebration of the b oody worC, He broCe down the ido temp es$ and destroyed the "o eges of the 'ramins, 0uring these operations a body of fi%e thousand Hindoos$ enraged to desperation at the destru"tion of their "ountry and the insu ts of their gods$ united in taCing an oath to sa"rifi"e their i%es in attempting to Ci the su tan$ as the grand author of a their sufferings, For this purpose they emp oyed spies to obser%e his motions$ that they might sei/e the first opportunity of a"tion, *It happened$ that the su tan going to hunt$ in the eagerness of "hase separated from the body of his attendants$ and ad%an"ed near twe %e mi es from his "amp,?46-@ #he de%oted infide s$ informed of the "ir"umstan"e$ immediate y hastened to inter"ept him$ and arri%ed in sight when e%en his persona attendants$ about two hundred 2ogu s$ were at some distan"e from him, #he su tan a armed$ ga oped on in hopes of gaining a sma mud en" osure whi"h stood on the p ain as a fo d for "att e$ but was so hot y pursued$ that some broCen ground fa ing in his way$ he was not ab e to "ross it before his pursuers "ame up, ;u"Ci y some ar"hers at this instant arri%ed to his aid$ so that the enemy were de ayed suffi"ient y to gi%e the su tan time to rea"h the en" osure with his friends, #he infide s attempted to enter$ and a sharp "onf i"t tooC p a"e; a the faithfu repeating the "reed of testimony$ and swearing to die$ rather than submitB, #heir itt e troop being most y Ci ed and

wounded$ the assai ants ad%an"ed " ose to the wa $ whi"h they began to throw down with pi"CaAes and hat"hets$ so that the su tan was redu"ed to the eAtremity of distress, At this "riti"a jun"ture arri%ed Abd&a &Gadir$ first armour&bearer to the su tan$ and a body of troops$ with whom$ fearfu of some a""ident ha%ing happened to o""asion his absen"e$ he had eft the "amp in sear"h of his master, #he infide s had "omp eted a wide brea"h$ and were preparing to enter$ when they found their rear sudden y atta"Ced #he su tan with his remaining friends joined Abd&a &Gadir in atta"Cing the enemy$ who after a ong strugg e were dri%en off the fie d$ with a oss of a thousand men$ and about fi%e hundred of the mussu mauns attained martyrdom, #hus the su tan$ by the a most inspired "aution of Abd&a &Gadir$ a""eded$ as it were$ a se"ond time$ from the depths of danger to the enjoyment of empire,?46>@ It deser%es p a"e among the re"ords of time$ as a remarCab e e%ent$ that two so%ereigns at the head of armies$ shou d fa into su"h danger for want of numbers$ and both es"ape uninjuredB, *after this e%ent Ahmed Shaw$ ha%ing aid waste the who e "ountry$ mar"hed to 'eejanuggur$ whi"h he Cept so " ose y b o"Ced up$ that the inhabitants were redu"ed to the greatest distress; when 0ewu Roy$ to spare his peop e$ sent ambassadors to the su tan entreating pea"e$ to whi"h he "onsented$ on "ondition that he wou d send the tribute of as many years as he had neg e"ted to pay$ ?46M@ aden on his best e ephants$ and "ondu"ted by his son$ with his drums$ trumpets$ and a the other insignia of state$ to his "amp, 0ewu Roy$ unab e to refuse "omp ian"e$ agreed to the demands$ and sent his son with thirty fa%ourite e ephants$ oaded with treasure and %a uab e effe"ts, #he su tan sent some nob emen to meet him; and after being ed in "eremony through the marCet and great streets of the "amp$ he was brought to the presen"e,?46L@ #he su tan$ after embra"ing$ permitted him to sit at the foot of his throne$ and putting on his shou ders a magnifi"ent robe$ and girding him with a sabre set with jewe s$ ga%e him twenty beautifu horses of %arious "ountries$ a ma e e ephant$ dogs for the "hase$ and three hawCs$ whi"h the Carnati"Cehs were ti then strangers to the use of, He then mar"hed from the en%irons of 'eejanuggur$ and on his arri%a on the banC of the Gistnah dismissed the royDs son and returned to Goo burga,* #o form some idea of the date of this "essation of hosti ities we must see what fo ows in FirishtahDs narrati%e, #he historian states that during the year of the Su tanDs return to Gu barga there was a grie%ous famine in the 0aChan$ and *the neAt year a so$ no rain appearing$ the peop e be"ame seditious,* #hese two years were probab y A,H, M5-$ M5>$ eAtending from 4.th 0e"ember A,0, 4E55 to 5=rd )o%ember 4E5E, He "ontinues$ *In the year M5M* the Su tan mar"hed against Karanga , #he ast "ampaign began about 0e"ember A,0, 4E55; and sin"e we must a ow some months for AhmadDs b o"Cade of Vijayanagar$ whi"h resu ted in his redu"ing the inhabitants to a state of star%ation so that the Raya was "ompe ed to "apitu ate$ the date for the end of the war "annot be safe y p a"ed ear ier than the winter of the year A,0, 4E5=, 0uring these twe %e months$ howe%er$ there was a famine and fai ure of rain$ so that the Su tan may ha%e been ab e to tra%erse the "otton p ains ying between Vijayanagar and Gu barga$ p ains (uite impassab e for troops in wet weather$ somewhat ear ier than wou d otherwise ha%e been the "ase, #he Su tanDs neAt war tooC p a"e in A,H, M5M$ when he ad%an"ed against Karanga o%er the undu ating p ains of the 0aChan$ then ri"h in "rop$ and was "omp ete y su""essfu , #he Hindu Cingdom was "omp ete y and for e%er destroyed, #he Eng ish date usua y gi%en for this e%ent is A,0, 4E5E$ but it is (uite possib e that a mistaCe has been made owing to the use of imperfe"t "hrono ogi"a tab es by those who ha%e written on the subje"t$ and that Ahmad ShahDs "apture of Karanga may ha%e taCen p a"e in A,0, 4E5., 'riggs$ for instan"e$ "a s A,H, M5M *A,0, 4E5E$* but the year on y began on )o%ember 5=$ 4E5E, #he "ampaign$ howe%er$ was %ery short$ and may ha%e been "on" uded before the end of 0e"ember of that year, Ke hear nothing more from Firishtah regarding the affairs of Vijayanagar ti the ear y part of the reign of AhmadDs son and su""essor$ A a&ud&din II,$ whi"h began on Sunday$ February 5>$ A,0, 4E=.$?446@ the day of Su tan AhmadDs death,

A a&ud&dinDs first a"t was to despat"h his brother 2uhammad Ghan with a powerfu army against 0e%a Raya of Vijayanagar < *who had withhe d his tribute for fi%e years and refused to pay the arrears, #hey aid waste the "ountry in su"h a manner that the Roy in a short time was g ad to pro"ure pea"e by gi%ing twenty e ephants$ a great sum of money$ and two hundred fema e s a%es sCi ed in musi" and dan"ing$ besides a %a uab e present to 2ahummud Ghan,* F ushed with this %i"tory$ and in "ommand of a arge for"e$ !rin"e 2uhammad rebe ed against his brother$ and Firishtah states that in doing so he obtained aid from 0e%a Raya, #he prin"e tooC 2udCa $ Rai"hur$ Sho apur$ 'ijapur$ and )a diraC from the Su tanDs go%ernors$ but in a pit"hed batt e with the roya for"es was "omp ete y defeated and f ed, Short y afterwards$ howe%er$ he was forgi%en by his generous so%ereign$ and the fortress and territories of Rai"hur were "onferred on him, About the year 4EE5 0e%a Raya began to "onsider more serious y his situation in re ation to his powerfu neighbour at Gu barga, *He "a ed?444@ a genera "oun"i of his nobi ity and prin"ipa bramins$ obser%ing to them that as his "ountry of Carnati" in eAtent$ popu ation$ and re%enue far eA"eeded the territories of the house of 'ahmenee; and in iCe manner his army was far more numerous$ wished therefore to eAp ore the "ause of the mussu maunsD su""esses$ and his being redu"ed to pay them tribute, Some said B that the superiority of the mussu mauns arose from two "ir"umstan"es: one$ a their horses being strong$ and ab e to bear more fatigue than the weaC$ ean anima s of Carnati"; the other$ a great body of eA"e ent ar"hers a ways Cept up by the su tans of the house of 'ahmenee$ of whom the roy had but few in his army, *0eo Roy upon this ga%e orders for the entertainment of mussu mauns in his ser%i"e$ a otted them jaghires$?445@ ere"ted a mos(ue for their use in the "ity of 'eejanuggur$ and "ommanded that no one shou d mo est them in the eAer"ise of their re igion, He a so ordered a Coraun to be p a"ed before his throne$ on a ri"h desC$ that the mussu mauns might perform the "eremony of obeisan"e in his presen"e$ without sinning against their aws, He a so made a the Hindoo so diers earn the dis"ip ine of the bow; in whi"h he and his offi"ers used su"h eAertions$ that he had at ength two thousand mussu mauns and siAty thousand Hindoos$ we sCi ed in ar"hery$ besides eighty thousand horse and two hundred thousand foot$ armed in the usua manner with piCes and an"es,* +n a day whi"h must ha%e been between )o%ember 4EE5 and Apri 4EE= a desperate attempt was made on the ife of Ging 0e%a Raya by one of his " osest re ati%es < a brother$ a""ording to Abdur Ra//aC$ a nephew$ a""ording to )uni/, Abdur Ra//aCDs story is without doubt the more re iab e of the two$ sin"e he is a "ontemporary witness, #he story as to d by )uni/ is gi%en in the "hroni" e at the end of this %o ume,?44=@ Abdur Ra//aC was ambassador from !ersia to Ca i"ut and Vijayanagar$ and his a""ount is parti"u ar y important as it definite y fiAes the date, *0uring the time that the author of this narrati%e was sti sojourning at Ca i"ut 1)o%ember 4EE5 to Apri 4EE=3 there happened in the "ity of 'idjanagar an eAtraordinary and most singu ar o""urren"eB, *#he CingDs brother$ who had had a new house bui t for himse f$ in%ited thither the monar"h and the prin"ipa personages of the empire, )ow it is an estab ished usage of the infide s ne%er to eat in presen"e of ea"h other, #he men who were in%ited were assemb ed together in one grand ha , At short inter%a s the prin"e either "ame in person or sent some messenger to say that su"h or su"h great personage shou d "ome and eat his part of the ban(uet, Care had been taCen to bring together a the drums$ Cett edrums$ trumpets$ and f utes that "ou d be found in the "ity$ and these instruments p aying a at the same time$ made a tremendous uproar, As soon as the indi%idua who had been sent for entered the abo%e&mentioned house$ two assassins$ p a"ed in ambush$ sprang out upon him$ pier"ed him with a poignard$ and "ut him in pie"es, After ha%ing remo%ed his imbs$ or rather the fragments of his body$ they sent for another guest$ who$ on"e ha%ing entered this p a"e of

"arnage$ disappearedB, In "onse(uen"e of the noise of the drums$ the " amour$ and the tumu t$ no one was aware of what was going on, In this manner a those who had any name or ranC in the state were s aughtered, #he prin"e ea%ing his house a reeCing with the b ood of his %i"tims$ betooC himse f to the CingDs pa a"e$ and addressing himse f to the guards who were stationed in that roya residen"e$ in%ited them with f attering words to go to his house$ and "aused them to fo ow the steps of the other&%i"tims, So that the pa a"e was thus depri%ed of a its defenders, #his %i ain then entered into the CingDs presen"e$ ho ding in his hand a dish "o%ered with bete &nut$ under whi"h was "on"ea ed a bri iant poignard, He said to the monar"h$ D#he ha is ready and they on y wait your august presen"e,D *#he Cing$ fo owing the maAim whi"h de" ares that eminent men re"ei%e an inspiration from hea%en$ said to him$ DI am not in good hea th to&day,D *#his unnatura brother$ thus osing the hope of enti"ing the Cing to his house$ drew his poignard$ and stru"C him therewith se%era %io ent b ows$ so that the prin"e fe at the ba"C of his throne, #he traitor$ thus be ie%ing that the Cing was dead$ eft there one of his "onfidants to "ut off the monar"hDs head; then going out of the ha he as"ended the porti"o of the pa a"e$ and thus addressed the peop e: DI ha%e s ain the Cing$ his brothers$ and su"h and su"h emirs$ 'rahmins$ and %i/iers; now I am Cing,D *2eanwhi e his emissary had approa"hed the throne with the intention of "utting off the CingDs head$ but that prin"e$ sei/ing the seat behind whi"h he had fa en$ stru"C the wret"h with it with so mu"h %io en"e on the "hest that he fe upon his ba"C, #he Cing then$ with the he p of one of his guards$ who at the sight of this horrib e transa"tion had hidden himse f in a "orner$ s ew this assassin$ and went out of the pa a"e by way of the harem, *His brother$ sti standing on the steps of the ha of "oun"i $ in%ited the mu titude to re"ognise him as their Cing, At that moment the monar"h "ried out$ DI am a i%e, I am we and safe, Sei/e that wret"h,D *#he who e "rowd assemb ed together threw themse %es upon the gui ty prin"e and put him to death, *#he on y one who es"aped was 0anaiC$ the %i/ier$ who pre%ious y to this sad e%ent had gone on a %oyage to the frontier of Cey on, #he Cing sent a "ourier to him to in%ite him to return$ and informed him of what had just o""urred, A those who had in any way aided in the "onspira"y were put to death, 2en in great numbers were s ain$ f ayed$ burnt a i%e$ and their fami ies entire y eAterminated, #he man who had brought the etters of in%itation was put to the ast degree of tortureB,* )uni/ states that the Cing died siA months ater and was su""eeded by his son$ but Abdur Ra//aC de" ares that he was presented in person to 0e%a Raya about the month of 0e"ember 4EE=, #he name of 0e%a RayaDs son is not gi%en by )uni/$ nor yet the ength of his reign; he on y states that he did nothing worth re ating eA"ept to gi%e enormous "harities to temp es, #his Cing again was su""eeded by a son "a ed *Verupa"a Rao$* who must be identi"a with VirupaCsha$ and )uni/ dates from his reign the "ommen"ement of the troub es that ed to the usurpation of )arasimha and the downfa of the first dynasty, 'ut before putting together the "onfusing re"ords of this period I must re%ert to the e%ents of the year A,0, 4EE=, *At this period$* says Abdur Ra//aC$ referring to the se"ond ha f of the year 4EE=$ *0anaiC?44E@ the %i/ier set out on an eApedition into the Cingdom of Ga barga,* #he reasons whi"h had ed to this in%asion were as fo ows: Su tan A a&ud&din had heard of the trea"herous attempt to Ci the Cing of Vijayanagar and the murder of the nob es and !rin"ipa peop e$ and he had sent a message to the Cing demanding payment of *se%en aChs of %arahas$* as he thought the moment auspi"ious for an attempt to "rush the Cingdom, *0iou&rai$ the Cing of 'idjanagar$ was e(ua y troub ed and irritated

by the re"eipt of su"h a message$* but he sent a bra%e answer and prepared for war, *#roops were sent out on both sides$ whi"h made great ra%ages on the frontiers of the two CingdomsB, 0anaiC$ after ha%ing nit de an in%asion upon the frontiers of the "ountry of Ga barga$ and taCen se%era unfortunate prisoners$ had retra"ed his stepsB,* Firishtah a so des"ribes this war of A,0, 4EE=, He states that 0e%a Raya wanton y atta"Ced the 'ahmani prin"es < *"rossed the #ummedra sudden y$ tooC the fortress of 2udCu $ sent his sons to besiege Roijore and 'eeCapore$ en"amped himse f a ong the banC of the Gistnan$ and sent out deta"hments$ who p undered the "ountry as far as Saugher and 'eejapore$ aying waste by fire and sword, *Su tan A a ud 0ien$ upon inte igen"e of this in%asion$ prepared to repe it$ and "ommanded a his for"es from #e ingana$ 0ow utabad$ and 'erar to repair to the "apita of Ahmedabad without de ay, 8pon their arri%a he re%iewed the who e$ and found his army "omposed of fifty thousand horse$ siAty thousand foot$ and a "onsiderab e train of arti ery, Kith this for"e he began to mar"h against the enemy; and 0eo Roy$ upon his approa"h$ shifted his ground$ and en"amped under the wa s of the fortress of 2udCu $ deta"hing a arge body to harass the su tan, *#he su tan ha ted at the distan"e of twe %e mi es from 2udCu $ and despat"hed 2a eC a #ijar with the troops of 0ow utabad against the sons of 0eo Roy;?44.@ a so Ghan Iummaun$ go%ernor of 'eejapore$ and Ghan A/im$ "ommander of the for"es of 'erar and #e ingana$ against the main body of the enemy, 2a eC&a &#ijar$ going first to Roijore$ ga%e batt e to the e dest son of 0eo Roy$ who was wounded in the a"tion$ and f ed towards 'eeCapore$ from when"e he was joined by his younger brother$ who (uitted the siege of that fortress, *In the spa"e of two months$ three a"tions happened near 2udCu between the two grand armies; in the first of whi"h mu titudes were s ain on both sides$ and the Hindoos ha%ing the ad%antage$ the mussu mauns eAperien"ed great diffi"u ties,?44-@ #he su tan was su""essfu in the others; and in the ast$ the e dest son of 0eo Roy was Ci ed by a spear thrown at him by Ghan Iummaun$ whi"h e%ent stru"C the Hindoos with a pani"$ and they f ed with the greatest pre"ipitation into the fortress of 2udCu ,* #wo "hief 2uhammadan offi"ers$ in the ardour of pursuit$ entered the "ity with the fugiti%es$ and were "aptured by the Hindus, 0eo Roy then sent a message to the Su tan that if he wou d promise ne%er again to mo est his territories he wou d pay the stipu ated tribute annua y$ and return the two prisoners, #his was a""epted$ a treaty was eAe"uted$ and the prisoners returned with the tribute and added presents; and ti the end of 0e%a RayaDs reign both parties obser%ed their agreement, From the terms of the agreement we gather that$ though Firishtah does not eApress y mention it$ tribute had been demanded by the Su tan$ and this "onfirms the a""ount gi%en by Abdur Ra//aC, It a so shows why the *0anaiC* in Abdur Ra//aCDs narrati%e had not returned "o%ered with g ory$ but mere y$ ha%ing *taCen se%era unfortunate prisoners$ had retra"ed his steps,* #he "ampaign must ha%e been of short duration$ sin"e$ whi e it began in A,H, ME> 12ay 4$ A,0, 4EE=$ to Apri 4L$ 4EEE3 a""ording to Firishtah$ it was o%er before 0e"ember 4EE= when Abdur Ra//aC eft Vijayanagar, #he narrati%e being thus brought down to the " ose of the year 4EE=$ et us$ before passing on$ turn to other re"ords and see what they te us about the reign of 0e%a Raya II, I ha%e a ready stated that he appears to ha%e been %ery young at his a""ession in A,0, 4E4L, In 4EE= he had a ready reigned twenty&four years, )ow the HaC uyt trans ation of Abdur Ra//aCDs "hroni" e states that Ra//aC saw Ging 0e%a Raya II, in 4EE=$ and the India +ffi"e "opy "ontains the additiona information that the Cing was then *eA"eeding y young,* I am not aware whi"h %ersion is the more a""urate, 'ut e%en if these added words be a""epted as part of the origina $ the diffi"u ty is "apab e of being eAp ained away by the supposition that perhaps the ambassador was presented to one of the prin"es and not to

the Cing himse f, #he Cing appears to ha%e been in doubt as to whether the tra%e er was not an impostor in representing himse f as an en%oy from !ersia$ and may ha%e refrained from granting a persona inter%iew, Se%era ins"riptions of the reign are eAtant, +ne re"ords a pro" amation made in the CingDs name in A,0, 4E5-,?44>@ A""ording to another bearing a date "orresponding to Kednesday$ +"tober 4-$ in the same year$?44M@ he "aused a Hain temp e to be ere"ted in the "apita $ in a street "a ed the *!an Supari 'a/aar,* #his temp e is situated south&west of the temp e marCed as )o, =. on the :o%ernment map, It is within the en" osure of the roya pa a"e$ and " ose to the rear of the e ephant stab es sti standing, #he Cing is honoured in this ins"ription with the fu imperia tit e of 2AHARAHA0HIRAHA RAHA!ARA2ESVARA, #he site of this ba/aar is thus definite y estab ished, It ay on either side of the road whi"h ran a ong the e%e dry ground dire"t from the pa a"e gate$ near the temp e of HAIARA RA2ASVA2I$ in a north&easter y dire"tion$ to join the road whi"h now runs to the #ungabhadra ferry through the fortified gate on the south side of the ri%er immediate y opposite Anegundi, It passed a ong the north side of the Ga amma and Rangas%ami temp es$ ea%ing the imperia offi"e en" osure with its ofty wa s and wat"h&towers$ and the e ephant stab es$ on the eft$ sCirted the Hain temp e and the temp e numbered *=.* on the p an$ and passed a ong under the ro"Cy hi s that bound this p ain on the north ti it debou"hed on the main road abo%e mentioned, #his street wou d be the dire"t approa"h from the o d "ity of Anegundi to the CingDs pa a"e, In A,0, 4E=6 the Cing made a grant to a temp e far in the south in the #anjore distri"t,?44L@ #here are two ins"riptions of his reign dated respe"ti%e y in 4E== < =E and 4E=E < =. A,0, at !ada%edu in )orth Ar"ot,?456@ If$ as stated by )uni/$ Ging 0e%a Raya II, died a few months after his attempted assassination$ and if Abdur Ra//aC saw him in 0e"ember 4EE=$ we are ed to the be ief that he died ear y in 4EEE, 0efinite proof is$ howe%er$ wanting, +ther ins"riptions must be "arefu y eAamined before we "an arri%e at any "ertain "on" usion, #hus an ins"ription at Sra%ana 'e go a$ of date "orresponding to #uesday$ 2ay 5E A,0, 4EE-$ pub ished by !rofessor Gie horn$?454@ re ates to the death on that day of *!ratapa 0e%a Raya;* and as it is "ou"hed in %ery "urious and interesting terms$ I gi%e the trans ation in fu < *In the e%i year Gshaya$ in the wret"hed 1month3 se"ond VaisaCha$ on a miserab e #uesday$ in a fortnight whi"h was the re%erse of bright$?455@ on the fourteenth day$ the une(ua ed store of %a our 1!RA#A!A3 0e%a Raya$ a asO met with death,* 'ut sin"e roya tit es are not gi%en to the de"eased$ he may ha%e been on y a prin"e of the b ood, An ins"ription at #anjore$ a so dated in A,0, 4EE-$ mentions the name 0e%a Raya$ but gi%es no further roya tit es than the 'IR80A < *;ord of the four o"eans,*?45=@ An ins"ription bearing date "orresponding to Saturday$ August 5 A,0, 4EEL$ at Conjee%eram$?45E@ re"ords a grant by a Cing "a ed Vira !ratapa !raudha&Immadi&0e%a Raya$ to whom fu roya tit es are gi%en, It is pro%oCing that )uni/ omits the name of the su""essor of 0e%a Raya II,$ as Cnown to tradition in the siAteenth "entury$ for this might ha%e he ped us to a de"ision, At present it ooCs as though there had been a 0e%a Raya III, reigning from A,0, 4EEE to 4EEL; but this point "annot as yet be sett ed, 2r, Ri"e has shown that one of the ministers of 0e%a Raya II, was named )aganna; he had the tit e *0hannayaCa$* imp ying "ommand of the army,

CHAPTER 7
#he City of Vijayanagar in the Reign of 0e%a Raya II, 1A,0, 4E56 1N3$ 4EE=3 0es"ription gi%en by )i"o o to 'ra""io ini < #he "apita < Festi%a s < Immense popu ation < Abdur Ra//aCDs des"ription < His journey < #he wa s < !a a"es < #he 2int < 'a/aars < #he great 2ahahna%ami

festi%a , It wi be we to suspend our histori"a narrati%e for a time in order to a"(uire some idea of the appearan"e and "ondition of the great "ity of Vijayanagar in these days, Ke ha%e a ready noti"ed that as ear y as 4=>. A,0, Su tan 2ujahid of Gu barga had heard so mu"h of the beauty of this "apita that he desired to see it$ and it had grown in importan"e and grandeur during the su""eeding ha f&"entury, About the year 4E56 or 4E54 A,0, there %isited Vijayanagar one )i"o o$ an Ita ian$ "ommon y "a ed )i"o o Conti or )i"o o dei Conti$ and if he was not the ear iest European %isitor$ he was at east the ear iest that we Cnow of whose des"ription of the p a"e has sur%i%ed to this day, His %isit must ha%e taCen p a"e short y after the a""ession of 0e%a Raya II, )i"o o ne%er apparent y wrote anything himse f, His stories were re"orded in ;atin by !oggio 'ra""io ini$ the !opeDs se"retary$ for his masterDs information, #rans ated into !ortuguese$ they were re&trans ated from the !ortuguese into Ita ian by Ramusio$ who sear"hed for but fai ed to obtain a "opy of the origina in ;atin, #his origina was first pub ished in 4>5= by the Abbe + i%a of !aris under the tit e !, 'RACCI+;I)I$ 0E VARIE#A#E F+R#8)AE$ ;I'ER 78A#8+R, )i"o o$ on rea"hing India$ %isited first the "ity of Cambaya in :ujarat, After twenty daysD sojourn there he passed down the "oast to *!a"amuria$* probab y 'arCur$ and *He y$* whi"h is the *2ount dDE y* or *Cabo dDE i* of ater writers, #hen"e he tra%e ed in and and rea"hed the RayaDs "apita $ Vijayanagar$ whi"h he "a s *'i/enega ia,*?45.@ He begins his des"ription thus: < *#he great "ity of 'i/enega ia is situated near %ery steep mountains, #he "ir"umferen"e of the "ity is siAty mi es; its wa s are "arried up to the mountains and en" ose the %a eys at their foot$ so that its eAtent is thereby in"reased, In this "ity there are estimated to be ninety thousand men fit to bear arms,* I must here interpose a "orre"tion, #here were no *mountains* proper y so "a ed at Vijayanagar; on y a "onfused and tumb ed mass of ro"Cy hi s$ some rising to "onsiderab e a titude, #he eAtent of its ines of defen"es was eAtraordinary, ;ofty and massi%e stone wa s e%erywhere "rossed the %a eys$ and ed up to and mounted o%er the hi sides, #he outer ines stret"hed unbroCen a"ross the e%e "ountry for se%era mi es, #he ho ows and %a eys between the bou der&"o%ered heights were fi ed with habitations$ poor and s(ua id doubt ess$ in most instan"es$ but interspersed with the stone&bui t dwe ings of the nob es$ mer"hants$ and upper " asses of the %ast "ommunity; eA"ept where the e aborate y "onstru"ted water&"hanne s of the Rayas enab ed the and to be irrigated; and in these parts ri"h gardens and woods$ and uAurious "rops of ri"e and sugar&"ane$ abounded, Here and there were wonderfu y "ar%ed temp es and fanes to Hindu deities$ with 'rahmani"a "o eges and s"hoo s atta"hed to the more important amongst their number, As to the appearan"e of the s"enery$ I "annot do better than (uote the des"ription gi%en in 4ME. by a distinguished South&Indian geo ogist$ ;ieutenant )ewbo d:?45-@ < *#he who e of the eAtensi%e site o""upied by the ruins of 'ijanugger on the south banC of the #umbuddra$ and of its suburb Annegundi on the northern banC$ is o""upied by great bare pi es and bosses of granite and granitoida gneiss$ separated by ro"Cy defi es and narrow rugged %a eys en"umbered by pre"ipitated masses of ro"C, Some of the arger f at&bottomed %a eys are irrigated by a(uedu"ts from the ri%erB, #he peaCs$ tors$ and ogging&stones of 'ijanugger and Annegundi indent the hori/on in pi"tures(ue "onfusion$ and are s"ar"e y to be distinguished from the more artifi"ia ruins of the an"ient metropo is of the 0e""an$ whi"h are usua y "onstru"ted with b o"Cs (uarried from their sides$ and %ie in grotes(ueness of out ine and massi%eness of "hara"ter with the a ternate airiness and so idity eAhibited by nature in the ni"e y&poised ogging stones and "o umnar pi es$ and in the wa s of prodigious "uboida b o"Cs of granite whi"h often "rest and top her massi%e domes and ridges in natura "y" opean masonry,* #he remains of pa a"es$ temp es$ wa s$ and gateways are sti to be seen$ and these abound not on y on the site of Vijayanagar proper$ but a so on the north side of the swift y rushing ri%er$ where stood the state y "itade of Anegundi$ the mother of the empire&"ity, #he popu ation of this doub e "ity

was immense$ and the area o""upied by it %ery eAtensi%e, From the ast fortifi"ation to the south$ beyond the present town of Hospett$ to the eAtreme point of the defen"es of Anegundi on the north$ the distan"e is about twe %e mi es, From the eAtreme western ine of wa s in the p ain to the ast of the eastern worCs amongst the hi s ying in the dire"tion of 0aroji and Gamp i the inter%a measures about ten mi es, Kithin this area we find the remains of the stru"tures of whi"h I ha%e spoCen, #he ho%e s ha%e disappeared$ and the debris ies many feet thi"C o%er the o d ground& e%e , 'ut the "hanne s are sti in worCing order$ and where%er they eAist wi be found ri"h "rops$ ta and state y trees$ and a tang e of uAuriant %egetation, +n the ro"Cs abo%e are the ruins of bui dings and temp es and wa s$ and in many p a"es sma shrines stand out$ bui t on the jutting edges of great bou ders or on the pinna" es of ofty "rags$ in p a"es that wou d seem ina""essib e to anything but monCeys and birds, In the "entra en" osure are the remains of great stru"tures that must on"e ha%e been remarCab e for their grandeur and dignity, #hese immediate y surrounded the CingDs pa a"e; but in 4.-. the 2uhammadans worCed their sa%age wi upon them with su"h effe"t that on y the "rumb ing ruins of the more massi%e edifi"es amongst them sti stand, #he site of the pa a"e itse f is marCed by a arge area of ground "o%ered with heaps of broCen b o"Cs$ "rushed masonry$ and fragments of s"u pture$ not one stone being eft upon another in its origina position, #o return to )i"o o, He "ontinues: < *#he inhabitants of this region marry as many wi%es as they p ease$ who are burnt with their dead husbands, #heir Cing is more powerfu than a the other Cings of India, He taCes to himse f 45$666 wi%es$ of whom E666 fo ow him on foot where%er he may go$ and are emp oyed so e y in the ser%i"e of the Cit"hen, A iCe number$ more handsome y e(uipped$ ride on horseba"C, #he remainder are "arried by men in itters$ of whom 5666 or =666 are se e"ted as his wi%es on "ondition that at his death they shou d %o untari y burn themse %es with him$ whi"h is "onsidered to be a great honour for themB, *At a "ertain time of the year their ido is "arried through the "ity$ p a"ed between two "hariots$ in whi"h are young women ri"h y adorned$ who sing hymns to the god$ and a""ompanied by a great "on"ourse of peop e, 2any$ "arried away by the fer%our of their faith$ "ast themse %es on the ground before the whee s$ in order that they may be "rushed to death < a mode of death whi"h they say is %ery a""eptab e to their god, +thers$ maCing an in"ision in their side$ and inserting a rope thus through their body$ hang themse %es to the "hariot by )ay of ornament$ and thus suspended and ha f&dead a""ompany their ido , #his Cind of sa"rifi"e they "onsider the best and most a""eptab e of a , *#hri"e in the year they Ceep festi%a s of espe"ia so emnity, +n one of these o""asions the ma es and fema es of a ages$ ha%ing bathed in the ri%ers or the sea$ " othe themse %es in new garments$ and spend three entire days in singing$ dan"ing$ and feasting, +n another of these festi%a s they fiA up within their temp es$ and on the outside on the roofs$ an innumerab e number of amps of oi of S8SI2A))I$ whi"h are Cept burning day and night, +n the third$ whi"h asts nine days$ they set up in a the highways arge beams$ iCe the masts of sma ships$ to the upper part of whi"h are atta"hed pie"es of %ery beautifu " oth of %arious Cinds$ interwo%en with go d, +n the summit of ea"h of these beams is ea"h day p a"ed a man of pious aspe"t$ dedi"ated to re igion$ "apab e of enduring a things with e(uanimity$ who is to pray for the fa%our of :od, #hese men are assai ed by the peop e$ who pe t them with oranges$ emons$ and other odoriferous fruits$ a whi"h they bear most patient y, #here are a so three other festi%a days$ during whi"h they sprinC e a passers&by$ e%en the Cing and (ueen themse %es$ with saffron water$ p a"ed for that purpose by the wayside, #his is re"ei%ed by a with mu"h aughter,* #he first of these festi%a s may be the Ganarese )ew 9earDs 0ay$ whi"h 0omingo !aes in his "hroni" e asserts to ha%e fa en$ during his %isit to Vijayanagar$ on +"tober 45 < *FES#AS E2 78E #+0+S VES#E2 !A)+S )+V+S E RIC+S E :A;A)#ES$ E CA0A H88 C+2+ + #E2$ E 0A+ #+0+S +S CA!I#AEES !A)+S A #+0A S8A :)E#E 0E 289#AS C+RES E

:A;A)#ES,*?45>@ #he se"ond shou d be the 0ipa%a i festi%a $ whi"h o""urs about the month of +"tober$ when amps are ighted by a the househo ders$ and the temp es are i uminated, #he des"ription of the third answers to the nine&daysD festi%a $ "a ed the 2AHA)AVA2I$ at Vijayanagar$ whi"h$ during the %isit of !aes$ tooC p a"e on September 45, #he other feast of three daysD duration answers to the H+;I festi%a , Conti neAt des"ribes the finding of diamonds on a mountain whi"h he "a ed *A benigaras* and p a"es fifteen daysD journey beyond Vijayanagar *towards the north,* He repeats the story whi"h we Cnow as that of *Sinbad the Sai or$* saying that the diamonds ie in ina""essib e %a eys$ into whi"h umps of f esh being thrown$ to whi"h the pre"ious stones adhere$ these are "arried up #+ the summits by eag es$ whi"h are then dri%en off and the stones se"ured, #he dire"tion gi%en$ though it shou d rather be east than north$ points to the mines on the Grishna ri%er being those a uded to < mines whi"h are often sty ed the *mines of :o Conda* by tra%e ers, 2ar"o !o o to d the same ta e of the same mines in the year 45L-, Conti "ontinues: < *#hey di%ide the year into twe %e months$ whi"h they name after the signs of the /odia", #he era is "omputed %arious yB,* After ha%ing gi%en a short a""ount of the different "oinages and "urren"ies$ whi"h is interesting$ but of whi"h the %arious o"a ities are eft to the imagination$ he writes: < *#he nati%es of Centra India maCe use of the ba istae$?45M@ and those ma"hines whi"h we "a bombardas$ a so other war iCe imp ements adapted for besieging "ities, *#hey "a us FranCs and say$ DKhi e they "a other nations b ind$ that they themse %es ha%e two eyes$ and that we ha%e but one$ be"ause they "onsider that they eA"e a others in pruden"e,D?45L@ *#he inhabitants of Cambay a one use paper; a other Indians write on the ea%es of trees, #hey ha%e a %ast number of s a%es$ and$ the debtor who is inso %ent is e%erywhere adjudged to be the property of his "reditor, #he numbers of these peop e and nations eA"eeds be ief, #heir armies "onsist of a mi ion men and upwards,* Abdur Ra//aC a so %isited$ the "ity during the reign of 0e%a Raya II,$ but about twenty years ater than Conti, He was entrusted with an embassy from !ersia$ and set out on his mission on Hanuary 4=$ A,0, 4EE5, At the beginning of )o%ember that year he arri%ed at Ca i"ut$ where he resided ti the beginning of Apri 4EE=, 'eing there he was summoned to Vijayanagar$ tra%e ed thither$ and was in the great "ity from the end of Apri ti the .th 0e"ember of the same year, #he fo owing passage eAp ains why he eft Ca i"ut, *+n a sudden a man arri%ed who brought me the inte igen"e that the Cing of 'idjanagar$ who ho ds a powerfu empire and a mighty dominion under his sway$ had sent him to the Sameri?4=6@ as de egate$ "harged with a etter in whi"h he desired that he wou d send on to him the ambassador of His 2ajesty$ the happy GhaChan 1I,E, the Cing of !ersia3, A though the Sameri is not subje"t to the aws of the Cing of 'idjanagar$ he ne%erthe ess pays him respe"t and stands eAtreme y in fear of him$ sin"e$ if what is said is true$ this atter prin"e has in his dominions three hundred ports$ ea"h of whi"h is e(ua to Ca i"ut$ and on #ERRA FIR2A his territories "omprise a spa"e of three monthsD journey,* In obedien"e to this re(uest$ Abdur Ra//aC eft Ca i"ut by sea and went to 2anga ore$ *whi"h forms the frontier of the Cingdom of 'idjanagar,* He stayed there two or three days and then journeyed in and$ passing many towns$ and amongst them a p a"e where he saw a sma but wonderfu temp e made of bron/e, *At ength I "ame to a mountain whose summit rea"hed the sCies, Ha%ing eft this mountain and this forest behind me$ I rea"hed a town "a ed 'e our$?4=4@ the houses of whi"h were iCe pa a"es,* Here he saw a temp e with eA(uisite s"u pture, *At the end of the month of Iou Dhidjah?4=5@ we arri%ed at the "ity of 'idjanagar, #he Cing sent a

numerous "ortege to meet us$ and appointed us a %ery handsome house for our residen"e, His dominion eAtends from the frontier of Serendib to the eAtremities of the "ountry of Ga bergah 1I,E, from the Grishna Ri%er to Cape Comorin3, +ne sees there more than a thousand e ephants$ in their si/e resemb ing mountains and in their form resemb ing de%i s, #he troops amount in number to e e%en ;AG 14$466$6663, +ne might seeC in %ain throughout the who e of Hindustan to find a more abso ute RAI; for the monar"hs of this "ountry bear the tit e of RAI, *#he "ity of 'idjanagar is su"h that the pupi of the eye has ne%er seen a p a"e iCe it$ and the ear of inte igen"e has ne%er been informed that there eAisted anything to e(ua it in the wor d, It is bui t in su"h a manner that se%en "itade s and the same number of wa s en" ose ea"h other, Around the first "itade are stones of the height of a man$ one ha f of whi"h is sunC in the ground whi e the other ha f rises abo%e it, #hese are fiAed one beside the other in su"h a manner that no horse or foot so dier "ou d bo d y or with ease approa"h the "itade ,* #he position of these se%en wa s and gates ha%e ong been a pu// e to me$ but I ha/ard the fo owing eAp anation, #he tra%e er approa"hed from the southwest$ and the first ine of wa that he saw must ha%e been that on the ne"C between the two hi s south&west of Hospett, !aes a so des"ribes this outer defen"e&worC as that seen by a tra%e ers on their first arri%a from the "oast, After being re"ei%ed at this entran"e&gate Ra//aC must ha%e passed down the s ope through *"u ti%ated fie ds$ houses$ and gardens* to the entran"e of Hospett$ where the se"ond ine of fortifi"ation barred the way; and sin"e that town was not then thi"C y popu ated$ the same features wou d meet his eye ti he passed a third ine of wa on the north side of that town, From this point the houses be"ame thi"Cer$ probab y forming a ong street$ with shops on either side of the road$ eading then"e to the "apita , #he fourth ine of wa $ with a strong gateway$ is to be seen on the south of the present %i age of 2a panagudi$ where se%era remains of o d bui dings eAist; and notab y a handsome stone we $ on"e probab y be onging to the "ountry&house of some nob e or "hief offi"er, #he fifth ine is on the north of 2a panagudi$ and here the great gateway sti stands$ though the wa is mu"h damaged and destroyed, #he siAth ine is passed just to the south of the Gama apur tanC, #he se%enth or inner ine is the great wa sti to be seen in fair y good repair north of that %i age, #his ast surrounded the pa a"e and the go%ernment bui dings$ the spa"e en" osed measuring rough y a mi e from north to south$ and two mi es and a (uarter from east to west, #he remains of the upright stones a uded to by Ra//aC were seen by 0omingo !aes in A,0, 4.56,?4==@ I be ie%e that they ha%e now disappeared, Ra//aC des"ribes the outer "itade as a *fortress of round shape$ bui t on the summit of a mountain$ and "onstru"ted of stones and ime, It has %ery so id gates$ the guards of whi"h are "onstant y at their post$ and eAamine e%erything with se%ere inspe"tion,* #his passage must refer to the outer ine of wa $ sin"e Ra//aCDs *se%enth fortress* is the innermost of a , #he guards at the gates were doubt ess the offi"ers entrusted with the "o e"tion of the o"troi duties, Sir Henry E iotDs trans ation 1i%, 46E3 adds to the passage as (uoted the words$ < *they "o e"t the HII9A# or taAes,* #his system of "o e"ting o"troi dues at the gates of prin"ipa towns asted ti re"ent days$ ha%ing on y been abo ished by the 'ritish :o%ernment, *#he se%enth fortress is to the north$ and is the pa a"e of the Cing, #he distan"e between the opposite gates of the outer fortress north and south is two parasangs$?4=E@ and the same east to west, *#he spa"e whi"h separates the first fortress from the se"ond$ and up to the third fortress$ is fi ed with "u ti%ated fie ds and with houses and gardens, In the spa"e from the third to the se%enth one meets a number ess "rowd of peop e$ many shops$ and a ba/aar, 'y the CingDs pa a"e are four ba/aars$ p a"ed opposite ea"h other, +n the north is the porti"o of the pa a"e of the RAI, Abo%e ea"h ba/aar is a ofty ar"ade with a magnifi"ent ga ery$ but the audien"e&ha of the CingDs pa a"e is e e%ated abo%e a the rest, #he ba/aars are eAtreme y ong and broad,?4=.@ *Roses are so d e%erywhere, #hese peop e "ou d not i%e without roses$ and they ooC upon them as (uite as ne"essary as foodB, Ea"h " ass of men be onging to ea"h profession has shops "ontiguous

the one to the other; the jewe ers se pub i" y in the ba/aars pear s$ rubies$ emera ds$ and diamonds, In this agreeab e o"a ity$ as we as in the CingDs pa a"e$ one sees numerous running streams and "ana s formed of "hise ed stone$ po ished and smooth,?4=-@ *+n the eft of the Su tanDs porti"o rises the 0EKA) GHA)EH$?4=>@ whi"h is eAtreme y arge and ooCs iCe a pa a"e, In front of it is a ha $ the height of whi"h is abo%e the stature of a man$ its ength thirty ghe/ and its breadth ten,?4=M@ In it is p a"ed the 0EF#ER&GHA)EH 1"ourt&house3$ and here sit the s"ribesB, In the midd e of this pa a"e$ upon an high estrade$ is seated an eunu"h "a ed the 0anaiC$?4=L@ who a one presides o%er the di%an, At the end of the ha stand "hobdars?4E6@ drawn up in ine, #he 0ewan or 0anaiC sett es peop eDs affairs and hears their petitions, #here is no appea , After "on" uding business the 0anaiC passes through se%en doors into the pa a"e$ and entering the ast a one$ maCes his report to the Cing, *'ehind the CingDs pa a"e?4E4@ are the house and ha a otted to the 0anaiC, #o the eft of the said pa a"e is the 2int, *#his empire "ontains so great a popu ation that it wou d be impossib e to gi%e an idea of it without entering into eAtensi%e detai s, In the CingDs pa a"e are se%era "e s$ iCe basins$ fi ed with bu ion$ forming one mass,* +pposite the 0IVA)&GHA)EH$ he "ontinues$ is the house of the e ephants, *Ea"h e ephant has a separate "ompartment$ the wa s of whi"h are eAtreme y so id$ and the roof "omposed of strong pie"es of woodB, +pposite the 2int is the house of the :o%ernor$ where are stationed twe %e thousand so diers on guardB, 'ehind the 2int is a sort of ba/aar$ whi"h is more than three hundred ghe/ in ength$ and more than twenty in breadth,?4E5@ +n two sides are ranged houses and fore"ourts; in front of them are ere"ted$ instead of ben"hes 1G8RSI3$ se%era ofty seats "onstru"ted of beautifu stones, +n the two sides of the a%enue formed by the "hambers are represented figures of ions$ panthers$ tigers$ and other anima s,?4E=@ #hrones and "hairs are p a"ed on the p atforms$ and the "ourtesans seat themse %es thereon$ bede"Ced in gems and fine raiment,* #he author tooC up his abode in a ofty house whi"h had been a otted to him$ on the 4st 2uharram 12ay 4$ 4EE=3 *+ne day some messengers sent from the pa a"e of the Cing "ame to see me$ and at the " ose of the same day I presented myse f at "ourtB, #he prin"e was seated in a ha $ surrounded by the most imposing attributes of state, Right and eft of him stood a numerous "rowd of men arranged in a "ir" e, #he Cing was dressed in a robe of green satin$ around his ne"C he wore a "o ar$ "omposed of pear s of beautifu water$ and other sp endid gems, He had an o i%e "omp eAion$ his frame was thin$ and he was rather ta ; on his "heeCs might be seen a s ight down$ hut there was no beard on his "hin, #he eApression of his "ountenan"e was eAtreme y p easing,?4EE@ B *If report speaCs tru y$ the number of the prin"esses and "on"ubines amounts to se%en hundred,* Abdur Ra//aC gi%es a g owing a""ount of the bri ian"y of a great festi%a of whi"h he was a spe"tator whi e in the "apita , He "a s it the 2ahana%ami?4E.@ festi%a $ but I ha%e my doubts as to whether he was not mistaCen$ sin"e he de" ares that it tooC p a"e in the month Rajab 1+"tober 5. to )o%ember 5=$ 4EE= A,0,3, #he Hindus "e ebrate the 2AHA)AVA2I by a nine daysD festi%a beginning on As%ina SuC a 4st in nati%e re"Coning$ that is$ on the day fo owing the new moon whi"h marCs the beginning of the month As%ina; whi e the )ew 9earDs 0ay at that period was the first day of the fo owing month$ GarttiCa 1if the year began$ as it "ertain y did at Vijayanagar in the time of !aes$ eighty years ater$ on 4st GarttiCa3, 'ut the new moon of Rajab in A,0, 4EE= "orresponded to the new moon of GAR##IGA$ not to that of ASVI)A,?4E-@ Either$ therefore$ the festi%a whi"h he witnessed was the )ew 9earDs 0ay festi%a $ or the tra%e er was in error in gi%ing the month *Rajab,* It seems most probab e that the former was the "ase$ be"ause he apparent y maCes the festi%a one of on y three daysD duration$ whereas the 2AHA)AVA2I$ as its name imp ies$ was a nine daysD feast, 'ut there is a so another diffi"u ty, #he 2AHA)AVA2I

"e ebrations began with the new moon$ whereas Ra//aC says that the festi%a he saw began with the *fu moon,* #his$ howe%er$ may ha%e been due to a s ip of the pen, Howe%er that may be$ he "ertain y was a spe"tator of a bri iant s"ene$ and I append his a""ount of it, *In pursuan"e of orders issued by the Cing of 'idjanagar$ the genera s and prin"ipa personages from a parts of his empire B presented themse %es at the pa a"e, #hey brought with them a thousand e ephants B whi"h were "o%ered with bri iant armour and with "ast es magnifi"ent y adornedB, 0uring three "onse"uti%e days in the month of Redjeb the %ast spa"e of and magnifi"ent y de"orated$ in whi"h the enormous e ephants were "ongregated together$ presented the appearan"e of the wa%es of the sea$ or of that "ompa"t mass whi"h wi be assemb ed together at the day of the resurre"tion, +%er this magnifi"ent spa"e were ere"ted numerous pa%i ions$ to the height of three$ four$ or e%en fi%e storeys$ "o%ered from top to bottom with figures in re iefB, Some of these pa%i ions were arranged in su"h a manner that they "ou d turn rapid y round and present a new fa"e: at ea"h moment a new "hamber or a new ha presented itse f to the %iew, *In the front of this p a"e rose a pa a"e with nine pa%i ions magnifi"ent y ornamented, In the ninth the CingDs throne was set up, In the se%enth was a otted a p a"e to the humb e author of this narrati%eB, 'etween the pa a"e and the pa%i ions B were musi"ians and storyte ers,* :ir s were there in magnifi"ent dresses$ dan"ing *behind a pretty "urtain opposite the Cing,* #here were number ess performan"es gi%en by jugg ers$ who disp ayed e ephants mar%e ous y trained, 0uring three "onse"uti%e days$ from sunrise to sunset$ the roya festi%a was pro onged in a sty e of the greatest magnifi"en"e, FireworCs$ games$ and amusements went on, +n the third day the writer was presented to the Cing, *#he throne$ whi"h was of eAtraordinary si/e$ was made of go d$ and enri"hed with pre"ious stones of eAtreme %a ueB, 'efore the throne was a s(uare "ushion$ on the edges of whi"h were sown three rows of pear s, 0uring the three days the Cing remained seated on this "ushion, Khen the fete of 2ahanawi was ended$ at the hour of e%ening prayer$ I was introdu"ed into the midd e of four ES#RA0ES$ whi"h were about ten ghe/ both in ength and breadth,?4E>@ #he roof and the wa s were entire y formed of p ates of go d enri"hed with pre"ious stones, Ea"h of these p ates was as thi"C as the b ade of a sword$ and was fastened with go den nai s, 8pon the ES#RA0E$ in the front$ is p a"ed the throne of the Cing$ and the throne itse f is of %ery great si/e,* #he des"riptions gi%en by these tra%e ers gi%e us a good idea of the sp endours of this great Hindu "apita in the first ha f of the fifteenth "entury; and with this in our minds we return to the history of the period,

CHAPTER 8
C ose of the First 0ynasty 1A,0, 4EEL to 4EL63 2a iCarjuna and VirupaCsha I, < RajaseChara and VirupaCsha II, < #he 0aChan sp its up into fi%e independent Cingdoms < #he 'ijapur Cing "aptures :oa and 'e gaum < Fighting at Rajahmundry$ Gondapa e$ and other parts of #e ingana < 0eath of 2ahmud :awan < #he Russian tra%e er )iCitin < Chaos at Vijayanagar < )arasimha sei/es the throne, I ha%e a ready stated that the period fo owing the reign of 0e%a Raya II, is one %ery diffi"u t to fi up satisfa"tori y from any sour"e, It was a period of "onfusion in Vijayanagar < a fa"t that is " ear y brought out by )uni/ in his "hroni" e, A,0, 4EEL is the ast date in any Cnown ins"ription "ontaining mention of a 0e%a Raya$ and 0r, Hu t/s"h?4EM@ a ots this to 0e%a Raya II, It may be$ as a ready suggested$ that there was a 0e%a Raya III, on the throne between A,0, 4EEE and 4EEL$ but this remains to be pro%ed, #wo sons of 0e%a Raya II,$ a""ording to the ins"riptions$ were named 2a iCarjuna and VirupaCsha I,

respe"ti%e y, #here are ins"riptions of the former dated in A,0, 4E.5 < .= and 4E-E < -.$?4EL@ and one of the atter in 4E>6,?4.6@ 2a iCarjuna appears to ha%e had two sons$ RajaseChara$ of whom we ha%e ins"riptions in the years A,0, 4E>L < M6 and 4EM- < M>$ and VirupaCsha II,$ mentioned in an ins"ription dated A,0, 4EM= < ME$ three years ear ier than the ast of RajaseChara, 0r, Hu t/s"h$ in the third %o ume of the E!I:RA!HIA I)0ICA$ p, =-$ gi%es these dates$ but in the fourth %o ume of the same worC 1p, 4M63 he notes that an ins"ription of RajaseChara eAists at Ambur in )orth Ar"ot$ whi"h is dated in the year "orresponding to A,0, 4E-M < -L, I ha%e a so been to d of an ins"ription on stone to be seen at the %i age of !arnapa e 1or !aranapa e3 in the Cuddapah distri"t$ of whi"h a "opy on "opper&p ate is said to be in the possession of one )arayana Reddi of :oddamari in the #adpatri #a u( of the Anantapur distri"t, #his is reported to bear the date SaCa 4=LM 1A,0, 4E>- < >>3$ and to mention as so%ereign *!raudha 0e%a Raya of Vijayanagar,* RajaseCharaDs se"ond ins"ription must ha%e been engra%ed %ery short y before the fina fa of the o d roya house$ for the first "ertain date of the usurper )arasimha is A,0, 4E.6, Amid this "onfusion of o%er apping dates we turn for he p to )uni/; but though his story$ gathered from tradition about the year 4.=.$ is " ear and "onse"uti%e$ it " ashes somewhat with the other re"ords, A""ording to him$ 0e%a Raya II, had a son$ !ina Raya$ who died siA months after his attempted assassination; but we ha%e shown that Abdur Ra//aC "on" usi%e y estab ishes that this unfortunate monar"h was 0e%a Raya II, himse f$ and that the "rime was "ommitted before the month of Apri 4EE=, !ina Raya eft a son unnamed$ who did nothing in parti"u ar$ and was su""eeded by his son *Verupa"a$* by whi"h name VirupaCsha is " ear y meant, VirupaCsha was murdered by his e dest son$ who in turn was s ain by his younger brother$ *!adea Rao$* and this prin"e ost the Cingdom to the usurper )arasimha, #he period was without doubt a troub ous one$ and a that "an be definite y and safe y stated at present is that for about forty years prior to the usurpation of )arasimha the Cingdom passed from one hand to the other$ in the midst of mu"h po iti"a agitation$ dis"ontent$ and widespread antagonism to the representati%es of the o d roya fami y$ se%era of whom appear to ha%e met with %io ent deaths, #he usurpation tooC p a"e at some period between A,0, 4EM> and 4EL6, ;ea%ing the Hindu and !ortuguese re"ords$ we must turn to the 2uhammadan historians in order to see what were the po iti"a re ations eAisting at this time between Vijayanagar and its hereditary enemies to the north, Firishtah te s us of no e%ent o""urring between the year 4EE= and 4E.M A,0, to disturb the pea"efu "onditions then eAisting, Gu barga was itse f in too troub ed a "ondition to %enture on further nationa "omp i"ations, Interna disputes and "i%i war raged in the 0aChan$ and the "ountry was di%ided against itse f, #he troub e had begun whi"h ended on y with the eAtin"tion of the 'ahmani monar"hy$ and the estab ishment of fi%e ri%a 2uhammadan Cingdoms in the p a"e of one, A a&ud&din died February 4=$ A,0, 4E.M$ 1N3?4.4@ and was su""eeded by his son Humayun$ a prin"e of *"rue and sanguinary temper,* In the fo owing year Humayun waged war against the "ountry of the #e ugus and besieged 0e%araConda$ whi"h made so stout a resistan"e that the 0aChani armies were baff ed$ and retired, He died on the .th September 4E-4$?4.5@ to the great re ief of a his subje"ts, 2a iCarjuna appears to ha%e been then Cing of Vijayanagar, )i/am Shah su""eeded to the throne$ being then on y eight years o d$ but his reign was of short duration, He was su""eeded by his brother 2uhammad on Hu y =6$ A 0, 4E-=$?4.=@ In the midd e of the year 4E-L$ whi e either RajaseChara or VirupaCsha I, was the Cing of Vijayanagar$ 2ahmud :awan$ 2uhammadDs minister$ mar"hed towards the west$ and after a fair y su""essfu "ampaign atta"Ced :oa$ then in the possession of the Raya of Vijayanagar$ both by sea and and, He was "omp ete y %i"torious and "aptured the p a"e, #he war was probab y undertaCen in re%enge for a "rue massa"re of 2uhammadans whi"h tooC p a"e in this 9ear A,0, 4E-L$ a""ording to 'arros,?4.E@ At this period the "oast trade was a together

in the hands of the 2uhammadans$ and they used to import arge numbers of horses$ prin"ipa y for the use of the great "ontending armies in the 0aChan and Vijayanagar, #he Hindu Cing depended on this supp y to a arge eAtent, In 4E-L the 2oors at 'ate"a a 1'hatCa 3 ha%ing so d horses to the *2oors of 0e"an$* the Cing of Vijayanagar ordered his %assa at +nor 1Honawar3 *to Ci a those 2oors as far as possib e$ and frighten the rest away,* #he resu t of this was a terrib e massa"re$ in whi"h 46$666 2usu mans ost their i%es, #he sur%i%ors f ed and sett ed themse %es at :oa$ thus founding the "ity that afterwards be"ame the "apita of !ortuguese India, )uni/ a udes to the oss of *:oa$ Chau $ and 0abu * by Vijayanagar in the reign of *Verupa"a,*?4..@ 1!ur"has states that the massa"re tooC p a"e in 4E>L A,0,3 Short y afterwards there arose to power under the Su tan 2uhammad one 9usuf Adi Ghan$ a s a%e$ who before ong grew to su"h power that he o%erthrew the 'ahmani dynasty$ and be"ame himse f the first independent so%ereign of 'ijapur < the first *Adi Shah,* In 4E>6$ says the '8RHA)&I 2AASIR$ the Su tan tooC Rajahmundry and Gonda%id from the Cing of +rissa, An ins"ription at Gondapa e$ a fine hi &fort beautifu y situated on a range of hi s$ gi%es the date as 4E>6 or 4E>4; my "opy is imperfe"t, Firishtah te s us that < *In the year M>> 1A,0, 4E>5 < >=3 !erCna$ roy of the fortress of 'a goan$ at the instigation of the prin"e of 'eejanuggur$ mar"hed to retaCe the is and of :oaB, 2ahummud Shaw$ immediate y upon inte igen"e of this irruption$ "o e"ted his for"es and mo%ed against 'a goan$ a fortress of great strength$ ha%ing round it a deep wet dit"h$ and near it a pass$ the on y approa"h$ defended by redoubts,* #he atta"C ended in the redu"tion of the p a"e$ when the Su tan returned to Gu barga, #he '8RHA)&I 2AASIR CA;;S the "hief of 'e gaum *!arCatapah$* and 2ajor Ging$ the trans ator of the worC$ gi%es a arge %ariety of spe ings of the name$ %i/,: *'irCanah$* *!arCatabtah$* *!arCatiyah$* *!arCitah$* *'arCabtah,*?4.-@ 'riggs gi%es it as *'irCana,* It has been supposed that the rea name was ViCrama, About the year 4E>. there was a terrib e famine in the 0aChan and the "ountry of the #e ugus$ whi"h asted for two years, At its " ose the Hindu popu ation of Gondapa e re%o ted$ murdered the 2uhammadan go%ernor$ and in%ited aid from the Cing of +rissa, #his monar"h a""ording y ad%an"ed and aid siege to Rajahmundry$ whi"h was then the go%ernorship of )i/am&u &2u Ch$ but on the Shah mar"hing in person to the re ief of the p a"e the army of +rissa retired, In the atter part of the year MM5$ whi"h "orresponds to 2ar"h 4E>M A,0,$ 2uhammad penetrated to the "apita of +rissa$ *and used no mer"y in s aughtering the inhabitants and aying waste the "ountry of the enemy,* #he Rajah submitted$ and pur"hased his immunity from further interferen"e on the part of the Su tan by a present of some %a uab e e ephants, Firishtah and the '8RHA)&I 2AASIR differ "onsiderab y as to what fo owed, #he former states that$ after his raid into +rissa$ 2uhammad Shah redu"ed Gondapa e$ where he destroyed a temp e$ s ew the 'rahman priests atta"hed to it$ and ordered a mos(ue to be ere"ted on its site, He remained near y three years at Rajahmundry$ se"ured the #e ingana "ountry$ eApe ed some refra"tory /amindars$ and *reso %ed on the "on(uest of )ursing Raya,* *)ursing$* says Firishtah$ *was a powerfu raja$ possessing the "ountry between Carnati"?4.>@ and #e ingana$ eAtending a ong the sea&"oast$ to 2at"hi iputtum$?4.M@ and had added mu"h of the 'eejanuggur territory to his own by "on(uest$ with se%era strong forts,* #his was probab y the powerfu "hief )arasimha Raya$ a re ation of the Cing of Vijayanagar$ who$ intrusted with the go%ernment of arge tra"ts$ was rising rapid y to independen"e under the weaC and feeb e monar"h whom he fina y supp anted, #he Su tan went to Gondapa e$?4.L@ and there was to d that$ at a distan"e of ten daysD journey$ *was the temp e of Gun"hy$?4-6@ the wa s and roof of whi"h were p ated with go d$ ornamented with pre"ious stones;* upon re"eipt of whi"h

inte igen"e the Su tan is said to ha%e made a for"ed mar"h thither$ taCing with him on y -666 "a%a ry$ and to ha%e sa"Ced the p a"e, #he a""ount gi%en by the '8RHA)&I 2AASIR as to 2uhammad ShahDs pro"eedings at this period is that on going to Rajahmundry he found there )arasimha Raya *with >66$666 "ursed infantry$ and .66 e ephants iCe mountains of iron$* who$ in spite of a his pomp and power$ f ed iCe a "ra%en on the approa"h of the army of Is am, #he Su tan then redu"ed Rajahmundry$ whi"h had been he d by a HI)08 for"e < not 2uhammadan$ as Firishtah de" ares, In )o%ember 4EM6?4-4@ he mar"hed from Rajahmundry to Gonda%id$ going *towards the Cingdom of Vijayanagar,* After redu"ing that fortress$ he pro"eeded after a whi e to 2a ur$ whi"h be onged to )arasimha$ *who$ owing to his numerous army and the eAtent of his dominions$ was the greatest and most powerfu of a the ru ers of #e ingana and Vijayanagar$* and who *had estab ished himse f in the midst of the "ountries of Ganara and #e ingana$ and taCen possession of most of the distri"ts of the "oast and interior of Vijayanagar,* Khi e at 2a ur the Su tan was informed that *at a distan"e of fifty farsaChas from his "amp was a "ity "a ed :anji$* "ontaining temp es$J ",$ to whi"h he prompt y mar"hed$ arri%ing before the p a"e on 4=th 2ar"h A,0, 4EM4,?4-5@ He sa"Ced the "ity and returned, After this the Su tan went to 2asu ipatam$ whi"h he redu"ed$ and then"e returned to Gondapa e, #his was his ast su""ess, His "o d&b ooded murder of the "e ebrated 2ahmud :awan$ his oya and faithfu ser%ant$ in 4EM4$ so disgusted the nob es that in a short time the Cingdom was dismembered$ the "hiefs re%o ted$ the dynasty was o%erthrown$ and fi%e independent Cingdoms were raised on its ruins, 2uhammad Shah died on 54st 2ar"h, A,0, 4EM5, Short y before his death he p anned an eApedition to re ie%e :oa from a Vijayanagar army whi"h *Sewaroy$ !rin"e of 'eejanuggur$* had sent there 1Firishtah3; but the Su tanDs death put a stop to this 1'8RHA)&I 2AASIR3, Ke ha%e some further information on the affairs of Gu barga during the reign of 2uhammad Shah in the writings of the Russian tra%e er Athanasius )iCitin$ but it is %ery diffi"u t to fiA the eAa"t date of his sojourn there, )iCitin was a nati%e of #wer$ and set out on his wanderings by permission of the :rand 0uCe 2i"hae 'orisso%it"h$ and his own bishop$ :ennadius, #his fiAes the time of his start so far that it must ha%e taCen p a"e subse(uent to 4E-5$ and the author of the *'ombay :a/etteer$* RE !oonah$ assigns the period 4E-M to 4E>E as that of )iCitinDs stay in India, )iCitin first went to Chau $ and then"e tra%e ed by and to Hunir, *Here resides Asat$ Ghan of Indian Hooneer$ a tributary of 2e iCtu"harB, He has been fighting the Gofars for twenty years$ being sometimes beaten but most y beating them,* 'y *2e iCtu"har* is probab y meant the "e ebrated minister 2ahmud :awan$ who in 4E.> A,0, re"ei%ed the tit e *2a iC&a &#ijar$* a tit e whi"h was borne by the "hief amongst the nobi ity at the 'ahmani "ourt, It meant itera y *"hief of the mer"hants,* #he *Gofars* are$ of "ourse$ the Gaffirs or Hindus, Firishtah te s us of fighting ha%ing taCen p a"e in 4E-L between the 2a iC&a &#ijar and *the ro es of Songeer$ Gha neh$ and rebe s in GoCun$* when the troops of Hunir were under the 2a iCDs "ommand, 0uring the war he "aptured :oa$ as a ready stated, #here were "ampaigns a so against the Hindus of Rajahmundry$ VinuConda$ and other p a"es$ and in 4E>5 one against 'e gaum$ whi"h has been a ready des"ribed, Firishtah te s us that the 0au atabad and Hunir troops were sent against the powerfu Hindu Raja )arasimha on the east "oast,?4-=@ As to Gu barga and his eAperien"es there$ )iCitin writes as fo ows: < *#he Hindus B are a naCed and bare&footed, #hey "arry a shie d in one hand and a sword in the other, Some of the ser%ants are armed with straight bows and arrows, E ephants are great y used in batt eB, ;arge s"ythes are atta"hed to the trunCs and tusCs of the e ephants$ and the anima s are " ad in ornamenta p ates of stee , #hey "arry a "itade $ and in the "itade twe %e men in armour with guns and arrowsB, #he and is o%ersto"Ced with peop e; but those in the "ountry are %ery

miserab e$ whi st the nob es are eAtreme y opu ent and de ight in uAury, #hey are wont to be "arried on their si %er beds$ pre"eded by some twenty "hargers "aparisoned in go d$ and fo owed by three hundred men on horseba"C and fi%e hundred on foot$ and by horn&men$ ten tor"h&bearers$ and ten musi"ians, *#here may be seen in the train of the Su tan about a thousand ordinary horses in go d trappings$ one hundred "arre s with tor"h&bearers$ three hundred trumpeters$ three hundred dan"ersB, #he Su tan$ riding on a go den sadd e$ wears a habit embroidered with sapphires$ and on his pointed headdress a arge diamond; he a so "arries a suit of go d armour in aid with sapphires$ and three swords mounted in go dB, #he brother of the Su tan rides on a go den bed$ the "anopy of whi"h is "o%ered with %e %et and ornamented with pre"ious stonesB, 2ahmud sits on a go den bed$ with a si Cen "anopy to it and a go den top$ drawn by four horses in gi t harness, Around him are "rowds of peop e$ and before him many singers and dan"ersB, *2e iCh #u"har tooC two Indian #owns whose ships pirated on the Indian Sea$ "aptured se%en prin"es with their treasuresB, #he town had been besieged for two years by an army of two hundred thousand men$ a hundred e ephants$ and three hundred "ame s,?4-E@ B *2y/a 2y C$ 2eC&Ghan$ and Farat Ghan tooC three arge "ities$ and "aptured an immense (uantity of pre"ious stones$ the who e of whi"h was brought to 2e iC #u"harB, #hey "ame to 'eder on the day of the As"ension,* #he Su tanDs brother *when in a "ampaign is fo owed by his mother and sister$ and 5666 women on horseba"C or on go den beds;?4-.@ at the head of his train are =66 ordinary horses in go d e(uipment,* *2e iC #u"har mo%ed from 'eder with his army$ .6$666 strong$ against the IndiansB, #he Su tan sent .6$666 of his own armyB, Kith this for"e 2e iC #u"har went to fight against the great Indian dominion of CHE)80AR, 'ut the Cing of 'I)E0AR?4--@ possessed =66 e ephants$ 466$666 men of his own troops$ and .6$666 horse,* #he writer then gi%es detai s as to the rest of the Su tanDs for"es$ and the tota "omes to the enormous amount of o%er L66$666 foot$ 4L6$666 horse$ and .>. e ephants, *#he Su tan mo%ed out with his army B to join 2e i"h #u"har at Ga barga, 'ut their "ampaign was not su""essfu $ for they tooC on y one Indian town$ and that at the oss of many peop e and treasures,?4->@ *#he Hindu Su tan Gadam is a %ery powerfu prin"e, He possesses a numerous army and resides on a mountain at 'ICHE)E:HER, #his %ast "ity is surrounded by three forts and interse"ted by a ri%er$ bordering on one side on a dreadfu jung e$ and on the other on a da e; a wonderfu p a"e and to any purpose "on%enient, +n one side it is (uite ina""essib e; a road gi%es right through the town$ and as the mountain rises high with a ra%ine be ow$ the town is impregnab e, *#he enemy besieged it for a month and ost many peop e$ owing to the wa s of water and food, ! enty of water was in sight but "ou d not be got at, *#his Indian strongho d was u timate y taCen by 2e iCh Ghan Ghoda$ who stormed it$ and fought day and night to redu"e it, #he army that made the siege with hea%y guns had neither eaten nor drunC for twenty days, He ost .666 of his best so diers, +n the "apture of the town 56$666 inhabitants men and women$ had their heads "ut off$ 56$666 young and o d were made prisoners and so dB, #he treasury$ howe%er$ ha%ing been found empty$ the town was abandoned,* It is impossib e to de"ide to what this refers$ as we ha%e no other information of any "apture of Vijayanagar by the Su tanDs for"es at this period, 'ut the tra%e er may ha%e "onfused the p a"e with Rajahmundry or one of the eastern "ities of #e ingana, In 4EM5 A,0,$ as before stated$ 2ahmud Shah II, su""eeded to the throne of Gu barga$ being then a boy of twe %e$ but his so%ereignty was on y nomina , Constant disturban"es tooC p a"e; the nob es

in many tra"ts rose against the so%ereign$ and amongst others the go%ernor of :oa attempted to assert his independen"e$ sei/ing many important p a"es on the "oast; "i%i war raged at the "apita ; and before ong the great "hiefs threw off a semb an"e of obedien"e to the authority of the 'ahmanis$ and at ength di%ided the Cingdom amongst themse %es, At Vijayanagar$ too$ there seems to ha%e been "haos$ and about the time when the 0aChani nob es fina y re%o ted$ )arasimha Raya had p a"ed himse f on the throne and estab ished a new and powerfu dynasty, #he fi%e separate Cingdoms whi"h arose in the 0aChan were those of the Adi Shahs of 'ijapur$ with whom we ha%e most to do; the 'arid Shahs of 'idr or Ahmadabad; the Imad Shahs of 'irar; the )i/am Shahs of Ahmadnagar; and the 7utb Shahs of :o Conda, Adi Shah was the first of his ine at 'ijapur$ and he pro" aimed his independen"e in A,0, 4EML, #he unhappy Cing 2ahmud II, i%ed in ing orious se" usion ti 0e"ember 4M$ A,0, 4.4>$ and was nomina y su""eeded by his e dest son$ Ahmad, Ahmad died after two yearsD reign$ and was fo owed in rapid su""ession by his two brothers$ A a&ud&din III, 1deposed3 and Ka i 1murdered3$ after whom Ga im 8 ah$ son of Ahmad II,$ was nomina y p a"ed on the throne but was Cept a " ose prisoner$ and with his death the 'ahmani dynasty fe for e%er,

CHAPTER 9
#he First Gings of the Se"ond 0ynasty 1A,0, 4EL6 to 4.6L3 )arasimha usurps the throne < F ight of the ate Cing < Sa u%a #imma < Vira )arasimha < 'ijapur again atta"Cs Vijayanagar < #he !ortuguese in India < #hey sei/e :oa < VarthemaDs re"ord < A bu(uer(ue, In my *SCet"h of the 0ynasties of Southern India$* pub ished in 4MM= 1p, 46-3$ the fo owing passage o""urs: < *Ke now "ome to the se"ond or )arasimha dynasty$ whose s"ions be"ame more powerfu than any monar"hs who had e%er reigned o%er the south of India, 0r, 'urne fiAes A,0, 4EL6 as the initia date of )arasimhaDs reign$ and at present no ins"ription that I "an be sure of appears to o%erthrow that statement, I obser%e$ howe%er$ that 'ishop Ca dwe $ in his DHistory of #inne%e yD 1p, EM3$ fiAes the date of the beginning of )arasimhaDs B reign as A,0, 4EM>B, KE HAVE 9E# #+ ;EAR) #HE HIS#+R9 +F HIS AC78IRI): #HE S+VEREI:)#9 +F VIHA9A)A:AR A)0 +8S#I): #HE +;0ER 09)AS#9,* )othing has sin"e transpired to throw ight on this subje"t$ and the who e matter has remained up to the present in its prime%a darCness; but this new y&found "hroni" e of )uni/ gi%es us the entire story in most interesting form though I "an by no means %ou"h for its a""ura"y, It is$ ne%erthe ess$ a RES82E of the traditiona history of the ear y siAteenth "entury$ written within fifty or siAty years of the e%ents with whi"h it dea s, He te s us that VirupaCsha Raya 1*Verupa"arao*3 was a weaC and unworthy so%ereign$ in whose days arge tra"ts of and were ost to the 2uhammadans$ in" uding :oa$ Chau $ and 0abho ; and this statement$ at east$ is histori"a y a""urate, VirupaCsha was despoti"$ "rue $ and sensuous$ *"aring for nothing but women and to fudd e himse f with drinC$* so that the who e "ountry was roused to indignation and rebe ion, E%entua y he was murdered by his e dest son$ who in his turn was s ain by his brother *!adearao$* in whom the nation mere y found repeated the "rimes and fo ies of his dead sire, 0isgusted with this ine of so%ereigns$ the nob es rose$ deposed their Cing$ and p a"ed on the throne one of their own number$ )arasimha < *)arsymgua$ KH+ KAS I) S+2E 2A))ER AGI) #+ HI2,* )uni/ gi%es us a graphi" a""ount of the ast s"enes; how )arasimhaDs "aptain arri%ed at the "ity gates and found them undefended; how he penetrated the pa a"e and found no one to oppose him; how he e%en went as far as the harem$ *s aying some of the women;* and how at ast the "ra%en

Cing f ed, *After that$ )arasymgua was raised to be CingB, And as he had mu"h power and was be o%ed by the peop e$ then"e&forward this Cingdom of 'isnaga was "a ed the Cingdom of )arsymga,* #he prob em of )arasimhaDs re ationship to the o d roya ine has ne%er yet been satisfa"tori y so %ed, He be onged to a fami y "a ed SA;8VA$ and we "onstant y hear$ in the ins"riptions and iterary worCs of the time$ of powerfu ords who were re ations or des"endants of his, #hus our "hroni" e has mu"h to say about the Sa u%a #imma$ whom )uni/ "a s *Sa %atinea$* who was minister to Ging Grishna 0e%a Raya, An ins"ription of the SaCa year 4=L.$ whi"h "orresponds to A,0, 4E>5 < >=$ speaCs of )arasimha as a great ord$ but a great ord +);9$?4-M@ and so does another of A,0, 4EM5 < M=,?4-L@ In one of A,0, 4EL. < L-$ howe%er$?4>6@ he is "a ed *2AHA& RA9A$* or the *Cing,* 'ut a though the eAa"t date of the usurpation and the eAa"t re ationship of the usurper to the deposed Cing may be diffi"u t to as"ertain$ the fa"t remains that )arasimha a"tua y be"ame so%ereign about this time$ that 2uhammadan aggression was stayed by his power and the for"e of his arms$ and that the empire of Vijayanagar was under him on"e more "onso idated, #he a""ount of this period as gi%en by Firishtah differs a together from that of )uni/$ and gi%es rise to mu"h "onfusion and diffi"u ty, And as to the re ationship of the su""eeding so%ereigns$ )arasa$ Vira )arasimha$ Grishna 0e%a Raya$ A"hyuta$ and Sadasi%a$ the nati%e ins"riptions themse %es are tota y at %arian"e with one another, Some few points$ howe%er$ in the genera s"heme of history of the se"ond dynasty are (uite "ertain$ and these may be short y summarised, #he ast Cings of the first dynasty were re"ognised down to A'+8# the year 4EL6 A,0, )arasimha and Vira )arasimha ru ed ti the a""ession of Grishna 0e%a Raya in 4.6L; A"hyuta su""eeded Grishna in 4.=6$ and Sadasi%a su""eeded A"hyuta in 4.E5, #he atter was %irtua y a prisoner in the hands of Rama Raya$ the e dest of three brothers$ at first nomina y his minister$ but afterwards independent, #he names of the other brothers were #iruma a and VenCatadri, #hese three men he d the go%ernment of the Cingdom ti 4.-.$ when the empire was utter y o%erthrown by a "onfederation of the fi%e 2uhammadan Cings of the 0aChan$ a ready mentioned$ at the batt e of #a iCota < so&"a ed < and the magnifi"ent "apita was a most wiped out of eAisten"e, Kith these few fa"ts to guide us$ we turn to the "hroni" es of )uni/ and Firishtah$ trying in %ain to obtain some points of "onta"t between them as to the origin of the se"ond dynasty < some " ue whi"h wi enab e us to re"on"i e differen"es and arri%e at the rea truth, If we are to be guided pure y by probabi ities$ it wou d seem that the history gi%en by )uni/ is iCe y to be the more a""urate of the two, His "hroni" e was written about the year 4.=.$ during the reign of A"hyuta; he i%ed at the Hindu "apita itse f$ and he gained his information from Hindu sour"es not ong subse(uent to the e%ents re ated, Firishtah did not write ti about A,0, 4-6>$ was not in any sense a "ontemporary re"order$ and did not i%e amongst the Hindus$ but at the "ourt of )i/am Shah at Ahmadnagar, #he engths of reigns$ howe%er$ as gi%en by )uni/ do not ta y with the dates whi"h we obtain from sour"es undoubted y re iab e, )uni/ has it that VirupaCshaDs son *!adearao$* the ast of the o d ine$ f ed from the "apita when the usurper )arasimha sei/ed the throne; that the atter reigned forty&four years$ and died ea%ing two sons, #hese youths being too young to go%ern$ the dying Cing intrusted the Cingdom to his minister$ )arasa )aiC$ and both the prin"es were murdered, )arasa sei/ed the throne$ and he d it ti his death, #he ength of his reign is not gi%en, His son$ *'usba rao* 1N 'asa%a Raya3$ su""eeded$ and reigned siA years$ being su""eeded by his brother$ the great Grishna 0e%a Raya, )ow we Cnow that Grishna 0e%a Raya began to reign in A,0, 4.6L, #his gi%es 4.6= for the date of the a""ession of his prede"essor$ *'usba ,* If we a ow fi%e years for the reign of )arasa < a pure guess < we ha%e his a""ession in 4ELM A,0,$ and the forty&four years of )arasimha wou d begin in A,0, 4E.E; but this wou d apparent y "oin"ide with the reign of 2a iCarjuna$ son of 0e%a Raya II, It is perhaps possib e that in after years the usurper )arasimhaDs reign was measured by the Hindus from the time when he began to attain power as minister or as a great nob e$ and not from the date when he

a"tua y be"ame Cing; but this is pure "onje"ture, Firishtah mentions a "ertain *Sewaroy* as being raya of Vijayanagar in 4EM5$ short y before the death of 2uhammad Shah 'ahmani, SpeaCing of the new so%ereign of 'ijapur$ the first of the Adi Shahs$ in 4EML$ the historian te s us that the Adi Ds ri%a $ Gasim 'arid$ asCed the then minister of Vijayanagar for aid against the rising power of his enemy;?4>4@ and that *the Roy being a "hi d$ his minister$ Heemraaje$?4>5@ sent an army* and sei/ed the "ountry as far as 2udCa and Rai"hur, #his o""urred in A,H, ML.$ whi"h embra"es the period from )o%ember 4EML to )o%ember 4EL6, *HEE2raaje$* therefore$ is probab y for SI2HA or )arasimha Raja$ or perhaps for )arasa$ otherwise "a ed Vira )arasimha, Firishtah a so gi%es another a""ount of the same e%ent, A""ording to this$ the Adi Shah$ hearing of dissensions in the Hindu "apita $ mar"hed$ apparent y in 4EL=$ against Rai"hur$ when Heemraaje$ ha%ing sett ed these dissensions$ ad%an"ed *with the young Raya* to that "ity, A batt e ensued$ in whi"h Heemraaje was defeated; and the young Cing being morta y wounded$ and dying before he rea"hed home$ Heemraaje sei/ed the go%ernment and the "ountry, #here are$ furthermore$ two other passages in Firishtah dea ing with the o%erthrow of the o d dynasty and the a""ession of *Heemraaje,* +ne?4>=@ runs as fo ows: < *Heemraaje was the first usurper, He had poisoned the young Raja of 'eejanuggur$ son of Sheoroy$ and made his infant brother a too to his designs$ by degrees o%erthrowing the an"ient nobi ity$ and at ength estab ishing his own abso ute authority o%er the Cingdom,* #he other?4>E@ states: < *#he go%ernment of 'eejanuggur had remained in one fami y$ in uninterrupted su""ession$ for se%en hundred years$ when Seoroy dying$ was su""eeded by his son$ a minor$ who did not i%e ong after him$ and eft the throne to a younger brother, He a so had not ong gathered the f owers of enjoyment from the garden of roya ty before the "rue sCies$ pro%ing their in"onstan"y$ burned&up the earth of his eAisten"e with the b asting wind of annihi ation,?4>.@ 'eing su""eeded by an infant on y three months o d$ Heemraaje$ one of the prin"ipa ministers of the fami y$ "e ebrated for great wisdom and eAperien"e$ be"ame so e regent$ and was "heerfu y obeyed by a the nobi ity and %assa s of the Cingdom for forty years; though$ on the arri%a of the young Cing at manhood$ he had poisoned him$ and put an infant of the fami y on the throne$ in order to ha%e a preten"e for Ceeping the regen"y in his own hands,?4>-@ Heemraaje at his death was su""eeded in offi"e by his son$ Ramraaje$ who ha%ing married a daughter of the son of Seoroy$ by that a ian"e great y added to his inf uen"e and power,* He then pro"eeds to des"ribe an e%ent that tooC p a"e in 4.=. or thereabouts$ whi"h wi be "onsidered in its p a"e, Kriting of the e%ents of the year 4.=6$?4>>@ we find Firishtah stating that the affairs of Vijayanagar were then in "onfusion owing to the death of Heemraaje$ who was new y su""eeded by his son Ramraaje, And this passage he ps us definite y to the "on" usion that his Heemraaje$ or #imma Raja$ was the 2uhammadan name for the ru er of the state during the reigns of )arasimha$ )arasa or Vira )arasimha$ and Grishna 0e%a Raya$ the atter of whom died in 4.=6, Firishtah seems to ha%e "onfused )arasaDs and Grishna 0e%a RayaDs powerfu minister$ Sa u%a #imma$ with )arasimha and )arasa$ and made a three one person, *Ramraaje* is mentioned as Cing by Firishtah from the a""ession of A"hyuta in 4.=6 down to the year 4.-., #hough names and detai s differ$ it wi be obser%ed that there is e%ident y a "ommon basis of truth in the a""ounts gi%en by Firishtah and )uni/, 'oth re ate the deaths of two young prin"es$ brothers$ the subse(uent murder of two other heirs to the Cingdom$ and the usurpation of the throne by a minister, Kith these remarCs we turn to the more re iab e portion of FirishtahDs narrati%e, 9usuf Adi Ghan pro" aimed himse f independent Cing of 'ijapur in A,0, 4EML, Short y afterwards

his ri%a $ Gasim 'arid$ who u timate y be"ame so%ereign of the territories of Ahmadabad$ in a fit of jea ousy "a ed in the aid of Vijayanagar against 'ijapur$ promising for reward the "ession of 2udCa and Rai"hur$ or the "ountry between the two ri%ers, )arasimha "o e"ted the for"es of the Hindus$ "rossed the #ungabhadra with a arge army$ and after aying waste the "ountry sei/ed the two "ities 2udCa and Rai"hur$ whi"h thus on"e more passed into the possession of Vijayanagar, Short y after this$ probab y about the year 4EL= A,0,$ Su tan 9usuf Adi again mar"hed to re"o%er the ost territory and ad%an"ed to the Grishna$ but fa ing i he ha ted for two months; and Firishtah gi%es us the fo owing a""ount of what o""urred, #his has been a ready a uded to$ but is now gi%en in fu : < *In this inter%a Heemraaje$ ha%ing sett ed his dissensions$?4>M@ ad%an"ed with the young roy at the head of a great army to Roijore$ whi"h stru"C terror into the army of Adi Shaw$ for whose re"o%ery earnest prayers were offered up by his subje"ts,* B 1#he prayers were answered and the Su tan re"o%ered,3 *Inte igen"e arri%ing that Heemraaje had "rossed the #ummedra and was ad%an"ing by hasty mar"hes$ Eusuff Adi Shaw ordered a genera re%iew of his army B 1and ad%an"ed$ entren"hing his "amp a short distan"e from the Hindus3, Se%era days passed ina"ti%e y$ ti on Saturday in Regib MLM?4>L@ both armies drew out$ and in the beginning of the a"tion near fi%e hundred of Adi ShawDs troops being s ain$ the rest were disordered and fe ba"C$ but were ra ied again by the su tan, +ne of the offi"ers$ who had been taCen prisoner and made his es"ape$ obser%ed that the enemy were busi y emp oyed in p under$ and might be atta"Ced with ad%antage, #he su tan re ished this ad%i"e and pro"eeded; when Heemraaje$ not ha%ing time to "o e"t his who e army$ drew out with se%en thousand horse and a "onsiderab e number of foot$ a so three hundred e ephants, Adi Shaw "harged his "enter with su"h fury$ that Heemraaje was unab e to stand the sho"C, Vi"tory wa%ed the roya standard$ and the infide s f ed$ ea%ing two hundred e ephants$ a thousand horses$ and siAty a"s of ++)S$?4M6@ with many jewe s and effe"ts$ to the "on(uerors, Heemraaje and the young roy f ed to 'eejanuggur$ but the atter died on the road of a wound he had re"ei%ed by an arrow in the a"tion, Heemraaje sei/ed the go%ernment of the "ountry; but some of the prin"ipa nobi ity opposing his usurpation$ dissensions broCe out$ whi"h ga%e Adi Shaw re ief from war for some time from that (uarter,* #he disputed territory between the two ri%ers on"e more passed into the hands of the 2uhammadans, :oa a so remained in the 'ijapur Su tanDs possession, #he ast histori"a e%ent in the reign of 9usuf Adi Shah of 'ijapur$ as narrated by Firishtah$ is as fo ows: < *In the year L4.$?4M4@ the Christians surprised the town of :oa$ and put to death the go%ernor with many mussu mauns, 8pon inte igen"e of whi"h$ Adi Shaw$ with three thousand "hosen men$ 0eCCanees and foreigners$ mar"hed with su"h eApedition$ that he "ame upon the Europeans unawares$ retooC the fort$ and put many to death; but some made their es"ape in their ships out to sea,* #hese Christians were the !ortuguese under A bu(uer(ue$ and the date of their entry into :oa was 2ar"h 4$ A,0, 4.46, At this period there was a "omp ete "hange in the !ERS+))E; of the "hief a"tors on our Indian stage, Ahmad )i/am Shah$ who had de" ared himse f independent at Ahmadnagar in A,0, 4EL6$ died in 4.6M$ and was su""eeded by his son$ a boy of se%en years of age named 'urhan$ with whom the tra%e er :ar"ia da +rta?4M5@ afterwards be"ame %ery friend y, 0a +rta "a s him *my friend,*?4M=@ 9usuf Adi Shah died in A,0, 4.46$ and his su""essor on the throne of 'ijapur was his son Ismai , Grishna 0e%a Raya be"ame Raya of Vijayanagar in 4.6L, #he two ast&mentioned monar"hs were fre(uent y in "onta"t with one another$ and in the end$ a""ording to our "hroni" es$ the Hindu Cing was "omp ete y %i"torious, E%en Firishtah admits that he dea t Ismai a "rushing b ow at the great batt e of Rai"hur$ a fu des"ription of whi"h is gi%en by )uni/,

'ut before dea ing with the history of the reign of Grishna 0e%a Raya it is ne"essary that we shou d earn how it "ame about that these !ortuguese Christians who sei/ed :oa "ame to be i%ing in India$ and some of them e%en resident at the Hindu "apita , #he !ortuguese Arri%e in India, Ging Hohn of !ortuga had a"(uired some Cnow edge of India in A,0, 4EME$ and after "ausing in(uiries to be made as to the possibi ity of dis"o%ering the ri"h and interesting "ountry in the Far East$ had begun to fit out three ships$ but he died before they were ready, His su""essor$ 0om 2anue $ tooC up the matter warm y$ and sent these ships out under Vas"o da :ama and his brother !au o$ with orders to try and doub e the Cape of :ood Hope, #he fu a""ount of the eAtraordinary %oyage made by them is gi%en in the *#hree Voyages of Vas"o da :ama$* trans ated and pub ished in the HaC uyt edition; being a trans ation of "ertain portions of CorreaDs ;E)0AS 0A I)0IA, 0a :ama sai ed on Hu y M$ A,0, 4EL>$ and arri%ed " ose to Ca i"ut on August 5-$ 4ELM,?4ME@ #he Samuri$ or Cing$ of Ca i"ut was at first friend y$ but there were misunderstandings on the part of the !ortuguese$ and they made itt e or no progress either in trade or in estab ishing ami"ab e re ations with the Hindus, 0a :ama returned short y after to !ortuga , Ear y in 4.66 A,0, Cabra tooC out another and arger f eet$ and arri%ed at Ca i"ut on September 4=th, He at on"e (uarre ed with the Samuri$ and instead of pea"efu "ommer"e we read of atta"Cs and "ounter&atta"Cs "ondu"ted in su"h sort by the !ortuguese as irretrie%ab y to a ienate the nati%es of the "ountry, A few Europeans$ howe%er$ sett ed in that tra"t$ and amongst them 0uarte 'arbosa$ the "e ebrated "hroni" er of the time, 0a :ama returned to India in 4.6E$ pro" aiming the Cing of !ortuga ord of the seas$ and wanton y destroying with a hands a arge %esse ha%ing se%era hundred peop e on board near the Indian "oast, He rea"hed Ca i"ut on +"tober 5Lth$ and immediate y bombarded the "ity$ sei/ing the inoffensi%e nati%e fishermen in the port$ eight hundred of whom he massa"red in "o d b ood under "ir"umstan"es of bruta atro"ity, In 4.6= he again eft for Europe$ after estab ishing a fa"tory at Co"hin, In "onse(uen"e of his %io en"e a war ensued between Co"hin and Ca i"ut, In 4.6E ;opo Soares "ame out with a f eet of fourteen "ara%e s$ and pro" aimed a b o"Cade of the port of Co"hin$ in spite of the fa"t that the Rajah of that p a"e had a ways shown great Cindness and hospita ity to the !ortuguese, #he neAt year$ 4.6.$ A meida was appointed %i"eroy of the Cing of !ortuga on the Indian "oast$ and tooC out with him a arge f eet and 4.66 so diers, After some pre iminary fighting at Honawar$ A meida began for the first time to per"ei%e that the true interests of the !ortuguese ay in pea"efu "ommer"e$ and not in sanguinary and "ost y atta"Cs on the nati%es; and he a so earned from an inf uentia nati%e of the eAisten"e of the great Cingdom of Vijayanagar and the power of its Cing$ )arasimha 1or )arasa3, At Cannanore the %i"eroyDs son$ ;ouren"o$ in 4.6-$ re"ei%ed further information as to the state of the "ountry from the Ita ian tra%e er Varthema$ and in "onse(uen"e of this A meida asCed Ging )arasa to a ow him to ere"t a fortress at 'hatCa $ but no answer was returned, Varthema has eft behind him a %a uab e a""ount of his eAperien"es?4M.@ at this period, He speaCs of :oa as being then under the *Sa%ain$* whi"h is this writerDs form of eApressing the ru er Cnown to the !ortuguese as the *Sabayo$*?4M-@ who was the go%ernor of the p a"e under the Adi Shah of 'ijapur, #he Sabayo was then at war with )arasimha of Vijayanagar, He des"ribes Vijayanagar as a great "ity$ *%ery arge and strong y wa ed, It is situated on the side of a mountain$?4M>@ and is se%en mi es in "ir"umferen"e, It has a trip e "ir" et of wa s,* It was %ery wea thy and we supp ied$ situated on a beautifu site$ and enjoying an eA"e ent " imate, #he Cing *Ceeps up "onstant y E6$666 horsemen* and E66 e ephants, #he e ephants ea"h "arry siA men$ and ha%e ong swords fastened to their trunCs in batt e < a des"ription whi"h agrees with that of )iCitin and !aes, *#he "ommon peop e go (uite naCed$ with the eA"eption of a pie"e of " oth about their midd e, #he Cing wears a "ap of go d bro"ade two spans ongB, His horse is worth more than some of our "ities on a""ount of the ornaments whi"h it wears,*?4MM@ Ca i"ut$ he says$ was ruined in

"onse(uen"e of its wars with the !ortuguese, Varthema saw forty&eight !ortuguese traders massa"red at Ca i"ut by the *2oors$* and in "onse(uen"e of the dangerous state of things eAisting there he eft the "ity and pursued his journey southwards round the "oast, Here we may ea%e him, In 2ar"h 4.6. a !ortuguese f eet destroyed$ with immense oss of ife$ a arge f oti a of sma boats be onging to the Rajah of Ca i"ut, In the neAt year an outrage "ommitted by the !ortuguese ed to a siege of their fa"tory at Cannanore$ but the time y arri%a of #ristan da Cunha with a new f eet from home re ie%ed the be eaguered garrison, At the end of 4.6> A meida and 0a Cunha joined for"es and again atta"Ced Ca i"ut$ with some measure of su""ess, Afonso dDA bu(uer(ue was now in the !ersian seas fighting with a the *2oors* he "ou d meet, At the end of 4.6L he be"ame *:o%ernor of India$* I,E, of !ortuguese India$ in su""ession to A meida; 0iogo ;opes de Se(ueira re"ei%ing the go%ernorship under the Cing of !ortuga of the seas east of Cape Comorin, From the a""ession of Grishna 0e%a Raya to the throne of Vijayanagar in A,0, 4.6L we on"e more enter a period when the history of the "ountry be"omes ess "onfused$ and we are ab e to tra"e the se(uen"e of e%ents without serious diffi"u ty, #his was the period of VijayanagarDs greatest su""esses$ when its armies were e%erywhere %i"torious$ and the "ity was most prosperous,

CHAPTER 10
#he Reign of Grishna 0e%a Raya 1A,0, 4.6L to 4.=63 His "hara"ter and person < 'anCapur < A meida and Fr, ;uisDs mission < 0uarte 'arbosa < His des"ription of the "ity < #he CingDs ear y wars < Gondapa e < Rajahmundry < Gonda%id < 8dayagiri < Kars of the 7utb Shah of :o Conda in #e ingana, An ins"ription in the !ampapati temp e at Hampe states that on the o""asion of a festi%a in honour of the "oronation of Grishna 0e%a Raya$ the Cing bui t a ha of assemb y and a :+!8RA or tower there$ and the date is gi%en as the 4Eth of the first ha f of the unar month 2agha in the eApired SaCa year 4E=6$ the year of the "y" e being *SuC a,*?4ML@ It so happens that the "y" i" year SuC a does not "orrespond to SaCa 4E=6 eApired$ but to SaCa 4E=4 eApired; and this unfortunate error ea%es us in doubt as to the true date of that important e%ent, If we "on"ei%e the mistaCe as ha%ing o""urred$ not in the )A2E of the year$ whi"h was perhaps in "onstant dai y use$ but in the number of the SaCa year$ then the date "orresponds to 5=rd or 5Eth Hanuary A,0, 4.46; but if the number of the SaCa year was "orre"t and the name wrong$ then the day must ha%e been February E$ 4.6L$ the "y" i" year being proper y *Vibha%a,* E%en then it is not "ertain whether this festi%a tooC p a"e on the "oronation day itse f$ or on an anni%ersary of that e%ent; and a "onsiderab e inter%a may ha%e e apsed between the CingDs a""ession and "oronation, !robab y we sha not be wrong if we "onsider that the new Cing su""eeded to the throne in A,0, 4.6L,?4L6@ Grishna Raya seems to ha%e possessed a %ery striCing persona ity$ to judge from the g owing des"ription gi%en us by !aes$ who saw him about the year 4.56, #he a""ount gi%en by him is a the more interesting and %a uab e be"ause without it the wor d wou d ha%e remained just y in doubt as to whether this Cing rea y reigned at a $ in the usua a""eptation of the word < whether he was not a mere puppet$ entire y in the hands of his minister$ perhaps e%en an a"tua prisoner, For Firishtah ne%er mentions him by name$ and the ins"riptions whi"h re ate his "on(uests pro%e nothing beyond the fa"t that they tooC p a"e during a reign whi"h$ for a we Cnow$ might ha%e been a reign on y in name$ the rea power being in the hands of the nob es, 'ut with the des"ription of !aes in our hands there "an be no onger a shadow of doubt, Grishna 0e%a was not on y monar"h 0E H8RE$ but was in %ery pra"ti"a fa"t an abso ute so%ereign$ of eAtensi%e power and strong persona inf uen"e, He was the rea ru er, He was physi"a y strong in his best days$ and Cept his strength up to the highest pit"h by hard bodi y eAer"ise, He rose ear y$ and de%e oped a his mus" es by the use of Indian

" ubs and the use of the sword; he was a fine rider$ and was b essed with a nob e presen"e whi"h fa%ourab y impressed a who "ame in "onta"t with him, He "ommanded his immense armies in person$ was ab e$ bra%e$ and statesman iCe$ and was witha a man of mu"h gent eness and generosity of "hara"ter, He was be o%ed by a and respe"ted by a , !aes writes of him that he was *ga ant and perfe"t in a things,* #he on y b ot on his s"ut"heon is$ that after his great su""ess o%er the 2uhammadan Cing he grew to be haughty and inso ent in his demands, )o monar"h su"h as the Adi Shah "ou d brooC for a moment su"h a humi iation as was imp ied by a pea"e the "ondition of whi"h was that he shou d Ciss his triumphant enemyDs foot; and it was beyond a doubt this and simi ar "ontemptuous arrogan"e on the part of su""essi%e Hindu ru ers that fina y ed$ forty years ater$ to the downfa of the Hindu empire, A Southern India was under Grishna 0e%aDs sway$ and se%era (uasi&independent "hiefs were his %assa s, #hese were$ a""ording to )uni/$ the "hief of Seringapatam$ and those of 'anCapur$?4L4@ :arsopa$ Ca i"ut$ 'hatCa $ and 'arCur, #he !ortuguese treated these esser "hiefs as if they were Cings$ "a ed them so and sent embassies to them$ no doubt mu"h to their satisfa"tion, #he present head of the 'rahmani"a estab ishment at the Hampe temp e informed me that Grishna 0e%a Raya "e ebrated his a""ession by ere"ting the great tower at the entran"e of the temp e$ and the neAt argest tower short y afterwards, )uni/ te s us that immediate y on attaining power$ the Cing$ maCing Sa u%a #imma his minister$ sent his nephew$ the son of the ast so%ereign$ and his own three brothers$ to the fortress of Chandragiri$ 5.6 mi es to the south&east$ for his greater se"urity$ and himse f remained for some time at the "apita , #his a""ords we with the writings of the other !ortuguese$ who re ate that at east on two o""asions$ when missions were sent from Ca i"ut and :oa$ %i/,$ those of Fr, ;uis and Chano"a$ the en%oys saw the Cing in person at Vijayanagar, At the beginning of GrishnaDs reign$ A meida$ as stated abo%e$ was %i"eroy of the !ortuguese sett ements on the "oast$ but at the end of the year 4.6L A bu(uer(ue su""eeded him under the tit e of go%ernor, #he atter suffered a se%ere re%erse at Ca i"ut$ and from then"e despat"hed Fr, ;uis$ of the +rder of St, Fran"is$ as ambassador to Vijayanagar$ begging the Raya to "ome by and and redu"e the Samuri of Ca i"ut$ promising himse f to assau t simu taneous y by sea,?4L5@ #he go%ernor de" ared that he had orders from his master$ the Cing of !ortuga $ to war against the 2oors$ but not against the Hindus; that Ca i"ut had been destroyed by the go%ernor$ and its Cing had f ed into the interior; that he 1the go%ernor3 offered his f eet to assist the Cing of Vijayanagar in his "on(uest of the p a"e; that as soon as Ca i"ut was "aptured the 2oors wou d be dri%en therefrom$ and that afterwards the !ortuguese wou d assist the Cing of Vijayanagar against his enemies$ the *2oors* of the 0aChan, He promised in future to supp y Vijayanagar a one with Arab and !ersian horses$ and not to send any to 'ijapur, )o answer was returned, A bu(uer(ue neAt atta"Ced :oa$ then under the Adi Shah$ and "aptured the p a"e$ maCing his triumpha entry into it on 2ar"h 4$ A,0, 4.46, Immediate y afterwards he despat"hed :aspar Chano"a on a mission to Vijayanagar$ renewing A meidaDs re(uest for a fort at 'hatCa for the prote"tion of !ortuguese trade, 'arros?4L=@ states that Chano"a reported that$ though he was re"ei%ed *so emn y$* Grishna 0e%a Raya on y made a genera answer in "ourteous terms$ and did not spe"ifi"a y grant the go%ernorDs re(uest; the reason being that the Cing had then made pea"e with the Adi Shah, !resumab y this pea"e was made in order to enab e the Adi Shah to retaCe :oa, ?4LE@ 8pon this a message was sent from Vijayanagar to A bu(uer(ue "ongratu ating the !ortuguese on their "on(uest of :oa$ and promising to aid them against the Adi Shah, #his aid$ howe%er$ does not appear to ha%e been gi%en, #he 2uhammadan troops atta"Ced :oa in 2ay and after a se%ere strugg e were su""essfu $ A bu(uer(ue e%a"uating the p a"e after de"apitating a hundred and fifty of the prin"ipa 2uhammadans there$ and s aughtering their wi%es and "hi dren,?4L.@ In )o%ember of the same year$ Ismai Adi Ds attention being "a ed off by interna dissension at 'ijapur$ A bu(uer(ue atta"Ced Rasu Ghan$ Ismai Ds deputy at :oa$ and the eight thousand men under his "ommand$ defeated them$ retooC the p a"e on 0e"ember 4$ and s ew siA thousand men$

women$ and "hi dren of the 2uhammadans, Firishtah states that the young Adi ShahDs minister$ Gumma Ghan$ after this made pea"e with the Europeans$ and eft them se"ure y estab ished at :oa, #his$ howe%er$ is not (uite "orre"t$ for Rasu Ghan made a desperate attempt in 4.45 to retaCe the p a"e$ but fai ed after se%ere fighting,?4L-@ As soon as the news rea"hed Vijayanagar of A bu(uer(ueDs su""ess in 0e"ember 4.46$ Grishna 0e%a Raya sent ambassadors to :oa$ and by them Fr, ;uis sent etters to A bu(uer(ue detai ing the resu t of his mission, He *had been we re"ei%ed by a eA"ept the Cing$* but the Cing had ne%erthe ess granted permission for the !ortuguese to bui d a fort at 'hatCa , !oor Fr, ;uis ne%er returned from his embassy, History is si ent as to what happened or what ed to the tragedy$ but he was one day murdered in the "ity of Vijayanagar,?4L>@ His despat"h is interesting as "ontaining information regarding Vijayanagar and the Su tan of 'ijapur$ part of whi"h is "ertain y a""urate$ whi e part te s us of Grishna 0e%a RayaDs pro"eedings at this period$ regarding whi"h we Cnow nothing from any other sour"e, Fr, ;uis wrote to A bu(uer(ue that the Adi Shah had atta"Ced 'ijapur$ and had taCen it after a siege of two months$ whi e four ords had risen against him *sin"e the atter had "arried off the Cing of 0e"an as a prisoner,* #his Cing was the 'ahmani Cing$ whi e the Adi Shah and the *four ords* were the re%o ting 2uhammadan prin"es, He added that the peop e of 'e gaum had re%o ted from the Adi Shah and submitted to the Hindu so%ereign, As to Vijayanagar$ he said that the Cing was getting ready a sma eApedition of se%en thousand men to send against one of his %assa s$ who had risen up in rebe ion and sei/ed the "ity of !ergunda 1N !ennaConda3$ saying that it be onged to himse f by right; and that after he had taCen the rebe the Cing wou d pro"eed to "ertain p a"es on the sea&"oast, Fr, ;uis professed himse f unab e to understand the drift of this atter design$ but warned A bu(uer(ue to be "arefu , He ad%ised him to Ceep up friend y "ommuni"ations with the Cing$ and by no means to p a"e any re ian"e on the man on whom$ of a others$ the !ortuguese had pinned their faith < one #imoja$?4LM@ a Hindu who had befriended the new&"omers, #he priest de" ared that #imoja was a traitor to them$ and had$ in "onjun"tion with the Cing of :arsopa$ promised Grishna 0e%a Raya that he wou d de i%er :oa to him before the !ortuguese "ou d fortify their possessions therein$ if he shou d send a fu y e(uipped army to sei/e the p a"e, After A bu(uer(ueDs se"ond "apture of :oa the "hief of 'anCapur a so sent messages of "ongratu ation to the !ortuguese$ and asCed for permission to import three hundred horses a year, #he re(uest was granted$ as the p a"e was on the road to Vijayanagar$ and it was important that its "hief shou d be on friend y terms with the Europeans, 2oreo%er$ 'anCapur "ontained a number of superior sadd ers,?4LL@ Grishna 0e%aDs anAiety was to se"ure horses, He must ha%e thought itt e of this foreign sett ement on the "oast as a po iti"a power$ but what he wanted was horses$ and again horses$ for his perpetua wars against the Adi Shah; and A bu(uer(ue$ after toying a itt e with the 2uhammadan$ gratified the Hindu by sending him a message in whi"h he de" ared that he wou d prefer to send "a%a ry mounts to him rather than to supp y them to the Su tan of 'ijapur, About the year 4.45 Grishna 0e%a Raya$ who had$ taCen ad%antage of the times to in%ade the Su tanDs dominions$ atta"Ced the fortress of Rai"hur$ whi"h at ast was gi%en up to him by the garrison; Ismai Adi being too mu"h emp oyed in attending to the interna affairs of his go%ernment to afford it time y re ief, So says Firishtah,?566@ #his e%ent is not noti"ed by )uni/$ who writes as if the RayaDs first "ampaign against the Adi Shah tooC p a"e in 4.56$ when he ad%an"ed to atta"C Rai"hur$ it being then in the ShahDs possession; and here we see a differen"e between the story of )uni/ and the story of Firishtah$ for the atter$ writing of the same e%ent$ %i/,$ the "ampaign of 4.56$ states that *Ismai Adi Shaw made preparations for mar"hing to re"o%er 2udCa and Roijore from the Roy of 'eejanuggar$* he ha%ing taCen these "ities about 4.45$ as narrated, Khi"h a""ount is "orre"t I "annot say, It appears?564@ that in 4.4E A,0, Grishna 0e%a offered A bu(uer(ue ?pound ster ing@ 56$666 for the eA" usi%e right to trade in horses$ but the !ortuguese go%ernor$ with a Ceen eye to business$ refused,

A itt e ater the Hindu Cing renewed his proposa $ de" aring his intention of maCing war against the Adi Shah; and the Adi Shah$ hearing of this message$ himse f sent an embassy to :oa, A bu(uer(ue was now p a"ed in a position of some po iti"a importan"e$ and he wrote first to Vijayanagar saying that he wou d gi%e the Raya the refusa of a his horses if he wou d pay him =6$666 "ru/ados per annum for the supp y$ and send his own ser%ants to :oa to fet"h away the anima s$ and a so that he wou d aid the Cing in his war if he was paid the eApense of the troops; and he wrote afterwards to 'ijapur promising the Su tan the refusa of a horses that "ame to :oa if he wou d surrender to the Cing of !ortuga a "ertain portion of the main and opposite the is and, 'efore this matter was sett ed$ howe%er$ A bu(uer(ue died, Ke earn from this narrati%e the Grishna 0e%a Raya was meditating a grand atta"C on the 2uhammadans at east fi%e years before his ad%an"e to Rai"hur < a year e%en before his eApedition against 8dayagiri and the fortresses on the east$ the story of whi"h "ampaign is gi%en in our "hroni" e, Ke ha%e an a""ount of what Vijayanagar was iCe in A,0, 4.6E < 4E in the narrati%e of 0uarte 'arbosa$ a "ousin of 2age an$ who %isited the "ity during that period, SpeaCing of the *Cingdom of )arsinga$* by whi"h name the Vijayanagar territories were a ways Cnown to the !ortuguese$ 'arbosa writes:?565@ *It is %ery ri"h$ and we supp ied with pro%isions$ and is %ery fu of "ities and arge townships,* He des"ribes the arge trade of the seaport of 'hatCa on its western "oast$ the eAports from whi"h "onsisted of iron$ spi"es$ drugs$ myrabo ans$ and the imports of horses and pear s; but as regards he ast two items he says$ *#hey now go to :oa$ on a""ount of the !ortuguese,* #he go%ernor of 'hatCa was a nephew of Ging Grishna 0e%a, *He i%es in great state and "a s himse f Cing$ but is in obedien"e to the Cing$ his un" e,* ;ea%ing the sea&"oast and going in and$ 'arbosa passed upwards through the ghats, *Forty&fi%e eagues from these mountains there is a %ery arge "ity whi"h is "a ed 'IHA)A:8ER$ %ery popu ous$ and surrounded on one side by a %ery good wa $ and on another by a ri%er$ and on the other by a mountain, #his "ity is on e%e ground; the Cing of )arsinga a ways resides in it, He is a genti e$ and is "a ed Raheni,?56=@ He has in this p a"e %ery arge and handsome pa a"es$ with numerous "ourtsB, #here are a so in this "ity many other pa a"es of great ords$ who i%e there, And a the other houses of the p a"e are "o%ered with that"h$ and the streets and s(uares are %ery wide, #hey are "onstant y fi ed with an innumerab e "rowd of a nations and "reedsB, #here is an infinite trade in this "ityB, In this "ity there are many jewe s whi"h are brought from !egu and Ce ani 1Cey on3$ and in the "ountry itse f many diamonds are found$ be"ause there is a mine of them in the Cingdom of )arsinga and another in the Cingdom of 0e"ani, #here are a so many pear s and seed&pear s to be found there$ whi"h are brought from +rmu/ and Cae B a so si C&bro"ades$ s"ar et " oth$ and "ora B, *#he Cing "onstant y resides in the before&mentioned pa a"es$ and %ery se dom goes out of themB, *A the attendan"e on the Cing is done by women$ who wait upon him within doors; and amongst them are a the emp oyments of the CingDs househo d; and a these women i%e and find room within these pa a"es$ whi"h "ontain apartments for a B, *#his Cing has a house?56E@ in whi"h he meets with the go%ernors and his offi"ers in "oun"i upon the affairs of the rea mB, #hey "ome in %ery ri"h itters on menDs shou dersB, 2any itters and many horsemen a ways stand at the door of this pa a"e$ and the Cing Ceeps at a times nine hundred e ephants and more than twenty thousand horses$ a whi"h e ephants and horses are bought with his own moneyB, #his Cing has more than a hundred thousand men$ both horse and foot$ to whom he gi%es payB, *Khen the Cing dies four or fi%e hundred women burn themse %es with himB, #he Cing of )arsinga is fre(uent y at war with the Cing of 0a"ani$ who has taCen from him mu"h of his and;

and with another genti e Cing of the "ountry of +tira 1apparent y +rissa3$ whi"h is the "ountry in the interior,* 'arbosa mentions that the ord of :oa$ before the !ortuguese atta"C on the p a"e$ was *Sabaym 0e "ani$* meaning the Cing of the 0aChan$ and he a udes to its first "apture by A bu(uer(ue on 5.th February 4.46$ and the se"ond on 5.th )o%ember of the same year, Ke earn from other sour"es that about this time Grishna 0e%a Raya was engaged with a refra"tory %assa in the 2aisur "ountry$ the :anga Rajah of 8mmatur$ and was "omp ete y su""essfu , He "aptured the strong fortress of Si%asamudra and the fortress of Srirangapattana$ or Seringapatam$ redu"ing the who e "ountry to obedien"e, In 4.4= A,0, he mar"hed against 8dayagiri$ in the present distri"t of )e ore$ an eA"eeding y strong hi &fortress then under the Cing of +rissa$?56.@ and after the su""essfu termination of the war he brought with him from a temp e on the hi a statue of the god Grishna$ whi"h he set up at Vijayanagar and endowed with a grant of ands, #his is "ommemorated by a ong ins"ription sti in eAisten"e at the "apita , It was then that the great temp e of Grishnas%ami was bui t$ whi"h$ though now in ruins$ is sti one of the most interesting obje"ts in the "ity, #his is a so attested by a ong ins"ription on stone$ sti in its p a"e, #he Cing further bui t the temp e of Ha/ara Ramas%ami near$ or in$ his pa a"e en" osure$ at the same time, )uni/ re ates that at 8dayagiri Grishna Raya "aptured an aunt of the Cing of +rissa and tooC her prisoner to Vijayanagar, He neAt pro"eeded against Gonda%id$ another %ery strong hi &fortress a so in possession of the Cing of +rissa$ where he met and defeated the Cing in person in a pit"hed batt e$ and "aptured the "itade after a two monthsD siege, He eft Sa u%a #imma here as a go%ernor of the "on(uered pro%in"es$ and went in pursuit of his enemy northwards, )uni/ says that Sa u%a #imma appointed his own brother "aptain of Gonda%id$ but an ins"ription at that p a"e gi%es us the name of this man as )adend a :opamantri$ and "a s him a nephew of #imma, Gonda%id seems to ha%e been under the Cings of +rissa sin"e A,0, 4E.E; its "apture by Grishna 0e%a tooC p a"e in 4.4.,?56-@ #o "onfirm our "hroni" erDs a""ount of the CingDs northward journey$ I find that there is at the town of 2eduru$ twenty&two mi es south&east of 'e/%ada on the Grishna$ an ins"ription whi"h states that in 4.4- a batt e tooC p a"e there between Grishna 0e%a and some enemy whose name is ob iterated$ in whi"h the former was %i"torious, #he Cing$ ad%an"ed to Gondapa e$ tooC the p a"e after a three monthsD siege$ and "aptured therein a wife and son of the Cing of +rissa, #he unhappy fate of the atter is to d in the "hroni" e, #hen"e he mar"hed to Rajahmundry and ha ted siA months, !ea"e was made short y after$ and Grishna 0e%a married a daughter of the +rissan Cing,?56>@ After this marriage Ging Grishna made an eApedition against a p a"e in the east whi"h )uni/ "a s *Catuir$* on the Coromande side$ and tooC it, I ha%e been unab e to o"ate this p a"e, 'y these "on(uests the who e of his eastern dominions were brought into entire subje"tion to the so%ereign, )uni/ writes as though the atta"C on Rai"hur immediate y fo owed the "ampaign against 8dayagiri$ Gonda%id$ and *Catuir$* but$ a""ording to the e%iden"e afforded by ins"riptions$ these eApeditions were at an end in 4.4.$ and the batt e of Rai"hur did not taCe p a"e for at east fi%e years ater, A ong a""ount of wars in the south&eastern 0aChan "ountry between Su tan 7u i 7utb Shah of :o Conda and his neighbours$ both 2ussu man and Hindu$ is gi%en in the third %o ume of Co one 'riggsD *Firishtah$*?56M@ trans ated from a 2uhammadan historian < not Firishtah himse f; and as this "ertain y "o%ers the period of at east a portion of Grishna 0e%aDs reign$ it is we to gi%e a summary of it, I "annot$ howe%er$ as yet determine the eAa"t dates referred to$ and the story differs from that a"(uired from Hindu and !ortuguese a""ounts$ the dates of whi"h are "onfirmed by epigraphi"a re"ords,

Su tan 7u i pro" aimed himse f an independent so%ereign in 4.45, #he historian referred to states that short y after this 7u i atta"Ced and tooC Ra/uConda and 0e%araConda$ fortresses respe"ti%e y south&east and south&south&east of Hyderabad in #e ingana, After the se"ond of these p a"es had fa en Grishna Raya of Vijayanagar mar"hed against the Su tan with an immense army and in%aded his dominions, #his must$ I thinC$ refer to about the year 4.4=, #he Hindu army en"amped at !angu $ in the ang e of the Grishna ri%er a most due east of Rai"hur$ and here a batt e tooC p a"e in whi"h the 7utb Shah was %i"torious #he p a"e was then besieged; it "apitu ated$ and the 2uhammadans pro"eeded to :hanpura$ twenty mi es to the north, #his fort was "aptured after hea%y oss$ and the Su tan ed his army to Go%i Conda$ twenty mi es to the north&west$ on the borders of the "ountry of 'idar$ the territory of A a&ud&din Imad Shah, #his p a"e a so fe , A war with the Imad Shah fo owed$ in whi"h Su tan 7u i was again %i"torious, Short y afterwards there were disturban"es on the east of the :o Conda territories, Sitapati$ Rajah of Gambampeta$ on the 2uniyer ri%er$ who possessed eAtensi%e territories < in" uding Karanga and 'e amConda$ a fortress south of the Grishna < rose against the 2uhammadans$ and the Su tan mar"hed against 'e amConda$ whi"h$ after a ong siege$ he "aptured, Sitapati then fought a pit"hed batt e$ was defeated$ and f ed$ 7u i returning to :o Conda, #he Rajah then stirred up a number of neighbouring "hiefs and assemb ed arge for"es at Gambampeta, Hearing of this$ the :o Conda for"es mar"hed to atta"C them$ and met with "omp ete su""ess$ Sitapati f ying to the prote"tion of *Ram"hunder 0ew$ the son of :ujputty$ who he d his "ourt at Condapi y$* and was Cing of +rissa, #he Su tan ad%an"ed and atta"Ced Gambampeta$ where$ after his "apture of the p a"e$ he s ew e%ery man$ woman$ and "hi d in the "ity$ sei/ing the fema es of SitapatiDs househo d for his own serag io, 2eanwhi e an immense Hindu host from a the "ountries about$ under "ommand of the Cing of +rissa$ prepared to do batt e for their "ountry$ and a de"isi%e a"tion tooC p a"e near the ri%er at !a in"hinur$ in whi"h the Hindus were "omp ete y defeated, 7u i then sei/ed Gondapa e$ E ore$ and Rajahmundry$ and a treaty was made between him and +rissa fiAing the :oda%ari ri%er as the eastern boundary of :o Conda, 'y this the Su tan added the distri"ts of E ore and 'e/%ada to his own dominions, Grishna Raya then ad%an"ed to the res"ue and the Su tan mar"hed to Gonda%id, He in%ested the p a"e$ but was for"ed to retreat owing to atta"Cs made on him from 'e amConda and VinuConda$ the first of whi"h fortresses he su""eeded in redu"ing after hea%y oss, After this he retired towards Gondapa e, Grishna Raya now arri%ed and atta"Ced the 2uhammadan garrison in 'e amConda$ upon whi"h the Su tan "ounter&mar"hed$ and sudden y appeared in rear of the Hindu army, In the batt e whi"h ensued he was %i"torious and the siege was raised$ after whi"h he returned to Gonda%id and tooC it, +n earning of the fa of Gonda%id$ Grishna Raya deta"hed *his genera and son&in& aw See%a Ray*?56L@ with 466$666 foot and M666 horse to mar"h against the 2uhammadans, #he Su tan retreated and en"amped on the banCs of the Grishna$ ea%ing Gonda%id to the Hindus,?546@ After sett ing the p a"e the Vijayanagar for"es pro"eeded in pursuit of the Su tan$ were atta"Ced by him$ defeated$ and retired to Gonda%id$ whi"h was a se"ond time in%ested by the army of :o Conda, #he Hindus then submitted and agreed to be"ome tributary, +n his return towards his "apita the Su tan earned that Ismai Adi Shah of 'ijapur was besieging Go%i Conda$ *at the instan"e of the Raja of 'eejanuggur,*?544@ He mar"hed against him$ and a series of a"tions ensued$ the "ampaign asting e e%en months$ at the end of whi"h Ismai died of a fe%er$ and was su""eeded by his son 2a u, In one of the fights Su tan 7u i was wounded se%ere y by a sabre in the fa"e$ and disfigured for ife,?545@ I ha%e gi%en the who e of this story in this p a"e be"ause it runs as a "onse"uti%e series of e%ents in the origina 2uhammadan a""ount, 'ut it rea y "o%ers a period of at east twenty&one years; for the narrati%e begins short y after the beginning of 7u iDs reign 14.453$ and ends with Ismai Ds death 14.=E3, Ke are eft$ therefore$ entire y in the darC as to the eAa"t years referred to, 'ut there are some points of agreement between our authorities, It is "ertain that Grishna 0e%a tooC Gonda%id in A,0, 4.4.$ and fought batt es in the neighbourhood in the fo owing year; and though )uni/ asserts that he tooC Gonda%id from the Cing of +rissa$ he a so a udes to the presen"e of armed bodies of 2uhammadans in that tra"t opposed to the Hindus,

Kith these remarCs we return to Vijayanagar history, From 4.4- to 4.56 we ha%e no re"ords from Hindu sour"es to guide us as to e%ents at the "apita , #he !ortuguese traded on the "oast$ and there were some fights with the neighbouring Hindu "hiefs$ but they seem to ha%e affe"ted the "apita but itt e; the foreigners were genera y on friend y terms with the su/erain at Vijayanagar$ and so far as he was "on"erned were we "ome to "onso idate their "ommer"e$ sin"e he benefited arge y by the import of horses and other re(uisites, #he rest of his dominions were tran(ui and the inhabitants obedient to his ru e, #he who e "ountry was di%ided out < so )uni/ te s us$ and his a""ount is "onfirmed by other e%iden"e < into go%ernorships, Ea"h "hief was a owed entire independen"e in the territory a otted to him so ong as he maintained the (uota of horse$ foot$ and e ephants$ the maintenan"e of whi"h was the pri"e of his possession$ in perfe"t readiness for immediate a"tion$ and paid his annua tribute to the so%ereign, Fai ing these he was iab e to instant eje"tion$ as the Cing was ord of a and the nob es he d on y by his goodwi , 'ut during this period of pea"e the Cing made eAtensi%e preparations for a grand atta"C on the territory between the ri%ers$ the e%er&debatab e and whi"h for near y two "enturies had been the subje"t of dispute between his prede"essors and their northern neighbours, His obje"ti%e was the "ity of Rai"hur$ then under the 2uhammadans$?54=@ and when a was ready he mar"hed to the atta"C with an immense for"e, #his e%ent re(uires a "hapter to itse f,

CHAPTER 11
#he Siege and 'att e of Rai"hur$ and C ose of GrishnaDs Reign 1A,0, 4.56 to 4.=63 #he date of the siege < E%iden"e of Castanheda$ Correa$ 'arros$ Faria y Sou/a$ +sorio$ ;afitau$ Firishtah < Ruy de 2e o and the main ands of :oa < Immense numbers engaged < FirishtahDs story of the fight < !ortuguese present < Christo%ao de Figueiredo < !o iti"a effe"ts of the Hindu %i"tory$ and the e%ents that fo owed it < #he main ands of :oa, I sha asC my readers to turn for an a""ount of the great batt e and siege of Rai"hur to the narrati%e of )uni/$?54E@ whose des"ription is so fu and so %i%id that it may we be a owed to stand by itse f, It is on y ne"essary for me to add a few notes, #he fo owing is a short summary of the story: < Grishna 0e%a Raya$ ha%ing determine to atta"C the Adi Shah and on"e for a to "apture the disputed fortress of Rai"hur$ "o e"ted a his for"es$ and mar"hed with an immense host from Vijayanagar in a north&easter y dire"tion, It was the dry season$ and he probab y set out in February or 2ar"h, #he weather must ha%e been intense y hot during his ad%an"e$ and sti more so during the "ampaign; but the "otton p ains that ay on his route out and home were then in the best "ondition for the passage of his troops$ guns$ and baggage, His enormous army "onsisted of about a mi ion of men$ if the "amp&fo owers be in" uded; for the fighting men a one$ a""ording to )uni/$ numbered about >=-$666$ with ..6 e ephants, #he troops ad%an"ed in e e%en great di%isions or army "orps$ and other troops joined him before Rai"hur, He pit"hed his "amp on the eastern side of that "itade $ in%ested the p a"e$ and began a regu ar siege, After an inter%a he re"ei%ed inte igen"e of the arri%a of the Adi Shah from 'ijapur$ on the north side of the Grishna$ with an army of 4E6$666 horse and foot to oppose him, Ha%ing for a few days rested his troops$ the Su tan "rossed the ri%er$ ad%an"ed 1a""ording to )uni/3 to within nine mi es of Rai"hur$ and there entren"hed himse f$ ea%ing the ri%er about fi%e mi es in his rear,?54.@ Firishtah$ howe%er$ differs$ and says that the 2uhammadan for"es "rossed dire"t y in fa"e of the Hindu army en"amped on the opposite banC,

+n Saturday morning$ 2ay 4L$ in the year A,0, 4.56$ a""ording to my dedu"tions$ the for"es be"ame engaged$ and a de"isi%e pit"hed batt e was fought, Grishna 0e%a$ maCing no attempt to outf anC his ad%ersary$ ordered an ad%an"e to his immediate front of his two forward di%isions, #heir atta"C was so far su""essfu that they dro%e the 2uhammadans ba"C to their tren"hes, #he Su tan had apparent y dep oyed his for"e o%er too wide an area$ eApe"ting that the Raya wou d do the same; but finding himse f weaC in the "entre he opened fire from the guns that he had pre%ious y he d in reser%e$ and by this means "aused great oss in the " ose ranCs of the Hindus, #he RayaDs troops fe ba"C in fa"e of this formidab e bombardment$ and at on"e their enemies "harged them, #he retreat was "hanged to a rout$ and for a mi e and a ha f to their dire"t front the 2ussu man "a%a ry "hased the f ying for"es be onging to Grishna 0e%aDs first ine, #he Cing himse f$ who "ommanded the se"ond ine$ began to despair of %i"tory$ but ra ied his troops$ "o e"ted about him a number of his nob es$ and determined to fa"e death with the bra%ery that had a ways "hara"terised him, 2ounting his horse$ he ordered a forward mo%ement of the who e of his remaining di%isions$ and "harged the now disordered ranCs of the 2ussu mans, #his resu ted in "omp ete su""ess$ for the enemy$ s"attered and unab e to form$ f ed before his impetuous ons aught, He dro%e them the who e way ba"C to$ and into$ the ri%er$ where terrifi" s aughter tooC p a"e$ and their entire army was put to f ight, #he Raya then "rossed the ri%er and sei/ed the ShahDs "amp$ whi e the Shah himse f$ by the "ounse and he p of Asada Ghan$ a man who afterwards be"ame %ery famous$ es"aped on y with his ife$ and f ed from the fie d on an e ephant, Khi e being dri%en ba"C towards the ri%er$ Sa abat Ghan$ the ShahDs genera $ made a %a iant attempt to retrie%e the fortunes of the day, He had for his bodyguard .66 !ortuguese *renegades$* and with him these men threw themse %es into the ad%an"ing ranCs of the Hindus$ where they *did su"h wonderfu deeds* that e%er after they were remembered, #hey penetrated the CingDs host$ and "ut their way forwards ti they a most rea"hed his person, Here Sa abat Ghan ost his horse$ but at on"e mounted another and pressed on, #he itt e for"e was$ howe%er$ surrounded and annihi ated$ and the genera $ being a se"ond time o%erthrown$ horse and a $ was made prisoner, #he spoi was great and the resu t de"isi%e, For years afterwards the *2oors* "herished a who esome dread of Grishna Raya and his %a iant troops$ and the Su tan$ pani"&stri"Cen$ ne%er again during his enemyDs ifetime %entured to atta"C the dominions of Vijayanagar, Grishna 0e%a$ f ushed with %i"tory$ returned at on"e to the atta"C of Rai"hur$ and the fortress was after a short time "aptured, Its fa was due in great measure to the assistan"e rendered by some !ortuguese$ headed by Christo%ao de Figueiredo$ who with their ar(uebusses pi"Ced off the defenders from the wa s$ and thus enab ed the besiegers to approa"h " ose to the ines of fortifi"ation and pu down the stones of whi"h they were formed, 0ri%en to desperation$ and their go%ernor being s ain$ the garrison surrendered, 0ate of the 'att e, )ow as to the date of this batt e, I am bo d enough to be ie%e$ and defend my be ief$ that when )uni/ fiAed the day of the great fight as the new moon day of the month of 2ay$ A,0, 4.55$ he made a mistaCe in the year$ and shou d ha%e written *4.56,* #he "hroni" er states that Grishna 0e%a was prepared to gi%e batt e on a Friday$ but was persuaded by his "oun"i ors to postpone his atta"C ti the fo owing day$ Friday being un u"Cy, #he batt e a""ording y tooC p a"e on the Saturday$ whi"h was the new moon day, 'efore pro"eeding to eAamine the month and day$ et us "onsider the year A,0, of the batt e, !aes des"ribes two grand festi%a s at the "apita of whi"h he was an eye&witness$ and at whi"h Christo%ao de Figueiredo was present, He fiAes definite y the days on whi"h these o""urred, #he

first was the nine&days 2AHA)AVA2I festi%a $ and the se"ond was the festi%a of the )ew 9earDs 0ay, !aes states that on the o""asion when he was present the 2AHA)AVA2I began on September 45 1*ES#AS FES#AS SE C+2ECA+ A 0+SE 0PAS 0E SE#E'R+ E 08RA+ )+VE 0IAS*?54-@3$ and the atter began on +"tober 45 1*E)#RA20+ + 2ES 0 +8#8'R+ A +2IE 0IAS A20A0+S 0 E;E B )ES#E 0I8 C+2ECA+ + A))+$ E 0IA 0 A))+ '+2 B C+2ECA+ + A))+ )ES#E 2ES C+2 A ;8A )+VA$ E E;;ES )A+ C+)#A+ + 2ES SE )A+ 0E ;8A A ;8A*3,?54>@ !re%ious y to this$ when writing about Rai"hur$ !aes has des"ribed that p a"e?54M@ as a "ity *that former y be onged to the Cing of )arsymga 1I,E, Vijayanagar3; there has been mu"h war o%er it$ and #HIS GI): tooC it from the 9da "ao* 1Adi Shah3, #he "hroni" er$ therefore$ was present at these feasts on an o""asion subse(uent to the date of Grishna 0e%aDs "on(uest of Rai"hur, )ow the 2AHA)AVA2I festi%a begins in these tra"ts on the 4st of the month of As%ina$ and the )ew 9earDs 0ay in the time of !aes was e%ident y "e ebrated on the 4st of the month GarttiCa$ as was often the "ase in former years both days being the days fo owing the moment of new moon, In what year$ then$ during the reign of Grishna 0e%a Raya$ did the 4st of As%ina and the 4st of GarttiCa fa respe"ti%e y on September 45 and on +"tober 45N I ha%e worCed these dates out for a the years of the reign$ and I find that in no year eA"ept A,0, 4.56 did this o""ur, In 4.54 the 2AHA)AVA2I fe on September 5$ and the )ew 9earDs 0ay on +"tober 4; in 4.55 the former fe on September 56$ and the atter on +"tober 56, #his shows that !aes assisted at the festi%a s of A,0, 4.56$ and that therefore the batt e and "apture of Rai"hur must ha%e taCen p a"e before the month of September in that year, #his again throws fresh ight on the magnifi"ent re"eption a""orded to Christo%ao de Figueiredo by the Cing$ and the atterDs eA"eptiona Cindness to the !ortuguese at the time of these feasts,?54L@ Grishna Raya "herished an espe"ia fondness for Christo%ao on a""ount of his in%a uab e aid at the siege of the "ity$ and for the fa"t that but for him the war might ha%e asted mu"h onger, ;et us now turn to the other !ortuguese writers$ and see whether they "onfirm our date$ 4.56$ for the fa of Rai"hur, #he de"ision of this (uestion turns main y on the date when the !ortuguese obtained the main ands opposite the is and of :oa$ "onsisting of the tra"ts "a ed Sa sette$ !onda$ and 'ardes, It seems "ertain that this "apture of the main ands tooC p a"e by Grishna 0e%aDs "onni%an"e short y after the fa of Rai"hur$ at a time when 0iogo ;opes de Se(ueira$ the go%ernor&genera $ was away at the Red Sea$ and when Ruy de 2e o was go%ernor of :oa, )ow Se(ueira eft :oa for the Red Sea on February 4=$ A,0, 4.56$ and arri%ed again before 0iu in India on February L$ 4.54, Castanheda te s us 1and he is a good authority$ sin"e he was in India in 4.5L3 that whi e Se(ueira was absent at the Red Sea war broCe out between the Cing of Vijayanagar and the Adi Shah$?556@ at the " ose of whi"h the atter was defeated and put to f ight$ whi e the Hindus tooC Rai"hur and other p a"es *so that many of the #A)A0ARIS?554@ near :oa on the main and were eft undefended, And sin"e the Cing of )arsinga was %ery ri"h$ and had no need of these ands$ and wanted that a the horses that "ame to :oa shou d "ome to him and none to the HI0A;CA+$ he sent to say to Ruy de 2e o$ "aptain of :oa$ that he had taCen 'e gaum by for"e of arms from the Hida "ao$ with a the and appertaining to it as far as the sea$ in whi"h were #A)A0ARIS yie ding more than .66$666 go d pardaos$ of whi"h he desired to maCe a present to the Cing of !ortuga B and that he wanted a the horses that "ame to :oa, He therefore said that the "aptain of :oa "ou d enter and taCe possession of the #A)A0ARIS,* #his was immediate y done$ and Ruy de 2e o tooC possession of the main and of :oa$ in" uding Sa sette$ in ten days, Correa$ who was in India at the time$ ha%ing gone thither in 4.45 or 4.4E$ mentions?555@ that de Se(ueira eft :oa for the Red Sea in Hanuary 4.56$ and that *at that time* 1)ES#E #E2!+ < the

eApression is unfortunate y %ague3 war broCe out between Vijayanagar and 'ijapur, After its " ose the Hindu Cing sent a message to *Ruy de 2e o$ "aptain of :oa$* in the absen"e of the go%ernor& genera $ regarding the main ands of :oa, Correa does not mention distin"t y the year in whi"h this o""urred$ but the edition of 4M-6 at the head of the page has the date *4.54,* #his$ howe%er$ must be an error on the part of the editor$ for in 2ay 4.54 Se(ueira was not absent$ and therefore the year referred to "annot be 4.54; whi e in 2ay 4.55 0om 0uarte de 2ene/es$ and not Se(ueira$ was go%ernor&genera ,?55=@ Se(ueira sai ed for !ortuga Hanuary 55$ A,0, 4.55, 'arros re ates the departure of de Se(ueira from India for the Red Sea on February 4=$ 4.56$ and states that in his absen"e Ruy de 2e o was go%ernor of :oa$ under Se(ueiraDs ieutenant$ A eiAo de 2ene/es, Ruy de 2e o sei/ed the main and of :oa after the batt e of Rai"hur$?55E@ and at that time de Se(ueira was absent at the Red Sea, His des"ription of the siege of Rai"hur and the great batt e in the %i"inity " ear y seems to ha%e been taCen from the "hroni" e of )uni/, It fo ows the atter b ind y$ e%en in the misspe ing of names$ and therefore is rea y of no greater %a ue, Khen$ howe%er$ 'arros "omes to dea with the a"(uisition of the main ands of :oa$?55.@ he is dependent on other information$ and gi%es a mu"h more detai ed a""ount, #he time is " ear y fiAed, After the batt e and f ight of the Adi Shah the fee ing between the two ad%ersaries was natura y high y strained$ and this *enab ed Ruy de 2e o$ "aptain of :oa$ to taCe the main ands of :oa,* Se(ueira was at the Red Sea and 2ene/es at Co"hin, A %ery important passage for my present purpose o""urs a itt e ater on in 'arrosDs worC:?55-@ < *0iogo ;opes de Se(ueira$ AS soon as he arri%ed at :oa 1from the Red Sea3$ a ne"essary arrangements ha%ing been made for the go%ernment of the "ity$ A)0 !RI)CI!A;;9 +F #HE 2AI);A)0S$ KHICH HE F+8)0 #HA# R89 0E 2E;;+ HA0 #AGE) B went to Co"hin;* and then"e to 0iu$ where he arri%ed on February L$ 4.54,?55>@ Another passage farther on in the narrati%e of 'arros a so estab ishes the fa"t that Ruy de 2e o tooC the ands during Se(ueiraDs absen"e at the Red Sea,?55M@ Faria y Sou/a$ a Spanish writer$ whose worC was first pub ished a "entury after these e%ents$ "onfirms the period$ February 4.56 to February 4.54$ as that of Se(ueiraDs absen"e at the Red Sea$ and he writes: < *Khi e the go%ernor?55L@ was in the Red Sea$ the Ging Crisnao Rao of 'isnaga "o%ered the p ains and hi s and stopped the f ow of the ri%ers?5=6@ with an army of thirty&fi%e thousand horse$ se%en hundred and thirty&three thousand foot$ and fi%e hundred and eighty&siA e ephants "arrying "ast es with four men in ea"h$ and twe %e thousand watermen B and baggage in su"h (uantities that the "ourtesans a one numbered more than twenty thousand,*?5=4@ Sou/a a so states$ as does )uni/$ that after the defeat of the Adi Shah$ Grishna 0e%a Raya demanded that$ as the pri"e of pea"e$ the former shou d %isit him and Ciss his foot; and that$ taCing ad%antage of the Adi ShahDs diffi"u ties$ Ruy de 2e o sei/ed the main ands of :oa,?5=5@ It is " ear$ therefore$ that both authors are writing of the same e%ent, +sorio$ a ater writer$ "onfirms the story in most of its detai s$ stating that after the defeat of the Adi Shah$ Grishna Raya sent to Ruy de 2e o 1*Roderigo 2e os*3$ "aptain of :oa$ offering the main ands$ and promising after the return of Se(ueira to send a regu ar embassy to "on" ude a so emn treaty, 0e 2e o a""ording y tooC the main ands, ;afitau?5==@ a so states that the war tooC p a"e during Se(ueiraDs absen"e at the Red Sea$ and that the main ands were taCen after the Adi ShahDs defeat,?5=E@ #urning to Firishtah$ I find a differen"e, He states that the batt e of Rai"hur tooC p a"e in Hijra L5> 10e"ember 55$ 4.56$ to 0e"ember 4$ 4.54$ A,0,3$ whi"h$ if it was fought in 2ay$ as )uni/ de" ares$ maCes the date 2ay 4.54, #hat he is speaCing of the same affair is ob%ious from the detai s gi%en, He mentions$ for instan"e$ the %ast host "onstituting the Hindu army$ the ShahDs for"e

ad%an"ing to the ri%er Grishna$ the too hasty "rossing of the ri%er$ the ga ant fight of the 2uhammadans$ their defeat and rout$ the fa"t of the Adi ShahDs for"es being dri%en to the ri%er and perishing in arge numbers whi e attempting to re&"ross it$ the ShahDs narrow es"ape$ and his dependen"e on Asada Ghan, A this ea%es no room for doubt, #he on y differen"e is that$ whereas we earn from the other authorities that the fortress of Rai"hur was in the hands of the 2uhammadans$ Firishtah states that the war arose be"ause the Adi Shah *made preparations for mar"hing to re"o%er 2udCu and Roijore from the Roy of 'eejanuggur$* as if the atter were then in possession of those p a"es, As to FirishtahDs date$ I be ie%e it to be wrong by one year$ for the reasons gi%en abo%e, It must be remembered that he wrote many years after the e%ent, Ha%ing thus$ I hope satisfa"tori y$ estab ished the fa"t that the date gi%en by )uni/ for the batt e of Rai"hur is wrong by two years$ and shou d be 4.56$ I turn to eAamine the day and month, It was the new moon day of 2ay$ a""ording to )uni/$ and a Saturday, Grishna 0e%a Raya was ready for batt e on the Friday$ but postponed his atta"C to the neAt day sin"e Friday was "onsidered an un u"Cy day, #he moment of the o""urren"e of new moon in 2ay 456 was 5,5> A,2, on the morning of #hursday$ 2ay 4>, Ke do not Cnow whether )uni/ as"ertained his fa"ts from nati%e a mana"Cs or the "a "u ations of the astro ogers$ or whether he spoCe from obser%ations made by himse f or by some one who was present; but )uni/ was an ordinary person$ not a sCi ed astronomer$ so far as we "an te $ and he may we ha%e "a ed the day on whi"h the "res"ent of the new moon first made its appearan"e just after sunset the *new moon day,* #his first appearan"e a"tua y tooC p a"e on the Saturday fo owing, #he first day of the 2uhammadan month HamadaD aChir$ "orresponding to the he ia"a rising of the moon on that o""asion$ was Saturday$ 2ay 4L, I therefore be ie%e that this great batt e tooC p a"e on Saturday$ 2ay 4L$ A,0, 4.56$?5=.@ a date a most syn"hronous with the of the *Fie d of the C oth of :o d,* #he )umber of #roops Engaged, Khen we tota up the ist gi%en by )uni/ of the "o umns that mar"hed from Vijayanagar for the "ampaign$ the amount is so huge that we pause in natura doubt as to whether the story "ou d by any possibi ity be true: >6=$666 foot$ =5$-66 horse$ and ..4 e ephants$ 'ESI0ES the "amp fo owers$ mer"hants$ J",$ and *an infinitude of peop e* who joined him at a p a"e " ose to Rai"hurO It "ertain y demands a arge strain on our "redu ity, ;et e%ery one form his own opinion, I "an on y "a attention to the fa"t that arge armies seem to ha%e a ways been the ru e in India$ and that "ertain y Grishna Raya had the power to raise immense numbers of troops$?5=-@ though whether so many as is stated is another (uestion, His power to do so ay in his mode of go%ernment, A usion has a ready been made to this$ and )uni/ gi%es us interesting detai s, #he who e empire was di%ided into pro%in"es and estates$ he d by "hiefs bound to Ceep up masses of troops fit for immediate ser%i"e, It is$ of "ourse$ natura to suppose that in this great war the Cing wou d ha%e put forth a his strength, #o pro%e that immense armies were often emp oyed by Indian Cings$ we ha%e on y to refer to a su""ession of writers, 'arros notes the great power of the so%ereign of Vijayanagar and his a most in"redib e ri"hness$ and is at pains to gi%e an a""ount of how these enormous for"es were raised$ * est his ta e shou d not be be ie%ed,* In the se"ond %o ume of S"ottDs *History of the 0eChan$* a trans ation is gi%en of a journa Cept by a 'onde a offi"er in the reign of Aurang/ib$ an offi"er who ser%ed under *0u put Roy* in A,0, 4-L6, Kriting about Vijayanagar in former days$ at the height of its grandeur and importan"e$ he says$ *#hey Cept an army of =6$666 horse$ a mi ion of infantry$ and their wea th was beyond enumeration,* Conti$ who was in India about a "entury ear ier than the war in (uestion$ to d 'ra""io ini that the Vijayanagar army "onsisted of *a mi ion of men and upwards,*

Abdur Ra//aC 14EE5 A,0,3 te s the same story$ putting the number at 4$466$666 with 4666 e ephants, #wenty years ater )iCitin states that the Gu barga for"es mar"hing to atta"C the Hindus amounted to L66$666 foot$ 4L6$666 horse$ and .>. e ephants, #he Su tan himse f$ independent y of his nob es$ tooC the fie d with =66$666 men$ and e%en when he on y went out on a hunting eApedition he tooC with him a train of 46$666 horse$ .66$666 foot$ and 566 e ephants, He states that the 2a iC u #ujar a one had an army of 566$666 emp oyed in the siege of one "ity, #he Hindus fought a most nude$ and were armed with shie d and sword, E%en so far ba"C as the time of A eAander the :reat 1about ',C, =563 the army of 2agadha was "omputed by the :reeCs as "onsisting of -66$666 foot, =6$666 "a%a ry$ and L666 e ephants$ though 7uintus Curtius maCes a mu"h more modest estimate, ;ord Egerton of #atton states?5=>@ that an army of Hindu "onfederated states$ mustered for the defen"e of )orthern indi"t against the 2uhammadan in%asion in 44L5 A,0,$ amounted$ *a""ording to the most moderate estimate$* to =66$666 horse$ =666 e ephants$ and a great number of infantry, In A,0, 45.L a 2ogu embassy was re"ei%ed at 0e hi by an es"ort of .6$666 horse$ and was ed past ines of infantry numbering as many as 566$666 in their ranCs, It wi be remembered how 2uhammad #agh a( of 0e hi?5=M@ raised$ a""ording to Firishtah$ an army of =>6$666 men for the "on(uest of !ersia$ and when he wanted to destroy the inhabitants of a "ertain tra"t of "ountry$ he *ordered out his army as if he were going hunting$* surrounded the tra"t$ and then$ pressing inwards towards the "entre$ s aughtered a the inhabitants therein, #his imp ies that he tooC$ when mere y hunting$ immense numbers of men with him, Shahab&ud&0in$ indeed$ de" ared that 2uhammad #agh a( had an army of L66$666 horse;?5=L@ and )uni/$ on the opening page of his "hroni" e$ says that this Su tan in%aded the 'a aghat with M66$666 horse,?5E6@ #his estimate was$ of "ourse$ on y a""ording to the tradition eAtant in 4.=., Faria y Sou/a$ writing in the se%enteenth "entury$ estimated the for"es of 'ahadur$ Cing of Cambay$ in 4.=E$ as 466$666 horse$ E4.$666 foot$ and -66 e ephants, As ate as 4>-5 the 2ahrattas are said to ha%e had an army of 466$666 horse, )uni/?5E4@ gi%es detai s of the pro%in"ia for"es of Vijayanagar$ "ompu sori y maintained by e e%en out of a tota of two hundred nob es amongst whom the empire was di%ided$ and the tota of the for"es of these e e%en amounts to 4L$666 horse$ 4>4$>66 foot$ and -== e ephants, Castanheda "onfirms other writers in this matter$ stating that the infantry of Vijayanagar were "ount ess$ the "ountry being of arge eAtent and thi"C y popu ated$ so that the Cing "ou d "a upon a mi ion$ or e%en two mi ions$ of men at wi ,?5E5@ #his writer %isited India just at the " ose of the reign of Grishna 0e%a Raya, He states that the Cing Cept up at his own "ost an estab ishment of 466$666 horses and E666 e ephants, As to a this$ I repeat that e%ery one is at iberty to form his own opinion; but at east it seems "ertain that a the "hroni" ers be ie%ed that the Cing of Vijayanagar "ou d$ if he so desired$ put into the fie d immense masses of armed men, #hey were probab y not a we armed$ or we trained$ or we dis"ip ined$ but as to arge numbers there "an be itt e reasonab e doubt, A re i" of this may be seen e%ery year at modern Haidarabad$ the "apita "ity of H,H, the )i/am$ where$ at the annua festi%a Cnown as the *;angar$* armed irregu ars in %ery arge numbers fi e through the prin"ipa streets, #hey are for the most part a mere mob of men with weapons$ and are not maintained as State troops$ but they are brought up by the %arious nob es in separate bodies$ ea"h "hief mustering for the o""asion a his hereditary retainers and forming them into rough regiments and brigades, As to the des"ription gi%en by )uni/ of the offensi%e armour of the e ephants$ whi"h are stated to ha%e gone into batt e with ong swords iCe s"ythes atta"hed to their trunCs$ the story is "onfirmed by many other writers,

FirishtahDs )arrati%e, FirishtahDs a""ount of the batt e of Rai"hur is interesting$ as it gi%es a des"ription of the affair from the enemyDs point of %iew, Ismai Adi Shah mar"hed *to re"o%er 2udCu and Roijore from the roy of 'eejanugger$ who$ gaining ear y inte igen"e of his designs$ mo%ed with a great for"e$ and stationed his "amp on the banC of the Gistnah$ where he was joined by many of his tributaries; so that the army amounted at east to .6$666 horse$ besides a %ast host of foot, #he su tan wou d now ha%e de ayed his eApedition$ as the enemy possessed a the ferries of the Gistnah$ but that his tents were pit"hed$ and it wou d ha%e been disgra"efu to retra"t from his de" arations He therefore mar"hed with >666 horse$ a foreign$ and en"amped on the banC of the ri%er opposite to the enemy$ waiting to prepare f oats to "ross and atta"C them, *Some days after his arri%a $ as he was reposing in his tent$ he heard one of the "ourtiers without the sCreens re"iting this %erse: < DRise and fi the go den gob et with the wine of mirth before the "up itse f sha be aid in dust,D #he su tan$ inspired by the %erse$ "a ed his fa%ourites before him$ and spreading the "arpet of p easure$ amused himse f with musi" and wine, Khen the ban(uet had asted onger than was reasonab e$ and the fumes of the wine had eAer"ised their power$ a fan"y sei/ed the su tan to pass the ri%er and atta"C the enemyB, Karm with wine he reso %ed to "ross immediate y$ and mounting his e ephant$ without maCing his intentions Cnown$ pro"eeded to the ri%er$ as if to re"onnoitre$ but sudden y ga%e orders for as many of his troops as "ou d to go upon the rafts$ and others to fo ow him on e ephants through the ri%er, #he offi"ers represented the fo y and danger of pre"ipitation; but the su tan$ without rep y$ p unged his own e ephant into the stream$ and was fo owed in%o untari y by the amras and their fo owers; on about 5.6 e ephants, *'y great good fortune$ a rea"hed the opposite shore in safety$ and as many troops as "ou d "ross on the f oats at two embarCations had time to arri%e$ when the enemy ad%an"ed to batt e in so great for"e as eA" uded e%ery probab e hope of es"ape to the su tan$ who had not more than 5666 men ready to oppose =6$666, #he heroes of Is aam$ animated with one sou $ made so ga ant a resistan"e that about a thousand of the infide s fe $ among whom was Sunjeet Roy$ the "hief genera of 'eejanuggur; but at ast$ harassed beyond a power of opposition by "annon&shot$ mus(uetry$ and ro"Cets$ whi"h destroyed near ha f their numbers$ the sur%i%ors threw themse %es into the ri%er in hopes of es"aping$ and )ursoo 'ahadur and Ibrahim 'ey$ who rode on the same e ephant with Ismaee Adi Shaw$ dro%e the anima a"ross the stream$ but so great was the "urrent$ that eA"ept the roya e ephant and se%en so diers$ a the rest were drowned, #he su tanDs rashness was hea%i y punished by so great a oss, He tooC a so emn %ow ne%er to indu ge in wine ti he had re%enged his defeat; and then$ throwing away despair$ busied his mind in repairing this unfortunate mis"arriage, *As 2ir/a Hehangeer had fa en in the a"tion$ the su tan "onsu ted with Assud Ghan on what measures wou d be best to taCe in the present "risis of his affairs, Assud Ghan rep ied$ that as his oss was great and the troops dispirited$ it wou d be better for the present to retreat to 'eejapore, #he su tan appro%ing the ad%i"e$ mar"hed from the Gistnah to 'eejapore$ and "onferring the dignity of Sippeh Sa ar?5E=@ on Assud Ghan$ added se%era distri"ts to his jaghire$ and made him his prin"ipa ad%iser in a important affairs,* Comparison of A""ounts, Comparing this a""ount with that gi%en by )uni/$ there "an$ I thinC$ be itt e doubt that both stories refer to the same e%ent$ though there are of "ourse se%era dis"repan"ies, #he origin of the war is re ated different y, Firishtah states that on the arri%a of the Su tan at the ri%er&banC he found the Hindu army en"amped on the opposite side; he "rossed$ after a few daysD de ay$ with a sma for"e$ and was dri%en into the ri%er, )uni/ says that Grishna 0e%a Raya heard of Ismai Adi Ds arri%a on the ri%er&banC whi e he himse f was in "amp at Rai"hur$ fifteen mi es away; and that he ad%an"ed and ga%e batt e nine mi es from the ri%er$ in the end dri%ing the enemy a"ross, 'ut taCing the two narrati%es as a who e$ there are too many points of "oin"iden"e to ea%e any doubt in the mind that ea"h "hroni" er is writing of the same e%ent,

As to whi"h of the two is more a""urate it is impossib e now to de"ide, 'ut "onsidering that )uni/ wrote on y fifteen years afterwards$ and that there were !ortuguese present at the batt e$ some of whom )uni/ may ha%e persona y "onsu ted as to what tooC p a"e$ it wou d seem more reasonab e to trust in him rather than in a 2uhammadan historian who did not "ompi e his worC ti after an inter%a of siAty years, 2oreo%er$ there are some inherent improbabi ities in FirishtahDs narrati%e, It is worthy of noti"e$ too$ that throughout the story of )uni/ at this part of his "hroni" e there is mu"h that impe s the be ief that either himse f or his informant was present at the Hindu "amp whi e these e%ents were taCing p a"e, #he narrati%e of the "ampaign$ in "omp ete "ontrast to that of the remainder of the history$ reads iCe the a""ount of an eye&witness; espe"ia y in the passages des"ribing the fortress of Rai"hur?5EE@ and the "amp < where the supp ies were so great that *you "ou d find e%erything that you wanted$*?5E.@ where *you saw*?5E-@ the go dsmiths and artisans at worC as if in a "ity$ where *you wi find*?5E>@ a Cinds of pre"ious stones offered for sa e$ and where *no one who did not understand the meaning of what he saw wou d e%er dream that a war was going on$ but wou d thinC that he was in a prosperous "ity,* )ote a so the des"ription gi%en of the eAtraordinary noise made by the drums$ trumpets$ and shouts of the men; so that e%en the birds fe down into the so diersD hands stri"Cen with terror and *it seemed as if the sCy wou d fa to the earth$* and *if you asCed anything$ you "ou d not hear yourse f speaC$ and you had to asC by signs,* 2any su"h instan"es might be gi%en$ but not to be tedious I wi in%ite attention to on y three more$ %i/,$ the a""ount gi%en by )uni/ of how; when re"ei%ing the men of the "ity after its surrender$ the Cing$ *"asting his eye on Christo%ao de Figueiredo$ nodded his head$ and turned to the peop e te ing them to obser%e what great things "ou d be effe"ted by one good man;*?5EM@ his des"ription of the beha%iour of the defeated "iti/ens when Grishna 0e%a made his triumphant entry into the "ity; and his narrati%e of the ambassadorDs re"eption at Vijayanagar by the Cing after the "on" usion of the "ampaign,?5EL@ It may be remembered that our other "hroni" er 0omingo !aes$ was at Vijayanagar with Christo%ao de Figueiredo some months after the batt e$ e%en if he were not persona y present in the fighting at Rai"hur, #he great interest of )uni/Ds narrati%e ies in the fa"t that it is the on y detai ed a""ount eAtant, 'arros re ated the e%ents in histori"a fashion$ taCing his fa"ts from this %ery "hroni" e; but he was ne%er in India$ and his brief summary is a together wanting in the power and for"e "ontained in the graphi" story of )uni/, #he other !ortuguese writers pass o%er the war %ery ight y, It appears as if it hard y "on"erned then;$ further than that at its " ose Ruy de 2e o sei/ed the main ands near :oa, !o iti"a Effe"ts of the 'att e, And yet it had far&rea"hing effe"ts, #he Hindu %i"tory so weaCened the power and prestige of the Adi Shah that he "eased a together to dream of any present "on(uest in the south$ and turned his attention to "ementing a ian"es with the other 2uhammadan so%ereigns$ his neighbours, #he %i"tory a so "aused a the other 2uhammadan !owers in the 0aChan serious y to "onsider the po iti"a "ondition of the "ountry; and this e%entua y ed to a "ombination without whi"h nothing was possib e$ but by the aid of whi"h the Vijayanagar Empire was fina y o%erthrown and the way to the south opened, It furthermore great y affe"ted the Hindus by raising in them a spirit of pride and arrogan"e$ whi"h added fue to the fire$ "aused them to be"ome positi%e y into erab e to their neighbours$ and a""e erated their own downfa , It e(ua y affe"ted the fortunes of the !ortuguese on the "oast, :oa rose and fe simu taneous y with the rise and fa of the se"ond Vijayanagar dynasty; and ne"essari y so$ "onsidering that its entire trade depended on Hindu support; for the Cing of !ortuga was ne%er we disposed towards his hereditary enemies$ the *2oors,* #his is a point fre(uent y eft unnoti"ed by writers$ on !ortuguese "o onia history, #he two most re"ent authors of worCs on the subje"t$ 2r, 0an%ers 1*#he !ortuguese in India*3 and 2r, Khiteway 1*#he Rise of !ortuguese !ower in India*3$ pay %ery itt e attention to the interna po iti"s of the great "ountry on the fringe a one of whi"h the !ortuguese sett ed$ and on the "oast of whi"h their %esse s "ame and went, 2r, 0an%ers de%otes one short paragraph to the batt e of Rai"hur$?5.6@ and another?5.4@ to the destru"tion of Vijayanagar,

2r, Khiteway does not e%en a ude to the former e%ent$ and "on" udes his history before arri%ing at the date of the atter, 9et sure y it is easy to see that the su""ess or fai ure of maritime trade on any gi%en "oast must depend on the "onditions pre%ai ing in the empire for the supp y of whi"h that trade was estab ished, Khen Vijayanagar$ with its grandeur$ uAury$ and o%e of disp ay$ its great wea th and its enormous armies$ was at the height of its power$ the foreign traders were eminent y su""essfu : when Vijayanagar fe $ and the "ity be"ame deso ate and depopu ated$ the foreign traders had no marCet for their goods$ and trade de"ayed, So that this great Hindu %i"tory at Rai"hur deser%ed a better fate than to be passed o%er by the historians as if it had been an e%ent of sma importan"e, #he E%ents that fo owed the 'att e, )uni/ gi%es us in detai an a""ount of the e%ents that fo owed the %i"tory of Grishna 0e%a Raya$ and "onsidering that he wrote on y about fifteen years after their o""urren"e$ we shou d do we to re"ei%e his a""ount as probab y true in the main, Firishtah$ perhaps natura y$ preser%es a "omp ete si en"e on the subje"t, )uni/ te s us that when the "ity of Rai"hur surrendered$ the Hindu Cing made a triumpha entry into it$ and treated the garrison with Cindness and "onsideration; whi e the other 2uhammadan Cings sent en%oys to Grishna 0e%a Raya on hearing of his su""ess$ and re"ei%ed a haughty and irritating rep y, Grishna 0e%a then returned to Vijayanagar and he d high festi%a , Short y afterwards an ambassador arri%ed from the defeated Shah$ and was treated with s"ant "ourtesy for more than a month$ after whi"h he was re"ei%ed in audien"e; when the Cing sent answer by him to his enemy$ that if the Adi Shah wou d "ome to him$ do obeisan"e$ and Ciss his foot$ his ands and fortresses shou d be restored to him, )o attention being paid to this$ the Raya set out to sear"h for the Shah$ hoping$ that he wou d be indu"ed to do homage in the manner demanded and appearing to ignore a together the effe"t whi"h wou d ne"essari y be produ"ed on the minds of the other Cings of the 0aChan by this "ontemp ated supreme humi iation of one of their number, #he submission ne%er tooC p a"e, Grishna ed his army as far north as 'ijapur$ the Adi ShahDs "apita $ whi"h for a time he o""upied and eft sad y injured, #hen Asada Ghan$ the ShahDs wi y "ourtier$ su""essfu y brought about the death of his persona enemy$ Sa abat Ghan$ by indu"ing the Raya to order his eAe"ution; an a"t to$ whi"h the Cing was ed by the ma"hinations of the ar"h&intriguer$ who subordinated his "hiefDs interests to his own se fish ends, Ging Grishna had$ in the "ity of 'ijapur$ taCen prisoner three sons of a former Cing of the 'ahmani dynasty$ who had been he d "apti%e by the Adi Shahs$ and he pro" aimed the e dest as Cing of the 0aChan,?5.5@ #his aborti%e attempt to sub%ert the ru e of the fi%e Cings who had estab ished themse %es on the ruins of the sing e 0aChan so%ereignty natura y fe f at$ and on y resu ted in stiffening the hosti ity whi"h these so%ereigns fe t towards their "ommon foe, A itt e ater Grishna RayaDs son$ a young prin"e on whom he desired to "onfer his "rown$ and in whose fa%our he had e%en gone so far as open y to abdi"ate$ died sudden y of poison$ and the Cing$ then himse f in a dying "ondition$ arrested and imprisoned his own minister$ Sa u%a #imma$ and his fami y, In this he was aided by some !ortuguese who happened to be present at the 0urbar, +n Sa u%a #immaDs son es"aping to a *mountain range* < perhaps Sandur$ on the south of the "apita $ where there are sti to be seen the remains of a strong fortress bui t of "y" opean masonry on the summit of the highest hi $ now Cnown as Ramandrug < the Cing summoned #imma and his brother and son$ and had their eyes put out, About this time the Adi Shah ad%an"ed again to retrie%e his broCen fortunes$ but f ed in"ontinent y on hearing the news that Grishna 0e%a was ad%an"ing in person to meet him, #hat the Cing$ though sore y i $ did indeed mo%e in the manner stated$ seems to be "onfirmed by the statement of )uni/ that on the way he bought siA hundred horses from the !ortuguese, Grishna began to maCe preparations for an atta"C on 'e gaum$ then in the Adi ShahDs possession$ and sent an en%oy to in%ite the assistan"e in this enterprise of the !ortuguese at :oa; but he fe too serious y i to "arry out his proje"t$ and died short y afterwards at the age of from forty&two to forty&fi%e years, It was

then the year 4.=6 A,0, He was su""eeded by A"hyuta, So far )uni/, Ke earn something more from other writers, 'arros states that about the year 4.5= Sa u%a #imma$ the CingDs minister$ in%aded the main ands near :oa$ whi"h had been re"ent y a"(uired by the !ortuguese under Ruy de 2e o; that he ad%an"ed towards !onda with a sma for"e$ but that he was atta"Ced and dri%en ba"C,?5.=@ Short y after this$ %i/,$ in Apri 4.5E$ the 2uhammadans of 'ijapur atta"Ced these same main ands with su""ess$ during the %i"eroya ty of 0om 0uarte de 2ene/es, +n +"tober =4 of that year the Chamber of :oa wrote a report to the Cing of !ortuga in whi"h o""urs the fo owing passage: < *#he main and whi"h Ruy de 2e o$ who was "aptain of this "ity$ "on(uered$ was entered by the 2oors$ who used to possess it$ in the month of Apri of fi%e hundred and twenty&four$ and they ho d it as theirs$ and the first #hanadarDs distri"t whi"h they tooC was that of !erna$ whi"h is by the seaside, #here they "aptured two !ortuguese$ and one of them was the #hanadar; these are prisoners in the fortress of 'y gan 1'e gaum3$ of whi"h the Suffi arim is "aptain,*?5.E@ It is e%ident$ therefore$ that *the 2oors* were su""essfu $ and yet it is "urious that %ery itt e mention is made of this "ir"umstan"e by other historians, Firishtah does not mention it; and it may therefore be reasonab y inferred that the *2oors* in (uestion were not the roya troops a"ting under the orders of the Su tan$ but be onged to the o"a e%ies of Asada Ghan$ then "hief of 'e gaum, A""ording to Firishtah$ the defeat at Rai"hur was fo owed by Ismai Adi ShahDs marrying his sister to 'urhan )i/am Shah of Ahmadnagar; (uarre ing and fighting with him 1A,0, 4.5=3; again fighting with him 14.5M3; marrying another sister to A a&ud&0in 8mmad of 'irar; and fighting with and entire y defeating Su tan Amir 'arid of 'idar$ then an o d man$ whom he "aptured, +n the death of Grishna 0e%a$ Ismai tooC ad%antage of the "onfusion of the Hindus to retaCe possession of 2udCa and Rai"hur, Firishtah gi%es no dates for the two ast of the e%ent abo%e noted$ but the submission of Amir 'arid to the Adi Shah apparent y did not taCe p a"e ti 4.5L$ for 'arros?5..@ imp ies that it o""urred after an e%ent whi"h "annot ha%e happened ear ier than 4.5L < name y$ an atta"C on !onda by three Hindu "hiefs$ whi"h ed to the inhabitants appea ing for he p to the then go%ernor of :oa$ )uno da Cunha, 0a Cunha was not go%ernor ti 4.5L, *A# #HIS #I2E$* writes the historian$ *2e i(ue Verido?5.-@ submitted to the Hida "han$ by ad%i"e of 2adre 2a u"o and Cota 2a u"o$ and "ame to his "amp in poor " othes$ and f ung himse f at his feet,* #his e%ident y refers to what o""urred after the 'aridDs "apture by the Adi Shah$ if FirishtahDs story is true,?5.>@ ;et it be remembered$ though the fa"t has no bearing on the history of Vijayanagar at this date$ that in 4.5- the Emperor 'abar "aptured 0e hi$ and estab ished himse f as the first monar"h of the great 2oghu dynasty, He was su""eeded in 4.=6 by Humayun$ and on the atterDs death in 4..- the great ACbar attained the throne,

CHAPTER 12
#he 'ui dings$ KorCs$ and Ins"riptions of Grishna 0e%a #emp es < Irrigation worCs < Statue of )arasimha < Gama apuram < Ins"riptions, Kere it not that the des"ription gi%en us by )uni/ and !aes of the "ondition of the great "ity of Vijayanagar at this period is so graphi"$ so pi"tures(ue$ and so detai ed as positi%e y to re(uire no addition$ I shou d ha%e deemed it my duty to attempt to supp y the want; but with their narrati%e before us in a its origina freshness$ it wou d be use ess to attempt anything further, 'oth of these writers were on the spot at the time of the "ityDs greatest grandeur and prosperity$ though in the time of )uni/ the period of its po iti"a de"ay had set in, Kith their des"riptions I sha not %enture to

interfere, I "annot$ howe%er$ pass on to the reign of A"hyuta without "a ing attention to some of the worCs "arried out at the "apita by Grishna 0e%a$ and to a few of the ins"ribed re"ords of his reign, At the beginning of his reign Grishna bui t a :+!8RA or tower$ and repaired another$ at the Hampe temp e$ whi"h had been bui t by the first Cings in honour of 2adha%a"harya$ the founder of the fortunes of Vijayanagar, #he great GRISH)ASVA2I temp e was bui t by him in 4.4=$ after his return from the su""essfu "ampaign in the east, In the same year he "ommen"ed the temp e of HAIARA RA2ASVA2I at the pa a"e$ the ar"hite"ture of whi"h eads 2r, Rea?5.M@ to thinC that it was not finished ti a ater period, ;ater in his reign the Cing busied himse f in impro%ing the irrigation of the dry ands about Vijayanagar, He "onstru"ted in 4.54 the great dam and "hanne at Gorraga $ and the 'asa%anna "hanne $ both of whi"h are sti in use and of great %a ue to the "ountry,?5.L@ Another great worC of his was the "onstru"tion of an enormous tanC or dammed&up aCe at the "apita $ whi"h he "arried out with the aid of Hoao de a !onte$ a !ortuguese engineer$ whose ser%i"es were ent to him by the go%ernor&genera of :oa, 'oth !aes and )uni/ mention this aCe$ and as the former a"tua y saw it under "onstru"tion it may ha%e been begun in A,0, 4.56, I thinC that this is the arge aCe$ now dry$ to be seen at the north&western mouth of the %a ey entering into the Sandur hi s south&west of Hospett$ the huge banC of whi"h has been uti ised for the "on%eyan"e of the highroad from Hospett to the southern ta u(s, If so$ the fa"t of its origina fai ure is interesting to us$ be"ause for many years past this %ast worC has been entire y use ess, #he des"ription gi%en by )uni/ a""ords with the position of this tanC$ whi"h was doubt ess intended part y for irrigation purposes$ and part y for the supp y of water to the *new "ity$* )aga apura$ the CingDs fa%ourite residen"e$ now Cnown as Hospett, #he "hroni" er mentions the eAisten"e of ofty ridges on ea"h side$ strong gates and towers guarding the entran"e$ and states that this was the prin"ipa approa"h to the "apita from the south; a whi"h data "oin"ide with the position of the tanC and road in (uestion, It is through these gates that the !ortuguese tra%e ers entered Vijayanagar, #his %iew is supported by the a""ount gi%en by !aes, Kriting of the approa"h to Vijayanagar from the western "oast$ and des"ribing the *first range$* I,E, the first that is seen on passing upwards from the p ains$ he states that in these hi s was the prin"ipa entran"e from that side, He a udes to the gates and wa $ and the "ity$ )aga apur$ "onstru"ted by Ging Grishna, #hen he writes$ *the Cing made a tanC #HERE$* I,E, " ose to Hospett$ at the mouth of two hi s$ and in order to this end *broCe down a hi ,* He saw innumerab e peop e at worC on the tanC, He "onfirms the story of )uni/ as to the siAty human beings offered in sa"rifi"e to ensure the se"urity of the dam, 'oth writers are therefore des"ribing the same tanC$ and$ taCing the "hroni" es together$ I "an ha%e no doubt as to the soundness of my identifi"ation, !rior to 4.56$ Grishna 0e%a bui t the out ying town of )aga apur$ to whi"h a usion has just been made, It was "onstru"ted in honour of his fa%ourite wife$ the (uondam "ourtesan$ )aga a 0e%i$ and the Cing made it his fa%ourite residen"e, He a so appears to ha%e begun the "onstru"tion of the temp e of Vittha as%ami on the ri%er&banC$ the most ornate of an the re igious edifi"es of the Cingdom, *It shows$* writes 2r, Rea in the arti" e a ready referred to$ *the eAtreme imit in f orid magnifi"en"e to whi"h the sty e ad%an"ed,* #he worC was "ontinued during the reign of Grishna 0e%aDs su""essors$ A"hyuta and Sadasi%a$ and was probab y stopped on y by the destru"tion of the "ity in 4.-., An ins"ription re"ords a grant to the temp e in 4.-4, In 4.5M was "onstru"ted one of the most "urious and interesting monuments to be seen in the "ity, #his is an enormous statue of the god Vishnu in his AVA#ARA as )arasimha$ the man& ion, It was hewn out of a sing e bou der of granite$ whi"h ay near the south&western ang e of the Grishnas%ami temp e$ and the Cing bestowed a grant of ands for its maintenan"e, #hough it has been grie%ous y injured$ probab y by the i"ono" asti" 2uhammadans in or after the year 4.-.$ it is sti a most

striCing obje"t, I ha%e a ready a uded to the grants made by Grishna 0e%a to the great VirupaCsha temp e at Hampe$ on the o""asion of the festi%a of his "oronation, #here is an ins"ription of his reign on the base of the inner side of the front tower 1:+!8RA3 of the temp e at Virin"hipuram$ dated in the year A,0, 4.4= < 4E; and one dated #uesday$ September 56$ 4.4=$ at SanCa apura$ " ose to the "apita $ re"ording a grant of the ands of that %i age to the temp e of :anapati in the pa a"e en" osure,?5-6@ 2r, F eet?5-4@ mentions others of his reign in A,0, 4.6L < 46$ 4.45 < 4=$ 4.4E < 4.$ 4.55 < 5=$ and 4.5> < 5M, #he ast ins"ription of the reign at present Cnown is one whi"h bears a date "orresponding to Friday$ Apri 5=$ A,0, 4.5L,?5-5@ It stands in front of the great statue of 8gra )arasimha$ des"ribed abo%e,

CHAPTER 13
#he Reign of A"hyuta Raya A"hyuta Raya < Fa of Rai"hur and 2udCa < Asada Ghan and :oa < 0isturban"es at 'ijapur < Ibrahim Shah at the Hindu "apita < Firishtah on Vijayanagar affairs < Rise of Rama Raya and his brothers < *Hoje* < #iruma a < Varying egends < VenCatadri defeated by Asada Ghan near Adoni < Asada GhanDs "areer < 'e gaum and :oa < AsadaDs dup i"ity < !ortuguese aggressions < Re igious grants by$ and ins"riptions re ating to$ A"hyuta, A"hyuta$ a""ording to )uni/ and some other authorities$ was a brother of the ate Cing$?5-=@ and$ in "ompany with two other brothers and a nephew$ had been "onfined by Grishna 0e%a in the fortress of Chandragiri$ in order to pre%ent dissensions in the Cingdom, #he new monar"h is said by )uni/ to ha%e been spe"ia y se e"ted by Grishna 0e%a, If so$ the "hoi"e was singu ar y unfortunate$ for A"hyuta was a "ra%en and under him the Hindu empire began to fa to pie"es, His minister was one of the powerfu Sa u%a fami y$ to whi"h a so had be onged #imma$ the minister of Ging Grishna, )uni/ "a s him *Sa %anay,* #he ear iest Cnown date of A"hyutaDs reign is gathered from an ins"ription bearing a date "orresponding to 2onday$ August 4.$ A,0, 4.=6,?5-E@ #he beginning of his reign was ominous y signa ised by the oss of the frontier fortresses 2udCa and Rai"hur, Firishtah?5-.@ states that the Adi Shah had$ some time before the death of Grishna 0e%a$ made preparations to re"o%er possession of these "ities$ and pro"eeds: < *#he Su tan B put his army in motion$ attended by 8mmad Shaw and Ameer 'ereed with their for"es; and the affairs of 'eejanuggur being in "onfusion owing to the death of Heemraaje$ who was new y su""eeded by his son Ramraaje$?5--@ against whom rebe ions had arisen by se%era ro es$ met with no interruptions to his arms, Roijore and 2udCu were taCen$ after a siege of three months$ by "apitu ation$ after they had been in possession of the infide s for se%enteen years,*?5->@ #he re ief and de ight of the Adi Shah at these su""esses$ and at the death of his morta enemy Grishna$ must ha%e been great; and Firishtah re ates that the Su tan$ *who had %owed to refrain from wine ti the redu"tion of these fortresses$ at the re(uest of his nobi ity now made a sp endid festi%a $ at whi"h he dranC wine and ga%e a fu oose to mirth and p easure,* Rai"hur and 2udCa were ne%er again subje"t to Hindu prin"es, #hose who desire to obtain an insight into the "hara"ter of the new Cing of Vijayanagar shou d turn to the "hroni" e of )uni/, It wi suffi"e here to say that he a ienated his best friends by his %io ent despotism$ and at the same time pro%ed to the who e empire that he was a "oward, His "ondu"t and mode of go%ernment ruined the Hindu "ause in Southern India and opened the who e "ountry to the in%ader$ though he himse f did not i%e to see the end, After the fa of Rai"hur and the 0oab$ Ismai Adi had another fight 14.=43 with his ri%a at

Ahmadnagar and defeated him; after whi"h the two brothers&in& aw "onso idated a strong a ian"e, #hree years ater Ismai died$ ha%ing "ontra"ted a fe%er whi e besieging a fortress be onging to the 7utb Shah of :o Conda, His death o""urred on #hursday$ August 4=$ 4.=E$?5-M@ and he was su""eeded by his son 2a u, Asada Ghan was appointed regent of 'ijapur$ but immediate y on his a""ession the new so%ereign so offended his powerfu subje"t that he retired to 'e gaum$ and Su tan 2a u$ gi%ing himse f up to a Cinds of eA"esses$ was deposed after a reign of on y siA months, 2a u was b inded by the orders of his own grandmother$ and Ibrahim Adi $ his younger brother$ was raised to the throne, It was now 4.=., 0a Cunha$ the !ortuguese go%ernor of :oa$ tooC ad%antage of these e%ents to ere"t a fortress at 0iu$ and ear y in 4.=- to sei/e again the main ands of :oa$ whi"h had been for ten years in the possession of Asada Ghan, #he Ghan sent a for"e to re"apture these ands$ and in February an engagement tooC p a"e in whi"h the !ortuguese were %i"torious, A se"ond atta"C by the 2os ems was simi ar y repu sed, A third fight tooC p a"e in Hu y$ and again the 2uhammadans were beaten; but Asada Ghan then assemb ed a arger army$ and the foreigners were "ompe ed to retire after b owing up their fortress, About this time?5-L@ 7u i 7utb Shah is said to ha%e atta"Ced Gonda%id on a""ount of its withho ding payment of tribute$ to ha%e taCen it$ and bui t a tower in the midd e of the fort in "ommemoration of its redu"tion, #wo ins"riptions at Conjee%eram$ dated respe"ti%e y in 4.=5 and 4.==$?5>6@ imp y that at that period Ging A"hyuta redu"ed the "ountry about #inne%e y; but apparent y he was not present in person$ and nothing further is Cnown regarding this eApedition, Ke now enter upon a period %ery diffi"u t to dea with satisfa"tori y$ owing to the "onf i"t of e%iden"e in the worCs of the %arious writers, *A year after his a""ession$* writes Firishtah$?5>4@ *Ibrahim$ Adi ed his army to 'eejanuggur on the re(uisition of the roy,* #his wou d be the year 4.=- A,0, 'ut what ed to su"h an eAtraordinary "omp i"ation of affairsN Can it be true that Ging A"hyuta was so humi iated and hard pressed as to be "ompe ed to summon to his aid the hereditary enemies of his "ountryN )uni/ is si ent as to the "ause$ though he admits the fa"t, It is (uite possib e that Firishtah is "orre"t$ that the pub i" were not taCen into "onfiden"e by their despoti" ru ers$ and that the troops of 'ijapur mar"hed to the Hindu "apita at the re(uest of Ging A"hyuta, #hat they a"tua y "ame there seems (uite "ertain$ and it is probab e that )uni/ was in Vijayanagar at the time; but there is a ;AC8)A in his story whi"h "an on y be fi ed up by referen"e to Firishtah, A""epting Firishtah$ we "an readi y understand why Ging A"hyuta re"ei%ed the Su tan and his army without open opposition$ as )uni/ de" ares that he did$ and why the 2uhammadan Cing re"ei%ed sp endid presents before he retired, #o )uni/$ howe%er$ this "ondu"t was ineAp i"ab e eA"ept on the basis of A"hyutaDs "ra%en spirit and utter unworthiness,?5>5@ As to the assertion of )uni/ that the Su tan entered )aga apur or Hospett and *ra/ed it to the ground$* we may remember the treatment of the "ity of 'ijapur by Grishna 0e%a Raya$?5>=@ and surmise that the houses of the Vijayanagar suburbs may ha%e been pu ed to pie"es by the 2ussa man so diery in sear"h for firewood, Howe%er a this may be$ my readers ha%e before them the story as gi%en by )uni/ in Chapter QQ, of his "hroni" e$ and the fo owing is FirishtahDs a""ount of the e%ent,?5>E@ *Heem* Rajah$ or$ as 'riggs renders the name$ *#im* Rajah < representing *#imma$* and referring doubt ess to Sa u%a #imma$ the great minister of Grishna 0e%a < had$ forty years ear ier$ be"ome 0E FAC#+ ru er of Vijayanagar on the death of the two sons of a former Cing$ *Seo* Raya, He had poisoned the infant son of the younger of these sons$ and had thus su""eeded in be"oming head of the state, 0uring these forty years he had been obeyed by a , +n his death his son Rama Rajah be"ame ru er, RamaDs marriage to *a daughter of the son of Seo* Raya?5>.@ had great y added to his dignity and power$ and he now tried to se"ure the throne for himse f and his fami y, He was$ howe%er$ "ompe ed by the nob es to re"ognise as Cing an *infant of the fema e ine$* whose person

he "ommitted to the "are of the "hi dDs un" e$ *Hoje* #iruma a Raya$?5>-@ a man of weaC inte e"t if not abso ute y insane, In fi%e or siA years Rama "ut off by trea"hery most of the "hiefs who opposed him,?5>>@ He then mar"hed on an eApedition into 2a abar$ and afterwards mo%ed against a powerfu /amindar to the south of Vijayanagar$ who he d out for siA months and in the end beat off the troops of Rama Raya, Vijayanagar was at that time go%erned by a s a%e whom Rama had raised to high ranC$ and this man$ on being app ied to by the minister to send supp ies from the "apita $ was so ama/ed at the wea th whi"h he saw in the roya treasury that he reso %ed to attempt to gain possession of it, He therefore re eased the "hi d&Cing$ obtained the "o&operation of Hoje #iruma a$ assumed the offi"e of minister$ and began to raise troops, *Se%era tributary roies$ who were disgusted with Ramraaje$ f ew with speed to 'eejanuggur to obey their awfu Cing; and in a short time thirty thousand horse and %ast hosts of foot were assemb ed under his standard at the "ity,* #iruma a then had the s a%e&go%ernor assassinated, Rama Rajah at on"e returned to the "apita $ but was unab e at that jun"ture to assert his authority, Finding himse f deserted by many of the nob es he "on" uded a treaty with his awfu so%ereign$ and retired to his own pro%in"e$ whi"h by agreement he was a owed to retain as his own independent state, #iruma a short y afterwards strang ed the Cing and sei/ed the throne, #he nob es submitted$ sin"e he was of roya b ood$ and better$ in their opinion$ than Rama Rajah; but when afterwards they found themse %es unab e to endure his tyranny and oppression$ they rebe ed and in%ited Rama Rajah to return, #iruma a then found himse f in great straits$ and sent ambassadors with arge presents to Ibrahim Adi Shah$ begging him to mar"h to his assistan"e and promising that the Vijayanagar Cingdom shou d be de" ared tributary to 'ijapur, Ibrahim$ de ighted beyond measure$ after "onsu ting Asada Ghan a""epted the terms$ mo%ed from his "apita $ and arri%ed before Vijayanagar *in the year LE5$* whi"h "orresponds to the period from Hu y 5$ A,0, 4.=.$ to Hune 56$ 4.=-,?5>M@ He was "ondu"ted into the "ity by Hoje #ermu Roy$ who seated him on the musnud of the raaje and made rejoi"ings for se%en days,* #his "ondu"t ed to a "hange of front on the part of Rama Rajah and his supporters, #hey entreated #iruma a for the saCe of the "ountry to pro"ure the retreat of the Su tan to his own dominions$ promising submission and obedien"e if this shou d be done; and #iruma a$ thinCing that now he had no further use for his a ies$ re(uested the Su tan to return home, He paid o%er the subsidy agreed upon$ whi"h was assessed at something approa"hing two mi ions ster ing$ and made many other gifts, #he story then ends with a tragedy, *Ibrahim Adi Shaw had not yet re"rossed the Gistnah$ when Ramraaje and the "onfederates$ who had bribed many of the troops in the "ity$ broCe their new y made %ows$ and hastened towards 'eejanuggur$ reso %ed to put the roy to death$ on preten"e of re%enging the murder of his prede"essor, Hoje #ermu Roy$ seeing he was betrayed$ shut himse f up in the pa a"e$ and$ be"oming mad from despair$ b inded a the roya e ephants and horses$ a so "utting off their tai s$ that they might be of no use to his enemy, A the diamonds$ rubies$ emera ds$ other pre"ious stones$ and pear s$ whi"h had been "o e"ted in a "ourse of many ages$ he "rushed to powder between hea%y mi stones$ and s"attered them on the ground, He then fiAed a sword&b ade into a pi ar of his apartment$ and ran his breast upon it with su"h for"e that it pier"ed through and "ame out at the ba"C$ thus putting an end to his eAisten"e$ just as the gates of the pa a"e were opened to his enemies, Ramraaje now be"ame roy of 'eejanuggur without a ri%a ,* After this point in FirishtahDs narrati%e we hear of no more *young Roies* or imprisoned so%ereigns of the Se"ond 0ynasty, *Ramraaje* a one is spoCen of as Cing$ and Gings A"hyuta and Sadasi%a < the atter of whom was undoubted y re"ognised as Cing for some years though he was Cept in "ustody < are not so mu"h as mentioned, #hus Firishtah and )uni/ both agree that Ibrahim Adi ad%an"ed as far as the "ity of Vijayanagar$ and retired after payment of immense sums of money and the gift of many %a uab e presents, #he date was A,0, 4.=. < =-, Kith this date ends the histori"a portion of the "hroni" e of )uni/,?5>L@ Ke "ontinue the narrati%e of e%ents in A"hyutaDs reign as gathered from Firishtah,?5M6@ As soon as he heard of the death of Hoje #iruma a and the sei/ure of the throne by *Ramraaje$* Ibrahim Adi

Shah sent Asada Ghan to redu"e the important fortress of Adoni$ whi"h was undisputed y in Vijayanagar territory, Rama Rajah despat"hed his younger brother$ VenCatadri$ to its re ief$ and the atter hastened thither with a arge for"e, *Assud Ghan$ upon his approa"h$ raised the siege and mo%ed towards him, A sharp engagement ensued$ and Assud Ghan$ finding that he was iCe y to ha%e the worst of the a"tion$ from the %ast superiority in numbers of the enemy$ retreated in good order$ but was fo owed fourteen mi es by the %i"tors$ when he en"amped; and VenCatadry$?5M4@ in order to be ready to harass the retreat the neAt day$ ha ted in fu se"urity at a distan"e of on y two mi es from him, Assud Ghan$ who had ardent y wished for su"h an e%ent; towards the dawn of day$ with four thousand "hosen horse$ surpri/ed the "amp of VenCatadry$ whose se f&"onfiden"e had eft him who y off his guard against su"h a manoeu%re, Assud Ghan penetrated to his tents before he re"ei%ed the a arm$ and he had s"ar"e time to maCe his es"ape$ ea%ing his treasures$ fami y$ and e ephants to the mer"y of the %i"tors, Khen the day had fu y " eared up$ VenCatadry "o e"ted his s"attered troops$ and drew up as if to engage; but seeing Assud Ghan reso ute to maintain his ad%antage$ and fearing for the persona safety of his wife and "hi dren$ he de" ined ha/arding a batt e$ and$ retiring some mi es off$ fiAed his "amp: from when"e he wrote Ramraaje an a""ount of his disaster$ and re(uested reinfor"ements to enab e him to repair it, Ramraaje immediate y sent supp ies of men and money$ open y de" aring his intentions of "arrying on the war$ but pri%ate y informed his brother that he had reason to imagine that Ibrahim Adi Shaw had not been ed mere y of his own wi to besiege +odnee; that he suspe"ted the /emindars of that (uarter had in%ited him to maCe war$ and that many of the nobi ity with him were se"ret y in his interest; therefore$ he thought he wou d a"t prudent y by maCing pea"e with the mussu mauns at present$ and pro"uring the re ease of his wife and fami y from Assud Ghan, VenCatadry$ in "onse(uen"e of the desires of his brother$ ha%ing pro"ured the mediation and inf uen"e of Assud Ghan$ addressed the su tan for pea"e$ whi"h being granted$ and a affairs sett ed to the satisfa"tion of both states$ Ibrahim Adi Shaw returned to 'eejapore with Assud Ghan and the rest of his nobi ity and army,* Asada Ghan after this was great y honoured by the Su tan$ in spite of the intrigues whi"h were fomented against him, 7uarre s and disturban"es$ howe%er$ arose in the 'ijapur dominions whi"h asted during the who e of the year 4.E5; in the "ourse of whi"h year Ging A"hyuta died$ and was su""eeded nomina y by Sadasi%a$ during whose reign Vijayanagar was pra"ti"a y in the hands of Rama Rajah and of his two brothers$ #iruma a and VenCatadri, Firishtah was a great admirer of Asada Ghan and supported him in a that he did,?5M5@ Asada was a #urC$ who$ beginning ife under the simp e name of Ghusru in the ser%i"e of Ismai Adi Shah$ distinguished himse f in his so%ereignDs defen"e during the atta"C on 'ijapur in 4.44$ a defen"e "e ebrated on a""ount of the heroi" "ondu"t of the Su tanDs aunt$ 0i shad Agha, Ghusru was rewarded by Ismai with the tit e of *Asada Ghan$* a name whi"h he bore for the rest of his ife$ and a grant of the jaghir of 'e gaum, He rose to be "hief minister and "ommander&in&"hief of the army of his master$ and died fu of years and honours in A,0, 4.EL, #he !ortuguese at :oa had a %ery ow opinion of AsadaDs "hara"ter, #hey he d him to be an in%eterate intriguer$ ready at e%ery moment to betray his best friends$ e%en his so%ereign$ if on y by so doing he "ou d ad%an"e his own persona and se fish interests; and in this$ owing to his "onsummate sCi and tortuous ways$ he in%ariab y su""eeded, If spa"e permitted$ many interesting stories "ou d be narrated of him$ "u ed from the %arious writings of the day,?5M=@ 'arros "a s him *Sufo ;arij$*?5ME@ a name whi"h some writers ha%e deri%ed from *9usuf of ;ar,* Castanheda spe s the name *Cufo arim,* Asada Ghan is entit ed to a "hapter to himse f$ but$ to a%oid pro iAity$ I wi on y gi%e one eAtra"t from the *Asia* of 'arros,?5M.@ A usion has been made abo%e to an atta"C on the main ands of :oa by three Hindu "hiefs$ when !onda was besieged, #he inhabitants appea ed to )uno da Cunha$ the go%ernor&genera $ who hesitated to interfere for fear of bringing on a war with the Adi Shah, #he prin"ipa danger was the ord of 'e gaum$ Asada Ghan,

*A"ada"han$ iCe one who in a safe and ofty p a"e wat"hes some great fire spreading o%er the p ains be ow$ wat"hed from his "ity of 'e gaum the e%ents that were passing;* < but did nothing ti the Adi Shah wrote desiring him to return to 'ijapur$ whi"h he had temporari y eft owing to a disagreement$ and to assist him in the go%ernment of the Cingdom, Asada Ghan rep ied "rafti y that he had done with the affairs of this ife$ and proposed to go and die at 2e""a, At this Ismai f ew into a passion and %owed re%enge against his powerfu subje"t$ who$ to sa%e himse f$ wrote to 0a Cunha$ professing his una oyed friendship for the !ortuguese$ and in%iting them to taCe possession of "ertain tra"ts on the main and; de" aring that his master$ the Su tan$ was power ess to defend himse f against the armies of Vijayanagar, #his was$ it must be borne in mind$ ong after the Hindu %i"tory at Rai"hur, 0a Cunha sent Christo%ao de Figueiredo$ Grishna 0e%aDs %a iant friend$ to bear his rep y$ sin"e the atter was on friend y terms with the ord of 'e gaum, A "on%ersation tooC p a"e$ in whi"h Asada Ghan said that he was afraid of his master$ who was of %ariab e and in"onstant "hara"ter$ and that he desired of a things to preser%e friendship with the !ortuguese, He therefore begged to be a owed to %isit :oa and "ement an a ian"e with the go%ernor&genera $ to whom he faithfu y promised that the ands in (uestion shou d be"ome for e%er the property of the Cing of !ortuga , A""ording y the ands were sei/ed by 0a Cunha, Immediate y afterwards Asada began to intrigue with the Cing of Vijayanagar$ and being in%ited to %isit that "ity on the o""asion of one of the great 2AHA)AVA2I festi%a s$ eft 'e gaum with 4=$666 men and 566 e ephants, 'efore starting he wrote to 0a Cunha$ asCing that Figueiredo might be sent to a""ompany him$ and promising to obtain for the !ortuguese a definite "ession of the ands from the Raya$ sin"e these had former y been the atterDs possession, A""ording y Figueiredo eft for Vijayanagar$ but earned that the Ghan had a ready arri%ed there and had joined the Cing, #he Raya re"ei%ed Asada fa%ourab y$ and$ as a present$ ga%e him two towns$ *#unge and #uruge $*?5M-@sin"e he hoped for his aid against the Su tan, Khen the Su tan heard of Asada GhanDs defe"tion he ga%e himse f up for ost$ but assemb ed an army and ad%an"ed to within twe %e eagues of the CingDs "amp$ where Asada Ghan had pit"hed his tents at some distan"e from those of the Hindu ords, #he Su tan then"e wrote to the Raya demanding the de i%ery to him of his re"a "itrant *s a%e$* and the Raya sent on the etter to Asada Ghan$ who to d the Cing that he wou d ne%er join the 2uhammadans$ but wou d remain faithfu to Vijayanagar, A short pause ensued$ during whi"h the Raya earned that "onstant messages were passing between the "amps of the Su tan and Asada Ghan, 'oth armies then mar"hed towards Rai"hur$ the Raya to retaCe the p a"e from the Su tan$ the Su tan wat"hing for an opportunity to atta"C the Raya, +n the third day Asada Ghan started with his for"es two hours in ad%an"e of the roya troops$ "rossed the ri%er first$ and hastened to join the Su tan, Adi Shah re"ei%ed him with great apparent "ordia ity$ and at ength free y forga%e him on the GhanDs protestations that his intrigues with Vijayanagar and the !ortuguese were on y so many mo%es in a game undertaCen for the ad%an"ement of the Su tanDs interests, !re%ious to this mo%e the Ghan had he d a "on%ersation with Figueiredo$ in whi"h he su""eeded in tota y de"ei%ing him as to his intentions$ and reiterated his promises to obtain the "ession of the main ands from the Raya$ for whom he professed the greatest friendship, In the end$ says 'arros$ the Adi Shah$ se"ret y fearfu of Asada GhanDs dup i"ity$ made a treaty of pea"e with the Raya$ by whi"h the 2uhammadans retained Rai"hur but ga%e up some other territory, #hough this story differs from Firishtah at a most e%ery point$ it is permissib e to thinC that it may refer to the e%ents of 4.=.$ when the Su tan %isited Vijayanagar; for in "ontinuing his narrati%e$ 'arros a itt e ater mentions the year 4.=-, It seems hope ess to try and re"on"i e the "onf i"ting stories of )uni/$ 'arros$ and Firishtah$ but enough has been said to afford insight into the "hara"ter of Asada Ghan, )uni/ e"hoes the genera sentiment when he writes of the GhanDs res"ue of the Adi Shah$ after his defeat at Rai"hur in 4.56 A,0,$ as being effe"ted *by "unning$* for his own

purposes; and when he des"ribes how$ by a series of ies$ Asada "ontri%ed the eAe"ution of Sa abat Ghan at the hands of Grishna Raya, 0uring this reign the !ortuguese were busy estab ishing themse %es at %arious p a"es on the "oast$ and they bui t se%era forts there for the prote"tion of their trade, #hey had been "onstant y at war with the Samuri of Ca i"ut and other feudatories of Vijayanagar; but with the Raya himse f they were on terms of friendship$ and in 4.E6 they ratified a treaty of pea"e with the so%ereigns of 'ijapur and Ahmadnagar as we as with the Samuri, #hroughout the who e of their dea ings with the !ortuguese I find not a sing e instan"e where the Hindu Cings broCe faith with the intruders$?5M>@ but as mu"h "annot$ I fear$ be said on the other side, #he Europeans seemed to thinC that they had a di%ine right to the pi age$ robbery$ and massa"re of the nati%es of India, )ot to min"e matters$ their who e re"ord is one of a series of atro"ities, It is sad to turn from the des"ription gi%en us by !aes of the friendship fe t for the !ortuguese$ and espe"ia y for Christo%ao de Figueiredo$ by the *ga ant and perfe"t* Ging Grishna 0e%a$ and then to read of the trea"hery of the Vi"eroy towards the great Hindu :o%ernment; with whi"h the !ortuguese had made a ian"es and treaties$ and for whi"h they open y professed friendship, #hus$ to taCe one instan"e on y$ in 4.E. the go%ernor of :oa made ready a arge f eet and a for"e of =666 men$ but Cept a his preparations se"ret$ for %ery good reason, His obje"t was to sai round the "oast to San #home$ near 2adras$ and his troops$ mar"h in and$ and sa"C the great temp e of #iruma a or #irupati$ pure y for ust of gain, ;u"Ci y a se%ere storm pre%ented him from setting said$ but he p undered and destroyed some ri"h temp es on the western "oast$ and enri"hed himse f with the spoi #his was a mere wanton atta"C on property be onging to feudatories of the Vijayanagar empire$ for there has ne%er been any preten"e that the pea"e& o%ing 'rahmans atta"hed to these temp es had in any way offended or interfered with the !ortuguese, In the time of A"hyuta a arge number of grants were made by the nob es to temp es throughout Southern India$ and numerous ins"riptions on stone and "opperp ates are eAtant re ating to these "haritab e and re igious donations, +ne of the most important has been pub ished by !rofessor Gie horn,?5MM@ It re ates that the Cing$ being on the banCs of the #ungabhadra on the 45th +"tober A,0, 4.E6$ at the temp e of Vittha as%ami or Vittha es%ara < the sp endid y s"u ptured pa%i ions of whi"h remain to this day$ e%en in their ruin and de"ay$ an obje"t of astonishment and admiration to a beho ders < ga%e a grant of a %i age not far from 2adras to the 'rahmans earned in the Vedas, #he ast date of A"hyuta Cnown to epigraphists at present is found in an ins"ription?5ML@ bearing a date "orresponding to Hanuary 5.$ A,0, 4.E4; and the ear iest date simi ar y a%ai ab e of his su""essor$ Sadasi%a$ is Hu y 5>$ A,0, 4.E5,

CHAPTER 14
#he 'eginning of the End Reign of Sadasi%a < #he Cing a prisoner but a"Cnow edged < Rama Raya < #he Adi Shah again at Vijayanagar < 'ijapur in danger < Sa%ed by Asada Ghan < Rebe ion of !rin"e Abdu ah < Roya gratitude < 0eath of Asada at 'e gaum < #he !ortuguese support Abdu ah < #reaties < Ain&u &2u Ch < Fights near :oa < Rama RayaDs threatened eApedition to 2ai apur < He joins the Adi Shah and wastes the territories of Ahmadnagar < !ortuguese %io en"e on the 2a abar "oast < #he In(uisition at :oa, Sadasi%a$ then$ began to reign in 4.E4 or 4.E5 A,0,$ but was on y nomina y Cing$ the who e power of the state being in the hands of Rama Raya and his two brothers$ #iruma a and VenCatadri, #hat Sadasi%a was re"ognised by e%ery one as the rea so%ereign is shown by a arge number of ins"riptions$ ranging from 4.E5 to 4.-M;?5L6@ most of whi"h$ howe%er$ ha%e not yet been proper y eAamined, A "arefu study has been made by 0r, Hu t/s"h?5L4@ of one of these$ dated in A,0, 4.-< ->$ a year or so after the great defeat of the Hindus at #a iCota and the destru"tion of the "apita ;

and this is espe"ia y interesting as it bears out my assertion that e%en the three brothers themse %es re"ognised Sadasi%a as Cing$ though he had no power and was Cept under "onstraint, In this do"ument Rama RajahDs brother$ #iruma a$ is the important personage$ but he submits to the minor tit e$ 2AHA2A)0A;ESVARA$ whi e Sadasi%a is mentioned as so%ereign, #he ins"ription states that a "ertain person presented a petition to the *2ahamanda es%ara Rama Raja #iruma a Raja$* who$ AF#ER +'#AI)I): SA)C#I+) A# #HE FEE# +F SA0ASIVA&0EVA 2AHARA9A$ granted a %i age to the great temp e at Ve ore, Rama Rajah and VenCatadri were both at that time dead$ and #iruma a was Cing 0E FAC#+, Couto?5L5@ e%en goes so far as to say that the three brothers *went on one day e%ery year and prostrated themse %es before their awfu so%ereign in toCen of his rights o%er them,* 'ut as to the read re ationship of A"hyuta to Grishna$ and Sadasi%a to both$ we are sti "omp ete y in doubt, Ke saw that$ a""ording to )uni/$ Grishna 0e%a$ immediate y on his a""ession to the throne$ imprisoned his three brothers and a nephew$ then eight years o d$ son of the ate Cing$ *'usba rao,* #his was in the year 4.6L A,0,$ and Grishna was then o%er twenty years o d, Ke hear of no Cing of the name of *'usba rao$* or anything iCe it$ from other sour"es; nor are the names of GrishnaDs three brothers as gi%en by )uni/?5L=@ at a iCe those of the two ha f&brothers mentioned in some of the ins"riptions, 2ore than one epigraphi"a re"ord "ontains the fo owing genea ogy: < Here we ha%e two ha f&brothers of Grishna 0e%a named Ranga and A"hyuta$ the atter being "hosen Cing; and a nephew$ Sadasi%a, #wo ins"riptions noted in my *SCet"h of the 0ynasties of Southern India*?5LE@ state that A"hyuta was the son of Grishna 0e%a; whi e a #e ugu worC$ the 2A)8CHARI#RA2$ maCes him son of the se"ond )arasimha, Couto?5L.@ says that he was nephew of Grishna Raya, As to Sadasi%a$ some authorities maCe him$ as stated abo%e$ nephew of Grishna 0e%a and son of Ranga$ whi e another says that he was the son of A"hyuta, An ins"ription at Conjee%eram?5L-@ states that A"hyuta had a wife named Varada 0e%i who bore him a son$ VenCata, VenCata was a"tua y raised to the throne$ but i%ed on y a short time$ and then young Sadasi%a was "rowned Cing, If it is ne"essary to maCe any "hoi"e amid a this "onfusion$ I re"ommend my readers to a""ept pro%isiona y the pedigree gi%en in the abo%e tab e$ ea%ing it for future resear"h to fina y sett e the (uestion, As to Rama Raya$ se%era ins"riptions state that he and his two brothers were sons of one Ranga Raya$ whose pedigree is gi%en; and !rofessor Gie horn "onsiders it estab ished that Rama married Grishna 0e%aDs daughter,?5L>@ She was probab y a "hi d at her marriage, She had a brother eighteen months o d at the time of Grishna 0e%aDs death < so )uni/ says < but we hear nothing more about him$ or what be"ame of him, Another daughter of Grishna 0e%a RayaDs is said to ha%e been married to Rama RayaDs brother$ #iruma a, Some authorities state that RamaDs wife was Sadasi%aDs sister, ?5LM@ #hat there were disturban"es at the "apita on the death of A"hyuta in 4.E5 seems " ear; and indeed it "ou d hard y be otherwise$ for he appears to ha%e dis o"ated the who e empire$ a ienated the nob es$ upon whom the defen"e of the "ountry rested$ and aroused in them a spirit of rebe ion to the "rown, :aspar Correa has eft us an a""ount of what tooC p a"e at Vijayanagar at that time$ and I repeat his story for what it is worth; though it "ertain y seems as if he had made a mistaCe and brought down to this year the affairs of 4.=. < =-$ the story of whi"h has a ready been to d, For he a udes to a %isit of the Adi Shah to Vijayanagar$ and un ess there were two su"h %isits$ Correa wou d seem to be in error$ sin"e FirishtahDs date is "onfirmed by )uni/$ in whose time Ging A"hyuta was a i%e,

Correa?5LL@ states that in 4.E5 A"hyuta$ Cing of Vijayanagar$ died$ ea%ing a young son in the power of his un" e$ brother of the dead Cing$ who had been Cing "ontrary to right,?=66@ #he nob es wished to Ceep the boy at iberty$ nominating two ministers to "arry on the go%ernment; but the un" e disagreed$ sin"e in this way he wou d ose a power$ and he "ontri%ed to gain o%er some partisans to his side, #he nob es in disgust separated$ returned to their estates$ and$ in despair of good go%ernment$ began to assume independen"e ea"h in his own pro%in"e, #he (ueen$ mother of the boy$ begged the Adi Shah to "ome to her aid and se"ure the Cingdom for her son$ promising him$ in return for this fa%our$ immense ri"hes, #he Su tan set out for this purpose$ intending to %isit Vijayanagar$ but on the road he was met by emissaries from the minister$ and bought off with a%ish gifts, #he Cing by rea right 1probab y the un" e$ Ranga3$ who had been detained in a fortress$ was then iberated$ and he a so sought aid from the Su tan of 'ijapur, #he Su tan tooC ad%antage of the opportunity to set out afresh$ nomina y to aid the true Cing$ but rea y to a"(uire the Cingdom for himse f, #he Hindus$ in fear for their safety$ p a"ed on the throne the brother of the dead Cing$ and su""eeded in defeating the Adi Shah " ose to Vijayanagar, #he new Cing$ in order to strengthen his position for the future$ "aused the boy$ his ri%a $ to be assassinated$ as a so two of the atterDs un" es and a nephew of the dead Cing 1A"hyuta3,?=64@ #hen$ in dread of the power of the prin"ipa nob es$ he summoned them to "ourt$ and put out the eyes of those who arri%ed first; so that the rest returned in great anger to their homes and began to intrigue with the Su tan, #hey urged him to depose the tyrant$ promising their aid$ and offering him the Cingdom for himse f if on y the "ountry "ou d be freed from this monster, #he Adi Shah therefore ad%an"ed$ entered the Cingdom of Vijayanagar$ and was re"ei%ed as so%ereign by many; but he a so assumed su"h into erant and haughty airs that he aroused the hatred of a around him$ and in the end was ob iged$ in fear for his own safety$ to retire to 'ijapur, *2eanwhi e a new Cing had sei/ed the throne of Vijayanagar$ a great ord from !a ea"ate$ married to a sister of the Cing that pre"eded the dead Cing$?=65@ and in the end he se"ured the Cingdom,*?=6=@ It seems impossib e$ as Senhor ;opes just y obser%es$ to get at the truth of a this at present$ and I thinC it best to abandon the subje"t and pass on to "onsider the e%ents of the reign of Sadasi%a$ whi"h asted from 4.E5 to 4.->, It is pretty e%ident that ea"h "hroni" er a"(uired his Cnow edge *from stories transmitted from mouth to mouth and disfigured in the pro"ess,*?=6E@ In 4.E= 'urhan )i/am Shah made an a ian"e with Rama Rajah and Hamshid 7utb Shah$ Su tan of :o Conda$ and atta"Ced the Adi Shah$ whereupon Rama Rajah$ taCing ad%antage of the atterDs troub es$ sent VenCatadri to redu"e Rai"hur and the 0oab$ *so that 'eejapore$ atta"Ced at the same time by three powerfu prin"es in three separate (uarters$ was fu of danger and disorder,*?=6.@ #rue to the traditions of his prede"essors$ the new Su tan of 'ijapur *"a ed Assud Ghan from 'a goan to his presen"e and demanded his ad%i"e on the a arming state of affairs$* with the resu t that he pat"hed up a pea"e with 'urhan$ maCing o%er to him the ri"h distri"ts surrounding Sho apur$ and sent ambassadors to arrange terms with Vijayanagar, #his done$ and the a ies ha%ing retired$ Asada Ghan mar"hed against the 7utb Shah of :o Conda$ defeated him under the wa s of his "apita $ and in a persona en"ounter grie%ous y wounded him in the fa"e with his sabre,?=6-@ #he !ortuguese at this period had been %ery a"ti%e$ and amongst other more or ess su""essfu enterprises the :o%ernor$ Affonso de Sousa$ atta"Ced the territory of the Rani of 'hatCa on the preteAt that she had withhe d tribute due to the Cing of !ortuga $ and wasted her "ountry with fire and sword, Her "ity was burnt$ the Hindus were s ain in arge numbers$ and the Rani redu"ed to submission, About the year 4.EE < the date is somewhat un"ertain < Su tan 'urhan again atta"Ced Ibrahim Adi at the instigation of Rama Rajah$ but was "omp ete y defeated, *#he su tan 1Ibrahim3 after this %i"tory growing haughty and imperious$ treated the ambassadors of )i/am Shah in a "ontemptuous manner$ and beha%ed tyranni"a y to his own subje"ts$ putting to death many and se%ere y punishing others of his prin"ipa nobi ity for s ight offen"es$ whi"h o""asioned disaffe"tion to his go%ernment,*

+n 'urhan again in%ading 'ijapur territories$ a party was formed to depose Ibrahim and raise to the throne his brother Abdu ah, #his prin"e$ finding that the "onspira"y had been dis"o%ered$ f ed for safety to :oa$ where he was we re"ei%ed, 'ut when Ibrahim promised "ertain pro%in"es to the !ortuguese if they wou d send Abdu ah away to a p a"e where he "ou d no onger disturb the pea"e of the 'ijapur territories$ 0e Sousa a""epted the "onditions; re"ei%ing the gift of Sa sette and 'ardes for the "rown of !ortuga $ and the who e of the %ast treasures a""umu ated by Asada Ghan at 'e gaum as a persona present for himse f, Ha%ing po"Ceted as mu"h as he "ou d of the bribe$ howe%er$ he on y tooC Abdu ah as far as Cannanore and then brought him ba"C to :oa; and when$ at the end of the neAt year$ 0e Castro su""eeded 0e Sousa as :o%ernor$ the former refused to surrender the rebe prin"e, #his dup i"ity p a"ed the Su tan in great diffi"u ty$ and in February 4.Ehe eAe"uted a treaty of pea"e$ one of the terms of whi"h was that no person be onging either to the 0aChan$ or to the territories of the )i/am Shah$ or to those of the Cing of Vijayanagar$ with "ertain others spe"ia y mentioned$ shou d be permitted to ha%e any "ommuni"ation with Abdu ah or his fami y unti the rep y of the Cing of !ortuga was re"ei%ed to an embassy whi"h the Adi Shah proposed to send to him, #here were other terms a so$ and these not being a"ted up to by the !ortuguese$ the Su tan in 4.E> sent some troops into the pro%in"es of Sa sette and 'ardes$ whi"h were dri%en out by the Vi"eroy after a stubborn fight, 0e Castro then "on" uded treaties with Vijayanagar on the 4Lth September 4.E>$ and with Ahmadnagar on the -th +"tober of the same year$ by the former of whi"h the Hindu Cing was se"ured in the monopo y of the :oa horse trade$?=6>@ and by the atter a defensi%e a ian"e was "emented between the !ortuguese and the )i/am Shah, #his "onstituted a tripartite eague against 'ijapur, Short y afterwards a sti more determined atta"C was made by the 'ijapur troops against the main ands of :oa$ and in the batt e whi"h ensued one of the Adi ShahDs prin"ipa genera s was s ain, In 4.EM the Vi"eroy "on" uded a more fa%ourab e arrangement with 'ijapur and a so with the Rani of 'hatCa , #he !ortuguese historians say that 0e Sousa and Asada Ghan both joined the ranCs of the supporters of Abdu ah$ and that Asada Ghan promised to gi%e the Cing of !ortuga a the territories of the GonCan on the downfa of Ibrahim$ but the Vi"eroy "hanged his mind and withdrew$ whi e Asada Ghans death put a stop to a intrigues in that (uarter, FirishtahDs a""ount$ howe%er$ of the "ondu"t of Asada at this period tota y differs$ as do his dates, He states that$ a though the Ghan was mu"h distressed at his masterDs neg e"t$ his "o dness towards him$ and his attitude of suspi"ion$ yet he himse f was "onsistent y oya in his a"tions$ and did his utmost to "rush the "onspira"y, As to the !ortuguese$ this historian a%ers that$ so far from abjuring the "ause of Abdu ah$ they a"tua y mar"hed with that prin"e from :oa towards 'ijapur$ supported by the )i/am Shah$ and e%en rea"hed the neighbourhood of 'e gaum; but when it be"ame e%ident that Asada "ou d not be "orrupted$ the nob es of 'ijapur returned to their a egian"e to their so%ereign$ and the a ian"e broCe up, Su tan Ibrahim ad%an"ed to 'e gaum in February 4.EL$?=6M@ but on the road heard that Asada had died, FirishtahDs a""ount of the 'ijapur Su tanDs "ondu"t when he arri%ed at 'e gaum is too suggesti%e to be omitted, #he Cing$ he says$ *C+2F+R#E0 HIS 1ASA0A GHA)DS3 2+8R)I): FA2I;9 KI#H GHE;A8#S A)0 ASS8RA)CES +F R+9A; FAV+8R$ '8# A;; HIS ES#A#ES A)0 #REAS8RES HE #++G F+R HIS +K) 8SE* < though these treasures were the a""umu ated property of a man whom the historian de" ares to ha%e been$ during the who e of his ong ife$ the most faithfu $ "ourageous$ and de%oted adherent of his roya master$ whom on many o""asions he had persona y res"ued from diffi"u ties whi"h appeared a most insurmountab eO #he !ortuguese a""ount as to the fate of the treasures a""umu ated by Asada Ghan is gi%en by 2r, 0an%ers$ who$ treating the Ghan as an unprin"ip ed rebe $ writes: <

*In addition to maCing o%er Sa sette and 'ardes to the Crown of !ortuga $ the Adi Ghan had a so gi%en 2artim Affonso 10e Sousa$ the %i"eroy3 the %ast treasure whi"h A"ede Ghan had "o e"ted for the purpose of "arrying out his rebe ion$ and whi"h is said to ha%e amounted to ten mi ions of du"ats$ +F KHICH$ H+KEVER$ +);9 +)E 2I;;I+) CA2E I)#+ #HE HA)0S +F 2AR#I2 AFF+)S+, Some a""ounts state that he sent about ha f of this amount to !ortuga for his own use$ but others a%er that he emp oyed a great part of it in the pub i" ser%i"e in India$ besides sending some home for the CingDs use in !ortuga ,* ?=6L@ It wi be seen that the two a""ounts differ wide y in detai s, At this time Ibrahim 7utb Shah$ younger brother of Hamshid and heir presumpti%e to the throne of :o Conda$ was at Vijayanagar$ whither he had f ed in fear of HamshidDs despoti" and %io ent temper, Firishtah?=46@ re ates a story of him whi"h is worth repeating here$ part y be"ause the e%ent o""urred in the Hindu "apita $ part y be"ause it i ustrates the pra"ti"e of due ing whi"h$ as )uni/ te s us$ arge y obtained at that time,?=44@ and part y be"ause it "onfirms the assertions of )uni/ that the Cing of Vijayanagar was in the habit of disposing at wi with the re%enues of his pro%in"es, Rama Raya had despoti"a y turned out of his estate an Abyssinian offi"er in his emp oy named Ambur Ghan$ and "onferred the same on !rin"e Ibrahim for his support, *Ambur Ghan$ enraged at the a ienation of his estate$ and meeting Ibrahim Gootb Shah in the streets of 'eejanuggur$ a""used him of depri%ing him of it, #he atter rep ied that monar"hs were at iberty to dispose of their own property$ and that the Cing of 'eejanuggur had "hosen to gi%e him the estate, Ibrahim Gootb Shah pro"eeded on his way; but the Abyssinian "a ed him "oward in refusing to dispute his tit e with the sword, Ibrahim warned him of his impruden"e; but the !rin"eDs mi dness on y added fury to the AbyssinianDs anger$ who pro"eeded to abuse him in grosser anguage, +n this the !rin"e dismounted and drew, #he Abyssinian rushed upon him$ but the !rin"eDs temper gi%ing him the ad%antage$ he Ci ed his antagonist$ whose brother$ standing by$ insisted on taCing up the "ause$ and he a so fe a %i"tim to his temerity,* !rin"e Ibrahim su""eeded to the throne of :o Conda In A,0, 4..6, In the pre%ious year$ says Firishtah$ an a ian"e was "emented between Su tan Ibrahim of 'ijapur and the new so%ereign of 'idar$ A i 'arid$ son of Amir 'arid, Rama Rajah ha%ing at this period a""epted the presents and professions of regard sent to him by the )i/am Shah with an embassy$ Su tan Ibrahim$ roused to indignation$ treated the Vijayanagar ambassadors at 'ijapur with su"h indignity that they f ed in fear of their i%es$ and Rama Rajah$ offended in his turn$ indu"ed 'urhan )i/am to atta"C Ibrahim, He did so su""essfu y$ and "aptured the fortress of Ga ian; and on IbrahimDs reta iating by sei/ing one of the Ahmadnagar forts$ an open a ian"e was entered into between 'urhan and Rama, #he two Cings met near Rai"hur in 4..4$ aid siege to the p a"e and tooC it, 2udCu a so "apitu ated$ and the 0oab was thus on"e more restored to the Hindu so%ereign, About this time$?=45@ so we are to d by a 2uhammadan historian$ Rama RayaDs two brothers rebe ed against his authority during his absen"e from the "apita $ and sei/ed the fortress of Adoni; upon whi"h Rama begged aid from the 7utb Shah Ibrahim$ and this being granted$ Rama besieged Adoni for siA months, #he p a"e e%entua y "apitu ated$ and the brothers were then pardoned, In 4..= 'urhan died$ and on"e more the two eading 2uhammadan states be"ame friend y for a short time; but the air was too fu of intrigue and jea ousy for this to ast ong, Su tan Ibrahim negotiated an understanding with Vijayanagar$ and this ed to a renewa of the war$ in the "ourse of whi"h a batt e tooC p a"e at Sho apur$ where Ibrahim was worsted, 'ut the most serious re%erse whi"h he suffered was at the hands of a "hief named Ain&u &2u Ch$ whom by ingratitude and i &treatment he had dri%en into open rebe ion, At the end of a short "ampaign against this person the roya troops were "omp ete y beaten$ and the Su tan was dri%en to taCe refuge at 'ijapur, In a state of desperation he "a ed on the Raya of Vijayanagar for aid$ and

Rama$ as usua representing the puppet so%ereign$ sent his brother$ VenCatadri$ with a arge for"e to eApe the enemy from the Su tanDs dominions,?=4=@ #he story of the rebe *Ein&a &2oo CDs* dis"omfiture at the hands of VenCatadri is thus to d by Firishtah:?=4E@ < *Syef Ein a 2oo Ch$ imitating Assud Ghan$ reso %ed to surpri/e the infide s; but VenCatadry$ ha%ing inte igen"e of his designs$ ordered his troops to be on their guard; and ha%ing pro"ured ong faggots$ with " oth steeped in oi bound round one end of ea"h$ "ommanded his fo owers upon the a arm being gi%en to ight them$ and ho ding them up as high as possib e$ gi%e the troops a fu sight of the enemy, Ein a 2oo C$ agreeab y to his intentions$ ha%ing one night "hosen two thousand men for the purpose$ mar"hed with Su abut Ghan to the enemyDs "amp$ whi"h he was a owed to enter unmo ested; but upon a signa gi%en$ a the brands were instant y ighted up$ and VenCatadry$ who was prepared with his troops$ rushed upon the surpri/ers$ who eApe"ted no resistan"e$ with su"h su""ess that abo%e fi%e hundred of them were Ci ed before the deta"hment "ou d " ear the "amp, Ein a 2oo C and Su abut with the greatest diffi"u ty made their es"ape; but$ osing$ the road through the darCness of the night$ a report spread in his "amp on the return of some of the fugiti%es$ that he was Ci ed; and his troops being immediate y stru"C with a pani"$ separated and f ed to different (uarters, Ein a 2oo Ch and Su abut Ghan$ with two hundred horse$ about day ight arri%ing at their ground$ and seeing it deserted$ f ed in "onfusion by the route of 2aan to the dominions of )i/am Shaw$ where they sought prote"tion$ but were base y assassinated by his trea"hery,* In 4... an attempt was made by the !ortuguese under their new Vi"eroy$ !edro de 2as"arenhas$ to p a"e !rin"e Abdu ah on the throne of 'ijapur$ the foreigners being da// ed by the magnifi"ent offers made to them$ shou d the joint efforts of the "onspirators be "rowned with su""ess, Abdu ah was estab ished at !onda$ and pro" amation made of his a""ession to the throne, +n the death of 0e 2as"arenhas in 4...$ Fran"is"o 'arreto su""eeded him with the tit e of go%ernor$ and ha%ing insta ed the prin"e at !onda he pro"eeded to "o e"t the re%enues of the "ountry, He was$ howe%er$ opposed by an offi"er of Ibrahim Adi who was ba"Ced by se%en thousand troops$ and se%era fights tooC p a"e, 2eanwhi e Ibrahim himse f had not been id e$ and aided by fifteen thousand of Sadasi%aDs troops from Vijayanagar he dethroned and "aptured the ambitious prin"e$ fo owing this up by se%era atta"Cs on the !ortuguese for"es, #he war asted during the who e winter of 4..-$ but with no %ery de"isi%e resu ts, )eAt year a fresh re ay of troops from 'ijapur atta"Ced Sa sette and 'ardes$ but were beaten by a sma for"e of !ortuguese near !onda$ and hosti ities were suspended for a time, Short y after this$ %i/,$ in 4..>$ Su tan Ibrahim died, *0uring his i ness he put to death se%era physi"ians who had fai ed in "ure$ beheading some$ and "ausing others to be trodden to death by e ephants$ so that a the sur%i%ing medi"a pra"titioners$ a armed$ f ed from his dominions,* He was su""eeded by his e dest son$ A i Adi , #he new Su tan$ immediate y on his a""ession$ "emented his fatherDs a ian"e with Sadasi%a and Rama Rajah by the eAe"ution of a new treaty$ and sent ambassadors on a simi ar errand to Husain )i/am Shah$ the su""essor of 'urhan at Ahmadnagar, #hese$ howe%er$ were bad y re"ei%ed$ and Su tan A i$ whose en%oys at the Hindu "apita had been warm y we "omed and hospitab y treated$ determined to estab ish$ if possib e$ a rea and asting friendship with Vijayanagar, #o this end he adopted a most unusua "ourse$ the a""ount of whi"h wi be best gi%en in FirishtahDs own words, *A i Adi Shaw$ who was intent on eAtri"ating his dominions from the osses of his father by a ian"e with Ramraaje$ on the death of a son of that monar"h$?=4.@ with un"ommon pruden"e and reso ution went$ attended by one hundred horse$ to 'eejanuggur$ to offer his "ondo en"e on the me an"ho y o""asion, Ramraaje re"ei%ed him with the greatest respe"t$?=4-@ and the su tan with the Cindest persuasions pre%ai ed upon him to ay aside his mourning, #he wife of Ramraaje adopted the su tan as her son$ and at the end of three days$ whi"h were spent in inter"hanges of friend y professions$ he tooC his ea%e; but as Ramraaje did not attend him out of the "ity$ he was disgusted$ and treasured up the affront in his mind$ though too prudent to show any signs of disp easure for the

present,*?=4>@ #he in"ident thus entire y fai ed in its intended effe"t, It produ"ed a asting irritation in the mind of the Su tan$ and a haughty arrogan"e on the part of Rama Raya$ who "on"ei%ed that the fortunes of his hereditary enemy must be at a %ery ow ebb when he "ou d "ondes"end so far to humb e himse f, In the neAt year$ 4..M$ a""ording to Couto$?=4M@ Rama Raya made an eApedition to *2e iapor$* or 2ai apur$ near 2adras$ where was an important estab ishment of Roman Catho i" monCs and the Chur"h of St, #homas, I (uote the passage from the summary gi%en by Senhor ;opes in his introdu"tion to the CHR+)ICA 0+S REIS 0E 'IS)A:A 1p, A%i,3, *#he poor fathers of the g orious +rder of St, Fran"is ha%ing sei/ed a the "oast from )egapatam to San #home$ they being the first who had begun to prea"h there the ight of the Ho y :ospe $ and ha%ing throughout that tra"t thrown down many temp es and destroyed many pagodas$ a thing whi"h grie%ed eA"essi%e y a the 'rahmans$ these atter reported the fa"ts to Rama Raya$ Cing of 'isnaga$ whose %assa s they were$ and begged him that he wou d hasten to their assistan"e for the honour of their gods,* #hey su""eeded in persuading him that the new"omers were possessed of enormous ri"hes$ and he pro"eeded against the p a"e$ but afterwards finding that this was not true$ and that the inhabitants were oya to him$ he spared them and eft them in pea"e, +n his return to 'ijapur$ A i Adi peremptori y demanded from Hussain )i/am Shah the restoration of the fortresses of Ga ian and Sho apur; and on the atterDs "ontemptuous refusa 1he *sent ba"C a rep y so inde"ent in eApression as to be unfit to re ate,* says Firishtah3 another war broCe out, *In the year L-- 1+"tober 4E$ A,0, 4..M to +"tober =$ 4..L3$ A i Adi Shaw ha%ing "a ed Ramraaje to his assistan"e$ they in "on"ert di%ided the dominions of Houssein )i/am Shaw$ and aid them waste in su"h a manner that from !orundeh to Ghiber$ and from Ahmednuggur to 0ow utabad$ not a marC of popu ation was to be seen, #he infide s of 'eejanuggur$ who for many years had been wishing for su"h an e%ent$ eft no "rue ty unpra"tised, #hey insu ted the honour of the mussu maun women$ destroyed the mos(ues$ and did not e%en respe"t the sa"red Coraun,*?=4L@ #his beha%iour on the part of the Hindus so in"ensed the fo owers of Is am$ not on y the hosti e subje"ts of :o Conda but e%en the a ied troops and inhabitants of the 'ijapur territories$ that it aid the foundation for the fina downfa and destru"tion of Vijayanagar, In 4..M 0om Constantine de 'ragan/a be"ame Vi"eroy of :oa$ and his period of go%ernment was signa ised by e%ery Cind of %io en"e and aggression, In 4..L ;ui/ de 2e o "arried fire and sword into the towns a ong the 2a abar "oast, He atta"Ced 2anga ore$ set fire to the town$ and put a the inhabitants to death, ;ater in the year he destroyed in simi ar manner a number of towns and %i ages on the same "oast$ and deso ated the who e seaboard, In 4.-6 the See of :oa was e e%ated into an ar"h&bishopri"$ and the In(uisition$ the horrors of whi"h e%en eA"e ed that of Spain$ was estab ished, #he inhabitants of :oa and its dependen"ies were now for"ed to embra"e Christianity$ and on refusa or "ontuma"y were imprisoned and tortured, In this year a so$ and those fo owing$ the predatory eA"ursions of the !ortuguese were "ontinued, In 4.-E the Vi"eroy sent 2es(uita with three ships to destroy a number of ships be onging to the 2a abarese, 2es(uita "aptured twenty&four of these$ by twos and threes at a time$ sunC them$ beheaded a arge number of the sai ors$ and in the "ase of hundreds of others$ sewed them up in sai s and threw them o%erboard, In these ways he massa"red 5666 men, #his resu ted in a serious war in 2a abar$ as the wret"hed inhabitants of the "ountry; dri%en to desperation$ determined at a ha/ards to destroy the ruth ess in%aders of their and, #he !ortuguese were atta"Ced at Cannanore$ and a series of desperate strugg es tooC p a"e$ in the "ourse of whi"h )oronha$ the "ommandant$ deso ated the "ountry and ruined many peop e by "utting down forty thousand pa m trees, At ast$ howe%er$ pea"e was made,

CHAPTER 15
0estru"tion of Vijayanagar 1A,0, 4.-.3 Arrogan"e of Rama Raya < Ahmadnagar atta"Ced < 2uhammadans "ombine against Vijayanagar < #he eague of the fi%e Cings < #heir ad%an"e to #a iCota < 0e"isi%e batt e$ 4.-.$ and tota defeat of the Hindus < 0eath of Rama Raya < !ani" at Vijayanagar < F ight of the roya fami y < Sa"C of the great "ity < Its tota destru"tion < E%iden"e of Federi"i$ 4.-> < 0ownfa of !ortuguese trade$ and de"ay of prosperity at :oa, 2eanwhi e affairs were ad%an"ing rapid y in the interior, After the )i/am ShahDs dominions had been wasted$ as a ready des"ribed$ by the Adi Shah and Rama Raya$ pea"e was made by the restoration of Ga ian to 'ijapur;?=56@ but as soon as the a ies had retired$ Hussain entered into an a ian"e with Ibrahim 7utb Shah and again mar"hed to atta"C A i Adi , Again A i "a ed in the aid of Vijayanagar$ and again Rama Raya mar"hed to his aid$ this time with .6$666 horse and an immense for"e of infantry, #he opposing for"es met at Ga ian$ when the 7utb Shah deserted to A i Adi $ and Hussain was "ompe ed to withdraw to Ahmadnagar, Atta"Ced in his own "apita $ he retreated, *#he three so%ereigns aid siege to Ahmednuggur$ and despat"hed deta"hments %arious ways to ay waste the "ountry round, #he Hindoos of 'eejanuggur "ommitted the most outrageous de%astations$ burning and ra/ing the bui dings$ putting up their horses in the mos(ues$ and performing their ido atrous worship in the ho y p a"es; but$ notwithstanding$ the siege was pushed with the greatest %igour$ the garrison he d out with reso ution$ hoping that at the approa"h of the rainy season$ the enemy wou d be ne"essitated to raise the siege, *when the rains had set in$ from the f oods$ damp$ and want of pro%isions$ distress began to pre%ai in the "amp of the a ies$ and Gootub Shaw a so se"ret y "orresponded with the besieged$ to whom he pri%ate y sent in grain,*?=54@ #he siege was raised$ therefore$ and before ong the a ies separated$ and the Hindu army returned home, *In the first eApedition on whi"h A i Adi Shaw$ pressed by the beha%iour of Houssein )i/am Shaw$ had "a ed Ramraaje to his assistan"e$ the Hindoos at Ahmednuggur "ommitted great outrages$ and omitted no marC of disrespe"t to the ho y re igion of the faithfu $ singing and performing their superstitious worship in the mos(ues, #he su tan was mu"h hurt at this insu t to the faith$ but$ as he had not the abi ity to pre%ent it$ he did not seem to obser%e it, Ramraaje a so$ at the "on" usion of this eApedition$ ooCing on the Is aam su tans as of itt e "onse(uen"e$ refused proper honours to their ambassadors, Khen he admitted them to his presen"e$ he did not suffer them to sit$ and treated them with the most "ontemptuous reser%e and haughtiness, He made them attend when in pub i"C in his train on foot$ not a owing them to mount ti he ga%e orders, +n the return from the ast eApedition to )u dirruC$ the offi"ers and so diers of his army in genera $ treated the mussu mauns with inso en"e$ s"offing$ and "ontemptuous anguage; and Ramraaje$ after taCing ea%e$ "asting an eye of a%idity on the "ountries of Goottub Shaw and Adi Shaw$ dispat"hed armies to the frontiers of ea"h,* 'oth the great Shahs$ therefore$ abandoned "ertain territories to the Hindus$ and from :o Conda Rama obtained :hanpura and !angu , It was the ast Hindu su""ess, *Ramraaje dai y "ontinuing to en"roa"h on the dominions of the mussu mauns$ Adi Shaw at ength reso %ed$ if possib e$ to punish his inso en"e and "urtai his power by a genera eague of the faithfu against him; for whi"h purpose he "on%ened an assemb y of his friends and "onfidentia ad%isers,* Some of these urged that the Raya was too wea thy and powerfu $ by reason of his immense re%enues$ whi"h were "o e"ted from no ess than siAty seaports in addition to %ery arge territories and dependen"ies$ and the number of his for"es was too %ast$ for any sing e 2uhammadan monar"h to "ope with him, #hey therefore pressed the Su tan to form a federation of a the Cings of the 0aChan and wage a joint war, A i Adi hearti y "on"urred in their opinion$ and began by despat"hing

a se"ret embassy to Ibrahim 7utb Shah, Ibrahim eager y a""epted$ and offered his ser%i"es as mediator between A i Adi and his great ri%a at Ahmadnagar, An en%oy was sent to the atter "apita $ and the so%ereign$ Hussain Shah$ warned beforehand of the important proposa s to be made$ re"ei%ed him in pri%ate audien"e, #he ambassador then aid before the Cing a the arguments in fa%our of the 'ijapur p an, *He represented to him that during the times of the 'hamenee prin"es$ when the who e strength of the mussu maun power was in one hand$ the ba an"e between it and the for"e of the ro es of 'eejanuggur was near y e(ua ; that now the mussu maun authority was di%ided$ po i"y demanded that a the faithfu prin"es shou d unite as one$ and obser%e the stri"test friendship$ that they might "ontinue se"ure from the atta"Cs of their powerfu "ommon enemy$ and the authority of the ro es of 'eejanuggur$ who had redu"ed a the rajas of Carnati" to their yoCe$ be diminished$ and remo%ed far from the "ountries of Is aam; that the peop e of their se%era dominions$ who ought to be "onsidered the "harge of the A mighty "ommitted to their "are$ might repose free from the oppressions of the unbe ie%ers$ and their mos(ues and ho y p a"es be made no onger the dwe ings of infide s,* #hese arguments had their fu weight$ and it was arranged that Hussain )i/am Shah shou d gi%e his daughter Chand 'ibi in marriage to A i Adi with the fortress of Sho apur as her 0+#$ and that his e dest son$ 2urti/a$ shou d espouse A iDs sister < the two Cingdoms "oa es"ing for the "on(uest and destru"tion of Vijayanagar, #he marriages were "e ebrated in due "ourse$ and the Su tans began their preparations for the ho y war, *A i Adi Shaw$ preparatory to the war$ and to afford himse f a preten"e for breaCing with his a y$ dispat"hed an ambassador to Ramraaje$ demanding restitution of some distri"ts that had been wrested from him, As he eApe"ted$ Ramraaje eApe ed the ambassador in a %ery disgra"efu manner from his "ourt; and the united su tans now hastened the preparations to "rush the "ommon enemy of the Is aam faith,* Ibrahim 7utb Shah had a so joined the "oa ition$ and the four prin"es met on the p ains of 'ijapur$ with their respe"ti%e armies, #heir mar"h towards the south began on 2onday$ 0e"ember 5.$ A,0, 4.-E,?=55@ #ra%ersing the now dry p ains of the 0aChan "ountry$ where the "a%a ry$ numbering many thousands$ "ou d gra/e their horses on the young "rops$ the a ied armies rea"hed the neighbourhood of the Grishna near the sma fortress and town of #a iCota$ a name destined to be for e%er "e ebrated in the anna s of South India,?=5=@ It is situated on the ri%er 0on$ about siAteen mi es abo%e its jun"tion with the Grishna$ and siAty& fi%e mi es west of the point where the present rai way between 'ombay and 2adras "rosses the great ri%er, #he "ountry at that time of the year was admirab y adapted for the passage of arge bodies of troops$ and the season was one of bright sunny days "oup ed with "oo refreshing bree/es, Here A i Adi $ as ord of that "ountry$ entertained his a ies in roya fashion$ and they ha ted for se%era days$ attending to the transport and "ommissariat arrangements of the armies$ and sending out s"outs to report on the best o"a ity for for"ing the passage of the ri%er, At Vijayanagar there was the utmost "onfiden"e, Remembering how often the 2os ems had %ain y attempted to injure the great "apita $ and how for o%er two "enturies they had ne%er su""eeded in penetrating to the south$ the inhabitants pursued their dai y a%o"ations with no shadow of dread or sense of danger; the strings of pa"C&bu o"Cs aden with a Cinds of mer"handise wended their dusty way to and from the se%era seaports as if no sword of 0amo" es was hanging o%er the doomed "ity; Sadasi%a$ the Cing$ i%ed his profit ess ife in ing orious se" usion$ and Rama Raya$ Cing de fa"to$ ne%er for a moment re aAed his attitude of haughty indifferen"e to the mo%ements of his enemies, *He treated their ambassadors$* says Firishtah$ *with s"ornfu anguage$ and regarded their enmity as of itt e moment,*?=5E@ )e%erthe ess he did not neg e"t "ommon pre"autions, His first a"tion was to send his youngest

brother$ #iruma a$ the *9e tumraj* or *Ee tumraaje* of Firishtah$ to the front with 56$666 horse$ 466$666 foot$ and .66 e ephants$ to b o"C the passage of the Grishna at a points, )eAt he despat"hed his se"ond brother$ VenCatadri$ with another arge army; and fina y mar"hed in person towards the point of atta"C with the who e power of the Vijayanagar empire, #he for"es were made up of arge drafts from a the pro%in"es < Canarese and #e ugus of the frontier$ 2ysoreans and 2a abarese from the west and "entre$ miAed with the #ami s from the remoter distri"ts to the south; ea"h deta"hment under its own o"a eaders$ and forming part of the e%ies of the temporary pro%in"ia "hieftain appointed by the "rown, A""ording to Couto$ they numbered -66$666 foot and 466$666 horse, His ad%ersaries had about ha f that number, As to their appearan"e and armament$ we may turn for information to the des"ription gi%en us by !aes of the great re%iew of whi"h he was an eye&witness forty&fi%e years ear ier at Vijayanagar$?=5.@ remembering a ways that the sp endid troops between whose ines he then passed in the CingDs pro"ession were probab y the E;I#E of the army$ and that the "ommon so diers were " ad in the ightest of worCing " othes$ many perhaps with hard y any " othes at a $ and armed on y with spear or dagger,?=5-@ #he a ies had perhaps ha ted too ong, At any rate$ their s"outs returned to their so%ereigns with the news that a the passages of the ri%er were defended$ and that their on y "ourse was to for"e the ford immediate y in their front, #his was in possession of the Hindus$ who had fortified the banCs on the south side$ had thrown up earthworCs$ and had stationed a number of "annon to dispute the "rossing, #he defenders of the ford anAious y awaited inte igen"e of their enemyDs mo%ements$ and earning that he had stru"C his "amp and mar"hed a ong the "ourse of the ri%er$ they (uitted their post and fo owed$ Ceeping a ways to the south banC in readiness to repe any attempt to "ross dire"t y in their front, #his manoeu%re$ a ruse on the part of the 2ussu mans$ was repeated on three su""essi%e days, +n the third night the Su tans hasti y eft their "amp$ returned to the ford$ and$ finding it deserted$ "rossed with a arge for"e, #his mo%ement "o%ered the transit of the who e of their army$ and enab ed them to mar"h southwards to the atta"C of Rama RayaDs main body, Rama Raya$ though surprised$ was not a armed$ and tooC a possib e measures for defen"e, In the morning the enemy was within ten mi es of his "amp$ and VenCatadri and #iruma a su""eeded in effe"ting a jun"tion with their brother, +n the fo owing day$ #uesday$ Hanuary 5=; 4.-.$?=5>@ both sides ha%ing made their dispositions$ a pit"hed batt e tooC p a"e?=5M@ in whi"h a the a%ai ab e for"es of both sides were engaged, In one of his des"riptions Firishtah estimates the Vijayanagar army a one as amounting to L66$666 infantry$ E.$666 "a%a ry$ and 5666 e ephants$ besides 4.$666 auAi iaries; but he himse f %aries so great y in the numbers he gi%es in different parts of his narrati%e that there is no ne"essity to a""ept these figures as a""urate, #here "an be itt e doubt$ howe%er$ that the numbers were %ery arge, #he Hindu eft$ on the west$ was entrusted to the "ommand of #iruma a; Rama Raya in person was in the "entre$ and the right was "omposed of the troops of VenCatadri, +pposed to #iruma a were the for"es of 'ijapur under their Su tan A i Adi ; the 2ussa man "entre was under the "ommand of Hussain )i/am Shah; and the eft of the a ied army$ in VenCatadriDs front$ "onsisted of the for"es brought from Ahmadabad and :o Conda by the two Su tans$ A i 'arid and Ibrahim 7utb, #he a ied for"es drew up in a ong ine with their arti ery in the "entre$ and awaited the enemyDs atta"C$ ea"h di%ision with the standards of the twe %e Imams wa%ing in the %an, #he )i/am ShahDs front was "o%ered by siA hundred pie"es of ordnan"e disposed in three ines$ in the first of whi"h were hea%y guns$ then the sma er ones$ with ight swi%e guns in the rear, In order to masC this disposition two thousand foreign ar"hers were thrown out in front$ who Cept up a hea%y dis"harge as the enemyDs ine "ame on, #he ar"hers fe ba"C as the Hindus of RamaDs di%ision approa"hed$ and the batteries opened with su"h murderous effe"t that the assai ants retreated in "onfusion and with great oss, Rama Rajah was now a %ery o d man < Couto says *he was ninety&siA years o d$ but as bra%e as a man of thirty* < and$ against the entreaties of his offi"ers$ he preferred to superintend operations from a itter rather than remain for a ong time mounted < a dangerous pro"eeding$ sin"e in "ase of

a re%erse a rapid retreat was rendered impossib e, 'ut he "ou d not be indu"ed to "hange his mind$ remarCing that in spite of their bra%e show the enemy were "hi dren and wou d soon be put to f ight, So "onfident was he of %i"tory that it is said he had ordered his men to bring him the head of Hussain )i/am$ but to "apture the Adi Shah and Ibrahim of :o Conda a i%e$ that he might Ceep them the rest of their i%es in iron "ages, #he batt e be"oming more genera $ the Hindus opened a deso ating fire from a number of fie d& pie"es and ro"Cet&batteries, #he eft and right of the 2uhammadan ine were pressed ba"C after destru"ti%e hand&to&hand fighting$ many fa ing on both sides, At this jun"ture Rama Raya$ thinCing to en"ourage his men$ des"ended from his itter and seated himse f on a *ri"h throne set with jewe s$ under a "anopy of "rimson %e %et$ embroidered with go d and adorned with fringes of pear s$* ordering his treasurer to p a"e heaps of money a round him$ so that he might "onfer rewards on su"h of his fo owers as deser%ed his attention, *#here were a so ornaments of go d and jewe s p a"ed for the same purpose,* A se"ond atta"C by the Hindus on the guns in the "entre seemed iCe y to "omp ete the o%erthrow of the who e 2uhammadan ine$ when the front ranC of pie"es was fired at " ose (uarters$ "harged with bags of "opper money; and this pro%ed so destru"ti%e that .666 Hindus were eft dead on the fie d in front of the batteries, #his %igorous po i"y threw the Hindu "entre into "onfusion$ upon whi"h .666 2uhammadan "a%a ry "harged through the inter%a s of the guns and "ut their way into the midst of the disorganised masses$ towards the spot where the Raya had taCen post, He had again "hanged his position and as"ended his itter; but hard y had he done so when an e ephant be onging to the )i/am Shah$ wi d with the eA"itement of the batt e$ dashed forward towards him$ and the itter&bearers et fa their pre"ious burden in terror at the anima Ds approa"h, 'efore he had time to re"o%er himse f and mount a horse$ a body of the a ies was upon him$ and he was sei/ed and taCen prisoner, #his e%ent threw the Hindus into a pani"$ and they began to gi%e way, Rama Raya was "ondu"ted by the offi"er who "ommanded the arti ery of Hussain )i/am to his Su tan$ who immediate y ordered his "apti%e to be de"apitated$ and the head to be e e%ated on a ong spear$ so that it might be %isib e to the Hindu troops, +n seeing that their "hief was dead$ the Vijayanagar for"es broCe and f ed *#hey were pursued by the a ies with su"h su""essfu s aughter that the ri%er whi"h ran near the fie d was dyed red with their b ood, It is "omputed on the best authorities that abo%e one hundred thousand infide s were s ain in fight and during the pursuit,* #he 2ussu mans were thus "omp ete y %i"torious$ and the Hindus f ed towards the "apita ; but so great was the "onfusion that there was not the s ightest attempt made to taCe up a new and defensi%e position amongst the hi s surrounding the "ity$ or e%en to defend the wa s or the approa"hes, #he rout was "omp ete, *#he p under was so great that e%ery pri%ate man in the a ied army be"ame ri"h in go d$ jewe s$ effe"ts$ tents$ arms$ horses$ and s a%es$ as the su tans eft e%ery person in possession of what he had a"(uired$ on y taCing e ephants for their own use,* 0e Couto$ des"ribing the death of Rama Raya$ states?=5L@ that Hussain )i/am Shah "ut off his enemyDs head with his own hand$ eA" aiming$ *)ow I am a%enged of theeO ;et :od do what he wi to meO* #he Adi Shah$ on the "ontrary$ was great y distressed at Rama RayaDs death,?==6@ #he story of this terrib e disaster tra%e ed apa"e to the "ity of Vijayanagar, #he inhabitants$ un"ons"ious of danger$ were i%ing in utter ignoran"e that any serious re%erse had taCen p a"e; for their eaders had mar"hed out with "ount ess numbers in their train$ and had been fu of "onfiden"e as to the resu t, Sudden y$ howe%er$ "ame the bad news, #he army was defeated; the "hiefs s ain; the troops in retreat, 'ut sti they did not grasp the magnitude of the re%erse; on a pre%ious o""asions the enemy had been either dri%en ba"C$ or bought off with presents from the o%ersto"Ced treasury of the Cings, #here was itt e fear$ therefore$ for the "ity itse f, #hat sure y was safeO 'ut now "ame the

deje"ted so diers hurrying ba"C from the fight$ and amongst the foremost the pani"&stri"Cen prin"es of the roya house, Kithin a few hours these "ra%en "hiefs hasti y eft the pa a"e$ "arrying with them a the treasures on whi"h they "ou d ay their hands, Fi%e hundred and fifty e ephants$ aden with treasure in go d$ diamonds$ and pre"ious stones %a ued at more than a hundred mi ions ster ing$ and "arrying the state insignia and the "e ebrated jewe ed throne of the Cings$ eft the "ity under "on%oy of bodies of so diers who remained true to the "rown, Ging Sadasi%a was "arried off by his jai or$ #iruma a$ now so e regent sin"e the death of his brothers; and in ong ine the roya fami y and their fo owers f ed southward towards the fortress of !enuConda, #hen a pani" sei/ed the "ity, #he truth be"ame at ast apparent, #his was not a defeat mere y$ it was a "ata" ysm, A hope was gone, #he myriad dwe ers in the "ity were eft defen"e ess, )o retreat$ no f ight was possib e eA"ept to a few$ for the pa"C&oAen and "arts had a most a fo owed the for"es to the war$ and they had not returned, )othing "ou d be done but to bury a treasures$ to arm the younger men$ and to wait, )eAt day the p a"e be"ame a prey to the robber tribes and jung e peop e of the neighbourhood, Hordes of 'rinjaris$ ;ambadis$ Gurubas$ and the iCe$?==4@ poun"ed down on the hap ess "ity and ooted the stores and shops$ "arrying off great (uantities of ri"hes, Couto states that there were siA "on"erted atta"Cs by these peop e during the day, #he third day?==5@ saw the beginning of the end, #he %i"torious 2ussu mans had ha ted on the fie d of batt e for rest and refreshment$ but now they had rea"hed the "apita $ and from that time forward for a spa"e of fi%e months Vijayanagar Cnew no rest, #he enemy had "ome to destroy$ and they "arried out their obje"t re ent ess y, #hey s aughtered the peop e without mer"y$ broCe down the temp es and pa a"es; and wreaCed su"h sa%age %engean"e on the abode of the Cings$ that$ with the eA"eption of a few great stone&bui t temp es and wa s$ nothing now remains but a heap of ruins to marC the spot where on"e the state y bui dings stood, #hey demo ished the statues$ and e%en su""eeded in breaCing the imbs of the huge )arasimha mono ith, )othing seemed to es"ape them, #hey broCe up the pa%i ions standing on the huge p atform from whi"h the Cings used to wat"h the festi%a s$ and o%erthrew a the "ar%ed worC, #hey it huge fires in the magnifi"ent y de"orated bui dings forming the temp e of Vittha as%ami near the ri%er$ and smashed its eA(uisite stone s"u ptures, Kith fire and sword$ with "rowbars and aAes$ they "arried on day after day their worC of destru"tion, )e%er perhaps in the history of the wor d has su"h ha%o" been wrought$ and wrought so sudden y$ on so sp endid a "ity; teeming with a wea thy and industrious popu ation in the fu p enitude of prosperity one day$ and on the neAt sei/ed$ pi aged$ and redu"ed to ruins$ amid s"enes of sa%age massa"re and horrors beggaring des"ription, Caesaro Federi"i$ an Ita ian tra%e er < or *Caesar Frederi"C$* as he is often "a ed by the Eng ish < %isited the p a"e two years ater$ in 4.->, He re ates that$ after the sa"C$ when the a ied 2uhammadans returned to their own "ountry$ #iruma a Raya tried to re&popu ate the "ity$ but fai ed$ though some few peop e were indu"ed to taCe up their abode there, *#he Citie of 'EIE)E:ER is not a together destroyed$ yet the houses stand sti $ but emptie$ and there is dwe ing in them nothing$ as is reported$ but #ygres and other wi d beasts,*?===@ #he oot must ha%e been enormous, Couto states that amongst other treasures was found a diamond as arge as a henDs egg$ whi"h was Cept by the Adi Shah,?==E@ Su"h was the fate of this great and magnifi"ent "ity, It ne%er re"o%ered$ but remained for e%er a s"ene of deso ation and ruin, At the present day the remains of the arger and more durab e stru"tures rear themse %es from amongst the s"anty "u ti%ation "arried on by petty farmers$ dwe ers in tiny %i ages s"attered o%er the area on"e so popu ous, #he mud huts whi"h "onstituted the dwe ing&p a"es of by far the greater portion of the inhabitants ha%e disappeared$ and their materia s o%er ie the ro"Cy p ain and form the support of a s"anty and sparse %egetation, 'ut the o d water& "hanne s remain$ and by their aid the ho ows and ow ground ha%e been "on%erted into ri"h gardens and fie ds$ bearing fu "rops of wa%ing ri"e and sugar&"ane, Vijayanagar has disappeared as a "ity$ and a "ongeries of sma ham ets with an industrious and "ontented popu ation has taCen its p a"e,

Here my sCet"h of Vijayanagar history might we end$ but I ha%e thought it ad%isab e to add a few notes on su""eeding e%ents, #iruma a tooC up his abode at !enuConda$ and short y afterwards sent word to the !ortuguese traders at :oa that he was in need of horses, A arge number were a""ording y de i%ered$ when the despoti" ru er dismissed the men to return to :oa as best they "ou d without payment, *He i"ensed the 2er"hants to depart$* writes Federi"i$ *without gi%ing them anything for their Horses$ whi"h when the poore 2en saw$ they were desperate$ and$ as it were$ mad with sorrow and griefe,* #here was no authority eft in the and$ and the tra%e er had to stay in Vijayanagar se%en months$ *for it was ne"essarie to rest there unti the wayes were " ear of #hee%es$ whi"h at that time ranged up and downe,* He had the greatest diffi"u ty in maCing his way to :oa at a $ for he and his "ompanions were "onstant y sei/ed by sets of marauders and made to pay hea%y ransom for their iberty$ and on one o""asion they were atta"Ced by da"oits and robbed, #iruma a being now with Ging Sadasi%a in !enuConda$ the nob es of the empire began to throw off their a egian"e$ and one after another to pro" aim their independen"e, #he "ountry was in a state of anar"hy, #he empire$ just now so so id and "ompa"t$ be"ame disintegrated$ and from this time forward it fe rapid y to de"ay, #o the !ortuguese the "hange was of %ita importan"e, Federi"i has eft us the fo owing note on their trade with Vijayanagar$ whi"h I eAtra"t from *!ur"hasDs !i grims:* < *#he 2er"handi/e that went e%ery yeere from :oa to 'e/eneger were Arabian Horses$ Ve %ets$ 0amasCes$ and Sattens$ Armesine?==.@ of !ortuga $ and pie"es of China$ Saffron$ and S"ar etts; and from 'e/eneger they had in #urCie for their "ommodities$ Hewe s and !agodas$?==-@ whi"h be 0u"ats of :o d; the Appare that they use in 'e/eneger is Ve %et$ Satten$ 0amasCe$ S"ar et$ or white 'umbast " oth$ a""ording to the estate of the person$ with ong Hats on their heads "a ed Co ae$?==>@ J",* Sassetti$ who was in India from 4.>M to 4.MM$ "onfirms the others as to !ortuguese oss of trade on the ruin of the "ity: < *#he traffi" was so arge that it is impossib e to imagine it; the p a"e was immense y arge; and it was inhabited by peop e ri"h$ not with ri"hness iCe ours$ but with ri"hness iCe that of the Crassi and the others of those o d daysB, And su"h mer"handiseO 0iamonds$ rubies$ pear s B and besides a that$ the horse trade, #hat a one produ"ed a re%enue in the "ity 1:oa3 of 456 to 4.6 thousand du"ats$ whi"h now rea"hes on y - thousand,* Couto te s the same story:?==M@ < *'y this destru"tion of the Cingdom of 'isnaga$ India and our State were mu"h shaCen; for the bu C of the trade undertaCen by a was for this Cingdom$ to whi"h they "arried horses$ %e %ets$ satins and other sorts of mer"handi/e$ by whi"h they made great profits; and the Custom House of :oa suffered mu"h in its Re%enue$ so that from that day ti now the inhabitants of :oa began to i%e ess we ; for pai/es and fine " oths were a trade of great importan"e for !ersia and !ortuga $ and it then anguished$ and the go d pagodas$ of whi"h e%ery year more than .66$666 were aden in the ships of the Cingdom$ were then worth > 4R5 #angas$ and to day are worth 44 4R5$ and simi ar y e%ery Cind of "oin,* Sassetti gi%es another reason$ howe%er$ for the de"ay of !ortuguese trade and inf uen"e at :oa$ whi"h "annot be passed o%er without noti"e, #his was the terrib e In(uisition, #he fathers of the Chur"h forbade the Hindus under terrib e pena ties the use of their own sa"red booCs$ and pre%ented them from a eAer"ise of their re igion, #hey destroyed their temp es and mos(ues$ and so harassed and interfered with the peop e that they abandoned the "ity in arge numbers$ refusing to remain any onger in a p a"e where they had no iberty$ and were iab e to imprisonment$ torture$ and death if they worshipped after their own fashion the gods of their fathers,?==L@ About this period$ therefore 14.->3$ the po iti"a "ondition of Southern India may be thus summed

up: < #he 2uhammadans of the 0aChan were triumphant though sti di%ided in interest$ and their "ountry was broCen up into states ea"h bitter y hosti e to the other, #he great empire of the south was sore y stri"Cen$ and its "apita was for e%er destroyed; the roya fami y were refugees at !ennaConda; Ging Sadasi%a was sti a prisoner; and #iruma a$ the on y sur%i%or of the *three brethren whi"h were tyrants$*?=E6@ was go%erning the Cingdom as we as he "ou d, #he nob es were angry and despondent$ ea"h one seeCing to be free; and the !ortuguese on the "oast were anguishing$ with their trade irretrie%ab y injured, Firishtah summarises the e%ents immediate y su""eeding the great batt e in the fo owing words: < *#he su tans$ a few days after the batt e$ mar"hed onwards into the "ountry of Ramraaje as far as Ani"ondeh$?=E4@ and the ad%an"ed troops penetrated to 'eejanuggur$ whi"h they p undered$ ra/ed the "hief bui dings$ and "ommitted a manner of eA"ess, Khen the depredations of the a ies had destroyed a the "ountry round$ VenCatadri$?=E5@ who had es"aped from the batt e to a distant fortress$ sent humb e entreaties of pea"e to the su tans$ to whom he ga%e up a the p a"es whi"h his brothers had wrested from them; and the %i"tors being satisfied$ tooC ea%e of ea"h other at Roijore 1Rai"hur3$ and returned to their se%era dominions, #he raaje of 'eejanuggur sin"e this batt e has ne%er re"o%ered its an"ient sp endour; and the "ity itse f has been so destroyed that it is now tota y in ruins and uninhabited$?=E=@ whi e the "ountry has been sei/ed by the /emindars 1petty "hiefs3$ ea"h of whom hath assumed an independent power in his own distri"t,* In 4.-M 1so it is said3 #iruma a murdered his so%ereign$ Sadasi%a$ and sei/ed the throne for himse f; but up to that time he seems to ha%e re"ognised the unfortunate prin"e as his iege ord$ as we Cnow from four ins"riptions at Ve ore bearing a date "orresponding to .th February 4.-> A,0,?=EE@ And thus began the third dynasty$ if dynasty it "an be appropriate y "a ed,

CHAPTER 16
#he #hird 0ynasty :enea ogy < #he 2uhammadan States < Fa of 'anCapur$ Gonda%id$ 'e amConda and VinuConda < Haidarabad founded < Adoni under the 2uhammadans < Subse(uent history in brief, #he fo owing is the genea ogy of this third fami y,?=E.@ #hey "ame apparent y of the o d roya sto"C$ but their eAa"t re ationship to it has ne%er been "on" usi%e y sett ed, #he dates appended are the dates of ins"riptions$ not ne"essari y the dates of reigns, #he present Rajah of Anegundi$ whose fami y name is !ampapati$ and who resides on the o d fami y estate as a /amindar under H,H, the )i/am of Haidarabad$ has fa%oured me with a "ontinuation of the fami y tree to the present day, Ranga VI,$ or$ as he is genera y sty ed$ Sri Ranga$ is said to ha%e been the youngest of three brothers$ sons of Chinna VenCata III,$ Vira VenCatapati Raya being the e dest, :opa a$ a junior member of the fami y$ su""eeded to the throne and adopted Ranga VI,$ who was thus a junior member of the e dest bran"h, #he e dest brother of Ranga VI, was ousted, I ha%e no means of Cnowing whether this information is "orre"t$ but the su""ession of the e dest is gi%en on the fo owing page, !ampapati Rajah is re"ognised by his :o%ernment as head of the fami y for two reasons: first and foremost$ be"ause the e der ine is eAtin"t and he was adopted by his sister Guppamma$ wife of Grishna 0e%a of the e der ine; se"ond y$ be"ause his two e der brothers are said to ha%e resigned their " aims in his fa%our, #he tit e of the present "hief is *Sri Ranga 0e%a Raya,* Khether or no he has better tit e than his nephew$ Gumara Ragha%a$ need not here be dis"ussed, #he interest to the readers of this history ies in the fa"t that these two are the on y sur%i%ing ma e des"endants of the an"ient roya house,

#o re%ert to the history$ whi"h need on y be short y summarised sin"e we ha%e seen Vijayanagar destroyed and its territories in a state of po iti"a "onfusion and disturban"e, I omit a together the a ternate po iti"a "ombinations and disso utions$ the trea"heries$ (uarre s$ and fights of the %arious 2uhammadan states after 4.-.$ as unne"essary for our purpose and in order to a%oid pro iAity$ summarising on y a few matters whi"h more parti"u ar y "on"ern the territories former y under the great Hindu Empire, A""ording to :o Conda a""ounts$ a year after the great batt e whi"h resu ted in the destru"tion of Vijayanagar$ a genera of the 7utb Shah$ Raffat Ghan ;ari$ A;IAS 2a iC )aib$ mar"hed against Rajahmundry$ whi"h was fina y "aptured from the Hindus in A,0, 4.>4 < >5 1A,H, L>L3, Short y after his return to 'ijapur 1so says Firishtah3$ A i Adi Shah mo%ed again with an army towards Vijayanagar$ but retired on the Ahmadnagar Su tan ad%an"ing to oppose him; and not ong afterwards he made an ineffe"tua attempt to redu"e :oa, Retiring from the "oast$ he mar"hed to atta"C Adoni$ then under one of the %assa "hiefs of Vijayanagar$ who had made himse f independent in that tra"t, #he p a"e was taCen$ and the )i/am Shah agreed with the Cing of 'ijapur that he wou d not interfere with the atterDs attempts to anneA the territories south of the Grishna$ if he on his part were eft free to "on(uer 'erar, In 4.>=$ therefore$ A i Adi mo%ed against 0harwar and 'anCapur, #he siege of the atter p a"e under its "hief$ Ve appa )aiC$ now independent$ asted for a year and siA months$ when the garrison$ redu"ed to great straits$ surrendered, Firishtah?=E-@ states that the Adi Shah destroyed a *superb temp e* there$ and himse f aid the first stone of a mos(ue whi"h was bui t on its foundation, 2ore su""esses fo owed in the GonCan, #hree years ater 'e amConda was simi ar y atta"Ced$ and the Raya in terror retired from !enuConda to Chandragiri, #his "ampaign$ howe%er$ resu ted in fai ure$ apparent y owing to the Shah of :o Conda assisting the Hindus, In 4.>L the Cing of :o Conda$ in brea"h of his "ontra"t$ atta"Ced and redu"ed the fortresses of VinuConda and Gonda%id as we as Ga"har aCota and Gammam$?=E>@ thus o""upying arge tra"ts south of the Grishna, In 4.M6 A i Adi was murdered, Firishtah in his history of the 7utb Shahs gi%es the date as #hursday$ 5=rd Safar$ A,H, LM>$ but the true day appears to ha%e been 2onday$ 5Eth Safar$ A,H, LMM$ "orresponding to 2onday$ Apri 44$ A,0, 4.M6, #his at east is the date gi%en by an eye& witness$ one Rafi&ud&0in Shira/i$ who he d an important position at the "ourt at the time, 1#he (uestion is dis"ussed by 2ajor Ging in the I)0IA) A)#I78AR9$ %o , A%ii, p, 554,3 Ibrahim 7utb Shah of :o Conda a so died in 4.M6 and was su""eeded by 2uhammad 7u i$ his third son$ who in 4.ML founded the "ity of Haidarabad$ origina y "arted 'hagnagar, He "arried on su""essfu wars in the present Gurnoo and Cuddapah distri"ts$ "apturing Gurnoo $ )andia $ 0o e$ and :andiCota$ fo owing up these su""esses by inroads into the eastern distri"ts of )e ore, Ging #iruma a of Vijayanagar was in 4.>. fo owed apparent y by his se"ond son$ Ranga II,$ whose su""essor was his brother VenCata I,?=EM@ 14.M-3, #he atter reigned for at east twenty&eight years$ and died an o d man in 4-4E, At his death there were widespread re%o ts$ disturban"es$ and "i%i warfare$ as we sha present y see from the a""ount of 'arradas gi%en in the neAt "hapter, An important ins"ription of his reign$ dated in A,0, 4-64 < 5$ and re"orded on "opper&p ates$ has been pub ished by 0r, Hu t/s"h,?=EL@ In 4.L= the 'ijapur Su tan$ Ibrahim Adi $ in%aded 2ysore$ whi"h then be onged to the Raya$ and redu"ed the p a"e after a three monthsD siege, In the same year this Su tanDs brother$ Ismai $ who had been Cept prisoner at 'e gaum$ rose against his so%ereign and de" ared himse f independent Cing of the p a"e, He was besieged there by the roya troopsD but owing to trea"hery in the "amp they fai ed to taCe the p a"e$ and the territories in the neighbourhood were for some time a prey to insurre"tions and disturban"es, E%entua y they were redu"ed to submission and the rebe was Ci ed, Contemporaneous y with these e%ents$ the Hindus again tried to obtain possession of Adoni$ but without su""ess;?=.6@ and a war broCe out between the ri%a Cingdoms of 'ijapur and Ahmadnagar, Kith this period ends abrupt y the narrati%e of Firishtah re ating to the Su tans of 'ijapur, #he

:o Conda history?=.4@ appears to differ wide y from it$ but I ha%e not thought it ne"essary here to "ompare the two stories, #he history of the se%enteenth "entury in Southern India is one of "onfusion and disturban"e, #he different go%ernors be"ame independent, #he Cings of the de"adent empire wasted their wea th and ost their territories$ so that at ength they he d a mere nomina so%ereignty$ and nothing remained but the shadow of the on"e great name < the prestige of fami y, And yet$ e%en so ate as the years 4>L5 and 4>L=$ I find a oya Reddi in the south$ in re"ording on "opper&p ates some grants of and to temp es$ de" aring that he did so by permission of *VenCatapati 2aharaya of Vijayanagar;*?=.5@ whi e I Cnow of eight other grants simi ar y re"ognising the o d Hindu roya fami y$ whi"h were engra%ed in the eighteenth "entury,?=.=@ #he ICCeri or 'ednur "hiefs sty ed themse %es under& ords of Vijayanagar ti 4-.6,?=.E@ A Vijayanagar %i"eroy ru ed o%er 2ysore ti 4-46$ after whi"h the des"endants of the former %i"eroys be"ame Rajahs in their own right, In 2adura and #anjore the )ayaCCas be"ame independent in 4-65, A the 2uhammadan dynasties in the 0aChan fe under the power of the 2ogu emperors of 0e hi towards the " ose of the se%enteenth "entury$ and the who e of the south of India soon be"ame pra"ti"a y theirs, 'ut meanwhi e another great power had arisen$ and at one time threatened to "on(uer a India, #his was the so%ereignty of the 2ahrattas, Si%aji "on(uered a the GonCan "ountry by 4->=$ and four years ater he had o%erthrown the ast shreds of Vijayanagar authority in Gurnoo $ :ingi$ and Ve ore; whi e his brother ECoji had a ready$ in 4->E$ "aptured #anjore$ and estab ished a dynasty there whi"h asted for a "entury, 'ut with this eA"eption the 2ahrattas estab ished no rea domination in the eAtreme south, 2ysore remained independent under its ine of Hindu Cings ti the throne was usurped by Haidar A i and his son and su""essor$ *#ippoo$* who together ru ed for about forty years, After the atterDs defeat and death at Seringapatam in 4>LL$ the "ountry was restored by the Eng ish to the Hindu ine, #he site on whi"h stands Fort St, :eorge at 2adras was granted to 2r, Fran"is 0ay$ "hief fa"tor of the Eng ish there$ by Sri Ranga Raya VI, in 2ar"h 4-=L$ the Cing being then resident in Chandragiri, #he first Eng ish fa"tory at 2adras had been estab ished in 4-56,

CHAPTER 17
#he Story of 'arradas 14-4E3 Chandragiri in 4-4E < 0eath of Ging VenCata < Rebe ion of Haga Raya and murder of the roya fami y < ;oya ty of E"hama )aiC < #he !ortuguese independent at San #home < A"tors in the drama < #he affair at *!a ea"ate,* < ;ist of su""essors < Con" usion, #he fo owing note of o""urren"es whi"h tooC p a"e at Chandragiri in 4-4E on the death of Ging VenCata I, wi be found of singu ar interest$ as it re ates to e%ents of whi"h we in Eng and ha%e hitherto$ I thinC$ been in "omp ete ignoran"e, In "onsists of an eAtra"t from a etter written at Co"hin on 0e"ember 45$ A,0, 4-4-$ by 2anue 'arradas$ and re"ent y found by Senhor ;opes amongst a (uantity of etters preser%ed in the )ationa Ar"hi%es at ;isbon,?=..@ He "opied it from the origina $ and Cind y sent it to me, #he trans ation is my own, *I wi now te you B about the death of the o d Ging of 'isnaga$ "a ed Ven"attapatti Raya u$?=.-@ and of his se e"tion as his su""essor of a nephew by name Chi"a Raya u; setting aside another who was "ommon y he d to be his son$ but who in rea ity was not so, #he true fa"t was this, #he Ging was married to a daughter of Haga Raya by name 'ayama$ and though she eager y onged for a son she had none in spite of the means$ egitimate or i egitimate$ that she emp oyed for that purpose, A

'rahman woman of the househo d of the 7ueenDs father$ Cnowing how strong was the 7ueenDs desire to ha%e a son$ and seeing that :od had not granted her one$ to d her that she herse f was pregnant for a month; and she ad%ised her to te the Ging$ and to pub ish it abroad$ that she 1the 7ueen3 had been pregnant for a month$ and to feign to be in that state$ and said that after she 1the 'rahman woman3 had been de i%ered she wou d se"ret y send the "hi d to the pa a"e by some "onfidant$ upon whi"h the 7ueen "ou d announ"e that this boy was her own son, #he ad%i"e seemed good to the 7ueen$ and she pretended that she was pregnant$ and no sooner was the 'rahman woman de i%ered of a son than she sent it to the pa a"e$ and the news was spread abroad that 7ueen 'ayama had brought forth a son, #he Ging$ Cnowing a this$ yet for the o%e he bore the 7ueen$ and so that the matter shou d not "ome to ight$ dissemb ed and made feasts$ gi%ing the name DChi"a RayaD to the boy$ whi"h is the name a ways gi%en to the heir to the throne,?=.>@ 9et he ne%er treated him as a son$ but on the "ontrary Cept him a ways shut up in the pa a"e of Chandigri$?=.M@ nor e%er a owed him to go out of it without his espe"ia permission$ whi"h indeed he ne%er granted eA"ept when in "ompany of the 7ueen, Kitha $ the boy arri%ing at the age of fourteen years$ he married him to a nie"e of his$ doing him mu"h honour so as to satisfy +bo Raya$ his brother&in& aw,?=.L@ *#hree days before his death$ the Ging$ ea%ing aside$ as I say$ this putati%e son$ "a ed for his nephew Chi"a Raya$ in presen"e of se%era of the nob es of the Cingdom$ and eAtended towards him his right hand on whi"h was the ring of state$ and put it " ose to him$ so that he shou d taCe it and shou d be"ome his su""essor in the Cingdom, Kith this the nephew$ bursting into tears$ begged the Ging to gi%e it to whom he wou d$ and that for himse f he did not desire to be Cing$ and he bent ow$ weeping at the feet of the o d man, #he Ging made a sign to those around him that they shou d raise the prin"e up$ and they did so; and they then p a"ed him on the GingDs right hand$ and the Ging eAtended his own hand so that he might taCe the ring, 'ut the prin"e ifted his hands abo%e his head$ as if he a ready had di%ined how mu"h i fortune the ring wou d bring him$ and begged the Ging to pardon him if he wished not to taCe it, #he o d man then tooC the ring and he d it on the point of his finger offering it the se"ond time to Chi"a Raya$ who by the ad%i"e of the "aptains present tooC it$ and p a"ed it on his head and then on his finger$ shedding many tears, #hen the Ging sent for his robe$ %a ued at 566$666 "ru/ados$ the great diamond whi"h was in his ear$ whi"h was worth more than .66$666 "ru/ados$ his earrings$ %a ued at more than 566$666$ and his great pear s$ whi"h are of the highest pri"e, A these roya insignia he ga%e to his nephew Chi"a Raya as being his su""essor$ and as su"h he was at on"e pro" aimed, Khi e some rejoi"ed$ others were disp eased, *#hree days ater the Ging died at the age of siAty&se%en years, His body was burned in his own garden with sweet&s"ented woods$ sanda $ a oes$ and su"h iCe; and immediate y afterwards three (ueens burned themse %es$ one of whom was of the same age as the Ging$ and the other two aged thirty&fi%e years, #hey showed great "ourage, #hey went forth ri"h y dressed with many jewe s and go d ornaments and pre"ious stones$ and arri%ing at the funera pyre they di%ided these$ gi%ing some to their re ati%es; some to the 'rahmans to offer prayers for them$ and throwing some to be s"ramb ed for by the peop e, #hen they tooC ea%e of a $ mounted on to a ofty p a"e$ and threw themse %es into the midd e of the fire$ whi"h was %ery great, #hus they passed into eternity, *#hen the new Ging began to ru e$ "ompe ing some of the "aptains to ea%e the fortress$ but Ceeping others by his side; and a "ame to him to offer their a egian"e eA"ept three, #hese were Haga Raya$ who has siA hundred thousand "ru/ados of re%enue and puts twenty thousand men into the fie d; #ima )ai(ue$ who has four hundred thousand "ru/ados of re%enue and Ceeps up an army of twe %e thousand men; and 2a"a Raya$ who has a re%enue of two hundred thousand "ru/ados and musters siA thousand men, #hey swore ne%er to do homage to the new Ging$ but$ on the "ontrary$ to raise in his p a"e the putati%e son of the dead Ging$ the nephew of Haga Raya$?=-6@ who was the "hief of this "onspira"y, In a few days there o""urred the fo owing opportunity, *#he new Ging disp eased three of his nob es; the first$ the 0a a%ay$ who is the "ommander of the army and pays a tribute of fi%e hundred thousand "ru/ados$ be"ause he desired him to gi%e up three fortresses whi"h the Ging wished to "onfer on two of his own sons; the se"ond$ his minister$ whom he asCed to pay a hundred thousand "ru/ados$ a eging that he had sto en them from the o d Ging

his un" e; the third$ )arpa Raya$ sin"e he demanded the jewe s whi"h his sister$ the wife of the o d Ging$ had gi%en to 2arpa, A these three answered the Ging that they wou d obey his "ommands within two days; but they se"ret y p otted with Haga Raya to raise up the atterDs nephew to be Ging, And this they did in manner fo owing: < *Haga Raya sent to te the Ging that he wished to do homage to him$ and so a so did #ima 2ai(ue and 2a"a Raya, #he poor Ging a owed them to enter, Haga Raya se e"ted fi%e thousand men$ and ea%ing the rest outside the "ity he entered the fortress with these "hosen fo owers, #he two other "onspirators did the same$ ea"h of them bringing with them two thousand se e"ted men, #he fortress has two wa s, Arri%ed at these$ Haga Raya eft at the first gate a thousand men$ and at the se"ond a thousand, #he 0a a%ay sei/ed two other gates of the fortress$ on the other side, #here being some tumu t$ and a "ry of treason being raised$ the Ging ordered the pa a"e gates to be " osed$ but the "onspirators as soon as they rea"hed them began to breaC them down, 2a"a Raya was the first to su""eed$ "rying out that he wou d de i%er up the Ging to them; and he did so$ seeding the Ging a message that if he surrendered he wou d p edge his word to do him no i $ but that the nephew of Haga Raya must be Ging$ he being the son of the ate Ging, *#he poor surrounded Ging$ seeing himse f without fo owers and without any remedy$ a""epted the promise$ and with his wife and sons eft the tower in whi"h he was staying, He passed through the midst of the so diers with a fa"e gra%e and se%ere$ and with eyes down"ast, #here was none to do him re%eren"e with hands 1as is the "ustom3 joined o%er the head$ nor did he sa ute any one, *#he Ging ha%ing eft$ Haga Raya "a ed his nephew and "rowned him$ "ausing a the nob es present to do him homage; and he$ finding himse f now "rowned Ging$ entered the pa a"e and tooC possession of it and of a the ri"hes and pre"ious stones that he found there, If report says tru y$ he found in diamonds a one three arge "hests fu of fine stones, After this 1Haga Raya3 p a"ed the deposed Ging under the stri"test guard$ and he was deserted by a sa%e by one "aptain a one whose name was E"hama )ai(ue$ who stopped outside the fortress with eight thousand men and refused to join Haga Raya, Indeed$ hearing of the treason$ he stru"C his "amp and shut himse f up in his own fortress and began to "o e"t more troops, *Haga Raya sent a message to this man bidding him "ome and do homage to his nephew$ and saying that if he refused he wou d destroy him, E"hama )ai(ue made answer that he was not the man to do re%eren"e to a boy who was the son of no one Cnew whom$ nor e%en what his "aste was; and$ so far as destroying him went$ wou d Haga Raya "ome out and meet himN If so$ he wou d wait for him with su"h troops as he possessedO *Khen this rep y was re"ei%ed Haga Raya made use of a thousand gent e eApressions$ and promised honours and re%enues$ but nothing "ou d turn him, )ay$ E"hama tooC the fie d with his for"es and offered batt e to Haga Raya; saying that$ sin"e the atter had a the "aptains on his side$ et him "ome and fight and beat him if he "ou d$ and then the nephew wou d be"ome Ging unopposed, In the end Haga Raya despaired of se"uring E"hama )ai(ueDs a egian"e$ but he won o%er many other nob es by gifts and promises, *Khi e Haga Raya was so engaged$ E"hama )ai(ue was attempting to obtain a""ess to the imprisoned Ging by some way or other; but finding this not possib e$ he sought for a means of at east getting possession of one of his sons, And he did so in this manner, He sent and summoned the washerman who washed the imprisoned GingDs " othes$ and promised him great things if he wou d bring him the GingDs midd e son, #he washerman ga%e his word that he wou d so do if the matter were Cept se"ret, Khen the day arri%ed on whi"h it was the "ustom for him to taCe the " ean " othes to the Ging$ he "arried them 1into the prison3 and with them a pa m& eaf etter from E"hama )ai(ue$ who earnest y begged the Ging to send him one at east of the three sons whom he had with him$ assuring him that the washerman "ou d effe"t his es"ape, #he Ging did so$ gi%ing up his se"ond son aged twe %e years$ for the washerman did not dare taCe the e dest$ who was eighteen years o d, He handed o%er the boy$ and put him in amongst the dirty " othes$ warning him to ha%e no fear and not to "ry out e%en if he fe t any pain, In order more safe y to pass the guards$ the washerman p a"ed on

top of a some %ery fou " othes$ su"h as e%ery one wou d a%oid; and went out "rying D#A;;AO #A;;AOD whi"h means DGeep at a distan"eO Ceep at a distan"eOD A therefore ga%e p a"e to him$ and he went out of the fortress to his own house, Here he Cept the prin"e in hiding for three days$ and at the end of them de i%ered him up to E"hama )ai(ue$ whose "amp was a eague distant from the "ity$ and the boy was re"ei%ed by that "hief and by a his army with great rejoi"ing, *#he news then spread abroad and "ame to the ears of Haga Raya$ who "ommanded the pa a"e to be sear"hed$ and found that it was true, He was so great y affe"ted that he Cept to his house for se%era days; but he doub ed the guards on the Ging$ his prisoner$ " osed the gates$ and "ommanded that no one shou d gi%e aught to the Ging to eat but ri"e and "oarse %egetab es,?=-4@ *As soon as it was Cnown that E"hama )ai(ue had possession of the GingDs son$ there went o%er to him four of Haga RayaDs "aptains with eight thousand men; so that he had in a siAteen thousand$ and now had good hope of defending the rightfu Ging, He tooC$ therefore$ measures for effe"ting the atterDs es"ape, He se e"ted from amongst a his so diers twenty men$ who promised to attempt to dig an underground passage whi"h shou d rea"h to where the Ging ay in prison, In pursuan"e of this reso %e they went to the fortress$ offered themse %es to the 0a a%ay as entering into his ser%i"e$ re"ei%ed pay$ and after some days began to dig the passage so as to gain entran"e to the GingDs prison, #he Ging$ seeing so diers enter thus into his apartment$ was ama/ed$ and e%en more so when he saw them prostrate themse %es on the ground and de i%er him a pa m& eaf etter from E"hama )ai(ue$ in whi"h he begged the Ging to trust himse f to these men$ as they wou d es"ort him out of the fortress, #he Ging "onsented, He tooC off his robes hasti y and "o%ered himse f with a sing e " oth; and bidding farewe to his wife$ his sons$ and his daughters$ to d them to ha%e no fear$ for that he$ when free$ wou d sa%e them a , *'ut it so happened that at this %ery moment one of the so diers who were guarding the pa a"e by night with tor"hes fe into a ho e$ and at his "ries the rest ran up$ and on digging they dis"o%ered the underground passage, #hey entered it and got as far as the pa a"e$ arri%ing there just when the unhappy Ging was des"ending into it in order to es"ape, He was sei/ed and the a arm gi%en to Haga Raya$ who sent the Ging to another p a"e more "onfined and narrower$ and with more guards$ so that the poor prisoner despaired of e%er es"aping, *E"hama )ai(ue$ seeing that this stratagem had fai ed$ bribed hea%i y a "aptain of fi%e hundred men who were in the fortress to s ay the guards as soon as some good o""asion offered$ and to res"ue the Ging, #his man$ who was "a ed Iteob e/a$?=-5@ finding one day that Haga Raya was ea%ing the pa a"e with a his men in order to re"ei%e a "ertain "hief who had proffered his submission$ and that there on y remained in the fortress about fi%e thousand men$ in ess than an hour s ew the guards$ sei/ed three gates$ and sent a message to E"hama )ai(ue te ing him to "ome at on"e and sei/e the fortress, 'ut Haga Raya was the more eApeditious; he returned with a his for"es$ entered by a postern gate$ of the eAisten"e of whi"h Iteob e/a had not been warned$ and put to death the "aptain and his fi%e hundred fo owers, *Enraged at this attempt$ Haga Raya$ to strengthen the party of his nephew$ reso %ed to s ay the Ging and a his fami y, He entrusted this business to a brother of his named Chinaobraya$?=-=@ ordering him to go to the pa a"e and te the poor Ging that he must s ay himse f$ and that if he wou d not he himse f wou d Ci him with stabs of his dagger, *#he prisoner attempted to eA"use himse f$ saying that he Cnew nothing of the attempted re%o t, 'ut seeing the determination of Chinaobraya$ who to d him that he must ne"essari y die$ either by his own hand or by that of another < a most pitifu "ase$ and one that I re ate fu of sorrowO < the poor Ging "a ed his wife$ and after he had spoCen to her awhi e he beheaded her, #hen he sent for his youngest son and did the same to him, He put to death simi ar y his itt e daughter, Afterwards he sent for his e dest son$ who was a ready married$ and "ommanded him to s ay his wife$ whi"h he did by beheading her, #his done$ the Ging tooC a ong sword of four fingersD breadth$ and$ throwing himse f upon it$ breathed his ast; and his son$ heir to the throne$ did the same to himse f in imitation of his father, #here remained on y a itt e daughter whom the Ging "ou d not bring himse f to s ay;

but Chinaobraya Ci ed her$ so that none of the fami y shou d remain a i%e of the b ood roya $ and the throne shou d be se"ured for his nephew, *Some of the "hiefs were stru"C with horror at this dreadfu deed$ and were so enraged at its "rue ty that they went o%er to E"hama )ai(ue$ reso %ed to defend the prin"e who had been res"ued by the washerman$ and who a one remained of a the roya fami y, E"hama )ai(ue$ furious at this shamefu barbarity and "onfident in the justi"e of his "ause$ se e"ted ten thousand of his best so diers$ and with them offered batt e to Haga Raya$ who had more than siAty thousand men and a number of e ephants and horses, E"hama sent him a message in this form: < D)ow that thou hast murdered thy Cing and a his fami y$ and there a one remains this boy whom I res"ued from thee and ha%e in my Ceeping$ "ome out and taCe the fie d with a thy troops; Ci him and me$ and then thy nephew wi be se"ure on the throneOD *Haga Raya tried to e%ade this for some time; but finding that E"hama )ai(ue insisted$ he de"ided to fight him$ trusting that with so great a number of men he wou d easi y not on y be %i"torious$ but wou d be ab e to "apture both E"hama )ai(ue and the prin"e, He tooC the fie d$ therefore$ with a his troops, E"hama )ai(ue entrusted the prin"e to a for"e of ten thousand men who remained a eague away$ and with the other ten thousand he not on y offered batt e$ but was the first to atta"C; and that with su"h fury and %io en"e that Haga Raya$ with a the peop e surrounding his nephew$ was dri%en to one side$ ea%ing gaps open to the enemy$ and many met their deaths in the fight, E"hama )ai(ue entered in triumph the tents of Haga Raya$ finding in them a the roya insignia be onging to the o d Ging and these he de i%ered to the young prin"e$ the Son of Chi"a Raya$ pro" aiming him rightfu heir and Ging of a the empire of 'isnaga, *#he spoi whi"h he tooC was %ery arge$ for in pre"ious stones a one they say that he found two mi ions worth, *After this %i"tory many of the nob es joined themse %es to E"hama )ai(ue, So mu"h so$ that in a short time he had with him fifty thousand fighting men in his "amp; whi e Haga Raya$ with on y fifteen thousand$ f ed to the jung es, Here$ howe%er$ he was joined by more peop e$ so that the war has "ontinued these two years$?=-E@ fortune fa%ouring now one side now the other, 'ut the party of the young prin"e has a ways been gaining strength; the more so be"ause$ a though the great )ai(ue of 2adura?=-.@ < a page of the bete to the Ging of 'isnaga$ who pays a re%enue e%ery year of$ some say$ -66$666 pagodas$ and has under him many Cings and nob es as %assa s$ su"h as he of #ra%an"or < tooC the side of Haga Raya$ and sustained him against the )ai(ue of #anjaor, 9et the atter$ though not so powerfu $ is$ with the aid of the young Ging$ gradua y getting the upper hand, Indeed there are now assemb ed in the fie d in the arge open p ains of #rin"henepa i?=--@ not on y the hundred thousand men that ea"h party has$ but as many as a mi ion of so diers, *#aCing ad%antage of these "i%i wars$ the "ity of San #home?=->@ < whi"h up to now be onged to the Ging of 'isnaga$ paying him re%enues and "ustoms whi"h he used to maCe o%er to "ertain "hiefs$ by whom the !ortuguese were often great y troub ed determined to iberate itse f$ and be"ome in e%erything and for e%erything the property of the Ging of !ortuga , #o this end she begged the Vi"eroy to send and taCe possession of her in the name of his 2ajesty$ whi"h he did$ as I sha afterwards te you, 2eanwhi e the "aptain who go%erned the town$ by name 2anue de Frias$ seeing that there was " ose to the town a fortress that "ommanded it$ determined to sei/e it by for"e$ seeing that its "aptain de" ined to surrender it, So he aid siege to it$ surrounding it so " ose y that no one "ou d get out,* In the end the !ortuguese were su""essfu , #he fortress was taCen$ its garrison of 4.66 men "apitu ated$ and a f eet "ame round by sea to "omp ete the "on(uest, #he foregoing story re ates to e%ents ne%er before$ I thinC$ made Cnown to Eng ish readers$ and so far is of the highest interest, ;et us$ for the moment$ grant its a""ura"y$ and read it by the ight of the genea ogi"a tab e a ready gi%en,?=-M@ Ging VenCata I, 14.M- < 4-4E3 had a sister who was married to a "hief whom 'arradas "a s *+bo*

1perhaps +ba a3 Raya, So far as we Cnow$ his on y nephews were #iruma a II, and Ranga III,$ sons of his brother$ Rama III, Sin"e #iruma a II, appears to ha%e had no sons$ and Ranga III, had a son$ Rama IV$ who is asserted in the ins"riptions to ha%e been *one of se%era brothers$* it is natura to suppose that the nephew mentioned by 'arradas$ who was raised to be Cing on the death of the o d Ging VenCata I, in 4-4E$ and who had three sons$ was Ranga III,$ "a ed *ChiCCa Raya* or *Crown& prin"e* in the teAt, He$ then$ su""eeded in 4-4E$ but was afterwards deposed$ imprisoned$ and "ompe ed to taCe his own ife, His e dest son at the same time fo owed his eAamp e$ and his youngest son was s ain by his father, #he *midd e son* es"aped$ and was raised to the throne by a friend y "hief named E"hama )aiC, #his se"ond son was probab y Ranga IV, #wo of Ging VenCataDs wi%es were 'ayama$ daughter of Haga Raya$ and a ady unnamed$ sister of )arpa Raya, A nie"e of VenCata I, had been gi%en in marriage to a 'rahman boy$ who had been surreptitious y introdu"ed into the pa a"e by 'ayama and edu"ated in the preten"e that he was son of Ging VenCata, #he p ot to raise him to the throne was temporari y su""essfu $ and Ranga III, and a the roya fami y were Ci ed$ sa%ing on y Ranga IV,$ who afterwards "ame to the throne, How mu"h of the story to d is true we "annot as yet de"ide; but it is eAtreme y improbab e that the who e is a pure in%ention$ and we may for the present a""ept it$ fiAing the date of these o""urren"es as "ertain y between the years 4-4E and 4-4- A,0, < the date of 'arradasDs etter being 0e"ember 45 in the atter year, It wi be obser%ed that the ins"riptions upon whi"h the genea ogi"a tab e gi%en abo%e$ from the E!I:RA!HIA I)0ICA$ is founded do not yie d any date between A,0, 4-4E and 4-=E$ when !edda VenCata II, is named as Cing, In 4MM= I pub ished?=-L@ a ist of Vijayanagar names deri%ed from reports of ins"riptions whi"h had then rea"hed me, I am by no means "ertain of their a""ura"y$ and it is " ear that they must a be hereafter "arefu y eAamined, 'ut so far as it goes the ist runs thus: < A,0, Ranga 4-4L Rama 4-56$ 4-55 Ranga 4-5= VenCata 4-5= Rama 4-5L VenCata 4-=#he ast&mentioned name and date are apparent y "orre"t, In 4-== the !ortuguese$ en"ouraged by the Vijayanagar Cing$ sti at Chandragiri$ attempted to eje"t the 0ut"h from *!a ea"ate$* or !u i"at, An arrangement was made by whi"h the !ortuguese were to atta"C by sea and the Rajah by and; but whi e the Vi"eroy sent his twe %e ships as agreed on$ the Rajah fai ed to atta"C$ a eging in eAp anation that he was "ompe ed to use his army to put down interna disturban"es in the Cingdom, A se"ond eApedition met with no better su""ess$ the p ans of the !ortuguese being again upset by the non fu fi ment of the CingDs part of the bargain, +n the departure of the f eet the Cing did atta"C the 0ut"h sett ement$ but was bought off by a arge payment$ and the Ho anders remained subse(uent y undisturbed, Senhor ;opes te s me that he has found in the )ationa Ar"hi%es in the #orre do #ombo$ amongst the *;i%ros das 2on"oes$* a number of papers bearing on this subje"t, #he most interesting are those "ontained in Vo ume AAAi%, 1fo , L4 < LL3, #hese were written by the Captain&:enera of 2e iapor 1St, #home3$ by !adre !ero 2eAia of the Company of Hesus$ and by the 'ishop; and amongst the other do"uments are to be seen trans ations of two pa m& eaf etters written by the Cing of Vijayanagar$ then at Ve ore, It appears from these that the Cing was de%oid of energy$ and that one #imma Raya had re%o ted against him, Ke Cnow that in 4-=L the Cing of Vijayanagar was named Ranga or Sri&Ranga$ and that he was at that time residing at Chandragiri; be"ause in that year 2r, 0ay$ the head of the Eng ish trading

station a 2adras$ obtained from the Cing a grant of and at that p a"e$ one mi e broad by fi%e mi es ong$ on whi"h Fort St, :eorge was afterwards "onstru"ted, #he "ountry about 2adras was then ru ed o%er by a go%ernor or )aiC$ and so itt e heed did he pay to the wishes or "ommands of his titu ar so%ereign$ that a though the Raya had dire"ted that the name of the new town shou d be *Srirangaraya apatnam* 1*"ity of Sri Ranga Raya*3$ the )aiC "hristened it after the name of his own father$ Chenna$ and "a ed it *Chennapatnam$* by whi"h appe ation it has e%er sin"e been Cnown to the Hindus, Su"h$ at east$ is the o"a tradition, #his Cing was probab y the Ranga VI, of the Epigraphia ist$ mentioned as i%ing in 4-EE A,0, After this date my 1doubtfu and uneAamined3 ins"riptions yie d the fo owing names and dates: < A,0, Ranga 4-E=$ 4-E>$ 4-..$ 4--5$ 4--=$ 4--.$ 4-->$ 4->M VenCata 4->M$ 4-M6 Ranga 4-L5 VenCata 4>6Ranga 4>42ahade%a 4>5E Ranga 4>5L VenCata 4>=5 Rama 4>=L 1N3 VenCata 4>EE VenCata 4>L4$ 4>L5$ 4>L= From Sir #homas 2unroDs papers I gather that the territory about the o d fami y estate of Anegundi was ear y in the eighteenth "entury he d by the Rayas from the 2ogu emperor of 0e hi as a tributary state, In 4>EL it was sei/ed by the 2ahrattas$ and in 4>>. it was redu"ed by Haidar A i of 2ysore$ but "ontinued to eAist as a tributary (uasi&independent state ti the time of #ipu 1#ippoo Su tan3, #ipu$ who ne%er suffered from an eA"ess of "ompun"tion or "ompassion when his own interests were at staCe$ anneAed the estate bodi y to his dominions in 4>M-, #hirteen years ater he was Ci ed at Seringapatam$ and in the sett ement that fo owed the itt e territory was made o%er to the )i/am of Haidarabad$ the Eng ish :o%ernment retaining a ands on their side of the #ungabhadra, !art y in "ompensation for this oss of and the :o%ernment has ti %ery re"ent y paid an annua pension to the head of the Anegundi fami y, #his has now been abo ished, Chroni" es of !aes and )uni/ ;etter 1N to the historian 'arros3 whi"h a""ompanied the Chroni" es when sent from India to !ortuga about the year 4.=> A,0, Sin"e I ha%e i%ed ti now in this "ity 1N :oa3$ it seemed ne"essary to do what your Honour desired of me$ name y$ to sear"h for men who had former y been in 'isnaga; for I Cnow that no one goes there without bringing away his (uire of paper written about its affairs, #hus I obtained this summary from one 0omingos !aes$ who goes there$ and who was at 'isnaga in the time of Crisnarao when Cristo%ao de Figueiredo was there, I obtained another from Fernao )uni/$ who was there three years trading in horses 1whi"h did not pro%e remunerati%e3, Sin"e one man "annot te e%erything < one re ating some things whi"h another does not < I send both the summaries made by them$ name y$ one in the time of Crisnarao$ as I ha%e said$ and the other sent from there siA months sin"e, I desire to do this be"ause your honour "an gather what is usefu to you from both$ and be"ause you wi thus gi%e the more "redit to some things in the "hroni" e of the Cings of 'isnaga$ sin"e they "onform one to the other, #he "opy of the summary whi"h he began to maCe?=>6@ when he first went to the Cingdom of 'isnaga is as fo ows: <

)arrati%e of 0omingos !aes 1written probab y A,0, 4.56 < 553 +f the things whi"h I saw and "ontri%ed to earn "on"erning the Cingdom of )arsimga$ et",?=>4@ +n ea%ing India?=>5@ to tra%e towards the Cingdom of )arsymga from the sea&"oast$ you ha%e 1first3 to pass a range of hi s 1SERRA3$ the boundary of the said Cingdom and of those territories whi"h are by the sea, #his SERRA runs a ong the who e of the "oast of India$ and has passes by whi"h peop e enter the interior; for a the rest of the range is %ery ro"Cy and is fi ed with thi"C forest, #he said Cingdom has many p a"es on the "oast of India; they are seaports with whi"h we are at pea"e$ and in some of them we ha%e fa"tories$ name y$ Am"o a$ 2irgeo$ Honor$ 'ate"a a$ 2amga or$ 'ra"a or$ and 'a"anor, And as soon as we are abo%e this SERRA we ha%e a p ain "ountry in whi"h there are no more ranges of hi s$ but on y a few mountains$ and these sma ones; for a the rest is iCe the p ains of Ssantarem,?=>=@ +n y on the road from 'ate"a a?=>E@ to a town "a ed IA2'8HA$ there are some ranges with forests; ne%erthe ess the road is %ery e%en, From 'ate"a a to this town of Iambur?=>.@ is forty eagues; the road has many streams of water by its side$ and be"ause of this so mu"h mer"handise f ows to 'ate"a a that e%ery year there "ome fi%e or siA thousand pa"C&oAen, )ow to te of the aforesaid Cingdom, It is a "ountry sparse y wooded eA"ept a ong this SERRA on the east$?=>-@ but in p a"es you wa C for two or three eagues under gro%es of trees; and behind "ities and towns and %i ages they ha%e p antations of mangoes$ and ja"C&fruit trees$ and tamarinds and other %ery arge trees$ whi"h form resting&p a"es where mer"hants ha t with their mer"handise, I saw in the "ity of Re"a em?=>>@ a tree under whi"h we odged three hundred and twenty horses$ standing in order as in their stab es$ and a o%er the "ountry you may see many sma trees, #hese dominions are %ery we "u ti%ated and %ery ferti e$ and are pro%ided with (uantities of "att e$ su"h as "ows$ buffa oes$ and sheep; a so of birds$ both those be onging to the hi s and those reared at home$ and this in greater abundan"e than in our tra"ts, #he and has p enty of ri"e and Indian&"orn$ grains$ beans$ and other Cind of "rops whi"h are not sown in our parts; a so an infinity of "otton, +f the grains there is a great (uantity$ be"ause$ besides being used as food for men$ it is a so used for horses$ sin"e there is no other Cind of bar ey; and this "ountry has a so mu"h wheat$ and that good, #he who e "ountry is thi"C y popu ated with "ities and towns and %i ages; the Cing a ows them to be surrounded on y with earthen wa s for fear of their be"oming too strong, 'ut if a "ity is situated at the eAtremity of his territory he gi%es his "onsent to its ha%ing stone wa s$ but ne%er the towns; so that they may maCe fortresses of the "ities but not of the towns, And be"ause this "ountry is a f at$ the winds b ow here more than in other parts, #he oi whi"h it produ"es "omes from seeds sown and afterwards reaped$ and they obtain it by means of ma"hines whi"h they maCe, #his "ountry wants water be"ause it is %ery great and has few streams; they maCe aCes in whi"h water "o e"ts when it rains$ and thereby they maintain themse %es, #hey maintain themse %es by means of some in whi"h there are springs better than by others that ha%e on y the water from rain; for we find many (uite dry$ so that peop e go about wa Cing in their beds$ and dig ho es to try and find enough water$ e%en a itt e$ for their maintenan"e, #he fai ure of the water is be"ause they ha%e no winter as in our parts and in 1!ortuguese3 India$ but on y thunder&storms that are greater in one year than in another, #he water in these aCes is for the most part muddy$ espe"ia y in those where there are no springs$ and the reason why it is so muddy is be"ause of the strong wind and the dust that is in this "ountry$ whi"h ne%er a ows the water to be " ear$ and a so be"ause of the numbers of "att e$ buffa oes$ "ows$ oAen$ and other sma "att e that drinC in them, For you must Cnow that in this and they do not s aughter oAen or "ows; the oAen are beasts of burden and are iCe sumpter&mu es; these "arry a their goods, #hey worship the "ows$ and ha%e them in their pagodas made in stone$ and a so bu s; they ha%e many bu s that they present to these pagodas$ and these bu s go about the "ity without any one "ausing them any harm or oss, Further$ there are asses in this "ountry$ but they are sma $ and they use them on y for itt e things; those that wash " othes ay the " oths on them$ and use them for this more than for anything e se, 9ou must

Cnow that this Cingdom of )arsymga has three hundred :RA+S of "oast$ ea"h :RA+ being a eague$ a ong the hi &range 1SERRA3 of whi"h I ha%e spoCen$ unti you arri%e at 'a agate and Charamaode $?=>M@ whi"h be ong to this Cingdom; and in breadth it is one hundred and siAty&four :RA+S; ea"h arge :RA+ measures two of our eagues$ so that it has siA hundred eagues of "oast$ and a"ross it three hundred and forty&eight eaguesB a"ross from 'ata"a a to the Cingdom of +rya, ?=>L@ And this Cingdom mar"hes?=M6@ with a the territory of 'enga $ and on the other side with the Cingdom of +rya$ whi"h is to the east$ and on the other side to the north with the Cingdom of 0aChan$ be onging to whi"h are the ands whi"h the 9da "ao?=M4@ has$ and +/eme u"o,?=M5@ :oa is at war with this 9da "ao$ be"ause that "ity was his$ and we ha%e taCen it from him, And this Cingdom of +rya$ of whi"h I ha%e spoCen abo%e$ is said to be mu"h arger than the Cingdom of )arsymga$ sin"e it mar"hes with a 'enga $ and is at war with her; and it mar"hes with a the Cingdom of !egu and with the 2A;;ACA Sea, It rea"hes to the Cingdom of Cambaya$ and to the Cingdom of 0aChan; and they to d me with positi%e "ertainty that it eAtends as far as !ersia, #he popu ation thereof is ight "o oured$ and the men are of good physi(ue, Its Cing has mu"h treasure and many so diers and many e ephants$ for there are numbers of these in this "ountry, 12y informants3 Cnow this we $ and they say that there is no ru er greater than he, He is a heathen, Coming ba"C to our subje"t$ I say that I wi not mention here the situation of the "ities$ and towns$ and %i ages in this Cingdom of )arsymga$ to a%oid pro iAity; on y I sha speaC of the "ity of 0ar"ha$?=M=@ whi"h has a monument su"h as "an se dom be seen e sewhere, #his "ity of 0ar"ha is %ery we fortified by a wa $ though not of stone$ for the reason that I ha%e a ready stated, +n the western side$ whi"h is towards 1!ortuguese3 India$ it is surrounded by a %ery beautifu ri%er$ and on the other$ eastern side the interior of the "ountry is a one p ain$ and a ong the wa is its moat, #his 0ar"ha has a pagoda$ whi"h is the monument I speaC of$ so beautifu that another as good of its Cind "ou d not be found within a great distan"e, 9ou must Cnow that it is a round temp e made of a sing e stone$ the gateway a in the manner of joiners worC$ with e%ery art of perspe"ti%e, #here are many figures of the said worC$ standing out as mu"h as a "ubit from the stone$ so that you see on e%ery side of them$ so we "ar%ed that they "ou d not be better done < the fa"es as we as a the rest; and ea"h one in its p a"e stands as if embowered in ea%es; and abo%e it is in the Romanes(ue sty e$ so we made that it "ou d not be better, 'esides this$ it has a sort of esser por"h upon pi ars$ a of stone$ and the pi ars with their pedesta s?=ME@ so we eAe"uted that they appear as if made in Ita y; a the "ross pie"es and beams are of the same stone without any p anCs or timber being used in it$ and in the same way a the ground is aid with the same stone$ outside as we as in, And a this pagoda$ as far round as the temp e goes$ is en" osed by a tre is made of the same stone$ and this again is "omp ete y surrounded by a %ery strong wa $ better e%en than the "ity has$ sin"e it is a of so id masonry, It has three entran"e gates$ whi"h gates are %ery arge and beautifu $ and the entran"e from one of these sides$ being towards the east and fa"ing the door of the pagoda$ has some stru"tures iCe %erandahs$ sma and ow$ where sit some H+:IS;?=M.@ and inside this en" osure$ whi"h has other itt e pagodas of a reddish "o our$ there is a stone iCe the mast of a ship$ with its pedesta four&sided$ and from then"e to the top eight&sided$ standing in the open air, I was not astonished at it$ be"ause I ha%e seen the need e of St, !eters at Rome$ whi"h is as high$ or more, ?=M-@ #hese pagodas are bui dings in whi"h they pray and ha%e their ido s; the ido s are of many sorts$ name y$ figures of men and women$ of bu s$ and apes$ whi e others ha%e nothing but a round stone whi"h they worship, In this temp e of 0ar"ha is an ido in the figure of a man as to his body$ and the fa"e is that of an e ephant with trunC and tusCs$?=M>@ and with three arms on ea"h side and siA hands$ of whi"h arms they say that a ready four are gone$ and when a fa then the wor d wi be destroyed they are fu of be ief that this wi be$ and ho d it as a prophe"y, #hey feed the ido e%ery day$ for they say that he eats; and when he eats women dan"e before him who be ong to that pagoda$ and they gi%e him food and a that is ne"essary$ and a gir s born of these women be ong to the temp e, #hese women are of oose "hara"ter$ and i%e in the best streets that there are in the

"ity; it is the same in a their "ities$ their streets ha%e the best rows of houses #hey are %ery mu"h esteemed$ and are " assed amongst those honoured ones who are the mistresses of the "aptains; any respe"tab e man may go to their houses without any b ame atta"hing thereto, #hese women 1are a owed3 e%en to enter the presen"e of the wi%es of the Cing$ and they stay with them and eat bete with them$ a thing whi"h no other person may do$ no matter what his ranC may be, #his bete is a herb whi"h has a eaf iCe the eaf of the pepper$ or the i%y of our "ountry; they a ways eat this eaf$ and "arry it in their mouths with another fruit "a ed are"a, #his is something iCe a med ar$ but it is %ery hard$ and it is %ery good for the breath and has many other %irtues; it is the best pro%ision for those who do not eat as we do, Some of them eat f esh; they eat a Cinds eA"ept beef and porC$ and yet$ ne%erthe ess$ they "ease not to eat this bete a day, Afterwards going from this "ity of 0ar"ha towards the "ity of 'isnaga$?=MM@ whi"h is eighteen eagues distant$ and is the "apita of a the Cingdom of )arsymga$ where the Cing a ways resides$ you ha%e many "ities and wa ed %i ages; and two eagues before you arri%e at the "ity of 'isnaga you ha%e a %ery ofty SERRA whi"h has passes by whi"h you enter the "ity, #hese are "a ed *gates* 1!+R#AS3, 9ou must enter by these$ for you wi ha%e no means of entran"e eA"ept by them, #his range of hi s surrounds the "ity with a "ir" e of twenty&four eagues$ and within this range there are others that en"ir" e it " ose y, Khere%er these ranges ha%e any e%e ground they "ross it with a %ery strong wa $ in su"h a way that the hi s remain a " osed$ eA"ept in the p a"es where the roads "ome through from the gates in the first range$ whi"h are the entran"e ways to the "ity, In su"h p a"es there are some sma pits 1or "a%esN3?=ML@ whi"h "ou d be defended by a few peop e; these SERRAS "ontinue as far as the interior of the "ity, 'etween a these en" osures are p ains and %a eys where ri"e is grown$ and there are gardens with many orange&trees$ imes$ "itrons$ and radishes 1RA'A+S3$ and other Cinds of garden produ"e as in !ortuga $ on y not ettu"es or "abbages, 'etween these hi &ranges are many aCes by whi"h they irrigate the "rops mentioned$ and amongst a these ranges there are no forests or pat"hes of brushwood$ eA"ept %ery sma ones$ nor anything that is green, For these hi s are the strangest e%er seen$ they are of a white stone pi ed one b o"C o%er another in manner most singu ar$ so that it seems as if they stood in the air and were not "onne"ted one with another; and the "ity is situated in the midd e of these hi s and is entire y surrounded by them, #he SERRAS rea"h as far as the Cingdom of 0a(uem$?=L6@ and border upon the territories be onging to the 9da "ao$ and upon a "ity "a ed Ra"ho that former y be onged to the Cing of )arsymga; there has been mu"h war o%er it$ and this Cing tooC it from the 9da "ao, So that these ranges are in a way the "ause 1of the two Cingdoms3 ne%er uniting and a ways being at war; and e%en on the side of +rya a so there are ranges$ but they are different from these$ sin"e iCe ours they ha%e s"rub and sma pat"hes of brushwood; these ranges are ow and between them are great p ains, +n the eAtreme east of these two Cingdoms you must Cnow that the "ountry is a "o%ered with s"rub$ the densest possib e to be seen$ in whi"h there are great beasts$ and 1this3 forms so strong a fortress for it that it prote"ts both sides; it has its entran"es by whi"h they pass from one Cingdom to the other, In these passes on the frontier the Cing of )arsymga has a "aptain with a (uantity of troops$ but on the side of 1!ortuguese3 India he has none$ eA"ept as I ha%e said, )ow turning to the gates of the first range$ I say that at the entran"e of the gate where those pass who "ome from :oa$ whi"h is the prin"ipa entran"e on the western side; this Cing has made within it a %ery strong "ity?=L4@ fortified with wa s and towers$ and the gates at the entran"es %ery strong$ with towers at the gates; these wa s are not iCe those of other "ities$ but are made of %ery strong masonry su"h as wou d be found in few other parts$ and inside %ery beautifu rows of bui dings made after their manner with f at roofs, #here i%e in this many mer"hants$ and it is fi ed with a arge popu ation be"ause the Cing indu"es many honourab e mer"hants to go there from his "ities$ and there is mu"h water in it, 'esides this the Cing made a tanC?=L5@ there$ whi"h$ as it seems to me$ has the width of a fa "on&shot$?=L=@ and it is at the mouth of two hi s$ so that a the water whi"h "omes from either one side or the other "o e"ts there; and$ besides this$ water "omes to it from more than three eagues by pipes whi"h run a ong the ower parts of the range outside, #his

water is brought from a aCe whi"h itse f o%erf ows into a itt e ri%er, #he tanC has three arge pi ars handsome y "ar%ed with figures; these "onne"t abo%e with "ertain pipes by whi"h they get water when they ha%e to irrigate their gardens and ri"e&fie ds, In order to maCe this tanC the said Cing broCe down a hi whi"h en" osed the ground o""upied by the said tanC, In the tanC I saw so many peop e at worC that there must ha%e been fifteen or twenty thousand men$ ooCing iCe ants$ so that you "ou d not see the ground on whi"h they wa Ced$ so many there were; this tanC the Cing portioned out amongst his "aptains$ ea"h of whom had the duty of seeing that the peop e p a"ed under him did their worC$ and that the tanC was finished and brought to "omp etion, #he tanC burst two or three times$ and the Cing asCed his 'rahmans to "onsu t their ido as to the reason why it burst so often$ and the 'rahmans said that the ido was disp eased$ and desired that they shou d maCe a sa"rifi"e$ and shou d gi%e him the b ood of men and horses and buffa oes; and as soon as the Cing heard this he forthwith "ommanded that at the gate of the pagoda the heads of siAty men shou d be "ut off$ and of "ertain horses and buffa oes$ whi"h was at on"e done, #hese 'rahmans are iCe friars with us$ and they "ount them as ho y men < I speaC of the 'rahman priests and the ettered men of the pagodas < be"ause a though the Cing has many 'rahmans$ they are offi"ers of the towns and "ities and be ong to the go%ernment of them; others are mer"hants$ and others i%e by their own property and "u ti%ation$ and the fruits whi"h grow in their inherited grounds, #hose who ha%e "harge of the temp es are earned men$ and eat nothing whi"h suffers death$ neither f esh nor fish$ nor anything whi"h maCes broth red$ for they say that it is b ood, Some of the other 'rahmans whom I mentioned$ who seeC to ser%e :od$ and to do penan"e$ and to i%e a ife iCe that of the priests$ do not eat f esh or fish or any other thing that suffers death$ but on y %egetab es?=LE@ and butter and other things whi"h they maCe of fruit$?=L.@ with their ri"e, #hey are a married$ and ha%e %ery beautifu wi%es; the wi%es are %ery retiring$ and %ery se dom ea%e the house, #he women are of ight "o our$ and in the "aste of these 'rahmans are the fairest men and women that there are in the and; for though there are men in other "astes "ommon y of ight "omp eAion$ yet these are few, #here are many in this "ountry who "a themse %es 'rahmans$ but they ead a ife %ery different from those of whom I ha%e spoCen$ for these ast are men to whom the Cing pays mu"h honour$ and he ho ds them in great fa%our, #his new "ity that the Cing made bears the name of his wife for o%e of whom he made it$?=L-@ and the said "ity stands in a p ain$ and round it the inhabitants maCe their gardens as the ground suits$ ea"h one being separate, In this "ity the Cing made a temp e with many images, It is a thing %ery we made$ and it has some we s %ery we made after their fashion; its houses are not bui t with stories iCe ours$ but are of on y one f oor$ with f at$ roofs and towers$?=L>@ different from ours$ for theirs go from storey to storey, #hey ha%e pi ars$ and are a open$ with %erandahs inside and out$ where they "an easi y put peop e if they desire$ so that they seem iCe houses be onging to a Cing, #hese pa a"es ha%e an en" osing wa whi"h surrounds them a $ and inside are many rows of houses, 'efore you enter the p a"e where the Cing is there are two gates with many guards$ who pre%ent any one from entering eA"ept the "aptains and men who ha%e business there; and between these two gates is a %ery arge "ourt with its %erandahs round it$ where these "aptains and other honoured peop e wait ti the Cing summons them to his presen"e, #his Cing is of medium height$ and of fair "omp eAion and good figure$ rather fat than thin$ he has on his fa"e signs of sma &poA, He is the most feared and perfe"t Cing that "ou d possib y be$ "heerfu of disposition and %ery merry; he is one that seeCs to honour foreigners$ and re"ei%es them Cind y$ asCing about a their affairs whate%er their "ondition may be He is a great ru er and a man of mu"h justi"e$ but subje"t to sudden fits of rage$?=LM@ and this is his tit e < *Crisnarao 2a"a"ao$ ?=LL@ Cing of Cings$ ord of the greater ords of India$ ord of the three seas and of the and,* He has this tit e?E66@ be"ause he is by ranC a greater ord than any$ by reason of what he possesses in 1N3 armies and territories$ but it seems that he has 1in fa"t3 nothing "ompared to what a man iCe him ought to ha%e$ so ga ant and perfe"t is he in a things, #his Cing was "onstant y at war with the Cing of +rya$ and entered his Cingdom$ taCing and destroying many "ities and towns; he put to rout numbers of his so diers and e ephants$ and tooC "apti%e his son$ whom he Cept for a ong time in

this "ity of 'isnaga$ where he died; and in order to maCe a treaty and 1preser%e3 pea"e$ the Cing of +rya ga%e him a daughter whom the Cing of 'isnaga married and has as his wife, #his Cing has twe %e awfu wi%es$ of whom there are three prin"ipa ones$ the sons of ea"h of these three being heirs of the Cingdom$ but not these of the others; this is 1the "ase3 when there are sons to a of them$ but when there is on y one son$ whosesoe%er he may be$ he is heir, +ne of these prin"ipa wi%es is the daughter of the Cing of +rya$ and others daughters of a Cing his %assa who is Cing of Serimgapatao; another wife is a "ourte/an whom in his youth he had for mistress before he be"ame Cing$ and she made him promise that if he "ame to be Cing he wou d taCe her to wife$ and thus it "ame to pass that this "ourte/an be"ame his wife, For o%e of her he bui t this new "ity$ and its name was B 1SIC I) +RI:,3 B Ea"h one of these wi%es has her house to herse f$ with her maidens and women of the "hamber$ and women guards and a other women ser%ants ne"essary; a these are women$ and no man enters where they are$ sa%e on y the eunu"hs$ who guard them, #hese women are ne%er seen by any man$ eA"ept perhaps by some o d man of high ranC by fa%our of the Cing, Khen they wish to go out they are "arried in itters shut up and " osed$?E64@ so that they "annot be seen$ and a the eunu"hs with them fu y three or four hundred; and a other peop e Ceep a ong distan"e from them, #hey to d us that ea"h of these (ueens has a %ery arge sum of money and treasure and persona ornaments$ name y arm ets$ bra"e ets$ seed&pear s$?E65@ pear s and diamonds$ and that in great (uantity: and they a so say that ea"h of them has siAty maidens adorned as ri"h y as "ou d possib y be with many jewe s$ and rubies and diamonds and pear s and seed& pear s, #hese we afterwards saw$ and stood astonished; we saw them at "ertain festi%a s whi"h I wi afterwards speaC of$ and of the manner in whi"h they "ame, Kithin$ with these maidens$ they say that there are twe %e thousand women; for you must Cnow that there are women who hand e sword and shie d$ and others who wrest e$ and others who b ow trumpets$ and others pipes$ and others instruments whi"h are different from ours; and in the same way they ha%e women as bearers 1'++IS3 and washing&fo C$ and for other offi"es inside their gates$ just as the Cing has the offi"ers of his househo d, #hese three prin"ipa wi%es ha%e ea"h the same$ one as mu"h as the other$ so that there may ne%er be any dis"ord or i fee ing between them; a of them are great friends$ and ea"h one i%es by herse f, It may be gathered from this what a arge en" osure there must be for these houses where so many peop e i%e$ and what streets and anes they must ha%e, #he Cing i%es by himse f inside the pa a"e$ and when he wishes to ha%e with him one of his wi%es he orders a eunu"h to go and "a her, #he eunu"h does not enter where she is$ but te s it to the fema e guards$ who maCe Cnown to the (ueen that there is a message from the Cing$ and then "omes one of her maidens or "hamber&women and earns what is wanted$ and then the (ueen goes where the Cing is$ or the Cing "omes where she is$ and so passes the time as it seems good to him without any of the others Cnowing, Amongst these eunu"hs the Cing has some who are great fa%ourites$ and who s eep where he s eeps; they re"ei%e a arge sa ary, #his Cing is a""ustomed e%ery day to drinC 78AR#I;H+ 1three&(uarter pint3 of oi of :I):E;;9?E6=@ before day ight$ and anoints himse f a o%er with the said oi ; he "o%ers his oins with a sma " oth$ and taCes in his arms great weights made of earthenware$ and then$ taCing a sword$ he eAer"ises himse f with it ti he has sweated out a the oi $ and then he wrest es with one of his wrest ers, After this abour he mounts a horse and ga ops about the p ain in one dire"tion and another ti dawn$ for he does a this before daybreaC, #hen he goes to wash himse f$ and a 'rahman washes him whom he ho ds sa"red$ and who is a great fa%ourite of his and is a man of great wea th; and after he is washed he goes to where his pagoda is inside the pa a"e$ and maCes his orisons and "eremonies$ a""ording to "ustom, #hen"e he goes to a bui ding made in the shape of a por"h without wa s$ whi"h has many pi ars hung with " oths right up to the top$ and with the wa s handsome y painted; it has on ea"h side two figures of women %ery we made, In su"h a bui ding he despat"hes his worC with those men who bear offi"e in his Cingdom$ and go%ern his "ities$ and his fa%ourites ta C with them, #he greatest fa%ourite is an o d man "a ed #emersea;?E6E@ he "ommands the who e househo d$ and to him a the great ords a"t as to the Cing, After the Cing has ta Ced with these men on subje"ts p easing to him he bids enter the ords and "aptains who wait at

the gate$ and these at on"e enter to maCe their sa aam to him, As soon as they appear they maCe their sa aam to him$ and p a"e themse %es a ong the wa s far off from him; they do not speaC one to another$ nor do they "hew bete before him$ but they p a"e their hands in the s ee%es of their tuni"s 1CA'A9AS3 and "ast their eyes on the ground; and if the Cing desires to speaC to any one it is done through a se"ond person$ and then he to whom the Cing desires to speaC raises his eyes and rep ies to him who (uestions him$ and then returns to his former position, So they remain ti the Cing bids them go$ and then they a turn to maCe the sa aam to him and go out, #he sa aam$ whi"h is the greatest "ourtesy that eAists among them$ is that they put their hands joined abo%e their head as high as they "an, E%ery day they go to maCe the sa aam to the Cing, Khen we "ame to this "ountry the Cing was in this new town$ and there went to see him Christo%ao de Figueiredo?E6.@ with a of us !ortuguese that "ame with him$ and a %ery handsome y dressed after our manner$ with mu"h finery; the Cing re"ei%ed him %ery we $ and was %ery "omp a"ent to him, #he Cing was as mu"h p eased with him as if he had been one of his own peop e$ so mu"h attention did he e%in"e towards him; and a so towards those amongst us who went with him he showed mu"h Cindness, Ke were so " ose to the Cing that he tou"hed us a and "ou d not ha%e enough of ooCing at us, #hen Christo%ao de Figueiredo ga%e him the etters from the Captain& 2ajor?E6-@ and the things he had brought for him$ with whi"h he was great y de ighted; prin"ipa y with "ertain organs?E6>@ that the said Christo%ao de Figueiredo brought him$ with many other things 1!ECAS3, #he Cing was " othed in "ertain white " oths embroidered with many roses in go d$ and with a !A#ECA?E6M@of diamonds on his ne"C of %ery great %a ue$ and on his head he had a "ap of bro"ade in fashion iCe a :a i"ian he met$ "o%ered with a pie"e of fine stuff a of fine si C$ and he was barefooted; for no one e%er enters where the Cing is un ess he has bare feet$ and the majority of the peop e$ or a most a $ go about the "ountry barefooted, #he shoes ha%e pointed ends$ in the an"ient manner$ and there are other shoes that ha%e nothing but so es$ but on top are some straps whi"h he p to Ceep them on the feet, #hey are made iCe those whi"h of o d the Romans were wont to wear$ as you wi find on figures in some papers or anti(uities whi"h "ome from Ita y, #he Cing ga%e to Christo%ao de Figueiredo on dismissing him a CA'A9A 1tuni"3 of bro"ade$ with a "ap of the same fashion as the Cing wore$?E6L@ and to ea"h one of the !ortuguese he ga%e a " oth embroidered with many pretty figures$ and this the Cing gi%es be"ause it is "ustomary; he gi%es it in toCen of friendship and o%e, Khen Christo%ao de Figueiredo had been dismissed by the Cing we "ame to the "ity of 'isnaga$ whi"h is a eague from this new "ity$ and here he "ommanded us to be odged in some %ery good houses; and Figueiredo was %isited by many ords and "aptains$ and other persons who "ame on beha f of the Cing, And the Cing sent him many sheep and fow s$ and many %esse s 1CA;+EES3 fu of butter and honey and many other things to eat$ whi"h he at on"e distributed amongst a the foot& so diers and peop e whom he had brought with him, #he Cing said many Cind and p easant things to him$ and asCed him "on"erning the Cind of state whi"h the Cing of !ortuga Cept up; and ha%ing been to d about it a he seemed mu"h p eased, Returning then to the "ity of 'isnaga$ you must Cnow that from it to the new "ity goes a street as wide as a p a"e of tourney$ with both sides ined throughout with rows of houses and shops where they se e%erything; and a a ong this road are many trees that the Cing "ommanded to be p anted$ so as to afford shade to those that pass a ong, +n this road he "ommanded to be ere"ted a %ery beautifu temp e of stone$?E46@ and there are other pagodas that the "aptains and great ords "aused to be ere"ted, So that$ returning to the "ity of 'isnaga$ you must Cnow that before you arri%e at the "ity gates there is a gate with a wa that en" oses a the other en" osures of the "ity$ and this wa is a %ery strong one and of massi%e stoneworC; but at the present time it is injured in some p a"es, #hey do not fai to ha%e "itade s?E44@ in it, #his wa has a moat of water in some p a"es$ and in the parts where it was "onstru"ted on ow ground, And there is$ separate from it$ yet another 1defen"e3 made in the fo owing manner, Certain pointed stones of great height are fiAed in the ground as high as a manDs breast; they are in breadth a an"e&shaft and a ha f$ with the same distan"e between them and the

great wa , #his wa rises in a the ow ground ti it rea"hes some hi or ro"Cy and, From this first "ir"uit unti you enter the "ity there is a great distan"e$ in whi"h are fie ds in whi"h they sow ri"e and ha%e many gardens and mu"h water$ whi"h water "omes from two aCes, #he water passes through this first ine of wa $ and there is mu"h water in the aCes be"ause of springs; and here there are or"hards and a itt e gro%e of pa ms$ and many houses, Returning$ then$ to the first gate of the "ity$ before you arri%e at it you pass a itt e pie"e of water and then you arri%e at the wa $ whi"h is %ery strong$ a of stoneworC$ and it maCes a bend before you arri%e at the gate; and at the entran"e of this gate are two towers$ one on ea"h side$ whi"h maCes it %ery strong, It is arge and beautifu , As soon as you pass inside there are two itt e temp es; one of them has an en" osing wa with many trees$ whi e the who e of the other "onsists of bui dings; and this wa of the first gate en"ir" es the who e "ity, #hen going forward you ha%e another gate with another ine of wa $ and it a so en"ir" es the "ity inside the first$ and from here to the CingDs pa a"e is a streets and rows of houses$ %ery beautifu $ and houses of "aptains and other ri"h and honourab e men; you wi see rows of houses with many figures and de"orations p easing to ooC at, :oing a ong the prin"ipa street$ you ha%e one of the "hief gateways$?E45@ whi"h issues from a great open spa"e?E4=@ in front of the CingDs pa a"e; opposite this is another whi"h passes a ong to the other side of the "ity; and a"ross this open spa"e pass a the "arts and "on%eyan"es "arrying stores and e%erything e se$ and be"ause it is in the midd e of the "ity it "annot but be usefu , #his pa a"e of the Cing is surrounded by a %ery strong wa iCe some of the others$ and en" oses a greater spa"e 1#ERAA 2++R CERCA3 than a the "ast e of ;isbon, Sti going forward$ passing to the other gate you see two temp es "onne"ted with it$ one on ea"h side$ and at the door of one of these they Ci e%ery day many sheep$ for in a the "ity they do not Ci any sheep for the use of the heathen 1Hindus3$ or for sa e in the marCets$ eA"ept at the gate of this pagoda, +f their b ood they maCe sa"rifi"es to the ido that is in the temp e, #hey ea%e the heads to him$ and for ea"h sheep they gi%e a SAC+ 1CHAGRA23$ whi"h is a "oin iCe a CAR#I;HA 178AR#I;HA < a farthing3, #here is present at the s aughter of these beasts a H+:I 1priest3 who has "harge of the temp e$ and as soon as they "ut off the head of the sheep or goat this H+:I b ows a horn as a sign that the ido re"ei%es that sa"rifi"e, Hereafter I sha te of these H+:IS$ what sort of men they are,?E4E@ C ose to these pagodas is a triumpha "ar "o%ered with "ar%ed worC and images$ and on one day in ea"h year during a festi%a they drag this through the "ity in su"h streets as it "an tra%erse, It is arge and "annot turn "orners, :oing forward$ you ha%e a broad and beautifu street$ fu of rows of fine houses and streets of the sort I ha%e des"ribed$ and it is to be understood that the houses be ong to men ri"h enough to afford su"h, In this street i%e many mer"hants$ and there you wi find a sorts of rubies$ and diamonds$ and emera ds$ and pear s$ and seed&pear s$ and " oths$ and e%ery other sort of thing there is on earth and that you may wish to buy, #hen you ha%e there e%ery e%ening a fair where they se many "ommon horses and nags 1R+CIS E SE20EIR+S3$ and a so many "itrons$ and imes$ and oranges$ and grapes$ and e%ery other Cind of garden stuff$ and wood; you ha%e a in this street, At the end of it you ha%e another gate with its wa $ whi"h wa goes to meet the wa of the se"ond gate of whi"h I ha%e spoCen in su"h sort that this "ity has three fortresses$ with another whi"h is the CingDs pa a"e, #hen when this gate is passed you ha%e another street where there are many "raftsmen$ and they se many things; and in this street there are two sma temp es, #here are temp es in e%ery street$ for these appertain to institutions iCe the "onfraternities you Cnow of in our parts$?E4.@ of a the "raftsmen and mer"hants; but the prin"ipa and greatest pagodas are outside the "ity, In this street odged Christo%ao de Figueiredo, +n e%ery Friday you ha%e a fair there$ with many pigs and fow s and dried fish from the sea$ and other things the produ"e of the "ountry$ of whi"h I do not Cnow the name; and in iCe manner a fair is he d e%ery day in different parts of the "ity, At the end of this street is the 2oorish (uarter$ whi"h is at the %ery end of the "ity$ and of these 2oors there are many

who are nati%es of the "ountry?E4-@ and who are paid by the Cing and be ong to his guard, In this "ity you wi find men be onging to e%ery nation and peop e$ be"ause of the great trade whi"h it has$ and the many pre"ious stones there$ prin"ipa y diamonds, #he si/e of this "ity I do not write here$ be"ause it "annot a be seen from any one spot$ but I " imbed a hi when"e I "ou d see a great part of it; I "ou d not see it a be"ause it ies between se%era ranges of hi s, Khat I saw from then"e seemed to me as arge as Rome$ and %ery beautifu to the sight; there are many gro%es of trees within it$ in the gardens of the houses$ and many "onduits of water whi"h f ow into the midst of it$ and in p a"es there are aCes 1#A278ES3; and the Cing has " ose to his pa a"e a pa m&gro%e and other ri"h&bearing fruit&trees, 'e ow the 2oorish (uarter is a itt e ri%er$ and on this side are many or"hards and gardens with many fruit&trees$ for the most part mangoes and are"a&pa ms and ja"C&trees$ and a so many ime and orange trees$ growing so " ose y one to another that it appears iCe a thi"C forest; and there are a so white grapes, A the water whi"h is in the "ity "omes from the two tanCs of whi"h I ha%e spoCen$ outside the first en" osing wa , #he peop e in this "ity are "ount ess in number$ so mu"h so that I do not wish to write it down for fear it shou d be thought fabu ous; but I de" are that no troops$ horse or foot$ "ou d breaC their way through any street or ane$ so great are the numbers of the peop e and e ephants, #his is the best pro%ided "ity in the wor d$ and is sto"Ced with pro%isions su"h as ri"e$ wheat$ grains$ Indian&"orn$ and a "ertain amount of bar ey and beans$ 2++):$?E4>@ pu ses$ horse&gram$ ?E4M@ and many other seeds whi"h grow in this "ountry whi"h are the food of the peop e$ and there is arge store of these and %ery "heap; but wheat is not so "ommon as the other grains$ sin"e no one eats it eA"ept the 2oors, 'ut you wi find what I ha%e mentioned, #he streets and marCets are fu of aden oAen without "ount$ so that you "annot get a ong for them$ and in many streets you "ome upon so many of them that you ha%e to wait for them to pass$ or e se ha%e to go by another way, #here is mu"h pou try; they gi%e three fow s in the "ity for a "oin worth a VI)#E2$?E4L@ whi"h "oins are "a ed FAVA+S;?E56@ outside the "ity they gi%e four fow s for a VI)#E2, In this "ountry there are many partridges$ but they are not of the same sort or (ua ity as ours: they are iCe the ES#AR)AS?E54@ of Ita y, #here are three sorts of these: one " ass has on y a sma spur su"h as those of !ortuga ha%e; another " ass has on ea"h foot two %ery sharp spurs$ a most as ong and thi"C as oneDs finger; the other " ass is painted$ and of these you wi find the marCets fu ; as a so of (uai s$ and hares$ and a Cinds of wi d fow $ and other birds whi"h i%e in the aCes and whi"h ooC iCe geese, A these birds and game anima s they se a i%e$ and they are %ery "heap$ for they gi%e siA or eight partridges for a VI)#E2$ and of hares they gi%e two and sometimes one, +f other birds they gi%e more than you "an "ount$ for e%en of the arge ones they gi%e so many that you wou d hard y pay any attention to the itt e ones they gi%e you$ su"h as do%es and pigeons and the "ommon birds of the "ountry, #he do%es are of two Cinds; some are iCe those in !ortuga $ others are as arge as thrushes; of the do%es they gi%e twe %e or fourteen for a FAVA+; the pigeons are the same pri"e as the other birds, #hen the sheep that they Ci e%ery day are "ount ess$ one "ou d not number them$ for in e%ery street there are men who wi se you mutton$ so " ean and so fat that it ooCs iCe porC; and you a so ha%e pigs in some streets of but"hersD houses so white and " ean that you "ou d ne%er see better in any "ountry; a pig is worth four or fi%e FA)A2S,?E55@ #hen to see the many oads of imes that "ome ea"h day$ su"h that those of !o%os are of no a""ount$?E5=@ and a so oads of sweet and sour oranges$ and wi d 'RI)HA;S$ and other garden stuff in su"h abundan"e as to stupefy one, For the state of this "ity is not iCe that of other "ities$ whi"h often fai of supp ies and pro%isions$ for in this one e%erything abounds; and a so the (uantity of butter and oi and mi C so d e%ery day$ that is a thing I "annot refrain from mentioning; and as for the rearing of "ows and buffa oes whi"h goes on in the "ity$ there is so mu"h that you wi go %ery far before you find another iCe it, #here are many pomegranates a so; grapes are so d at three bun"hes a FA)A2$ and pomegranates ten for a FA)A2,

+n the north side of the "ity is a %ery great ri%er with mu"h water$ in whi"h are many fish$ whi"h fish are %ery unwho esome$ and in this ri%er there is that whi"h passes for B 1SIC, I) +RI:,3; other streams f ow into it$ whi"h maCe it %ery arge, )ow as to the p a"es on the banC of this ri%er, #here is a "ity bui t there whi"h they "a SE)A:82092$?E5E@ and they say that of o d it was the "apita of the Cingdom$ but there now i%e in it few peop e; it sti has good wa s and is %ery strong$ and it ies between two hi &ranges whi"h ha%e on y two entran"es, A "aptain i%es in this "ity for the Cing, !eop e "ross to this p a"e by boats whi"h are round iCe basCets;?E5.@ inside they are made of "ane$ and outside are "o%ered with eather; they are ab e to "arry fifteen or twenty persons$ and e%en horses and oAen "an "ross in them if ne"essary$ but for the most part these anima s swim a"ross, 2en row them with a sort of padd e$ and the boats are a ways turning round$ as they "annot go straight iCe others; in a the Cingdom where there are streams there are no other boats but these,?E5-@ #here are a so in this "ity p a"es where they se i%e sheep; you wi see the fie ds round the "ity fu of them$ and a so of "ows and buffa oes < it is a %ery pretty sight to see$ < and a so the many she&goats and Cids$ and the he&goats so arge that they are brid ed and sadd ed, 2any sheep are iCe that a so$ and boys ride them, +utside the "ity wa s on the north there are three %ery beautifu pagodas$ one of whi"h is "a ed VI#E;;A$?E5>@ and it stands o%er against this "ity of )agumdym; the other is "a ed A+!ERA0IA)AR$?E5M@ and this is the one whi"h they ho d in most %eneration$ and to whi"h they maCe great pi grimages, In this pagoda$ opposite to its prin"ipa gate whi"h is to the east$ there is a %ery beautifu street of %ery beautifu houses with ba "onies and ar"ades$ in whi"h are she tered the pi grims that "ome to it$ and there are a so houses for the odging of the upper " asses; the Cing has a pa a"e in the same street$ in whi"h he resides when he %isits this pagoda, #here is a pomegranate tree ?E5L@ abo%e this first gate$ the gate has a %ery ofty tower a "o%ered with rows of men and women and hunting s"enes and many other representations$ and as the tower goes narrowing towards the top so the images diminish in si/e, !assing this first gate$ you "ome at on"e into a arge "ourtyard with another gate of the same sort as the first$ eA"ept that it is rather sma er throughout; and passing this se"ond gate$ there is a arge "ourt with %erandahs a round on pi ars of stone$ and in the midd e of this "ourt is the house of the ido , +pposite the prin"ipa gate stand four "o umns$ two gi ded and the other two "opper$ from whi"h$ owing to their great age as it seems to me$ the go d has worn off; and the other two are a so of "opper$ for a are of "opper, #hat whi"h stands nearest the gate of the temp e was gi%en by this Ging Crisnarao who now reigns here$ and the others by his prede"essors, A the outer side of the gate of the temp e up to the roof is "o%ered with "opper and gi ded$ and on ea"h side of the roof on the top are "ertain great anima s that ooC iCe tigers$ a gi t, As soon as you enter this ido &shrine$ you per"ei%e from pi ar to pi ar on whi"h it is supported many itt e ho es in whi"h stand oi amps$ whi"h burn$ so they te me$ e%ery night$ and they wi be in number two thousand fi%e hundred or three thousand ights, As soon as you pass this shrine you enter another sma one iCe the "rypt 1CI)IE9R+3?E=6@ of some "hur"h; it has two doors at the sides$ and then"e onward this bui ding is iCe a "hape $ where stands the ido whi"h they adore, 'efore you get to it there are three doors; the shrine is %au ted and darC without any ight from the sCy; it is a ways it with "and es, At the first gate are doorCeepers who ne%er a ow any one to enter eA"ept the 'rahmans that ha%e "harge of it$ and I$ be"ause I ga%e something to them$ was a owed to enter, 'etween gate and gate are images of itt e ido s, #he prin"ipa ido is a round stone without any shape; they ha%e great de%otion for it, #his bui ding outside is a "o%ered with "opper gi t, At the ba"C of the temp e outside$ " ose to the %erandahs of whi"h I ha%e spoCen$ there is a sma ido of white a abaster with siA arms;?E=4@ in one it has a B?E=5@ and in the other a sword$ and in the others sa"red emb ems 1AR2AS 0E CASA3$ and it has be ow its feet a buffa o$ and a arge anima whi"h is he ping to Ci that buffa o, In this pagoda there burns "ontinua y a amp of :HEE$ and around are other sma temp es for houses of

de%otion, #he other temp es aforesaid are made in the same manner$ but this one is the prin"ipa one and the o dest; they a ha%e many bui dings and gardens with many trees$ in whi"h the 'rahmans "u ti%ate their %egetab es?E==@ and the other herbs that they eat, Khene%er the festi%a of any of these temp es o""urs they drag a ong "ertain triumpha "ars whi"h run on whee s$ and with it go dan"ing& gir s and other women with musi" to the temp e$ 1"ondu"ting3 the ido a ong the said street with mu"h pomp, I do not re ate the manner in whi"h these "ars are taCen$ be"ause in a the time that I was in this "ity none were taCen round, #here are many other temp es in the "ity of whi"h I do not here speaC$ to a%oid pro iAity, 9ou shou d Cnow that among these heathen there are days when they "e ebrate their feasts as with us; and they ha%e their days of fasting$ when a day they eat nothing$ and eat on y at midnight, Khen the time of the prin"ipa festi%a arri%es the Cing "omes from the new "ity to this "ity of 'isnaga$ sin"e it is the "apita of the Cingdom and it is the "ustom there to maCe their feasts and to assemb e, For these feasts are summoned a the dan"ing&women of the Cingdom$ in order that they shou d be present; and a so the "aptains and Cings and great ords with a their retinues$ < eA"ept on y those whom the Cing may ha%e sent to maCe war$ or those who are in other parts$ or at the far end of the Cingdom on the side where 1an atta"C3 is feared$ su"h as the Cingdom of +ria and the territories of the 9da "ao; and e%en if su"h "aptains are absent in su"h p a"es$ there appear for them at the feasts those whom I sha hereafter mention, #hese feasts begin on the 45th of September$?E=E@ and they ast nine days$ and taCe p a"e at the CingDs pa a"e, #he pa a"e is on this fashion: it has a gate opening on to the open spa"e?E=.@ of whi"h I ha%e spoCen$ and o%er this gate is a tower of some height$ made iCe the others with its %erandahs; outside these gates begins the wa whi"h I said en"ir" ed the pa a"e, At the gate are many doorCeepers?E=-@ with eather s"ourges in their hands$ and sti"Cs$ and they et no one enter but the "aptains and "hief peop e$ and those about whom they re"ei%e orders from the Chief of the :uard, !assing this gate you ha%e an open spa"e$ and then you ha%e another gate iCe the first$ a so with its doorCeepers and guards; and as soon as you enter inside this you ha%e a arge open spa"e$ and on one side and the other are ow %erandahs where are seated the "aptains and "hief peop e in order to witness the feasts$ and on the eft side of the north of this open spa"e is a great one&storeyed bui ding 1#ERREA3; a the rest are iCe it, #his bui ding stands on pi ars shaped iCe e ephants and with other figures$ and a open in front$ and they go up to it by stair"ases of stone; around it$ underneath$ is a terra"e 1C+RRE0+R3 pa%ed with %ery good f agstones$ where stand some of the peop e ooCing at the feast, #his house is "a ed the House of Vi"tory$ as it was made when the Cing "ame ba"C from the war against +rya$ as I ha%e a ready to d you, +n the right side of the open spa"e were some narrow s"affo dings$ made of wood and so ofty that they "ou d be seen o%er the top of the wa ; they were "o%ered at the top with "rimson and green %e %et and other handsome " oths$ and adorned from top to bottom, ;et no one fan"y that these " oths were of woo $ be"ause there are none su"h in the "ountry$ but they are of %ery fine "otton, #hese s"affo dings are not a ways Cept at that p a"e$ but they are spe"ia y made for these feasts; there are e e%en of them, Against the gates there were two "ir" es in whi"h were the dan"ing&women$ ri"h y arrayed with many jewe s of go d and diamonds and many pear s, +pposite the gate whi"h is on the east side of the front of the open spa"e$ and in the midd e of it$ there are two bui dings of the same sort as the House of Vi"tory of whi"h I ha%e spoCen; these bui dings are ser%ed by a Cind of stair"ase of stone beautifu y wrought$ < one is in the midd e and the other at the end, #his bui ding was a hung with ri"h " oths$ both the wa s and the "ei ing$ as we as the supports$ and the " oths of the wa s were adorned with figures in the manner of embroidery; these bui dings ha%e two p atforms one abo%e the other$ beautifu y s"u ptured$ with their sides we made and worCed$ to whi"h p atforms the sons of the CingDs fa%ourites "ome for the feasts$ and sometimes his eunu"hs, +n the upper p atform$ " ose to the Cing$ was Christo%ao de Figueiredo$ with a of us who "ame with him$ for the Cing "ommanded that he shou d be put in su"h a p a"e as best to see the feasts and magnifi"en"e,

#hat I may not forget to te of the streets that are in the pa a"e I here mention them, 9ou must Cnow that inside the pa a"e that I ha%e spoCen of is the dwe ing of the Cing and of his wi%es and of the other women who ser%e them; as I ha%e a ready said$ who are twe %e thousand in number; and they ha%e an entran"e to these rows of houses so that they "an go inside, 'etween this pa a"e and the House of Vi"tory is a gate whi"h ser%es as passage to it, Inside there are thirty&four streets, Returning to the feasts$ you must Cnow that in this House of Vi"tory the Cing has a room 1CASA3 made of " oth$ with its door " osed$ where the ido has a shrine; and in the other$ in the midd e 1of the bui ding3$ is p a"ed a dais opposite the stair"ase in the midd e; on whi"h dais stands a throne of state made thus$ < it is four&sided$ and f at$ with a round top$ and a ho ow in the midd e for the seat, As regards the woodworC of it$ you must Cnow that it is a "o%ered with si C " oths 1N S+AHES3$?E=>@ and has ions a of go d$ and in the spa"es between the " oths 1S+AHES3 it has p ates of go d with many rubies and seed&pear s$ and pear s underneath; and round the sides it is a fu of go den images of personages$ and upon these is mu"h worC in go d$ with many pre"ious stones, In this "hair is p a"ed an ido $ a so of go d$ embowered in roses and f owers, +n one side of this "hair$ on the dais be ow$ stands a head&dress; this a so is made in the same manner; it is upright and as high as a span$ the top is rounded$ it is a fu of pear s and rubies and a other pre"ious stones$ and on the top of it is a pear as arge as a nut$ whi"h is not (uite round, +n the other side is an anC et for the foot made in the same fashion; it is another state jewe $ and is fu of arge pear s and of many rubies$ emera ds$ and diamonds$ and other stones of %a ue; it wi be of the thi"Cness of a manDs arm, In front of a this$ at the edge?E=M@ of the dais$ resting on a support were some "ushions where the Cing was seated during a these feasts, #he feasts "ommen"e thus: < 9ou must Cnow that when it is morning the Cing "omes to this House of Vi"tory$ and betaCes himse f to that room where the ido is with its 'rahmans$ and he performs his prayers and "eremonies, +utside the house are some of his fa%ourites$ and on the s(uare are many dan"ing&gir s dan"ing, In their %erandahs round the s(uare are many "aptains and "hief peop e who "ome there in order to see; and on the ground$ near the p atform of the house$ are e e%en horses with handsome and we &arranged trappings$ and behind them are four beautifu e ephants with many adornments, After the Cing has entered inside he "omes out$ and with him a 'rahman who taCes in his hand a basCet fu of white roses and approa"hes the Cing on the p atform$ and the Cing$ taCing three handfu s of these roses$ throws them to the horses$?E=L@ and after he has thrown them he taCes a basCet of perfumes and a"ts towards them as though he wou d "ense them; and when he has finished doing this he rea"hes towards the e ephants and does the same to them, And when the Cing has finished this$ the 'rahman taCes the basCet and des"ends to the p atform$?EE6@ and from then"e puts those roses and other f owers on the heads of a the horses$ and this done$ returns to the Cing, #hen the Cing goes again to where the ido is$ and as soon as he is inside they ift the "urtains?EE4@ of the room$ whi"h are made iCe the purdahs of a tent$ and the Cing seats himse f there where these are$ and they ift them a , #hen"e he witnesses the s aughter of twenty&four buffa oes and a hundred and fifty sheep$ with whi"h a sa"rifi"e is made to that ido ; you must Cnow that they "ut off the heads of these buffa oes and sheep at one b ow with "ertain arge si"C es whi"h are wie ded by a man who has "harge of this s aughter; they are so sure of hand that no b ow misses, Khen they ha%e finished the s aughter of these "att e the Cing goes out and goes to the other arge bui dings$ on the p atforms of whi"h is a "rowd of 'rahmans$ and as soon as the Cing as"ends to where they stand they throw to the Cing ten or twe %e roses < those 1that is3 who are nearest to him, #hen he passes a a ong the top of the bui dings$ and as soon as he is at the end he taCes the "ap from his head$ and after p a"ing it on the ground turns ba"C 1to the p a"e3 where the ido is; here he ies eAtended on the ground, Khen he has arisen he betaCes himse f to the interior of the bui ding$ and enters a garden 1or wa ed en" osure < 789)#A;3 where they say that a itt e fire has been made$ and he throws into the fire a powder made up of many things$ name y$ rubies and pear s and a other Cinds of pre"ious stones$ and a oes and other sweet&s"ented things, #his done$ he returns to the pagoda and goes inside and stays a itt e$ at whi"h time enter by the other door some of his fa%ourites who are in the bui ding$ and they maCe their sa aam, #hen he goes ba"C to the p a"e when"e he threw the

f owers to the horses$ and as soon as he is here a the "aptains and "hief peop e "ome and maCe their sa aam to him$ and some$ if they so desire$ present some gifts to him; then as they "ame so they retire$ and ea"h one betaCes himse f to his own dwe ing, And the Cing withdraws to the interior of his pa a"e by that gate whi"h I ha%e a ready mentioned < that whi"h stands between the two bui dings that are in the arena 1#ERRE9R+3; the "ourtesans and bayaderes?EE5@ remain dan"ing in front of the temp e and ido for a ong time, #his is what is done during the morning of ea"h day of these nine days$ with the "eremonies I ha%e mentioned$ and ea"h day more sp endid 1than the ast3, )ow$ returning to the feasts, At three oD" o"C in the afternoon e%ery one "omes to the pa a"e, #hey do not admit e%ery one at on"e 1they a owed us to go into the open part that is between the gates3$ but there go inside on y the wrest ers and dan"ing&women$ and the e ephants$ whi"h go with their trappings and de"orations$ those that sit on them being armed with shie ds and ja%e ins$ and wearing (ui ted tuni"s,?EE=@ As soon as these are inside they range themse %es round the arena$ ea"h one in his p a"e$ and the wrest ers go " ose to the stair"ase whi"h is in the midd e of that bui ding$ where has been prepared a arge spa"e of ground for the dan"ing&women to wrest e, 2any other peop e are then at the entran"e&gate opposite to the bui ding$ name y 'rahmans$ and the sons of the GingDs fa%ourites$ and their re ations; a these are nob e youths who ser%e before the Cing, #he offi"ers of the househo d go about Ceeping order amongst a the peop e$ and Ceep ea"h one in his own p a"e, #he different pa%i ions are separated by doors$ so that no one may enter un ess he is in%ited, Sa %atini"a$?EEE@ who is the prin"ipa person that enters the bui ding$ super%ises the who e$ for he brought up the Cing and made him Cing$ and so the Cing ooCs on him iCe a father, Khene%er the Cing "a s to him he addresses him as *;ord 1SE)H+R3 Sa %atini"a$* and a the "aptains and nob es of the rea m maCe sa aam to him, #his Sa %atini"a stands inside the arena where the festi%a s go on$ near one of the doors$ and from there gi%es the word for the admission of a the things ne"essary for the festi%a , After a this is done and arranged the Cing goes forth and seats himse f on the dais I ha%e mentioned$ where is the throne and the other things$ and a those that are inside maCe their sa aam to him, As soon as they ha%e done this the wrest ers seat themse %es on the ground$ for these are a owed to remain seated$ but no other$ howsoe%er great a ord he be$ eA"ept the Cing so "ommands; and these a so eat bete $ though none e se may eat it in his presen"e eA"ept the dan"ing&women$ who may a ways eat it before him, As soon as the Cing is seated in his p a"e he bids to sit with him three or four men who be ong to his ra"e$ and who are themse %es Cings and the fathers of his wi%es; the prin"ipa of these is the Cing of Syrimgapatao and of a the territory bordering on 2a abar$ and this Cing is "a ed Cumar%irya$?EE.@ and he seats himse f as far in front as the Cing on the other side of the dais$ the rest are behind, #here the Cing sits$ dressed in white " othes a "o%ered with 1embroidery of3 go den roses and wearing his jewe s < he wears a (uantity of these white garments$ and I a ways saw him so dressed < and around him stand his pages with his bete $ and his sword$ and the other things whi"h are his insignia of state, 2any 'rahmans stand round the throne on whi"h rests the ido $ fanning it with horsetai p umes$ "o oured$ the hand es of whi"h are a o%er aid with go d; these p umes are toCens of the highest dignity; they a so fan the Cing with them, As?EE-@ soon as the Cing is seated$ the "aptains who waited without maCe their entran"e$ ea"h one by himse f$ attended by his "hief peop e$ and so on$ a in order; they approa"h and maCe their sa aams to the Cing$ and then taCe their p a"es in the pa%i ions 1VERA20AS3 whi"h I ha%e pre%ious y des"ribed, As soon as these nob es ha%e finished entering$ the "aptains of the troops approa"h with shie ds and spears$ and afterwards the "aptains of the ar"hers; these offi"ers are a stationed on the ground around the arena in front of the e ephants$ and they "onstitute the CingDs guard$ for into su"h a p a"e no man may enter bearing arms$ nor near to where the Cing is, As soon as these so diers ha%e a taCen their p a"es the women begin to dan"e$ whi e some of them p a"e themse %es in the "ir"u ar ga eries that I ha%e said were 1ere"ted3 at their gate of entran"e, Kho "an

fit y des"ribe to you the great ri"hes these women "arry on their personsN < "o ars of go d with so many diamonds and rubies and pear s$ bra"e ets a so on their arms and on their upper arms$ gird es be ow$ and of ne"essity anC ets on the feet, #he mar%e shou d be otherwise$ name y that women of su"h a profession shou d obtain su"h wea th; but there are women among them who ha%e ands that ha%e been gi%en to them$ and itters$ and so many maid&ser%ants that one "annot number a their things, #here is a woman in this "ity who is said to ha%e a hundred thousand !AR0A+S$?EE>@ and I be ie%e this from what I ha%e seen of them, #hen the wrest ers begin their p ay, #heir wrest ing does not seem iCe ours$ but there are b ows 1gi%en3$ so se%ere as to breaC teeth$ and put out eyes$ and disfigure fa"es$ so mu"h so that here and there men are "arried off spee"h ess by their friends; they gi%e one another fine fa s too, #hey ha%e their "aptains and judges$ who are there to put ea"h one on an e(ua footing in the fie d$ and a so to adjust the honours to him who wins, In a this portion of the day nothing more is done than this wrest ing and the dan"ing of the women$ but as soon as e%er the sun is down many tor"hes are it and some great f ambeauA made of " oth; and these are p a"ed about the arena in su"h a way that the who e is as ight as day$ and e%en a ong the top of the wa s$ for on a the batt ements are ighted amps$ and the p a"e where the Cing sits is a fu of tor"hes, As soon as these are a it up there are introdu"ed many %ery gra"efu p ays and "ontri%an"es$ but these do not stop ong; they on y approa"h where the Cing is and then go out, #hen there enter others in other fashion$ with batt es of peop e on horseba"C; these horses are iCe the hobby&horses made in !ortuga for the feast of the Corpo de 0ios; others "ome with "asting&nets$ fishing$ and "apturing the men that are in the arena, Khen these amusements are ended$ they begin to throw up many ro"Cets and many different sorts of fires$ a so "ast es that burn and f ing out from themse %es many bombs 1#IR+S3 and ro"Cets, Khen these fireworCs are finished$ there enter many triumpha "ars whi"h be ong to the "aptains$ some of them sent by those "aptains who are waging war in foreign parts; and they enter thus, #he first be ongs to Sa %atini"a$ and they "ome in one after the other, Some of the "ars appear "o%ered with many ri"h " oths$ ha%ing on them many de%i"es of dan"ing&gir s and other human figures; there are other "ars ha%ing tiers one on top of another$ and others a of one Cind; and so in their order they pass to where the Cing is, Khen the "ars ha%e gone out they are immediate y fo owed by many horses "o%ered with trappings and " oths of %ery fine stuff of the CingDs "o ours$ and with many roses and f owers on their heads and ne"Cs$ and with their brid es a gi ded; and in front of these horses goes a horse with two state&umbre as of the Cing$ and with grander de"orations than the others$ and one of the esser e(uerries eads it by the brid e, In front of this horse goes another "ara"o ing and pran"ing$ as do a horses here$ being trained in that art, 9ou must Cnow that this horse that is "ondu"ted with a this state is a horse that the Cing Ceeps$ on whi"h they are sworn and re"ei%ed as Cings$ and on it must be sworn a those that sha "ome after them; and in "ase su"h a horse dies they put another in its p a"e, If any Cing does not wish to be sworn on horseba"C$ they swear him on an e ephant$ whi"h they Ceep and treat with e(ua dignity, #hese horses$ then$ going in the way I ha%e stated$ pass twi"e round the arena and p a"e themse %es in the midd e of the arena in fi%e or siA ines$ one before the other$ and the CingDs horse in front of them$ a fa"ing the Cing; they stand in su"h a way that between them and the men there is an open spa"e a round, As soon as they are arranged in this way and are a (uiet there goes out from the inside of the pa a"e a 'rahman$ the highest in ranC of those about the Cing$ and two others with him$ and this "hief 'rahman "arries in his hands a bow with a "o"oanut and some ri"e and f owers$ whi e others "arry a pot of water; and they pass round by the ba"C of the horses$ whi"h a stand fa"ing the Cing; and after performing his "eremonies there$ he returns to the pa a"e, After this is o%er you wi see issuing from inside twenty&fi%e or thirty fema e doorCeepers$ with "anes in their hands and whips on their shou ders; and then " ose to these "ome many eunu"hs$ and after these eunu"hs "ome many women p aying many trumpets and drums and pipes 1but not iCe ours3 and %io s$ and many other Cinds of musi"$ and behind these women wi "ome some twenty

women&porters$ with "anes in their hands a "o%ered with si %er$ and " ose to them "ome women " othed in the fo owing manner, #hey ha%e %ery ri"h and fine si C " oths; on the head they wear high "aps whi"h they "a C+;;AES$?EEM@ and on these "aps they wear f owers made of arge pear s; "o ars on the ne"C with jewe s of go d %ery ri"h y set with many emera ds and diamonds and rubies and pear s; and besides this many strings of pear s$ and others for shou der&be ts; on the ower part of the arms many bra"e ets$ with ha f of the upper arm a bare$ ha%ing arm ets in the same way a of pre"ious stones; on the waist many gird es of go d and of pre"ious stones$ whi"h gird es hang in order one be ow the other$ a most as far down as ha f the thigh; besides these be ts they ha%e other jewe s$ and many strings of pear s round the anC es$ for they wear %ery ri"h anC ets e%en of greater %a ue than the rest, #hey "arry in their hands %esse s of go d ea"h as arge as a sma "asC of water; inside these are some oops made of pear s fastened with waA$ and inside a this a ighted amp, #hey "ome in regu ar order one before the other$ in a perhaps siAty women fair and young$ from siAteen to twenty years of age, Kho is he that "ou d te of the "ost iness and the %a ue of what ea"h of these women "arries on her personN So great is the weight of the bra"e ets and go d and jewe s "arried by them that many of them "annot support them$ and women a""ompany them assisting them by supporting their arms, In this manner and in this array they pro"eed three times round the horses$ and at the end retire into the pa a"e, #hese women are maids of honour to the (ueens$ and so are the others that go with them; on ea"h day of these nine days of the feast one of the (ueens sends$ ea"h on her own day$ her adies with the others, #he offi"ia s$ in honour of the feast$ ha%e the days di%ided between them in a""ordan"e with their "ustom as a ready arranged by the Cing; and these women "ome e%ery day most ri"h y attired$ taCing p easure in strewing themse %es in su"h things$ and in maCing a disp ay ea"h one of what she possesses, Khen these women retire the horses a so go$ and then "ome the e ephants$ and after maCing their sa aam they too retire, As soon as they are gone the Cing retires by a sma door whi"h is at the end of the bui ding, #hen the 'rahmans go and taCe an ido $ and "arry it to the House of Vi"tory$ where is the room of " oth that I ha%e spoCen of; and the Cing at on"e "omes from within$ and goes to where the ido is$ and offers his prayers and performs his "eremonies, #hen they bring there more buffa oes and sheep$ and Ci them in the same way as before$ and then "ome the professiona women to dan"e, As soon as the s aughter of the buffa oes and sheep is o%er the Cing retires$ and goes to his supper; for he fasts a these nine days$ and 1ea"h day3 they eat nothing unti a is finished$ and their hour for food is midnight, #he bayaderes remain dan"ing before the ido a ong time after a this is done, In this way are "e ebrated these festi%a s of nine days; on the ast day there are s aughtered two hundred and fifty buffa oes and four thousand fi%e hundred sheep, Khen these days of festi%a are past$ the Cing ho ds a re%iew of a his for"es$ and the re%iew is thus arranged, #he Cing "ommands to pit"h his tent of 2e""a %e %et a fu eague from the "ity$ at a p a"e a ready fiAed for that purpose; and in this tent they p a"e the ido in honour of whi"h a these festi%a s are "e ebrated, From this tent to the CingDs pa a"e the "aptains range themse %es with their troops and array$ ea"h one in his p a"e a""ording to his ranC in the CingDs househo d, #hus the so diers stand in ine; but it does not appear to you to be on y one ine but in some p a"es two or three$ one behind the other, Khere there was a aCe it was surrounded with troops$ and where the road was narrow they were drawn up on the p ain; and so on the s ope of the hi s and eminen"es$ in su"h a way that you "ou d see neither p ain nor hi that was not entire y "o%ered with troops, #hose on foot stood in front of those on horses$ and the e ephants behind the horses; in this array was ea"h "aptain with his troops, #he "aptains who had their stations inside the "ity$ sin"e the so diers "ou d not be drawn up on the f at roofs of the houses$ put up s"affo dings a"ross the mouths of the streets to ho d the troops$ in su"h a way that a were fu $ both outside and in, )ow I shou d iCe to des"ribe to you how they were armed$ and their de"orations, #he "a%a ry were mounted on horses fu y "aparisoned$ and on their foreheads p ates$ some of si %er but most of them gi ded$ with fringes of twisted si C of a "o ours$ and reins of the same;?EEL@ others had trappings of 2e""a %e %et$ whi"h is %e %et of many "o ours with fringes and ornaments; others had them of other

si Cs$ su"h as satins and damasC$ and others of bro"ade from China and !ersia,?E.6@ Some of the men with the gi ded p ates had them set with many arge pre"ious stones$ and on the borders a"e& worC of sma stones, Some of these horses had on their foreheads heads of serpents and of other arge anima s of %arious Cinds$ made in su"h a strange manner that they were a sight to see for the perfe"tion of their maCe, #he horsemen were dressed in (ui ted tuni"s$?E.4@ a so of bro"ade and %e %et and e%ery Cind of si C, #hese tuni"s are made of ayers of %ery strong raw eather$ and furnished with other iron 1p ates3 that maCe them strong; some ha%e these p ates gi ded both inside and out$ and some are made of si %er, #heir headpie"es are in the manner of he mets with borders "o%ering the ne"C$ and ea"h has its pie"e to prote"t the fa"e; they are of the same fashion as the tuni"s, #hey wear on the ne"C gorgets 1C+F+S3 a gi ded$ others made of si C with p ates of go d and si %er$ others of stee as bright as a mirror, At the waists they ha%e swords and sma batt e&aAes$ and in their hands ja%e ins with the shafts "o%ered with go d and si %er, A ha%e their umbre as of state made of embroidered %e %et and damasC$ with many "o oured si Cs on the horses, #hey wa%e many 1standards with3 white and "o oured tai s$ and ho d them in mu"h esteem < whi"h tai s are horsesD tai s, #he e ephants in the same way are "o%ered with "aparison of %e %et and go d with fringes$ and ri"h " oths of many "o ours$ and with be s so that the earth resounds; and on their heads are painted fa"es of giants and other Cinds of great beasts, +n the ba"C of ea"h one of them are three or four men$ dressed in their (ui ted tuni"s$ and armed with shie ds and ja%e ins$ and they are arrayed as if for a foray, #hen$ turning to the troops on foot$ there are so many that they surround a the %a eys and hi s in a way with whi"h nothing in the wor d "an "ompare, 9ou wi see amongst them dresses of su"h ri"h " oths that I do not Cnow where they "ame from$ nor "ou d any one te how many "o ours they ha%e; shie d&men with their shie ds$ with many f owers of go d and si %er on them$ others with figures of tigers and other great beasts$ others a "o%ered with si %er eaf&worC beautifu y wrought$ others with painted "o ours$ others b a"C and 1so po ished that3 you "an see into them as into a mirror$ and their swords so ri"h y ornamented that they "ou d not possib y be more so, +f the ar"hers$ I must te you that they ha%e bows p ated with go d and si %er$ and others ha%e them po ished$ and their arrows %ery neat$ and so feathered that they "ou d not be better; daggers at their waists and batt e&aAes$ with the shafts and ends of go d and si %er; then you see mus(ueteers with their mus(uets and b underbusses and their thi"C tuni"s$ a in their order$ with their B?E.5@ in a their bra%ery; it was indeed a thing to see, #hen the 2oors < one must not forget them < for they were there a so in the re%iew with their shie ds$ ja%e ins$ and #urCish bows$ with many bombs and spears and fire&missi es; and I was mu"h astonished to find amongst them men who Cnew so we how to worC these weapons, #he Cing ea%es his pa a"e riding on the horse of whi"h I ha%e a ready to d you$ " othed in the many ri"h white " oths I ha%e mentioned$ with two umbre as of state a gi ded and "o%ered with "rimson %e %et$ and with the jewe s and adornments whi"h they Ceep for the purpose of wearing at su"h times: he who e%er wears su"h jewe s "an understand the sort of things so great a ord wou d wear, #hen to see the grandeur of the nob es and men of ranC$ I "annot possib y des"ribe it a $ nor shou d I be be ie%ed if I tried to do so; then to see the horses and the armour that they wear$ you wou d see them so "o%ered with meta p ates that I ha%e no words to eApress what I saw$ and some hid from me the sight of others; and to try and te of a I saw is hope ess$ for I went a ong with my head so often turned from one side to the other that I was a most fa ing ba"Cwards off my horse with my senses ost, #he "ost of it a is not so mu"h to be wondered at$ as there is so mu"h money in the and$ and the "hiefs are so wea thy, #here went in front of the Cing many e ephants with their "o%erings and ornaments$ as I ha%e said; the Cing had before him some twenty horses fu y "aparisoned and sadd ed$ with embroideries of go d and pre"ious stones$ that showed off we the grandeur and state of their ord, C ose to the Cing went a "age su"h as is seen at ;isbon on the day of the Corpo de 0ios festi%a $ and it was gi ded and %ery arge; it seemed to me to be made of "opper or si %er; it was "arried by siAteen men$ eight on ea"h side$ besides others who tooC their turns$ and in it is "arried the ido of whi"h I ha%e a ready spoCen, #hus a""ompanied the Cing passed a ong ga/ing at his so diers$ who ga%e great shouts and

"ries and stru"C their shie ds; the horses neighed$ the e ephants s"reamed$ so that it seemed as it the "ity wou d be o%erturned$ the hi s and %a eys and a the ground tremb ed with the dis"harges of arms and mus(uets; and to see the bombs and fire&missi es o%er the p ains$ this was indeed wonderfu , #ru y it seemed as if the who e wor d were "o e"ted there, In this way it went on ti the Cing arri%ed at the p a"e where the tent was that I ha%e a ready mentioned$ and he entered his and performed his usua "eremonies and prayers, 9ou must not thinC that when the Cing passed the troops mo%ed from their positions$ on the "ontrary they stood motion ess in their p a"es ti the Cing returned, As soon as the Cing had finished his "eremonies he again tooC horse and returned to the "ity in the same way as he had "ome$ the troops ne%er wearying of their shouting; as soon as he passed by them they began to mar"h, #hen to see those who were on the hi s and s opes$ and the des"ent of them with their shouts and beating of shie ds and shaCing of arrows and bows that were without "ount, #ru y$ I was so "arried out with myse f that it seemed as if what I saw was a %ision$ and that I was in a dream, #hen the troops began to mar"h to their tents and pa%i ions in the p ains$ whi"h were in great number; and a the "aptains a""ompanied the Cing as far as the pa a"e$ and then"e departed to rest themse %es from their abour, )ow I desire you to Cnow that this Cing has "ontinua y a mi ion fighting troops$?E.=@ in whi"h are in" uded =.$666 "a%a ry in armour; a these are in his pay$ and he has these troops a ways together and ready to be despat"hed to any (uarter whene%er su"h may be ne"essary, I saw$ being in this "ity of 'isnaga$ the Cing despat"h a for"e against a p a"e$ one of those whi"h he has by the sea&"oast; and he sent fifty "aptains with 4.6$666 so diers$ amongst whom were many "a%a ry, He has many e ephants$ and when the Cing wishes to show the strength of his power to any of his ad%ersaries amongst the three Cings bordering on his Cingdom$ they say that he puts into the fie d two mi ion so diers; in "onse(uen"e of whi"h he is the most feared Cing of any in these parts, And a though he taCes away so many men from his Cingdom$ it must not be thought that the Cingdom remains de%oid of men; it is so fu that it wou d seem to you as if he had ne%er taCen away a man$ and this by reason of the many and great mer"hants that are in it, #here are worCing peop e and a other Cinds of men who are emp oyed in business$ besides those who are ob iged to go into the fie d; there are a so a great number of 'rahmans, In a the and of the heathen there are these 'rahmans; they are men who do not eat anything that suffers death; they ha%e itt e stoma"h for the use of arms, Shou d any one asC what re%enues this Cing possesses$ and what his treasure is that enab es him to pay so many troops$ sin"e he has so many and su"h great ords in his Cingdom$ who$ the greater part of them$ ha%e themse %es re%enues$ I answer thus: #hese "aptains whom he has o%er these troops of his are the nob es of his Cingdom; they are ords$ and they ho d the "ity$ and the towns and %i ages of the Cingdom; there are "aptains amongst them who ha%e a re%enue of a mi ion and a mi ion a ha f of !AR0A+S$ others a hundred thousand !AR0A+S$ others two hundred$ three hundred or fi%e hundred thousand !AR0A+S$ and as ea"h one has re%enue so the Cing fiAes for him the number of troops he must maintain$ in foot$ horse$ and e ephants,?E.E@ #hese troops are a ways ready for duty$ whene%er they may be "a ed out and where%er they may ha%e to go; and in this way he has this mi ion of fighting men a ways ready, Ea"h of these "aptains abours to turn out the best troops he "an get be"ause he pays them their sa aries; and in this re%iew there were the finest young men possib e to be seen or that e%er "ou d be seen$ for in a this array I did not see a man that wou d a"t the "oward, 'esides maintaining these troops$ ea"h "aptain has to maCe his annua payments to the Cing$ and the Cing has his own sa aried troops to whom he gi%es pay, He has eight hundred e ephants atta"hed to his person$ and fi%e hundred horses a ways in his stab es$ and for the eApenses of these horses and e ephants he has de%oted the re%enues that he re"ei%es from this "ity of 'isnaga, 9ou may we imagine how great these eApenses may be$ and besides these that of the ser%ants who ha%e the "are of the horses and e ephants; and by this you wi be ab e to judge what wi be the re%enue of this "ity, #his Cing of 'isnaga has fi%e Cings his subje"ts and %assa s$?E..@ besides other "aptains and ords ha%ing arge territories and great re%enues; whene%er a son happens to be born to this Cing$ or a daughter$ a the nob es of the Cingdom offer him great presents of money and jewe s of pri"e$ and

so they do to him e%ery year on the day of his birth, 9ou must Cnow that when these feasts of whi"h I ha%e spoCen are ended$ at the beginning of the month of +"tober$ when e e%en of its days are past$ they maCe great feasts$ during whi"h e%ery one puts on new$ and ri"h$ and handsome " oths$ ea"h one a""ording to his iCing$ and a the "aptains gi%e their men handsome " oths of many "o ours$ ea"h one ha%ing his own "o our and de%i"e, +n the same day they gi%e great gifts of money to the Cing$ it is e%en said that they gi%e on that day to the Cing in money a mi ion and fi%e hundred thousand go d !AR0A+S$ and ea"h !AR0A+ is worth three hundred and siAty REIS$ and from this you wi be ab e to Cnow how many REIS there wi be, I wish you to Cnow that on this day begins their year; it is their )ew 9earDs 0ay$ and for this they maCe the feast and gi%e the gifts; and it is not to be wondered at$ for we a so do the same on )ew 9earDs 0ay, #hey begin the year in this month with the new moon$ and they "ount the months a ways from moon to moon,?E.-@ And now I wish you to Cnow that the pre%ious Cings of this p a"e for many years past ha%e he d it a "ustom to maintain a treasury$ whi"h treasury$ after the death of ea"h$ is Cept o"Ced and sea ed in su"h a way that it "annot be seen by any one$ nor opened$ nor do the Cings who su""eed to the Cingdom open them or Cnow what is in them, #hey are not opened eA"ept when the Cings ha%e great need$ and thus the Cingdom has great supp ies to meet its needs, #his Cing has made his treasury different from those of the pre%ious Cings$ and he puts in it e%ery year ten mi ion !AR0A+S$ without taCing from them one !AR0A+ more than for the eApenses of his house, #he rest remains for him$ o%er and abo%e these eApenses and of the eApenses in the houses of his wi%es$ of whom I ha%e a ready to d you that he Ceeps near him twe %e thousand women; from this you wi be ab e to judge how great is the ri"hness of this Cingdom$ and how great the treasure that this Cing has amassed, And if any one does not Cnow what a !AR0A+ is$ et him Cnow that it is a round go d "oin$ whi"h "oin is not stru"C anywhere in India eA"ept in this Cingdom; it bears impressed on it on one side two images and on the other the name of the Cing who "ommanded it to be stru"C; those whi"h this Cing ordered to be stru"C ha%e on y one image, #his "oin is "urrent a o%er India, Ea"h !AR0A+$ as a ready said$ is worth three hundred and siAty REIS, After a these things 1feasts3 had passed the Cing betooC himse f to the new "ity$ of whi"h I ha%e a ready to d you that he de ights in it mu"h be"ause it was made and peop ed by him$ of whi"h I ha%e a ready to d you, In two years the Cing bui t this "ity, #he Cing was re"ei%ed by the "iti/ens with great feasts$ and the streets were hung with ri"h " oths$ and with many triumpha ar"hes under whi"h he passed, In this "ity the Cing he d another re%iew of the troops of his guard$ and he distributed pay to a be"ause it was the beginning of the year$ and it is their "ustom to pay sa aries year by year, An inspe"tion is he d by the offi"ers of his house$ and they write down the name of ea"h one$ and the marCs that he has on his fa"e or body, #here are men of the guard who ha%e a thousand !AR0A+S pay$ and others eight hundred$ others siA hundred and more$ and a itt e more or ess; there is a differen"e$ and a so a differen"e in the persons, Some men of them who are of higher ranC than others ha%e two horses or three$ and others ha%e no more than one, #hese troops ha%e their "aptains$ and ea"h "aptain goes with his guard to mount guard at the pa a"e a""ording to order and "ustom; the Cing has in his guard fi%e hundred horse$ and these wat"h outside the pa a"e armed with their weapons, #here are two wat"hes inside$ and peop e with swords and shie ds, #he Cing$ then$ being in his new "ity$ as I ha%e said$ Christo%ao de Figueiredo begged him of his Cindness that he wou d permit him to be shown the pa a"e of the "ity of 'isnaga$ forasmu"h as there had "ome with him many !ortuguese who had ne%er been in 'isnaga$ and they wou d rejoi"e to see it$ in order to ha%e somewhat to te of on their return to their own ands$ whene%er :od shou d taCe them there, #he Cing at on"e "ommanded that they shou d be shown "ertain of his residen"es$ for that of his wi%es no one e%er sees, As soon as we had returned to the "ity of 'isnaga$ the go%ernor of that p a"e$ who is "a ed :amdarajo$ and is brother of Sa %atini"a$?E.>@ showed us the pa a"e, 9ou must Cnow that on entering that gate of whi"h I ha%e spoCen$ by whi"h the adies ser%ing the

CingDs wi%es maCe their eAit when they "ome to the feast$ opposite to it there is another of the same Cind, Here they bade us stand sti $ and they "ounted us how many we were$ and as they "ounted they admitted us one by one to a sma "ourtyard with a smooth y p astered f oor$ and with %ery white wa s around it,?E.M@ At the end of this "ourtyard$ opposite this gate by whi"h we entered$ is another " ose to it on the eft hand$ and another whi"h was " osed; the door opposite be ongs to the CingDs residen"e, At the entran"e of this door outside are two images painted iCe ife and drawn in their manner$ whi"h are these; the one on the right hand is of the father of this Cing$ and the one on the eft is of this Cing, #he father was darC and a gent eman of fine form$ stouter than the son is; they stand with a their appare and su"h raiment as they wear or used to wear when a i%e, Afterwards$ wishing to pass in at this door$ they again "ounted us$ and after they had finished "ounting us we entered a itt e house whi"h "ontained what I sha now re ate, As soon as you are inside$ on the eft hand$ are two "hambers one abo%e the other$ whi"h are in this manner: the ower one is be ow the e%e of the ground$ with two itt e steps whi"h are "o%ered with "opper gi ded$ and from there to the top is a ined with go d 1I do not say *gi ded$* but * ined* inside3$ and outside it is dome&shaped, It has a four&sided por"h made of "ane&worC?E.L@ o%er whi"h is a worC of rubies and diamonds and a other Cinds of pre"ious stones$ and pear s$ and abo%e the por"h are two pendants of go d; a the pre"ious stoneworC is in heart&shapes$ and$ interwea%ed between one and another$ is a twist of thi"C seed&pear worC; on the dome are pendants of the same, In this "hamber was a bed whi"h had feet simi ar to the por"h$ the "ross&bars "o%ered with go d$ and there was on it a mattress of b a"C satin; it had a round it a rai ing of pear s a span wide; on it were two "ushions and no other "o%ering, +f the "hamber abo%e it I sha not say if it he d anything be"ause I did not see it$ but on y the one be ow on the right side, In this house there is a room with pi ars of "ar%ed stone; this room is a of i%ory$ as we the "hamber as the wa s$ from top to bottom$ and the pi ars of the "ross&timbers at the top had roses and f owers of otuses a of i%ory$ and a we eAe"uted$ so that there "ou d not be better$ < it is so ri"h and beautifu that you wou d hard y find anywhere another su"h, +n this same side is designed in painting a the ways of ife of the men who ha%e been here e%en down to the !ortuguese$ from whi"h the CingDs wi%es "an understand the manner in whi"h ea"h one i%es in his own "ountry$ e%en to the b ind and the beggars, In this house are two thrones "o%ered with go d$ and a "ot of si %er with its "urtains, Here I saw a itt e s ab of green jasper$ whi"h is he d for a great thing in this house, C ose to where this jasper is$ I,E, underneath some ar"hes where is the entran"e into the pa a"e$ there is a itt e door " osed with some pad o"Cs: they to d us that inside it there was a treasury of one of the former Cings, As soon as we eft this house we entered a "ourtyard as arge as an arena for beast&fights$ %ery we p astered$ and a most in the midd e are some pi ars of wood$ with a "ross beam at the top a "o%ered with "opper gi t$ and in the midd e four "hains of si %er inCs with hooCs whi"h are "aught one into the other; this ser%es for a swing for the wi%es of the Cing, At the entran"e of this "ourtyard on the right hand we mounted four or fi%e steps and entered some beautifu houses made in the way I ha%e a ready to d you < for their houses are sing e&storeyed houses with f at roofs on top$ a though on top there may be other houses; the p an is good$ and they are iCe terra"es, #here is a bui ding there bui t on many pi ars$ whi"h are of stone&worC$ and so a so is a the worC of the roof$ with a the rest of wood 12A)ERIA3$ and a the pi ars 1with a the other worC3 are gi ded so that they seem as if "o%ered with go d, #hen at the entran"e of this bui ding in the midd e na%e$ there is$ standing on four pi ars$ a "anopy "o%ered with many figures of dan"ing&women$ besides other sma figures?E-6@ whi"h are p a"ed in the stone&worC, A this is a so gi ded$ and has some red "o our on the under&sides of the ea%es whi"h stand out from the s"u pture, 9ou must Cnow that they maCe no use of this bui ding be"ause it be ongs to their ido and to the temp e, At the end of this is a itt e " osed door where the ido is, Khene%er they "e ebrate any festi%a of this ido $ they "arry it on a go den throne and put it underneath that "anopy whi"h is made for that purpose; and then "ome the 'rahmans to perform their "eremonies there$ and the dan"ing&gir s "ome to dan"e,

0es"ending from this bui ding$ we passed on the eft side of the "ourtyard$ and we entered a "orridor whi"h runs the who e ength of it$ in whi"h we saw some things, +n entering the "orridor was a "ot suspended in the air by si %er "hains; the "ot had feet made of bars of go d$ so we made that they "ou d not be better$ and the "ross&bars of the "ot were "o%ered with go d, In front of this "ot was a "hamber where was another "ot suspended in the air by "hains of go d; this "ot had feet of go d with mu"h setting of pre"ious stones$ and the "ross&bars were "o%ered with go d, Abo%e this "hamber was another$ sma er$ and with nothing in it sa%e on y that it was gi t and painted, !assing this "hamber$ a ong the same "orridor in front was a "hamber whi"h this Cing$ "ommanded to be made; on the outside were figures of women with bows and arrows iCe ama/ons, #hey had begun to paint this "hamber$ and they to d us that it had to be finer than the others$ and that it was to be a p ated with go d$ as we the ground be ow as a the rest, !assing this "orridor and mounting up into another whi"h is higher$ we saw at one end three "a drons of go d$ so arge that in ea"h one they "ou d "ooC ha f a "ow$ and with them were others$ %ery arge ones$ of si %er$ and a so itt e pots of go d and some arge ones, #hen"e we went up by a itt e stair"ase$ and entered by a itt e door into a bui ding whi"h is in this manner, #his ha is where the Cing sends his women to be taught to dan"e, It is a ong ha and not %ery wide$ a of stone s"u pture on pi ars$ whi"h are at a distan"e of (uite an armDs ength from the wa ; between one and another is an armDs ength and a ha f$ perhaps a itt e more, #hese pi ars stand in that manner a around the bui ding; they are ha f&pi ars 1N3?E-4@ made with other ho ows 1N3 a gi t,?E-5@ In the supports 1or pedesta s3 on the top?E-=@ are many great beasts iCe e ephants$ and of other shapes; it is open so that the interior is seen$ and there are on the inner side of these beasts other images$ ea"h p a"ed a""ording to its "hara"ter; there are a so figures of men turned ba"C to ba"C$ and other beasts of different sorts, In ea"h "ase from pi ar to pi ar is a "ross&bar 1the ar"hitra%e3 whi"h is iCe a pane $ and from pi ar to pi ar are many su"h pane s; there are images of o d men$ too$ gi ded and of the si/e of a "ubit, Ea"h of the pane s has one p a"ed in this way, #hese images are o%er a the bui ding, And on the pi ars are other images$ sma er$ with other images yet more subordinate$ and other figures again$ in su"h a way that I saw this worC gradua y diminishing in si/e on these pi ars with their designs$ from pi ar to pi ar$ and ea"h time sma er by the si/e of a span as it went on$ be"oming ost; so it went dwind ing gradua y away ti there remained of a the s"u ptured worC on y the dome$ the most beautifu I e%er saw, 'etween these images and pi ars runs a design of fo iage$ iCe p ates 1A 2A)E9RA 0E ;A2I)ES3$ a gi t$ with the re%erses of the ea%es in red and b ue$ the images that are on the pi ars are stags and other anima s$ they are painted in "o ours with the pinC on their fa"es; but the other images seated on the e ephants$ as we as those on the pane s$ are a dan"ing women ha%ing tatt e drums 1tom& toms3, #he designs of these pane s show the positions at the ends of dan"es in su"h a way that on ea"h pane there is a dan"er in the proper position at the end of the dan"e; this is to tea"h the women$ so that if they forget the position in whi"h they ha%e to remain when the dan"e is done$ they may ooC at one of the pane s where is the end of that dan"e, 'y that they Ceep in mind what they ha%e to do, At the end of this house on the eft hand is a painted re"ess where the women " ing on with their hands in order better to stret"h and oosen their bodies and egs; there they tea"h them to maCe the who e body supp e$ in order to maCe their dan"ing more gra"efu , At the other end$ on the right$ in the p a"e where the Cing p a"es himse f to wat"h them dan"ing$ a the f oors and wa s where he sits are "o%ered with go d$ and in the midd e of the wa is a go den image of a woman of the si/e of a gir of twe %e years$ with her arms in the position whi"h she o""upies in the end of a dan"e, #hey did not show us more than this, #he residen"e of the women no one may see eA"ept the eunu"hs$ of whom I ha%e a ready to d you, From here we returned by the way we had entered to the se"ond gate$ and there they again "ounted us, +f the "ity of 'isnaga they say that there are more than a hundred thousand dwe ing&houses in it$ a one&storeyed and f at&roofed$ to ea"h of whi"h there is a ow surrounding wa $ and in this "ity the Cing i%es most of the time, +n the north side are ro"Cy hi s; a ri%er runs between them$ and the wa runs a ong the top of them$ and on the farther side is a "ity "a ed )agumdym; and it has on y

three gates$ name y one by the ri%er$ whi"h they "ross in boats embarCing just at this gate;?E-E@ one on the other side whi"h is to the north$ this is a stronger gate; and one on the north&west side$ a itt e gate between two %ery high ridges; and it is su"h a bad road that on y one horseman "an pass out a time, And on the north&west side 1of 'isnaga3 is another "ity "a ed Crisnapor?E-.@ "onne"ted with 'isnaga$ in whi"h are a their pagodas$ those in whi"h they most worship$ and a the re%enue of this "ity is granted to them$ and they say that they ha%e a re%enue of a hundred thousand !AR0A+S +F go d, #he pagodas are high and ha%e great bui dings with many figures of men and women$ a in as"i%ious attitudes, +n the south side is the other "ity "a ed )aga apor in a p ain; in it the 9da "ao stopped with a his for"es when he besieged 'isnaga$ and he ra/ed it to the ground; but a ready it is again rebui t$ and this is a eague from 'isnaga,?E--@ +n the east side is another "ity "a ed Ardegema$?E->@ whi"h is the name of the prin"ipa wife of this Cing$ and it is new$ and he bui t it for o%e of her, Chroni" e of Fernao )uni/ 1Kritten$ !robab y$ A,0, 4.=. < =>3 CHAPTER 1 Copy and Summary of a Chroni" e of the Gings of 'isnaga$ who reigned 1+RI:, were3 from the era one thousand two hundred and thirty$ whi"h was after the genera destru"tion of the Cingdom of 'isnaga,?E-M@ In the year twe %e hundred and thirty?E-L@ these parts of India were ru ed by a greater monar"h than had e%er reigned, #his was the Ging of 0i i$?E>6@ who by for"e of arms and so diers made war on Cambaya for many years$ taCing and destroying in that period the and of :u/arate whi"h be ongs to Cambaya$?E>4@ and in the end he be"ame its ord, And this taCen$ not being "ontent with the %i"tory whi"h he had a ready gained$ he made ready a arge army of foot and horse$ and determined to maCe war on the Ging of 'isnaga$ ea%ing his "aptains in his ands and fortresses to defend themse %es against his enemies$ of whom there were many; for this Ging?E>5@ was at that time at war with 'emga a$ and with the #urComans on the "onfines of the "ountry of SheiCh Ismae ,?E>=@ #hese men are fair and arge of body; in their ands are many horses with whi"h this Ging of 0e y made war on Cambaya and aid it waste; and after the "ountry was taCen and he ord of it$ there sti remained to him as many as eight hundred thousand horsemen with whom he passed on to 'isnaga; of the number of peop e on foot nothing is said here be"ause no one "ounted them, And$ determining to maCe war on the Ging of 'isnaga and to redu"e him under his ru e$ he passed out of the ands whi"h he had new y gained$ entering into those of the Ging of 'isnaga$ whi"h at that time were many; and (uitting the Cingdom of Cambaya$ he began to in%ade and maCe war on the 'a agate$?E>E@ whose ands now be ong to the Ida "ao$?E>.@ taCing and destroying many towns and p a"es in su"h a way that the peop e of the "ountry surrendered to him their persons and property$ though he eft to them their weapons whi"h he "ou d not pre%ent their "arrying, And after he had be"ome ord of a the "ountry of the 'a agate$ he passed the ri%er of 0uree$?E>-@ whi"h forms the boundary of the territories of the 'a agate and of those of the Ging of 'isnaga$ whi"h ri%er he passed in basCet&boats without finding any one to oppose the passage, 8p to that time$ in a that was 1afterwards3 the Cingdom of 'isnaga$ no p a"e was popu ated sa%e on y the "ity of )agumdym$?E>>@ in whi"h the Ging of 'isnaga?E>M@ then was$ awaiting his destru"tion$ sin"e it was strong$ and be"ause he possessed no other "itade but that$ whi"h was his ;isbon, And from the ri%er whi"h that Ging of 0e y passed in basCet&boats$?E>L@ to that "ity was twenty&

fi%e eagues$ a being open "ountry 1CA2!+S3; and in them it seemed good to him to pit"h his "amp$ so that his peop e might drinC of the water in the p ain 1CA2!+S3 a ong the ength of the ri%er, At that time there was great drought by reason of the summer season$ and the waters of the few itt e aCes that were in the p ain wou d not suffi"e for ten days for his troops$ horses$ and e ephants$ without drying up; and for that reason he ha ted some days by the banCs of that ri%er$ ti rain fe in the fie ds and aCes$ enough for su"h a arge army as he had brought with him, And when the time "ame he raised his "amp and brought his array to a ha t in sight of that "ity of )agundy, And the Ging of 'isnaga$ seeing his great power and how many troops he had brought with him$ determined to abandon the "ity$ whi"h was %ery diffi"u t to enter; " ose to whi"h was$ and now is$ a ri%er whi"h is "a ed )agundy$ when"e the "ity is "a ed )agundy$ and they say the "ity had its name be"ause of it, And he f ed for she ter to a fortress "a ed Crynamata$?EM6@ whi"h was by the banC of the ri%er$ and whi"h "ontained mu"h pro%ision and water; but not enough for the sustenan"e of so many peop e as he had with him$ as many as fifty thousand men, #herefore the Ging "hose fi%e thousand men with their property and tooC refuge in the fortress; and for the rest he bade them betaCe themse %es to another fortress of his in another part of his Cingdom, And being she tered in the fortress$ after he had taCen order about his pro%isions$ he was beset on a sides by the Ging of the peop e of 0e y$ who had a ready up to this time been at war with him?EM4@ for twe %e years; o%er whi"h siege itt e time was spent$ be"ause the peop e that were inside the fortress were numerous$ and in a itt e spa"e had "onsumed their pro%isions, #hen the Ging of 'isnaga$ seeing the determination of the so diers of the Ging of 0e y that they wou d ne%er ea%e the p a"e without maCing an end of those whom he had with him in the fortress$ made a spee"h to them a $ aying before them the destru"tion that the Ging of the troops of 0e y had "aused in his own Cingdoms;?EM5@ and how$ not "ontent with that$ he had besieged this fortress$ so that now there was nothing for them to ooC to but death$ sin"e a ready there was no water in the fortress nor anything eft to eat, And 1he said3 that of the fifty thousand men who had been in the "ity of )agundy he had "hosen them a one as his "ompanions and true friends$ and he begged of them that they wou d ho d fast in death to the oya ty whi"h they had borne him in their i%es; for he hoped that day to gi%e batt e to the Ging of 0e y, #hen he said that a ready there remained to him of his Cingdom and ordship nothing but that fortress and the peop e that were in it$ and so he asCed them to arm themse %es and die with him in batt e$ gi%ing their i%es to the enemy who had depri%ed them of a their ands, A of them were %ery "ontent and g ad at this$ and in a short spa"e were a armed; and after they were so the Ging made them another spee"h$ saying$ *'efore we join batt e we ha%e to wage another war with our sons and daughters and wi%es$ for it wi not be good that we shou d a ow them to be taCen for the use of our enemies,* And the Ging said$ *I wi be the first to dea with my wife and sons,* At this time they were a standing in a arge open spa"e whi"h was before the "itade $ and there by the hand of the Ging were s ain o%er fifty of his wi%es and some sons and itt e daughters; and the same was done with their own hands by a who had wi%es and sons that "ou d not fight, Khen these nuptia feasts$ so abhorred of a $ were fu fi ed$ they opened the gates of the fortress$ and their enemies forthwith entered$ and s ew a of them eA"ept siA o d men who withdrew to a house, #hese were made "apti%e and were taCen before the Ging 1of 0e hi3$ and the Ging asCed them who they were and how they had es"aped$ and they to d them who they were; at whi"h the Ging great y rejoi"ed$ be"ause one of them was the minister of the Cingdom and another the treasurer$ and the others were eading offi"ers in it, #hey were (uestioned by the Ging "on"erning the treasures of the Ging of 'isnaga$ and su"h ri"hes as were buried in the %au ts of the fortress were de i%ered up to him$ they a so ga%e him an a""ount of the re%enues of the Cingdom of 'isnaga at that time, Khen a was Cnown to the Ging he de i%ered them to one of his "aptains$ and "ommanded to maCe o%er the bodies of the dead to another "aptain$ and ga%e orders that the bodies

shou d be burned; and the body of the Ging$ at the re(uest of those siA men$ was "on%eyed %ery honourab y to the "ity of )agundy, From that time forward that p a"e be"ame a burying&p a"e of the Cings, Amongst themse %es they sti worship this Ging as a saint,

CHAPTER 2
+f what the Ging 1of 0e hi3 did after he had s ain the Ging of 'isnaga$ and entire y o%erthrown him$ and sei/ed his ands for himse f$ none being eft to defend them, As soon as the Ging had thus fu fi ed a his desires$ he bade his "aptains destroy some %i ages and towns whi"h had risen against him$ and gi%e se"urity to those who sought it of him, After the death of the 1Hindu3 Ging he stayed in that fortress two years$ ha%ing a ready for twe %e waged war on the Cingdom,?EM=@ He was far from his home$ whi"h KAS more than fi%e hundred eagues distant; and$ his for"es being a s"attered$ news "ame to him how that a the and whi"h was first gained by him had rebe ed, As soon as this was Cnown to the Ging he sent to "o e"t his peop e$ ea%ing in this fortress$ whi"h was the strongest in the Cingdom$ abundant pro%isions for its defen"e in a "ir"umstan"es; and he eft$ for "aptain and go%ernor of the Cingdom$ Enybi(uyme y$?EME@ a 2oor$ and with him he eft many troops$ showing mu"h Cindness to ea"h one of them separate y$ gi%ing to ea"h a%ish gifts and ands in su"h a way that a were "ontent$ and$ abandoning$ forthwith a hope of returning to their own "ountry$ made there their homes, CHAPTER 3 How the Ging of 0i y departed with his troops$ and tooC to his Cingdom the siA "apti%es that he had taCen in the fortress$ J", #he Ging ha%ing departed to his own Cingdom in "onse(uen"e of the news that had been brought to him$ ea%ing the Cingdom of 'isnaga in the power of 2e i(uy niby$ when it was Cnown throughout the "ountry how he was out of it$ those who had es"aped to the mountains$ with others who$ against their wi and through fear had taCen oaths of fea ty for their towns and %i ages$ rose against the "aptain 2i e(ue neby$ and "ame to besiege him in the fortress$ a owing no pro%isions to go in to him$ nor paying him the taAes that had been for"ed on them, And 2e i(uy niby$ seeing how itt e profit he "ou d get in this "ountry$ and how bad y he was obeyed$ and how far off was the su""our sent by his ord the Ging$ sent (ui"C y to him to te him how a the and was risen against him$ and how e%ery one was ord of what he p eased$ and no one was on his side; and that His Highness shou d de"ide what he thought best to be done in su"h "ase, And when the Ging heard this news he tooC "ounse $ te ing the great peop e of the rea m of the etter and message whi"h he had from 2e inebi(uy$ his "aptain and go%ernor of the Cingdom of 'isnaga$ and how bad y the ords of the and obeyed him; so that ea"h one was Cing and ord o%er whomsoe%er he p eased$ as soon as he a"(uired any power$ there being no justi"e amongst them$ nor any one whom they wished to obey, Khat was it seemed best to them 1he asCed3$ and what in su"h "ase ought they$ and "ou d they$ do$ so that he shou d not ose so fair a territory and one so ri"h$ the sei/ure of whi"h had "ost su"h abour$ so mu"h money$ and the i%es of so many of their fe owsN A the "oun"i ors de"ided that the Ging shou d "ommand the presen"e of the siA men whom he he d "apti%e$ and that he shou d earn from them who was at that time the nearest of Cin$ or in any way re ated to the Gings of 'isnaga; and$ this (uestioning done$ no one was found to whom by right the Cingdom "ou d "ome$ sa%e to one of the siA whom he he d "apti%e$ and this one he who at the time of the destru"tion of 'isnaga had been minister of the Cingdom, He was not re ated by b ood to the Cings$ but on y was the prin"ipa judge; but 1it seemed3 good that His Highness shou d gi%e the Cingdom to that one, And this ad%i"e p eased the Ging and them a , At on"e the siA "apti%es were re eased and set at iberty$ and many Cindnesses and honours were done them$ and the go%ernor was raised to be Ging and the treasurer to be go%ernor;?EM.@ and he tooC from them oaths and p edges of their fea ty as %assa s; and they were at on"e despat"hed and

sent to their ands with a arge fo owing to defend them from any one who shou d desire to do them an injury, And when these siA men had thus finished their journey to the "ity of )agundy$ they found on y the ruined basements of the houses$ and p a"es peop ed by a few poor fo C, In a short time the arri%a of 0eorao?EM-@ 1for so he was "a ed3 was Cnown in a the "ountry$ and now he had been eAa ted to be Ging$ with whi"h the peop e were we "ontent$ as men who had fe t so deep y their subje"tion to a ord not of their own faith; and from this man ha%e des"ended a those who ha%e reigned up to now, And they made great feasts for him$ and de i%ered up to him the ands taCen by former Cings and ost to them$ and he was obeyed as Ging, And when the "aptain 2e i(uy niby be"ame aware of this$ he was %ery p eased and "ontented$ and de i%ered up to him the fortress and Cingdom as the Ging his ord had "ommanded; and maCing himse f ready with a speed he departed$ ea%ing the and to its proper owner, And after he had gone$ Ging 0eorao$ entering on his ru e$ stro%e to pa"ify the peop e and those who had re%o ted$ and to maCe them safe$ and he did them many Cindnesses so as to se"ure their good&wi $ and tra%e ed about their fortresses and towns, He abandoned the ost ands sin"e he Cnew that he "ou d not regain them$ ha%ing no army or for"es for su"h a worC$ nor any "ause for whi"h he "ou d maCe war; and a so be"ause he was %ery o d, CHAPTER 4 How the City of 'isnaga was bui t by that Ging 0ehorao, #he Ging going one day a&hunting$ as was often his wont$ to a mountain on the other side of the ri%er of )agumdym$ where now is the "ity of 'isnaga$ < whi"h at that time was a desert p a"e in whi"h mu"h hunting tooC p a"e$ and whi"h the Ging had reser%ed for his own amusement$ < being in it with his dogs and appurtenan"es of the "hase$ a hare rose up before him$ whi"h$ instead of f eeing from the dogs$ ran towards them and bit them a $ so that none of them dared go near it for the harm that it did them,?EM>@ And seeing this$ the Ging$ astonished at so feeb e a thing biting dogs whi"h had a ready "aught for him a tiger and a ion$ judged it to be not rea y a hare but 1more iCe y3 some prodigy; and he at on"e turned ba"C to the "ity of )agumdym, And arri%ing at the ri%er$ he met a hermit who was wa Cing a ong the banC$ a man ho y among them$ to whom he to d what had happened "on"erning the hare, And the hermit$ wondering at it$ said to the Ging that he shou d turn ba"C with him and shew him the p a"e where so mar%e ous a thing had happened; and being there$ the hermit said that the Ging ought in that p a"e to ere"t houses in whi"h he "ou d dwe $ and bui d a "ity$ for the prodigy meant that this wou d be the strongest "ity in the wor d$ and that it wou d ne%er be "aptured by his enemies$ and wou d be the "hief "ity in the Cingdom, And so the Ging did$ and on that %ery day began worC on his houses$ and he en" osed the "ity round about; and that done he eft )agumdym and soon fi ed the new "ity with peop e, And he ga%e it the name Vydiajuna$ for so the hermit "a ed himse f?EMM@ who had bidden him "onstru"t it; but in "ourse of time this name has be"ome "orrupted$ and it is now "a ed 'isnaga, And after that hermit was dead the Ging raised a %ery grand temp e?EML@ in honour of him and ga%e mu"h re%enue to it, And e%er sin"e$ in his memory$ the Gings of 'isnaga$ on the day when they are raised to be Cings$ ha%e$ in honour of the hermit$ to enter this house before they enter their own$ and they offer many prayers in it$ and "e ebrate many feasts there e%ery year, #his Ging 0ehorao reigned se%en years$ and did nothing therein but pa"ify the Cingdom$ whi"h he eft in "omp ete tran(ui ity, 'y his death one "a ed 'u"arao?EL6@ inherited the Cingdom$ and he "on(uered many ands whi"h at the time of the destru"tion of that Cingdom remained rebe ious$ and by him they were taCen and turned to his power and ordship; and he tooC the Cingdom of +rya$ whi"h is %ery great; it tou"hes on 'emga a, He reigned thirty&se%en years$ being not ess feared than esteemed$ and obeyed by a in his Cingdom, +n the death of that Ging 'u"arao there "ame to the throne his son "a ed !ureoyre 0eorao$?EL4@

whi"h in Canara means *powerfu ord$* and he "oined a money of !AR0A+S whi"h e%en now they "a *!8R+8RE 0E+RA+;* and from that time forward it has be"ome a "ustom to "a "oins by the names of the Cings that made them; and it is be"ause of this that there are so many names of !AR0A+S in the Cingdom of 'isnaga, And this Ging in his time did nothing more than ea%e at his death as mu"h "on(uered "ountry as his father had done, #his Ging had a son who by his death inherited the Cingdom$ who was "a ed Ajarao;?EL5@ and he reigned forty&three years$ in whi"h time he was a ways at war with the 2oors; and he tooC :oa$ and Chau $ and 0abu $ and Cei ao$?EL=@ and a the "ountry of Charamamde $?ELE@ whi"h had a so rebe ed after the first destru"tion of this Cingdom$ and he did many other things whi"h are not re"orded here, #his Ging made in the "ity of 'isnaga many wa s and towers and en" osed it anew, )ow the "ity at that time was of no use$ there being no water in it by whi"h "ou d be raised gardens and or"hards$ eA"ept the water of the )agumdym whi"h was far from it$ for what water there was in the "ountry was a bra"Cish and a owed nothing to grow; and the Ging$ desiring to in"rease that "ity and maCe it the best in the Cingdom$ determined to bring to it a %ery arge ri%er whi"h was at a distan"e of fi%e eagues away$ be ie%ing that it wou d "ause mu"h profit if brought inside the "ity, And so he did$ damming the ri%er itse f with great bou ders; and a""ording to story he threw in a stone so great that it a one made the ri%er fo ow the GingDs wi , It was dragged thither by a number of e ephants of whi"h there are many in the Cingdom; and the water so brought he "arried through su"h parts of the "ity as he p eased, #his water pro%ed of su"h use to the "ity that it in"reased his re%enue by more than three hundred and fifty thousand !AR0A+S, 'y means of this water they made round about the "ity a (uantity of gardens and or"hards and great gro%es of trees and %ineyards$ of whi"h this "ountry has many$ and many p antations of emons and oranges and roses$ and other trees whi"h in this "ountry bear %ery good fruit, 'ut on this turning of the ri%er they say the Ging spent a the treasure that had "ome to him from the Cing his father$ whi"h was a %ery great sum of money, #his Ging eft a son at his death "a ed Visarao$?EL.@ who inherited the Cingdom on the death of his father; and he i%ed siA years$ and during this time did nothing worth re ating, At his death he eft a son "a ed 0eorao$ who reigned twenty&fi%e years, He determined to "o e"t great treasures$ but owing to "onstant warfare he "ou d not gain more than eight hundred and fifty mi ions of go d$ not "ounting pre"ious stones, #his was no great sum$ seeing that in his time the Ging of Cou ao$?EL-@ and Cey ao$ and !a ea"ate$?EL>@ and !eguu$ and #ana"ary?ELM@ and many other "ountries$ paid tribute to him, At his death this Ging eft a son who inherited the Cingdom$ who was "a ed !inarao$?ELL@ he reigned twe %e years$ and was a great astro oger; he was gi%en mu"h to etters$ and made many booCs and 1promu gated3 ordinan"es in his and and Cingdom, As ong as he reigned he had twenty ministers$ whi"h is an offi"e that amongst these 1peop e3 is 1genera y3 he d on y by one person, #his Ging was %ery wise; he was we %ersed in a his duties$ and possessed su"h good ta ents and (ua ities that they "a ed him !inarao$ whi"h amongst them$ in the anguage of Canara$ means a %ery wise man, #his Ging was Ci ed by treason by the hand of a nephew whom he had brought up in his house iCe a son$ who thus "aused the death of the Ging,?.66@ #he nephew reso %ed to marry$ and for the feasts at his wedding he prayed the Ging$ his un" e; that he wou d "ommand that he shou d be attended and honoured at his wedding by the GingDs own son; and the Ging$ for the o%e that he bore him and the p easure that he had in honouring him$ bade his son maCe ready with his fo owing$ and sent him with the ministers and "aptains of his "ourt to attend and honour the wedding of his nephew, And he$ maCing a ready$ as soon as they were in his house$ being at tab e$ they were a s ain by daggers thrust by men Cept in readiness for that deed, #his was done without any one suspe"ting it$ be"ause the "ustom there is to p a"e on the tab e a that there is to eat and drinC$ no man being present to ser%e those who are seated$ nor being Cept outside$ but on y those who are going to eat; and be"ause of their thus being a one at tab e$ nothing of what passed "ou d be Cnown to the peop e they had brought with them, And after he had Ci ed the GingDs son with a the

"aptains$ the minister?.64@ set out to ride as if he were going to bear a present to the Ging$ and as soon as he arri%ed at the gates of the pa a"e he sent a message to the Ging saying that he was there$ and had brought him a present a""ording to "ustom, And the Ging$ being at that time at eisure and amusing himse f with his wi%es$ bade him enter; and as soon as he was "ome to where he stood$ he presented to the Ging a go den bow in whi"h he had p a"ed a dagger steeped in poison$ with whi"h he wounded him in many p a"es; but the Ging$ as he was a man who Cnew how to use both sword and dagger better than any one in his Cingdom$ a%oided by twists and turns of his body the thrusts aimed at him$ freed himse f from him$ and s ew him with a short sword that he had, And this done he ordered a horse to be sadd ed$ and mounted it$ and rode ho ding his nephewDs head in his hand; and he tooC the road to the atterDs house$ apprehending that treason might ha%e been wrought and fearing that his son might be dead, And as soon as he arri%ed he behe d the treason in %ery deed$ and how wi"Ced a deed his nephew had done; seeing that his son and his prin"ipa "aptains were dead$ and that the traitor might ha%e pre%ai ed against himse f had he had the power, In great wrath the Ging "ommanded his men to inf i"t dreadfu punishments on a found gui ty of this treason$ and indeed many who were not so, He himse f remained grie%ous y wounded with the poisoned wounds and he asted on y siA months$ and these ended$ died of the poison "arried on the dagger, After his death a son remained to him who inherited the Cingdom and was "a ed B ?.65@$ and this Ging$ as soon as he began to reign$ sent to "a his treasurers and the minister and the s"ribes of his househo d$ and in(uired of them the re%enue of his Cingdom$ and earned how mu"h re%enue "ame in year y; and His Highness had e%ery year thirteen mi ions of go d, #his Ging granted to the pagodas a fifth part of the re%enue of his Cingdom; no aw is possib e in the "ountry where these pagodas are$ sa%e on y the aw of the 'rahmans$ whi"h is that of the priests; and so the peop e suffer, +n the death of this Ging su""eeded a son named Verupa"arao,?.6=@ As ong as he reigned he was gi%en o%er to %i"e$ "aring for nothing but women$ and to fudd e himse f with drinC and amuse himse f$ and ne%er showed himse f either to his "aptains or to his peop e; so that in a short time he ost that whi"h his forefathers had won and eft to him, And the nob es of the Cingdom$ seeing the habits and ife of this Cing$ rebe ed$ e%ery one of them$ ea"h ho ding to what he possessed$ so that in his time the Ging ost :oa$ and Chau $ and 0abu $ and the other "hief ands of the rea m, #his Ging in mere sottishness s ew many of his "aptains, 'e"ause he dreamed one night that one of his "aptains entered his "hamber$ on the neAt day he had him "a ed$ te ing him that he had dreamed that night that the "aptain had entered his room to Ci him; and for that a one he had him put to death, #his Ging had two sons a ready grown up$ who$ seeing the wi"Cedness of their father and how he had ost his Cingdom$ determined to Ci him$ as in fa"t was done by one of them$ the e der$ who was his heir; and after he had Ci ed him$ when they besought him to be Ging$ he said$ *A though this Cingdom may be mine by right$ I do not want it be"ause I Ci ed my father$ and did therein that whi"h I ought not to ha%e done$ and ha%e "ommitted a morta sin$ and for that reason it is not we that su"h an unworthy son shou d inherit the Cingdom, #aCe my brother and et him go%ern it sin"e he did not stain his hands with his fatherDs b ood;* whi"h was done$ and the younger brother was raised to the throne, And when they had entrusted the Cingdom to him he was ad%ised by his minister and "aptains that he shou d s ay his brother$ be"ause$ as the atter had Ci ed his father so he wou d Ci him if desirous of so doing; and as it appeared to the Ging that su"h a thing might we be$ he determined to Ci him$ and this was at on"e "arried out$ and he s ew him with his own hand, So that this man tru y met the end that those meet with who do su"h i deeds #his Ging was "a ed !adearao; and after this was done he ga%e himse f up to the habits of his father$ and$ abandoning himse f to his women$ and not seeCing to Cnow ought regarding his rea m sa%e on y the %i"es in whi"h he de ighted$ he remained for the most part in the "ity, +ne of his "aptains who was "a ed )arsymgua$?.6E@ who was in some manner aCin to him$ seeing his mode of ife$ and Cnowing how i it was for the Cingdom that he shou d i%e and reign$ though a was not yet ost$ determined to atta"C him and sei/e on his ands; whi"h s"heme he at on"e put into for"e,

He wrote$ therefore$ and addressed the "aptains and "hiefs of the Cingdom$ saying how bad it was for them not to ha%e a Ging o%er them who "ou d go%ern proper y$ and how it wou d be no wonder$ seeing the manner of his ife$ if the Ging soon ost by his bad go%ernment e%en more than his father had done, He made great presents to a of them so as to gain their goodwi $ and when he had thus atta"hed many peop e to himse f he made ready to atta"C 'isnaga where the Ging dwe t, Khen the Ging was to d of the uprising of this "aptain )arsymgua$ how he was approa"hing and sei/ing his ands and how many peop e were joining him$ he seemed unmindfu of the oss he had suffered$ he ga%e no heed to it nor made ready$ but$ instead$ he on y i &treated him who had brought the news, So that a "aptain of the army of this )arsymgua arri%ed at the gates of 'isnaga$ and there was not a sing e man defending the p a"e; and when the Ging was to d of his arri%a he on y said that it "ou d not be, #hen the "aptain entered the "ity$ and the Ging on y said that it "ou d not be, #hen he e%en entered his pa a"e and "ame as far as the doors of his "hamber$ s aying some of the women, At ast the Ging be ie%ed$ and seeing now how great was the danger$ he reso %ed to f ee by the gates on the other side; and so he eft his "ity and pa a"es$ and f ed, Khen it was Cnown by the "aptain that the Ging had f ed he did not troub e to go after him$ but tooC possession of the "ity and of the treasures whi"h he found there; and he sent to a"(uaint his ord$ )arsymgua, And after that )arsymgua was raised to be Cing, And as he had mu"h power and was be o%ed by the peop e$ then"eforward this Cingdom of 'isnaga was "a ed the Cingdom of )arsymga, After he was raised to be Cing and was obeyed he "ame to 'isnaga$ where he did many a"ts of justi"e; and he tooC the territories from whomsoe%er had$ "ontrary to right$ taCen them from the Cing, #his Ging reigned forty&four years$ and at his death eft a the Cingdom in pea"e$ and he regained a the ands whi"h the Cings his prede"essors had ost, He "aused horses to be brought from +romu/ and Adeem?.6.@ into his Cingdom and thereby ga%e great profit to the mer"hants$ paying them for the horses just as they asCed, He tooC them dead or a i%e at three for a thousand !AR0A+S$ and of those that died at sea they brought him the tai on y$ and he paid for it just as if it had been a i%e, At the death of that Ging there remained three fortresses whi"h had re%o ted from his ru e$ and whi"h he was ne%er ab e to taCe$ whi"h were these < Ra"ho $ and +degary and Conado gi$?.6-@ whi"h ha%e arge and ri"h territories and are the prin"ipa forts in the Cingdom, At his death he eft two sons$ and the go%ernor of the Cingdom was )asena(ue$ who was father of the Cing that afterwards was Cing of 'isnaga;?.6>@ and this Cing 1)arsymgua3$ before he died$ sent to "a )arsena(ue his minister$ and he d "on%erse with him$ te ing him that at his death he wou d by testament ea%e him to go%ern the Cingdom unti the prin"es shou d be of an age to ru e; a so he said that a the roya treasures were his a one$ and he reminded him that he had won this Cingdom of )arsymgua at the point of the sword; adding that now there remained on y three fortresses to be taCen$ but that for him the time for their "apture was passed; and the Ging begged him to Ceep good guard o%er the Cingdom and to de i%er it up to the prin"es$ to whi"he%er of them shou d pro%e himse f most fitted for it, And after the GingDs death this )arsena(ue remained as go%ernor$ and soon he raised up the prin"e to be Cing$ retaining in his own hands the treasures and re%enues and the go%ernment of the "ountry, At that time a "aptain who wished him i $ determined to Ci the prin"e$ with a %iew afterwards to say that )arsena(ue had bidden him "ommit the murder$ he being the minister to whom the go%ernment of the Cingdom had been entrusted$ and he thought that for this a"t of treason )arsena(ue wou d be put to death, And he soon so arranged it that the prin"e was Ci ed one night by one of his pages who had been bribed for that purpose$ and who s ew the prin"e with a sword, As soon as )arsena(ue heard that he was dead$ and earned that he himse f 1was supposed to ha%e3 sent to Ci him$ he raised up another brother of the ate GingDs to be Cing$ not being ab e further to punish this "aptain$ be"ause he had many re ations$ unti after he had raised this younger brother to

be Cing$ who was "a ed #amarao, He 1)arsena(ue3 went out one day from the "ity of 'isnaga towards )agumdym$ saying that he was going hunting$ ea%ing a his househo d in the "ity, And after he had arri%ed at this "ity of )agumdym he betooC himse f to another "a ed !enagumdim$ ?.6M@ whi"h is four&and&twenty eagues from that p a"e$ where he at on"e made ready arge for"es and many horses and e ephants$ and then sent to te the Ging #amarao of the "ause of his going; re ating to him the treason that that "aptain by name #ymarsaa?.6L@ had "arried out s aying his brother the Cing$ and by whose death he 1the prin"e3 had inherited the Cingdom, He to d him how that the Cingdom had been entrusted to him by his father$ as we as the "are of himse f and his brother$ that as this man had Ci ed his brother$ so he wou d do to him in the same way$ for he was a traitor; and he urged that for that reason it was ne"essary to punish him, 'ut the Cing at that time was %ery fond of that "aptain$ sin"e by reason of him he had be"ome Ging$ and in p a"e of punishing him he bestowed fa%our on him and tooC his part against the minister, And$ seeing this$ )arsena(ue went against him with arge for"es$ and besieged him$ threatening him for four or fi%e days$ unti the Ging$ seeing his determination$ "ommanded #imarsaa to be put to death; after whi"h he 1the Ging3 sent the 1traitorDs3 head to be shown to the minister$ who great y rejoi"ed, )arsena(ue sent away a the troops and entered the "ity$ where he was %ery we re"ei%ed by a the peop e$ by whom he was mu"h o%ed as being a man of mu"h justi"e, And after some days and years had passed$ )arsena(ue$ seeing the age of the Cing how young he was$ determined to Ceep him in the "ity of !enagumdy$ with arge guards to maCe safe his person$ and to gi%e him 56$666 "ru/ados of go d e%ery year for his food and eApenses$ and himse f to go%ern the Cingdom < for it had been entrusted to him by the Cing his ord so to do, After this had been done he to d the Ging that he desired to go to 'isnaga to do "ertain things that wou d tend to the benefit of the Cingdom$ and the Ging$ p eased at that$ to d him that so it shou d be; thinCing that now he himse f wou d be more his own master and not be so iab e to be "he"Ced by him, And after he had departed and arri%ed at 'isnaga$ )arsena(ue sent the Ging 56$666 men for his guard$ as he had arranged$ and he sent as their "aptain #imapanar(ue$ a man in whom he mu"h "onfided; 1"ommanding him3 that he shou d not a ow the Ging to ea%e the "ity$ and that he shou d "arefu y guard his person against trea"hery, And after this was done )arsena(ue began to maCe war on se%era p a"es$ taCing them and demo ishing them be"ause they had re%o ted, At that time it was proposed by some "aptains that they shou d Ci the Ging$ as he was not a man fitted to go%ern$ but to this )arsena(ue wou d answer nothing, After some days had passed$ howe%er$ )arsena(ue$ pondering on the treason about whi"h they had spoCen to him$ how it wou d in"rease his greatness and more easi y maCe him ord of the Cingdom of whi"h he was 1on y3 minister$ "a ed one day those same "aptains who had often proposed it to him$ and asCed them by what means the Ging "ou d be s ain without its being Cnown that he had had a hand in his death, #hen one man?.46@ to d him that a %ery good way wou d be that he 1the minister3 shou d appear to be annoyed with him and shou d send to "ommand his presen"e$ whi"h mandate he wou d not obey$ and on a""ount of this a"t of disrespe"t he 1the minister3 shou d ordain that some punishment be inf i"ted$ and at this aggra%ation he wou d ea%e the "ity and f y to !enagundy to stir up the Ging against the minister, He said that after he had gained the goodwi of the Ging he wou d so p ot against him that he wou d render him disobedient; and that to gi%e the Ging greater en"ouragement he wou d forge etters as if from "aptains whi"h shou d "ontain the same "ounse < name y$ that he shou d ea%e that "ity where he was more prisoner than free < and wou d point out to him that he a one was Cing and ord$ and yet that the and was under the power of )arasena(ue his %assa $ who had made himse f %ery strong and powerfu in the Cingdom and he d him 1the Ging3 prisoner$ and had rebe ed, He wou d urge the Ging to se"ret y (uit the "ity and betaCe himse f to a fortress be onging to the "aptain who had sent him that etter$ and that there he shou d prepare himse f$ getting together a arge fo owing, And he wou d te him that when the ords and "aptains "ame to Cnow of his wish and determination they wou d a"t a""ording to it$ and wou d he p him$ and wou d "ome with him to fa upon )arsenay(ue$ and wou d bestow upon him 1)arsena(ue3 the prison in whi"h he 1the Ging3 was now Cept, So he wou d be Cing, 1#he "aptain

further said3 that after he had persuaded the Ging to this he wou d "ause him to 1 ea%e the "ity3$ and whi e going out he wou d Ci him$ and that in this way )arsena(ue shou d be"ome Cing, )arsenay(ue was we p eased to isten to this treason and to hear of the e%i deed whi"h this "aptain p anned$ and he showed him mu"h fa%our, #he "aptain disappeared after some days from where )arsenay(ue was$ feigning to ha%e f ed; and he "ame to !enagumdy$ where in a few days his arri%a was Cnown; and he set about and put in hand a those things that had been arranged, E%ery day he showed the Ging a etter$ one day from a "aptain of one fortress$ the neAt day another from another "aptain; and the Ging$ understanding the p ots "ontained in the etters so shown$ rep ied that the "ounse and ad%i"e seemed good$ and yet how "ou d he resist the power of )arsenay(ue$ who$ besides being minister of the Cingdom$ had 1possession of3 a the horses and e ephants and treasure$ so that he "ou d at on"e maCe war against himN *#rue it is$ Sire$ that whi"h thou sayest$* answered the traitor$ *and yet he is mu"h mis iCed by a the "aptains who raised thee to be Cing$ and as soon as they sha see thee in Chaodagary*?.44@ 1whi"h was a fortress whither he had ad%ised him to f ee$ being one whi"h up to that time was independent3$ *a wi f o"C to thine aid$ sin"e they esteem it a just "ause,* Said the Ging$ < *Sin"e this is so$ how dost thou propose that I shou d ea%e this p a"e$ so that my going shou d not be Cnown to the guards and to the 56$666 men who surround me in this "ityN* *Sire$* he rep ied$ *I wi dis" ose to thee a %ery good p an; thou and I wi go forth by this thy garden$ and from then"e by a postern gate whi"h is in the "ity 1wa 3$ and whi"h I Cnow we ; and the guards$ seeing thee a one without any fo owing$ wi not Cnow that it is thou$ the Ging$ and thus we sha pass to the outside of the "ity$ where I wi ha%e horses ready that wi taCe us whithersoe%er it seemeth good to thee,* A this p eased the Ging we $ and he p a"ed e%erything in his hands; and$ seeing fu fi ed a his desire$ the "aptain spoCe with those men who guarded that part of the garden by whi"h he wished that the Ging shou d f y$ and whi"h was near the GingDs own houses$ 1for into this garden the Ging often went to amuse himse f with his wi%es$ whi"h garden was at that part guarded by a matter of =66 armed men3 and to these men he spoCe thus$ saying to them: < *If ye sha happen to see me pass by here on su"h a night and at su"h an hour$ and if ye sha see a man "oming with me$ s ay him$ for he we deser%es it of me$ and I wi reward ye;* and they a said that that wou d be a %ery sma ser%i"e to do for him, Khen that day had passed the traitor went to the Ging and said to him: < *Sire$ do not put off ti to&morrow that whi"h thou hast to do to&day; for I ha%e the horses ready for thy es"ape$ and ha%e p anned so to es"ort thee forth that e%en thy adies sha not be aware of thy departure$ nor any other person, Come$ Sire$ to the garden$ where I wi await thee,* #he Ging rep ied that his words were good and so he wou d do$ and as soon as night was "ome and the hour arri%ed$ the Ging went "arefu y out$ and sti more "arefu was he who for some time had awaited him; and he ga%e signa to the armed men$ and as soon as he was "ome to the garden he passed between two of them who were the guards$ and they threw themse %es on the Ging and s ew him$ and forthwith buried him at the foot of a tree in the same garden, And this being a""omp ished without their Cnowing whom they had s ain$ the traitor ga%e them his thanCs$ and returned to his inn to maCe ready to ea%e the "ity$ and a so so as not to gi%e "ause for ta C therein, And the neAt morning it was found that the Ging was missing; and though sear"hed for throughout a the "ity no news of him "ou d be heard$ a the peop e thinCing that he had f ed somewhere$ when"e he wou d maCe war on )arsenay(ue, And to )arsenay(ue the news was straightway brought$ and he$ feigning mu"h sorrow at it$ yet made ready a his horses and e ephants in "ase the Cingdom shou d be p unged into some re%o ution by the death of the Cing; a though as yet he Cnew not for "ertain how the matter stood$ sa%e that the Ging had disappeared, And afterwards the man "ame who had Ci ed the Ging$ and to d him how it had been done and how se"ret y he had been s ain$ so that e%en the %ery men who had Ci ed him Cnew not who it was; and )arsenay(ue bestowed upon him ri"h reward, And sin"e there was no news of the Ging$ and he ho ding e%erything now under his hand$ he was raised to be Cing o%er a the and of )arsymga, And this Cing eft at his death fi%e sons$ one was "a ed 'usba rao$ and another Crismarao$ and another #etarao$ and another Ramygupa and another +uamysyuaya,?.45@ And this 'usba rao inherited the Cingdom at the death of his father )arsenay(ue and reigned siA

years$ during whi"h he was a ways at war$ for as soon as his father was dead the who e and re%o ted under its "aptains; who in a short time were destroyed by that Ging$ and their ands taCen and redu"ed under his ru e, 0uring these siA years the Ging spent$ in restoring the "ountry to its former "ondition$ eight mi ion go d !AR0A+S, #his Ging died of his si"Cness in the "ity of 'isnaga; and before he died he sent for Sa %atimya$ his minister$?.4=@ and "ommanded to be brought to him his 1the GingDs3 son$ eight years o d$ and said to Sa %atina that as soon as he was dead he must raise up this son to be Cing 1though he was not of an age for that$ and though the Cingdom ought perhaps to be ong to his brother Crisnarao3 and that he must put out the eyes of the atter and must bring them to show him; in order that after his death there shou d be no differen"es in the Cingdom, Sa %atina said that he wou d do so and departed$ and sent to "a for Crisnarao$ and tooC him aside to a stab e$ and to d him how his brother had bade him put out his eyes and maCe his son Cing, Khen he heard this$ Crisnarao said that he did not seeC to be Cing$ nor to be anything in the Cingdom$ e%en though it shou d "ome to him by right; that his desire was to pass through this wor d as a H+:I 1as"eti"$ re" use3$ and that he shou d not put his eyes out$ seeing that he had not deser%ed that of his brother, Sa %atina$ hearing this$ and seeing that Crisnarao was a man of o%er twenty years and therefore more fit to be Cing$ as you wi see farther on$ than the son of 'usba rao who was on y eight years o d$ "ommanded to bring a she&goat$ and he put out its eyes$ and tooC them to show the Ging$ for a ready he was at the ast hour of his ife; and he presented them to him$ and as soon as the Ging was dead his brother Crisnarao was raised to be Cing$ whose eyes the ate Ging had ordered to be torn out, CHAPTER 5 +f the things done by Ging Crisnarao after he was raised to the throne, As soon as Crisnarao was raised to be Ging and was obeyed throughout a his Cingdom$ < Sa %atine being his minister$ who had been the same for his brother 'usba rao$?.4E@ < he without de ay sent his nephew$ son of 'usba rao his brother$ together with his own three brothers$ to a fortress "a ed Chaodegary; the nephew remained there ti he died, And after the Ging had done this for his own safety he stayed in the "ity of 'isnaga for a year and a ha f without going outside of it$ earning the affairs of the Cingdom and ooCing at the testaments of past Cings, Amongst these he found one of Cing )arsymga$ whose minister his father )arsenay(ue had been$ in whi"h that Ging desired that his sons$ or whoe%er shou d inherit this Cingdom of )arsymga whi"h he had gained by for"e of arms$ shou d "apture three fortresses that at his death remained in re%o t against him$ the whi"h he had not himse f taCen be"ause time fai ed him; one of them was "a ed Rra"ho $?.4.@ and another 2edegu a,?.4-@ Crisnarao$ seeing this testament and seeing how bad y the Cings his prede"essors had a"ted in what had been enjoined on them$ determined at on"e to prepare armies and to go against these p a"es; and one of these fortresses was "a ed +digair$ and it be onged to the Ging of +rya, And$ determining to go first against this$ he "o e"ted 1an army of3 thirty&four thousand foot and eight hundred e ephants$ and arri%ed with this for"e at the "ity of 0igary$?.4>@ in whi"h there were ten thousand foot so diers and four hundred horse; for the fortress had no ne"essity for more by reason of its great strength$ be"ause it "ou d not be taCen eA"ept by being star%ed out, And the Ging aid siege to it for a year and a ha f$ in whi"h time he made many paths a"ross ro"Cy hi s$ breaCing up many great bou ders in order to maCe a road for his so diers to approa"h the towers of the fortress, #he p a"e at this time was so strong that they "ou d not approa"h it eA"ept by one way whi"h was so narrow that men "ou d on y pass a ong it one at a time; and in this p a"e he made a broad road$ and many others a so$ so that he "ou d "ome " ose to the fortress, And he tooC it by for"e of arms$ and in it "aptured an aunt?.4M@ of the Ging of +rya$ who was taCen "apti%e and "arried off with a the "ourtesy that he "ou d show her$ ha%ing her iberty; and he tooC her a ong with himse f,

And after this was done he "a ed Sa %atinya and bade him see how we he had performed that whi"h Cing )arsymga had by his testament enjoined on him$ and yet he said he was not "ontent with su"h a tri%ia %i"tory$ for?.4L@ he desired to go forward a hundred eagues into the Cingdom of +rya; and he ordered him to maCe ready pro%isions and pay fu y the sa aries of the for"es, And after this fortress was taCen he departed and went against Comdo%y$?.56@ whi"h was one of the prin"ipa "ities of the Cingdom of +rya$ and besieged it; and$ earning this$ the Ging of +rya "ame against him to defend his territories$ and brought with him one thousand three hundred e ephants$ and twenty thousand horsemen$ and he brought fi%e hundred thousand foot&so diers, Crisnarao$ being aware of the approa"h of the Cing of +rya$ eft the "ity without assau ting it$ saying that he preferred to fight the Ging in person and his army rather than to atta"C the "ity$ and that there wou d be p enty of time afterwards to taCe it; and he went forward four eagues from it$ ea%ing a for"e to pre%ent the es"ape of the peop e from the "ity if they shou d seeC to f ee to the "oast, And he arri%ed at a arge ri%er of sa t water "rossed by a ford$?.54@ and on the other side of the ri%er was the Ging of +rya with his army, Ging Crisnarao ha ted his army on this side of the ri%er$ and sent the Ging a message that if he desired to fight with him he wou d retire from the ri%er two eagues$ so that he 1the Cing of +rya3 might pass the ri%er unmo ested$ and as soon as he had passed he wou d join batt e; to whi"h message the Ging of +rya ga%e no rep y$ but on the "ontrary made ready to gi%e batt e, And Ging Crisnarao$ seeing his determination$ "rossed the ri%er with a his for"es and e ephants$ and in the "rossing of the ri%er there were hea%y en"ounters on both sides$ and many were s ain, )otwithstanding this$ Ging Crisnarao "rossed the ri%er$ and on the banC fought so bra%e y that he defeated the Ging of +ria and put him to f ight$ in whi"h defeat he tooC many horses and e ephants, And after the Ging had done this he to d Sa %atinea his minister that he purposed to turn ba"C to the fortress$ whi"h had not yet eAperien"ed his strength$ and he went against it$ and stopped there two months besieging it; and he tooC it, And he ga%e the "ommand of it to Sa %atinea$ who eft in it$ from his army$ for "aptain one of his brothers$ in order that he himse f might go forward with the Ging through the Cingdom of +rya, And the Ging$ passing the ri%er on"e more in pursuit of the Ging of +rya$ and taCing and ra%aging a the "ountry whi"h had no reason for eApe"ting him$ arri%ed at a "ity "a ed Comdepa yr$?.55@ where were a the "hiefs of the Cingdom$ it being the "hief "ity in that Cingdom, And he aid siege to it$ and remained there three months without being ab e to "apture it$ and in the end he tooC it more by reason of his numbers than by for"e of arms; in whi"h fortress he found many peop e of high ranC whom he made "apti%e$ amongst whom was a wife of the Ging$ and one of his sons who was a prin"e$ and se%en prin"ipa "aptains of the Cingdom$ a of whom he sent by road to 'ysnaga, And he went forward a hundred eagues into the Cingdom$ finding no one to bar his progress ti he got to Symamdary$?.5=@ whi"h was a %ery arge "ity$ in whi"h he ha ted for siA months$ waiting for the Ging of +rya, He sent many messages to say that he was waiting for him in the fie d$ but he ne%er "ame, And in this "ity he did many worCs$ and ga%e a ms to the temp es$ and ere"ted therein a %ery grand temp e to whi"h he ga%e mu"h re%enue, And he "ommanded to engra%e on it an ins"ription whi"h says: < *!erhaps when these etters are de"ayed$ the Cing of +rya wi gi%e batt e to the Ging of 'isnaga, If the Ging of +rya erases them$ his wife sha be gi%en to the smiths who shoe the horses of the Ging of 'isnaga,* And after this was done he returned$ ea%ing the greater part of those ands to the temp es$ and "ame to 'isnaga where he rested some days, And he sent to "a the son of the Cing of +rya who was taCen "apti%e in the first fortress$ and to d him that as peop e said that he was a %ery a"ti%e man and was %ery deAterous with both sword and dagger$ he wou d be p eased to see him fen"e, #he young man said that sin"e His Highness summoned him he wou d do what he "ou d$ and asCed that this might be put off ti neAt day, And when the neAt day "ame the Ging sent to "a him$ and a so sent for one of his own men who at that time was %ery eApert in the art$?.5E@ that he shou d fen"e with him, And when the son of the Ging of +rya saw him$ being offended with the Ging for

sending a man to fight with him who was not the son of a Ging but on y a man of humb e birth$ he "ried out to the Ging: < *:od forbid that I shou d soi my hands by tou"hing a man not of the b ood roya $* and saying this he s ew himse f, And his father$ hearing how his son was dead$ wrote to Sa %atinea 1asCing3 by what means he "ou d ransom his wife who remained in the power of the Ging$ sin"e his son was dead; to whi"h he made answer that he shou d arrange the marriage of his daughter with the Ging$ and that afterwards the Ging wou d restore him his wife and ands 1or$ wou d taCe on y his ands3,?.5.@ #his "ounse he a""epted$ and he sent ambassadors to 'isnaga to arrange a marriage with his daughter$ with whi"h Ging Crisnarao was we "ontent; and when the Ging of +rya Cnew his wi 1in the matter3 he sent him his daughter; and with the "oming of her they were friends, And Crisnarao restored the ands on the other side of the ri%er$ and Cept those on the hither side for himse f, CHAPTER 6 How Crisnarao$ after he had made pea"e with the Ging of +ria$ determined to go against the and of Catuir, After Crisnarao had made pea"e$ and had married the daughter of the Ging of +ria$ and had restored to him his wife and the ands beyond the ri%er$ as has been narrated abo%e$ he made ready a arge army and prepared to atta"C Catuir$?.5-@ whi"h is the and of a ord who had been in re%o t for fifty years; this and is on the Charamaode side, And he went against it$ and aid siege to one of the prin"ipa "ities where the ord of the and was; and it is "a ed B?.5>@and is surrounded with water, )ow at the time when Crisnarao atta"Ced this "ity it was winter$ for whi"h "ause the ri%er that surrounded it was so swo en$ and "arried down so mu"h water$ that the Cing "ou d do no harm to the p a"e, And Ging Crisnarao$ seeing this$ and seeing that time was passing away without his attaining his desire$ "ommanded his men to "ut many new "hanne s in order to be ab e to atta"C that prin"ipa 1ri%er3 whi"h had opposed itse f to the fu fi ment of his wishes, And this was done in a short time$ sin"e he had many so diers; and after the 1new3 water"ourses were finished and brought to where the water shou d go he opened mouths in the ri%er$ the water of whi"h %ery soon f owed out so that the bottom "ou d be seen$ and it was eft so sha ow that it enab ed him to rea"h the wa s of the "ity; and the ri%er was thus di%erted into fifty different beds, Inside the "ity were one hundred thousand foot&so diers and three thousand "a%a ry$ who defended themse %es and fought %ery bra%e y$ but this a%ai ed itt e to pre%ent Crisnarao from entering in a few days and s aughtering a of them, He found arge treasures in this "ity$ amongst others in ready money a mi ion and siA hundred thousand go den !AR0A+S$ besides jewe s$ and horses$ whi"h were numerous$ and e ephants, And after he had finished the "apture of this and Crisnarao di%ided it amongst many of his "aptains$ gi%ing to ea"h one what was ne"essary for him; and the "hief who i%ed in the "ity and who was ord of the and was taCen away "apti%e and "arried to 'isnaga$ where he died in the GingDs prison, And after the Ging had sett ed the "ountry he "ame to 'isnaga$ when"e he sent Sa %atinea to the "ity of Comdo%y$ sin"e he was "hief of it$ by whom his brother was p a"ed in it so as to see dire"t y to the and and ifs go%ernment; for after the Ging returned from +rya he ne%er went again thither, And Sa %atinea$ ha%ing departed on his journey to Comdo%y$ before he arri%ed there$ met$ opposing his path$ a 2uhammadan named 2adarme u(uo$ who was a "aptain of the Ging on this side$?.5M@ and who was awaiting him with siAty thousand men, Sa %atinea had two hundred thousand men$ and had %ery itt e fear of him; and with these he went against him$ and tooC and defeated him$ and tooC prisoners himse f and his wife and son and horses and e ephants and mu"h money and store of jewe s$ and sent them a to Ging Crisnarao, #he Cing "ommanded to put 1the "apti%es3 in prison$ and there they died, And Sa %atinea went to his territories$ and after he had stayed there some months and seen to its go%ernment and de"ided matters in dispute$ he returned to the Ging at 'isnaga$ by whom he was we re"ei%ed as being the prin"ipa person in the Cingdom,

CHAPTER 7
How Crisnarao$ on the arri%a of Sa %atinia$ determined to atta"C Ra"ho $ a "ity of the 9da "ao$ and to breaC the pea"e that had asted so ong; and the reason why, After Sa %atinia had arri%ed and had been we re"ei%ed by the Ging$ and after the apse of some days$ the Ging to d him that he desired to fu fi a the wishes eApressed in the testament of Ging )arsynga$ one of whi"h was to "apture Ra"ho $ whi"h was a %ery strong "ity and amongst the prin"ipa ones of the 9da "ao$ who had taCen it from the Cings his an"estors; and be"ause there was now pea"e between both parties$ and had been so for forty years$ he Cnew not how he "ou d manage to breaC it, 'ut Sa %atinia said that sin"e the pea"e had been made under "ertain "onditions < one of whi"h was that if on either one side or the other any and&owners$ "aptains in re%o t$ or other e%i & doers shou d be harboured and their surrender shou d be demanded$ they shou d forthwith be gi%en up < there was now great reason for breaCing the pea"e$ sin"e many and&owners and debtors to His Highness had tied into the Cingdom of the 9da "ao, He "ounse ed therefore that the Ging shou d send to demand the surrender of these men$ and that on refusa to gi%e them up there wou d be good ground for breaCing the pea"e, 2any$ howe%er$ disagreed with this ad%i"e, )ow it happened at this time that the Ging 1of 'isnaga3 sent Cide 2er"ar with forty thousand !AR0A+S to :oa to buy horses$ whi"h Cide 2er"ar was a 2oor in whom the Ging of 'isnaga "onfided on a""ount of %arious affairs with whi"h he had a ready been entrusted; and this man$ when he arri%ed at a p a"e where the 2oors i%ed whi"h was "a ed$ !omdaa and is two eagues from :oa$ f ed from that p a"e$ !omdaa$ to the 9da "ao$ "arrying with him a the treasure, Some say that the 9da "ao wrote to him a etter as soon as he got there, As soon as they ga%e to the Ging this news of the f ight of Cide$ and how he had "arried off a the money$ he said that he wou d write to the 9da "ao to send the man ba"C to him with a the money$ sin"e he was his friend, #hen the Ging "aused a etter to be written$ in whi"h he spoCe of the friendship that had eAisted for so many years so that nothing "ou d shaCe it$ and that he hoped that a traitor wou d not be the "ause of breaCing a pea"e of su"h ong standing as had been between them; and he begged that he wou d send Cide ba"C at on"e, As soon as the etter was read to the 9da "ao he sent to summon his Ca/is and the men of his "oun"i $ and he bade them read the etter whi"h had "ome from the Ging$ as to whi"h etter there were many suggestions made, At the end of a they agreed that he shou d not send him 1Cide3 to him 1the Ging of 'isnaga3$ for they said that he 1Cide3 was one earned in the aw and re ated to 2afumdo,?.5L@ And the 9da "ao$ as a " oaC to his a"tion$ ga%e 0abu to that Cide$ by way of showing that he was not near his person nor Cnew he aught of him; from whi"h town of 0abu Cide f ed$ nor had they any further news of him, Khen those who had "ome from the Ging returned bearing the 9da "aoDs answer$ the Ging showed great indignation at it$ and he d that the pea"e was broCen; he at on"e ordered to appear before him the great ords of his Coun"i $ and had the etter read a oud so that a might hear, As soon as it was read he said that without more ado they shou d maCe ready$ sin"e he was determined to taCe fu %engean"e, 'ut the "oun"i ors ad%ised the Ging$ saying that for su"h a sma sum of money as this it was not we so to a"t; that he shou d thinC of what wou d be said and ta Ced of throughout the wor d; and that if he was bent on breaCing so pro onged a pea"e for su"h a trif ing "ause$ he shou d "a to mind that there ne%er was any honesty in a 2oor; that others were to b ame in that whi"h Cide had done; and that if Cide shou d dare to "ome to that war whi"h was waged in order to taCe %engean"e on him$?.=6@ then it wou d be we that those who a""ompanied him shou d die$ but that they Cnew that Cide wou d Ceep we away from the army,?.=4@ #he "oun"i ors$ howe%er$ saw that the Ging remained unmo%ed from his determination to maCe war$ and they then "ounse ed him$ saying: < *Sire$ do not go to war by that route 10abu 3$ but go against Ra"ho $ whi"h now be ongs to the 9da "ao but of o d was part of this Cingdom; then the 9da "ao wi be for"ed to "ome to defend it$ and thus thou wi t taCe %engean"e joint y both on one and the other,* #he Ging he d this ad%i"e to be good and prepared for his departure$ sending etters to 2adre 2a u"o$ and 0eme yno$ and 0estur%irido$?.=5@ and other superior ords$ gi%ing them an

a""ount of what had taCen p a"e in the matter of the 9da "ao$ and how he had determined to maCe war on him; from whi"h ords he re"ei%ed answer that he was doing right y$ and that they wou d assist him as far as they were ab e, As to the Ieme u"o$ at the time when the messengers returned this answer he "ou d find no eA"use for not sending some troops to the aid of his sister who was wedded to the 9da "ao, #he Ging had sent the etters to those ords out of his great "raftiness$ for he to d them of what he was about to do in order to sedu"e them to his side$ < so far at east as "on"erned their goodwi $ seeing that in the matter of troops he had no need of them < be"ause if they had joined the 9da "ao he 1the Ging3 wou d ne%er ha%e "on(uered as he did; but be"ause the 9da "ao was hated by them a as being a more powerfu "hief than they$ 1for there is itt e faith amongst the 2oors$ and they bite one another iCe dogs and iCe to see one after the other destroyed3 he was "on(uered$ as you wi see hereafter$ in the month of 2ay$ on the new moon day$ in the year one thousand fi%e hundred and twenty&two,?.==@ After the Ging had made his offerings and performed sa"rifi"es to his ido s he eft the "ity of 'isnaga with a his troops; and they mar"hed in the fo owing order, #he "hief of the guard 1+ !+R#EIR+ 2++R3?.=E@ ed the ad%an"e with thirty thousand infantry < ar"hers$ men with shie ds$ and mus(ueteers$ and spearmen < and a thousand horse and his?.=.@ e ephants, After him went #rimbi"ara with fifty thousand foot and two thousand horse and twenty e ephants, After him went #imapanay(ue; he had with him siAty thousand foot and three thousand fi%e hundred horse and thirty e ephants; and after him went Adapanay(ue with one hundred thousand foot and fi%e thousand horse and fifty e ephants, After him "ame Comdamara$?.=-@ and he had one hundred and twenty thousand foot siA thousand horse and siAty e ephants; after him went Comara$ and he had eighty thousand foot and of horse two thousand fi%e hundred$ and forty e ephants; after him the for"es of +gemdraho$?.=>@ the go%ernor of the "ity of 'isnaga$ with one of his "aptains$ who had one thousand horse and thirty thousand foot and ten e ephants, After him went three eunu"hs$ fa%ourites of the Ging$ who had forty thousand foot and one thousand horse and fifteen e ephants, #he page who ser%ed the Ging with bete ?.=M@ had fifteen thousand foot and two hundred horse$ but he had no e ephants, Comarber"a?.=L@ had eight thousand foot and four hundred horse and twenty e ephants, #he peop e of the "hief of 'engapor?.E6@ went by another route with the peop e of 0omar$ who were %ery numerous; and in the same way went other "aptains of ten or twe %e thousand men$ of whom I maCe no mention$ not Cnowing their names, #he Ging tooC of his guard siA thousand horse and forty thousand foot$ the pi"C of a his Cingdom$ men with shie ds$ ar"hers$ and three hundred e ephants, A were e(ua y we armed$ ea"h after his own fashion$ the ar"hers and mus(ueteers with their (ui ted tuni"s$?.E4@ and the shie dmen with their swords and poignards?.E5@ in their gird es; the shie ds are so arge that there is no need for armour to prote"t the body$ whi"h is "omp ete y "o%ered; the horses in fu " othing$ and the men with doub ets$?.E=@ and weapons in their hands$ and on their heads headpie"es after the manner of their doub ets$ (ui ted with "otton, #he war& e ephants go with their howdahs 1CAS#E;;+S3 from whi"h four men fight on ea"h side of them$ and the e ephants are "omp ete y " othed$ and on their tusCs they ha%e Cni%es fastened$ mu"h ground and sharpened$ with whi"h they do great harm, Se%era "annon were a so taCen, I do not speaC here of the washermen$ who are number ess here < they wash " othes < nor of the pub i" women who a""ompanied the army; there were twenty thousand of them with the Cing during his journey, Any one "an imagine the amount of baggage that su"h a arge number of peop e wou d taCe, In the rear with the Cing$ but a ways on the road in front of him$ some ten or twe %e thousand men with water&sCins who go seeCing water$ and p a"e themse %es a ong the road to gi%e water to those who ha%e no one to bring it to them; this is done so that none of the peop e shou d die of thirst, #hree or four eagues in front of a this mu titude go some fifty thousand men who are iCe s"outs; they ha%e to spy out the "ountry in front$ and a ways Ceep that distan"e; and on their f anCs there are two thousand horse of the "a%a ry of that "ountry, #hese are a bowmen$ and they a ways ad%an"e on the f anCs of the s"outs,

In this order$ as I ha%e stated$ they eft the "ity of 'isnaga$ and with them a great number of mer"hants$ besides many others who were a ready in ad%an"e with a supp ies; so that where%er you may be you wi at on"e find a you want, E%ery "aptain has his mer"hants who are "ompe ed to gi%e him a supp ies re(uisite for a his peop e$ and in the same way they "arry a other ne"essaries A""ording to the GingDs "ustom$ when he wishes to ie down and s eep$ they maCe for him a hedge of brush&wood and of thorns behind whi"h his tent is pit"hed$ whi"h was done for him a a ong this route; on whi"h route was seen a wonderfu thing$ name y that on passing a ri%er whi"h$ when they rea"hed it$ "ame ha f&way up to the Cnee$ before ha f the peop e had passed it was tota y dry without a drop of water; and they went about in the sand of it maCing pits to find some water, In this order the Ging pro"eeded ti he arri%ed at the town of 2o abamdym$?.EE@ whi"h is a eague from the "ity of Ra"ho $ where he pit"hed his "amp so as to gi%e a rest to the peop e after the fatigues of the mar"h, And the Ging being in the "ity of 2o abamdyn$ sett ing a that was ne"essary for the siege of Ra"ho $ there "ame to him peop e of the Ging of 'isnaga$ and the peop e of 0omaar$ and a so many other "aptains with an infinitude of peop e, As soon as they had joined and e%erything was put in order$ and after his 'rahmans had finished their "eremonies and sa"rifi"es$ they to d the Ging that it was now time$ that the pagodas had gi%en sign of "on(uest$ and that he shou d ad%an"e, #hen he sent the 2oors in the roya ser%i"e to ead the %an$ and Camanay(ue$ the "hief of the guard$ pit"hed the "amp %ery near the dit"hes of the "ity of Ra"ho $ and e%ery "aptain ha ted his peop e a""ording to the "ommands gi%en, #he peop e of the City re"ei%ed them with many shots from hea%y "annon that they had$ and from many fire o"Cs$ and many arrows and musCet&shots$ so that those of the besiegers who arri%ed " ose to the dit"hes suffered hea%i y and wanted to retreat, 'ut the Ging wou d not permit this$ saying that he wou d not ha%e sent them there were it not that he wou d soon effe"t an entry into the "ity$ and if not$ that they shou d a die; wherefore his men were "ompe ed to atta"C the "ity$ and did so in many bra%e and se%ere fights, In these many of them ost their i%es$ sin"e those of the "ity were in %ery strong position and we a"(uainted with e%erything that was ne"essary for their defen"e$ whi e the GingDs troops ne%er "eased their atta"Cs on the "ity, #he "aptains$ seeing how bad y the atta"C was going in "onse(uen"e of the number of so diers Ci ed$ had re"ourse to a%ish gifts and stratagems$ as thus: < #hey began to buy 1from the so diers3 the stones whi"h they tooC from the wa s and towers$ and they paid them a""ording to the %a ue of the stone; so that the stones were worth ten$ twenty$ thirty$ forty$ and fifty FA)A2S,?.E.@ 'y this de%i"e they "ontri%ed to dismant e the wa in many p a"es$ and aid the "ity open; but sin"e the "ity was in itse f so strong$ and the so diers who were in it were su"h "hosen men and so used to warfare$ they Ci ed many of the GingDs peop e, 9et not for that did they "ease fighting$ but e%ery day and at e%ery atta"C they be"ame bo der$ in "onse(uen"e of their greed for what the "aptains ga%e them$ for the money had the power of taCing from them the terror of death whi"h had inspired them before, #hey a so ga%e them something for dragging away a dead man from the foot of the wa , So the fight dragged on for a spa"e of three months ti the 9da "ao "ame up with reinfor"ements, )ow I wish you to Cnow more of the situation$ and of the "ity$ and the peop e whi"h it he d, #his "ity of Ra"ho ies between two great ri%ers$ and in the midst of a great p ain where there are no trees eA"ept %ery sma ones$ and there are great bou ders there; from ea"h ri%er to the "ity is three eagues, +ne of these ri%ers is the northern boundary$ and beyond it the "ountry be ongs to the 9da "ao$ and the other is the boundary to the south whi"h is the boundary of )arsymga, #his p ain ies in the midd e of these two ri%ers$ and there are arge aCes therein and we s and some itt e streams where the "ity is situated$ and a hi whi"h ooCs iCe a womanDs breast and is of natura formation, #he "ity has three ines of strong wa s of hea%y masonry made without ime; the wa s are pa"Ced with earth inside$ and it has on the highest point a fortress iCe a tower$ %ery high and strong; at the top where the fortress stands is a spring of water whi"h runs a the year round, It is he d to be a ho y and mysterious thing that a spring whi"h is in a ofty situation shou d in some way

ne%er be without water, 'esides this spring there are se%era tanCs of water and we s$ so that the "iti/ens had no fear of being e%er taCen for a"C of water; and there were in the "ity supp ies for fi%e years, #here were eight thousand men as garrison and four hundred horse and twenty e ephants$ and thirty "atapu ts 1#RA'8C+S3 whi"h hur ed hea%y stones and did great damage, #he towers whi"h are on the wa s are so " ose together that one "an hear words spoCen from one to the other, 'etween these and a around they posted their arti ery$ whi"h "onsisted of two hundred hea%y pie"es$ not to mention sma ones, As soon as the peop e of the "ity Cnew of the arri%a of the GingDs troops$ and after they had re"ei%ed a "aptain of the 9da "ao who "ame with some so diers to the "ity$ they " osed the gates with stone and mortar, #he "hief fight whi"h taCes p a"e is on the east side$ be"ause on the north and south sides it stands on huge ro"Cs whi"h maCe it %ery strong; and$ the "ity being besieged on a sides$ the "amp of the Ging was on the east side$ and so was the strength of the atta"C, CHAPTER 8 +f the manner in whi"h the Ging had his "amp$ J", #he tent of the Ging was surrounded by a great hedge of thorns with on y one entran"e$ and with a gate at whi"h stood his guards, Inside this hedge odged the 'rahman who washes him and has "harge of the ido that he a ways "arries about with him$ and a so other persons who ho d offi"es about the GingDs person$ and eunu"hs who are a ways to be found in his "hamber, And outside this "ir" e a around are his guards$ who wat"h a night at fiAed spots; with this guard are (uartered the offi"ers of the househo d; and from then"e to the front were a the other "aptains in their appointed posts$ a""ording as ea"h one was entrusted and ordered, +utside of a these peop e$ in a "amp by themse %es$ were the s"outs of whom I ha%e a ready spoCen$ whose duty it is to patro a night through the "amp and wat"h to see if they "an "at"h any spies, +n the other side the washermen$ 1who are those that wash " othes3 were in a "amp by themse %es$ and they were near to the p a"e where they "ou d best wash " othes, A the "amp was di%ided into regu ar streets, Ea"h "aptainDs di%ision has its marCet$ where you found a Cinds of meat$ su"h as sheep$ goats$ pigs$ fow s$ hares$ partridges and other birds$ and this in great abundan"e; so mu"h so that it wou d seem as if you were in the "ity of 'isnaga, And you found many end ess Cinds of ri"e$ grains$ Indian&"orn$ %et"hes 12I):8+3$?.E-@ and other seeds that they eat, 'esides these things$ whi"h are ne"essaries$ they had another 1marCet3 where you "ou d find in great abundan"e e%erything that you wanted; for in these marCets they se things that in our parts are so d by professiona hu"Csters,?.E>@ #here were "raftsmen$ a so$ worCing in their streets$ so that you saw made there go den jewe s and gewgaws$ and you wi find a Cinds of rubies and diamonds and pear s$ with e%ery other Cind of pre"ious stone for sa e, #here a so were to be seen se ers of " oths$ and these were without number as that is a thing so many want$ they being of "otton, #here were a so to be seen grass and straw in infinite abundan"e, I do not Cnow who "ou d des"ribe it so as to be be ie%ed$ so barren a "ountry is this Ra"ho and so sandy, It is a mystery how there shou d be an abundan"e of e%erything therein, Any one "an imagine what grass and straw wou d be re(uired ea"h day for the "onsumption of thirty&two thousand four hundred horses and fi%e hundred and fifty&one e ephants$?.EM@ to say nothing of the sumpter&mu es and asses$ and the great numbers of oAen whi"h "arry a the supp ies and many other burdens$ su"h as tents and other things, Indeed no one who did not understand the meaning of what he saw wou d e%er dream that a war was going on$ but wou d thinC that he was in a prosperous "ity, #hen to see the numbers of drums and trumpets$ and other musi"a instruments that they use, Khen they striCe up their musi" as sign that they are about to gi%e batt e it wou d seem as if the hea%ens must fa ; and if it happened that a bird "ame f ying a ong at the time when they made su"h a terrifi" noise$ it used to "ome down through terror of not being ab e to get " ear of the "amp$ and so they wou d "at"h it in their hands; prin"ipa y Cites$ of whi"h they "aught many, 'ut I "ease to speaC more of this be"ause I shou d ne%er finish; and so I turn to te of the batt e,

CHAPTER 9 How the Ging atta"Ced the "ity of Ra"ho , #he Ging$ being as I ha%e said at the siege of the "ity of Ra"ho $ there "ame to him sure news that the 9da "ao had arri%ed at the ri%er on the northern side$ and that there he had pit"hed his "amp, #he Ging therefore sent his spies to Ceep wat"h o%er the foe$ to see what he was doing and to send word of his e%ery mo%ement, Kith the "oming of this news a tumu t broCe out in the "amp$ prin"ipa y among the "ommon so diers$ in whose minds suspi"ion was ne%er wanting$ and they sti suffered under the terror inspired from o d time by the 2oors, #here the 9da "ao ha ted some days so as to see what the Ging was doing and whether he wou d mar"h to atta"C him there in his "amp; for it was thought by him and by his peop e that as soon as the Ging shou d earn of his arri%a he wou d at on"e mar"h to meet him$ and they de"ided that he "ou d defend himse f from the Ging in the p a"e where he was better than in any other$ by he p of the ri%er, For there was no other ford than the one " ose at hand; and this they proposed to guard so we that none shou d taCe it$ east of a $ they thought$ men who 1in their eyes3 were on y b a"Cs, A though the Ging heard that the enemy was on the opposite banC of the ri%er$ he yet made no mo%e$ nor did he do anything; and the 9da "ao$ seeing that he made no ad%an"e$ tooC "ounse with his offi"ers$ and at this "oun"i the ad%i"e gi%en great y differed$ as ea"h had his own opinion regarding the non&mo%ement of the Ging, 2any said that this was be"ause the Ging he d his foe to be of itt e a""ount$ and wished to show his peop e how great was his power; and they said that he was on y waiting for them to "ross the ri%er to at on"e fa upon them, #he prin"ipa person who said this was Am"ostam$?.EL@ who was "aptain of !omdaa at the time that 0om :uterre was "aptain of :oa,?..6@ +thers said no$ but that the Ging was afraid$ thinCing of times past and the many "on(uests that the 2oors had gained o%er the Hindus$ and that he had brought with him some %eteran so diers that had taCen part in those wars, #he ad%i"e of these was to push forward and pass the ri%er, It was not we 1they said3 for the 9da "ao to show weaCness$ and the onger he stayed where he was the ess wou d he benefit himse f and harm the enemy; and a though they were not so many in number as the Hindus$ yet they had the ad%antage in the remembran"e of the former batt es that had been fought between them,?..4@ In the end the 9da "ao ordered that they shou d muster the for"es$ and said that after this was ended he wou d de"ide what was best to be done, Khen the muster was made$ he found that he had one hundred and twenty thousand men on foot$ ar"hers and mus(ueteers and men with shie ds and spearmen$ and eighteen thousand "a%a ry$ and one hundred and fifty e ephants; and when the muster was o%er and he had seen his for"es for himse f$ seeing a so the great strength of arti ery that he had$ he said that with his arti ery he wou d seeC to defeat the Rao of )arsymga, He therefore ordered them to maCe ready$ sin"e he desired to "ross the ri%er at on"e and ad%an"e to the atta"C; for the 9da "ao be ie%ed that his best "ourse was to ha t on the farther side and then"e send his troops to "harge the "amp of the Ging$ and that in so doing he wou d not be beaten and wou d not ose Ra"ho ,?..5@ In this greedy reso %e he passed the ford and ad%an"ed to within three eagues of the GingDs "amp$ and he "aused his own "amp to be strengthened by arge tren"hes$ and "ommanded a his arti ery to taCe post in front$ and he arranged the order of his positions and the manner in whi"h they shou d beha%e if they were atta"Ced by the enemy, His "amp eAtended a ong the ength of the ri%er for the saCe of the water$ that he might not be "ut off from it by the enemy, As soon as they brought news to the Ging that the 9da "ao had passed the ri%er$ he "ommanded a to maCe ready$ but that no mo%ement shou d taCe p a"e in his army ti he shou d see how the enemy a"ted; and when they brought him further news that the enemy had pit"hed his "amp and strengthened his position$ he ordered a genera ad%an"e of a his for"es, He di%ided his army into se%en wings, Comarberya?..=@ begged from him 1the "ommand3 of the %an$ he being the CingDs father&in& aw and a great ord; he is Ging of Serigapatao and ord of a arge state; he brought with him thirty grown&up sons, #he Ging bade him pit"h his "amp a eague from the 9da "ao and ordered a to arm themse %es at dawn$ as he intended then to gi%e batt e to the enemy; but the men

of the Coun"i said that that day was an un u"Cy day$ and begged him not to atta"C$ as it was a Friday$ and they asCed him not to atta"C ti Saturday$ whi"h they ho d for a u"Cy day, Khen the Ging had eft Ra"ho $ those inside opened a gate$ and one of the "aptains who was inside$ a eunu"h$ made a sa y with two hundred horse$ "ertain foot&so diers and e ephants; he Cept entire y a ong the ri%er&banC on the GingDs f anC, #he obje"t of this no one "ou d guess$ ea"h one ha%ing his own opinion, As soon as the Ging ha ted he a so did the same$ Ceeping a ways his spies in the GingDs "amp to see what passed and 1what wou d be3 the end of the batt e, Sin"e both armies were so " ose$ ea"h to his foe$ they ne%er put aside their weapons but wat"hed a the night through, Seeing that the dawn of Saturday was now breaCing$ the drums and trumpets and other musi" in the GingDs "amp began to sound and the men to shout$ so that it seemed as if the sCy wou d fa to the earth; then the neighing and eA"itement of the horses$ and the trumpeting of the e ephants$ it is impossib e for any one to des"ribe how it was, 'ut e%en if to d in simp e truth it wou d hard y be be ie%ed the great fear and terror that stru"C those who heard it$ so that e%en those %ery men that "aused the noise were themse %es frightened at it, And the enemy on their part made no ess noise$ so that if you asCed anything you "ou d not hear yourse f speaC and you had to asC by signs$ sin"e in no other manner "ou d you maCe yourse f understood, Khen a in the "amp had gone to the front it was a ready two hours after sunrise$ and the Ging ordered an ad%an"e of his two forward di%isions$ with "ommand so to striCe home that they shou d ea%e not one of the enemy a i%e; and this was forthwith done, #hey atta"Ced the enemy so hot y that many of the GingDs troops found themse %es on the tops of the tren"hes?..E@ that the 2oors had "onstru"ted in the fie ds, #he 2oors were disposed as if they eApe"ted that the Ging wou d engage them a at on"e with a his for"es$ and so it appeared to the 9da "ao and to his offi"ers; and for that reason he he d ready a his arti ery$ waiting for the time when$ owing to the ad%enturousness of their main body$ his men must of ne"essity "ause mu"h s aughter in their ranCs, #hen he intended to bring up his arti ery and destroy them, 'ut as soon as he saw the manner of their atta"C the 9da "ao had to abandon the p an that had seemed to him best for their safety$ and he "ommended the who e of the arti ery at on"e to open fire; whi"h dis"harge$ as it was %ery great$ did mu"h damage to the enemy$ Ci ing many of the horse and foot and many e ephants$ and it "ompe ed the GingDs troops to retire, As soon as the 2oors saw their enemies beginning to ea%e the fie d they "harged a amongst them$ so that there did not remain one man in the sadd e nor one who Cept his fa"e to the foe; but a the GingDs troops began to f y$ and the 2oors after them$ s aughtering them for about ha f a eague, Khen the Ging saw the way in whi"h his troops f ed he began to "ry out that they were traitors$ and that he wou d see who was his side; and that sin"e they a had to die they shou d meet their fate bo d y a""ording to "ustom,?...@ *Kho ranges himse f with meN* he "ried, Immediate y there thronged about him a those ords and "aptains that were ready to side with him$ and the Ging said that the day had arri%ed in whi"h the 9da "ao wou d boast that he had s ain in it the greatest ord in the wor d$ but that he shou d ne%er boast that he had %an(uished him, #hen he tooC a ring from his finger and ga%e it to one of his pages$ so that he might show it to his (ueens in toCen of his death$ that they might burn themse %es a""ording to "ustom, #hen he mounted a horse and mo%ed forward with a his remaining&di%isions$ "ommanding to s ay without mer"y e%ery man of those who had f ed, As soon as these ast saw what a re"eption they re"ei%ed at the hand of their fe ows they fe t "ompe ed to turn and "harge the enemy$ and their atta"C was su"h that not one amongst the 2oors was found to fa"e them; for the 2oors met them as men engaged in a pursuit$ a in great disorder, #he "onfusion was so great amongst the 2oors and su"h ha%o" was wrought 1in their ranCs3 that they did not e%en try to defend the "amp they had made so strong and en" osed so we ; but iCe ost men they eaped into the ri%er to sa%e themse %es, #hen after them "ame arge numbers of the GingDs troops and e ephants$ whi"h atter worCed amongst them mis"hief without end$ for they sei/ed men with their trunCs and tore them into sma pie"es$ whi st those who rode in the "ast es 1howdahs3 Ci ed "ount ess numbers, #he troops ad%an"ed thus$ pursuing the foe$ ti the Ging rea"hed the ri%er$ where$ seeing the death of so many < for here you wou d see women and boys who had eft the "amp$ there horses and

men who through " inging one to another "ou d not es"ape as there was so mu"h water in the ri%er < and the GingDs troops stood on the banC$ so that whene%er a man appeared he was Ci ed$ and the horses that tried to " amber up by the banC of the ri%er$ unab e to do so$ fe ba"C on the men$ so that neither one nor the other es"aped$ and the e ephants went into the stream$ and those that they "ou d sei/e were "rue y Ci ed by them, Seeing what passed$ I say$ the Ging out of "ompassion "ommanded the troops to retire$ saying that numbers had died who did not deser%e death nor were at a in fau t; whi"h order was at on"e obeyed by a the "aptains$ so that ea"h one withdrew a his for"es, #he Ging then ad%an"ed to the "amp of the 9da "ao and rested himse f in his tent$ but many of the "aptains spoCe against his a"tion in thus taCing repose$ saying that he ought rather to "omp ete the destru"tion of a his enemies$ and they wou d se"ure this for him; and that if he did not wish himse f to do this he shou d at east "ommand some of them to do it$ and that it was not wise to "ease from pursuit so ong as day ight shou d ast, #o whom the Ging answered that many had died who were not to b ame; that if the 9da "ao had done him wrong$ he had a ready suffered enough; and moreo%er$ that it did not seem to him good$ sin"e Ra"ho remained behind them to be taCen$ that they shou d go forward$ but rather they shou d maCe themse %es ready for its "apture; for that the siege had to be "ondu"ted hen"eforth in a new and better manner, For the Ging was persuaded throughout that$ sin"e the 9da "ao had ost so many men and so mu"h honour$ and had ost indeed a his power$ he wou d not wish to i%e any onger$ and that he must be dead on the fie d, Khi"h$ howe%er$ was not so$ seeing that the 9da "ao had not e%en entered into the fight$ but had a the time remained under guard of Sefa arym?..-@ < he who now "a s himse f A"ada"ao and is ord of 'e gaum < who$ fearing the e%ent$ "ontri%ed by "unning that the 9da "ao shou d se e"t him for his guard with a his troops$ among whom he had four hundred "a%a ry; and when he saw how the so diers f ed$ and how "omp ete y they had been defeated$ he said to the 9da "ao$ *Sire$ if thou seeCest to i%e fo ow meO* and the 9da "ao tooC refuge on an e ephant and fo owed him$ ea%ing his "amp and a that he possessed, And as A"ada"ao wished him to tra%e by and$?..>@ he tooC no "are to sear"h for the ford$ but sCirting the range of hi s on the south he went by that way,?..M@ As it may be asCed what be"ame of the "aptain who sa ied out of Ra"ho with the two hundred horsemen and e ephants and foot&so diers$ I say that he e%er Cept himse f ad%ised of what passed in the fie d; and as soon as he earned that the 9da "ao was defeated he turned ba"C to taCe refuge again in the "itade , 'ut those within were not of a mind to re"ei%e him$ there being a (uarre between him and another "aptain who was in the "ity; and he$ seeing that they wou d not admit him$ was for"ed to thinC how he "ou d sa%e himse f$ and he did so by passing the ri%er by another ford farther down$ and so sa%ed himse f, #he be ief of many was that he who was inside thought that he wou d now possess the "ity for his own$ and that he wou d thereby be"ome ri"h$ and for that reason refused to re"ei%e the "aptain, CHAPTER 10 +f the spoi taCen from the 2oors$ of how the Ging burned a the dead$ and of what Christo%ao de Figueiredo did, #he Ging being thus in the "amp$ he "ommanded the spoi that remained of the 2oors to be "o e"ted$ and there were found fi%e "aptains who were taCen prisoners 1those of highest ranC were found amongst the dead3; the "hiefest of them was Sa abata"ao$?..L@ who was "aptain&genera of a the troops of the 9da "ao He had taCen for his guard in the batt e fi%e hundred !ortuguese of the renegades who were with the 2oors; and as soon as this Sa abata"ao saw that his army was defeated$ he stro%e to "o e"t and form a body of men$ but "ou d not do it be"ause there was not one amongst them who thought of aught but to sa%e himse f, And thinCing it worse to be "on(uered than to die$ he threw himse f amongst the GingDs troops$ s aughtering them$ and doing su"h wonderfu deeds that e%er after he and his !ortuguese were remembered$ so mu"h were their terrib e stroCes feared$ and the deeds they did; so that they et them pass on$ and they penetrated so far amongst the

troops that they found themse %es " ose to the GingDs bodyguard, #here the horse of Sa abata"ao was Ci ed, In order to su""our him the !ortuguese did great deeds and Ci ed so many men that they eft a broad road behind them whi"h no one dared to enter$ and they fought so we that they got another horse for Sa abata"ao, As soon as he was on its ba"C he seemed iCe nothing but a furious wo f amongst sheep; but sin"e a ready they were a so eAhausted$ so wounded a o%er$ and so en"ir" ed by the enemy 1for they were atta"Ced at e%ery point3$ Sa abata"ao was at ength o%erthrown$ and his horse with him, And as the !ortuguese who tried to su""our him were a Ci ed$ not one es"aping$ and he himse f was wounded in many p a"es$ he was taCen prisoner, #he spoi was four thousand horses of +rmu/$ and a hundred e ephants$ and four hundred hea%y "annon$ besides sma ones; the number of gun&"arriages for them was nine hundred$ and there were many tents and pa%i ions, I taCe no a""ount of the sumpter&horses and oAen and other beasts$ for they were number ess$ nor of the numbers of men and boys$ nor yet of some women$ whom the Ging ordered to be re eased, Here the Ging stayed ti a the dead had been burned$ and the "ustomary honours had been paid to them; and here he ga%e mu"h a ms for the sou s of those who had been Ci ed in batt e on his side, #hese numbered siAteen thousand and odd, #hese things done$ he turned again upon Ra"ho and pit"hed his "amp as he had done before, 0uring this return of the Ging there "ame to meet him Christo%ao de Figueiredo$?.-6@ who was at that time in the "ity of 'isnaga with horses$ and he tooC with him twenty !ortuguese mus(ueteers$ he a so himse f ha%ing his mus(uet, #he Ging tooC mu"h p easure in his "ompany$ g ad that he shou d see the war and his great power; and he ordered some tents to be gi%en to him of those taCen from the 9da "ao$ and "ommanded that he shou d be odged " ose to his own (uarters, +ne day Christo%ao de Figueiredo to d the Ging that he wanted to go and see the "ity$ but the Ging said that he shou d not set his heart upon that be"ause he did not want any disaster to befa him, 'ut Christo%ao de Figueiredo rep ied that the who e business of the !ortuguese was war$ and that this wou d be the greatest fa%our that he "ou d do him$ name y that His Highness shou d permit him to go and see the 2oors, So the Ging ga%e him ea%e and sent some peop e with him, Christo%ao de Figueiredo went " ose to the tren"h before the wa s$ Ceeping himse f as mu"h "on"ea ed as possib e$ and seeing how fear ess y the 2oors eAposed themse %es on the wa $ began$ with the mus(ueteers whom he had brought$ to open fire on them in su"h a way that he s ew many$ the 2oors being "are ess and free from fear$ as men who up to then had ne%er seen men Ci ed with firearms nor with other su"h weapons, So they began to forsaCe the wa 1at this point3$ and the CingDs troops found an opportunity of "oming in safety to it$ and they began to destroy mu"h of the masonry; and so many peop e "o e"ted on this side that a the "amp was put in "ommotion$ saying that Christo%ao de Figueiredo had entered the "ity with his !ortuguese, #his was to d to the Ging, #hose in the "ity "ou d not understand what was going on$ nor how these peop e "ame to be in the GingDs ser%i"e$ unti they re"o e"ted how on the day of the other fight the !ortuguese had "ome$ and then they "onsidered themse %es ost, For by the aid of those men the GingDs peop e "ame without fear to the wa $ where a ready it was damaged in many p a"es$ be"ause the "ity had its "annon so high up that these "ou d do no injury to the men who were at the foot of the wa , #he wa a so was fi ed up inside with earth$ and there were no "annon in the brea"hes, #he peop e of the "ity whom up to that time they had Ci ed had been supp ied with stones whi"h they had f ung on the besiegers from the top of the wa $ and with mus(uets and arrows$ so that e%en if the GingDs men were ab e to rea"h the wa at a they were at east wounded; but as Christo%ao de Figueiredo with the !ortuguese pre%ented the enemy from appearing at a on the wa $ the Hindus were enab ed to rea"h it at their ease, Here you wou d ha%e seen how the GingDs "aptains begged Christo%ao de Figueiredo to permit them one day to atta"C the 2oors in his "ompany$ and he$ in order to "ontent the more honourab e of them$ went with them on those days, +ne day he di%ided his mus(ueteers into three "ompanies and began to Ci se%era amongst the 2oors who showed themse %es$ insomu"h that none durst be seen; and then the GingDs troops began$ in these three di%isions$ to atta"C the wa with many pi"CaAes and

"rowbars$?.-4@ and he sent to te the rest that they shou d atta"C on their own a""ount; and su"h was the resu t that the defenders of the "ity began to abandon the first ine of fortifi"ation$ and the women and "hi dren tooC refuge in the "itade , #he "aptain of the "ity$ seeing the dismay that had spread amongst his peop e$ began to turn them ba"C with en"ouraging words$ and with some of them betooC himse f to that part of the wa whi"h he saw was most se%ere y pressed$ begging them that they wou d "ome ba"C to the wa and not be afraid, He was answered by some that at that point were those FranCs?.-5@ who were he ping$ and that as soon as any one showed himse f he was a dead man; and he$ wishing to see for himse f where the !ortuguese were$ rea"hed o%er with his body in front one of the embrasures and was Ci ed with a mus(uet&shot that stru"C him in the midd e of his forehead, It was said by the 2oors that Christo%ao de Figueyredo had Ci ed him$ and they tooC noti"e of him 10ERA+ S9:)AES 0 E;;E3, As soon as the "aptain was thus Ci ed there was great amentation in the "ity$ and soon the wa was deserted$ so that the men from the GingDs "amp were eft to do as they p eased with it; and they noti"ed the out"ry that arose within and saw that there was no one defending the wa , #hey therefore retired to see what shou d happen$ and eft off fighting for that day,

CHAPTER 11
How those in the "ity asCed for terms$ and the Cing granted them (uarter, )eAt day$ whi"h was twenty days sin"e the batt e had taCen p a"e in whi"h the 9da "ao had been defeated$ the men of the "ity opened a gate$ and with a white f ag "arried in front of them went the way of the GingDs "amp with their hands up ifted$ begging the GingDs mer"y, Khen the Ging was ad%ised of their "oming$ he "ommanded So estema$?.-=@ his minister$ to re"ei%e them; and when they saw that he "ame out to re"ei%e them they began to hope that they shou d eAperien"e Cindness at the GingDs hands, #hus they "ame to the p a"e where he was$ and there they prostrated themse %es on the ground with mu"h groaning and tears$ and besought his pity and bene%o en"e, #he Ging "ommanded them to rise$ saying that he wou d sa%e a their persons and property$ and that they need ha%e no fear but shou d return to the "ity$ and that on the neAt day he wou d enter it; and he bade a "aptain taCe possession of the "ity, Khi st the 2oors were thus in presen"e of the Ging 1the so diers ooCing on3$ they saw Christo%ao de Figueiredo$ and to d the Ging that the "on(uest and "apture of the "ity was due to that foreigner$ that he had s ain their "aptain$ and with his peop e had Ci ed many 2oors$ whi"h "aused the "ityDs destru"tion, #he Ging$ "asting his eyes on Christo%ao de Figueiredo$ nodded his head$ and turned to the peop e te ing them to obser%e what great things "ou d be effe"ted by one good man, He then retired to his tent and the men of the "ity to the "ity$ and the CingDs troops made great feasting and rejoi"ing, CHAPTER 12 How the Ging entered the "ity$ and of the feast that was made for him$ and of the regu ations and arrangements he made there, As soon as the neAt day dawned$ the Ging$ after he had performed both his "ustomary prayers and others whi"h it is their wont to offer after %i"tories$ gi%ing thanCs to :od 1for indeed the prin"ipa thing they pray for is a "on(uest su"h as this3$ rode in "ompany with the other great ords and his "aptains$ and with his guard tooC the way to the "ity, #here the "iti/ens were standing awaiting his arri%a $ with more "heerfu "ountenan"es than their rea fee ings warranted$ yet stri%ing to taCe "ourage$ and they fo owed him with mu"h oud shouting; "rying$ < *:od be praised who has sent to sa%e us after so many yearsO* and with these and other su"h words they begged him to spare them and ha%e pity on them, So he pro"eeded ti he arri%ed " ose to the "itade $ when he sent to "a the

most honoured men in the "ity$ and to these the Ging said that he wou d spare a their property$ that they might free y a"t as they wished regarding both that and their persons$ and those who wished to stay in the "ity might remain in their o d state as before; and as for those who wished to depart they might do so at on"e with a that they possessed, #hey a raised their hands to Hea%en$ and threw themse %es on the ground in thanCfu ness for su"h gent e treatment, Khi e the Ging was thus engaged there "ame men to te him that his troops were robbing the "ity$ and he at on"e too ; measures to pre%ent this$ and e%erything was returned to its owner; but as in su"h "ases as these the "on(uered are "ontent mere y with their own iberty$ aying itt e store by anything they may get ba"C$ great robberies tooC p a"e; and some of these afterwards "ame to the ears of the Ging$ and those who had done it were sound y "hastised, In a short time the defeat of the 9da "ao was Cnown a o%er India$ and a so in other regions of the interior$ he being a great ord in these parts; and as soon as the news was "arried to Ieme u"o and 2adrema u"o and 0estuy and Virido$ and a so to other ords who were iCe s a%es to the Cing 0a(uym$?.-E@ a though in some measure they rejoi"ed sin"e they wished him i $ yet on the other hand they began to be fearfu for their own safety,?.-.@ So they a tooC measures to send their en%oys$ and these found the Ging sti inside the "ity of Ra"ho , Astonished though they were to see that the Ging had "aptured so strong a "ity$ they were mu"h more surprised to see how great was his power and how numerous his troops, Ha%ing arri%ed where he was they ga%e him the etters they had brought$ and these were forthwith read, In these the "hiefs to d the Ging that he ought to "ontent himse f with ha%ing defeated the 9da "ao as he had done$ and ought not to wage further war; they begged him of his goodness to return to the 9da "ao that whi"h he had so taCen from him$ and that if he did so they wou d a ways obey whate%er he "ommanded; but if he was not of a mind to this$ then he must Cnow for "ertain that they wou d be "ompe ed to turn against him and forthwith join the 9da "ao$ for whom they wou d speedi y re"o%er that whi"h he had now ost, #he Ging$ seeing what was "ontained in the etters$ answered them in the fo owing manner by one sing e etter to them a ; < *Honoured 2adrema u"o$ and Ieme u"o$ 0es"ar$ and Veride$ and a others of the Cingdom of 0a(uym$ I ha%e seen your etters$ and thanC you mu"h for what you ha%e sent to say, As regards the 9da "ao$ what I ha%e done to him and taCen from him he has ri"h y deser%ed; as regards returning it to him that does not seem to me reasonab e$ nor am I going to do it; and as for your further statement that ye wi a turn against me in aid of him if I do not do as ye asC$ I pray you do not taCe the troub e to "ome hither$ for I wi myse f go to seeC ye if ye dare to await me in your ands; < and this I send you for answer,* And he "ommanded to gi%e many gifts to the messengers$ and gi%ing his etter to them sent them away, CHAPTER 13 How a number of peop e eft the "ity$ and the Ging did mu"h Cindness to them, 2any peop e eft the "ity$ and to many who had nothing wherewith to depart the Cing "ommanded to gi%e a that was re(uired for their journey, Here the Ging stayed some days$ after ha%ing made a the arrangements that were ne"essary for the go%ernment of the "ity; and after repairing the wa s he eft behind him suffi"ient troops to guard the p a"e$ and tooC the road to the "ity of 'isnaga$ where he was re"ei%ed with great triumphs$ and great feasts were made and he bestowed bountifu rewards on his troops, As soon as the festi%a s were ended he went to the new "ity; and$ being there$ they to d him how there was entered an ambassador of the 9da "ao, A ready he Cnew that an ambassador had "ome but he pretended that he did not Cnow$ sin"e it is not "ustomary for the Ging to send out to re"ei%e any ambassador 1on his arri%a 3, Sin"e this ambassador was in the "ity of 'isnaga$ Cnowing that the Ging was in the new "ity$ whi"h is two eagues from 'isnaga$ he betooC himse f thither; and " ose to the "ity bade the peop e pit"h his tent$ whi"h was the best and most beautifu and ri"h that up to that time had e%er been seen in those parts, #his ambassador was "a ed 2atu"otam; he brought with him one hundred and fifty horse and mu"h peop e to ser%e him and many pa"C anima s$ among

whi"h were "ertain "ame s, He brought a so two of the s"ribes of the "hamber of the 9da "ao$ so that indeed you wou d be ie%e that he had brought a the power of the 9da "ao *pera segumdo e e fi"ou desbaratado,*?.--@ As soon as he had thus sett ed himse f the ambassador sent to inform the Ging of his arri%a $ and begged that His Highness wou d grant him an audien"e and despat"h him without de ay, #he Ging rep ied that he wou d see him$?.->@ but to d him that he shou d not be impatient sin"e he himse f had but now arri%ed$ and that he wou d gi%e him ea%e to depart as soon as the time had arri%ed, And with this the ambassador stayed there a month without the Ging ha%ing sought to see him$ nor ha%ing asCed to Cnow why he had "ome; he went e%ery day to the pa a"e$ and seeing the way in whi"h the Ging a"ted towards him he determined to speaC no more but to wait ti the Ging summoned him, Sti he ne%er "eased to go e%ery day to the pa a"e and to speaC with the nob es, +ne day the Ging sent to te the ambassador that the fo owing day was an auspi"ious day$ and that he wished to hear him and earn wherefore he had "ome$ and the ambassador made ready as it beho%ed him to present himse f before so great a ord, As was fitting$ "onsidering his mission and the re(uest he had to maCe$ he was a""ompanied by many 2oors whom the "ity "ontained$ and had with him a his peop e with their trumpets and drums as was "ustomary; and so he went to the pa a"e$ where he was re"ei%ed %ery honourab y by the nob es and offi"ers of the househo d, #hey seated themse %es inside the first gate$ awaiting there a message from the Ging gi%ing permission to enter where he was$ and there was no ong de ay before the "ommand to admit him was gi%en, His obeisan"e to the Ging ha%ing been made a""ording to his mode and "ustom$ the men of the "oun"i standing by the GingDs side$ he was bidden to announ"e the terms of his embassy$ the Ging being ready gra"ious y to isten; and the ambassador$ seeing that the Ging so "ommanded$ de i%ered himse f of his message in manner fo owing$ with the awed demeanour assumed by su"h en%oys when they find themse %es in presen"e of su"h great Cings, CHAPTER 14 How the Captain a"(uitted himse f of his embassy before the Ging, *SireO the 9da "ao$ my master$ sends me to thee; and by my mouth he begs thee that thou wou dest be p eased to do justi"e, He bids me say that he bears %ery good wi towards thee?.-M@ as towards the most true and powerfu prin"e in a the wor d$ and one possessed$ of most justi"e and truth; that thou without reason hast broCen the friendship and pea"e whi"h thou hast had towards him$ and not on y so but a pea"e whi"h was made so many years ago and maintained by a the Cings so truthfu y; that he does not Cnow why thou hast eft thy Cingdom and made su"h war on him; that he was without suspi"ion when they brought him the news how thou hadst besieged the "ity of Ra"ho $ and hadst robbed and destroyed the "ountry round about$ whi"h news "aused him to mo%e and "ome to its res"ue; that then a the members of his "ourt were s ain by thee$ and his "amp a p undered and destroyed$ thou thyse f being good witness of what was done$ and that he begs thee to maCe amends therefor$ and to send ba"C to him his arti ery and tents$ his horses and e ephants$ with the rest that was taCen from him$ and a so to restore his "ity of Ra"ho ; that if thou wi t gi%e him the satisfa"tion for whi"h he prays as to this property and a other things thou wi t ha%e him a ways for a oya friend; but if not$ thy a"tion wi be e%i $ e%en though p easing to thyse f,* #hus he ended$ without saying more, #he Ging said that he might retire and repose$ and that neAt day he wou d gi%e him ea%e to depart$ and the Ging ga%e him a robe of si C and the " oths that are "ustomary, CHAPTER 15 How the Ging sent to "a the ambassador$ and of the answer whi"h he ga%e to him, )eAt day the Ging sent to "a the ambassador$ and after other things had been spoCen of between?.-L@ them$ the Ging said that he wou d be "ontent to restore e%erything to the 9da "ao a""ording to his wish$ and wou d be p eased at on"e to re ease Satabeta"ao$ pro%ided the 9da "ao wou d "ome and Ciss his foot, Khen the ambassador heard the GingDs answer he tooC ea%e of him

and went to his tent; and he wrote to the 9da "ao and to d him what had passed$ sending to him one of the s"ribes that had "ome with him, And mu"h time had not passed when the 9da "ao sent him a rep y$ saying: How "ou d it be possib e for him to meet the Ging$ seeing that he "ou d not go to 'isnagaN and yet that he was of fu mind joyfu y to do that whi"h the Ging wished, Kith this answer the ambassador went to the Ging$ and sin"e the Ging wou d ha%e set higher %a ue on the 9da "aoDs "oming to Ciss his feet than on a that he had taCen from him$ he said to the ambassador$ *0o thou "ause the 9da "ao to "ome to the "onfines of my Cingdom$ for I sha be$ soon there,* Agreeing to this$ the ambassador departed$ so as to persuade the 9da "ao to "ome to the boundary, #he Ging on his part went forthwith to a "ity "a ed 2uduga ?.>6@ whi"h is " ose to the boundary$ and there he waited unti they to d him that the 9da "ao was "oming and was a ready near at hand, Forthwith the Ging set out to meet him$ and entered the Cingdom of 0a(uem$ so desirous was he to meet the 9da "ao; but the 9da "ao$ after a $ dared not meet the Ging, And the Ging journeyed so far$ whi st they Cept saying to him$ *;oO he is here " ose at hand$* that he e%en went as far as 'i/apor$?.>4@ whi"h is the best "ity in a the Cingdom of 0a(uem, It has numbers of beautifu houses bui t a""ording to our own fashion$ with many gardens and bowers made of grape&%ines$ and pomegranates$ and oranges and emons$ and a other Cinds of garden produ"e, Hither went the Ging$ for it seemed we for him to await the "oming of the 9da "ao in so good y a "ity; and he formed the determination that if he got him here he wou d sei/e him or "ommand him to be put to death$ to a%enge the affront that had been put upon him; and seeing that his enemy did not dare to "ome he remained in the "ity se%era days, #hen he turned away be"ause water fai ed him; for sin"e this "ity ies in a p ain and has no water sa%e that whi"h it re"ei%es from rainfa into two aCes$ of whi"h there are two arge ones$ the 2oors had opened these in order to drain them$ so that the Ging shou d not be ab e to stay in their "ountry, For this reason it beho%ed the Ging to depart, 'ut the "ity was eft a most in ruins < not that the Ging had "ommanded it to be destroyed$ but that his troops$ in order to maCe fires for "ooCing$ had torn down so many houses that it was a great grief to see < and this was o""asioned by there being in the "ountry a dearth of firewood$ whi"h "omes to them from a great distan"e, #he 9da "ao sent to asC the Ging what wrong the houses of his "aptains had done that he had "ommanded to destroy them; for there remained no other houses standing sa%e on y the pa a"es of the 9da "ao$ the Ging himse f being therein, #he Ging sent answer that it was not he who had done it$ but that he "ou d not "ontro his peop e, Khen the Ging went to the town of 2odoga the 9da "ao returned to 'igapor$ where$ seeing the great ha%o" that had been wrought in it$ he tooC to himse f the b ame for su"h damage ha%ing been done$?.>5@ saying that if he had gone to the Ging su"h destru"tion wou d not ha%e taCen p a"e$ and that at east he "ou d do this in future; he said that he had been bad y ad%ised sin"e for his own part he had been prepared to do it, #hus he tooC "ounse with his ad%isers$ putting before them how se"ure his position was if he had the friendship of the Ging$ that if a ied to him he might be ab e to sti further in"rease 1the greatness of3 his State$ and that with the GingDs fa%our he wou d be ab e to "arry out a his wishes, Con"erning these things and others simi ar to these he "ontinued "onstant y speaCing with his ad%isers, Kherefore A"ada"ao the ord of 'i gao$ he who had f ed with him in the batt e$ and who was a man saga"ious and "unning in su"h matters$ addressed the 9da "ao begging permission to go himse f to the Ging$ and saying that he wou d remedy e%erything and wou d "ause e%erything to taCe p a"e just as his ord wished; and the 9da "ao istened to him readi y, )ow A"ada"ao did not troub e himse f to maCe this journey be"ause he desired to ser%e the 9da "ao$ for another wou d ha%e done it as we $ but he did it with a %i ainous moti%e and from the i &wi he bore to Sa ebata"ao whom the Ging he d in prison at 'isnaga; and the reason that he had this wi"Ced moti%e was be"ause Sa ebata"ao Cnew that A"ada"ao was the man that had "aused the 9da "ao to f ee$ and that the "owardi"e of su"h an a"t was enough to destroy an army, Sa ebata"ao had spoCen angri y about this to a those who went to see him or who were sent to %isit him$ and he a ways said that he did not desire to be re eased from his "apti%ity sa%e for one reason on y$ name y that he might ruin A"ada"ao and war against him as against a morta enemy, #hese things were a Cnown to A"ada"ao$ and he Cnew that if they re eased him it wou d "ome to pass as he had said$ and

therefore he determined to pre%ent this by "ontri%ing his enemyDs death$ as wi be mentioned in its p a"e, It was for this reason that A"ada"ao asCed to be sent as ambassador to the Ging; and this was done,

CHAPTER 16
How A"ada"ao went as ambassador for his Ging and "ompassed the death of Sa abate"ao, A"ada"ao$ being despat"hed by the 9da "ao$ a""ompanied by "ertain horsemen with some ser%ants tooC the road to the "ity of 2udoga where the Ging was$ and the 9da "ao went with him as far as the ri%er, Khen A"ada"ao had arri%ed$ being a owed inside the "ity by "ommand of the Ging$ he remained se%era days without seeing the Ging unti he was summoned by his order; then he was admitted and spoCe with the Ging$ gi%ing him$ with the manner of one who in su"h negotiations is both wise and bo d$ an eA"use for the mistaCe whi"h the 9da "ao had "ommitted, He Cnew how to speaC to the Ging so we that he remo%ed a the GingDs wrath and fury against the 9da "ao$ and he to d the Ging that the prin"ipa "ause why the 9da "ao did not meet him was the "ondu"t of Sa ebata"ao whom he had "aptured$ and that this man had written to the 9da "ao te ing him not to do so$ and gi%ing for reason that the Ging desired to s ay him, 'y these and other simi ar sayings he sought to set the GingDs mind against Sa ebata"ao$ e%en to the death$ and the Ging$ seeing what A"ada"ao wanted$ and be ie%ing that a man of su"h great fame wou d not be gui ty of saying anything that was not perfe"t y true$ angri y "ommanded that Sa ebata"ao$ who was then in 'isnaga$ shou d be beheaded; and this was at on"e done as soon as the message arri%ed, As soon as A"ada"ao had a""omp ished this business he thought himse f unsafe$ and at on"e asCed ea%e of the Ging$ saying that he wished to go and get the 9da "ao to "ome to the ri%er$ so that when His Highness arri%ed he might meet him there, 'ut the Ging to d him not to be impatient but to amuse himse f there some days$ and added that he wished to show him some things$ and that he had somewhat about whi"h to speaC to him, A"ada"ao$ howe%er$ being afraid that his treason wou d be dis"o%ered$ did not fee safe$ and beha%ed in su"h a manner that what he had done "on"erning Sa ebata"ao was found out; wherefore the Ging sent to sei/e him$ but when they went to ooC for him he was a ready gone, For he f ed one night and betooC himse f to the 9da "ao$ te ing him that the Ging had "ommanded Sa ebata"ao to be put to death$ and that he wanted to do the same to him$ and so he had es"aped; and it seemed to him that he 1the 9da "ao3 ought not to trust the Ging$ who after a was nothing but a b a"C, After he had spoCen in this way he went to 'i gao$ where he strengthened his position$ and when the 9da "ao sent afterwards to summon him he ne%er obeyed$ be"ause he Cnew that the wi"Cedness that he had done had been found out, CHAPTER 17 How the Ging went to the eAtremity of his territory to meet the 9da "ao$ and what he did on not finding him, #he Ging did not fai to go to the eAtremity of his territory$ and sin"e he did not find the 9da "ao there$ nor his mother$ as A"ada"ao had to d him$ he at on"e per"ei%ed that this was due to tri"Cery on the part of A"ada"ao$ and that he had done it a in order to "ompass the death of Sa ebata"ao, Fu of fury at this he entered the Cingdom of 0a(uem and mar"hed against the "ity of Cu bergura?.>=@ and destroyed it and ra/ed the fortress to the ground$ and the same with many other p a"es, #hen"e he wanted to press forward$ but his "oun"i ors did not agree to this$ saying that water wou d fai him by that road and that it did not seem to them that those 2oorish ords whom they "ounted as friends wou d be otherwise than afraid that the Ging wou d taCe their ands as he had taCen those of the others$ sin"e they a ser%ed one so%ereign$ and that for this reason these ords wou d probab y maCe friends with the 9da "ao$ and together they wou d "ome against the Ging; and a though there was no reason to be afraid of them$ yet the Ging must needs fear the want of

water$ of whi"h they had none, And the Ging agreed that this "ounse was good, In this "ity of Ca bergara$ in the fortress be onging to it$ the Ging tooC three sons of the Ging of 0a(uem, He made the e dest Ging of the Cingdom of 0a(uem$ his father being dead$ though the 9da "ao wanted to maCe Ging one of his brothers&in& aw$ who was a bastard son of the Ging of 0a(uem$ and had married one of the 9da "aoDs sisters; for this reason he had Cept these three brothers prisoners in that fortress, He whom he thus made Ging was re"ei%ed by a the rea m as su"h$ and obeyed by a the great ords$ and e%en by the 9da "ao owing to his fear of the Ging, ?.>E@ #he other two brothers he tooC with him$ and ga%e them ea"h one an a owan"e$ to ea"h one e%ery year fifty thousand go d !AR0A+S; and he ho ds them and treats them as prin"es and great ords$ as indeed they are, After the return of the Ging to 'isnaga$ whi"h tooC p a"e in the same year in whi"h he had eft$ nothing more passed between him and the 9da "ao worthy of re"ord$ re ating either to pea"e or war,

CHAPTER 18
How this Ging$ during his own ifetime$ raised to be Ging his son$ being of the age of siA years, After the Ging had made an end of this$ and had obtained so great a %i"tory o%er his enemies$ per"ei%ing that he was a ready ad%an"ed in years$ desiring to rest in his o d age and wishing his son to be"ome Ging when he died$ he determined to maCe him Ging during his ifetime$ the boy being siA years o d and the Ging not Cnowing what wou d happen after his death, Kherefore he abdi"ated his throne and a his power and name$ and ga%e it a to his son$ and himse f be"ame his minister$ and Sa %atini"a?.>.@ who had he d that offi"e be"ame his "ounse or$ and he made one of the atterDs sons a great ord among them, And so far did Ging Crisnarao go that after he had gi%en the Cingdom to his son$ he himse f did obeisan"e to him, Kith these "hanges the Ging made great festi%a s whi"h asted eight months$ during whi"h time the son of the Ging fe si"C of a disease of whi"h he died, After his death Crisnarao earned that his son had died by poison gi%en him by the son of Sa %atini"a$ and in his anger$ being "ertain that this was so$ he sent to "a Sa %atini"a and his son and :uandaja$ brother of Ssa %atini"a$ and many other "aptains re ati%es of Ssa %atini"a$ and made them a spee"h at the time of the sa aam$ there being present many "hiefs and prin"ipa persons of the Cingdom$ and re ations of Ssa %atini"a; he addressed him thus: < *I he d thee a ways as my great friend$ and now for these forty years thou hast been go%ernor in this Cingdom$ whi"h thou ga%est me; yet I am under no ob igation to thee for that$ be"ause in doing so thou didst a"t in a way "ontrary to thy duty, #hou wert bound$ sin"e thy ord the Ging my brother "ommanded so$ to put out mine eyes; yet thou didst not "arry out his wi nor obey him$ but instead thou didst "heat him and the eyes of a goat were put out$ wherefore$ sin"e thou didst not fu fi his "ommand$ thou wert a traitor$ and thy sons with thee for whom I ha%e done so mu"h, )ow I ha%e earnt that my son died of poison gi%en to him by thee and thy sons$ and for that ye are a here made prisoners,* Kith these words he arose and aid hands on them and sei/ed them$ and in doing so "a ed for aid from many !ortuguese who were then in the "ountry with horses$ asCing them to "ome to his aid; and after he had sei/ed the men$ father and sons$ they remained three years in prison, And he made minister a son of Codemerade$ the same who had Ci ed the son of Ging )arsymga in the "ity of !enagundy in the garden by trea"hery$ by "ommand of the Ging his father$ as has a ready been to d in this history, ?.>-@ And soon afterwards 0anay(ue$ son of Sa %atini"a$ es"aped from prison and betooC himse f to a mountain range in whi"h dwe t nobody but robbers and highwaymen$ and in this there was a fortress where dwe t a "aptain$ his re ati%e$ who re"ei%ed him and he ped him in a that he "ou d$ and from there he made su"h war on the Ging Crisnarao that he was dri%en to send against him mu"h peop e$ and as "aptain of the army he sent his minister Ajaboissa$ who in%ested the p a"e on a sides and tooC him therein and brought him prisoner to the Ging, After he had so "ome the Ging "ommanded him to be brought before him$ with Sa %atini"a his father and another brother of his who was Cept in the prison$ and he sent them to the p a"e of eAe"utions and there had their eyes put

out$ for in this "ountry they do not put 'rahmans to death but on y inf i"t some punishment so that they remain a i%e, So he put them in prison again$ and there #imadanay(ue died$ and Sa %atini"a his father remained in the prison with his other son :amdarja,?.>>@ CHAPTER 19 How the 9da "ao "ame against Ra"ho $ and did not dare to await the Ging$ and f ed, At this time the 9da "ao "o e"ted his army and formed afresh his for"es of "a%a ry and e ephants$ and mar"hed upon Ra"ho whi"h remained under the Cing of 'isnaga, Hearing this news$ Crisnarao$ without e%en te ing any one$ ordered to sadd e a horse$ and he rode at fu speed in the dire"tion of Ra"ho where a ready the 9da "ao was; but as soon as his enemy was aware of the "oming of the Ging he f ed, +n the road Ging Crisnarao bought siA hundred horses from the !ortuguese at the rate of E =RE for 4666 pardaos,?.>M@ And from Ra"ho he sent a message to the 9da "ao saying that he had a ready twi"e broCen his oath and his word$ and that as he had not fu fi ed the promise he had made he wou d maCe war on him in su"h fashion as that by for"e he shou d be"ome his %assa $ and that he wou d not et him a one ti he had taCen from him 'i gao,?.>L@ As the winter had now begun the Ging "ou d not then go forward$ and so he went to 'isnaga to maCe ready for this war; and he "ommanded to prepare a arge for"e of arti ery$ and sent an ambassador to :oa to asC for the he p of the :o%ernor, He promised him that after taCing 'i gao he wou d gi%e him the main and; for this "ity of 'i gao is fifteen eagues from :oa$ and its "aptain is ord of the main and of :oa, :oa is the frontier or boundary of his "ity of 'i gao$ and there is one of his "aptains at a fortress "a ed !omda whi"h is three eagues from :oa by the main and$ who a so re"ei%es the re%enues and has "ommand o%er se%era %i ages; and in iCe manner these and others ha%e "aptains appointed by the 9da "ao$ who is ord of the who e and,?.M6@ Khi e Crisnarao was thus maCing ready he present y fe si"C of the same i ness of whi"h a his an"estors had died$ with pains in the groin$ of whi"h die a the Cings of 'isnaga, )ow this Ging Crisnarao$ when he was young and growing up in this "ity of 'isnaga$ had an intrigue with a "ourte/an for whom he had mu"h affe"tion$ and who was "a ed Chinade%idy$ and for the great o%e he bore her he promised many times that if e%er he be"ame Ging he wou d marry her; and though he said this in jest$ it afterwards be"ame true$ so the history re"ords, For when raised to the throne and taCen away from the things he had done when a young man$ he sti did not forget the affe"tion he fe t for this woman$ but used se"ret y to ea%e his pa a"e and go to her house, And this was dis"o%ered one night by his minister Sa %atini"a$ who wat"hed him unti he had got into the womanDs house$ and he rebuCed him mu"h for it and brought him ba"C to the pa a"e, #hen the Ging to d him how we he o%ed her$ and that he had promised to marry this woman and was determined to do so in any "ase; and the minister$ seeing how he was bent on it$ ga%e way to his wish$ saying that he wou d a""omp ish it in su"h a way that His Highness wou d not be b amed for it, In order to do this he sought for him a %ery beautifu woman of the fami y of the Cings of )arsymga$ and after he had married him to her$ at the end of the wedding "eremonies$ he put this woman and the other in a house$ to whi"h he had added a tower %ery ofty and arge$ and in whi"h he odged her, Afterwards the Ging married many other wi%es$ for these Cings ho d it as a %ery honourab e thing to ha%e many wi%es; and this Ging Crisnarao married four$ and yet he o%ed this one better than any of the others, #his Ging bui t a "ity in honour of this woman$ for the o%e he bore her$ and "a ed its name )aga apor and surrounded it with a new wa whi"h is one of the best worCs that he has in his Cingdom$ and he made in it a street %ery ong and arge with houses a of masonry, In order to peop e this town he ordered a the "hiefs of his Cingdom to bui d themse %es pa a"es therein$ and so they did, #his town has one prin"ipa street$ of ength four thousand and se%en hundred pa"es?.M4@ and of breadth forty$ whi"h is "ertain y the most beautifu street it is possib e to see; and he made and finished this town without stinting any eApense on it, It now yie ds forty&two thousand !AR0A+S of duties for things whi"h enter into it$ the duties in this and being

%ery great; sin"e nothing "omes through the gates that does not pay duty$ e%en men and women$ as we as head& oads and a mer"handise, #his Ging a so made in his time a aCe for water$ whi"h ies between two %ery ofty SERRAS, 'ut sin"e he had no means in the "ountry for maCing it$ nor any one who "ou d do it$ he sent to :oa to asC the :o%ernor to send some !ortuguese masons$ and the :o%ernor sent him Hoao de a !onte$ ?.M5@ a great worCer in stone$ to whom the Ging to d how he wanted the tanC bui t, #hough it seemed to this man 12ES#RE$ modern 2AIS#R93 impossib e to be made$ ne%erthe ess he to d the Ging he wou d do it and asCed him to ha%e ime prepared$ at whi"h the Ging aughed mu"h$ for in his "ountry when they bui d a house they do not understand how to use ime, #he Ging "ommanded to throw down (uantities of stone and "ast down many great ro"Cs into the %a ey$ but e%erything fe to pie"es$ so that a the worC done in the day was destroyed ea"h night$ and the Ging$ ama/ed at this$ sent to "a his wise men and sor"erers and asCed them what they thought of this thing, #hey to d him that his ido s were not p eased with this worC$ it being so great and he gi%ing them nothing$ and that un ess he spi ed there the b ood of men or women or buffa oes that worC wou d ne%er be finished, So the Ging sent to bring hither a the men who were his prisoners$ and who deser%ed death$ and ordered them there to be beheaded; and with this the worC ad%an"ed, He made a banC a"ross the midd e of the %a ey so ofty and wide that it was a "rossbow&shot in breadth and ength$ and had arge openings;?.M=@ and be ow it he put pipes by whi"h the water es"aped$ and when they wish so to do they " ose these, 'y means of this water they made many impro%ements in the "ity$ and many "hanne s by whi"h they irrigated ri"e&fie ds and gardens$ and in order that they might impro%e their ands he ga%e the peop e the ands whi"h are irrigated by this water free for nine years$?.ME@ unti they had made their impro%ements$ so that the re%enue a ready amounts to 56$666 !AR0A+S, Abo%e this tanC is a %ery arge ridge a en" osed$ and in the midd e some %ery strong gates with two towers$ one on one side and one on the other; and within are a ways posted 4666 men on guard, For through this gate a things must enter that "ome into the two "ities$ sin"e in order to enter the "ity of 'isnaga there is no other road but this$ a other roads meeting there, #his gate is rented out for 45$666 !AR0A+S ea"h year$ and no man "an enter it without paying just what the renters asC$ "ountry fo C as we as strangers, In both these "ities there is no pro%ision or mer"handise whate%er$ ?.M.@ for a "omes from outside on pa"C&oAen$ sin"e in this "ountry they a ways use beasts for burdens;?.M-@ and e%ery day there enter by these gates 5666 oAen$ and e%ery one of these pays three VI)#EES$?.M>@ eA"ept "ertain po ed oAen without horns$ whi"h ne%er pay anything in any part of the rea m, +utside these two "ities are fie ds and p a"es ri"h y "u ti%ated with wheat and gram and ri"e and mi et$ for this ast is the grain whi"h is most "onsumed in the and; and neAt to it bete 1'E#RE3$ whi"h is a thing that in the greater part of the "ountry they a ways eat and "arry in the mouth, CHAPTER 20 How on the death of Crisnarao his brother A"hetarao was raised to be Cing, 'efore?.MM@ the death of Ging Crisnarao from his disease as has been before re"ounted$ being si"C and a ready despairing of his ife$ he made a wi $ saying that of his three brothers whom$ at the time when they raised him to be Ging$ he had sent to be "onfined in the fortress of Chamdegary?.ML@ with his nephew$ son of the Ging 'usba rao$?.L6@ they shou d maCe Ging his brother A"hetarao?.L4@ who now reigns; for the atter seemed to him to be better fitted for that than any of the others$ for the reason that he himse f had no son of fit age for the throne$ but on y one of the age of eighteen months, After his death Sa %anay be"ame minister of the Cingdom$ and go%erned it ti the "oming of Ging A"hitarao from the fortress of Chamdegary where he was detained, And he further eft in his wi that he shou d taCe 'i gao$?.L5@ and shou d maCe war on the 9da "ao, Khi"h Ging Chytarao$ after he as"ended the throne$ ga%e himse f o%er to %i"e and tyranny, He is a

man of %ery itt e honesty$ and on a""ount of this the peop e and the "aptains are mu"h dis"ontented with his e%i ife and in" inations; for he has ne%er done anything eA"ept those things that are desired by his two brothers&in& aw$?.L=@ who are men %ery e%i y disposed and great Hews, 'y reason of this the 9da "ao$ earning of how itt e weight he was$ determined to maCe war on him$ be ie%ing that he wou d easi y su""eed sin"e the Ging was not in" ined to war; so he made his for"es ready$ and began to in%ade the GingDs territory$ and arri%ed within a eague of the "ity of 'isnaga, Chetarao was in the "ity with su"h great for"es and power that he "ou d easi y ha%e "aptured him if his heart had a owed him to taCe a"tion$ sin"e the 9da "ao had with him on y 45$666 foot and =6$666 horse; yet with this sma for"e the 9da "ao entered )aga apor a eague from 'isnaga and ra/ed it to the ground, #he Ging ne%er tried to go out against him$ nor had he the stoma"h for a fight$ and there were on y sma sCirmishes by some "aptains$ good horsemen, #hese spoCe to the Ging$ asCing that His Highness wou d gi%e them ea%e to atta"C$ and saying that his own presen"e was unne"essary for so s ight an affair; but the Ging was terrified$ and by the ad%i"e of his brothers& in& aw 1of whi"h they ga%e not a itt e3 de"ided to send and maCe pea"e with the 9da "ao, #he 9da "ao was %ery g ad and made a pea"e with him whi"h was to ast for a hundred years$ on "ondition that the Ging shou d gi%e him ten ;AGHS of go d !AR0A+S$ ea"h ;AGH being 466$666 !AR0A+S$ and further shou d yie d up to him the "ity of Ra"ho whi"h the Ging Crisnarao had taCen from him$ and whi"h had a re%enue with its ands of 4.6$666 !AR0A+S$ as we as jewe s whi"h "ou d easi y be %a ued at a ;AGH, #he Ging a""epted these terms$ and the 9da "ao departed we p eased with this money; and after a was done the Ging sent to him a diamond stone weighing 4=6 2A):E;;I)IS$?.LE@ with fifteen other simi ar ones worth fu y a ;AGH, #his money he soon afterwards re"o%ered and put in his treasury$ eAa"ting payments from his "aptains and peop e so ruth ess y that they say that in siA months he had re"o%ered and put the who e in his treasury, Kherefore the "aptains and troops$ both be"ause he made this pea"e and be"ause he eAa"ted this sum of money "ontrary to the wishes of them a $ ha%e i%ed great y dis"ontented$ and ha%e he d that if this Cingdom shou d e%er be brought to destru"tion$ it must taCe p a"e in the ifetime of Ging Chitarao; for he had destroyed the prin"ipa peop e of his Cingdom and Ci ed their sons and taCen their goods$ a owing to the bad "ounse of his brothers&in& aw$ by whom he was dominated, I wi te you of one who was "a ed Crisnaranar(ue whom he sei/ed one night$ and who$ before he surrendered himse f$ Ci ed a his wi%es$ in number two hundred$ and then Ci ed himse f with poison in presen"e of the Ging, #his was be"ause the Ging wanted to Ci his son in his presen"e, 'y sa e of the "aptainDs arms$ name y daggers$ swords$ spears$ batt e&aAes and other things$ whi"h were a ornamented with go d and si %er$ the Ging rea ised more than =666 !AR0A+S, In this way the Cingdom has been depri%ed of its prin"ipa men and of those who sustain it$ wherefore the 9da "ao ho ds it in so itt e esteem that he puts upon it e%ery day a thousand affronts and re(uisitions, +f this Ging there is nothing more so far to re"ount$ sa%e that he is a man that they ho d to be of itt e for"e of "hara"ter$ and %ery neg igent of the things whi"h most "on"ern the we fare of his Cingdom and State, CHAPTER 21 +f the manner of attendan"e on these Cings$ whi"h is as fo ows, ?Khat fo ows "on"erns the reign of A"hyuta Raya,@ A the ser%i"e of this house$ with the things whi"h they maCe use of$ is of si %er and go d$ that is to say basins and bow s$ stoo s$ ewers$ and other %esse s of that sort, #he bedsteads?.L.@ in whi"h his wi%es s eep are "o%ered and adorned with si %er p ates, E%ery wife has her bed in whi"h she s eeps$ and that of the Ging is p ated and ined and has a its egs of go d$ its mattress of si C$ and its round bo ster worCed round the ends with arge seed pear s, It has four pi ows of the same pattern for the feet$ and has no other sheet than a si C " oth on top, He a ways "arries with him a mos(uito "urtain with a frame of si %er$?.L-@ and he has a house made of pie"es of iron in whi"h is "ontained a %ery

arge bed$ whi"h is intended for su"h time as he taCes the fie d, He has fi%e hundred wi%es and as many ess or more as he wants$ with whom he s eeps; and a of these burn themse %es at his death, Khen he journeys to any p a"e he taCes twenty&fi%e or thirty of his most fa%ourite wi%es$ who go with him$ ea"h one in her pa an(ueen with po es, #he pa an(ueen of the prin"ipa wife is an "o%ered with s"ar et " oth tasse ed with arge and hea%y worC in seed& pear s and pear s$ and the po e itse f is ornamented with go d, #he pa an(ueens of the other wi%es are ornamented on y with si %er$ but another pa an(ueen$ whi"h is for his own person$ a ways goes on the right side$ and is in the same way de"orated with go d, For a son or a daughter$ if su"h an one goes with him$ he taCes another bedstead of i%ory in aid with go d; and when he taCes the fie d$ where%er he pit"hes his "amp there they maCe for him houses of stone and " ay$ for he does not stay in a tent$ and he a ways has these de"orated with " oths,?.L>@ In his pa a"e within the gates he is ser%ed by women and eunu"hs and ser%ants numbering fu y fi%e or siA hundred; and these wi%es of the Ging a ha%e their own offi"ia s for their ser%i"e$ ea"h for herse f$ just as the Ging has within the gates$ but these are a women, #he pa a"es of the Ging are arge and with arge rooms; they ha%e " oisters iCe monasteries$ with "e s$ and in ea"h one is one of his wi%es$ and with ea"h of these adies is her maid&ser%ant; and when the Ging retires to rest he passes through these " oisters$ and his wi%es stand at the doors and "a him in; but these are not the prin"ipa wi%es$ they are the daughters of "aptains and nob es of the "ountry, Inside the gates of the pa a"e they say that there are o%er two hundred mi "h&"ows$ from the mi C of whi"h they maCe butter for these adies to eat, #he Ging has no eApense in "onne"tion with his food$ be"ause the nob es send it to him e%ery day to his house$ name y ri"e and wheat and meat and fow s with a other ne"essary things, In the Cit"hen there are some two hundred inferior guards$ and four o%er it$ and two "hief offi"ers of the guard; and those who are now "aptains of the guard of this Cing are "a ed$ one !edanay(ue and the other Ajanai(ue$ they are a so "aptains of so diers; these porters do not go further inside than through four or fi%e doors$ be"ause inside of these are none but eunu"hs and women, Khen the Ging rides out there go with him usua y two hundred horsemen of his guard whom he pays$ and a hundred e ephants$ and this in addition to the "aptains$ forty or fifty in number$ who are a ways in attendan"e with their so diers, He taCes with him two thousand men with shie ds$ a men of good position$ ranged in order on the f anCs$ and in front goes the "hief A;CAI0 with about thirty horsemen ha%ing "anes in their hands iCe porters; the "hief A;CAI0 bears a different wand; he who is now the "hief A;CAI0 of this Ging is "a ed Chinapanai(ue, 'ehind with the rearguard goes the 2aster of the Horse with two hundred horsemen$ and behind the "a%a ry go a hundred e ephants$ and on their ba"Cs ride men of high estate, He has in front of him twe %e destriers$ sadd ed$ and in front of these horses go fi%e e ephants$ spe"ia y for the GingDs person$ and in front of these e ephants go about fi%e&and&twenty horsemen with banners in their hands$ and with drums and trumpets and other musi" p aying so oud y that you "an hear nothing, 'efore these goes a great drum "arried by men at the sides$ and they go now and then striCing it; the sound of this is heard a ong distan"e off; and this drum they "a !ICHA, After the Ging has mounted he "ounts the two hundred horsemen and the hundred e ephants and the shie d&bearers of the guard$ and whoe%er is missing is se%ere y punished and his property "onfis"ated, CHAPTER 22 +f the manner in whi"h obeisan"e is done to the Ging$ J", #he manner of the sa aam whi"h the nob es maCe to the Ging e%ery day is this: < In the morning the nob es go to the pa a"e at ten or e e%en oD" o"C$ at whi"h hour the Ging "omes out from within where his wi%es are$ and after he has taCen his seat they open to the nob es$ and ea"h one "omes by himse f and bows his head and raises his hands, #his is what they "a the *sa aam* 1SA;E2A3, Kith the Cing are about ten or twe %e men who ha%e the duty$ on the entran"e of ea"h "aptain$ of

saying to the Ging: *See$ your Highness$ your "aptain so&and&so$ who maCes sa aam to you,* #he Gings of 'isnaga ha%e a ways iCed$ for show$ to ha%e many horses in their stab es$ and they a ways had eight or nine hundred horses and four or fi%e hundred e ephants$ on a""ount of whi"h$ and on a""ount of the peop e that ooCed after them$ they were put to great eApense; and this Ging that now is 1A"hyuta Raya3 has in his stab e se%en hundred and odd horses and four hundred e ephants, He spends on a""ount of them and for their attendants$ to whom he gi%es food$ two thousand go d !AR0A+S per day, And of horsemen whom the Ging pays he has siA thousand$ and a of them are on the stab es estab ishment 1N3 1C+2E2 0A ES#RE'AR9A3; and those who ser%e them are paid ea"h year$ some a thousand !AR0A+S$ some fi%e hundred$ some three hundred$ and those who ha%e ess pay re"ei%e not ess than a hundred, +f these siA thousand$ two hundred are ob iged to ride with the Ging, #he Cings of this "ountry are ab e to assemb e as many so diers as they want$ as they ha%e them there in their Cingdom and ha%e mu"h wea th wherewith to pay them, #his Ging Chitarao has foot& so diers paid by his nob es$ and they are ob iged to maintain siA?.LM@ ;AGHS of so diers$ that is siA hundred thousand men$ and twenty&four thousand horse$ whi"h the same nob es are ob iged to ha%e, #hese nob es are iCe renters who ho d a the and from the Ging$ and besides Ceeping a these peop e they ha%e to pay their "ost; they a so pay to him e%ery year siAty ;AGHS of rents as roya dues, #he ands$ they say$ yie d a hundred and twenty ;AGHS of whi"h they must pay siAty to the Ging$ and the rest they retain for the pay of the so diers and the eApenses of the e ephants whi"h they are ob iged to maintain, For this reason the "ommon peop e suffer mu"h hardship$ those who ho d the ands being so tyranni"a , +f these siAty ;AGHS that the Cing has of re%enue e%ery year he does not enjoy a arger sum than twenty&fi%e ;AGHS$ for the rest is spent on his horses$ and e ephants$ and foot&so diers$ and "a%a ry$ whose "ost he defrays, 0uring his feasts and the a msgi%ing to his temp es a these "aptains$ who are thus iCe renters$ must a ways attend the "ourt$ and of those whom this Ging a ways has about him and by whom he is a""ompanied in his "ourt there are more than two hundred, #hese are ob iged a ways to be present with the Ging$ and must a ways maintain the fu number of so diers a""ording to their ob igations$ for if he finds that they ha%e a ess number they are se%ere y punished and their estates "onfis"ated, #hese nob es are ne%er suffered to sett e themse %es in "ities or towns be"ause they wou d there be beyond rea"h of his hand; they on y go thither sometimes, 'ut a "on"ession is granted to the Cings that are subje"t to him$ name y they do not go to "ourt un ess they are summoned$ and from their own "ities they send to him their rents or tributes; yet the Ging of 'engapor is ob iged to be a ways in "amp$ and he goes to "ourt twi"e in the year, #he Cings who are subje"t are these$ besides this Ging of 'engapor$ name y the Ging of :asopa and the Ging of 'a"anor and the Ging of Ca e"u and he of 'ate"a a$?.LL@ and these when they "ome to the Court of 'isnaga are not he d in higher esteem than any other "aptains$ either by the Ging or by the other nob es, #he "aptains and ords of this Cingdom of 'isnaga$ as we those who are at Court as those who are away from it$ ha%e ea"h one his se"retary who goes to the pa a"e in order to write to him and et him Cnow what the Ging is doing; and they manage so that nothing taCes p a"e of whi"h they do not soon Cnow$ and day and night they are a ways in the pa a"e, And the Ging a so$ when he ea%es the pa a"e$ taCes with him on his own a""ount se"retaries$ who write what the Ging says$ and the fa%ours he bestows$ and with whom he spoCe$ and upon what subje"t$ and what his determination was; and to these men is gi%en a "redit e(ua to that of the E%ange ists$ be"ause they say that whene%er the Ging speaCs there must be something worthy to be re"orded$ and a so that su"h a re"ord is ne"essary for their remembran"e, #hus no written orders are e%er issued$ nor any "harters granted$ for the fa%ours he bestows or the "ommands he gi%es; but when he "onfers a fa%our on any one it remains written in the registers of these se"retaries, #he Ging howe%er gi%es to the re"ipient of the fa%our a sea impressed in waA from one of his rings$ whi"h his minister Ceeps$ and these sea s ser%e for etters patent,

#hese Gings of 'isnaga eat a sorts of things$ but not the f esh of oAen or "ows$ whi"h they ne%er Ci in a the "ountry of the heathen be"ause they worship them, #hey eat mutton$ porC$ %enison$ partridges$ hares$ do%es$ (uai $ and a Cinds of birds; e%en sparrows$ and rats$ and "ats$ and i/ards$ a of whi"h are so d in the marCet of the "ity of 'isnaga, E%erything has to be so d a i%e so that ea"h one may Cnow what he buys < this?-66@ at east so far as "on"erns game < and there are fish from the ri%ers in arge (uantities, #he marCets are a ways o%erf owing with abundan"e of fruits$ grapes$ oranges$ imes$ pomegranates$ ja"C&fruit$ and mangoes$ and a %ery "heap, It is said that in the marCets they gi%e twe %e i%e sheep for a !AR0A+$ and in the hi s they gi%e fourteen or fifteen for A !AR0A+, #he Ging drinCs water whi"h they bring from a spring$ whi"h is Cept en" osed under the hand of a man in whom the Ging has great "onfiden"e; and the %esse s in whi"h they draw the water "ome "o%ered and sea ed, #hus they de i%er it to the women who wait on him$ and they taCe it inside to the other women$ the GingDs wi%es, #he greatest marC of honour that this Ging of 'isnaga "onfers on a nob e "onsists of two fans ornamented with go d and pre"ious stones$ made of the white tai s of "ertain "ows;?-64@ he gi%es them bra"e ets a so, E%erything whi"h the nob e re"ei%es is p a"ed on the ground, #he Ging "onfers %ery high honour$ too$ if he permits a "ertain one to Ciss his feet$ for he ne%er gi%es his hands to be Cissed by any one, Khen he wishes to p ease his "aptains$ or persons from whom he has re"ei%ed or wishes to re"ei%e good ser%i"e$ he gi%es them s"ar%es of honour?-65@ for their persona use$ whi"h is a great honour; and this he does ea"h year to the "aptains at the time that they pay him their and& rents, #his taCes p a"e in the month of September?-6=@ when for nine days they maCe great feasts, Some say that they do this in honour of the nine months during whi"h +ur ;ady bore her Son in the womb; others say that it is on y done be"ause at this time the "aptains "ome to pay their rents to the Ging, Khi"h feasts are "ondu"ted in the fo owing manner, #he first day they put nine "ast es in a pie"e of ground whi"h is in front of the pa a"e$ whi"h "ast es are made by the nine prin"ipa "aptains in the Cingdom, #hey are %ery ofty and are hung with ri"h " oths$ and in them are many dan"ing&gir s and a so many Cinds of "ontri%an"es, 'esides these nine e%ery "aptain is ob iged to maCe ea"h one his "ast e$ and they "ome to show these to the Ging, Ea"h one has his separate de%i"e$ and they a "ome iCe this during the nine days of the feast, #he offi"ers of the "ity are bound to "ome with their de%i"es ea"h day at night$ just as in our festi%a s$ and in these nine days they s aughter anima s and maCe sa"rifi"e, #he first day they Ci nine ma e buffa oes and nine sheep and nine goats$ and then"eforward they Ci ea"h day more$ a ways doub ing the number; and when they ha%e finished s aying these beasts$ there "ome nine horses and nine e ephants of the Ging and these "ome before the Cing "o%ered with f owers < roses < and with ri"h trappings, 'efore them goes the "hief 2aster of the Horse with many attendants$ and they maCe sa aam to the Ging, And when these ha%e finished maCing their sa aam there "ome from within priests$ and they bring ri"e and other "ooCed edib es$ and water$ and fire$ and many Cinds of s"ents$ and they offer prayers and throw the water o%er the horses and e ephants$ just 1as our priests do with3 ho y water; and they put "hap ets of roses on them, #his is done in the presen"e of the Ging$ who remains seated on a throne of go d and pre"ious stones; he ne%er sits on this eA"ept on y this on"e in the year, And this Ging that now reigns does not sit on it$ for they say that whoe%er sits on it must be a %ery truthfu man$ one who speaCs the who e truth$ and this Ging ne%er does so, Khi st this is going on there pass by the Ging fu y a thousand women$ dan"ing and posturing before him, After a the de%i"es that ha%e been prepared ha%e been witnessed a the horses of the Ging pass by$ "o%ered with their si Cen trappings$?-6E@ and with mu"h adornment of go d and pre"ious stones on their heads$ and then a the e ephants and yoCes of oAen?-6.@ in the midd e of the arena?-6-@ in front of the pa a"e, After these ha%e been seen there "ome thirty&siA of the most beautifu of the GingDs wi%es "o%ered with go d and pear s$ and mu"h worC of seed&pear s$ and in the hands of ea"h a %esse of go d with a amp of oi burning in it; and with these women "ome a the fema e ser%ants and the other wi%es of the Ging$ with "anes in their hands tipped with go d and with tor"hes burning; and these then retire inside with the Ging, #hese women are so ri"h y

bede"Ced with go d and pre"ious stones that they are hard y ab e to mo%e, In this way during these nine days they are "ompe ed to sear"h for a things whi"h wi gi%e p easure to the Ging, #he Ging has a thousand wrest ers for these feasts who wrest e before the Ging$ but not in our manner$ for they striCe and wound ea"h other with two "ir" ets with points?-6>@ whi"h they "arry in their hands to striCe with$ and the one most wounded goes and taCes his reward in the shape of a si C " oth$?-6M@ su"h as the Ging gi%es to these wrest ers, #hey ha%e a "aptain o%er them$ and they do not perform any other ser%i"e in the Cingdom, And after these nine days are finished the Rao?-6L@ rides out and goes to ho d a re%iew of the troops of his "aptains$ and he goes a ength of two eagues between the armed men, At the end he dismounts and taCes a bow in his hand and shoots three arrows$ name y one for the 9da "ao$ and another for the Ging of Cotamu o"o$?-46@ and yet another for the !ortuguese; it was his "ustom to maCe war on the Cingdom ying in the dire"tion where the arrow rea"hed furthest, After this is done the Ging returns home$ and on that day he fasts and with him a the peop e of the and; and on the neAt day he goes to the ri%er to bathe with a his peop e, Kithin these nine days the Ging is paid a the rents that he re"ei%es from his Cingdom; for$ as a ready said$ a the and be ongs to the Ging$ and from his hand the "aptains ho d it, #hey maCe it o%er to the husbandmen who pay nine&tenths to their ord; and they ha%e no and of their own$ for the Cingdom be ongs entire y to the Ging;?-44@ on y the "aptains are put to "harges on a""ount of the troops for whom the Ging maCes them responsib e$ and whom they are ob iged to pro%ide in the way of ser%i"e, E%ery Saturday the dan"ing&gir s are ob iged to go to the pa a"e to dan"e and posture before the GingDs ido $ whi"h is in the interior of his pa a"e, #he peop e of this "ountry a ways fast on Saturdays and do not eat a day nor e%en at night$ nor do they drinC water$ on y they may "hew a few " o%es to sweeten the breath, #he Ging a ways gi%es arge sums in "harity; in the pa a"e there are a ways two or three thousand 'rahmans who are his priests$ and to whom the Ging "ommands to gi%e a ms, #hese 'rahman priests are %ery despi"ab e men; they a ways ha%e mu"h money$ and are so inso ent that e%en by using b ows the guards of the door "annot ho d them in "he"C, #he "aptains and prin"ipa peop e use?-45@ at night tor"hes of oi $ from four to twe %e tor"hes 1a""ording to ranC3$ those of highest ranC ha%ing twe %e at most, #he Ging$ howe%er$ must ha%e a hundred or a hundred and fifty tor"hes, #here is mu"h waA in the "ountry$ but they do not Cnow how to worC it, E%ery mer"hant who brings mer"handise in horses and other things whi"h he may ha%e brought to se to the Ging$ if he desires an audien"e$ has to offer him a present of a pie"e of goods or a horse of the best that he has brought$ in order that he may obtain an audien"e and transa"t his business, And this not on y to the Ging, 9ou must perfor"e pay bribes to a the se%era offi"ers with whom you ha%e to dea , #hey wi do nothing without some profit to themse %es Khen any one suffers wrong and wishes to represent his "ase to the Ging he shows how great is his suffering by ying f at on his fa"e on the ground ti they asC him what it is he wants, If$ per"han"e$ he wishes to speaC to the Ging whi e he is riding$ he taCes the shaft of a spear and ties a bran"h to it and thus goes a ong "a ing out, #hen they maCe room for him$ and he maCes his "omp aint to the Ging; and it is there and then sett ed without more ado$ and the Ging orders a "aptain$ one of those who go with him$ to do at on"e what the supp i"ant asCs, If he "omp ains that he was robbed in su"h and su"h a pro%in"e and in su"h and su"h a road$ the Ging sends immediate y for the "aptain of that pro%in"e$ e%en though he be at "ourt$ and the "aptain may be sei/ed and his property taCen if he does not "at"h the thief, In the same way the "hief bai iff?-4=@ is ob iged to gi%e an a""ount of the robberies in the "apita $ and in "onse(uen"e %ery few thefts taCe p a"e; and e%en if some are "ommitted$ you gi%e some itt e present and a des"ription of the man who sto e from you$ and they wi soon Cnow by the agen"y of the wi/ards whether the thief be in the "ity or not; for there are %ery powerfu wi/ards in this "ountry, #hus there are %ery few thie%es in the and, #his Ging has "ontinua y fifty thousand paid so diers$ amongst whom are siA thousand horsemen who be ong to the pa a"e guard$ to whi"h siA thousand be ong the two hundred who are ob iged to

ride with him, He has a so twenty thousand spearmen and shie d&bearers$ and three thousand men to ooC after the e ephants in the stab es; he has siAteen hundred grooms?-4E@ who attend to the horses$ and has a so three hundred horse trainers?-4.@ and two thousand artifi"ers$ name y b a"Csmiths$ masons$ and "arpenters$ and washermen who wash " othes, #hese are the peop e he has and pays e%ery day; he gi%es them their a owan"e at the gate of the pa a"e, #o the siA thousand horsemen the Ging gi%es horses free and gi%es pro%ision for them e%ery month$ and a these horses are marCed with the GingDs marC; when they die they are ob iged to taCe the pie"e of sCin "ontaining the marC to 2adanar(ue$ the "hief master of the horse$ so that he may gi%e them another$ and these horses whi"h he gi%es are most y "ountry&breds whi"h the Ging buys$ twe %e or fifteen for a thousand !AR0A+S,?-4-@ #he Ging e%ery year buys thirteen thousand horses of +rmu/$ and "ountry&breds$ of whi"h he "hooses the best for his own stab es$ and he gi%es the rest to his "aptains$ and gains mu"h money by them; be"ause after taCing out the good !ersian horses$ he se s those whi"h are "ountry&bred$ and gi%es fi%e for a thousand !AR0A+S$ and they are ob iged to pay him the money for them within the month of September; and with the money so obtained he pays for the Arabs that he buys of the !ortuguese$ in su"h a way that his "aptains pay the "ost of the who e without anything going out of the #reasury, #his Ging has a so within his gates more than four thousand women$ a of whom i%e in the pa a"e; some are dan"ing&gir s$ and others are bearers?-4>@ who "arry the GingDs wi%es on their shou ders$ and the Ging a so in the interior of the pa a"e$ for the CingDs houses are arge and there are great inter%a s between one house and another, He has a so women who wrest e$ and others who are astro ogers and soothsayers; and he has women who write a the a""ounts of eApenses that are in"urred inside the gates$ and others whose duty it is to write a the affairs of the Cingdom and "ompare their booCs with those of the writers outside; he has women a so for musi"$ who p ay instruments and sing, E%en the wi%es of the Ging are we %ersed in musi", #he Ging has other women besides, He has ten "ooCs for his persona ser%i"e$ and has others Cept for times when he gi%es ban(uets; and these ten prepare the food for no one sa%e for the Ging a one, He has a eunu"h for guard at the gate of the Cit"hen$ who ne%er a ows any one to enter for fear of poison, Khen the Ging wishes to eat$ e%ery person withdraws$ and then "ome some of the women whose duty it is and they prepare the tab e for him; they p a"e for him a three&footed stoo $ round$ made of go d$ and on it put the messes, #hese are brought in arge %esse s of go d$ and the sma er messes in basins of go d$ some of whi"h are adorned with pre"ious stones, #here is no " oth on the tab e$ but one is brought when the Ging has finished eating$ and he washes his hands and mouth, Komen and eunu"hs ser%e him at tab e, #he wi%es of the Ging remain ea"h in her own "hamber and are waited on by maid&ser%ants, It is said that he has judges$ as we as bai iffs and wat"hmen who e%ery night guard the pa a"e$ and a these are women, #he Ging ne%er puts on any garment more than on"e$ and when he taCes it off he at on"e de i%ers it to "ertain offi"ers who ha%e "harge of this duty$ and they render an a""ount; and these garments are ne%er gi%en to any one, #his is "onsidered to show great state, His " othes are si C " oths 1!ACH+IIS3?-4M@ of %ery fine materia and worCed with go d$ whi"h are worth ea"h one ten !AR0A+S; and they wear at times 'AH8RIS of the same sort$ whi"h are iCe shirts with a sCirt; and on the head they wear "aps of bro"ade whi"h they "a C8;AES$?-4L@ and one of these is worth some twenty "ru/ados, Khen he ifts it from his head he ne%er again puts it on, #he punishments that they inf i"t in this Cingdom are these: for a thief$ whate%er theft he "ommits$ howsoe%er itt e it be$ they forthwith "ut off a foot and a hand$ and if his theft be a great one he is hanged with a hooC under his "hin, If a man outrages a respe"tab e woman or a %irgin he has the same punishment$ and if he does any other su"h %io en"e his punishment is of a iCe Cind, )ob es who be"ome traitors are sent to be impa ed a i%e on a wooden staCe thrust through the be y$ and peop e of the ower orders$ for whate%er "rime they "ommit$ he forthwith "ommands to "ut off their heads in the marCet&p a"e$ and the same for a murder un ess the death was the resu t of a due , For great honour is done to those who fight in a due $ and they gi%e the estate of the dead man to the sur%i%or; but no one fights a due without first asCing ea%e of the minister$ who forthwith grants it,

#hese are the "ommon Cinds of punishments$ but they ha%e others more fan"ifu ; for when the Ging so desires$ he "ommands a man to be thrown to the e ephants$ and they tear him in pie"es, #he peop e are so subje"t to him that if you to d a man on the part of the Ging that he must stand sti in a street ho ding a stone on his ba"C a day ti you re eased him$ he wou d do it, #he offi"ers of the Ging who go about the Cingdom are these: < First the minister 1RE:E0+R3 of the Cingdom$ who is the se"ond person in it$ then the treasurer$ with the s"ribes of the GingDs own ands$?-56@ the "hief treasurer$ and the "ommander of the pa a"e guards 1+ !+R#EIR+ 2++R3$ the treasurer of the jewe s$ the "hief master of the horse, #he Ging has no "ontro er of the re%enues nor other offi"ers$ nor offi"ers of his house$ but on y the "aptains of his Cingdom; of whom I wi here mention some$ and the re%enues they ho d$ and of what territory they are ords$ First y Sa %anay(ue$ the present minister; he has a re%enue of a mi ion and a hundred thousand go d !AR0A+S, He is ord of Charamaode and of )agapatao$ and #amgor$ and 'omgarin$ and 0apatao$ and #rugue $ and Cau im$ and a these are "ities; their territories are a %ery arge$ and they border on Cey on,?-54@ +f this money he is ob iged to gi%e a third to the Ging$ and two&thirds remain for him for the eApenses of his ;ASCARIS and horses$ whi"h he is ob iged to maintain for the Ging$ %i/,: thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse and thirty e ephants; so that he on y gets the ba an"e after dedu"ting the eApenses of this for"e, 'ut in this way he a"(uires mu"h wea th be"ause he ne%er maintains the who e for"e, And the Ging$ whene%er he wishes$ taCes away property of these nob es, Another "aptain$ Ajapar"atimapa$?-55@ who was minister of Crisnarao$ has a re%enue of eight hundred thousand !AR0A+S of go d$ and is ord of the "ity of Hudogary$?-5=@ and of the "ity of Condo%im$?-5E@ and of the "ity of !enagundim$?-5.@ and of Codegara ?-5-@ of Cidaota,?-5>@ A these arge "ities border on the Cingdom of +ria$ and some of them with Cape Comorin 1CA'+ 0E C+2AR93, #hese ands Crisnarao ga%e him when he made him minister and put out the eyes of Sa %atini"a$ his minister$ who was "aptain of them, He is ob iged to ser%e with twenty&fi%e thousand?-5M@ foot$ fifteen hundred horse$ and forty e ephants$ and pays ea"h year to the Ging three hundred thousand !AR0A+S, Another "aptain$ who is "a ed :apanay(ue$ is ord of these ands$ name y of Rosy $?-5L@ and of #ipar$ and of #i"a o$ and of 'igo om,?-=6@ #hese ands mar"h with the territory of the 9da "ao$ and in a these there is mu"h wheat and grains and "att e and goats and ginge y and "otton; and %ery fine " oth made of the ast$ for a the " oth that is manufa"tured is made of it, He has a re%enue from these territories of siA hundred thousand !AR0A+S$ and is ob iged to furnish two thousand fi%e hundred horse$ and twenty thousand foot$ and twenty e ephants$ and he pays e%ery year to the Ging a hundred and fifty thousand !AR0A+S, Another "aptain "a ed ;epapay(ue$ who is ord of Vimgapor$?-=4@ a and %ery ri"h in seed&p ots and "att e&breeding farms$ has a re%enue of three hundred thousand !AR0A+S; and is ob iged to furnish twe %e hundred horse and twenty thousand foot and twenty&eight e ephants$ and he pays to the Ging e%ery year eighty thousand !AR0A+S, #he treasurer of the jewe s$ who is "a ed )ar%ara is "aptain of the new "ity whi"h is "a ed +ndegema$?-=5@ and is ord of the "ity of 0iguoty and of 0arguem and of Entarem$?-==@ and of the other ands bordering on the ands of 'isnaga; they are a fie ds, #hey yie d him e%ery year four hundred thousand !AR0A+S$ of whi"h he gi%es the Ging two hundred thousand$ and the rest he spends on twe %e thousand foot and siA hundred horse and twenty e ephants, Another "aptain "a ed Chinapanay(ue$ the GingDs marsha $ is ord of the and of Ca a y?-=E@ in the dire"tion of Co"him in the interior$ and of many other ands that yie d him three hundred thousand !AR0A+S; and he is ob iged to pay the Ging e%ery year one hundred thousand !AR0A+S$ and ser%es with eight hundred horse and ten thousand foot 1!RAC+S3, Crisnapanay(ue is ord of Aose $?-=.@ whi"h is a arge "ity$ and of other %i ages that I do not here mention as they ha%e %ery diffi"u t names, #hese ands yie d him e%ery year twenty thousand

!AR0A+S of go d$ and he pays an annua re%enue to the Ging of se%en thousand !AR0A+S$ and ser%es with fi%e hundred horse and se%en hundred foot 1!RAC+S3, A so 'ajapanar(ue$ who is "aptain of the "ountry of 'odia $?-=-@ whi"h borders on 2amga or?-=>@ by the sea&"oast, He is ord too of :uiana,?-=M@ In this "ountry there is mu"h pepper and sugar&"ane and " oth 1of f aA3?-=L@ and mu"h ri"e; but there is no wheat$ nor other " oth$ and it is a and of waA, It yie ds him three hundred thousand !AR0A+S a year$ and he ser%es with eight hundred horsemen and ten thousand foot and fifteen e ephants, He pays the Ging ten thousand !AR0A+S, 2a panar(ue$ who was "hief master of the horse to Ging Crisnarao$ is ord of the "ountry of A%a y$ ?-E6@ whi"h is in the interior of Ca e"u,?-E4@ #his and has mu"h iron and mu"h "otton$ ri"e$ goats$ sheep$ "ows and buffa oes, He has a re%enue of fifteen thousand !AR0A+S$ and is ob iged to ser%e with four hundred horse and siA thousand foot$ and pays the Ging e%ery year fi%e thousand !AR0A+S, Another "aptain$ "a ed Adapanay(ue$ who is the "hief "ounse or of the Ging$ is ord of the "ountry of :ate$?-E5@ when"e "ome the diamonds$ and of many other territories whi"h yie d him three hundred thousand go d !AR0A+S$ eA" uding the pre"ious stones whi"h form a re%enue by themse %es, He pays to the Ging e%ery year forty thousand !AR0A+S$ with the "ondition that a diamonds whi"h eA"eed twenty 2A):E;I)S?-E=@ in weight sha be gi%en to the Ging for his #reasury, He ser%es with eight thousand foot and eight hundred horse and thirty e ephants$ and pays the Ging e%ery year one hundred thousand !AR0A+S, Another 'ajapanay(ue is "aptain of 2umdogue $?-EE@ whi"h was a fortress of the 9da "ao$ and was taCen from him by Crisnarao when he tooC Ra"ho $?-E.@ whi"h was a boundary of it, #his fortress of 2umdogue with other territories yie ds him four hundred thousand !AR0A+S$ and he ser%es with a thousand "a%a ry and ten thousand foot and fifty e ephants$ and pays the Ging e%ery year one hundred and fifty thousand !AR0A+S, In this way the Cingdom of 'isnaga is di%ided between more than two hundred "aptains who are a heathen$?-E-@ and a""ording to the ands and re%enues that they ha%e so the Ging sett es for them the for"es that they are "ompe ed to Ceep up$ and how mu"h re%enue they ha%e to pay him e%ery month during the first nine days of the month of September, He ne%er gi%es any re"eipts to them$ on y$ if they do not pay they are we punished$ and are ruined and their property taCen away, A the "aptains of this Cingdom maCe use of itters and pa an(ueens, #hese are iCe biers and men "arry them on their shou ders$ but peop e are not a owed to maCe use of itters un ess they are "a%a iers of the highest ranC$ and the "aptains and prin"ipa persons use pa an(ueens, #here are a ways at the "ourt where the Ging is twenty thousand itters and pa an(ueens, #hese matters "on"erning 1I,E, the power and greatness of3 the Cingdom of 'isnaga$ though it may seem to you that I ha%e eAaggerated$ yet the peop e of this "ountry assert them to ha%e been e%en more notab e?-E>@ in times past$ and greater than they now are, And in this Cingdom of 'isnaga there is a " ass of men$ nati%es of the "ountry$ name y 'rahmans$ who the most part of them ne%er Ci or eat any i%e thing$ and these are the best that there are amongst them, #hey are honest men$ gi%en to mer"handise$ %ery a"ute and of mu"h ta ent$ %ery good at a""ounts$ ean men and we &formed$ but itt e fit for hard worC, 'y these and by the duties they undertaCe the Cingdom is "arried on, #hey be ie%e that there are #hree !ersons and on y +ne :od$ and they "a the !ersons of the 2ost Ho y #rinity *#RICE'E2CA,* #here is another " ass who are Canarese who ha%e pagodas in whi"h are 1images ofN3 monCeys$ and "ows$ and buffa oes$ and de%i s$ to whom they pay mu"h honour$ and these ido s and monCeys whi"h they adore they say that in former times this and be onged a to the monCeys$ and that in those days they "ou d speaC, #hey ha%e booCs fu of fine stories of "hi%a ry$ and many foo ish ta es about their ido s$ su"h as it is out of reason for men to be ie%e, 'ut be"ause of this$ neither in the Cingdom of 'isnaga nor in a the and of the heathen are any monCeys Ci ed$ and there are so many in this "ountry that they "o%er the mountains, #here is another " ass of men "a ed #e umga e;?-EM@ when these die their wi%es are

buried a i%e with them, #he Ging of 'isnaga is a 'rahman;?-EL@ e%ery day he hears the prea"hing of a earned 'rahman$ who ne%er married nor e%er tou"hed a woman, He urges in his prea"hing 1obedien"e to3 the "ommandments of :od$ that is to say$ that one must not Ci any i%ing thing$ nor taCe anything be onging to another$ and as with these so with the rest of the "ommandments, #hese peop e ha%e su"h de%otion to "ows that they Ciss them e%ery day$ some they say e%en on the rump < a thing I do not assert for their honour < and with the droppings of these "ows they abso %e themse %es from their sins as if with ho y water, #hey ha%e for a "ommandment to "onfess their sins to the 'rahman priests$ but they do not do it$ eA"ept on y those who are %ery re igious 1A2I:8+S 0E 0I+S3, #hey gi%e in eA"use that they fee a shame to "onfess themse %es to another man$ and say that it is suffi"ient to "onfess themse %es a one after approa"hing :od$ for he who does not do so does not a"(uire gra"e; thus they fu fi the "ommand in one way or another, 'ut they do it so se dom 1in rea ity3 that they 1may be said to3 neg e"t this "ommand to "onfess, #his Cingdom of 'isnaga is a heathen, #he women ha%e the "ustom of burning themse %es when their husbands die$ and ho d it an honour to do so, Khen therefore their husbands die they mourn with their re ations and those of their husbands$ but they ho d that the wife who weeps beyond measure has no desire to go in sear"h of her husband; and the mourning finished their re ations speaC to them$ ad%ising them to burn themse %es and not to dishonour their generation, After that$ it is said$ they p a"e the dead man on a bed with a "anopy of bran"hes and "o%ered with f owers$ and they put the woman on the ba"C of a worth ess horse$ and she goes after them with many jewe s on her$ and "o%ered with roses; she "arries a mirror in her hand and in the other a bran"h of f owers$ and 1she goes a""ompanied by3 many Cinds of musi"$ and his re ations 1go with her3 with mu"h p easure, A man goes a so p aying on a sma drum$ and he sings songs to her te ing her that she is going to join her husband$ and she answers a so in singing that so she wi do, As soon as she arri%es at the p a"e where they are a ways burned she waits with the musi"ians ti her husband is burned$ whose body they p a"e in a %ery arge pit that has been made ready for it$ "o%ered with mu"h firewood, 'efore they ight the fire his mother or his nearest re ati%e taCes a %esse of water on the head and a firebrand in the hand$ and goes three times round the pit$ and at ea"h round maCes a ho e in the pot; and when these three rounds are done breaCs the pot$ whi"h is sma $ and throws the tor"h into the pit, #hen they app y the fire$ and when the body is burned "omes the wife with a the feasters and washes her feet$ and then a 'rahman performs o%er her "ertain "eremonies a""ording to their aw; and when he has finished doing this$ she draws off with her own hand a the jewe s that she wears$ and di%ides them among her fema e re ati%es$ and if she has sons she "ommends them to her most honoured re ati%es, Khen they ha%e taCen off a she has on$ e%en her good " othes$ they put on her some "ommon ye ow " oths$ and her re ati%es taCe her hand and she taCes a bran"h in the other$ and goes singing and running to the pit where the fire is$ and then mounts on some steps whi"h are made high up by the pit, 'efore they do this they go three times round the fire$ and then she mounts the steps and ho ds in front of her a mat that pre%ents her from seeing the fire, #hey throw into the fire a " oth "ontaining ri"e$ and another in whi"h they "arry bete ea%es$ and her "omb and mirror with whi"h she adorned herse f$ saying that a these are needed to adorn herse f by her husbandDs side, Fina y she taCes ea%e of a $ and puts a pot of oi on her head$ and "asts herse f into the fire with su"h "ourage that it is a thing of wonder; and as soon as she throws herse f in$ the re ati%es are ready with firewood and (ui"C y "o%er her with it$ and after this is done they a raise oud amentations, Khen a "aptain dies$ howe%er many wi%es he has they a burn themse %es$ and when the Ging dies they do the same, #his is the "ustom throughout a the "ountry of the heathen$ eA"ept with that "aste of peop e "a ed #e ugas$ amongst whom the wi%es are buried a i%e with their husbands when they die, #hese go with mu"h p easure to the pit$ inside of whi"h are made two seats of earth$ one for him and one for her$ and they p a"e ea"h one on his own seat and "o%er them in itt e by itt e ti they are "o%ered up; and so the wife dies with the husband,

CHAPTER 23 +f the "eremonies pra"tised at the death of 'rahmans, Khen a 'rahman is si"C$ before he dies$ they send to "a the earned 'rahmans who are his priests$ so that they shou d "ome to pray$ and "onso e the si"C man; and they ta C to him of the affairs of his sou $ and what he must do to sa%e it$ bidding him spend money in a ms, After this "eremony is o%er they maCe the 'rahman priests sha%e the si"C manDs head$ and after the sha%ing they bid them wash it$ and after the washing it is their "ustom to bring into their houses a "ow with a "a f$ < there are %ery few 'rahmans$ howe%er poor they be$ who do not ha%e one to i%e in their house$ < whi"h "ow$ when they ha%e finished washing the manDs head$ they taCe a turban and tie it to its ne"C and put the end of the turban into the hand of the si"C man$ and he gi%es it and the "a f in a ms for his sou to those priests who perform these "eremonies, +n that day he gi%es a ms a""ording to his position$ and gi%es to eat to some 'rahmans who are in%ited and who "ome there for the purpose, #hey be ie%e that when these "eremonies are made for the si"C man$ if he is to i%e he is soon "ured of his infirmity$ and if not that he soon dies, After the death of the si"C man they ha%e the ground washed upon whi"h he ay$ and after the washing they taCe "ow&dung and spread it o%er the ground$ and p a"e the body on the top of this dung, #hey ho d that a si"C man who dies on a "ot$ or on anything so&e%er eA"ept on y on the ground$ "ommits a morta sin, As soon as the body is aid on the ground they maCe for it a bier "o%ered with boughs of the fig&tree$ and before they p a"e the body on the bier they wash it we with pure water$ and anoint it with sanda &wood 1oi 3; and they p a"e by the body bran"hes of sweet basi and "o%er it with a new " oth$ and so p a"e it in the bier, #hen one of his re ati%es taCes the bier on one side$ and they "a three other 'rahmans whosoe%er they may be to aid them to ift it; and so they "arry it to the p a"e where they are to burn it$ a""ompanied by many 'rahmans who go singing in front of the "orpse, In front of a goes his son$ if he has one$ or neAt younger brother or nearest re ati%e$ with fire in the hand for the burning, As soon as they arri%e at the p a"e where they ha%e to burn the body$ they s"atter money a""ording to their abi ity$ and then put the fire to it; and they wait there ti the who e body is "onsumed$ and then a go and wash their bodies in a tanC and afterwards return ea"h one to his house, #he son or brother or re ation who put the fire is ob iged to s eep on the ground where the man died for nine nights$ and after the apse of nine days from the death "ome the priests and earned men and they "ommand to sha%e the head of this man, 0uring these nine days$ they feed the poor and they gi%e them the dead manDs " othes$ and they gi%e the "ot with its bed in a ms to the priests$ with some money in addition; if he is a ri"h man they gi%e gardens and other things in a ms to many 'rahmans, Khen ten days are finished$ and the son has been sha%ed$ he goes to the p a"e where they burned his father or his brother$ and they perform many "eremonies o%er the ashes and bones that remain unburned; then they put them in a sma %esse and maCe a pit in the ground and bury them in it$ and Ceep them thus guarded and buried in order 1afterwards3 to send the bones to be thrown into a sa"red ri%er$ whi"h is distant from :oa o%er one thousand eagues,?-.6@ #here is a %ery arge temp e there$ the obje"t of many pi grimages$ and they ho d that e%ery pi grim who dies there is sa%ed$ and goes to !aradise$ and a so e%ery dead man whose bones are thrown into that ri%er, In spite of this they in rea ity taCe %ery few peop e there, #he heir or the father or son of the dead man is ob iged$ from the day of the death$ for e e%en days to gi%e food to twenty&se%en 'rahmans$ and unti twenty&one days to three others; unti twe %e days again he feeds se%en 'rahmans$ and unti twenty&se%en days gi%es to eat to the three; on the ast day of the month he gi%es food to three others$ and then"eforward$ unti one year is finished$ he gi%es mea s on"e a month to three 'rahmans, #hey do this in honour of the #rinity for the sou of the de"eased, Khen this year is o%er he gi%es no more a ms$ eA"ept that ea"h year$ on the day on whi"h the death happened$ he feeds siA 'rahmans$ < name y$ three in honour of the #rinity$ and three for the persons of his father$ grandfather$ and great&grandfather; who thus seeming y eat together, #hus he obtains fa%our with :od$ and for these eApenses they beg a ms of the 'rahmans if they are poor, #hese gi%e him a he p for it, 'efore they dine they wash the feet of a siA$ and during the mea some "eremonies are performed by 'rahman priests who "ome there for that purpose,

CHAPTER A
0iamonds Howe%er mu"h it may at first sight appear that our "hroni" ers ha%e eAaggerated in their des"ription of the wea th of the Hindu so%ereign and his nob es$ and of the wonderfu disp ay of jewe s made on days of high festi%a by the adies of their househo ds$ an a""ount of whi"h is gi%en us by !aes$ I for one see itt e reason for doubt, )uni/ distin"t y states 1p, =ML3 that the diamond mines$ in their day the ri"hest in the wor d$ were farmed out on "ondition that a stones abo%e twenty mange ins in weight < about twenty&fi%e "arats < were sent to the Raya for his persona use$ and there must ha%e been many of these, 'arradas 1p, 55- abo%e3 states that$ a""ording to rumour$ e%en after the downfa of the empire the Cing at Chandragiri in 4-4E A,0, had no ess than three arge "hests fu of diamonds in his possession; and e%ery tra%e er and "hroni" er has something to say on the subje"t, #he prin"ipa mines were on the north banC of the Grishna ri%er$ and in the Gurnoo and Anantapur "ountries$ notab y at Vajra Garur, :eneri"a y these are Cnown as *the mines of :o Conda$* and the phrase has passed into a pro%erb, ;ins"hoten 1ii, 4=-3 writes: *#hey 1diamonds3 grow in the "ountrie of 0e"am behinde 'a agate$ by the towne of 'isnagar$ wherein are two or three hi es$ from when"e they are digged$ whereof the Ging of 'isnagar doth reape great profitte; for he "auseth them to be straight y wat"hed$ and hath farmed them out with this "ondition$ that a diamonds that are abo%e twenty&fi%e 2ange yns in weight are for the Ging himse fe 1e%ery 2ange yn is foure graines in weight3, *#here is yet another hi in the Countrie of 0e"am$ whi"h is "a ed Ve ha$ that is the o d Ro"Ce$ from when"e "ome the best diamonds and are so d for the greatest pri"eB, Sometimes they find 0iamonds of one hundred and two hundred 2ange yns and more$ but %ery few,* As regards the diamond *as arge as a henDs egg$* said to ha%e been found at the sa"C of Vijayanagar and presented to the Adi Shah 1abo%e$ p, 56M3$ Couto 10e"ade VIII, ", A%,3 says that it was a jewe whi"h the Raya had affiAed to the base of the p ume on his horseDs head&dress, :ar"ia da +rta$ who was in India in 4.=E$ says that at Vijayanagar a diamond had been seen as arge as a sma henDs egg$ and he e%en de" ares the weights of three others to ha%e been respe"ti%e y 456$ 4EM$ and 5.6 2A):E;IS$ e(ui%a ent to 4.6$ 4>.$ and =45 4R5 "arats 1#a%ernier$ V, 'a $ ii, E==3, 0r, 'a has gone "arefu y into the (uestion of the diamonds Cnown as *'abarDs$* *the 2ogu Ds$* *!ittDs$* *the G+H&I&)8R$* and others$ and to his AppendiA I, I beg to refer those interested in the subje"t, It is " ear that this henDs egg diamond "ou d not be the fame as Su tan 'abarDs$ be"ause the former was taCen at Vijayanagar in A,0, 4.-.$ whereas Su tan 'abarDs was re"ei%ed by his son Humayun at Agra in 4.5-$ and "ou d not ha%e been$ forty years ater$ in the possession of the Hindu Cing of the south,?-.4@ 0r, 'a has shown that probab y the G+H&I&)8R is identi"a with the *2ogu Ds diamond,* Kas$ then$ this *henDs egg* diamond the sameN !robab y not, If we had been to d that the *henDs egg$* when found in the sa"C of Vijayanagar$ had been "ut$ the proof C+)#RA wou d be "on" usi%e$ sin"e the G+H&I&)8R was "ertain y un"ut in A,0, 4-.- or 4-.>, 'ut there is no information a%ai ab e on this point, #he *henDs egg* was apparent y taCen by the Adi Shah to 'ijapur in 4.-.$ and it is not iCe y to ha%e found its way$ sti in an un"ut state$ into the possession of 2ir Hum a in 4-.-, #he G+H&I&)8R was found at Go ur on the ri%er Grishna$ probab y in A,0, 4-.-, 2ir Hum a farmed the mines at that time$ and presented it un"ut to the emperor$ Shah Hahan, It is said to ha%e weighed >.- Eng ish "arats 1'a $ ii, EEE3, It was entrusted to a Venetian named Hortensio 'orgio$ and was so damaged and wasted in his hands that$ when seen by #a%ernier in Aurang/ibDs treasury

in 4--.$ it weighed not more than 5-M 4R5 Eng ish "arats, In 4>=L )adir Shah sa"Ced 0e hi and "arried the stone away with him to !ersia$ "onferring on it its present immorta name the *2ountain of ;ight,* +n his murder in 4>E> it passed into the hands of his grandson$ Shah RuCh, Four years ater Shah RuCh ga%e it to Ahmad Shah 0urani of Gabu $ and by him it was be(ueathed to his son #aimur, In 4>L= it passed by des"ent to his son Shah Iaman$ who was b inded and deposed by his brother 2uhammad; but he retained possession of the stone in his prison$ and in 4>L. it be"ame the property of his brother Su tan Shuja, In 4M6L$ after Shuja be"ame Cing of Gabu $ E phinstone saw the diamond in his bra"e et at !eshawur, In 4M45$ Shuja$ being dethroned by 2uhammad$ f ed to ;ahore$ where he was detained as a (uasi&prisoner by Ranjit Singh$ the ru er of the !anjab, In 4M4= an agreement was arri%ed at$ and Shuja surrendered the diamond to Ranjit Singh, Ranjit often wore the stone$ and it was "onstant y seen by European %isitors to ;ahore, 0ying in 4M=L$ the G+H&I& )8R was p a"ed in the jewe &"hamber ti the infant 0hu ip Singh was a"Cnow edged as RanjitDs su""essor, In 4MEL it was handed o%er to Sir Hohn ;awren"e on the anneAation of the !anjab$ and by him was sent to Eng and to Her 2ajesty the 7ueen, In 4M.4 it was eAhibited at the first great EAhibition$ and in 4M.5 it was re&"ut by an Amsterdam "utter$ Voorsanger$ in the emp oy of 2essrs, :arrards, #he weight is now 46- 4R4- "arats, It wou d be interesting to tra"e the story of the *henDs egg* diamond after its a"(uisition by the 'ijapur su tan$ A i Adi , H, de 2ontfart$ who tra%e ed in India in 4-6M$ saw a %ery arge diamond in the possession of the 2ogu emperor Hahangir at 0e hi$?-.5@ but this had been pier"ed, *I ha%e seene one with the great 2+:+R as bigge as a HenDs egge$ and of that %ery forme$ whi"h he "aused eApress y to bee pier"ed iCe a pear e to weare it on his armeB, It weighteth 4LM 2ange ins,*

CHAPTER B
#he Kea th of the 0aChan in the Fourteenth Century A,0, Khen 2a iC Gafur$ in the year 4=46 A,0,$ during the reign of A a&ud&0in Ghi ji of 0e hi$ "arried out his su""essfu raids into the 0aChan and to the 2a abar "oast$ sa"Cing a the Hindu temp es$ ra%aging the territory of 2aisur$ and despoi ing the "ountry$ he is said to ha%e returned to 0e hi with an amount of treasure that seems a most fabu ous, Firishtah writes: *#hey found in the temp es prodigious spoi s$ su"h as ido s of go d adorned with pre"ious stones$ and other ri"h effe"ts "onse"rated to Hindu worship;* and 2a iC presented his so%ereign with *=45 e ephants$ 56$666 horses$ L-$666 2A)S of go d$ se%era boAes of jewe s and pear s$ and other pre"ious effe"ts,* Khen we "ome to estimate the amount of go d we are met with a diffi"u ty$ as there are many %arieties of 2A)S in India$ the %ariation being as mu"h as from 4L bs, in #ra%an"ore to 4-= 4RE bs, in Ahmadnagar, #he 2adras 2A) weighs 5. bs,$ the 'ombay 2A) 5M bs, HawCins$ writing in 4-46$ gi%es .. bs, to the 2A)$?-.=@ 2idd eton$ in 4-44$ == bs,?-.E@ )ow Firishtah had more to do with Ahmadnagar than any other part of India$ and if his estimate was based on the 2A) of that tra"t, 2a iC GafurDs L-$666 2A)S of go d wou d ha%e amounted to the enormous sum of 4.$->5$666 bs, weight, It is hard y iCe y that Firishtah wou d ha%e had in his mind the #ra%an"ore 2A), E%en if he was thinCing of the 2adras 2A)$ whi"h is not iCe y$ his estimate of the weight of the go d "arried off amounted to 5$E66$666 bs, Khether we a""ept these amounts or not$ there "an be no manner of doubt that the ri"hness of the temp es was %ery great$ and the reason is easy to see, #he "ountry had a ways been subje"t to Hindu Cings$ and treasures had year by year a""umu ated, #he 'rahmans eAa"ted gifts and payments from the peop e on a o""asions, Gings and "hiefs$ mer"hants and andowners$ %ied with one another in presenting ri"h offerings to their fa%ourite p a"es of worship; and when it is remembered that this pra"ti"e had been going on from time immemoria $ it need be no matter for wonder that the man who first %io ent y despoi ed the sa"red bui dings departed from the "ountry aden with an a most in"redib e amount of booty, Co one 0ow$ in his trans ation of the worCs of Firishtah 1i, =6>3$

"omputes the %a ue of the go d "arried off by 2a iC Gafur at a hundred mi ions ster ing of our money, CHAPTER C !ortuguese Vi"eroys and :o%ernors of :oa
(A.D. 1505 TO 1568.)

A,0, 0om Fran"is"o de A meida 1VICER+93 4.6. < 4.6L Afonso de A bu(uer(ue 1:+VER)+R3 4.6L < 4.4. ;opo Soares de A bergaria 1:+VER)+R3 4.4. < 4.4M 0iogo ;opes de Se(ueira 1:+VER)+R3 4.4M < 4.54 0om 0uarte de 2ene/es 1:+VER)+R3 4.54 < 4.5E 0om Vas"o da :ama$ Conde de Vidigueria 1VICER+93 4.5E 0om Henri(ue de 2ene/es 1:+VER)+R3 4.5. < 4.5;opo Va/ de Sampaio 1:+VER)+R3 4.5< 4.5L )uno da Cunha 1:+VER)+R3 4.5L < 4.=M 0om :ar"ia de )oronha 1VICER+93 4.=M < 4.E6 0om Este%ao da :ama 1:+VER)+R3 4.E6 < 4.E5 2artim Affonso de Sousa 1:+VER)+R3 4.E5 < 4.E. 0om Hoao de Castro 1:+VER)+R A)0 CA!#AI)&I)&CHIEF3 4.E. < 4.E> $$ $$ 1VICER+93 4.E> < 4.EM :ar"ia de Sa 1:+VER)+R3 4.EM < 4.EL Horge Cabra 1:+VER)+R3 4.EL < 4..6 0om Affonso de )oronha 1VICER+93 4..6 < 4..E 0om !edro 2as"arenhas 1VICER+93 4..E < 4... Fran"is"o 'arreto 1:+VER)+R3 4... < 4..M 0om Constantino de 'ragan/a 1VICER+93 4..M < 4.-4 0om Fran"is"o Coutinho$ Conde de Redondo 1VICER+93 4.-4 < 4.-E Hoao de 2edon"a 1:+VER)+R3 4.-E 0om Antonio de )oronha 1VICER+93 4.-E < 4.-M ?#he abo%e ;ist is eAtra"ted from 2r, 0an%ersDs worC$ *#he !ortuguese in India* 1%o , ii, p, EM>3, #he author "ontinues the ;ist to the present day,@

NOTES
?4@ < #rans ation of the *Chroni"a dos reis de 'isnaga*$ written by 0omingos !aes and Fernao )unes about 4.56 and 4.=.$ respe"ti%e y$ with histori"a introdu"tion, In" udes bib iographi"a referen"es, ?5@ < #he etters from China were "opied by a different hand, ?=@ < 'arros was apparent y ne%er himse f in India$ but he d an offi"ia position in the India +ffi"e in ;isbon, His worC was "omp eted in four 0e"adas, Couto repeats the fourth 0ECA0A of 'arros$ and "ontinues the history in eight more 0ECA0AS, #he first three 0ECA0AS of 'arros were pub ished in A,0, 4..5$ 4..=$ and 4.-=$ bringing the history down to 4.5>$ under the tit e of 0+S FEI#+S 78E +S !+R#8:8ESES FIIERA2 )+ 0ESC8'RI2E)#+ E C+)78IS#A 0+S 2ARES E #ERRAS 0+ +RIE)#E, His fourth 0ECA0A$ pub ished by Couto$ dea t with the period A,0, 4.5> to 4.=L$ and "ontained an a""ount of the e%ents that o""urred during the go%ernorships of ;opo Va/ de Sampaio and )uno da Cunha, CoutoDs own eight 0ECA0AS "o%ered the subse(uent period down to 4-66, #he "ombined worC is genera y "a ed the 0A ASIA, Couto "omp eted his pub i"ation in 4-4E, #he fourth 0ECA0A was pub ished in 4-65$ the fifth in 4-45$ the siAth in 4-4E$ the se%enth in 4-4-$ the year of his death, Couto spent a most a his ife in India$ for whi"h "ountry he embarCed in 4..-, ?E@ < CHR+)ICA 0+S REIS 0E 'IS)A:A$ by 0a%id ;opes$ S,S,:,;, ;isbon$ 4ML>: at the )ationa !ress, #he eAtra"t gi%en is taCen from his Introdu"tion$ p, AAA%i, ?.@ < Firishtah was a !ersian of good fami y$ and was born about 4.>6 A,0, Ear y in his ife he was taCen by his father to India$ and resided a his ife at the Court of the )i/am Shahs of Ahmadnagar$ rejoi"ing in roya patronage, He appears to ha%e begun to "ompi e his histori"a worCs at an ear y age$ sin"e his a""ount of the 'ijapur Cings was finished in 4.L-, He appears to ha%e died not ong after the year 4-44$ whi"h is the atest date referred to in any of his writings, ?-@ < A""ording to tradition the wea th "arried off was something fabu ous, See AppendiA ', ?>@ < It is high y probab e that amongst the hi s and "rags about the upper fortress of Anegundi there may be found remains of a date ong prior to the fourteenth "entury; and it is mu"h to be regretted that up to now no s"ientifi" eAamination of that tra"t$ whi"h ies in the present territories of Haidarabad$ has been "arried out, Kant of eisure a ways pre%ented my undertaCing any eAp oration north of the ri%er; but from the heights of Vijayanagar on the south side I often ooCed wistfu y at the ong ines of fortifi"ation %isib e on the hi s opposite, It is to be hoped that ere ong the :o%ernment of 2adras may p a"e us in possession of a "omp ete map of Vijayanagar and its en%irons$ showing the who e area en" osed by the outermost ine of fortifi"ations$ and in" uding the outworCs and suburbs, Hospett and Anegundi were both part of the great "ity in its pa my days$ and Gamp i appears to ha%e been a sort of outpost, ?M@ < )uni/ erroneous y gi%es the date as 45=6, #he error wi be "ommented on hereafter, ?L@ < S"ott$ i, E.$ E-, ?46@ < 0e hi, ?44@ < #he !ortuguese historians often mistooC *Cambay* for the name of the "ountry$ and *:ujarat* for one of its dependen"ies, ?45@ < SIC, #he meaning is doubtfu , ?4=@ < #here is e%ident y a "onfusion here between ta es of the doings of 2uhammad #agh a( and mu"h o der egends of RamaDs 'ridge and his army of monCeys, ?4E@ < 2a iC )aib, 1See the "hroni" e be ow$ pp, 5L-$ 5L>,3 ?4.@ < *9our honour* was probab y the historian 'arros 1see prefa"e3,

?4-@ < SheiC Ismai Ds power in !ersia dates from ear y in the siAteenth "entury, 0uarte 'arbosa$ who was in India in 4.4E and wrote in 4.4-$ mentions him as "ontemporary, He had subjugated Eastern !ersia by that time and founded the Shiah re igion, 'arbosa writes: *He is a 2oor and a young man$* and states that he was not of roya ineage 1HaC uyt edit, p, =M3, )uni/ was thus gui ty of an ana"hronism$ but he des"ribes !ersia as he Cnew it, ?4>@ < *Chroni" e of the !athan Gings of 0e hi$* by Edward #homas$ p, 566, ?4M@ < Firishtah 1'riggs$ i, E4=3, ?4L@ < E phinstone$ *History of India$* ii, -5, ?56@ < ;eeDs trans ation$ p, 4EE, ?54@ < Sir H, E iotDs *History of India$* iii, 54., ?55@ < If we add together the number of years of the reigns of Cings of Vijayanagar gi%en by )uni/ prior to that of Grishna 0e%a Raya 1*Crisnarao*3$ we find that the tota is 4M6 1Senhor ;opes$ Introdu"tion$ p, AA,3, #he date of the beginning of the reign of Grishna 0e%a Raya is Cnown to be 4.6L < 46 A,0,; when"e we obtain 4=>L < M6 A,0, as the foundation of the empire in the person of *0ehorao* a""ording to the "hroni" e, #his is not (uite a""urate$ but it he ps to pro%e that *45=6* is a "entury too ear y, ?5=@ < 'atuta was a nati%e of #angiers$ his name being SheiC AbuD Abdu ah 2uhammad, He arri%ed at the Indus on the 4 2uharram A,H, >=E 1September 45$ 4=== A,0,3$ and he seems to ha%e resided in India ti 4=E5, ?5E@ < #he narrati%e is gi%en in the Fren"h trans ation of Ibn 'atutaDs tra%e s$ by 0efremery and Sanguinetti 1%o , iii, pp, =4M < =563, See a so Sir Henry E iotDs *History of India* 1%o , iii, pp, -4. < -4-3, ?5.@ < FirishtahDs a""ount is somewhat different$ and he gi%es the date A,H, >=L$ or Hu y 56$ 4==M$ to Hu y L$ 4==L, 'ut I "onsider the narrati%e of Ibn 'atuta to be far the most re iab e$ sin"e he wrote from persona eAperien"e$ whi e Firishtah "ompi ed his story two and a ha f "enturies ater, ?5-@ < #his was :hiyas&ud&din 'ahadur 'ura of 'enga $ mentioned abo%e, ?5>@ < #his ta e is to d of the rise of a most e%ery Cingdom$ prin"ipa ity$ or arge /amindari in Southern India$ the usua %ariant being the dis"o%ery of a hidden treasure, ?5M@ < I thinC that there "an be itt e doubt that this deri%ation$ though often gi%en$ is erroneous$ and that the name was *City of Vi"tory$* not *City of ;earning$* < VIHA9A$ not VI09A, V90IAH8)A e%ident y represents VI09ARH8)A, ?5L@ < 'u"hanan 1*2ysore$* J",$ iii, 4463$ whi e on a %isit to 'eidur in 2ysore in 4M64$ was shown by one Ramappa VarmiCa a SansCrit booC in his possession "a ed the VI09ARA9A)A SIGGA$ whi"h re ates that the founders of Vijayanagar were HuCCa and 'uCCa$ guards of the treasury of !ratapa Rudra of Karanga , #hese young men "ame to the :uru$ or spiritua tea"her$ Vidyaranya$ who was head of the monastery of Sringeri$ and the atter founded for them the "ity of Vijayanagar, #his was in 4==-$ and HuCCa was made first Cing, 'ut this story entire y ea%es out of a""ount the most important point, How "ou d two brothers$ f ying from a "aptured "apita and a "on(uered Cingdom$ sudden y estab ish in a new "ountry a great "ity and a so%ereigntyN ?=6@ < 0ECA0A VI, , %, ", E, ?=4@ < *India in the Fifteenth Century$* HaC uyt edit,$ p, 5L, ?=5@ < H+8R)A; '+2'A9 'R, R,A,S,$ Aii, ==M$ =E6, ?==@ < #here is an undated ins"ription$ pub ished in 0r, Hu t/s"hDs *South Indian Ins"riptions* 1%o , i, p, 4->3$ on a ro"C not far from the summit of the ofty hi on whi"h stands the %irgin fortress of :utti or :ooty in the Anantapur 0istri"t$ a""ording to whi"h that strongho d be onged to Ging

'uCCa, #he p a"e is se%enty&eight mi es east of Vijayanagar, ?=E@ < E!I:, I)0,$ iii, =-, ?=.@ < An ins"ription of 4=-M < -L 1SaCa 45L6$ year Gi aCa3 mentions 2adha%a"harya Vidyaranya$ apparent y as sti i%ing, I)0, A)#,$ i%, 56-, ?=-@ < See my *Anti(uities of 2adras$* ii, M$ )o, .M; Hu t/s"hDs E!I:, I)0ICA$ iii, 54, ?=>@ < 'riggs$ i, E5>, ?=M@ < #his is in itse f absurd$ and "arries with it its own refutation, It wou d be manifest y impossib e for the "ity to be *bui t* in so short a time$ and$ moreo%er$ it wou d ha%e been sheer waste of time for the !rin"e to ha%e emp oyed himse f in su"h a way, #he senten"e was probab y introdu"ed mere y to a""ount for that "ity ha%ing been bui t A'+8# this period, ?=L@ < Firishtah says on 4st Rabi&u &awwa A,H, >.L; A,H, >-4 1A,0, 4=.L < -63 a""ording to the '8RHA)&I&2AASIR, 'ut the author of the atter worC says that A a&ud&din reigned thirteen years ten months and twenty&se%en days$ whi"h wou d maCe the date of his death the 55nd of Rabi&u & awwa A,H, >-5$ or Hanuary =4$ A,0, 4=-4, He does not$ therefore$ appear to be %ery a""urate, Firishtah gi%es in words the ength of his reign as *e e%en years two months and se%en days,* ?E6@ < Certain ins"riptions pub ished by 2r, Ri"e state that the genera who "ommanded 'uCCaDs armies about this time was )adegonta 2a inatha$ son of )adegonta Sayyana, #hese bear date A,0, 4=.. < 4=.- and 4=.- < .>, ?E4@ < Ca ed *)agdeo* in S"ottDs trans ation 1i, 4L3, ?E5@ < 'riggs$ ii, =6>, ?E=@ < #here is a "onfusion of dates here in Firishtah; but he definite y fiAes the month and year when 2uhammad set out$ and we may a""ept it for the present, #he '8RHA)&I&2AASIR imp ies that the war against Vijayanagar tooC p a"e prior to the "ampaign against Karanga , Firishtah p a"es it "ertain y after the *Ve unputtun* affair, ?EE@ < Firishtah 1S"ott$ i, 5=3, ?E.@ < Adoni as now "a ed; Adh%ani as proper y spe t, #his is a fine hi &fortress with eAtensi%e ines of wa s$ a few mi es south of the Ri%er #ungabhadra and on the ine of rai way between 2adras and 'ombay, ?E-@ < Ke must ne%er forget that the narrati%e of Firishtah is ne"essari y tinged with bias in fa%our of the 2usa mans$ and that it was not "ompi ed ti the end of the siAteenth or beginning of the se%enteenth "entury A,0, #he *infide s* are$ of "ourse$ the Hindus$ the *faithfu * the fo owers of 2uhammad the !rophet, ?E>@ < #he "ountry in (uestion is a p ain "omposed of a deep a u%ia deposit$ genera y o%er ying gra%e $ and Cnown as *b a"C "otton soi ,* After hea%y rain it is pra"ti"a y impassab e for traffi" for some days, ?EM@ < #he eApression of Firishtah ast (uoted is deser%ing of note$ as it imp ies that$ a""ording to tradition in his time$ the Raya of Vijayanagar had by the year 4=-- A,0, be"ome a great and important so%ereign, ?EL@ < 'riggs 1ii, =45$ n,3 "onsiders it un iCe y that the armies "ou d ha%e possessed arti ery at so ear y a date, ?.6@ < S"ottDs edit,$ i, 5>, ?.4@ < 'riggs gi%es the name as 'hoj&2u , He 2A9 be the 2a ayya or 2a inatha mentioned abo%e 1p, =4$ note3, ?.5@ < Sa"red anima s to the Hindus,

?.=@ < About forty&two mi es, ?.E@ < #he #iger&Hunter, ?..@ < 4Lth Ii Cada A,H, >>- 1Firishtah3, #he '8RHA)&I 2AASIR says in A,H, >>., ?.-@ < #he '8RHA)&I 2AASIR "a s the Raya *Gapa/ah,* 2ajor Ging says that e%en the %owe marCs are gi%en$ and there "an be no doubt about the name, I %enture to ha/ard a "onje"ture that if the word had been written *!aCa/ah$* transposing the first two "onsonants < a mistaCe o""asiona y made by writers dea ing with$ to them$ out andish names < the sound of the word wou d suggest 'uCCa Shah, #here is no name that I ha%e met with amongst those borne by the Cings of Vijayanagar in the remotest degree resemb ing *Gapa/ah,* ?.>@ < Firishtah re ates a story whi"h is hard y suffi"ient to a""ount for 'uCCaDs faint&heartedness, He says that 2ujahid went one day whi e on the mar"h after a man&eating tiger of great fero"ity$ and shot it with a sing e arrow through the heart, *#he ido aters$ upon hearing of this eAp oit$ were stru"C with dread,* At the present day$ at east$ there are no tigers in the "ountry between Adoni and Vijayanagar$ though panthers are p entifu enough, ?.M@ < Firishtah$ ii, ==5 n, ?.L@ < A Fren"h map of A,0, 4-.5$ pub ished by 2r, 0an%ers 1*!ortuguese in India$* end of %o , i3$ shows at this spot *C, de Rames$* but the modern +rdnan"e 2ap has no p a"e of that name in the %i"inity, ?-6@ < It shou d be noted that Firishtah has pre%ious y des"ribed 2ujahid$ though he was then on y about twenty years o d$ an a remarCab y powerfu man, He states that at the age of fourteen he had broCen the ne"C of an opponent in a wrest ing mat"h, ?-4@ < !robab y 2arappa or 2uddappa, ?-5@ < It wi be seen hereafter that the Cingdom was di%ided into pro%in"es$ he d by nob es an "ondition of maintaining arge armies ready for ser%i"e at any moment, ?-=@ < Some authorities say that 0aud was 2ujahidDs "ousin, ?-E@ < *0hunna Sodra* is$ I thinC$ a aCe or tanC in the p ain on the eastern edge of the Vijayanagar hi s$ " ose under a ofty hi "a ed$ in the #rigonometri"a Sur%ey #a u( map$ *0annsundram$* for 1probab y3 0harma Samudram, +n the summit of this hi is a great #rigonometri"a Sur%ey pi ar, #he hi is .66 feet high$ and ies within the imits of the %i age of Gan%i #immapuram, Commanding$ as it does$ the route by whi"h a for"e issuing from the "apita wou d attempt$ by rounding the hi s$ to "ut off the on y ine of retreat open to the in%aders towards the north east$ the importan"e of the post to the 2uhammadan army "ou d not be o%er estimated, ?-.@ < Senhor ;opes te s me that he re"ent y found in the ar"hi%es of the #orre do #ombo in ;isbon 1C+R!+ CHR+)+;+:IC+$ !art iii, pa"Cet 44$ )o, 46>3 a "opy of a "opper&p ate grant whi"h was eAe"uted by the "hief of :oa in A,0, 4=L4 in the name of *Virahariar$* Cing of Vijayanagar$ the su/erain, #his was *Vira* Harihara II, It was "opied in A,0, 4.=5$ and trans ated into !ortuguese, ?--@ < !robab y 'e gaum, ?->@ < #he #u u&ghat$ or the #u u "ountry on the 2a abar "oast, ?-M@ < Compare the passage in the Chroni" e of )uni/$ p, =65 be ow$ where$ writing of a period a few years ater$ he says$ *#he Cing of Cou ao 17ui on3 and Cey on$ and !a ea"ate 1!u i"at3$ and !egu and #ana"ary 1#enasserim3$ and many other ands$ pay tribute to him* < the Raya, ?-L@ < 4>th Ii &hijja$ A,H, >>L, ?>6@ < 2eadows #ay or$ in his *History of India$* re ates 1p, 4-=3 that on one o""asion 2ujahid$ during his atta"C on Vijayanagar$ penetrated into the se"ond ine of worCs$ where there was a

"e ebrated image of the monCey&god$ Hanuman, #he Su tan dispersed the 'rahmans who tried to prote"t it$ and stru"C the image in the fa"e$ muti ating its features, *A dying 'rahman ying at the foot of the image "ursed the Cing, DFor this a"t$D he said$ Dthou wi t die ere thou rea"hest thy Cingdom,D A prophe"y whi"h was itera y fu fi ed, #he image$ hewn out of a arge bou der of granite$ sti remains$ and shows the marCs of the CingDs muti ation,* I do not Cnow to whi"h image the historian a udes, #here are se%era statues of Hanuman in the se"ond ine of worCs$ two of them ying south of the temp e of 2a aanta Raghunathas%ami, ?>4@ < 54st 2uharram A,H, >M6, ?>5@ < #he name is genera y gi%en as 2ahmud$ and so Firishtah names him but 0r, Codrington 1)82IS2A#IC CHR+)IC;E$ =rd Series$ %o , A%iii p, 5-43 points out that the name on a the "oins of this Su tan is *2uhammad$* and not *2ahmud;* and this is "onfirmed by the '8RHA)&I 2AASIR and two other authorities 12ajor Ging in I)0, A)#,$ Hu y 4MLL$ p, 4M=$ note =L3, I thinC it best$ howe%er$ to adhere to FirishtahDs nomen" ature to pre%ent "onfusion, ?>=@ < 54st Rajab A,H, >LL, #he 5-th a""ording to the '8RHA)&I 2AAIIR, ?>E@ < See Ri"eDs *2ysore Ins"riptions$* p, .. 1A,0, 4=>L3; H+8R)A; '+2'A9 'RA)CH R+9A; ASIA#IC S+CIE#9$ Aii, =E6 1A,0, 4=LL3, ?>.@ < See abo%e$ p, 5M, !rofessor Aufre"ht be ie%es that Sayana died A,0, 4=M>, ?>-@ < *2ysore Ins"riptions$* p, 55-, ?>>@ < H+8R)A; '+2'A9 'RA)CH R+9A; ASIA#IC S+CIE#9$ iA, 55>, ?>M@ < In this the Cing is "a ed *2AHA2A)0A;ESVARA$ son of Vira 'uCCa 8daiyar$ ;ord of the four seas,* ?>L@ < E!I:, I)0,$ iii, pp, 44. < 44-, ?M6@ < +!, CI#,$ p, 44L, ?M4@ < 4>th Rama/an A,H, >LL 1Firishtah3, ?M5@ < 5=rd Safar A,H, M66 1Firishtah3, ?M=@ < E!I:RA!HIA I)0ICA$ iii, =-$ ), =, ?ME@ < Firishtah 1S"ott$ p, >-3, ?M.@ < Rather$ I thinC$ basCet&boats, #hese are des"ribed in the teAt of !aes 1be ow$ p, 5.L3 as being in use on these ri%ers in the siAteenth "entury$ just as they are to&day, #hey are "ir"u ar in shape$ and are made of wi"CerworC of sp it bamboo "o%ered a o%er outside with eather, Co one 'riggs$ writing of these boats 1Firishtah$ ii, =>43$ in a footnote says$ *A deta"hment of the 'ritish army "rossed its hea%y guns without e%en dismounting them o%er the #oongbudra in 4M45 in these basCet&boats,* ?M-@ < #hese women a ways a""ompanied the RayaDs armies, )uni/ says that arge numbers of them were at the Hindu "amp at Rai"hur in 4.56, ?M>@ < A stringed instrument, ?MM@ < 9ouths trained to sing and dan"e in pub i", ?ML@ < Assessed at *near ?pound ster ing@E66$666* 1S"ott$ Firishtah$ p, >L$ note3, ?L6@ < *2ysore Ins"riptions$* Ri"e$ p, 5>L$ )o, 4.6, !rofessor Gie horn in I)0, A)#,$ AAi%, p, 56E$ )o, =6E$ and note, ?L4@ < *South Indian Ins"riptions$* i, M5 10r, Hu t/s"h3, ?L5@ < Ke must remember that the narrator is a oya 2uhammadan, 2udCa was in the tra"t a ways in dispute between the two Cingdoms,

?L=@ < About forty mi es north, ?LE@ < 'riggs gi%es her name as *)eha ,* ?L.@ < 'riggs says$ *In the beginning of the year M6L,* #his wou d be the month of Hune$ and the months fo owing wou d ha%e been unfa%ourab e for the mar"h of armies, I prefer S"ottDs rendering, ?L-@ < Firishtah genera y "a s this p a"e *'eeCapore* 1S"ott$ i, E>$ -L$ M.$ M- J",3$ but on p, =64 he spe s the name *'inCapore,* 'anCapur was one of the prin"ipa fortresses in the Carnati", It is the *'engapor* or *Vengapor* of our "hroni" es, 1See be ow$ p, 455,3 ?L>@ < #his again points to the 2uhammadan "amp ha%ing been in the neighbourhood of Hospett$ south of Vijayanagar, ?LM@ < *! ates of go d fi ed with in"ense and si %er f owers,* < 'riggs 1ii, =M-3, ?LL@ < #his s(uare is the open spa"e mentioned by both )uni/ and !aes, +n the eft of it$ as the "ortege ad%an"ed$ was the pa a"e, ?466@ < S"ott has it *2anCu * 1i, L63$ but 'riggs 1ii, =ML3 "orre"ts this into *!angu $* whi"h is undoubted y "orre"t, ?464@ < His grandfather$ 0e%a Raya I,$ was young enough at the beginning of his reign 1A,0, 4E6-3 to p unge into amorous intrigues and ad%entures$ and he reigned on y se%en years at most, His son and su""essor$ Vijaya$ reigned on y siA years, VijayaDs son$ 0e%a Raya II,$ therefore$ was probab y a mere boy when he "ame to the throne in A,0, 4E4L, ?465@ < !I)A S CHI))A 1#e ugu3 or CHIGGA 1Ganarese3$ and means * itt e* or *young,* 1See the ta e to d by 'arradas be ow$ p, 555 ff,$ of the e%ents of 4-4E A,0,3 #he name is %ery "ommon in Southern India$ and was genera y app ied to the Crown !rin"e, ?46=@ < >th Shawwa A,H, M5., Firishtah$ 1S"ott3 p, L.$ gi%es the ength of the reign$ and his figures yie d this resu t, ?46E@ < #he spot&was therefore probab y " ose to one of the o d irrigation "hanne s$ supp ied by dams "onstru"ted a"ross this ri%er under the Rayas, ?46.@ < It is diffi"u t to re"on"i e this story with the fa"t of the RayaDs tender age at this date$ for I thinC it is "ertain that he was then (uite a boy, Is it possib e that the 2uhammadan "hroni" ers$ from whom Firishtah obtained the narrati%e$ mistooC for the Cing an adu t member of the fami y who "ommanded the armyN Su"h mistaCes were "ertain y made in ater years, #he "hroni" ers seem to ha%e taCen itt e pains to as"ertain the a"tua names of the Hindu Cings, It must$ howe%er$ be noted that a itt e ater on Firishtah speaCs of 0e%a RayaDs son, ?46-@ < #here is no " ue as to where this e%ent tooC p a"e$ eA"ept that it was not %ery " ose to Vijayanagar, #he Su tan must ha%e been near some hi s with a p ain be ow$ be"ause he met with open ground diffi"u t for a horse to "ross$ in his eagerness to rea"h a mud en" osure in a p ain, #he des"ription is app i"ab e to number ess p a"es in the %i"inity$ and it is use ess to spe"u ate, As he was on horseba"C$ it is possib e that he was riding down ante ope, ?46>@ < 'efore AhmadDs a""ession$ his brother$ the ate Su tan Firu/$ had designed$ in order to se"ure the throne for his own son Hasan$ that Ahmad$ shou d be b inded, Ahmad was warned of this and eft Gu barga in time to se"ure his safety, ?46M@ < #his is the 2uhammadan %ersion, )othing is said regarding this tribute by Firishtah in des"ribing the terms of the pea"e of 4=LL A,0, It is possib e$ howe%er$ that tribute was rea y paid, It had apparent y been eAa"ted by 2uhammad Shaw 'ahmani$ and agreed to by 'uCCa Raya I, who "onfirmed the arrangement on the a""ession of 0aud ShahDs brother 2uhammad 1See abo%e$ p, E>,3 ?46L@ < #his ooCs as if he was rea y paraded with ignominy as a %an(uished inferior$ and so disp ayed to the 2uhammadan troops, If he had desired to do him honour$ the Su tan himse f wou d

ha%e met the prin"e and persona y es"orted him$ as representing his father, 2oreo%er$ the prin"e was on y permitted to sit at the foot of the throne$ and was taCen$ a most as a prisoner$ for many days with the army ti it rea"hed the Grishna ri%er, ?446@ < Mth Rajab A,H, M=M 1Firishtah3, #he '8RHA)&I 2AASIR says 55nd Rajab, ?444@ < Firishtah 1S"ott3$ i, 44M, ?445@ < Estates, ?44=@ < 'e ow$ p, =6=, ?44E@ < 0A)AIG$ a word whi"h the tra%e er apparent y tooC for a proper name$ is simp y *the "ommander* < 0HA))A9AGA, ?44.@ < As to 0e%a RayaDs age see abo%e$ p, -=, He had now been on the throne for twenty&four years, ?44-@ < #hese words appear to "onfirm Abdur Ra//aCDs statement, ?44>@ < SaCa 4=EM "urrent$ year Vis%a%asu 1*Asiati" Resear"hes$* AA, p, 55; Hu t/s"hDs *South Indian Ins"riptions$* i, M53, ?44M@ < +!, CI#,$ p, 4-6 SaCa 4=EL "urrent$ "y" i" year !arabha%a$ on the fu moon day of the month GarttiCa, ?44L@ < Hu t/s"hDs *South Indian Ins"riptions$* i, p, >L, Fifth GarCataCa SuC a$ SaCa 4=.= "urrent$ year Sadharana, #he donorDs name is gi%en as Vira !ratapa 0e%a Raya 2aharaya and he is sty ed 2AHA2A)0A;ESVARA$ *;ord of the four o"eans,* ?456@ < +!, CI#, p, 46L, #hey both gi%e the Cing fu roya tit es, ?454@ < I)0, A)#,$ AA%, =E-, ?455@ < I,E, the se"ond or darC ha f 1GRISH)A !AGSHA3 of the month, ?45=@ < Hu t/s"hDs *South Indian Ins"riptions$* ii, ==L, #he date is SaCa 4M-= eApired$ year Gshaya$ Kednesday the fifth day of the bright ha f of the month$ on the day of the )aCshatra !ur%a !ha guni, ?45E@ < Hu t/s"hDs *South Indian Ins"riptions$* i, 446, SaCa 4=>4 eApired$ year SuC a$ Saturday 4=th SuC a of the month of Simha$ on the day of the )aCshatra 8ttarashadha, ?45.@ < #he termination IA is appended to many Indian names by 'ra""io ini; thus *!a"amuria* for 'a"anor$ the !ortuguese way of spe ing 'arCur$ *Cenderghiria* for Chandragiri$ *+des"hiria* for 8dayagiri$ and so on, ?45-@ < H+8R)A; +F #HE ASIA#IC S+CIE#9 +F 'E):A;$ %o , Ai%, !art ii, p, .4M, ?45>@ < #eAt of !aes$ be ow$ p, 5M4, I ha%e dis"ussed in fu the dates gi%en by the "hroni" er in "onsidering the (uestion as to the year of the batt e of Rai"hur 1see pp, 4E6 < 4E>3, ?45M@ < #he stone ba s$ genera y made of (uart/ose granite$ whi"h are so often found in the "ountry about Vijayanagar on the sites of o d forts$ were probab y intended to be proje"ted from these weapons, #hey are often "a ed *"annon&ba s$* but "ou d hard y ha%e been fired from guns$ as they wou d ha%e broCen up under the dis"harge and ha%e serious y injured the pie"e, ?45L@ < About the same time$ %i/,$ 4E=-$ 'arbaro 1HaC uyt So"iety$ *#ra%e s of 'arbaro$* p, .M3$ speaCing of his sojourn in #artary$ wrote: *At whi"h time$ ta Cing of Cataio$ he to de me howe the "hief of that prin"es "orte Cnewe we enough what the Fran"hi were B Ke Cataini ha%e twoo eyes$ and yow Fran"hi one$ whereas yow 1torneing him towards the #artares that were wth him3 ha%e ne%er a one,* #he "oin"iden"e is "urious, ?4=6@ < #he Samuri of Ca i"ut,

?4=4@ < Sir H, E iot 1*History$* i%, 46=$ note3 has *'I0R8R* as Abdur Ra//aCDs spe ing, #he p a"e a uded to was probab y 'ednur, ?4=5@ < #his was in A,H, ME-$ and "orresponds to the end of Apri A,0, 4EE=, ?4==@ < 'e ow$ p, 5.=, ?4=E@ < I,E, about se%en mi es, It is a"tua y about eight mi es if measured from the eAtreme south point of the first ine of defen"e northwards to the ri%er, Ra//aC e%ident y did not in" ude the wa s of Anegundi$ the northern ines of whi"h ie two mi es farther sti to the north, ?4=.@ < #he des"riptions are rather %ague$ but$ if I am right in supposing that there was a ong ba/aar "a ed the !ansupari ba/aar$ a ong the road eading from the pa a"e gate to the Anegundi gate on the ri%er$ it must "ertain y ha%e been "rossed by another road$ and probab y therefore a road ined with shops$ eading from the Gama apura gate of the inner en" osure northwards to the great Hampi temp e, C ose to the gate of the pa a"e proper these roads wou d interse"t at right ang es$ and wou d form four separate ba/aars or streets, #he ga eries and porti"oes are now not in eAisten"e$ but the remains in the street running east from the Hampi temp e wi show what the ga eries were iCe in those days, #his ast street a one is ha f a mi e ong, ?4=-@ < Remains of these are sti to be seen not far from the *;adiesD 'ath,* #here was a ong trough that "on%eyed the water$ and on ea"h side were depressions whi"h may ha%e been ho owed for the re"eption of round %esse s of different si/es$ intended to ho d water for househo d use, ?4=>@ < *#he 0EKA) GHA)AH resemb es a forty&pi ared ha * 1Sir H, E iotDs trans ation$ *History$* i%, 46M3, I am doubtfu as to what bui ding is referred to, #he HaC uyt trans atorDs rendering seems to point to the great en" osure west of the e ephant stab es$ whi"h has been "a ed the *Ienana,* I Cnow of no ha eAa"t y answering to Sir Henry E iotDs des"ription, #he ofty wa s with wat"h&towers at the ang es KHICH surround the en" osure referred to wou d be just su"h as might be supposed to ha%e been ere"ted for the prote"tion of the roya ar"hi%es and offi"es of the Cingdom < the *0ewan Ghana,* If so$ the *ha * in front wou d be the stru"ture to whi"h has been fan"ifu y gi%en the name of *the "on"ert&ha ,* #his ha $ or 0AF#AR&GHA)A$ wou d be the usua worCing offi"e of the 2inister and his "o eagues < the offi"e of dai y worC or "ourthouse$ the ne"essary do"uments and re"ords being brought to and from the "entra offi"es in the en" osure, ?4=M@ < Rough y$ twenty yards by se%en, It is diffi"u t to understand the height mentioned, ?4=L@ < I gi%e this word as in the India +ffi"e "opy, #he HaC uyt edition has 0AIA):$ whi"h seems in"orre"t, ?4E6@ < +ffi"ers with sta%es$ genera y "o%ered with si %er, ?4E4@ < Abdur Ra//aC writes as if he was standing at the gate of the pa a"e ooCing eastwards, #aCen so$ his des"ription seems eAa"t, 2r, A, Rea taCes this %iew genera y in a paper pub ished in the 2A0RAS CHRIS#IA) C+;;E:E 2A:AII)E 10e"ember 4MM-3, ?4E5@ < About two hundred yards by fifteen, ?4E=@ < A this seems to ha%e disappeared$ but the bui dings may ha%e stood on ea"h side of what is now the main road from Gama apura to Hampi < *behind the 2int$* as the author stood, ?4EE@ < #he India +ffi"e "opy adds here: *He was eA"eeding y young,* If so$ the personage whom the ambassador inter%iewed "ou d hard y ha%e been 0e%a Raya II,$ who at this period 14EE=3 had been on the throne for twenty&four years, ?4E.@ < 2AHA)A0I 1HaC uyt3$ 2AHA)AKI 1E iot3, #here "an be itt e doubt as to the meaning, ?4E-@ < #he a"tua moment of the new moon "orresponding to the beginning of the month of GarttiCa in Hindu re"Coning was >,E6 A,2, on the morning of +"tober 5=$ and the first Hindu day 1#I#HI3 of GarttiCa began at . A,2, on +"tober 5E, #he 2uhammadan month begins with the

he ia"a rising of the moon$ and this may ha%e taCen p a"e on the 5Eth or 5.th e%ening, At any rate$ Ra//aC "ou d hard y ha%e "a ed a festi%a that tooC p a"e a who e month ear ier a festi%a whi"h tooC p a"e *during three days in the month Rajab,* Hen"e I thinC that he must ha%e been present at the )ew 9ear festi%ities in GarttiCa$ not at the 2ahana%ami in As%ina$ a month pre%ious, )ote !aesD des"ription of the festi%a s at whi"h he was present, He states that the nine daysD 2AHA)AVA2I tooC p a"e on September 45$ when he was at Vijayanagar$ and the detai s "orrespond to the year A,0, 4.56, September 45$ 4.56$ was the first day of the month As%ina, #he )ew 9earDs festi%a that year tooC p a"e on +"tober 45$ whi"h "orresponded to the first day of GarttiCa$ ea"h of these being the day fo owing the )EK moon$ not the fu moon, ?4E>@ < About se%en yards or twenty&one feet, ?4EM@ < :enea ogi"a tab e in E!I:RA!HIA I)0ICA$ iii, =-, ?4EL@ < 0r, Hu t/s"h 1E!I:, I)0,$ iii, =-$ and note; I)0, A)#,$ AAi, =543, #he ast is on a temp e at ;itt e Conjee%eram and is dated in SaCa 4=M> eApired$ year !arthi%a, ?4.6@ < SaCa 4=L5 eApired$ year ViCriti$ on the same temp e 1I)0, A)#,$ AAi, =54 < =553, ?4.4@ < Firishtah says that he reigned twenty&three years nine months and twenty days$ whi"h gi%es this date, #he '8RHA)&I 2AASIR fiAes his de"ease at the end of HunmadaD Awwa A,H, M-5$ whi"h answers to Apri A,0, 4E.M, 2ajor Ging states that another authority gi%es the date as four years ater 1I)0, A)#,$ Sept, 4MLL$ p, 5E5$ note3, ?4.5@ < 5Mth Ii &Cada A,H, M-., ?4.=@ < 4=th Ii &Cada A,H, M->, ?4.E@ < 0e", I, %iii, ", 46, ?4..@ < 'e ow$ p, =6., ?4.-@ < I)0, A)#,$ )o%ember 4MLL$ p, 5M-$ note, ?4.>@ < Vijayanagar, ?4.M@ < 2asu ipatam, ?4.L@ < S"ottDs trans ation has *:hondpore* 1i, 4--3; 'riggs 1ii, .663 says *Condapi y,* ?4-6@ < #his e%ident y means Gan"hi or Conjee%eram; but the story is eA"eeding y improbab e, #he distan"e was 5.6 mi es$ and the way ay through the heart of a hosti e "ountry, ?4-4@ < Rama/an A,H, MM., ?4-5@ < 44th 2uharram$ A,H, MM-, ?4-=@ < S"ottDs trans ation$ i, 4->, ?4-E@ < It is possib e that one of these towns was :oa$ whi"h was taCen in 4E-L, ?4-.@ < 2eaning e%ident y pa an(uins, ?4--@ < *Chenudar* and *'inedar* appear to be %ariations of the name Vijayanagar$ "a ed *'i"henegher* farther on, ?4->@ < #his may$ perhaps$ refer to 'e gaum 1A,0, 4E>43, ?4-M@ < 2ahamanda es%ara 2edinis%ara :andan Gattari Sa u%a 0harani%araha )arasimha Raya 8daiyar, #hese are not the tit es of a so%ereign, 1Hu t/s"h$ *South Indian Ins"riptions$* i, 4=4$ )o, 44-3, ?4-L@ < +!, CI#,$ p, 4=5$ )o, 44L, ?4>6@ < +!, CI#,$ p, 4=4,

?4>4@ < S"ottDs *Firishtah$* i, pp, 4L6$ 546; 'riggs$ ii, .=>$ iii, 46, ?4>5@ < 'riggs "a s him *#imraj* 1ii, .=M3 in a "ases when"e I "on" ude that in this passage S"ottDs *Ramraaje* is a s ip of the pen, It does not o""ur again, #he former trans ator in the se"ond of the two passages "a s *#imraj* the genera of the Roy of 'eejanuggur, ?4>=@ < S"ott$ i, p 55M, ?4>E@ < S"ott$ i, p, 5-5, ?4>.@ < #his is %ery simi ar to the story to d by )uni/ of the two sons of VirupaCsha, ?4>-@ < #his again is simi ar to the ta e )uni/ gi%es us of the minister )arasa and the two young prin"es, ?4>>@ < S"ott$ i, p, 5.5; 'riggs$ iii, --, ?4>M@ < Firishtah has to d us in a pre%ious paragraph that *dissensions pre%ai ed in 'eejanuggur,* ?4>L@ < Apri A,0, 4EL=, ?4M6@ < S"ottDs note to this is *about one mi ion eight hundred thousand pounds ster ing,* 'riggs 1iii, p, 4=3 says two mi ions, ?4M4@ < Apri 4.6L to Apri 4.46, ?4M5@ < 0a +rta was at Vijayanagar in 4.=E$ at the same time as our "hroni" er )uni/, ?4M=@ < Co o(,$ A, ?4ME@ < 2ay 56th$ a""ording to 'arros, ?4M.@ < !ub ished by the HaC uyt So"iety in Eng ish, ?4M-@ < #he origin of the name *Sabayo* has often been dis"ussed$ and ne%er$ I thinC$ (uite satisfa"tori y eAp ained, Se%era of the o d writers ha%e eAer"ised their ingenuity on the (uestion, 'arros 10e", II, , %, "ap, 43 writes: *A+ #E2!+ C8E )+S E)#RA2+S )A I)0IA$ ERA SE)H+R 0ES#A CI0A0E :+A H82 2+8R+ !ER )+2E S+AI$ CA!I#A+ 0DE; RE9 0+ 0ECA)$ A 78E C+228)A2E)#E CHA2A2+S SA'A9+* < *Khen we arri%ed in India$ the ord of this "ity of :oa was a 2oor$ by name Soai$ "aptain of the Cing of the 0aChan$ whom we "ommon y "a Sabayo,* 'ut 'arros must not a ways be depended upon for Indian names, He eAp ains *Sabayo* as deri%ed from SA'A or SAVA < *!ersian$* and says that the SabayoDs son was Adi Shah, :ar"ia da +rta deri%es it from SAHI'$ 'urton 1;8SIA0S$ iii, p, 5L63 thinCs it was a "orruption of SI!A)0AR or *mi itary go%ernor,* ?4M>@ < I ha%e not seen the origina $ and suspe"t an error of trans ation here, ?4MM@ < Compare the a""ount gi%en by !aes as to his horse$ whi"h he saw at the 2ahana%ami festi%a $ and at the re%iew whi"h fo owed 1pp, 5>5$ 5>M be ow3, ?4ML@ < E!I:, I)0,$ i, =--; I)0, A)#,$ AAi%, 56., ?4L6@ < Henry VIII, of Eng and su""eeded to the throne on Apri 55nd of the same year, It is interesting$ when reading the des"ription of the sp endours of Grishna RayaDs "ourt in the narrati%e of )uni/$ to remember that in Kestern Europe magnifi"en"e of disp ay and persona adornment seems to ha%e rea"hed its highest pit"h at the same period, ?4L4@ < #he "hief of 'anCapur seems to ha%e been a 2ahratta, )uni/ "a s him the *:uym de 'engapor,* A bu(uer(ue sty es him *Ging Vengapor* about A,0, 4.45 1HaC uyt edit,$ iii, 4M>3, +sorio writes: < *ES# A8#E2 VE):A!+R RE:I+ 2E0I#ERRA)EA$ C82 IA'AI2I RE:I+)E C+)#I)E)S* 1p, 5-=3, Castanheda states that A bu(uer(ue$ then :o%ernor&:enera of :oa$ sent two embassies$ one to Vijayanagar and one to *Vengapor$* as if the atter were independent; and adds of the "hief of

Vengapor$ *His Cingdom is a %eritab e and safe road to )arsinga$ and we supp ied with pro%isions,* 'arros speaCs of the same e%ent$ "a ing the p a"e *'engapor* and stating eAp i"it y that its Cing was *%assa of )arsinga* 1or Vijayanagar3 10e", II, , %, "ap, =3, Subse(uent y$ writing of the "hiefs in the same neighbourhood$ 'arros speaCs of two brothers$ *Comogij* and *Appagij* 10e", III, , i%, "ap, .3$ and des"ribing Grishna 0e%a RayaDs mar"h towards Rai"hur < re"apitu ating the story and detai s gi%en by )uni/ < he speaCs of *the :im of the "ity of 'engapor,* In , %, "ap, = of the same 0e"ade 'arros says that *'engapor* was *on the road* to Vijayanagar, *:im$* *:uym* and other names appear to be renderings of the 2ahratta honorifi" *Hi,* 'anCapur was one of the most important fortresses in the GarnataCa "ountry$ situated forty mi es south of 0harwar on the dire"t road from Honawar to Vijayanagar, #he road from 'hatCa $ a fa%ourite anding&p a"e$ first went northwards to Honawar$ then in and to 'anCapur$ and then"e to 'ana%asi$ Ranibennur$ and o%er the p ains to Hospett and Vijayanagar, It was Cnown as ear y as A,0, MEM$ and remained in possession of Hindu ru ers down to 4.>=$ when it was "aptured by A i Adi Shah and its beautifu temp e destroyed, Firishtah "a s the p a"e *'eeCapore* and *'inCapor* 1S"ottDs edit,$ i, E>$ -L$ M.$ M-$ 44L$ =64$ J"3, ?4L5@ < *Commentaries of Afonso 0a bo(uer(ue* 1HaC uyt edit,$ ii, p, >=3, Fr, ;uis eft Co"hin$ tra%e ed to 'hatCa $ and then"e to Vijayanagar, ?4L=@ < 0e" II, , %, "ap, =, ?4LE@ < See a so Castanheda$ who was in India in 4.5L 1;ib, iii, "ap, 453, ?4L.@ < As before stated$ Firishtah mentions this e%ent 1S"ott$ i, 55.3, ?4L-@ < !ur"hasDs summary of the !ortuguese "on(uest of :oa runs as fo ows: *SA'AI8S 1I,E, the *Sabayo*3 when he died$ eft his sonne I0A;CA) 1Adi Ghan3 %ery young; whereupon his Subje"ts rebe ed$ and the Ging of )arsinga warred upon him$ to dispossesse him of his 0ominion, A bu(uer(ue$ taCing his opportunitie$ besieged and B tooC :oa with the I and, Khi"h was soon after re"o%ered by Ida "an$ "omming with a strong Armie thither$ the !ortuga f ying away by night, 'ut when the Ging of )arsinga again in%aded Ida "an$ He was for"ed to resist the more dangerous Enemy$ ea%ing a strong :arrison at :oa$ whi"h yet A;'878ERG o%er"ame$ and sa"Ced the Citie,* !ur"hasDs worC was pub ished 1fo io3 in 4-5-, He mere y fo ows 'arros 10e", I, , %iii "ap, 463, ?4L>@ < *Commentaries of Afonso 0a bo(uer(ue* 1HaC uyt edit$ iii, =.3, ?4LM@ < #he name may represent *#imma Raja,* ?4LL@ < *Commentaries of 0a bo(uer(ue$* iii, pp, 5E- < 5E>, ?566@ < Firishtah 1S"ott3$ i, p, 5=-, ?564@ < *Commentaries of 0a bo(uer(ue$* i%, 454, ?565@ < *East Afri"a and 2a abar* 1HaC uyt edit,$ pp, >=$J ",3, 'arbosa was son of 0iego 'arbosa$ who sai ed in the first f eet sent out under Hoao de )o%a in 4.64, He gi%es no dates in his own writings eA"ept that he finished his worC in 4.4- 1!refa"e3$ after *ha%ing na%igated for a great part of his youth in the East Indies,* It was probab y begun about 4.4E, He was "ertain y in the Indian +"ean in 4.6M < L, #he heading of the worC is *0es"ription of the East Indies and Countries on the sea&board of the Indian +"ean in 4.4E,* It was pub ished in Spanish 1trans ated from the !ortuguese3 in 4.5E, #he "opy in the ;ibrary at 'ar"e ona is said to be the o dest eAtant, ?56=@ < #his name awaits eAp anation, ?56E@ < #his probab y refers to the high y de"orated bui ding in the interior of what I be ie%e to ha%e been the :o%ernment offi"es$ surrounded by a ofty wa with wat"h&towers$ and often "a ed *#he Ienana* #he e ephant stab es ie to the east of it, #he bui ding in (uestion is *)o, 5L Coun"i

Room* on the :o%ernment p an, ?56.@ < 'arbosa in A,0, 4.4E mentions this eApedition, ?56-@ < An ins"ription at Gonda%id g orifying Sa u%a #imma states that he tooC the fortress on Saturday$ Hune 5=$ A,0, 4.4. 1Ashadha SuC a Hari%asara Saurau$ SaCa 4E=>3, #his information was Cind y supp ied to me by 0r, ;uders, ?56>@ < #here is a ong ins"ription in the temp e of Varadarajas%ami at Conjee%eram eAa"t y "onfirming this who e story$ It re ates that the Cing first "aptured 8dayagiri$ 'e amConda$ VinuConda$ Gonda%id$ and other p a"es; then 'e/%ada and Gondapa e$ and fina y Rajahmundry, ?56M@ < !p =.E to =>4, ?56L@ < Grishna Raya in 4.4. was on y about twenty&nine years o d; but we must not forget the Hindu "ustom of the marriages of gir s whi e infants, ?546@ < If this refers to Grishna RayaDs "apture of that p a"e in 4.4.$ it is to be noted here that )uni/ asserts that it was taCen$ not from the 2uhammadans$ but from the Cing of +rissa, ?544@ < FirishtahDs a""ount of this is that Ismai Adi joined with Amir 'arid in an atta"C on #e ingana and aid siege to Go%i Conda, Vijayanagar had no part in the "auses of the "ampaign, ?545@ < Firishtah te s this story of Hamshid 7utb Shah$ 7u iDs su""essor 14.E= < .63, ?54=@ < So says )uni/$ but$ as before stated$ Firishtah differs, In my opinion we must a""ept the former as "orre"t$ for his a""ount is so graphi" and detai ed that it is impossib e to be ie%e that he "ou d ha%e been mistaCen, Firishtah did not write for many years ater and was mu"h more iab e to en on Se%era !ortuguese were present at the siege$ and$ if I am not mistaCen$ either )uni/ was there himse f$ or obtained his information from those who were so, #he story bears a the marCs of a persona narrati%e, ?54E@ < !p, =5= to =E> be ow, ?54.@ < +n the +rdnan"e 2ap I obser%e on the ri%er&banC$ thirteen mi es ),),E, of Rai"hur$ a p an of what appears to be a arge fortified "amp$ with its base on the ri%er$ the a%erage of its west$ south$ and east fa"es being about a mi e ea"h It ies just be ow the jun"tion of the 'hima and Grishna ri%ers$ and two mi es west of the present rai way station on the atter ri%er, Khat this may be I Cnow not$ but it ooCs iCe the remains of an entren"hed "amp ere"ted in some former year, !erhaps some one wi eAamine the p a"e, ?54-@ < 'e ow$ p, 5-=, *#hese feasts begin on the twe fth of September$ and they ast nine days,* ?54>@ < 'e ow$ p, 5M4, *At the beginning of the month of +"tober when e e%en of its days had passedB, +n this day begins their year; it is their )ew 9earDs 0ayB, #hey begin the year in this month with the new moon$ and they "ount the months a ways from moon to moon,* ?54M@ < 'e ow$ p, 5E=, ?54L@ < *+n the upper p atform$ " ose to the Cing$ was Christo%ao de Figueiredo$ with a of us who "ame with him$ for the Cing "ommanded that he shou d be in su"h a p a"e$ so as best to see the feasts and magnifi"en"e,* 1!aes$ p, 5-E be ow,3 ?556@ < ;ib, %, " .>, ?554@ < #A)A0ARIS are sma o"a di%isions of the Cingdom$ ea"h under its own petty offi"ia , A #HA)AH is a po i"e&station in modern par an"e, I "an thinC of no Eng ish word eAa"t y suitab e$ but$ as far as area is "on"erned$ perhaps the term *parish* wou d best eApress the meaning, ?555@ < ;E)0AS 0A I)0IA$ ii, .M4, ?55=@ < 2ene/es assumed "harge of the Vi"eroya ty on Hanuary 55$ 4.55, A short summary of Se(ueiraDs "areer is gi%en in the interesting 2S, %o ume "a ed the ;IVR+ 0AS F+R#A;EIAS 0A

I)0IA$ of whi"h the teAt was written by Antonio 'o"arro$ and the numerous portraits and p ans were drawn and "o oured by !ero 'arretto de Re/enda, #he 'ritish 2useum "opy is in the S oane Co e"tion and bears the number *4L>,* ?55E@ < 0e", III, 4, in "ap, E, ?55.@ < I0E2$ "ap, ., ?55-@ < I0E2$ "ap, M, ?55>@ < I0E2$ "ap, L, ?55M@ < I0E2$ "ap, 46, ?55L@ < *Asia !ortugue/a* of Faria y Sou/a$ I, !t, iii, "ap, E 1Ste%ensD trans ation3, ?5=6@ < Compare )uni/ 1teAt$ p, =5L3, ?5=4@ < #hese numbers are probab y taCen from 'arros$ who "opied )uni/, ?5=5@ < *Asia !ortugue/a$* I, !t, iii, "ap, E$ se", ., *Ruy de 2e o$ (ue esta%a a :oa$ %iendo a Hida "han di%ertido "on sus ruinas o esperan"as$ o todo junto$ y a mu"hos en per"ia es remo inos robando a tierra firme de a(ue "ontorno$ gano a fa"i mente "on do/ientos y sin"uenta "a%a os$ y o"ho"ientos peones Canaries* ?5==@ < *Histoire des 0es"ou%ertes et Con(uestes des !ortugais* 1!aris$ 4>==3, ?5=E@ < 0an%ers$ *#he !ortuguese in India$* i, =E>$ gi%es us the same dates for Se(ueiraDs absen"e$ and mentions 0e FigueiredoDs presen"e at the batt e of Rai"hur, ?5=.@ < #he "orresponding a"tua new moon day in 2ay 4.54 was 2onday$ 2ay -$ and the new moon was first %isib e on Kednesday, In 4.55 the a"tua new moon day was Sunday$ 2ay 5.$ and it was first %isib e on #uesday, ?5=-@ < !aes says that on an emergen"y he "ou d raise e%en two mi ions, ?5=>@ < *HandbooC of Indian Arms$* pp, 4. < 4-, ?5=M@ < Abo%e$ p, 45, ?5=L@ < +!, CI#,$ p, 4M, ?5E6@ < 'e ow$ p, 5L5, ?5E4@ < 'e ow$ pp, =ME to =ML, ?5E5@ < ;i%, ii, " 4-, ?5E=@ < Commander&in&"hief, ?5EE@ < 'e ow$ p, ===,
[245] "OMDE ACHA E!S " HO #$E A !E!S M!STER." [246] " ER!E!S." [247] "ACHARE!S."

?5EM@ < 'e ow$ pp$ =E-$ =E>, ?5EL@ < 'e ow$ p, =.4, ?5.6@ < Vo , i, p, =E>, ?5.4@ < Vo , i, p, .==, ?5.5@ < Ke hear nothing of this from Firishtah, 'ut we Cnow that the 'ahmani Su tan 2ahmud II,$

who died in 4.4M$ had three sons$ Ahmad A a&ud&0in$ and Ka i&8 ah$ the first of whom be"ame Su tan in 0e"ember 4.4>$ the se"ond in 4.54$ the third in the same year; in a "ases on y nomina y, ?5.=@ < 0e", III, , i%, ", 46, ?5.E@ < Correa$ Stan eyDs trans ation 1HaC uyt edition$ p, =M>$ note; 0an%ers$ *!ortuguese in India$* i, =-=, #he *Suffi arim* is Asada Ghan, 2r, 'aden&!owe has pub ished$ in the H+8R)A; +F #HE R+9A; ASIA#IC S+CIE#9 for Apri 4L66$ an interesting paper on the Cing of !ortuga Ds regu ations for$ and re"ord of "ustoms in$ the new y a"(uired tra"ts$ dated at :oa in A,0, 4.5-$ and "a ed F+RA; 0+S 8S+S E C+S#82ES, ?5..@ < 0e", IV, 4, %ii, ", 4, ?5.-@ < 2a iC 'arid, #he Hida "han is the Adi Ghan or the Adi Shah; 2adre 2a u"o is the Imad Shah$ and Cota 2a u"o the 7utb Shah, ?5.>@ < !erhaps this matter ought to find p a"e under the reign of A"hyuta Raya$ but I mention it here as it may ha%e o""urred before the death of Grishna 0e%a, ?5.M@ < Arti" e *Vijayanagar* in the 2A0RAS CHRIS#IA) C+;;E:E 2A:AII)E for 0e"ember 4MM-, ?5.L@ < *'e ary 0istri"t 2anua * 1Ge sa 3$ p, 5=4, ?5-6@ < *South Indian Ins"riptions* 1Hu t/s"h3$ p, 4=5; and E!I:RA!HIA I)0ICA$ '9 the same author$ i%, 5--, ?5-4@ < H+8R)A;$ '+2'A9 'RA)CH$ R+9A; ASIA#IC S+CIE#9$ Aii, ==-$ J", ?5-5@ < E!I:, I)0,$ i, =LM; i%, p, =$ note E, ?5-=@ < I ha%e broad y de" ared this re ationship$ but$ as a matter of fa"t$ a most e%ery ins"ription and iterary worC in the "ountry differs as to the genea ogy of the so%ereigns who reigned from this time forward, )uni/$ howe%er$ as a "ontemporary writer residing at the "apita $ is an eA"e ent authority, ?5-E@ < E!I:, I)0,$ i%, =$ note E 1!rofessor Gie horn3, ?5-.@ < S"ottDs edition$ i, 5.5, ?5--@ < #hese names are dis"ussed be ow, ?5->@ < #his is apparent y an error, #he period was on y ten years, ?5-M@ < 4-th Safar$ A,H, LE4 1Firishtah3, ?5-L@ < Firishtah$ 'riggs$ iii, =>E < =>., ?5>6@ < *;ists of Anti(uities$ 2adras$* %o , i, p, 4M4 1)o, M-3$ and p, 4M5 1)o, 44.3, ?5>4@ < S"ottDs trans ation$ i, p, 5-5, ?5>5@ < 'e ow$ p, =->, ?5>=@ < I0E2$ p, =.E, ?5>E@ < S"ott$ i, pp, 5-5 ff,; 'riggs$ iii, p, M6, ?5>.@ < 'riggs has it *a daughter of Shew Ray,* Rama married a daughter of Grishna 0e%a$ who was son of the first )arasimha, ?5>-@ < Ins"riptions do not gi%e us the name of any prin"e of the fema e ine at this period, 'riggs "a s the un" e *'hoj* #iruma a, Couto 10e", VI, , %, "ap, .3 renders the name as *8"he #imma$* and states that 8CHE means *mad,*

?5>>@ < Here we probab y find an a usion to the reign of A"hyuta, Rama was the e der of three brothers afterwards to be"ome %ery famous, He and his brother #iruma a both married daughters of Grishna 0e%a Raya, A"hyuta being$ in )uni/Ds be ief$ brother of the atter monar"h$ that "hroni" er "a s these two brothers *brothers&in& aw* of Ging A"hyuta, 1'e ow$ p, =->,3 )uni/ says that Ging A"hyuta *destroyed the prin"ipa peop e in the Cingdom and Ci ed their sons* 1p, =-L3, ?5>M@ < A"hyuta had then been for about siA years on the throne, ?5>L@ < If the Su tanDs mar"h towards Vijayanagar began in 4.=. < =-$ we sha perhaps not be far wrong in assigning )uni/Ds "hroni" e to the year 4.=- < =>$ seeing that the author a udes to the dissatisfa"tion and disgust fe t by the nob es and others for their ru ers$ whi"h presupposes a "ertain inter%a to ha%e passed sin"e the departure of the 2ussa man army, ?5M6@ < S"ottDs edit,$ i, 5-., ?5M4@ < S"ott spe s the name *)egtaderee$* but I ha%e substituted the rendering gi%en by 'riggs$ *VenCatadry$* as ess "onfusing, ?5M5@ < Firishtah writes g owing y 1S"ott$ i, 5>>3 of the grandeur of Asada Ghan, He *was famed for his judgment and wisdomB, For near y forty years he was the patron and prote"tor of the nob es and distinguished of the 0eChan, He i%ed in the highest respe"t and esteem$ with a magnifi"en"e and grandeur surpassing a his "ontemporary nobi ity, #he so%ereigns of 'eejanuggur and e%ery "ountry obser%ing a respe"t to his great abi ities$ fre(uent y honoured him with etters and %a uab e presents, His househo d ser%ants B amounted to 5.6, He had siAty of the argest e ephants and 4.6 of a sma er si/e, In his stab es he had E66 horses of Arabia and !ersia$ eA" usi%e of those&of miAed breed foa ed in India, His treasures and ri"hes were beyond amount$* J", ?5M=@ < FirishtahDs story of Asada GhanDs ife is "ontained in S"ottDs edition, i, pp, 5=- < 5>M; 'riggs$ iii, pp, E. < 465, ?5ME@ < 0e", III, , i%, "ap, ., ?5M.@ < 0e", IV, , %ii, "ap, -, ?5M-@ < #uruge is probab y #iraCho $ north of :oa, ?5M>@ < Couto te s us 10e", VII, , %ii, ", 43 that Rama Raya in 4... made an eApedition against the Christian inhabitants of San #home$ near 2adras$ but retired without doing great harm; and it is (uite possib e that the Cing a"Cnow edged no "onne"tion between San #home and :oa, ?5MM@ < E!I:RA!HIA I)0ICA$ iii 4E>, ?5ML@ < E!I:RA!HIA CAR)A#ICA 1Ri"e3$ !art i, p, 4>-$ )o, 456, ?5L6@ < I ha%e pub ished a rough ist of eighty&eight of these$ eighty&four of whi"h are dated$ in my *;ists of Anti(uities$ 2adras* 1%o , ii, p, 4=E ff,3, ?5L4@ < South Indian Ins"riptions$* %o , i, p, >6, ?5L5@ < 0e", VI, , %, "ap, ., ?5L=@ < *#etarao$* *Ramygupa$* and *+uamysyuaya* 1teAt$ be ow$ p, =4E3, ?5LE@ < !age 46M, ?5L.@ < 0e", VI, , %, "ap, ., ?5L-@ < E!I:, I)0,$ iii, 5=-, ?5L>@ < Firishtah 1S"ott$ i, 5.53 states that Rama Raya *married a daughter of the son of Seoroy$ by that a ian"e great y adding to his inf uen"e and power,* If so$ *Seoroy* must be the first )arasa #he historian says that *Seoroy dying was su""eeded by his son$ a minor$ who did not i%e ong after him$ and eft the throne to a younger brother,* #hese brothers$ then$ were the se"ond )arasa$ "a ed a so Vira )arasimha$ and Grishna 0e%a, #he rest of FirishtahDs a""ount does not ta y with our other

sour"es of information, As being son&in& aw of Grishna 0e%a$ Rama was "a ed *A iya$* whi"h means *son&in& aw$* and by this name he is "onstant y Cnown, ?5LM@ < I)0, A)#,$ Aiii, 4.E, ?5LL@ < Vo , i%, pp, 5E> < 5EL$ 5>- < 5M5, ?=66@ < See the pedigree abo%e, #he young son wou d be VenCata$ and the un" e$ Ranga, ?=64@ < Kho a these were we do not Cnow, #he boy VenCataDs un" es wou d be either brothers of Ranga or brothers of the (ueen&mother$ widow of A"hyuta, A"hyutaDs nephew referred to "ou d not be Sadasi%a$ be"ause he sur%i%ed, He may ha%e been nephew of the Rani, #he assassination of the boy&Cing re"a s to our minds the story of Firishtah of the murder of the infant prin"e by *Hoje* #iruma a, ?=65@ < Sister$ that is$ of Grishna 0e%a, As abo%e stated$ Rama Raya$ for undoubted y he is here referred to$ married Grishna 0e%aDs daughter$ not sister$ so far as we "an gather, ?=6=@ < Caesar Frederi"C states that Rama and his two brothers$ of whom #iruma a was minister and VenCatadri "ommander&in&"hief$ Cept the rightfu Cings prisoners for thirty years prior to their downfa in 4.-., If so$ this wou d in" ude the reign of A"hyuta$ and the story wou d differ from that of )uni/$ who represents Ging A"hyuta as free but subje"t to the ma ign inf uen"e of his *two brothers&in& aw,* #hese two may$ perhaps$ represent Rama and #iruma a$ who are said to ha%e married two daughters of Grishna 0e%a, #hey wou d$ howe%er$ not ha%e been rea y brothers&in& aw of A"hyuta, ?=6E@ < Senhor ;opes$ 0+S REIS 0E 'IS)A:A$ Introdu"tion$ p, AiA, ?=6.@ < Firishtah 1S"ott$ i, 5>43, ?=6-@ < So Firishtah, #he 2uhammadan historian of the 7utb Shahi dynasty of :o Conda$ trans ated by 'riggs$ te s this story of 7u i 7utb Shah$ HamshidDs prede"essor 1Firishtah$ 'riggs$ iii, =>43, ?=6>@ < #he terms of this treaty are interesting$ as they throw mu"h ight on the po iti"a and "ommer"ia re ations of the !ortuguese at this period with the two great states their neighbours, #he "ontra"ting parties are stated to be the Cing of !ortuga by his deputy$ the "aptain&genera and go%ernor of :oa$ 0om Hoao de Castro$ and the great and powerfu Ging Sadasi%a$ Cing of 'isnaga, 1A3 Ea"h party to be friends of the friends$ and enemy of the enemies$ of the other; and$ when "a ed on$ to he p the other with a their for"es against a Cings and ords in India$ the )i/am Shah a ways eA"epted, 1'3 #he go%ernor of :oa wi a ow a Arab and !ersian horses anded at :oa to be pur"hased by the Cing of Vijayanagar on due noti"e and proper payment$ none being permitted to be sent to 'ijapur, 1C3 #he Cing of Vijayanagar wi "ompe a mer"hants in his Cingdom trading with the "oast to send their goods through ports where the !ortuguese ha%e fa"tors$ permitting none to pro"eed to 'ijapur ports, 103 #he Cing of Vijayanagar wi forbid the importation of sa tpetre and iron into his Cingdom from any 'ijapur port; and wi "ompe its pur"hase from !ortuguese fa"tors, 1E3 #he same with " oths$ "opper$ tin$ China si C$ J", 1F3 #he Cing of Vijayanagar wi a ow no 2oorish ship or f eet to stop in his ports$ and if any shou d "ome he wi "apture them and send them to :oa, 'oth parties agree$ to wage war on the Adi Shah$ and a territory taCen from the atter sha be ong to Vijayanagar$ eA"ept ands on the west of the :hats from 'anda on the north to Cinta"ora on the south$ whi"h ands sha be ong to the Cing of !ortuga ,

?=6M@ < 2uharram$ A,H, L.-, 'ut the !ortuguese re"ords state that Asada Ghan died in 4.E. 10an%ers$ i, E-.3, ?=6L@ < 0an%ersD *!ortuguese in India$* i, E-.$ E--, ?=46@ < 'riggs$ iii, =5M, ?=44@ < 'e ow$ p, =M=, ?=45@ < 'riggsD *Firishtah$* iii, =L>$ J", ?=4=@ < Senhor ;opes has re"ent y found amongst the ar"hi%es in the #orre do #ombo in ;isbon a paper$ dated 4... A,0,$ whi"h states that the Cing of Vijayanagar had "onsented to aid Ibrahim Adi Shah against Ain&u &2u Ch and *the 2ea e* 1I,E, !rin"e Abdu ah$ "a ed *2ea e Ghan* by the !ortuguese3$ in return for a present of >66$666 pardaos 1C+R!+ CHR+)+;+:IC+$ !art i,$ pa"Cet L>$ )o, E63, ?=4E@ < S"ottDs edit,$ i, 5ME, ?=4.@ < #he 2uhammadans seem to ha%e a ways treated Rama Rajah as Cing, Sadasi%a was perhaps too young at that period to ha%e had a son$ and the a usion is probab y to a son of Rama, ?=4-@ < Ging Sadasi%a was apparent y not strewn, ?=4>@ < #hat A i Adi a"tua y made this %isit is "onfirmed by the narrati%e of a :o Conda historian$ whose worC has been trans ated and pub ished by 'riggs 1Firishtah$ iii, E653, #he story may be "ompared with that to d abo%e of the %isit of Firu/ Shah 'ahmani to Ging 0e%a Raya in A,0, 4E6-$ whi"h had a simi ar ending, ?=4M@ < 0e", VII, , %ii, " 4, ?=4L@ < See a so 'riggsD *Firistah$* iii, E6= < E6., ?=56@ < Firishtah re ates an interesting ane"dote about this in his history of the Ahmadnagar Su tans, Hussain )i/am Shah desired to maCe pea"e with Vijayanagar$ and Rama Raja offered to grant it on "ertain "onditions$ one of whi"h was that Ga ian shou d he restored to 'ijapur$ and another that the )i/am Shah shou d submit to pay him a %isit and re"ei%e bete from him, Hussain was in su"h straits that he a""epted these se%ere terms and went to Rama RajaDs "amp$ *who rose on his entering his tent 1he did not go out to meet him3 and Cissed his hand, #he Su tan$ from foo ish pride$ "a ed for a basin and ewer$ and washed his hands$ as if they had been po uted by the tou"h of Ramraaje$ who$ enraged at the affront$ said in his own anguage$ DIf he were not my guest he shou d repent this insu t;D then "a ing for water$ he a so washed,* Hussain then ga%e up the Ceys of Ga ian, ?=54@ < S"ottDs *Firishtah,* i, 5L4; 'riggs$ iii, E6-, ?=55@ < 56th Hamada D awwa $ Hijra L>5, Firishtah 1S"ott3$ i, 5L.; 'riggs$ iii, E4=, ?=5=@ < #hough$ in fa"t$ the batt e did not taCe p a"e there$ but many mi es to the south of the ri%er, #a iCota is twenty&fi%e mi es north of the Grishna, #he batt e tooC p a"e ten mi es from Rama RayaDs "amp south of the ri%er$ where%er that may ha%e been, #here is no a%ai ab e information on this point$ but it was probab y at 2udCa $ the "e ebrated fortress, #he ford "rossed by the a ies wou d appear to be that at the bend of the ri%er at Inga igi$ and the de"isi%e batt e seems to ha%e been fought in the p ains about the itt e %i age of 'ayapur or 'hogapur$ on the road eading dire"t y from Inga igi to 2udCa , ?=5E@ < Couto 10e", VIII, ", 4.3 te s an in"redib e story that Rama Raya was utter y ignorant of any impending atta"C$ and ne%er e%en heard that the enemy had entered his territories ti the news was brought one day whi e he was at dinner, ?=5.@ < 'e ow$ pp, 5>. to 5>L,

?=5-@ < I ha%e seen on se%era o""asions bodies of men "o e"ted together at Vijayanagar and the neighbourhood$ dressed and armed in a manner whi"h they assured me was traditiona , #hey wore rough tuni"s and short drawers of "otton$ stained to a rather darC red&brown "o our$ admirab y adapted for forest worC$ but of a deeper hue than our Eng ish ChaCi, #hey grim y assured me that the "o our "on"ea ed to a great eAtent the stains of b ood from wounds, #heir weapons were for the most part spears, Some had o d "ountry swords and daggers, ?=5>@ < Firishtah gi%es the date as *Friday the 56th of Humad&oos&Sany$* A,H, L>5 1'riggs$ iii, E4E3$ but the day of the month gi%en "orresponds to #uesday$ not Friday, ?=5M@ < Khat fo ows is taCen entire y from Firishtah 1S"ott$ i, 5L- ff,; 'riggs$ iii 45M$ 5E>3, ?=5L@ < 0e", VIII, ", 4., ?==6@ < An interesting note by Co one 'riggs is appended to his trans ation of these passages of Firishtah 1iii, 4=63, *It affords a striCing eAamp e at on"e of the ma ignity of the 2ahomedans towards this Hindoo prin"e$ and of the depra%ed taste of the times$ when we see a s"u ptured representation of RamrajDs head$ at the present day$ ser%ing as the opening of one of the sewers of the "itade of 'eejapoor$ and we Cnow that the rea head$ annua y "o%ered with oi and red pigment$ has been eAhibited to the pious 2ahomedans of Ahmudnuggur$ on the anni%ersary of the batt e$ for the ast two hundred and fifty years$ by the des"endants of the eAe"utioner$ in whose hands it has remained ti the present period,* #his was written in 4M5L, ?==4@ < Couto "a s them *'edues$* probab y for *'eduinos$* *'edouins* or wandering tribes, ?==5@ < In this I fo ow Couto; but the :o Conda historian (uoted by 'riggs 1Firishtah$ iii, E4E3 states that the *a ied armies ha ted for ten days on the fie d of a"tion$ and then pro"eeded to the "apita of 'eejanuggur,* It is$ howe%er$ (uite possib e that both a""ounts are "orre"t, #he ad%an"ed 2uhammadan troops are a most "ertain to ha%e been pushed on to the "apita , #he main body$ after the so%ereigns had re"ei%ed information that no opposition was offered$ may ha%e stru"C their "amp on the tenth day, ?===@ < !ur"has$ edit, of 4-5.$ ii, p, 4>6=, ?==E@ < Couto states that this diamond was one whi"h the Cing had affiAed to the base of the p ume on his horseDs headdress 10e", VIII, ", 4.3, 1See AppendiA A,3 ?==.@ < !ortuguese AR2EII2$ *a sort of 'enga taffeta* 12i"hae isD 0i"t,3, ?==-@ < :o d "oins of Vijayanagar, ?==>@ < G8;;A9I, See be ow$ p, 5.5$ 5>=$ =M=$ and notes, ?==M@ < 0e", VIII, ", 4., I ha%e taCen this and the neAt paragraph from ;opesDs CHR+)ICA 0+S RE9S 0E 'IS)A:A$ Introd,$ p, A%iii, ?==L@ < Kriting in 4->.$ the tra%e ed Fryer re ates what he saw of the In(uisition at :oa, I taCe the fo owing from his ;etter i%,$ "hapter ii, *:oing the neAt 2orning to the !a a"e&Stairs$ we saw their Sessions&House$ the b oody !rison of the In(uisition; and in a prin"ipa 2arCet&p a"e was raised an Engine a great height$ at top iCe a :ibbet$ with a !u ey$ with steppings to go upon$ as on a F agstaff$ for the S#RA!A0+$ whi"h unhinges a 2anDs joints; a "rue #orture, +%er against these Stairs is an Is and where they burn B a those "ondemned by the In(uisitor$ whi"h are brought from the SA)C#+ +FFICI+ dressDd up in most horrid Shapes of Imps and 0e%i s$ and so de i%ered to the eAe"utionerB, St, HA:+$ or St, HamesDs 0ay$ is the 0ay for the A8C#+ 0E FIE,* And in "hapter %, of the same ;etter he states that$ when he was at :oa$ *a 'ut"herDs 2eat was forbidden$ eA"ept !orC* < a regu ation irCsome enough e%en to the European residents$ but worse for those Hindus a owed by their "aste ru es to eat meat$ but to whom porC is a ways espe"ia y distastefu , ;ins"hoten$ who was in India from 4.M= to 4.ML$ mentions the imprisonments and tortures inf i"ted on the Hindus by the In(uisition 1%o , ii, pp, 4.M < 55>3,

?=E6@ < Caesar Frederi"C, ?=E4@ < I,E,$ they ad%an"ed by way of 2udCa $ #a%urugiri$ and GanaCagiri$ a distan"e of about fifty&fi%e mi es$ to Anegundi on the north basC of the ri%er at Vijayanagar, ?=E5@ < +ther a""ounts say that VenCatadri was Ci ed in the batt e$ and that #iruma a a one of the three brothers sur%i%ed, Firishtah on y wrote from hearsay$ and was perhaps misinformed, !robab y for *VenCatadri* shou d be read *#iruma a,* ?=E=@ < Firishtah wrote this towards the " ose of the "entury, ?=EE@ < *South Indian Ins"riptions$* Hu t/s"h$ i, -L; I)0, A)#,$ AAii, 4=-, ?=E.@ < #he pedigree is taCen from the E!I:RA!HIA I)0ICA$ iii, 5=M, I am not responsib e for the numbers atta"hed so the names, #hus I shou d prefer to "a Rama Raya II, *Rama I,$* sin"e his an"estors do not appear to ha%e reigned e%en in name, 'ut I taCe the tab e as 0r, Hu t/s"h has gi%en it, See the Gondyata grant of 4-=- 1I)0, A)#,$ Aiii, 45.3$ the Vi apaCa grant of 4-64 1I0, ii, =>43$ and the Ga aCursi grant of 4-EE 1I0, Aiii, 4.=3$ a so my *;ists of Anti(uities$ 2adras$* i, =. < an ins"ription of 4-5= 1)o, =63 at E ore, ?=E-@ < S"ott$ i$ =6=, ?=E>@ < 'riggs$ iii pp, E=. < E=M, ?=EM@ < A""ording to the Guniyur p ates 1E!I:, I)0$ iii, 5=-3$ Rama III,$ #iruma aDs third son$ was not Cing, ?=EL@ < E!I:, I)0,$ i%, 5-L < #he Vi apaCa :rant, ?=.6@ < #raditionary history at Adoni re ates that the go%ernor of the fortress appointed by Su tan A i Adi about A,0, 4.-- was 2a iC Rahiman Ghan$ who resided there for near y thirty&nine years, His tomb is sti Cept up by a grant annua y made by the :o%ernment in "ontinuation of the o d "ustom$ and is in good preser%ation$ ha%ing an estab ishment with a priest and ser%ants, )a%ab Siddi 2asud Ghan was go%ernor when the great mos(ue$ "a ed the Humma 2usjid$ was "omp eted 1A,0, 4--53, #he 'ijapur Su tan$ the ast of his ine$ sent to him a marb e s ab with an ins"ription and a grant of a thousand bo d pie"es, #he s ab is sti to be seen on one of the ar"hes in the interior$ and the money was spent in gi ding and de"orating the bui ding, Aurang/ib of 0e hi anneAed 'ijapur in 4-M-$ and appointed )a%ab :ha/i&ud&0in Ghan go%ernor of Adoni$ who had to taCe the p a"e from the 'ijapur go%ernor$ Siddi 2asud Ghan, #his was done after a fight$ in "onse(uen"e of the 0e hi troops firing 1b anC3 on the great mos(ue from their guns; whi"h so terrified the go%ernor$ who he d the Humma 2usjid dearer than his ife$ that he surrendered, #he new go%ernorDs fami y ru ed ti 4>.5$ when the "ountry was gi%en to 'assa at Hung of Haidarabad, He died and was buried here in 4>>>$ and his tomb is sti maintained, #he p a"e was "eded to the Eng ish by the )i/am in 4M65 with the *Ceded 0istri"ts,* ?=.4@ < 'riggs$ iii, E4-$ ff, ?=.5@ < *;ists of Anti(uities$ 2adras* 1Sewe 3$ ii, -$ >$ )os, E.$ E-, ?=.=@ < +!, CI#,$ ii 4=L < 4E6, ?=.E@ < #he Ita ian tra%e er !ietro de a Va e was at ICCeri at the " ose of the year 4-5=$ and gi%es an interesting a""ount of a that he saw$ and what befe him there, He went with an embassy from :oa to that p a"e, *#his !rin"e VE)G#A!A )AIEGA was sometime Vassa and one of the ministers of the great Ging of VI0IA )A:AR B but after the downfa of the Cing B VenCtapa )aieCa B remainDd abso ute !rin"e of the State of whi"h he was :o%ernour$ whi"h a so$ being a good sou dier$ he hath mu"h en arged,* ?=..@ < CAR#ARI+ 0+S HES8I#+S 1'und e =-$ pa"Cet L.$ )o, 55$ in the )ationa Ar"hi%es at ;isbon$ ARCHIV+ 0A #+RRE 0+ #+2'+3, Compare Antonio 'o"arro$ 0ECA0A Aiii, p, 5L-, 2r, ;opes a so refers me to an as yet inedited 2S,$ 0+C82E)#+S RE2E##I0+S 0A I)0IA$

or ;IVR+S 0AS 2+)C+ES$ t, i, =.L$ and t, ii, =>6 < =>4$ as re ating to the same tragi" e%ents, ?=.-@ < See the genea ogi"a tab e on p, 54E, VenCata I, was son of #iruma a$ the first rea Cing of the fourth dynasty, #he nephew$ *ChiCCa Raya$* may ha%e been Ranga III,$ *ChiCCa* 1young3 being$ as 'arradas te s us$ a name usua y gi%en to the heir to the throne, In that "ase RangaDs son$ Rama IV,$ *one of se%era brothers$* wou d be the boy who sur%i%ed the who esa e massa"re re ated in the etter, ?=.>@ < #he name *ChiCCa Raya* in Ganarese means * itt e* or *young* Raya, ?=.M@ < Chandragiri, ?=.L@ < It is not Cnown to whom this refers, #he name is perhaps *+ba a,* ?=-6@ < #his youth was on y a great&nephew of Haga RayaDs by a doub e marriage, His wife was nie"e of Ging VenCata$ and therefore by marriage nie"e of 7ueen 'ayama$ who was Haga RayaDs daughter, ?=-4@ < 'RE0+S, See note$ p, 5E., ?=-5@ < !erhaps Ite +ba es%ara, ?=-=@ < Chinna +ba a Raya, ?=-E@ < Kritten in 4-4-, ?=-.@ < #his was 2uttu Virappa$ )ayaCCa 1or )aiC3 of 2adura from 4-6L to 4-5=, 2r, )e son 1*#he 2adura Country*3 mentions that in his reign there was a war with #anjore, )uni/$ writing in 4.=.$ does not mention 2adura as amongst the great di%isions of the Vijayanagar Cingdom; and this "oin"ides with the history as deri%ed from other sour"es, 'ut by 4-4E the )aiC of 2adura had be"ome %ery powerfu $ though the peop e sti o""asiona y re"ognised their o d so%ereigns$ the !andiyans$ one of whom is mentioned as ate as 4-5= 1*SCet"h of the 0ynasties of Southern India$* M.3, ?=--@ < #ri"hinopo y, ?=->@ < C ose to 2adras$ often "a ed *2e iapor* by the !ortuguese$ its nati%e name being 2ai apur, ;ins"hoten$ writing at the end of the siAteenth "entury$ a few years ear ier than the date of the e%ents des"ribed$ says$ *#his towne B is now the "hiefe "ittie of )arsinga and of the "oast of Choromande ,* ?=-M@ < See abo%e$ p, 54E, ?=-L@ < *SCet"h of the 0ynasties of Southern India$* p, 445, ?=>6@ < *He* here is 0omingo !aes, ?=>4@ < #he *Cingdom of )arsinga* is the name often gi%en by the !ortuguese and others to Vijayanagar, ?=>5@ < #he term here is imited to the sma territory of !ortuguese India immediate y round the "ity of :oa, #hus ;ins"hoten 1A,0, 4.M=3 wrote$ *At the end of Cambaya beginneth India$ A)0 the ands of 0e"am and Cun"am$* meaning that immediate y south of the territories of Cambay began those of !ortuguese India$ whi e other "ountries on the border were the 0aChan and the GonCan, ?=>=@ < In !ortuga , ?=>E@ < #his was apparent y the usua route for tra%e ers from the "oast to Vijayanagar, Fr, ;uis used it for his journey from Co"hin to the "apita in 4.6L 1abo%e$ p, 45=$ and note3, ?=>.@ < !robab y Sandur$ about 456 mi es from the "oast at 'hatCa , Sandur is a sma 2ahratta state 5. mi es from Vijayanagar, ?=>-@ < #hat is$ on the east of !ortuguese India$ west of the territory of Vijayanagar,

?=>>@ < 8nidentified, #he great tree was of "ourse a banyan, ?=>M@ < Coromande , #his name was app ied by the !ortuguese to the Eastern #ami and Southern #e ugu "ountries, It had no we &defined imits$ and often was he d to eAtend e%en as far north as to the Grishna ri%er$ or e%en to +rissa, 9u e and 'urne adhere to the now genera y re"ei%ed definition of the name from CH+;A&2A)0A;A$ the "ountry of the Cho as 1: ossary$ S,V, Coromande 3, ?=>L@ < +rissa, ?=M6@ < C+278IS#A C+2 is e%ident y an error for C+)FI)A C+2, #he same word is used three times in the neAt paragraph, ?=M4@ < #he Adi Ghan$ Su tan of 'ijapur, #he name is sometimes written by the !ortuguese I0A;QA 1QA for Shah3, Ke ha%e number ess spe ings in the o d "hroni" es$ thus$ HI0A;CA)$ A0E;HA2$ J", ?=M5@ < For )i/am&u &2u Ch$ or the )i/am Shah$ the Su tan of Ahmadnagar, Simi ar y the 7utb Shah of :o Conda is "a ed in these "hroni" es *Cotama u"o,* #he Imad Shah of 'irar is "a ed the *Imadema u"o$* or e%en *2adrema u"o$* by the 0ut"h 1;ins"hoten3 and !ortuguese, #he 'arid Shah of 'idar is sty ed *2e i(ue Verido,* ?=M=@ < #he spe ing of the name in the origina is %ery doubtfu , First it reads ARCHA$ on the neAt o""asion it is undoubted y 0ARCHA, #he third mention of the p a"e "a s it ;ARCHA, 'ut in ea"h "ase the R is not %ery " ear$ and might be an I undotted, 2oreo%er$ the C may possib y be an E$ and the name may be ARCHA or 0AREHA, If we shou d a""ept the atter$ we may identify it with 0harwar$ and be ie%e it to be the same as the 08REE of )uni/ 1be ow$ p, 5L53, ?=ME@ < !RA)HAS in origina $ probab y for !IA)HAS or !EA)HAS 1see be ow$ p, 5MM3, ?=M.@ < H+:IS$ Hindu as"eti"s, ?=M-@ < #his probab y refers to the Egyptian obe isC at St, !eterDs, ?=M>@ < E%ident y the god :A)ESA, ?=MM@ < *'isnaga$* the !ortuguese rendering of VIHA9A)A:AR$ the *"ity of %i"tory,* #he spe ings adopted by different writers ha%e been end ess, Ke ha%e 'eejanugger and 'eejnugger in the trans ations of Firishtah; 'isnagar$ 'idjanagar$ 'ijanagher$ amongst the !ortuguese; 'i"heneger In the writings of the Russian )iCitin; 'i/enega ia in those of the Ita ian )i"o o dei Conti, ?=ML@ < '878E9R+IS, #he word imp ies something dug out$ as opposed so redoubts$ whi"h wou d be bui t up, ?=L6@ < 0aChan, ?=L4@ < #his is )aga apur$ the modern Hospett 1E!I:, I)0,$ i%, 5->3, ?=L5@ < #his tanC or aCe is des"ribed by )uni/ 1see p, =-E3, ?=L=@ < H88 #IR+ 0E FA;;CA+$ a shot from a fa "on$ an o d pie"e of arti ery, ?=LE@ < 'RE0+S$ *b ites$* an insipid Cit"hen %egetab e, 'ut as the word is not "ommon$ and as 'rahmans maCe use of most %egetab es$ I ha%e preferred the more genera term, ?=L.@ < 2ACAAS$ itera y *app es,* ?=L-@ < It was genera y "a ed )aga apur$ but )uni/ says that the adyDs name was Chinnade%i 1be ow$ p, =-53, ?=L>@ < C+R8CHEES, See p, 566$ note =,

[398] %RANDES S$P!TOS.

?=LL@ < A miAture$ apparent y$ of 2AHA$ *great$* and *Shah,* ?E66@ < #he passage that fo ows is not %ery " ear in the origina , ?E64@ < #he word ast used is SE;;A0+S$ itera y *sea ed,* ?E65@ < A;H+FAR, #his word is "onstant y used in the "hroni" es, :ar"ia da +rta 1C+;;+7, AAA%,3 deri%es it from Cape Hu far in Arabia$ near +rmu/, Cobarru%ias says it is from Arabi" jauhar$ *jewe * 19u e and 'urne 0i"t,3, 0a +rta writes: *CHA2A&SE per a E2 CAS#E;HA)+ E pero a E2 !+R#8:8EI$ E E2 ;A#I2 unio$ E IS#+ )+ a jofar :RA)0E; !+R78E + 2I80+ CHA2A&SE E2 ;A#I2 margarita$ E E2 ARA'I+ u u$ E E2 !ERSI+ E )ES#D +8#RAS :ERAC+ES 0A I)0IA moti$ E E2 2A;AVAR mutu$ E E2 !+R#8:8EI E CAS#E;HA)+ a jofar;* I,E, a arge pear is "a ed !ER;A in Spanish$ !ER+;A in !ortuguese$ 8)I+ in ;atin; a sma pear is "a ed in ;atin 2AR:ARI#A$ in Arabi" ;8;8$ in !ersian and many Indian anguages 2+#I$ in 2a aya am 28#8$ and in !ortuguese and Spanish A;H+FAR, ?E6=@ < E2:E;;92$ sesamum or ginge y$ an oi seed, ?E6E@ < #his was the great Sa u%a #imma$ Grishna 0e%aDs minister, #he termination &RSEA probab y represents ARASA$ the Ganarese form for Rajah, #E2ERSEA S #I22ARASA S #I22A RAHAH, ?E6.@ < A""ording to Correa$ Christo%ao de Figueiredo had been sent by the go%ernor$ ;opo Soares$ in 4.4> to Vijayanagar as fa"tor$ with horses and e ephants 1;E)0AS 0A I)0IA$ ii, .6L < .463; but Senhor ;opes points out 1Introdu"tion to his CHR+)ICA$ AAAii, note3 that we do not Cnow how far this assertion is true, He "ertain y i%ed at :oa$ and not ong after this batt e was made "hief #A)E0AR of the main ands of :oa$ with residen"e at the temp e of 2ardor, He was se%era times in peri at the hands of the 2ussa mans$ and in 4.=- was present at the batt es whi"h tooC p a"e between the !ortuguese and Asada Ghan of 'e gaum$ with whom he was on terms of friendship, 2r, 0an%ers 1ii, .6>3 states that he was a so at one time attorney of the fa"tory of :oa, ?E6-@ < #his apparent y refers to Ruy de 2e o 1see abo%e$ p, 4E5 ff,3, If 0e Se(ueira were meant he wou d ha%e been "a ed *:o%ernor,* ?E6>@ < H+R:A+S, 2r, Ferguson points out that these were undoubted y musi"a instruments, Castanheda 1%, AA%iii,3$ des"ribing the embassy to *!rester Hohn* under 0om Roderigo de ;ima in 4.56 1the same year3$ states that among the presents sent to that potentate were *some organs and a " a%i"hord$ and a p ayer for them,* #hese organs are a so mentioned in Father A %aresDs a""ount of their embassy 1HaC uyt So"iety #rans,$ p, 463, ?E6M@ < !A#ECA$ something worn round the ne"C, #here appears to be some mistaCe here$ as !A#ECA means *a sort of ong robe or gown 1worn3 in India* 12i"hae isD 0i"t,3, ?E6L@ < Varthema says$ *#he Cing wears a "ap of go d bro"ade two spans ong,* #his was Grishna 0e%aDs prede"essor$ )arasimha, ?E46@ < #his may refer to the handsome temp e of Anantasayana$ a mi e or so from Hospett on the road to Gama apur, #he trees sti stand in parts, ?E44@ < F+R#A;EIAS, !robab y the writer refers either to bastions or towers$ or to strong y fortified p a"es of refuge on the hi tops, #he passage is obs"ure, ?E45@ < Four words$ #E20ES H8A !+R#A !RI2CI!A;$ ha%e been a""identa y omitted in the printed "opy, ?E4=@ < #ERREIR+, #he gateway here spoCen of is most probab y the great entran"e to the pa a"e en" osure$ just to the north of the %i age of Gama apur, ?E4E@ < #he writer forgot to fu fi this promise,

?E4.@ < !+R 78E SA+ C+2+ AS C+2FRAR9AS (ue )AS )+SSAS !AR#ES HAA,
[416] A M$&TOS NAT$RAES DA TERRA.

?E4>@ < 28):8+, *2oong B green gram B a Cind of %et"h* 19u e and 'urne $ 0i"t,3,
[418] MACHAR$&.

?E4L@ < A VI)#E2 S 4 >R56 of a penny, ?E56@ < !robab y for FA)A+S, 'ut the p ura of FA)A+ is usua y gi%en as FA)+ES, ?E54@ < ES#AR)A, *A sort of sma partridge with b a"C feet* 12i"hae isD 0i"t,3, ?E55@ < Here we ha%e the p ura FA)+EES, ?E5=@ < !o%os is a p a"e near ;isbon, ?E5E@ < Anegundi, ?E5.@ < 'e ow$ pp, 5L5$ 5L=, ?E5-@ < #he stone bridge$ bui t on rows of rough mono ithi" uprights$ the remains of whi"h are sti to be seen near the temp e of Vittha as%ami$ appears$ from the absen"e of a usion to it$ to ha%e been "onstru"ted at a ater date, ?E5>@ < #his " ear y a udes to the beautifu y s"u ptured temp e of Vittha as%ami$ whi"h is in the situation des"ribed, ?E5M@ < #his word is a pu// e, If the temp e be$ as seems most probab e from the des"ription$ the prin"ipa temp e at Hampe$ sti in use$ I suggest that A+!E represents *Hampi* or *Hampe,* RA0I may be *rajah$* or RA0IA) may be *rajyam,* #he name was perhaps gi%en to !aes by some one who des"ribed it as *the roya Hampe temp e* and this wou d a""urate y des"ribe it, It was dedi"ated to VirupaCsha$ and was the "athedra of the great "ity, ?E5L@ < #he word used is R+2E9RA$ whi"h may mean either a pomegranate tree or a fema e pi grim, #he a usion is to the p aster figures and designs on the tower 1C+R8CHE+3 abo%e the gate, ?E=6@ < CI)IE9R+ apparent y means a p a"e for ashes 1CI)IA3, CI)IAS are *ashes of the dead,* #he referen"e may be to a p a"e in a "hur"h where in"ense&burners are Cept$ or$ as I thinC$ e(ua y we to the "rypt$ and this ast sense seems better to suit the "onteAt, ?E=4@ < SE8S for SEIS, ?E=5@ < #he word is omitted in the origina , ?E==@ < 'RE0+S, See abo%e$ pp, 55>$ 5E.$ notes, ?E=E@ < For a dis"ussion as to the dates gi%en in !aes$ see p, 4E6 ff, abo%e, ?E=.@ < #ERRE9R+, See abo%e$ p, 5.E, E%ident y the p a"e of arms is referred to, ?E=-@ < !+R#E9R+S$ !+R#E9R+ 2++R, #hese men are often mentioned in the "hroni" e, #heir "hief was one of the CingDs most important offi"ers$ and I gi%e him the tit e *Chief of the :uard,* ?E=>@ < I am doubtfu about this trans ation, #he word used has probab y some te"hni"a meaning, 9u eDs 0i"tionary has S++SIE from !ersian susi, *Some Cind of si C " oth$ but we Cnow not what Cind,* #he origina passage runs: < *7uoanto ao pao$ sabereis (ue he toda "hea de sues soajes$ e de iois todos d ouro$ e no %ao d estas soajes tem huas "hapas d ouro "om muytos robis$* J", ?E=M@ < CA'+, I thinC this must mean the edge$ the front$ not the eAtreme end of the CingDs ba "ony,

?E=L@ < #his is gi%en in the singu ar number$ probab y by mistaCe$ as the p ura is used immediate y afterwards A+ CAVA;;+ B +S E)CE2CA,
[440] TA O'E!RO.

?EE4@ < !ARE0ES$ probab y for *purdahs* 1!ersian$ !AR0A3$ "urtains or s"reens, #he !ortuguese word means a *wa ,* ?EE5@ < 2+;HERES S+;#EIRAS E 'A9;HA0EIRAS$ I,E, the dan"ing gir s of the temp e and pa a"e, ?EE=@ < ;AV+0ES, See be ow$ p, 5>-$ note regarding ;A80ES, ?EEE@ < Sa u%a #imma$ the minister, #he name is spe t in %arious ways in the "hroni" es of both !aes and )uni/, Grishna 0e%a owed his throne to him 1be ow$ p, =4.3, ?EE.@ < #he Cing of Seringapatam at this period was 'ettada Chama Raya$ who ru ed the 2ysore "ountry from 4.4= to 4..5, He had three sons, #he two e dest re"ei%ed at his death portions of his estate$ but both died without issue, #he third son was "a ed *Hire* or *Vira* Chama, He was apparent y the most powerfu $ and the best be o%ed of his father$ sin"e he re"ei%ed as his portion on the atterDs death the prin"ipa tra"t of 2ysore$ the town itse f$ and the neighbouring pro%in"e, After the fa of Vijayanagar in 4.-. he be"ame pra"ti"a y independent$ and ru ed ti the prin"ipa power was sei/ed by his re ati%e$ Raja 8daiyar$ in 4.>M, #he word G82ARA 1S *son*3 is often app ied in roya fami ies in India to one of the reigning CingDs offspring$ and I %enture to thinC that C82ARVIR9A represents G82ARA VIRA99A$ the Cing of Seringapatam being himse f not present at these feasts$ and the personage seen by !aes being his son Vira, ?EE-@ < #he writer begins again$ *'ut returning to the feasts,* I ha%e omitted the phrase here$ as it has be"ome rather monotonous, ?EE>@ < A sma go d "oin$ of whi"h it is %ery diffi"u t to assess the eAa"t %a ue, Abdur Ra//aC 14EE=3 apparent y maCes it e(ua to the ha f pagoda; Varthema 14.6= < >3 to the pagoda itse f; and this atter is the sense in whi"h we must taCe it, Varthema "a s it a *go d du"at,* !ur"has says it was in his day about the %a ue of a F emish do ar, #he genera %a ue assigned in more re"ent days to the pagoda is = 4R5 rupees$ or se%en shi ings when the rupee stands at par %a ue, 1See 9u e and 'urne Ds 0i"tionary$ *Hobson&Hobson$* S,V, *pagoda* and *pardao,* 9u e apparent y %a ues it$ at the period treated of$ as about Es, -d,3 'arros and Castanheda both agree with !aes that the pardao was worth =-6 reis, 1'e ow$ p, 5M5,3 ?EEM@ < Gu ayi in #e ugu, See pp, 546$ 5.5$ note 5$ and p, =M=, #hese women appear to ha%e worn menDs head&dresses, ?EEL@ < #he reins were not of eather$ but of si C twisted into ropes, ?E.6@ < I read the word in the 2S, QIS2AE;$ and 2r, ;opes suggests that this stands for SheiC 1QE78E3 Ismai , If so$ undoubted y !ersia is meant, ?E.4@ < ;A80EIS, #his word$ %arious y spe t$ is "onstant y used, It appears to refer to the thi"C (ui ted tuni"s$ strengthened by eather or meta pie"es$ whi"h were so often worn in India in o d days, #hey were in many "ases ri"h y ornamented$ and formed a good defen"e against sword&"uts, #he pi ars of the e aborate y ornamented GA;9A)A 2A)0A!A of the temp e in the fort at Ve ore in )orth Ar"ot$ whi"h was bui t during the Vijayanagar period$ are "ar%ed with rearing horses$ whose riders wear jerCins$ apparent y of eather$ fastened with buttons and oops, It is possib e that this was the body&" othing referred to by the "hroni" er, I "an gi%e no " ue to the origin of the word$ un ess it be "onne"ted with the Ganarese ;+08$ *a stuffed " oth or "ushion,* 'arros$ des"ribing the dress of the Hindu "a%a ry in the Rai"hur "ampaign of 4.56$ says that they wore ;A80EES of "otton 1E2'8#I0+S$ whate%er that may mean in this "onteAt < it, *in aid*3$ or body$ head$ and arms$ strong enough to prote"t them against an"e&thrusts or sword&"uts; the horses

and e ephants were simi ar y prote"ted, Foot&so diers "arried no defensi%e armour *but on y the ;A80EES,* < 0e", III, , i%, ", E, ?E.5@ < ;I+ES, #he meaning is not " ear, ?E.=@ < As to this arge number see p, 4E> ff, abo%e, ?E.E@ < Some detai s are gi%en by )uni/ 1be ow$ p, =ME f,3, ?E..@ < A""ording to the (uite independent testimony of )uni/ 1be ow$ p, =>E3 these were the *Cings* of 'anCapur$ :ersoppa$ 'aCanur Ca i"ut$ and 'hatCa , ?E.-@ < For a fu note as to these "hrono ogi"a detai s see abo%e$ p, 4E6 ff, ?E.>@ < #he *:uandaja* of )uni/ 1be ow$ p, =-43, ?E.M@ < A these bui dings are utter y destroyed$ but there is no doubt that "arefu and systemati" eA"a%ations wou d dis" ose the who e p an of the pa a"e$ and that in the ruins and debris wou d be found the remains of the beautifu s"u ptures des"ribed, C ose behind the great de"orated pa%i ion$ from whi"h the Cing and his "ourt witnessed the feasts des"ribed by !aes$ and therefore " ose to the gate just a uded to$ are to be seen$ ha f&buried in earth and debris$ two arge stone doors$ ea"h made of a sing e s ab, #he stone has been "ut in pane s to imitate woodworC$ and teas arge stap es "ar%ed from the same b o"C, ?E.L@ < FE9#+ 0E H8AS 2E9AS CA)AS, I am doubtfu as to the meaning of this, EAamination of the mass of ruins now remaining wou d sett e a these points, Stone s"u ptures were broCen up and eft, #hey were not remo%ed, 1See a so p, 5MM be ow,3 ?E-6@ < 2r, Ferguson has ingenious y emendated Senhor ;opesDs reading from 9I)A:EES !+R 78E )AS 78E ES#A+ 2E#I0AS #+ 92A:EES !E78E)AS 78E$J " B #he 2S,$ howe%er$ whi"h is itse f a "opy$ has !+R 78E )AS, ?E-4@ < SA+ 0E 2EAS CA)ES 1see abo%e$ p, 5M.3, 2eaning not understood$ un ess it be as rendered, ?E-5@ < #his des"ription deser%es spe"ia noti"e, #he writer is e%ident y des"ribing a 2A)0A!A ri"h y s"u ptured$ of whi"h so many eAamp es are sti to be seen in temp es$ and he states that the who e of the stone "ar%ing was ri"h y "o oured and gi ded, #his probab y was a ways the "ase, #ra"es of "o our sti remain on many of these bui dings at Vijayanagar, ?E-=@ < !RA)H8S 1see abo%e$ p, 5E43, !robab y the s"u ptures were iCe many sti to be seen in the temp es of that date in Southern India$ where the base of the pi ar is e aborate y "ar%ed with grotes(ue figures of e ephants$ horses$ and monsters, ?E-E@ < #he gate sti eAists opposite the Anegundi ferry, ?E-.@ < Grishnapura$ where are the ruins of a fine temp e, ?E--@ < It seems " ear that this senten"e must be interpo ated$ and perhaps a so the who e of the ast four paragraphs, For the penu timate senten"e "ou d not ha%e formed part of the origina "hroni" e of !aes$ written perhaps in 4.55$ or thereabouts$ as it refers to an e%ent that tooC p a"e in 4.=. < =-, ?E->@ < E sewhere "a ed *+ndegema,* Its other name was )aga apur, It is the modern Hospett, 1See be ow$ )uni/$ p, =M>,3 ?E-M@ < #his *genera destru"tion* e%ident y refers to the "on(uest of Anegundi by 2uhammad #agh a(, ?E-L@ < 1See abo%e$ p, M,3 #he date shou d be about 4==6, )uni/ was here about a "entury wrong, ?E>6@ < 0e hi, ?E>4@ < A "ommon error with the foreigners, !roper y speaCing it was Cambaya whi"h be onged to

:ujarat, ?E>5@ < 2uhammad #agh a( of 0e hi, ?E>=@ < !ersia 1abo%e$ p, 463, ?E>E@ < I,E, the 'a aghat$ or "ountry abo%e the ghats, *#he high and on the top is %ery f atte and good to bui d upon$ "a ed 'a agatte and 0e"an$ and is inhabited and di%ided among di%ers Cings and go%ernors* 1;ins"hoten$ i, -.3, Correa di%ides this part of India into *'isnega$ 'a agate$ and Cambay,* ?E>.@ < #his is the !ortuguese rendering of the Adi Ghan$ or Adi Shah of 'ijapur, *Ida Aa* represents the atter tit e, ?E>-@ < #he des"ription app ies best to the 2a prabha Ri%er$ and perhaps *0uree* represents 0harwar, ?E>>@ < Anegundi, ?E>M@ < He was at that time on y "hief or Cing of Anegundi$ Vijayanagar not ha%ing been yet founded, ?E>L@ < #hese basCet&boats are des"ribed by !aes 1see abo%e$ p, 5.L3, ?EM6@ < I ha%e not been ab e to identify this name, It is possib e that the first sy ab e represents the word SRI$ and that the who e may ha%e been a spe"ia appe ation of the upper fortress or "itade $ on the ro"Cy heights abo%e the town of Anegundi, ?EM4@ < #here had been no spe"ia war with Anegundi that we Cnow of; but the Rajah of that p a"e had %ery possib y been dire"t y affe"ted by$ if not a"tua y engaged in$ the wars between the Hindu Hoysa a 'a a as and the ru ers of Karanga and :ujarat on the one hand$ and the 2uhammadan in%aders from 0e hi on the other, ?EM5@ < See Introdu"tion$ p, 4=, *His Cingdoms* 1SE8S RE9)+S3 refers to the territories of 2uhammad #agh a($ whose barbarities had resu ted in the wasting and depopu ation of arge tra"ts, ?EM=@ < See abo%e$ p, 5LE$ note 4, ?EME@ < Spe t be ow *2e i(uy niby* and *2i e(ue neby;* e%ident y for 2A;;IG )AI'$ the CingDs deputy, ?EM.@ < Abo%e$ p, 4L ff, ?EM-@ < 0e%a Raya, #his was the genera tit e of the Vijayanagar Cings; thus$ Harihara 0e%a Raya$ 'uCCa 0e%a Raya$ Grishna 0e%a Raya$J ", #his first Cing is gi%en no persona name by )uni/, #here were afterwards two Cings who are Cnown to history by the names 0e%a Raya I, and 0e%a Raya II,$ with no persona name prefiAed, ?EM>@ < #his same ta e is to d of many Cings and "hiefs in Southern India, #he *#a/Carat&u & 2u uC* 1I)0, A)#,$ 2ay 4MLL$ p, 45L3 a so re ates it of the 'ahmani Su tan Ahmad Shah 14E55 < =.3$ a eging that it was the beha%iour of a hunted hare that indu"ed him to maCe 'idar his "apita , ?EMM@ < #his was the great Sringeri :uru$ 2adha%a"harya$ surnamed VI09ARA)9A$ or *Forest of ;earning,* #his deri%ation of the name of the "ity is %ery "ommon$ but is be ie%ed to be erroneous, ?EML@ < #he arge temp e of VirupaCsha at Hampe, ?EL6@ < 'uCCa Raya, ?EL4@ < !8RE+9RE probab y represents *Harihara,* #his Cing was not the first to "oin !AR0A+S or pagodas, A pagoda of 'uCCa I, is Cnown 1I)0, A)#,$ AA, =653, ?EL5@ < See abo%e$ p, .4, #here is no name amongst those of this dynasty with whi"h this "an be at

present "onne"ted, ?EL=@ < Cey on, ?ELE@ < Coromande 1note$ p, 5=L abo%e3, ?EL.@ < Vijaya Rao, ?EL-@ < 7ui on, ?EL>@ < !u i"at$ near 2adras, #his was an important pro%in"e of Vijayanagar in ater years, ?ELM@ < #enasserim, ?ELL@ < !I)A S CHI))A in #e ugu$ CHIGGA in Ganarese$ and means * itt e,* !ina Raya or ChiCCa Raya was the tit e app ied to the Crown !rin"e 1abo%e$ p, 55=3, #he deri%ation gi%en by )uni/ is p ain y wrong, ?.66@ < Abdur Ra//aC re ates the same story$ and fiAes the e%ent as ha%ing taCen p a"e between )o%ember 4EE5 and Apri 4EE. A,0,$ *whi e he was at Ca i"ut* 1abo%e$ p, >=3, ?.64@ < #his seems so imp y that the nephew of the Cing had been one of the twenty ministers 1RE:E0+RES3 mentioned in the "hroni" e, ?.65@ < SIC in orig, ?.6=@ < VirupaCsha Raya, ?.6E@ < )ARASHI2HA, He had apparent y arge tra"ts of "ountry under his "harge to the east of the "apita towards the east "oast, His re ationship to the so%ereign has a ways been a matter of doubt, ?.6.@ < !ersia 1+rmu/3 and Aden, #he atter were Arabs, ?.6-@ < *Ra"ho * is Rai"hur; *+degary* represents 8dayagiri; *Conado gi* probab y is Gonda%id$ A+;:I for 0R8:$ a mountain fortress, ?.6>@ < #his a""ount of the se"ond )arasa and the fami y re ationship differs a together from the resu ts obtained from epigraphi"a study$ a""ording to whi"h the se"ond )arasa was e der son of the first )arasa or )arasimha Grishna 0e%a being the atterDs younger son, ?.6M@ < !ennaConda, ?.6L@ < CF, *#emersea$* p, 5.6$ and note, #his$ howe%er$ was not the man there a uded to$ though he bore the same name, ?.46@ < ;ater on we earn that this manDs name was Codemerade 1p, =-63, ?.44@ < Chandragiri$ the "apita of the Cingdom in its de"adent days, ?.45@ < Ins"riptions do not gi%e us the names of any sons ha%ing names iCe these, *Crismarao* probab y represents Grishna 0e%a Raya$ son of the first )arasa or )arasimha$ and brother of the se"ond )arasa$ often "a ed Vira )arasimha, ?.4=@ < Sa u%a #imma, #his man be onged apparent y to the new roya fami y$ whose fami y name was Sa u%a, He was the powerfu minister of Grishna 0e%a Raya$ hut died disgra"ed$ imprisoned$ and b inded, He is "onstant y mentioned in ins"riptions of the period, ?.4E@ < !erhaps *'asa%a Raya$* but as yet no brother of Grishna 0e%a is Cnown bearing that name, ?.4.@ < Rai"hur, ?.4-@ < 2udCa , ?.4>@ < 8dayagiri,

?.4M@ < Some say un" e, ?.4L@ < In the 2S, E2 78E AVIA is e%ident y a mistaCe for E 78E AVIA, ?.56@ < Gonda%id, ?.54@ < I "annot identify this ri%er, #here is none su"h$ to my Cnow edge$ twe %e mi es or thereabouts from Gonda%id, *Sa t* may perhaps mean bra"Cish, ?.55@ < Gondapa e, ?.5=@ < Rajahmundry, #he first sy ab e has been a""identa y dropped$ perhaps by the "opyist, ?.5E@ < Senhor ;opesDs *Chroni"a* has *H8 H+2E SE8 78E A78E;;E #E2!+ 0 A78E;;E #E2!+ 28I#+ SA'IA,* 2r, Ferguson suggests$ and with good reason$ that for the se"ond #E2!+ we shou d read H+:+, I ha%e trans ated the passage a""ording y, Senhor ;opes "on"urs, ?.5.@ < #he origina 2S, has #+2ARIA S8AS #ERRAS < *wou d taCe his ands,* !ossib y the first of these words shou d ha%e been #+R)ARIA$ in whi"h "ase the senten"e wou d mean that the Ging *wou d restore the ands* to his enemy, ?.5-@ < I am unab e to identify this "ountry, #he des"ription of the town answers to Ve ore in )orth Ar"ot$ the fine o d fort at whi"h p a"e is surrounded with a deep moat, A""ording to tradition$ this p a"e was "aptured by Grishna 0e%a Raya from a Reddi "hief, ?.5>@ < ' anC in the origina , ?.5M@ < E;RE9 0A78E2,, #his may be *the Cing on this side* or *the Cing of the 0aChan,* #he former seems most probab e$ and I thinC that the referen"e is to the for"es of Su tan 7u i 7utb Shah of :o Conda 1see the 2uhammadan a""ount of affairs at this time$ gi%en abo%e$ pp, 4=5 < 4=.,3 ?.5L@ < 2uhammad$ 2ahomet$ I,E, he was of the !rophetDs Cindred, ?.=6@ < #he teAt is "onfused here, ?.=4@ < #he fo owing is 'arrosDs a""ount of this affair of *Cide 2er"ar,* After mentioning the terms of the treaty between Vijayanagar and 'ijapur$ one of whi"h pro%ided for the re"ipro"a eAtradition of "rimina s and debtors$ he writes: < *Crisnarao$ Cnowing that he "ou d "at"h the Hida "ao in this trap$ "a ed a 2oor by name Cide 2er"ar$ who had been in his ser%i"e for many years$ and bade him taCe forty thousand pardaos and go to :oa to buy horses of those that had "ome from !ersia, Crisnaro wrote etters to our Captain B on purpose so that the affair might be"ome wide y Cnown to a , Cide 2er"ar$ either tempted by the arge sum of money in his "harge$ or swayed by a etter whi"h they say was sent to him by the Hida "ao$ when he arri%ed at a #A)A0ARIA "a ed !onda$ three eagues from :oa$ f ed to the Hida "ao from there, #he Hida "ao as soon as he arri%ed sent him to Chau $ saying hat he bestowed on him this #A)A0ARIA as he was an honourab e man of the fami y of 2ahamed B; but in a few days he disappeared from there$ and they say that the Cing ordered his murder after he had taCen from him the forty thousand pardaos,* ?.=5@ < *2adre* stands for Imad$ the 'irar Su tan; *Virido* for the 'arid Su tan of 'idar, I "annot eAp ain 0eme yno or 0ES#8R$ un ess the former be an error of the "opyist for *Ieme u"o* as written be ow$ whi"h "ertain y refers to the )i/am Shah, Se%era !ortuguese writers omit the first sy ab e of *)i/am* In their "hroni" es, +n p, =EM be ow$ these names are gi%en as 2adrema u"o$ Ieme u"o$ *0estuy* and *Virido;* and therefore *0estur* and *0estuy* must mean the 7utb Shah of :o Conda$ at that period Su tan 7u i, +n p, =EL we ha%e the form *0es"ar,* ?.==@ < For a fu dis"ussion of this date see abo%e$ p, 4E6, ?.=E@ < See abo%e$ p, 5-=$ note, His name was Gama )aiC 1p =5L3, ?.=.@ < SE8S A;;9FA)#ES, !erhaps SE8S is a " eri"a error for SEIS$ *siA,* 'arros$ in

des"ribing the same e%ent$ says *siAteen e ephants,* ?.=-@ < See be ow$ p, =-6$ note, ?.=>@ < !robab y :anda Rajah$ brother of Sa u%a #imma$ the minister, 1See p, 5ME$ and note to p, =-4,3 #he initia *+* may he the arti" e *#he,* ?.=M@ < #he great %assa ords of 2adura$ who after the fa of the Cingdom estab ished themse %es as a dynasty of independent so%ereigns$ des"ended$ so 'arradas te s us$ from the *!age of the bete * 1abo%e$ p, 5=63, ?.=L@ < I thinC that the se"ond C in this name is an error for E$ and that *Comarberea* represents Gumara Virayya of 2ysore 1abo%e$ p, 5-L3, ;ater on )uni/ spe s the name *Comarberya* 1be ow$ p, ==-3, ?.E6@ < Abo%e$ pp, E6$ -6$ 455, ?.E4@ < ;A0ES$ for ;A80EIS$ (ui ted tuni"s$ doub ets, #he word is spe t in other p a"es ;A90ES$ ;A20ES$ ;A)09S$ ;A209S$ and ;A)0EIS, See note$ p, 5>-$ abo%e, ?.E5@ < :+2E0ARES$ probab y the modern A:+2IA or :+2IA$ *a poignard,* Senhor ;opes refers me to 'arros$ 2endes$ !into$ J",$ where the form used is :82IA; the word being deri%ed from the Arabi" G822I9A$ whi"h proper y means a "ur%ed dagger < *82 !8)HA; E2 2E+ ARC+* 12S, in !ortuguese$ on 2oro""o$ in Senhor ;opesDs possession3, ?.E=@ < See abo%e$ p, 5>6, ?.EE@ < 2a iabad$ as now "a ed$ " ose to Rai"hur, #he name gi%en by )uni/ I taCe to represent *2a ia 1or 2a iya3 'anda$* probab y the Hindu name, 'A)0A S *ro"C,* *2a iabad* is the name gi%en by the 2usa mans, ?.E.@ < A sma "opper "oin, ?.E-@ < 2I):8+$ probab y 2++): or green grain 1*Hobson&Hobson*3, Ibn 'atuta "a s it 28)H$ others 28):+,
[547] RE%ATOEES D ARTE.

?.EM@ < #he tota "a%a ry and e ephants of the different "o umns enumerated abo%e "omes to =5$-66 and ..4 respe"ti%e y, ?.EL@ < 'arros has A)C+S#A+$ and Correa A)C+SCA+, #he atter termination seems the most natura < CA+ for GHA), #he name appears to be *AnCus Ghan,* *!omdaa* is !omda or !onda$ " ose to :oa, ?..6@ < 0om :uterre de 2onroy sai ed from !ortuga to India in 4.4. in "ommand of a f eet 1A bu(uer(ue$ HaC uyt edition$ i%, 4LE3, In 4.4- he was in "ommand at :oa during the absen"e of :o%ernor ;opo Soares at the Red Sea$ between the months of February and September$ and during that period atta"Ced the 'ijapur troops at !onda$ whi"h were "ommanded by AnCus Ghan$ with some su""ess 1'arros$ 0e" III, , i, ", M3, +sorio 1:ibbsD trans ation$ ii, 5=.3 represents 0e 2onroy as a man of a %ery "rue and i"entious disposition, He was married to a nie"e of the go%ernor, ?..4@ < #hey be ie%ed$ that is$ that their prestige wou d gi%e them great mora superiority o%er the Hindus, ?..5@ < #his passage is obs"ure, ?..=@ < See abo%e$ p, =5> and note, ?..E@ < #he origina has CAVAS E 'A80ES, #he meaning of the ast word is not " ear, ?...@ < AV9A+ 0E 2+RRER !E0I0+ A8SA 0A 2+R#E, A8SA is perhaps for +8SA0IA$ *bo dness;* and the passage wou d then mean that sin"e death appeared ine%itab e they shou d meet

it ha f&way$ and not a/i y await it; they shou d die iCe so diers in a "harge$ not stupid y standing sti to be s aughtered, ?..-@ < *Sufo ;arij$* 'arros$ 0e", III, , i%, "ap, ., Asada GhanDs o%e of intrigue was pro%erbia amongst the !ortuguese of that day, ?..>@ < C+2+ 78ER 78E ACA0ACA+ #RAIIA 78E2 HIA A #ERRA, A doubtfu passage, ?..M@ < #+2A20+ A FA;;0RA 0A SERRA 0A 'A20A 0+ S8;, It wou d be interesting to earn whi"h range of hi s is referred to, ?..L@ < Sa abat Ghan, ?.-6@ < See abo%e$ p, 5.4$ note, ?.-4@ < ;;AVA+CAS$ for A;AVA)CA$ a !ortuguese word for "rowbar sti e%erywhere in Cey on, ?.-5@ < FRA2:ES$ I,E, Feringhees$ FranCs$ or Europeans, ?.-=@ < Sa u%a #imma, ?.-E@ < Rey 0a(uym$ I,E, Ging of the 0aChan, #his e%ident y refers to the 'ahmani Cing$ who was sti re"ognised as titu ar so%ereign$ though the who e "ountry had re%o ted and broCen up into fi%e independent Cingdoms, For the names that pre"ede this see note to p, =5. abo%e, ?.-.@ < C+2ECARA+ 0EI#AR AS 'AR'ES E2 RE2+;H+, #his refers to the !ortuguese pro%erb < *7uando %ires arder as barbas do teu %i/inho$ poe 1or deita3 as tuas em remo ho* < *Khen you see your neighbourDs beard on fire$ steep your own in water;* or guard against iCe treatment, < 0, F, ?.--@ < #his passage appears to be "orrupt$ and I ha%e been unab e to guess at its meaning, Senhor ;opes$ whom I ha%e "onsu ted$ is e(ua y at fau t about it,
[567] E'RE& O MAMDO$ ER.

?.-M@ < 78E E;;E #E A2A A #9 0IA)#E 0E #9, #he atter words may be an emphati" eApression$ aCin to 0IA)#E 0E 0E8S E 0E #+0+ + 28)0+$ *In the fa"e of :od and a the wor d,* ?.-L@ < Ante e es shou d be *antre e es,* ?.>6@ < 2udCa , ?.>4@ < 'ijapur, ?.>5@ < #+0+ A C8;;!A 0E #A;; SER FE9#+ !+R AS9, ;it, *a on a""ount of his ha%ing a"ted thus,* ?.>=@ < Gu barga$ the an"ient 'ahmani "apita , ?.>E@ < #his passage does not seem %ery eAa"t from an histori"a standpoint 1see abo%e$ p, 4.>$ and note3, ?.>.@ < Sa u%a #imma, ?.>-@ < 1Abo%e$ p, =46 f,3 #he origina teAt has *E FEI RE:E0+R H88 FI;H+ C+0E2ERA0E$* but I "annot identify the name with any ordinary Hindu name or tit e; and if *son of Codemerade* be meant$ as I suppose$ the 0E has been omitted a""identa y, If$ howe%er$ there has been a "onfusion of sy ab es and the origina reading was *FI;H+ 0E C+0E2ERA$* then I wou d point to the ist gi%en abo%e of powerfu nob es 1p, =5>3 who "ommanded the for"es of the Cing in the great Ra"ho "ampaign$ one of whom was "a ed C+20A2ARA, In the "on" uding paragraph of this "hapter we ha%e this new ministerDs name gi%en as *Ajaboissa$* and in the ist of

pro%in"ia ords 1p, =M. be ow3 as *Ajapar"atimapa,* #he atter name sounds more probab e than the former, #he first ha f wou d be the fami y name$ the ast$ *#immappa$* his own persona name, ?.>>@ < In the passage ear ier in this "hapter Sa u%a #imma is said to ha%e had a brother *:uandaja,* !utting the two together$ it wou d seem that his brother and son both bore the same name$ probab y :anda Rajah, !aes refers to the brother as being in his day go%ernor of the "apita 1abo%e$ p, 5ME, He "a s him *:amdarajo,* See a so p, =5>$ note 5, ?.>M@ < C92C+ 2E)+S H88 78+AR#+ !+R 2I; !AR0A+S$ or nineteen for four thousand pardaos, #he "hroni" er was a trader in horses at Vijayanagar, ;ater on he mentions the usua pri"e as twe %e or fifteen horses for a thousand !AR0A+S 1be ow$ p, =M43, ?.>L@ < 'e gaum, ?.M6@ < #he "aptain of !onda was AnCus Ghan 1abo%e$ p, ==.$ notes 4$ 53, ?.M4@ < About a mi e and a (uarter, )aga apur is the modern Hospett, If the measurement is a""urate$ this street$ eading$ no doubt$ towards the "apita $ is now non&eAistent, ?.M5@ < #he 0e a !ontes are more than on"e mentioned in the history of the siAteenth "entury, #hey were probab y an Ita ian fami y or Ita ien in origin$ and engineers by profession$ the Ria to at Veni"e ha%ing been "onstru"ted by Antonio de a !onte in 4.MM, #his$ howe%er$ may be a fan"ifu "onne"tion, It is possib e that both in !ortuga and in Ita y fami ies may ha%e re"ei%ed that surname in "onse(uen"e of their sCi in bridge&bui ding$ or of one of the fami y ha%ing in former days distinguished himse f by the "onstru"tion of a parti"u ar bridge, #he engineer mentioned in the teAt is probab y the indi%idua who at the end of Apri 4.56 was sent by the Cing of !ortuga to eAamine into the possibi ity of bui ding a fortress at #etuan in 2oro""o, 0om !edro de 2as"arenhas 1afterwards$ in 4..E$ Vi"eroy at :oa3 sai ed on this mission from Ceuta$ and *Hoao )unes de !ont* is mentioned as a""ompanying him, #he Cing and the Emperor Char es V, were both at this time anAious to pre%ent the 2oorish "orsairs from using #etuan in future$ as they had done in the past$ as a base for their pirati"a atta"Cs on Spain and !ortuga , 10amiao de :oes$ CHR+)ICA 0E 0+2 2A)8E;$ edit, of Coimbra$ 4>L6$ %o , i, !art IV, p, .=5; A;:8)S 0+C82E)#+S 0+ ARCHIV+ )ACI+)A; 0A #+RRE 0+ #+2'+$ ;isbon$ 4ML5; pp, EE. < EE-,3 In 4.54$ some time after the month of 2ar"h$ when 0om 0iogo ;opes de Se(ueira$ the go%ernor of :oa$ had returned from his eApedition to the Red Sea$ he was urged by his "ounse ors to bui d a fortress at 2adrefaba near :oa$ as the p a"e "ontained an an"horage suffi"ient for an entire f eet, 1Corre"t$ ;E)0AS 0A I)0IA$ ii, p, -55,3 Correa "ontinues: *#he go%ernor$ howe%er$ thought better to send in a C+#IA Antonio Correa and !ero de Coimbra$ his "hief pi ot$ to inspe"t the ri%er of 2adrefaba and measure the water on the bar$ and 2anue da !onte$ +%erseer of KorCs$ and Hoao de a !onte$ his brother$ who understood it we $ to %iew the and$ and if there were stone$ and if ime "ou d be made for the worC$ and to bring him "ertitude of a ,* If this man were the same as he who went with 2as"arenhas to #etuan$ he had$ in a probabi ity$ not been ong in India when he went to 2adrefaba, #his seems to show that the great tanC of Grishna 0e%a Raya$ seen in pro"ess of "onstru"tion by the "hroni" er !aes 1see p, 5EE3$ and mentioned in the teAt by )une/$ was not begun ti at east the autumn of 4.54, If so$ !aes did not KRI#E his des"ription of Vijayanagar ti after that date 1say 4.553, 1See abo%e$ p, 4-5,3 ?.M=@ < ES!AC+S, #his probab y means s ui"es or weirs,
[584] POR NO E ANOS DE %RACA. [585] NAO HA NENH$ MAN!METO NEM MERCADAR&AS.

?.M-@ < #he origina 1itse f a "opy3 has *)ES#A #ERR+ )A+ SE SERVE2 0E 'ES#AS !ERA CARRE:8AS,* I thinC that the words SE )A+ must ha%e been a""identa y omitted before 0E 'ES#AS$ and ha%e %entured so to render the passage,

?.M>@ < About = 4R5d, 1N3, A VI)#E2 is about > 4R56d, ?.MM@ < I ha%e gi%en the meaning here$ not a itera trans ation, #he writer begins: *After the death of Ging Crisnarao from his disease$ as has been a ready re"ounted,* #hen he inserts a ong parenthesis whi"h might he read: *Khi e he was si"C B he had made a wi B J"B,* down to B *but on y one of the age of eighteen months,* #hen he "ontinues: *After his death 1as I ha%e said3 Sa %anay be"ame minister$* J"B, ?.ML@ < Chandragiri, ?.L6@ < See abo%e$ p, =4., ?.L4@ < A"hyuta, ?.L5@ < 'e gaum, ?.L=@ < #hese two may perhaps be two of the three powerfu brothers Rama$ #irunna a$ and VenCatadri$ of whom the two first married two daughters of Grishna 0e%a, In su"h "ase$ howe%er$ they wou d not ha%e been a"tua y brothers&in& aw of Ging A"hyuta$ but of his brother the ate Cing, ?.LE@ < A mange in is rough y e(ui%a ent to a "arat$ hut a"tua y the differen"e is one&fifth; E mange ins S . "arats, So that 4=6 mange ins S 4-5 "arats$ #he G+H&I&)8R$ when brought to Eng and$ weighed 4M- "arats 1See AppendiA A,3 ?.L.@ < #he word used is CA#RE$ a ight bedstead$ probab y the origin of the modern South Indian word *"ot$* for a "amp bedstead, ?.L-@ < AR78E;HA 0E !RA#A, AR78E;HA is a mos(uito&net, Sin"e manifest y the net itse f "ou d not be made of si %er$ the a usion is probab y to its supports, Senhor ;opes$ in a etter to me$ suggests that it means the upper portion of the "anopy$ *;E CIE; 08 ;I#$* or the frameworC that ho ds the "urtains$ AR78E;HA being a diminuti%e of ARC+$ a *bow* or *ar"h,* In this "ase it might mean the domed "ei ing of a "anopy made in 2uhammadan fashion$ and the "urtains may ha%e been of si C or bro"ade$ and not of mos(uito&netting, ?.L>@ < #he word used is AR2A0AS, It may mean *furnished* or *hung round with " oths$* or possib y *fen"ed* or *fortified,* ?.LM@ < SE8S ;E78ES must be a misprint for SEIS ;E78ES, ?.LL@ < Abo%e$ pp, 454$ 5M4$ and notes, ?-66@ < E 9S#+ HE C+A)#+ A CACA, At the present day in Southern India game&birds are so d a i%e$ genera y with the eyes sewn up, ?-64@ < #his e%ident y refers to the yaC&tai whisCs used in the ser%i"e of ido s in the temp es and in the pa a"es of nob es, +n o""asions of "eremony at the present day any "hief or nob e who has a pretension to so%ereignty$ or who " aims des"ent from a ine of independent ords$ pro" aims his dignity by the use of "ertain insignia$ and amongst these the yaC&tai fan finds p a"e, It is one of the most gra"efu of ornaments, #he soft white hair is set in a meta hand e of brass or si %er and wa%ed s ow y by an attendant, Its materia obje"t was to Ceep away f ies, ?-65@ < !ACHARI for !ICHHA8RI, ?-6=@ < Abo%e$ p, 5-=, ?-6E@ < *Si Cen trappings,* #he origina word is !A#+;;AS, ;ater on 1see p, =M=3$ in des"ribing the CingDs dress$ )uni/ writes$ *+S SE8S VES#I0+S SA+ !ACH+IIS$* J", 'oth these words probab y refer to the same Canarese word$ !A##80A$ *a si C " oth,* 'arbosa and !into use it in the form !A#+;A$ Correa as !A#+;+$ and !eyton 1in !ur"has3 as !A#+;;A, 19u e and 'urne Ds : ossary$ S,V, !A#+;A3 In #e ugu$ !A##8 S *si C,* ?-6.@ < H8)#AS, #he meaning is doubtfu $ but in a probabi ity yoCes of oAen are referred to, In

the Canarese "ountry these are often handsome y de"orated and " othed when atta"hed to tra%e ing %ehi" es,
[606] TERRE!RO.

?-6>@ < R+0AS 0E 'IC+S, #hese may perhaps ha%e been weapons su"h as in Eng and were Cnown as *Cnu"C edusters,* ?-6M@ < A free trans ation, #he origina runs$ *0E 2A)EIRA 78E + 78E FICA 0E 'AIQ+ 0 +8#R+ 2AIS FERI0+ VA9$ ;EVA A F+:ACA$ 78E HE H88 !ACHARI2$* J", It seems "urious that the %an(uished shou d be rewarded, ;EVA A F+:ACA is itera y *taCes the "aCe,* For !ACHARI2 see abo%e$ p, =>- note 5, ?-6L@ < #his is he on y o""asion on whi"h the "hroni" er gi%es the Cing his hereditary tit e of Raya$ usua y spe t RA+ by the !ortuguese, RA9A is the same as RAHA, ?-46@ < #he 7utb Shah of :o Conda, ?-44@ < Khether true or not$ this statement$ "oming as it does from a tota y eAterna sour"e$ strong y supports the %iew often he d that the ryots of South India were grie%ous y oppressed by the nob es when subje"t to Hindu go%ernment, +ther passages in both these "hroni" es$ ea"h of whi"h was written (uite independent y of the other$ "onfirm the assertion here made as to the mass of the peop e being ground down and i%ing in the greatest po%erty and distress, ?-45@ < Khen passing through the "ity$ probab y,
[613] ME&R!NHO. [614] (ARA)ES. [615] SANE!S #$E ENS&NDO OS CA A''OS.

?-4-@ < Abo%e$ p, =-4$ and note, ?-4>@ < '+IS, Hindu women of the 'oyi "aste, #he 'oyis are #e ugus$ and are emp oyed as bearers of pa an(ueens and other domesti" ser%i"e in Southern India, Hen"e the Ang o&Indian term *'oy* for a ser%ant, ?-4M@ < See abo%e$ note to p, =>>, ?-4L@ < #e ugu$ G8;;A9I, See pp, 546$ 5.5$ 5>=, ?-56@ < 0E FAIE20A, I thinC that the meaning is as gi%en, It wi be obser%ed be ow that the Cingdom was di%ided into pro%in"es or estates$ ea"h one entrusted to a nob e who farmed the re%enue to his own ad%antage$ paying a fiAed sum e%ery year to the Cing, In the "ase of )ar%ara$ the treasurer of the jewe s$ his estate is des"ribed as *bordering on the "ountry of 'isnaga$* and as this eApression "annot refer to the entire "ountry ru ed by the Cing$ it must be taCen in a imited sense as app ying to the CingDs own persona ands < his home farm$ so to speaC, #he system is we Cnown in India$ where a prin"e ho ds what are "a ed GHAS ands$ I,E, ands he d pri%ate y for his own persona use and benefit$ as distin"t from the ands he d under him by others$ the re%enue of whi"h ast ought to go to the pub i" purse, ?-54@ < )ote that 2adura is not mentioned in these ists, And yet it wou d appear that a )ayaCCa$ or subordinate "hief of Vijayanagar$ had been ru ing at that p a"e sin"e 4ELL, 2r, )e son$ in his worC$ *#he 2adura Country$* gi%es the fo owing ist of )ayaCCas there: < A,0, )arasa )ayaCCa 4ELL < 4.66 #enna )ayaCCa 4.66 < 4.4.

)arasa !i ai 1a #amu ian3 4.4. < 4.4L Guru Guru #immappa )ayaCCa 4.4L < 4.5E Gattiyama Gamayya )ayaCCa 4.5E < 4.5Chinnappa )ayaCCa 4.5- < 4.=6 AyyaCarai Veyyappa )ayaCCa 4.=6 < 4.=. Vis%anatha )ayaCCa Ayyar 4.=. < 4.EE Four others are mentioned before we "ome to the great Vis%anatha )ayaCCa$ who founded an hereditary dynasty$ though himse f on y a deputy of the "rown, He ru ed 2adura from 4..L to 4.-=, 2uttu Grishnappa 14-65 < 4-6L3 seems to ha%e been the first to assume roya tit es at 2adura, His son$ 2uttu Virappa 14-6L < 4-5=3$ is stated$ in the narrati%e of the !ortuguese writer 'arradas 1abo%e$ p, 5=63$ to ha%e paid a tribute in A,0, 4-4- to the Vijayanagar Cing at Chandragiri of -66$666 pagodas; he had se%era %assa Cings under him$ and must ha%e a ready obtained great power, It is possib e that$ in the time of )uni/$ 2adura was not one of the greater pro%in"es$ but that it be"ame so ater, #he names Choromande $ )egapatam$ and #anjore are easy to distinguish in this ist, *'omgarin* I "annot identify$ though the termination$ :ARI2$ may represent :IRI$ *mountain,* *0apatao* may be 0e%ipatnam, *#rugue * seems to ha%e some affinity with #iruCo%i , It "annot be the *#rugue * mentioned by 'arros and others as one of the fortresses gi%en to Asada Ghan by the Cing of Vijayanagar 1abo%e$ p, 4>.3$ be"ause those were " ose to 'e gaum$ whi e this *#rugue * was in the eAtreme south *Cau im* may be Gaya , ?-55@ < Abo%e$ p, =66$ note 4, ?-5=@ < 8dayagiri, ?-5E@ < Gonda%id, ?-5.@ < !ennaConda, ?-5-@ < 1N3 Ganigiri$ )e ore distri"t, Codegara 2A9 represent :andiCota$ the termination :IRI$ *hi $* being substituted for G+#A$ *fort$* E,:, :A)0I:IRI, ?-5>@ < Siddhout or Siddha%attam$ Cuddapah distri"t, ?-5M@ < #he passage is in"omp ete$ and I ha%e rendered it as seems reasonab e, It runs$ *VI)#E E CI2C+ 2I;; E 78I)HE)#+S 0E CAVA;;+ E$*J ", ;ooCing at the other ists of troops$ it "annot be supposed that this "hief had to pro%ide 5.$666 horse, It seems more probab e that su"h a word as !IAES was a""identa y omitted after 2I;;$ and that 2I;; shou d ha%e been repeated before 78I)HE)#+S, ?-5L@ < !erhaps Ra"ho $ near :oa, ?-=6@ < 'i"ho im 1N3, ?-=4@ < *'engapor* as e sewhere spe t$ I,E, 'anCapur$ south of 0harwar, ?-=5@ < See the ast senten"e of the "hroni" e of !aes 1abo%e$ p, 5L63$ where a town *on the east* is "a ed the new "ity whi"h Grishna 0e%a bui t in honour of his fa%ourite wife, #he writer has e%ident y been "onfused in that statement$ for it seems " ear that the town so founded was )aga apur$ the o d name for Hospett$ with whi"h it is distin"t y identified in other p a"es, #his town *on the east* is said$ in the senten"e referred to$ to bear the name *Ardegema$* and the o"a ity is hard to determine, *East* of whatN If east of )aga apur be meant$ then Ardegema or +ndegema 1:E2A probab y represents :RA2A$ *%i age*3 might ha%e been a suburb of that town, If east of the "apita be intended$ I "annot identify the p a"e, 'ut these p a"es e%ident y were " ose to the "apita $ bordering on the "rown ands, #his$ I taCe it$ is the meaning of *bordering on the ands 1#ERRA3 of 'isnaga,* ?-==@ < #hese three p a"es I "annot identify, *0iguoty* may perhaps be 0ugga%atti$ in the

Harpanha i di%ision of the 'e ary distri"t, *0arguem* suggests *0roog* or *0urgam,* #he word is app ied to a hi &fort$ of whi"h there are many in the neighbourhood, +ne of the most important was Rayadrug$ south of 'e ary, +ne of the ghat roads eading eastwards from :oa is "a ed the *gate de 0igui* in o d maps, ?-=E@ < !ossib y Ga a e in 2ysore$ a p a"e fifteen mi es south of that "apita , It is said to ha%e been founded in 4.6E by a nob e who was "onne"ted with the Vijayanagar roya fami y 1Ri"eDs ga/etteer$ ii, 5..3, ?-=.@ < 8nidentified, ?-=-@ < !erhaps 'udeha in 2ysore$ whi"h iCe Ga a e was founded by a Vijayanagar offi"er$ and "ontains se%era siAteenth&"entury ins"riptions, It is in the Chitta drug di%ision$ forty mi es south of that p a"e, ?-=>@ < 2anga ore, ?-=M@ < 8nidentified, ?-=L@ < R+8!A, ;inen " oth, #he word is not used of "otton$ and the neAt senten"e shows that "otton did not grow in that tra"t, ?-E6@ < I ha/ard the suggestion that this may be a mistaCe of the "opyist for *A%ati,* #his p a"e$ now a %i age in the Go ar distri"t of 2ysore$ was in the fifteenth "entury an important p a"e$ a ru ing fami y ha%ing been founded here by the *2orasu KoCCa u* or *Se%en Farmers* 1Ri"e$ *2ysore and Coorg$* ii, 563, #he des"ription app ies to it fair y we , ?-E4@ < Ca i"ut, ?-E5@ < Either *the ghats$* or perhaps :utti 1:oofy3, #he ri"h Vajra Garur diamond mines are about twenty mi es south&west of :ooty$ where are the remains of a %ery fine hi &fortress, ?-E=@ < See note abo%e$ p, =-M, ?-EE@ < 2udCa , ?-E.@ < Rai"hur, ?-E-@ < I,E, of the Hindu re igion$ not 2uhammadans, ?-E>@ < )+VEIS in the origina $ probab y for )+#AVEIS, ?-EM@ < #e ugus, ?-EL@ < #his was "ertain y not the "ase, ?-.6@ < #he :anges, ?-.4@ < Its history is Cnown from A,0, 4=6E$ when it was a"(uired by A a&ud&0in Ghi ji from the Rajah of 2a wa, ?-.5@ < 0e 2ontfartDs *Sur%ey of a the East Indies,* #rans ation$ edition of 4-4.$ p, =E, ?-.=@ < !ur"has$ i, 54M, ?-.E@ < See 9u e and 'urne Ds 0i"tionary$ S,V, *2aund,* End of #he !roje"t :utenberg EteAt of A Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar; A Contribution to the History of India