WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!

ENVER HOXHA

Laying the foundations of the new Albania

MEMOIRS AND HISTORICAL NOTES

Publisher's Note
T h e present e d i t i o n of Laying the Foundations of the New Albania, by E n v e r H o x h a is a direct reprint of the E n g l i s h - l a n g u a g e e d i t i o n p u b l i s h e d at the "8 N n t o r i " P u b l i s h i n g H o u s e , T i r a n a , 1984, b y the Institute of M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t Studies at the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e o f the P a r t y o f L a b o u r o f A l b a n i a .

Printed and published by the WORKERS' PUBLISHING HOUSE 172 Wandsworth Road, London SW8, England

PUBLISHED ON THE OCCASION OF THE 40th ANNIVERSARY OF THE LIBERATION OF THE HOMELAND AND THE TRIUMPH OF THE PEOPLE'S REVOLUTION

BY WAY OF AN INTRODUCTION
In the m a n y centuries of the h i s t o r y of A l b a n i a , our people's state p o w e r and the m o n o l i t h i c u n i t y of our people, embodied in the organization of the D e mocratic Front, are two of the greatest and most b r i l l i a n t achievements, two of the most m o n u m e n t a l w o r k s of the epoch of the P a r t y . These t w o i m m o r t a l m o n u m e n t a l works, l i k e the P a r t y itself, w h i c h was and remains for ever their p o w e r f u l b r a i n a n d heart, were not b o r n i n m a r b l e halls, w e r e not the product of great minds, l o l l i n g in the easy chairs of cafes or p a r l i a m e n t a r y seats. No, they w e r e b o r n f r o m the b a r r e l of the partisan rifle, in the f i r e of the w a r for freedom, w e r e n u r t u r e d in the bosom of the people, and the h u m b l e homes of the people became t h e i r place of residence. Today, l o o k i n g back over more t h a n f o u r decades, we A l b a n i a n communists feel p r o u d that ever since the days of their creation, the Democratic F r o n t of A l b a n i a and our people's state power, under the leadership of our glorious P a r t y , have p e r f o r m e d their tasks and mission for the people and the H o m e l a n d w i t h honour, have been tempered in the sternest battles 5

and tests, have withstood and defeated the plans of a l l i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l enemies a n d have been t u r n e d into impregnable fortresses of t r i u m p h a n t socialism and the fine n e w l i f e w h i c h i s f l o u r i s h i n g i n A l b a n i a . T h e i r honour and g l o r y w i l l b e raised h i g h e r and higher in the future, because the blood of 28,000 of the finest sons and daughters of this l a n d ( 1 ) has been poured in their foundations, because t h e y have been set up, raised and cemented w i t h sweat, toil, countless efforts and sacrifices by our people and our P a r t y . T h e y have been and w i l l r e m a i n for a l l time the i n v i o l a b l e c r e ation of the people, defending and expressing t h e i r l o f t y aspirations, a n d the M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t l i n e and ideology of our P a r t y of L a b o u r w i l l a l w a y s inspire them and pervade t h e m l i k e a r e d thread. As to h o w we managed to create and b u i l d these i m m o r t a l works, that is a w h o l e history. M a n y d o c u ments of that time, besides p r o v i d i n g v i v i d evidence of our w o r k and struggle for the creation of the F r o n t and the state power, also, comprise, to some degree, the first w r i t t e n h i s t o r y of the process of their b i r t h and construction. Later, in the years of L i b e r a t i o n , we have w r i t t e n and spoken again and again about t h e m and about the whole glorious p e r i o d of o u r history, w h e n the people, enlightened and l e d by the P a r t y , succeeded in l i b e r a t i n g the H o m e l a n d f r o m the chains
____________________________________ 1 As in regard one of the more and active participants losses of the the world Second its anti-fascist coalition, A l b a n i a occupies one of the first places to h u m a n material during its W o r l d W a r , compared w i t h population. the size of territory a n d

of foreigners a n d themselves f r o m a n y k i n d of class oppression and exploitation. These two colossal achievements of ours w i l l c o n tinue to exist a n d f u n c t i o n t h r o u g h the ages, but the earliest times, the moments w h e n we l a i d the f o u n d ations, w h e n in the heat of the w a r we created the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and o u r people's state power, s h a l l never be forgotten. We have looked back over that unforgettable p e r i o d again and again, not f r o m nostalgia, but in order to i l l u m i n a t e the p r o b l e m f r o m a l l aspects and to m a k e as clear and concrete as possible to the younger generations h o w we, their parents, managed to o v e r t h r o w the old and set up the new. T h i s is the purpose of these notes of mine, w r i t t e n at various times in the f o r m of reminiscences about historical events, w h i c h I am n o w h a n d i n g over for publication. On the eve of the 40th a n n i v e r s a r y of the l i b e r ation of the H o m e l a n d and the t r i u m p h of the people's revolution, they are intended both to pay great homage to the outstanding deed of our P a r t y and people in the years of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and to refresh the m e m o r y of the past, w h i c h has always been the f o u n d a t i o n of the f u t u r e w h i c h it has always served and i l l u m i n a t e d .

August

1984

T H E NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT A FRONT OF STRUGGLE AND UNITY

T h e emergence of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a on N o v e m b e r 8, 1941 as a p o w e r f u l current e n l i v e n ed the energies of the A l b a n i a n people, roused their hopes in the f u t u r e and t e r r i f i e d the enemy. T h i s was a decisive event, a most important act, because for the first time in the m a n y centuries of the h i s t o r y of the A l b a n i a n people the P a r t y of the w o r k i n g class, the o n l y P a r t y w h i c h , h a v i n g the r e v o l u t i o n a r y ideology as its guide, w o u l d lead the people in the struggle a n d to victory, had placed itself at the head of the people. T h i s historic moment was v e r y q u i c k l y reflected in the struggle of the A l b a n i a n people, w h i c h g r e w steadily stronger, becoming ever better organized. W i t h j o y and enthusiasm w e communists w e l comed this great v i c t o r y of w h i c h we had dreamed and for w h i c h we had struggled for a long time. N o w 9

we had the P a r t y w h i c h was to guide a l l our efforts, w h i c h w o u l d teach and educate us, w o u l d lead us in the struggle for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d and, later, towards the realization of our u l t i m a t e ideal communism. T h e n e w l y f o r m e d P a r t y was faced w i t h m a n y great tasks. L i n k i n g up w i t h the people, a c q u a i n t i n g the masses w i t h the p r o g r a m and a i m of the P a r t y , the m o b i l i z ation and organization of the masses in the l i f e - a n d death struggle w i t h the fascist occupiers a n d local traitors was one of these tasks, indeed, one of the m a i n and most important tasks. W i t h o u t the people, w i t h o u t the masses, a c o m m u n i s t party, w h e t h e r n e w ly formed or w i t h a long period of existence and acti v i t y , can achieve nothing. W e A l b a n i a n communists understood this a x i o m o f M a r x i s m - L e n i n i s m . W h a t made o u r w o r k d i f f i c u l t was the fact that in the grave conditions of the occupation and terror we had to come out before the people, to w i n t h e m to our cause, to organize a n d lead t h e m at a time w h e n we also had to organize o u r s e l ves, to b u i l d and temper the P a r t y a n d to prove it in struggle as a capable, reliable and irreplaceable l e a d i n g force. T h i s was something unprecedented in history, but as y o u m i g h t say, this was our fate. H a d we w a i t e d u n t i l the P a r t y was b u i l t and strengthened, u n t i l it extended to a l l parts of the country, had we w o r k e d o n l y w i t h i n the P a r t y and then addressed ourselves to the people w i t h our p r o g r a m for struggle, this w o u l d have been catastrophic, not o n l y for the P a r t y , 10

but also for the fate of the people a n d the H o m e l a n d . Therefore, conscious of the situation t h r o u g h w h i c h w e w e r e passing and the d i f f i c u l t i e s w h i c h w e had, we d i d not wait. We w e n t into action at once, faci n g up to a l l the tasks at the same time, i n c l u d i n g that of m a k i n g the people conscious a n d u n i t i n g t h e m i n that f i g h t i n g u n i o n w h i c h was soon t o take the name of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t of Albania.

1. The foundations of unity

T h r o u g h a l l the centuries o f their history, the A l b a n i a n people have a l w a y s s t r i v e n a n d fought to be u n i t e d in the face of a n y i n v a s i o n w h i c h threatened their f r e e d o m and the m o t h e r l a n d . T h i s t r a d i t i o n was handed d o w n f r o m generation to generation as a great lesson a n d legacy, a n d precisely h e r e i n m u s t be sought one of the sources of the v i t a l i t y of o u r people, of t h e i r a b i l i t y to w i t h s t a n d the most ferocious a n d p o w e r f u l enemies a n d occupiers a n d t o a v o i d assimilation b y them. N o w , at the grave moments t h r o u g h w h i c h the H o m e l a n d was passing, f a c i n g dangers w h i c h threatened its existence, we communists w o u l d u n d o u b t e d l y base o u r selves f i r m l y o n the r i c h patriotic and f i g h t i n g t r a d i t i o n s of our people, on their tendency and readiness to unite in the f i g h t for freedom. T h e examples of the S k a n d e r b e g era, of the efforts of the outstanding 11

m e n of our Renaissance, of the famous A l b a n i a n L e a gue of P r i z r e n , ( 1 ) and the p o p u l a r general u p r i s i n g w h i c h brought A l b a n i a its Independence, and so on, w e r e to inspire not o n l y us communists, but also a l l t h e honest, patriotic people to w h o m the fate of the H o m e l a n d was dear. A p a r t f r o m this, there was something else w h i c h was to assist us in the great m i s s i o n ahead of us. F o r some years, the idea and appeal of the C o m m u n ist International for the creation of the A n t i - f a s c i s t F r o n t e v e r y w h e r e h a d been one of the topics of the debates and the m a i n concern of the best communists in A l b a n i a at the t i m e of the communist groups. In particular, the C o m m u n i s t G r o u p of K o r a , especially after the a r r i v a l of the instructions of the C o m i n t e r n in the a u t u m n of 1937, increased its efforts to break a w a y f r o m the f o r m e r closed and sectarian w o r k i n order to l i n k up more w i t h the masses t h r o u g h y o u t h organizations, w o r k e r s ' associations, etc., and to create a democratic bloc, l i k e that w h i c h t r i u m p h e d in the m u n i c i p a l elections i n K o r a . L i k e w i s e , the other Groups, especially that of Shkodra, h a d created some l i n k s and were s t r i v i n g to e x t e n d their i n f l u e n c e among the ranks of intellectuals, w h i t e - c o l l a r workers, officers and, somewhat less, among restricted circles of m a n u a l w o r k e r s as w e l l . H o w e v e r , a l l these efforts
_____________________________________________ 1 It was set up in J u n e 1878 and d u r i n g the three years of its activity fought for the p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y u n i o n of the Albanian nation, and for the self-government, neighbouring national unity monand in defence of the t e r r i t o r i a l integrity of A l b a n i a against the Great P o w e r s archies. chauvinistic

12

amounted to v e r y little and, f o l l o w i n g the blows w h i c h the democratic a n d r e v o l u t i o n a r y m o v e m e n t i n A l b a n i a suffered in the s u m m e r of 1935 w i t h the defeat of w h a t is called the F i e r Movement, ( 1 ) and at the e n d of 1938 w h e n n e a r l y a l l the members of the G r o u p of S h k o d r a w e r e arrested and brought before the court, it m u s t be said that the old sickness of the groups rotten secrecy and t u r n i n g inwards, isolation f r o m one another, and especially isolation f r o m the masses, became even more apparent. T h e fascist occupation of the c o u n t r y in A p r i l 1939 shook this grave and h a r m f u l situation of o u r c o m m u n i s t m o v e m e n t to its foundations. I m m e d i a t e l y we sensed and understood better t h a n ever that we w o u l d not be able to organize the resistance to the occupier properly, because we ourselves were s t i l l d i v i d e d , w i t h o u t an organization and a clear r e v o l u t i o n a r y p r o gram, and were s t i l l u n k n o w n to the masses and had not w o n t h e m to o u r cause to the degree that t h e y w o u l d f o l l o w us consciously. It was essential to o v e r come these weaknesses in a r e v o l u t i o n a r y w a y as a decisive condition both t o f o r m o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and in order to get closer to and l i n k up w i t h the masses. In the n e w situation w h i c h was created after the occupation, the A l b a n i a n communists of that period, especially the r a n k a n d file of the groups, understood these tasks correctly and, p a r a l l e l w i t h the efforts for
_________________________________ 1 The movement was aimed at overthrowing the Zog regime. It f a i l e d because of lack of a revolutionary leadership, insufficient organization and isolation f r o m the masses of the people.

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the f o r m a t i o n of the P a r t y , also increased and i n t e n sified their efforts to m a k e themselves k n o w n to and l i n k up w i t h the masses. True, this w o r k was s t i l l unorganized and unco-ordinated, true, especially at first, it was done f r o m the positions of gaining i n fluence over and as a k i n d of contest w i t h the other groups; nevertheless, the fact that the c o m m u n i s t elements began t r u l y to go among the people, to become k n o w n by the people and to k n o w the people, had importance. Personally, I r e t a i n the finest a n d most u n f o r g e t table memories f r o m this phase, especially after I came t o w o r k i n T i r a n a i n J a n u a r y 1940. ( 1 ) T h e d a i l y r e l ations w i t h the workers of the Flora factory and, even more, the direct w o r k in the Flora shop, w i t h the great possibilities for contact w i t h elements of the most v a r i e d strata, brought about that v e r y q u i c k l y we were to establish a r o u n d ourselves a broad circle o f w o r k e r activists a n d sympathizers. B y getting closer to them, through ceaseless cautious work, we g r a d u a l l y extended the circle w i t h other w o r k e r comrades, w i t h craftsmen, the u n e m p l o y e d and the circle of their families and relatives. W h i l e the relations of o u r c o m m o n or s i m i l a r jobs served as a means to get to k n o w them, the basis for the strengthening of this a c q u a i n tance was the p o l i t i c a l conversations against the oc_________________________________ 1 By decision to on the organize sound the of the centre of the C o m m u n i s t anti-fascist as w e l l groups of as movement to against Group of

K o r a , Comrade E n v e r H o x h a w a s sent at that time to T i r a n a the of the Italian Group among occupiers, to extend bases, and step up the activity establish country. the

connections

communist

14

cupiers w h i c h we, seemingly by chance, opened up w i t h t h e m w h e n e v e r the possibility presented itself. Of course, there w e r e dangers in opening up these conversations and going deeply into them, especially w i t h n e w acquaintances, but one fact remains significant and unforgettable for m e : on almost no occasion d i d I, or the other comrades of the group w h o were w o r k i n g in T i r a n a , encounter a n y opposition or fear on the part of the w o r k e r comrades about the things we said to them. On the contrary, as soon as we broached the subject, it was they w h o f o u n d the o p p o r t u n i t y to express their p r o f o u n d anger and hatred against the usurpers of the freedom and independence of their H o m e l a n d , it was t h e y who, w i t h t h e i r class logic, were not content m e r e l y to express their hatred but also asked: W h a t are we going to do about it? T h i s situation, w h i c h w e encountered e v e r y w h e r e , f i l l e d us w i t h confidence a n d i m p e l l e d us to w o r k harder for the f o u n d i n g of the P a r t y and to t h i n k about h o w we s h o u l d organize and channel the p o p u lar hatred w h i c h was b u i l d i n g up and almost ready to erupt. T h i s was the situation throughout the country. At that period I h a d to t r a v e l to m a n y towns and w o r k e r centers, such as Durrs, Shkodra, K o r a , V l o r a , Fier, G j i r o k a s t r a , K u o v a , etc., and e v e r y where the m o u n t i n g hatred and readiness o f the A l banian w o r k i n g m e n to f i g h t against the occupation and the e x p l o i t a t i o n by the Italian fascists could be seen clearly. In the meetings w h i c h we held, the other comrades of o u r c o m m u n i s t group reported the same situation; the outstanding m i l i t a n t s of the C o m m u n i s t 15

G r o u p of S h k o d r a , V a s i l Shanto and Q e m a l Stafa, w i t h w h o m , b e g i n n i n g f r o m the s u m m e r of 1940, we became closely associated and f o r m e d an unbreakable friendship, also had the same assessment of the s i t u ation in the country. A l t h o u g h not w i t h the same dimensions and i n tensity of w o r k as in the city, as e a r l y as this phase we began to go to the countryside, too, a n d saw clearly that the same situation as in the ranks of the workers, apprentices and the u n e m p l o y e d of the cities was s i m m e r i n g there, too. As for the youth, especially the school and student y o u t h , it m u s t be said that they w e r e completely ready to f o l l o w the communists in a n y action a n d a c t i v i t y . T h e i r ardent feelings of patriotism, b a d l y h u r t by the state of occupation, had made o u r y o u t h u n r e s t r a i n able in their open opposition and protests w h i c h t h e y expressed almost e v e r y d a y in their mass resistance to the Italianization and fascistization of the school, in t h e i r demonstrative r e f u s a l to give the fascist salute, in their boycott of the lessons in the fascist doctrine, the Italian language, the c o r r u p t i n g organizations and associations w h i c h the fascists t r i e d to create, and so on. Thus, proceeding f r o m the idea of the i n d i s p e n sable need for an antifascist p o p u l a r front ( w h i c h later, w h e n it was created, took its official name the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front), a n d f r o m the p r o f o u n d c o n v i c t i o n that the achievement of it was completely possible, the A l b a n i a n communists had begun the w o r k in this direction i m m e d i a t e l y after the fascist occupation. In u n d e r t a k i n g this h e a v y b u r d e n we were 16

aware of our lack of experience in connection w i t h the tasks a n d p r a c t i c a l construction of this front and its organizational forms, but we were f i r m l y convinced that in the course of the w o r k and struggle, especially after the f o u n d i n g of the P a r t y , we w o u l d g a i n e x p e rience and practice w o u l d suggest to us the appropriate forms. N a t u r a l l y , throughout this whole phase w e e n countered m a n y a n t i - M a r x i s t concepts and distorted ideas about the anti-fascist front and the possibility of f o r m i n g it in A l b a n i a . In the ranks of the G r o u p of S h k o d r a , in particular, for years there h a d been elements w h o h a d disseminated completely alien, c a p i tulationist v i e w s a n d theories on this problem. F o r example, about the end of the s u m m e r of 1941, w h e n we were in the phase of intensive preparations for the f o u n d i n g of the P a r t y , in a conversation w h i c h I had w i t h a comrade f r o m the G r o u p of S h k o d r a , as soon as I began to talk about the l i n k s w i t h the masses and the need to unite t h e m in a p o w e r f u l F r o n t , the comrade r e p l i e d quite b l u n t l y as though this were something w h i c h brooked no discussion: The anti-fascist popular F r o n t cannot be created i n Albania! W h y ? I asked in astonishment. Because there are no p o l i t i c a l parties in our c o u n t r y as there are in France, Italy and elsewhere! W i t h w h o m w i l l talks b e held? W i t h w h o m w i l l the agreement for the f o r m a t i o n of the F r o n t be reached w h e n there are no parties? You're w r o n g ! I t o l d h i m . A c c o r d i n g to what y o u say, efforts should not be made in our country, 17

the masses should not be m o b i l i z e d in a f i g h t i n g u n i t y for the o v e r t h r o w of fascism. This is something specific to o u r c o u n t r y w h i c h comes f r o m its backwardness! said the comrade in a tone of regret. T u r k e y a n d Z o g have left us in this plight. If there were different parties, each of t h e m w o u l d have its influence among the masses, the p a r ties w o u l d talk about the F r o n t and, w h e n t h e y r e a ched agreement, the masses w o u l d a u t o m a t i c a l l y j o i n the F r o n t ! W e l l then, I asked h i m patiently, in y o u r o p i n i o n under whose influence are the masses in our country? U n d e r no one's influence! he r e p l i e d brashly. No. Y o u are j u d g i n g things w r o n g l y , proceeding f r o m a w r o n g evaluation of the parties, the F r o n t a n d the masses. True, in A l b a n i a the masses are not u n d e r the influence of a n y party, but don't forget that at this moment, especially, t h e y are u n d e r the i n f l u e n ce of hatred for the occupier, under the influence of the desire to fight for freedom, under the influence of their p r o f o u n d patriotism. T h i s is precisely w h a t we m u s t grasp. Indeed, I t h i n k it is not a m i s f o r t u n e but a great blessing that there have not been a n d there are no organized p o l i t i c a l parties in our country. T h e true Front, the steel Front, is that w h i c h is created f r o m below, t h r o u g h direct w o r k w i t h the masses, b y l i n k i n g u p w i t h them, b y seizing o n their seething hatred for fascism and their desire a n d readiness to fight. In this w a y w e ' l l f i n d a c o m m o n language w i t h the people, w i l l touch t h e m on the sore spot and t h e y w i l l be pleased to f o l l o w us and w i l l unite. T h i s is 18

the F r o n t and w e A l b a n i a n communists and our P a r t y m u s t f i g h t for such a F r o n t ! A n d h o w are we going to do this w h e n we s t i l l do not have an organized p a r t y ? he asked. We are s t r u g g l i n g for this, and v e r y soon we s h a l l have our party. Indeed, the necessity for the u n i t y of the masses in the f i g h t makes the f o u n d i n g of the p a r t y even more urgent. W i t h the P a r t y at the head w e ' l l achieve everything. T h e comrade seemed to be convinced by w h a t I said to h i m , although I k n e w that such concepts about the F r o n t h a d long been propagated by the T r o t s k y i t e elements in the G r o u p of S h k o d r a and, moreover, h a d become established in their organ, The Green Bulletin. We w e r e to encounter these v i e w s a n d wage stern battles against t h e m and were aware that other mistakes m i g h t be made, too, but a l l these w o u l d be corrected in the course of the struggle a n d w o r k . T h e o n l y irreparable and f a t a l mistake w o u l d b e if we were to r e m a i n idle, to w a i t for different p a r ties to be created, to t r a i n the cadres, to w a i t for the formation of the i n d u s t r i a l proletariat and other v i e w s of a n t i - M a r x i s t factional elements, w h i c h the r e v o l u t i o n a r y c o m m u n i s t s rejected and w h i c h the P a r ty t o t a l l y condemned later. H i s t o r y w o u l d not excuse us for such a mistake. Hence, the f o r m a t i o n of the P a r t y f o u n d us in a situation w h e n a l l the objective and subjective possibilities for the f o r m a t i o n of the anti-fascist F r o n t w e r e in existence. W h a t was most i m p o r t a n t was the fact that in the ranks of the communists and cadres of o u r n e w l y f o r m e d P a r t y , as a result of the earlier 19

w o r k and the analyses made at the F o u n d i n g M e e t i n g of the P a r t y , the c o n v i c t i o n was being i m p l a n t e d that our P a r t y could a n d m u s t create the anti-fascist F r o n t of the A l b a n i a n people t h r o u g h direct concrete w o r k w i t h the masses, w i t h o u t w a i t i n g for a n d w i t h o u t seeking agreements and machinations w i t h the self-styled leaders that is, as a F r o n t f o r m e d f r o m below. A s i s k n o w n , i n the R e s o l u t i o n w h i c h the F o u n d i n g M e e t i n g of the P a r t y adopted, this u n i t y was called the f i g h t i n g u n i t y between the w o r k i n g masses of t o w n a n d countryside, a n d this w a s n o t h i n g b u t the idea of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t of the A l b a n i a n people. L i k e w i s e , the f i r s t document of o u r P a r t y , w h i c h came out s i m u l t a n e o u s l y w i t h the Resolution, was the first open m i l i t a n t A p p e a l w h i c h our P a r t y addressed to the people, m a k i n g its program clear to t h e m and i n v i t i n g t h e m to u n i t e in the struggle for freedom a n d independence! N o w the P a r t y , w i t h organized and m u l t i p l i e d forces, w i t h its clear m i l i t a n t program, was to i n t e n s i f y and f u r t h e r e x t e n d the w o r k to b u i l d up that p o w e r f u l fortress of the u n i t e d people against the strength and v i t a l i t y of w h i c h the nazi-fascist legions w o u l d smash their heads a n d the efforts a n d plans of internal and e x t e r n a l reaction w o u l d be t h w a r t e d . T h i s u n i t y of the masses, u n d e r the leadership a n d banner of the P a r t y , w o u l d m a k e possible the outbreak a n d successful accomplishment of the r e v o lution, for w h i c h the conditions existed i n A l b a n i a . T h e feudal regime of Zog, w i t h its oppression, poverty, hunger, imprisonments a n d thefts, h a d a n gered, enraged and f i l l e d the people w i t h h a t r e d f o r 20

that regime, b r i n g i n g t h e m to the point of revolt. P r e c i s e l y w h e n this revolt and anger of the masses was seething, the occupation of the c o u n t r y prepared by Z o g a n d the f e u d a l bourgeoisie f i l l e d the cup to o v e r f l o w i n g . N o w the hatred of the people and the antagonistic struggle between oppressors a n d oppressed reached its c u l m i n a t i o n . Thus, the occupation of A l b a n i a b y Italian fascism h a d m a r k e d the beginning of a change of national importance. T h i s situation had to be understood and h a n d l e d correctly, because it was pregnant w i t h r e v o l u t i o n . T h e A l b a n i a n communists a n d their P a r t y understood this state of affairs p r e cisely a n d decided to emerge as masters of the situation a n d become the leaders of the r e v o l u t i o n . Hence, the grave, d i f f i c u l t , but glorious historic task devolved o n o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y : t o raise the people i n r e v o l u t i o n , lead t h e m in struggle for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d and take t h e m and the w o r k i n g class, of w h i c h it was the v a n g u a r d , to v i c t o r y . L e n i n teaches us that the r e v o l u t i o n is a most serious question f o r the fate of a people. Therefore, if y o u begin it, y o u must c a r r y it t h r o u g h to the end. If the people are not aroused in struggle against the occupiers or against bourgeois capitalist r u l e r s a n d exploiters, if the people are not prepared p o l i t i c a l l y against those w h o m they have to f i g h t and overthrow, if in the course of this preparation the r e l a t i v e strength of the forces in action is not studied and analysed, there can be no r e v o l u t i o n ; in s u c h instances there m a y be attempts, there m a y be resistance, w h i c h w o u l d be chaotic and temporary, but not r e v o l u t i o n a n d no achievement of the objectives w h i c h 21

a r e v o l u t i o n seeks, w h e t h e r it be a peasant u p r i s i n g , a bourgeois-democratic revolution, or a p r o l e t a r i a n revolution. E v e r y r e v o l u t i o n m u s t have a programmatic p l a t f o r m w h i c h indicates to the masses the l i m i t s that m u s t be reached a n d the reasons w h y one situation m u s t be changed into another situation. It m u s t be e x p l a i n e d to t h e m d i a l e c t i c a l l y w h y it is necessary to pass f r o m one stage to another, w h y the conditions have m a t u r e d f o r s u c h a q u a l i t a t i v e change, it m u s t be made clear to the masses, on the basis of a real economic, p o l i t i c a l and national analysis, w h a t are the reasons that f i l l e d the cup to o v e r f l o w i n g , a n d the road w h i c h w i l l b e f o l l o w e d a n d the means w h i c h w i l l be e m p l o y e d to m a k e this q u a l i t a t i v e change must be made clear to t h e m . F i n a l l y , after a n a l y s i n g a l l these things, it m u s t be made clear that this c h a n ge, this decisive turning-point, cannot be achieved except through a r m e d insurrection, t h r o u g h r e v o l u t i o n . A f t e r h e took his step against A l b a n i a i n A p r i l 1939, M u s s o l i n i hoped and was convinced that e v e r y t h i n g w o u l d go off just as he h a d planned. B u t the opposite occurred. None of his preparations was able to deceive or to subdue the A l b a n i a n people. At no t i m e had h i s t o r y k n o w n A l b a n i a and its people to accept enslavement by foreigners. It h a d k n o w n o n l y the ceaseless wars of the A l b a n i a n people against foreign invaders. There was no doubt that this is w h a t w o u l d occur this time, too, but this h a d to be made a reality. T h e struggle had to be organized. It was not easy, but n e i ther was it impossible. H o w e v e r , it w o u l d be a savage 22

war. F o r its d e t e r m i n a t i o n a n d p a t r i o t i s m and the great a i m of liberation, this w a r w o u l d be l i k e the previous l i b e r a t i o n wars of our people, but it w o u l d be u n l i k e t h e m f r o m the stand-point of its strategy, tactics, dimensions and organization. T h e times in w h i c h w e w e r e organizing the w a r w e r e n o longer those of o u r fathers and forefathers: we were facing the same savage, c r i m i n a l enemies, r e f i n e d in ideology, in politics, in methods and activities, but also a r m e d to the teeth w i t h the most m o d e r n weapons, destructive and h a r m f u l i n every direction, w h i c h had not been seen in f o r m e r times. By engaging in a great propaganda campaign about such a destructive s t r i k i n g force, the nazi-fascists a i m e d to i n s t i l panic before their forces undertook the attack. T h e psychosis of terror a n d the F i f t h C o l u m n w e r e t w o o f the m a i n weapons w h i c h p r e ceded the legions of R o m e and B e r l i n . Nevertheless, the peoples, u n i t e d around clear ideals a n d aims, w i t h correct and courageous leadership, were to t r i u m p h in this gigantic w a r w h i c h had burst u p o n them. T h e peoples and nations, w h o were determined to l i v e free, were to t r i u m p h over the m o d e r n weapons and armies of the enemy, because the f o r m e r waged a just w a r in their o w n countries, w h i l e the latter waged an unjust w a r of p l u n d e r in foreign countries. O u r P a r t y was clear about the broad outlines of the situation and, together w i t h the people, w e n t into the f i g h t not unprepared, because f r o m A p r i l 7, 1939 u n t i l N o v e m b e r 8, 1941, a little more t h a n two years had passed since the passive and active resistance 23

against the occupiers and the A l b a n i a n quislings had begun. A f t e r the occupation of the country, the resistance of the people, and first of a l l , of the w o r k i n g class and peasantry, against the regime of Z o g became more crystallized and assumed more advanced forms. T h e h o s t i l i t y a n d resistance of the A l b a n i a n w o r k i n g people and peasantry to the regime of Zog, n o w c o m b i n e d w i t h the sentiment of national liberation, were the basis on w h i c h the P a r t y and its leadership relied in order to mobilize the w i l l of the nation, the strength of the people, their opinions, aspirations a n d desires, in a f i g h t i n g u n i t y for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d and the people. It is easy to talk about it, but in order to a c c o m p l i s h this program, t o i l and sacrifice, courage a n d h e roism, w i s d o m and patience in thoughts a n d actions were required of the P a r t y . F i r s t of all, the confidence of the people in their o w n strength had to be created. T h e idea h a d to be eradicated f r o m the m i n d s of m a n y i n d i v i d u a l s that it was impossible to w i t h s t a n d such a great p o w e r as fascist Italy and that one m i l l i o n cannot f i g h t 40 million, ideas w h i c h the F i f t h Column, the collaborators and the quislings propagated and encouraged, and the occupiers backed up w i t h the divisions and tanks w h i c h t h e y had concentrated in a l l parts of the country. T h e people had to be convinced w i t h facts, t h r o u g h actions, through p o l i c y and t h r o u g h p r o p a ganda, that the valour, the daring, the p a t r i o t i s m and the clear p o l i t i c a l t h i n k i n g of the A l b a n i a n s , of our ancestors, had not died out, but were more f i e r y t h a n 24

ever. A n d the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a , w h i c h was the bearer of a l l these outstanding v i r t u e s of o u r people, w o u l d l a u n c h thunderbolts u p o n the o c c u p y i n g enemies. A t the same time, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r , w h i c h the P a r t y undertook to lead, h a d to have clear aims, a p r o g r a m acceptable to our people, a p r o g r a m w h i c h w o u l d m o b i l i z e and e n l i v e n h e a l t h y energies. T h e people, a n d f i r s t of a l l , the w o r k i n g class and the peasantry, h a d t o k n o w a n d understand w h y they w e r e f i g h t i n g a n d w h a t the v i c t o r y w o u l d b r i n g them. T h e bitter past, w h e n the people's wars and uprisings were b l o o d i l y suppressed by the f e u d a l lords, aghas and usurers, was f r e s h i n t h e i r m e m o r y . T h e people c o u l d not be aroused to f i g h t and shed their blood for their age-old oppressors. T h e C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a was a guarantee that the past w o u l d never again be repeated, b u t this had to be p r o v e d in practice w i t h a program, w i t h action, w i t h f i g h t i n g a n d w i t h policy. T h r o u g h its program, the P a r t y h a d to m a k e clear to the people that this w o u l d be a great, fierce, c o m p l i cated a n d d i f f i c u l t w a r . Therefore, great p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y organization was necessary. A l l this the P a r ty made clear to the people and it t o l d t h e m (just as it demonstrated in deeds) that the communists w o u l d be in the forefront of the fight, w o u l d be the first to h u r l themselves into the flames, w o u l d give their lives f i g h t i n g but the w a r could not be waged o n l y by them, w i t h o u t the masses. T h i s resulted f r o m the idea that the communists could not f i g h t and t r i u m p h w i t h o u t the people. T h e people m a k e the r e v o l u t i o n . 25

In a l l this activity, the question of alliances a n d the d e f i n i t i o n of allies w o u l d be decisive. T h e leading role of the w o r k i n g class, on the basis of our m a i n principles, and the alliance of the w o r k i n g class w i t h the f r i e n d l y class the peasantry, especially w i t h the poor peasants w i t h no l a n d or little land, is k n o w n . P r e c i s e l y this alliance, to w h i c h we devoted the greatest importance and attention, was to be the k e y to the v i c t o r y i n our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . H o w e v e r , we also k n e w the other side of it: this alliance of the w o r k i n g class w i t h the peasantry, u n der the leadership of the w o r k i n g class, w h i c h w a s to become the p i v o t of the u n i f i c a t i o n of other patriotic and progressive strata, had to be created in accord w i t h our concrete conditions a n d situation, and to this end, our P a r t y had to m a k e analyses not o n l y of the political economic situation of classes and strata, but also of the specific, special l i n k s of groups and clans, of the positive and negative influences, o l d and new, w i t h i n A l b a n i a n society. W e recognized the t r u t h that the A l b a n i a n w o r k ing class was s t i l l f e w in numbers and w i t h o u t great experience in the class struggle, but r i g h t f r o m the outset we were convinced that this w o r k i n g class was and w o u l d be the f i r s t to embrace the c a l l and p r o g r a m of the P a r t y and w o u l d play, just as it did, the great role w h i c h belonged to it in the p o p u l a r r e v o l u t i o n as the v a n g u a r d class of the society. Its most f a i t h f u l a l l y undoubtedly w o u l d be the peasantry w h i c h not o n l y suffered u n d e r a m e d i a e v a l e x p l o i t a tion, but had always been the source of l i b e r a t i o n and social struggles in the past. T h e b r i l l i a n t patriotic and 26

democratic traditions of o u r peasantry, n o w k i n d l e d to a fierce blaze by the intolerable state of occupation, w e r e the most p o w e r f u l argument, also, for the necessity and p o s s i b i l i t y of the creation of the a l l i a n ce between the w o r k i n g class and peasantry and to refute those reactionary v i e w s w h i c h presented the peasantry as an ignorant, d o w n - t r o d d e n mob, useless a n d u n r e l i a b l e i n w a r . T h e fact that i n the conditions of o u r country, this class w o u l d be the greatest source and the broadest base of m a n p o w e r f o r the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r made o u r w o r k t o w i n the support of the peasantry f o r the p r o g r a m of the P a r t y even more necessary. So, w h i l e w e w e r e conscious that the w o r k i n g class a n d the peasantry w o u l d constitute the m a i n basis of the f i g h t i n g u n i t y of the people, at the same time, we k n e w that the past h a d left its m a r k on o u r society, blemishes w h i c h w e r e obstacles to u n i t y and made the creation of alliances d i f f i c u l t . R e l i g i o n h a d done its w o r k a n d c o n t i n u e d to poison the m i n d s and hearts of i n d i v i d u a l s . T h e clergy, the beys and bayraktars ( 1 ) h a d s t r i v e n not o n l y to e x p l o i t but also to subdue a n d tame o u r brave a n d indomitable people, w h o m the regimes of the past h a d k e p t in c u l t u r a l a n d p o l i t i c a l obscurantism. True, w h e n the c o u n t r y was occupied there were no parties, either reactionary or progressive, leftist, etc., but the factors w h i c h I listed above, a n d m a n y others l i k e these, operated as if there w e r e i n n u m e r ____________________________________ 1 Representatives of the gentry in the mountainous areas, especially i n N o r t h A l b a n i a .

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able parties w h i c h s h r i v e l l e d the energies of t h e people a n d kept t h e m d i v i d e d in order to be e n s l a v e d and exploited more completely. A n o t h e r danger w h i c h threatened the s t r u g g l e and f i g h t i n g alliance of the people was that section of political emigrants, sons and representatives of o p pressing and e x p l o i t i n g classes who, l i k e scores of r e v o l u t i o n a r y patriots and democrats, h a d gone a b r o a d w h e n Z o g came t o power, ( 1 ) but u n l i k e the t r u e p a triots and democrats, h a d never been l i n k e d w i t h t h e troubles of the H o m e l a n d and the people. T h e y r e m a i n e d abroad for 15 years and the m a j o r i t y of t h e m degenerated completely politically, becoming the t r u s ted men, allies and agents of that foreign p o w e r w h i c h f e d and p a i d t h e m . T h e y posed as anti-Zogites, b u t were also anti-communists, and t h e y r e t u r n e d t o A l bania together w i t h the Italians in 1939. T h e i r p r e t e n sions that t h e y should govern the c o u n t r y w e r e categorical. T h e y w e r e completely d i v o r c e d f r o m t h e life, opinions and aspirations of the people. T h e y thought that the outdated ideas of c o r r u p t e d b o u r geois democracy, w h i c h t h e y n u r t u r e d , were a p p r o priate to the time and applicable to the country. A n d w h e n ? A f t e r the w o r l d h a d undergone such great changes. T h e y had r e t u r n e d to A l b a n i a as the c r e a m
_________________________________ 1 A f t e r the t r i u m p h of cratic Revolution, Ahmet the Zog, June who 1924 Bourgeois-Demohad taken refuge in

Yugoslavia, in December 1924 suppressed the J u n e R e v o l u t i o n and established his reactionary regime w i t h the encouragement and assistance of the reactionary Serbian government a n d the support of its troops as w e l l as of i n t e r n a l A l b a n i a n f e u d a l reaction.

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of A l b a n i a n nationalism and, regardless of the fact that m a n y of t h e m received fat salaries f r o m the occupiers a n d h a d c o m p l e t e l y entered their service, t h e y m a i n t a i n e d contacts w i t h those anti-fascist and a n t i - Z o g i t e elements w h o thought that these e m i grants, w h o r e t u r n e d f r o m abroad, were p o l i t i c a l l y as t h e y w e r e 15 years earlier (!). T h e danger w h i c h these i n d i v i d u a l s posed to the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r became clearer later, w h e n t h e y created the t r a i tor organization B a l l i K o m b t a r , w h i c h , t o the v e r y end, assisted the fascist a n d n a z i occupiers w i t h d e m a gogy a n d arms against the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t a n d its leadership, the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of Albania. B e i n g r a b i d anti-communists, t h e y i n n o w a y w e l c o m e d the f o r m a t i o n of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a a n d its p r o g r a m p r o c l a i m e d i n the Resolution. These elements, together w i t h the fascists, called the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a a p a r t y of foreigners and not of A l b a n i a n s , a p a r t y of Slavs, Russians, etc., a n d not of A l b a n i a n s . T h e y described the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r as a c r a z y war, w i t h o u t prospects and h a r m f u l to A l b a n i a . T h e y said that the leaders of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a and the A n t i - f a s c i s t W a r w e r e hotheaded youths w h o do not k n o w h o w to conduct politics, a n d spread a thousand other slanderous r u m o u r s . T h i s was the s i t u a t i o n at that t i m e amongst this collection of i n d i v i d u a l s , a situation w h i c h the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a a n d its leadership studied m a n y times b o t h d u r i n g 1942 a n d later. D u r i n g this p e r i o d the P a r t y also h a d t o c a r r y 29

out a s i m i l a r study in regard to religious beliefs in A l b a n i a . W e analysed the religious beliefs i n t w o d i rections: the concrete influence of r e l i g o n among t h e broad masses of the people, and the danger f r o m the religious hierarchy. I s h a l l not go into these analyses at length, but it is necessary to define certain m a i n features o n w h i c h the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e o f the C P A based itself in its w o r k w i t h the masses i m m e d i a t e l y after the f o u n d i n g of the P a r t y a n d t h r o u g h the whole period of the W a r . It is k n o w n that there w e r e three religious b e l i e f s in our c o u n t r y : the M o s l e m faith, w h i c h was the most widespread, the O r t h o d o x C h r i s t i a n faith, w h i c h r a n ked second, and the R o m a n Catholic faith, less w i d e spread, was centered in S h k o d r a a n d extended to t h e highlands of Shkodra, to L e z h a and d o w n to D u r r s , where there was a bishopric. In A l b a n i a there w e r e also some M o s l e m believers i n c l u d e d in m i n o r sects, w i t h o u t influence among the people, w i t h the e x c e p tion of the B e k t a s h i sect. In regard to the clergy, their influence was as f o l l o w s : the Catholic priests, irrespective of their various orders, such as Jesuites, Franciscans, etc., w e r e m e n without a H o m e l a n d w h o depended on the V a t i c a n even for the smallest t h i n g . In A l b a n i a , as in o t h e r countries of the Catholic w o r l d , the C a t h o l i c C h u r c h h a d the same p y r a m i d organization, the same o r g a nization of churches, parishes, monasteries, r e l i g i o u s or state schools, the same rites and l i t u r g y , the same m e thod and style of w o r k in general. T h e i r incomes, t h e i r salaries and e v e r y t h i n g else came f r o m t h e i r p l u n d e r of the believers in the forms of donations, or e v e n 30

t h r o u g h c o m p e l l i n g their believers to bequeath their l i q u i d a n d f i x e d assets to the C h u r c h . A l l the c l e r g y m e n o f the Catholic C h u r c h , f r o m the upper one d o w n to the deacons and p a r i s h priests, were l e a r n e d people w h o had gone t h r o u g h theological schools w i t h i r o n discipline, h a d learned the methods and tricks of suppressing the w i l l of people through the fear of G o d , C h r i s t and the apostles. T h e Catholic believers h a d to obey the c h u r c h perinde ac cadaver*. The spider's w e b had entangled the believers i n t h e laws of the church, the canons a n d laws of the reactionary bourgeoisie, and these w e r e a l l a collection of chains w h i c h b o u n d and oppressed the believers. T h e C a t h o l i c C h u r c h a n d its clergy w e r e e x t r e m ely obscurantist and conservative, as w e l l as adaptable and f l e x i b l e w h e n necessary, but always i n alliance w i t h the reactionary regimes l i k e those of P r i n c e W i e d ( 1 ) a n d A h m e t Z o g (indeed, t h e y d i d not f a i l to p o k e t h e i r fingers into the bourgeois-democratic regime of F a n Noli), as w e l l as w i t h e v e r y foreign occupier of A l b a n i a , i n c l u d i n g the A u s t r o - H u n g a r i a n s , the Italian fascists and the G e r m a n nazis. O n l y our regime of the dictatorship of the proletariat p u t an e n d to the e v i l , reactionary and collaborationist a c t i v i t y of the C a t h o l i c C h u r c h . B u t let u s not depart f r o m the p e r i o d that w e are analysing. T h i s w a s the situation in the h i e r a r c h y
_____________________________________ * as a dead body (Latin in the original) blindly. 1 W i l h e l m v o n W i e d , G e r m a n prince, a tool in the hands of the imperialist powers. In F e b r u a r y 1914 the G r e a t P o w e r s proclaimed him Prince of Albania. His rule lasted from M a r c h to September 1914. in this context,

31

of the Catholic f a i t h and its believers in this historical period. T h e senior priests w e r e double agents of the V a t i c a n and the Italian occupiers. F o r us, however, for t h e N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, there was a b r o a d f i e l d , the people of the N o r t h , the Catholic laiety. T h e r e w e r e also some poor members of the l o w e r clergy, who, f o l l o w i n g in the footsteps of outstanding figures of our national cause and c u l t u r e s u c h as B u d i and Bogdani, N d r e M j e d a and Shtjefn G j e o v i , m i g h t n o w l i s t e n to w h a t we had to say, because t h e y l i v e d closer to the sufferings and problems of the people. In these directions we were to w o r k and m a k e progress. T h e M o s l e m r e l i g i o n a n d its h i e r a r c h y w e r e not a serious obstacle to the struggle against the Italian occupiers as the Catholic r e l i g i o n was. E v e n before t h e occupation of the country, but s t i l l more so after it, the h i e r a r c h y of the M o s l e m r e l i g i o n was weak, w i t h o u t a n y experience to w o r r y us. T h e mosques existed. T h e y had a hodja, b u t those w h o practised the religion were v e r y few. T h e rites h a d been a b a n doned, no marriages w e r e conducted according to the S h e r i a t and e v e r y t h i n g else, such as the observance of R a m a d a n and the feast of B a j r a m , h a d become r o u tine customs w h i c h w e r e practised here a n d there in certain regions m o s t l y f r o m force of habit. T h e hodjas were a l l ignorant, none of t h e m was able to propagate the philosophy, ethics a n d the m o r a l i t y of t h e K o r a n , and no one understood the K o r a n , because it was recited in a foreign language (Arabic). A l t h o u g h the hodjas were conservative in their customs t h e y h a d neither the a b i l i t y n o r the p o l i t i c a l capacity to e x e r t a n y influence t h r o u g h the Islamic thought. T h e 32

broad masses of the people w e r e v i r t u a l l y liberated f r o m the bonds of religion, the development of the intellect of the M o s l e m believers was more extensive, and there was m u c h greater l i b e r a l i s m a n d tolerance. Hence, the w o r k of the P a r t y in arousing the people to f i g h t encountered almost no serious obstacle in this direction. A m o n g the B e k t a s h i sect, also, a large proportion of the believers t r a d i t i o n a l l y have displayed patrioti s m and have fought for the l i b e r a t i o n of A l b a n i a . T h e situation was s i m i l a r w i t h the O r t h o d o x C h r i s t i a n f a i t h , too, b o t h in the h i e r a r c h y of the c h u r c h a n d a m o n g the believers. H i s t o r i c a l l y , a section of the O r t h o d o x priests, esp e c i a l l y the s i m p l e priests in the villages a n d even some in the cities, those w h o l i v e d close to the people, w h o after religious services l a i d aside t h e i r priest's hats to take up the hoe or some other tool to do some work, have fought a n d s t r i v e n b o t h to g a i n the independence of the C h u r c h and, especially, to introduce the A l b a n i a n language into the c h u r c h services. It is self-evident that these efforts of theirs w o u l d r u n into opposition f r o m the P a t r i a r c h a t e of Constantinople and later, especially f r o m the reactionary G r e e k C h u r c h , a n d it was by no means rare for the latter to c o m m i t monstrous crimes against patriotic priests w h o l o v e d the people, the H o m e l a n d and the A l b a n i a n language, w h o w a n t e d the independence of the A l b a n i a n C h u r c h . T h e i r efforts and aims in these directions, in the historical context, had great v a l u e and w e r e expressions and components of the struggle for i n d e p e n d ence w h i c h was waged i n a l l the A l b a n i a n territories. 33

O u r people honoured and respected these m a r t y r s , not s i m p l y of the C h u r c h but of the cause of A l b a n i a . T h e y include P a p a K r i s t o Negovani, F a t h e r S t a t h Melani, Dhimitr Misha, Papa Llambro Ballamai and others who, l i k e other outstanding patriots w h o strove for the A l b a n i a n language and school, N a u m V e q i l h a r x h i , Petro N i n i L u a r a s i , K o t o H o x h i , P a n d e l i S o t i r i and tens of others, were poisoned or m u r d e r e d i n the most barbarous w a y s b y the G r e e k P a r t r i a r c h ate. T h e reasons f o r w h i c h the G r e e k c l e r i c a l r e a c t i o n acted in that w a y towards these patriots w e r e astonishingly c y n i c a l ! It m u r d e r e d a n d e l i m i n a t e d t h e m s i m p l y because these sons of A l b a n i a n s p r o c l a i m e d that t h e y w e r e A l b a n i a n s , that t h e y w a n t e d A l b a n i a n spoken in the c h u r c h just as in the homes, t h e streets, fields a n d the schools, m u r d e r e d t h e m because they defended the legitimate right of the people to their territories. In reality, however, b e h i n d the reasons and religious motives of the bishops l u r k e d p o l i t i c a l motives a n d aims, the t e r r i t o r i a l a m b i t i o n s o f G r e e k chauvinists towards A l b a n i a . T h i s a n t i - A l b a n i a n c h a u v i n i s m was so unrestrained that it l i n k e d its t e r r i t o r i a l pretensions w i t h and based t h e m on the extension of the O r t h o d o x r e l i g i o n ! T h e i r c h a u v i n i s t blindness w e n t so f a r that reactionary bishops d i d not want to see that the O r t h o d o x r e l i g i o n e x tended not o n l y to certain zones on the border of our t e r r i t o r y w i t h Greece ( w h i c h include the villages of the G r e e k m i n o r i t y w i t h about 20,000 inhabitants i n the first years o f the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r a n d about 50,000 inhabitants today), but this r e l i g i o n , 34

l i k e the M o s l e m religion, extended a l l over A l b a n i a , to precincts and regions of G j i r o k a s t r a , Saranda, P r met, K o r a , V l o r a , Tepelena, Fier, L u s h n j a , Berat, Elbasan, Durrs, T i r a n a and so o n ! P r e c i s e l y on the basis of this absurd logic, certain reactionary bishops of G r e a t - G r e e k c h a u v i n i s m pretend that 400 thousand A l b a n i a n citizens, f o r m e r l y l i n k e d w i t h the O r t h o d o x religion, are Greeks. Hence, w e r e the r e l i g i o n to be the basis f o r d e t e r m i n i n g the national i d e n t i t y of a people, according to this crazy logic of the c h a u v i n i s t bishops, more t h a n h a l f of A l b a n i a w o u l d belong to Greece (!), a t h i n g w h i c h the G r e e k chauvinists, the champions of G r e a t e r Greece ( 1 ) have always dreamed of and demanded. P r e c i s e l y in f a v o u r of these dreams of occupation and a n n e x a t i o n t h e y h a d persecuted and m u r d e r e d o u r honoured patriots, i n c l u d i n g p a t r i otic priests a n d believers, w h o h a d risen, together w i t h t h e i r brothers o f the M o s l e m and Catholic r e l i gions, to defend the t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y of A l b a n i a f r o m the annexationist appetites of n e i g h b o u r i n g c h a u vinists. Hence, this close c o m b i n a t i o n of the cause of t h e C h u r c h a n d r e l i g i o n w i t h the n a t i o n a l cause, g i v i n g p r i o r i t y to the latter, h a d brought about that not o n l y the l a i e t y of the O r t h o d o x f a i t h but also most of t h e simple priests, w e r e brought u p and educated w i t h the f e e l i n g of patriotism.
__________________________________ 1 Ideological platform of the chauvinistic Greek big

bourgeoisie w h i c h sought to create a great empire i n c l u d i n g a good part of the B a l k a n P e n i n s u l a , w h i c h was considered G r e e k only because it was of C h r i s t i a n O r t h o d o x faith.

35

So, the P a r t y had the question of religious beliefs at the centre of its attention d u r i n g the w h o l e period of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r , b u t also after the war, because in order to arouse the people to f i g h t for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d a n d b u i l d a n e w A l b a n i a we had to a v o i d h u r t i n g t h e i r feelings. In regard to the intelligentsia, extensive, q u a l i f i e d , differentiated w o r k at various levels h a d to be done. In general, the t e r r a i n of the w o r k w i t h the intellectuals was suitable. T h e exception to this were the top officials, w h o not o n l y accepted fascism b u t also secu r e d f i n e m a t e r i a l gains f r o m it. In general, cultured officials of this category were corrupted by a l l the regimes, and w e r e among the f i r s t w h o w i l l i n g l y enrolled in the A l b a n i a n Fascist P a r t y set up by the occupiers. However, generally speaking, the intelligentsia of our c o u n t r y was patriotic, anti-fascist, and opposed to the occupation of the country, therefore, the P a r t y was to give great importance to this s t r a t u m of the people, too, because by means of it, the p a t r i o t i s m of the boys a n d girls w o u l d become more a n d more t e m pered and encouraged. S u c h w i d e - r a n g i n g and detailed analyses of s i tuations, the ratio of forces, etc., w e r e the f r u i t of debates w h i c h we h e l d in the meetings of the leadership, i n meetings w i t h comrades o f the P a r t y i n the capital or f r o m the t e r r a i n . T h e y w e r e a great assistance in our day-to-day and f u t u r e w o r k , because the first and indispensable t h i n g in order to accomplish our tasks as communists, that is, as leaders of the m a s ses, was to orientate ourselves c o r r e c t l y in that d i f 36

f i c u l t situation of enslavement, terror, intrigues a n d s p i r i t u a l a n d p h y s i c a l sufferings and hardships w h i c h had descended u p o n o u r people. Thus, its unshakeable l o y a l t y to and f a i t h in the r e v o l u t i o n a r y theory of. the proletariat as w e l l as its thorough k n o w l e d g e of the r e a l i t y of o u r c o u n t r y were t w o f u n d a m e n t a l factors w h i c h enabled o u r P a r t y to determine a correct line, to give precise i n structions on ideological, p o l i t i c a l and organizational matters i n c l u d i n g b u i l d i n g the m i l i t a n t u n i t y of the masses a r o u n d the p r o g r a m of the P a r t y and a l l the other problems. In speaking about these analyses and studies w h i c h the P a r t y c a r r i e d out and o n w h i c h i t relied, it should n e v e r be thought that f i r s t we w a i t e d u n t i l these w e r e c a r r i e d out i n complete and f i n a l f o r m a n d then began the w o r k w i t h the masses, or that we charged w o r k i n g groups or m o b i l i z e d specialists and experts to do t h e m . No, the specialists, the w o r k i n g groups, w e r e we ourselves, a l l the communists, f r o m the r a n k - a n d - f i l e members to the m a i n leaders, w h o acquainted ourselves w i t h and s u m m e d u p the situations along w i t h the concrete day-to-day w o r k . A l l of us, then, f r o m the m a i n leaders and cadres of the P a r t y to the o r d i n a r y members, set about this great task w i t h determination. N o w , after the f o u n d ing o f the P a r t y , the v e r y situation i n w h i c h w e w e r e obliged to l i v e a n d f i g h t helped us to enter more w i d e l y into contact w i t h the w o r k i n g people. A l m o s t a l l of us were sons and daughters of the w o r k i n g people, m a n y of us w e r e i l l e g a l and as such we spent the days and nights in the poor quarters, going f r o m one house 37

to the other, amongst the c o m m o n folk, workers, a n d craftsmen, some of w h o m were u n e m p l o y e d or p l i e d their trade f r o m their homes. E v e r y w h e r e w e w e r e s u r r o u n d e d and protected by the love a n d care of the o r d i n a r y people for o u r fate a n d we felt that in essence this was an expression of the love a n d concern of the people f o r the fate of the c o u n t r y . B a s i n g ourselves o n this situation, w e w o r k e d a n d instructed a l l the comrades to e x p l o i t e v e r y possible opportunity, personal acquaintance a n d f r i e n d ship, celebrations, funerals, weddings, chance or o r ganized meetings, and, y o u m i g h t say, in a n a t u r a l a n d d a i l y conversation w i t h the masses w e propagated the l i n e a n d p r o g r a m of the P a r t y at e v e r y moment. A n d the fact is that w h a t we said was r e a d i l y accepted, because we touched on the most sensitive p r o b l e m of the nation. W a r against the occupier, war, merciless w a r against the occupier a n d t r a i t o r s ! that is w h a t the communists and o u r sympathizers propagated day and n i g h t and, of course, this c o u l d not f a i l to w a r m the hearts of o u r people w h o have always distinguished themselves as great fighters f o r the cause of freedom. T h i s intensive propaganda, d a y b y day, b y w o r d of mouth, w i t h leaflets, communiques a n d appeals, was made clearer, more credible a n d acceptable to the people, because the communists accompanied their words w i t h deeds. T h e y were propagandists a n d f i g h t ers at the same time, they attacked fascism a n d w e r e pursued by fascism. T h i s c o u l d not f a i l to m a k e a p r o f o u n d impression on the masses. O u r comrades in the cities fought, organized actions, acts of sabotage, 38

executed enemies, at a t i m e w h e n the r i f l e f i r e of g u e r i l l a units a n d partisan etas w a s being heard i n creasingly e v e r y w h e r e . T h e hatred a n d f u r y of the fascists was unleashed u p o n the communists w i t h greater savagery and, of course, the love a n d trust of the people was b o u n d to be directed more and more each d a y towards us, the sons of the people, w h o called a n d w o r k e d for the creation of the patriotic u n i t y of the w h o l e people in the f i g h t against fascism. H e r e it is d i f f i c u l t to m e n t i o n and to reproduce concrete occasions, because these w e r e conversations w i t h the people, w i t h tens and hundreds of i n d i v i d u a l s f r o m the poor quarters of towns and villages a l l over A l b a n i a . It m u s t be said that w i t h this category of people, that is, w i t h the c o m m o n folk, no problems arose f o r us d u r i n g our talks, there was no need at a l l to m a k e special efforts h o w to present matters, to f i n d out w h a t unexpected t h i n g the person we were t a l k i n g t o m i g h t come out w i t h , h o w w e w o u l d r e p l y if he dodged the issue or raised this or that d e l i cate question, etc. No, we reserved this great effort for p r i o r preparation for another category of people, for those types w h o posed as patriots, as great politicians, b u t w h o waged the war in cafes w i t h spectacles t i p p e d on their noses and coffee and cake on the tables in front of them. W i t h the people we spoke openly, w i t h o u t a n y fear that we m i g h t touch on something that should not be mentioned, and rather t h a n w o r k to convince them, this was a c o n sultation w i t h the people to talk about common p r o b lems. In these unforgettable meetings we learned f r o m one another; we w e r e astonished at the almost i r r e 39

strainable desire of the o r d i n a r y people to rise in the fight, to liberate the H o m e l a n d tomorrow if possible. N a t u r a l l y , f r o m the w i d e range of talks w i t h the people the P a r t y gathered facts, learned the s i tuation better, felt the pulse of the time, the l e v e l of the r e v o l u t i o n a r y situation. A s this situation was m a t u r i n g more and more, more and more the people openly expressed their s y m p a t h y w i t h a n d love f o r the communists. T h e s p i r i t of the people, t h i r s t i n g f o r freedom and ready to fight, convinced us that we were on the right road and i m p e l l e d us to w o r k harder f o r the accomplishment of our decided p r o g r a m . In the w o r k w i t h the people we felt at ease, saw ourselves on our home g r o u n d and spoke to t h e m v e r y s i m p l y and c l e a r l y : we are going to wage the war, in the course of the f i g h t i n g we s h a l l organize ourselves, W i l l strengthen this organization and, w h e n w e d r i v e out the Italians or a n y other occupier, together w i t h t h e m w e w i l l get r i d o f a l l those traitors w h o p r e pared the occupation and w h o n o w oppress us, f i g h t us, and are g r o w i n g fat at our expense. WE s h a l l decide w h a t we are going to do, and w h e n we say W E we have in m i n d not s i m p l y ourselves as communists, but a l l of you, the w h o l e people, w h o gave b i r t h to us and raised us. Thus, w h a t we said settled into place l i k e a w e l l fitted stone and we felt that w h e n a n y door of the people was opened to us, their hearts h a d been opened to us first; we w e r e convinced that w h e n everyone, k n o w n and u n k n o w n , sheltered a n d protected us, it meant that they, the thousands, the people, w e r e w i t h us, w i t h the P a r t y . 40

T h e P a r t y devoted the greatest care and attention to this w o r k w h i c h steadily increased. In e v e r y m e e t ing of the cells as w e l l as in the leading organs of the P a r t y , the w o r k w i t h the masses was a question w h i c h w o u l d be reported on and discussed, it f i g u r e d on e v e r y agenda. If y o u look over the documents of that period, w h i c h refer to the m a i n meetings after the f o u n d i n g of the P a r t y , or the reports w h i c h we sought a n d i n f o r m a t i o n m a t e r i a l w h i c h came to us f r o m a l l the regional committees and f r o m a l l parts of the country, y o u w i l l see that the p r o b l e m of l i n k ing up w i t h the masses, to w i n the support of the masses, to u n i t e t h e m in a steel unity, was one of the m a i n problems discussed. It w a s no accident for example, that the first, the most i m p o r t a n t m e e t i n g held after the f o u n d i n g of the P a r t y , the F i r s t C o n s u l tative M e e t i n g o f the A c t i v i s t s o f the C P A i n A p r i l 1942, ( 1 ) centered on the analysis of o u r w o r k for establishing l i n k s w i t h the masses of workers, peasants, the youth, the w o m e n a n d a l l to w h o m the question of the f r e e d o m a n d independence of the H o m e l a n d w a s dear. L i k e w i s e , at the Special Conference of the P a r t y in J u n e 1942, at other meetings at national level, too, as w e l l as at the meetings of the regional committees, or the frequent meetings of the C e n t r a l Committee, we had made it an inviolable r u l e to report one by one, w i t h o u t exception, on w h a t we had done, w h a t we h a d achieved, and w h a t r e m a i n e d to be done f o r u n i t i n g the patriotic masses a r o u n d the P a r t y in the
_________________________________ 1 Enver Hoxha, Selected Works, vol. 1, 8 Nntori

P u b l i s h i n g House, T i r a n a 1974, pp. 3-30, E n g . ed.

41

f i g h t for freedom. O b v i o u s l y v e r y m u c h more r e m a i n ed to be done. On this v i t a l question we d i d not p e r m i t a n y laxity, a n y deviation. As a result of this wise, organized w o r k w h i c h the P a r t y c a r r i e d out, the fact is that the n u m b e r of w o r k e r s in the towns w i t h some sort of i n d u s t r i a l development w h o joined the P a r t y or were l i n k e d w i t h it, increased continuously. In the direction of the countryside, too, results h a d been achieved and in a n u m b e r of districts, especially in C e n t r a l and S o u t h e r n A l b a n i a , the peasantry e x p r e s sed itself in f a v o u r of the line of the P a r t y and was d i s p l a y i n g readiness to take up arms. In connection w i t h b r i n g i n g the peasantry into the F r o n t and i n c l u d i n g it in the a r m e d struggle, amongst others there were t w o special d i f f i c u l t i e s w h i c h emerged for us. F i r s t of all, there was the quest i o n of the influence w h i c h the bayraktars a n d p s e u do-patriotic elements h a d in the countryside; besides this, it was essential to i m p l a n t in every c o m m u n i s t the complete conviction that the basis of the F r o n t for w h i c h we were f i g h t i n g w o u l d be the alliance of the w o r k i n g class w i t h the peasantry, especially w i t h the poor and m i d d l e peasantry. A l t h o u g h the m a j o r i t y of the communists w e r e clear about this task, some s t i l l n u r t u r e d the v i e w , long since rejected, that the F r o n t w o u l d be created on the basis of an agreement w i t h the nationalist chiefs and that the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the peasant masses in the w a r w o u l d come about automatically f r o m this agreement. T h e r e w e r e occasions w h e n these v i e w s were expressed quite openly. That is w h a t occurred, for example, in December 1941, at the 1st Conference of the P a r t y O r g a n i z a t i o n 42

of T i r a n a in w h i c h I took part as a delegate of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e . T h e C e n t r a l Committee placed great importance on this conference, w h i c h was h e l d in the home of B i j e V o k s h i , of course in secrecy, a n d in w h i c h about t w e n t y people took part, because the w e i g h t of the P a r t y O r g a n i z a t i o n of T i r a n a w o u l d be the greatest. W h e n w e w e r e discussing the problems o f l i n k i n g up w i t h the masses, amongst others, a comrade got up a n d raised the question that the w o r k in the countryside presented m a n y d i f f i c u l t i e s and, accordi n g to h i m , to convince the masses of poor a n d m i d d l e peasants to t h r o w themselves into the f i g h t w o u l d r e q u i r e a long time. W h a t do y o u t h i n k then, I interjected, should we achieve the u n i t y of the people w i t h o u t the peasantry? M y opinion, r e p l i e d this comrade, is that we as a P a r t y , s h o u l d w o r k and w i n over the g e n t r y of the village, the nationalists w h o have influence in the village. If we have the g e n t r y w i t h us, t h e n the peasa n t r y w i l l f o l l o w us, too. Today, such a presentation of the question w o u l d astonish even a school p u p i l , but at that time, such v i e w s were s t i l l widespread. T h e b u l k of those p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the conference opposed this w r o n g idea. Nevertheless, seeing that it f o u n d an echo in some other comrades a n d k n o w i n g w h a t a danger such a v i e w presented to the line of the P a r t y , I considered it reasonable to m a k e a long interpolation to e x p l a i n the p o l i t i c a l and ideological line of the P a r t y about 43

the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r i n the clearest possible terms. I r e p l i e d to the p a r t i c u l a r comrade s o m e w h a t sternly, because the question itself was serious. To present the question in this way, I said in essence, means not to be clear on w h a t a c o m m u n i s t party, a p a r t y of the w o r k i n g class, is. O u r P a r t y is the p a r t y of the masses and its strength, I repeat, lies i n the masses. O u r P a r t y w i l l c e r t a i n l y appeal t o a n d w o r k w i t h great patience to m a k e a l l the elements, strata and social classes, i n c l u d i n g the gentry, conscious and m o b i l i z e t h e m i n the great w a r f o r t h e freedom of the H o m e l a n d . B u t it is one t h i n g to w o r k to mobilize the g e n t r y of the v i l l a g e in the F r o n t and i n the w a r l i k e the w h o l e people, and another t h i n g to base y o u r hopes for the u n i f i c a t i o n of the masses on the influence of the gentry. Therefore, we cannot do our w o r k w i t h the masses by m a k i n g agreements and deals w i t h the chiefs w h o have more or less i n fluence i n the village. O u r P a r t y does not b u y its i n fluence a n d a u t h o r i t y f r o m others and, least of a l l , f r o m the gentry, but w i n s i t t h r o u g h w o r k and s t r u g gle, f r o m its direct l i n k s w i t h the masses, by e x p l a i n i n g its p r o g r a m and aims to the masses. In the r e l a tions between our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and the peasantry there is no r o o m f o r ' t h i r d parties', because the social base o n w h i c h the P a r t y w i l l r e l y i n the l i b e r a t i o n w a r and the social r e v o l u t i o n w i l l be the workers, the peasants and the honest intellectuals, a n d not the aghas and beys, the merchants and landowners or t h e pseudo-patriotic lawyers. In this way, by safeguarding the p r i n c i p l e s a n d 44

correct l i n e of the P a r t y , correcting the shortcomings a n d attacking the distorted v i e w s and, above all, by w o r k i n g intensively, the base of the P a r t y g r e w stead i l y stronger a n d its l i n k s w i t h the people were ceaselessly extended. R i g h t f r o m the outset, the P a r t y devoted p a r t i c u l a r care especially to the w o r k w i t h the A l b a n i a n y o u t h , who, w i t h their inexhaustible energy, e n t h u siasm and v i t a l i t y and l o f t y m o r a l qualities, were to be the most active s t r i k i n g force in the w a r for l i b eration. N o t fortuitously, on the i n i t i a t i v e of the P r o v i s i o n a l C e n t r a l Committee, a f e w days after the f o u n d i n g of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a , the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the C o m m u n i s t Y o u t h was set up, a n d not f o r t u i t o u s l y the P a r t y appointed one of its finest members, one of its most m a t u r e a n d glorious leaders, Q e m a l Stafa, to head it. T h e objective of the P a r t y in the w o r k w i t h the y o u t h was to b r i n g the y o u t h as close as possible to the c o m m u n i s t ideas a n d the P a r ty, to prepare t h e m ideologically and p o l i t i c a l l y and to organize t h e m f o r resistance and w a r against the occupiers. We communists h a d set ourselves this great objective i n the t i m e w h e n w e m i l i t a t e d i n different groups, b u t n o w that we h a d f o r m e d the P a r t y , the w o r k w i t h the y o u t h was placed o n sounder and more scientific foundations. We took into account the fact that the y o u t h also h a d its o w n class composition, that the y o u t h l i v e d among and came into contact w i t h worker, peasant and intellectual families and, f o r this reason, t h e y could and must become t r a n s m i t ters of the w o r d of the P a r t y , agitators for its m i l i tant p r o g r a m . 45

So, another objective of our w o r k was that t h r o u g h the y o u t h we should spread and strengthen the idea of the resistance a n d the w a r against the fascist occupiers and t h e i r collaborators among the broad m a s ses of the people, should strengthen the o p i n i o n on the necessity of resistance w i t h i n the families by means of the y o u n g people, so that cohesion of the anti-fascist p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n w o u l d be created a n d the elderly, the parents, w o u l d be l i n k e d w i t h the y o u t h , w i t h their o w n sons and daughters. T h e P a r t y b e l i e v ed, a n d time c o n f i r m e d this, that the y o u t h , w i t h t h e i r i n c l i n a t i o n to embrace e v e r y t h i n g n e w a n d progressive, w o u l d not o n l y s p r i n g into the f r o n t r a n k s of the anti-fascist war, but w o u l d understand the e v e r n e w ideas of m i l i t a n t c o m m u n i s m and w o u l d defend t h e m w i t h conviction, courage a n d heroism, a n d t h a t the communists and cadres of the P a r t y , those w h o applied and propagated its program, w o u l d emerge f r o m their ranks. The C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the P a r t y instructed the leading comrades of the y o u t h that w o r k w i t h the masses must be intensified in this direction, too, that l i k e the members of the P a r t y and the honest patriots, the youth, too, should go among the masses, become acquainted w i t h them, s h o u l d do their utmost to make contact, to talk w i t h them, to e x p l a i n to t h e m and to evaluate e v e r y t h i n g , even some v e r y m i n o r w o r k w h i c h i n appearance had n o value, but w h i c h created i n the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h w h o m t h e y w e r e w o r k ing the feeling that he was d o i n g something f o r the Homeland. I gave this advice to M i s t o M a m e , M i h a l D u r i , P e r l a t R e x h e p i (when he left the house w h e r e 46

we h a d just f o r m e d the P a r t y for Shkodra) and to other comrades. T h e w o r k of the P a r t y had a colossal effect. By a c h i e v i n g these m a j o r objectives the P a r t y opened the w a y to w i n the hearts a n d m i n d s of the y o u t h , just as it was w i n n i n g the love, respect and trust of workers, peasants and a l l honest people. T h e enemy understood the a i m of the P a r t y a n d it m u s t be acknowledged that it f o u n d itself in d i f ficulties. It used both demagogy and terror, but a l l in v a i n . T h e dopolavoro, ( 1 ) the cultural clubs, the p r o p a ganda t h r o u g h the press, radio, f i l m s a n d books, the fascist organizations for the y o u t h and children, t h i s whole arsenal of ideological and p o l i t i c a l diversion was i n s u f f i c i e n t to d i v e r t the A l b a n i a n youth, the l o v e l y f l o w e r of the people, f r o m the r o a d of h o n o u r and b r a v e r y . T h e sons and daughters of A l b a n i a were not t a k e n in by the promises of fascists, but f o l l o w e d Q e m a l and V o j o [Kushi], P e r l a t and M a r g a r i t a [ T u t u lani], and other heroes of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . No section of the A l b a n i a n youth, f r o m the worker, school and intellectual y o u t h to the y o u t h of the countryside, w h e r e at f i r s t w o r k proceeded w i t h d i f f i c u l t y , r e m a i n e d outside the sphere of the w o r k of the P a r t y for education and m o b i l i z a t i o n . Thus, the w o r k e r and peasant y o u t h were the m a i n objective of the w o r k of o u r P a r t y , thereby correcting the tendency of the p e r i o d of groups w h i c h had concentrated the w o r k w i t h the y o u t h m a i n l y o n
__________________________________ 1 Fascist centres which organized free-time activities

in order to deceive the w o r k i n g people.

47

the school y o u t h . N a t u r a l l y , the P a r t y w o r k e d w i t h them, too, not o n l y because they w o u l d m a k e their c o n t r i b u t i o n in a w a r where every person a n d e v e r y r i f l e counted, but also because they w o u l d be the f u t u re intellectual cadres w h i c h the H o m e l a n d w o u l d need after L i b e r a t i o n . I n the w o r k w i t h the school y o u t h we d i d not concentrate o n l y on the p u p i l s of the secondary schools of the country, w h o in general were strongly l i n k e d w i t h the communists a n d w e r e some of the most active participants in the demonstrations and actions, b u t we also devoted special attention to those u n i v e r s i t y students w h o w e r e c o n t i n u i n g t h e i r studies abroad. T h r o u g h its members the P a r t y called on the students to abandon the fascist schools, to b o y cott the U n i o n of A l b a n i a n Fascist U n i v e r s i t y Y o u t h , ( 1 ) f o r m e d by the Italians, to h u r l themselves in the s t r u g gle against fascism and its salaried m i n i o n s . M o s t of t h e m responded to the c a l l of the P a r t y , because they themselves were l i n k e d w i t h the people, especially those w h o came f r o m families w h i c h were not well-to-do and w i t h a b u r s a r y obtained t h r o u g h a thousand efforts, and w i t h the odd bit of m o n e y w h i c h they received f r o m home, continued t h e i r higher studies in Italy or some other country. In c o n nection w i t h this I remember a m e e t i n g w h i c h I had w i t h a u n i v e r s i t y student at that time. One d a y I happened to be in the base, no. 66, Shngjergj Street, together w i t h Q e m a l Stafa. If I am not m i s t a k e n it was A p r i l 1942 (just after the C o n _________________________________ 1 Organization which the fascist occupiers created to

c o r r u p t the A l b a n i a n university youth.

48

sultative M e e t i n g of the A c t i v i s t s of the P a r t y ) a n d I h a d gone there dressed as a painter a n d equipped w i t h the brushes a n d other tools of the trade. We had just begun to talk w h e n B i j e V o k s h i came in and t o l d Q e m a l that a comrade f r o m S h k o d r a h a d come and w a n t e d to meet h i m . W h o is he? asked Q e m a l and w h e n B i j e t o l d h i m the comrade's name, he gave her permission to b r i n g h i m into the r o o m . W h e n the comrade w h o h a d asked for Q e m a l came into the r o o m he greeted us. As soon as Q e m a l saw h i m , he embraced h i m and asked w h e n he had come f r o m Italy, h o w the c o m rades were, w h e t h e r he h a d met his f a m i l y , and so on. T h e n e w c o m e r r e p l i e d and began to ask Q e m a l about his f a m i l y , about V a s i l and other a c q u a i n t a n ces w h o were not in the least u n k n o w n to me. As soon as he was assured by Q e m a l that he could speak w i t h o u t hesitation i n m y presence, the newcomer f r o m Italy, w h e r e he was s t u d y i n g medicine, s a i d : A group of students w h o are s t u d y i n g in Italy have sent me here. We have met and decided to r e t u r n to A l b a n i a . T h e comrade t o l d Q e m a l that a short time earlier, one of the A l b a n i a n students, a m e m b e r of the G r o u p of S h k o d r a , had received a postcard f r o m H a j dar D u s h i w i t h a s u r p r i s i n g text, your mother is m i s s i n g you, at a time w h e n his mother h a d long been dead. Then, the comrade t o l d Qemal, we said that something i m p o r t a n t had occurred i n A l b a n i a . W e called together some comrades f r o m Florence, P a r m a 49

and Siena and decided that I should come here a n d establish contact w i t h the G r o u p . In Rome, he w e n t on, I met S a m i B a h o l l i w h o read me the R e s o l u t i o n of the f o r m a t i o n of the P a r t y . T h e comrades i n s t r u c t e d me to tell y o u that they are ready to come back a n d go into illegality. Qemal, w h o listened attentively, was overjoyed at the readiness of these y o u n g comrades. I, too, was o v e r joyed, but in order to tease h i m I said to the c o m r a d e : A f e w days ago, f i v e or s i x intellectuals here in T i r a n a promised us t h e y w o u l d go into illegality, b u t they soon changed their minds. Q e m a l t r i e d to hide his smile, because he u n d e r stood my joke, but his comrade t u r n e d on me a l i t t l e h u r t and r e p l i e d : I don't k n o w y o u and y o u don't k n o w me. B u t Q e m a l k n o w s me and m a n y of o u r comrades there. These are not e m p t y promises. J u s t say the w o r d and I guarantee y o u about t h i r t y people, perhaps even more. We w a n t o n l y one thing, that w h e n we come here y o u secure the necessary bases and contacts for us, because we do not k n o w h o w to f i n d o u r bearings and shelter. I shook hands w a r m l y w i t h this y o u n g m a n w h o was called N i k o l l a S h u r b a n i , an old f r i e n d of Qemal's and a former member of the G r o u p of Shkodra, and began to ask h i m about the a c t i v i t y w h i c h the A l b a n i a n students had carried out in Italy, about the state of their morale, the situation in that country, and so on. I also asked about a n u m b e r of students w h o h a d been members of the C o m m u n i s t G r o u p of K o r a w h o m I had k n o w n personally. Then, I said to h i m : 50

We have no doubts about the readiness of our comrades a n d are sure that t h e y w i l l m a k e a valuable c o n t r i b u t i o n to the cause of liberation. As to the quest i o n w h i c h y o u raise about r e t u r n i n g t o i l l e g a l i t y i n A l b a n i a , I t h i n k this s h o u l d be done gradually, according to the concrete orders a n d instructions w h i c h w e w i l l g i v e y o u a t the proper time. W e t a l k e d a l i t t l e longer, t h e n parted w i t h N i k o l l a , w h i l e Q e m a l and I continued our i n t e r r u p t e d conversation. T h e comrade f r o m S h k o d r a w a s not m i s t a k e n ; the b u l k of o u r students in Italy, as w o r t h y sons of t h e i r o w n people, responded to the c a l l of the H o m e l a n d a n d the P a r t y , r e t u r n e d t o A l b a n i a a n d fought v a l i a n t l y f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of the country. Thus, the propaganda and organizational w o r k of the P a r t y was f i n d i n g w i d e support among the workers, craftsmen, the poor of cities, the peasants and the y o u t h . W i t h one sure step after another the anti-fascist patriotic u n i t y of the masses was being created a r o u n d the P a r t y . R i g h t f r o m the outset this u n i t y of the people around the P a r t y began as a m i l i t a n t u n i t y w h i c h was being created and w o u l d be steeled in the course of actions, b e g i n n i n g f r o m the simplest up to the G e n eral A r m e d U p r i s i n g . T h e i n s t r u c t i o n was g i v e n that n o n - P a r t y people f r o m the r a n k s of k n o w n sympathisers and activists, especially y o u n g m e n and women, should take part in actions, acts of sabotage and the e l i m i n a t i o n of spies, together w i t h the communists. L i k e w i s e , great importance was g i v e n to the organization e v e r y w h e r e of mass demonstrations in w h i c h the people, l e d by 51

the communiste by c o m i n g out in streets a n d squares, by opposing fascism and clashing w i t h the forces of the regime, w o u l d see what a colossal force t h e y comprised, w o u l d f u r t h e r strengthen their sense of u n i t y and f i g h t i n g spirit, a n d also m a k e clear to the category of pseudo-patriots that t h e y m u s t m a k e up their m i n d s and decide: either w i t h the people in the fight against fascism or w i t h fascism in the f i g h t against the people. A f t e r the f o u n d i n g of the P a r t y s u c h d e m o n s t r a tions w e r e h e l d in a l l parts of the country, just as the f i r e of partisan rifles began to be h e a r d m o r e a n d more, the n u m b e r of eta steadily increased a n d the ranks were strengthened w i t h forces that came f r o m t o w n and countryside. Of course, the fascists were b o u n d to respond to the stepping up of o u r struggle w i t h greater t e r r o r a n d more unrestrained savagery. B u t w e w e r e not a f r a i d of this. T h e w a r c o u l d not be waged otherwise. P r e c i s e l y w h e n t h r o u g h the tireless w o r k of the communists and w i t h activities o f e v e r y k i n d w e were becoming l i n k e d ever more closely w i t h the people, K o o T a s h k o came to a m e e t i n g v e r y i n censed and made a protest: The P a r t y is tending towards sectarianism! he said indignantly. We are h a r m i n g ourselves and the people. What are y o u t a l k i n g about? I asked h i m . What is this sectarianism?! The demonstration of A p r i l 7 [1942] in T i r a n a should not have been held, n o r in D u r r s or a n y where else. W h a t d i d w e g a i n b y it? D i d w e o v e r 52

t h r o w fascism?! N o t at a l l ! On the contrary, it became even more savage and w i l l i n t i m i d a t e the people w i t h the terror it has launched. Come to y o u r senses, comrades! T h r o u g h the sectarianism of a f e w we are r u i n i n g that great w o r k that we are doing day and night b y t a l k i n g , b y agitation and propaganda! It was quite clear: the opportunist and d r a w i n g r o o m communist was incapable of understanding the w o r k w i t h the masses more p r o f o u n d l y or otherwise than as an agitation by w o r d of m o u t h , agitation w h i c h he personally and types l i k e h i m carried out in feeble r o u t i n e ways, and moreover, restricted to a f e w i n t e l l e c t u a l dandies and cafe politicians. No, I r e p l i e d angrily, w e ' l l never act according to y o u r logic. We are f i g h t i n g to w i n over the people, not s i m p l y w i t h words and by no means just to r e ceive a v e r b a l approval. We don't need just the blessing of the people, but we need their strength, their dauntless f i g h t i n g spirit. O n l y by getting this colossal force into activity, by c h a n n e l l i n g it correctly and leading it in actions w i l l the w a r be waged. T h i s is the o n l y w a y that fascism w i l l be d r i v e n out. I agree in principle, but it is too early f o r demonstrative actions! continued K o o Tashko. First, we m u s t convince the people that we are somebody, so that they trust us, and then we should b r i n g them out on the streets. Otherwise, w e ' l l lose our h o l d on t h e m r i g h t away. The people w i l l not s h y a w a y f r o m us because we lead t h e m into actions, demonstrations and war, I said. T h e y w i l l back a w a y f r o m us o n l y if they see we're n o t h i n g b u t word-mongers. As for the people 53

being intimidated, this is a s t u p i d judgement a n d f a r f r o m the t r u t h . T e l l me, w h e r e d o w e f i n d shelter w h e n the fascists are p u r s u i n g us? W h o protects us, w h o escorts us f r o m base to base? T h e people, the people w h o k n o w us a n d are f o l l o w i n g us precisely because they see that we are b a t t l i n g w i t h the occupier. T h e people are alienated by cowards, by those w h o o n l y talk, but not by brave fighters. We continued the debate for some t i m e and a l l the comrades strongly opposed K o o Tashko's v i e w s . I must say that, fortunately, w i t h i n the r a n k s of the P a r t y w e d i d not have t o waste m u c h t i m e w i t h elements w h o h e l d such views, w h o w a n t e d to p l a y at peaceful war, w i t h o u t rifle shots, w i t h o u t a c t i vities, because there were f e w such i n d i v i d u a l s . T h e people f o l l o w e d us into demonstrations a n d battles, the people, especially the youth, trusted us and u n i t e d around the P a r t y precisely because this was the road of the war, of action, more t h a n for a n y other reason. W h i l e it s t i l l had not assumed its organizational forms and its p r o g r a m was not yet f u l l y defined, the foundations of the A n t i - f a s c i s t F r o n t of the A l b a n i a n people were being l a i d .

2. Patriots and Pseudo-patriots

R i g h t f r o m the outset o u r P a r t y correctly l a i d d o w n that the w h o l e people, a l l social classes and strata, w i t h o u t distinction as to political, ideological, 54

religious and other views, s h o u l d be i n c l u d e d in the w a r for the salvation of the country. T h e m a i n t h i n g w h i c h could and m u s t unite these force w a s the stand towards the f o r e i g n occupiers, the u n c o m p r o m i s i n g w a r against t h e m . T h i s was the basis on w h i c h the Anti-fascist National Liberation Front w o u l d be organized, a f r o n t in w h i c h , apart f r o m the w o r k i n g masses of t o w n a n d countryside, a l l the o t h e r forces and elements, a l l those w h o w e r e interested in the freedom and the existence of A l b a n i a and the A l b a n i a n n a t i o n w o u l u d take part. A n d in this context, a major, w i d e - r a n g i n g job, f r e q u e n t l y e x t r e m e l y c o m plicated a n d wearisome, w a s that w h i c h we h a d to do w i t h the patriotic elements or those w h o posed as patriots, t h a t is, w i t h a l l those w h o at that time w e r e called nationalists. T h e t e r m nationalist, as we used it in that period, m u s t not be confounded w i t h the m e a n i n g w h i c h this t e r m has assumed today in p o l i t i c a l literature to denote elements w i t h bourgeois-nationalist views, as opposed to the M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t p r i n c i p l e of proletarian internationalism. T h e t e r m nationalist w a s a p p l i e d to those fighters w h o in past times h a d fought against foreign occupiers w h o a i m e d to eliminate us as a nation. P r e c i s e l y f r o m the w o r d natio taken f r o m the L a t i n language, emerged the t e r m nationalist w h i c h w e used d u r i n g the w a r a n d i s f o u n d i n m y w r i t i n g s of that period. T h e t r u t h is that this was a t e r m w h i c h included a wide range of people, f r o m the elements w i t h a p a triotic past and a c t i v i t y to the intellectuals w h o were 55

k n o w n or proclaimed themselves as people w i t h p a triotic and democratic sentiments. Thus, in a certain sense w i t h the t e r m nationalist we made a d i f f e r e n tiation between communists, on the one hand, and other people w i t h w h o m we h a d contacts a n d w o r k e d . As early as the time of the c o m m u n i s t groups, b u t especially after the f o u n d i n g of the P a r t y , the w o r k w i t h the nationalists was a sector in w h i c h a l l the communists w e r e i n v o l v e d . N a t u r a l l y , this w a s done according to the possibilities w h i c h each m e m b e r had, according to his social circle of acquaintances a n d r e latives. In the cells to w h i c h we belonged we reported o n a l l our work, i n c l u d i n g the w o r k w i t h intellectuals a n d patriots, exchanged opinions a n d consulted one another about o u r activities. W h e n some m e m b e r e n countered difficulties w i t h the person w i t h w h o m he h a d been appointed to work, t h e n he h a n d e d over the job to another comrade a n d f o u n d the w a y to introduce h i m to that person. T h e f o r m a l aspect of the w o r k was a p r o b l e m in itself: y o u had to be introduced to t h e m a n d t h e n to enter into their circles, to take part in the conversations w h i c h they h e l d and to manage to u n d e r s t a n d as f a r as possible, for example, w h a t p o l i t i c a l i n c l i n ations a person m i g h t have, h o w far y o u c o u l d go w i t h h i m , w h e n y o u should g o ahead a n d w h e n y o u should stop at general conversations in order to disguise yourself f r o m a spy. Because we s h o u l d not forget that the regime of Zog, a n d subsequently the fascist regime, were regimes of spies w h o w a t c h e d a n d saw w i t h w h o m y o u associated, w i t h w h o m y o u t a l k e d a n d

56

w h a t y o u talked about and w h o branded y o u accordingly. F r o m this aspect at that time there h a d to be both a special strategy and tactics, because amongst the intellectuals, teachers, professors, merchants and nationalists, there were good people but also w e a k ones, as w e l l as a l l k i n d s of rogues d o w n to outright spies and collaborators of the enemy. I n the talks w h i c h w e h e l d w i t h them, after w e w e r e convinced about their predisposition, we put f o r w a r d o u r stand as communists and as a C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . O u r f u n d a m e n t a l thesis was that in this grave situation for the H o m e l a n d a l l A l b a n i a n s h a d a c o m m o n a i m the f i g h t against the occupiers for the l i b e r a t i o n of A l b a n i a . In the face of this imperative d u t y a l l the differences i n ideological convictions and p o l i t i c a l s y m pathies, religious a n d regional differences, had to take second place. T h i s was the moment, we c o m m u n i s t s stressed, w h e n we must reflect deeply on the words of the patriotic poet (1) that the r e l i g i o n of the A l b a n i a n is Albania. T h i s w a s one of the most d i f f i c u l t tasks w h i c h the P a r t y a n d its members, f r o m the leadership to the i n d i v i d u a l communists, h a d to do. H e r e I am not r e f e r r i n g to the danger that threatened us in this work, the p o s s i b i l i t y of being spied u p o n or betrayed, or the p r o b a b i l i t y of the introduction of some agent p r o vacateur element into our ranks. Of course, these dangers existed, b u t w h a t w o r k could the communists and honest patriots do w i t h o u t danger? T h e y h a d
_____________________________________ 1 P a s h k o V a s a (1825-1892).

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t a k e n these dangers into account since t h e y h a d e n tered the struggle against a savage, c r u e l and c u n n i n g enemy. T h e greatest d i f f i c u l t i e s w e r e in another direction, i n w h i c h mere b r a v e r y d i d not count f o r m u c h , but w h i c h r e q u i r e d tact, p o l i t i c a l acumen, cool-headedness a n d prudence. T h e P a r t y comrades h a d to stand up to great tension, not o n l y physical, b u t also nervous a n d psychological. W e h a d t o t a l k a n d q u a r r e l for w h o l e hours, time after time, w i t h a l l k i n d s of blockheads w h o were not o n l y u n c o n v i n c e d b y o u r correct a r g u ments w h i c h were as clear as the l i g h t of day, b u t also t r i e d to convince us of the opposite w i t h r i d i c u l o u s arguments and pettifogging s o p h i s t r y ! A p a r t f r o m other things, it took great patience a n d self-restraint to a v o i d t e l l i n g these patriots b l u n t l y , To h e l l w i t h you!. However, the w o r k of the P a r t y a n d the cause of the w a r demanded something else. Sometimes a comrade w o u l d come to us seething w i t h disgust to report about a m e e t i n g w h i c h he h a d h a d and ask us to relieve h i m of this task and seek o u r a p p r o v a l to b r a n d this or that person as a traitor. No! we w o u l d t e l l h i m , the d a y w i l l come w h e n the cup i s f i l l e d a n d t h e n we s h a l l do this, but meanwhile, c a r r y on w i t h the work, refute and expose his arguments and w h e n y o u are convinced that he t r u l y does not w a n t to fight, then w e ' l l give h i m up as hopeless. T h e readers, and especially the open their eyes and ask w h y such cessary w i t h these elements, w h o t h e i r place. Of course, the m o m e n t 58 y o u n g ones, may niceties w e r e n e should be p u t in w o u l d come w h e n

the P a r t y and the people w o u l d also t u r n the r i f l e on a l l those w h o u n i t e d w i t h the nazi-fascists i n words a n d deeds, but before this, efforts h a d to be made t o t u r n t h e m f r o m the r o a d o f b e t r a y a l a n d i n v o l v e t h e m in the w a r against the occupier. I n w o r k i n g w i t h the nationalists, the P a r t y h a d in m i n d the strategic aims of the w a r it was leading, the m a j o r interests of the people and the H o m e l a n d . F i r s t o f a l l , the P a r t y proceeded f r o m the v i e w that the broader the mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n was in the P o p u l a r F r o n t the more f u r i o u s l y the w a r w o u l d b e waged and the more certain the f i n a l v i c t o r y w o u l d be. T h e n , i t m u s t not be forgotten that m a n y of the k n o w n n a t i o n alists of that p e r i o d had, to various degrees, a cert a i n i n f l u e n c e in d i f f e r e n t districts a n d cities of the c o u n t r y or a m o n g the circles of the intelligentsia. T h e incorporation in the F r o n t of tens a n d tens of o u t s t a n d i n g patriots, k n o w n to the people f o r their progressive sentiments a n d democratic opinions and as a n t i - Z o g i t e fighters, was a v i c t o r y of the p o l i c y of the P a r t y , because these people, besides their c o n t r i bution, t h e i r personal abilities a n d capacities, possessed great a u t h o r i t y a m o n g the people, w h i c h t h e y p u t at the disposal a n d in the service of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation War. T h e struggle of the P a r t y to u n m a s k s u c h pseudopatriots a s L u m o Skndo, A l i K l c y r a , Q a z i m K o c u l i a n d others, a n d to b r i n g t h e m out in their t r u e colours, y i e l d e d s i m i l a r results. M a n y of these i n d i v i d u a l s w e r e neither s t u p i d n o r w i t h o u t influence. Some of t h e m p r o f i t e d f r o m the reputation of the families 59

whose names they bore, some f r o m the two or t h r e e shots t h e y had f i r e d in V l o r a in 1920 (1), some others f r o m their stands, adopted in opposition to Z o g or the m o m e n t a r y participation in the J u n e R e v o l u t i o n of 1924. It w o u l d have been p o l i t i c a l short-sightedness to have t u r n e d the r i f l e on a l l of t h e m as e a r l y as 1941, as some m i g h t think. T h i s w o u l d have been h a r m f u l both to the w a r and to the P a r t y . T h i s h u m a n ore had to undergo a process of selection a n d f r o m it, apart f r o m the f i l t h w h i c h w o u l d b e t h r o w n aside, p u r e m e t a l w o u l d emerge, a n d t i m e and the w a r w o u l d do this sorting out. T h e line of the P a r t y was correct: the patriotic elements should be brought into the w a r and their influence amongst the masses used f o r the benefit of the w a r ; the demagogues, the disguised tools of the occupiers, should be u n m a s k e d by a s k i n g them the question: A r e y o u going t o f i g h t f o r A l b a n i a or not? A n d the people w o u l d see, as t h e y d i d , w h o were true patriots and w h o pseudo-patriots. In the context of extending the w o r k w i t h t h e nationalists we devoted special attention at that time, especially, to w o r k w i t h the intelligentsia, a i m i n g to make the patriotic and democratic elements p a r t i c i pants in the w a r . T h e A l b a n i a n intelligentsia a t that t i m e was n u m e r i c a l l y s m a l l and this was a result of the l o w l e v e l of economic and c u l t u r a l development a n d the o b ______________________________________ 1 Reference is to the W a r of V l o r a of 1920 against the imperialist Italian invaders w h i c h ended w i t h the victory o f the A l b a n i a n people.

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s c u r a n t i s t p o l i c y of the regime of Z o g . A p a r t f r o m a l l the other evils w h i c h t h e y perpetrated on the country, the august m o n a r c h a n d his circle d i d their utmost to leave A l b a n i a in darkness and ignorance, because the darkness a n d ignorance of the masses are the best allies of oppression and exploitation. Z o g a n d his regime d i d n o t h i n g for culture, art and science, h o w e v e r m u c h he, together w i t h h i s degenerate a n d c o r r u p t sisters, w h o i r o n i c a l l y , despite their utter ignorance, took the arts, c u l t u r e a n d sport, w h i c h v i r t u a l l y d i d not exist i n A l b a n i a , u n d e r t h e i r patronage, posed as supporters of these things. Nevertheless, t h r o u g h the efforts of the people, of the sons and daughters of the people and c o n t r a r y to the desire of the feudal-bourgeois regime, it was made possible to set up an education system w i t h p r i m a r y and secondary schools to teach the sons and daughters o f the people, w h o w i t h their u n e r r i n g i n t u i t i o n and t h e i r b r o a d h o r i z o n of h i s t o r y prepared the y o u t h for the n e w days. W i t h great d i f f i c u l t i e s a n d coping w i t h m a n y economic privations, some of the y o u n g people went abroad where t h e y attended h i g h e r studies. A l l these people comprised the s o u n d est part of the A l b a n i a n intelligentsia w h i c h was o p posed to the a n t i - p o p u l a r a n d reactionary section w h i c h o r i g i n a t e d f r o m the beys, usurers and merchants. At the t i m e of w h i c h I am speaking the teachers a n d professors comprised the m a j o r i t y of the intellectuals, w h i l e there was a smaller n u m b e r f r o m other professions, s u c h as doctors, engineers and jurists. T h e intelligentsia was not a homogenous mass, either f r o m its social composition or f r o m its p o l i t i c a l c o n 61

victions, w h i c h were i l l - d e f i n e d . Besides this, w i t h the exception of one section, especially the village teachers, the intelligentsia was not so closely l i n k e d w i t h the people and was acquainted o n l y s u p e r f i c i a l l y , at second-hand, w i t h their problems. T h i s does not m e a n i t was not patriotic. No, i n general the A l b a n i a n i n telligentsia was patriotic a n d anti-Zog, a n d subsequent l y p r o v e d its p a t r i o t i s m in its stand in the w a r against the occupiers. Those closest to the people were the teachers w h o were more i n t i m a t e l y l i n k e d w i t h their s u f f e r i n g s and problems. U n d e r the regime of Z o g t h e y w e r e at the bottom of the s m a l l p y r a m i d of the education s y s tem, scorned by the intellectual aristocracy, regarded w i t h suspicion by the regime, and received a p i t tance. A n d e v e n that t i n y salary was p a i d once i n f i v e months, a n d occasionally once in nine months. So, in order to l i v e they h a d to go and sell their p a y vouchers to the moneylenders, of course, at a discount. I m y s e l f d i d this d u r i n g the f e w months that I w o r k ed in the secondary school in T i r a n a at the e n d of 1936 and the beginning of 1937, for w h i c h I was p a i d b y the h o u r w i t h o u t a n y f i x e d salary a n d received nothing at a l l w h e n I was sick or d u r i n g school holidays. In general, the teachers h a d completed or h a l f completed their secondary schooling w i t h i n the countr y . R a r e l y one of t h e m k n e w some f o r e i g n language, but there was no foreign literature w h i c h t h e y could read in order to develop themselves. T h e intellectuals of this category w e r e w i t h the people a n d detested the regime of Z o g and its top functionaries. T h e y w e r e closely l i n k e d w i t h the pupils and their families, w e r e 62

patriots a n d democrats and w h e n A l b a n i a w a s o c cupied t h e y u n i t e d w i t h the w o r k e r s and pupils i n demonstrations against the occupiers and most of t h e m took part i n the partisan w a r . T h e professors, as we called the secondary school teachers of that time, f i g u r e d h i g h e r in the h i e r a r c h y of the education system and the intelligentsia, in general. U n l i k e the o r d i n a r y teachers, generally speaking, t h e y w e r e m o r e remote f r o m the people a n d the w o r k w i t h t h e m was more complicated. O f course, even among the professors there w e r e m a n y w h o l o v e d the H o m e l a n d a n d the people, w h o hated the feudal-bourgeois regime a n d the fascist occupation and l i n k e d themselves w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t and the P a r t y . B u t the m a j o r i t y o f t h e m were integrated into the oppressive system of Z o g and fascism, were content w i t h their o w n situation, and as for the condition of the masses, they d i d not w o r r y their heads about that. Intellectuals of this t y p e considered themselves the lite of the e d u c a tion system and boasted that they were the i n t e l ligentsia of the c o u n t r y a n d that the regime had need of them. M a n y of t h e m h a d been abroad w h e r e t h e y had graduated f r o m h i g h e r schools, some in Italy, some i n France, some i n A u s t r i a o r G e r m a n y , some in Greece, a f e w in the U n i t e d States of A m e rica. Some of the older ones h a d graduated f r o m T u r k i s h schools. O t h e r members of the intellectual lite w e r e the doctors, engineers, architects, agronomists and others, w i t h o u t forgetting either those w h o h a d g r a duated in l a w a n d became advocates or judges, or 63

the journalists, in the ranks of w h o m there were some w h o were w e l l - k n o w n , a section w i t h progressive d e mocratic tendencies a n d views, w h i l e the r e m a i n d e r were completely in the service of the reactionary a n d a n t i - p o p u l a r regimes. Of course, here I exclude such intellectuals a s M e d a r S h t y l l a , O m e r N i s h a n i , X h a f e r K o n g o l i , G a q o Tashko a n d tens of others w h o I m e n t i o n in these notes, and w h o k n e w the d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n of the masses and w h o p r o v e d themselves w i t h deeds to be democrats a n d patriots. H e r e I am r e f e r r i n g to those intellectuals, w h o after g a i n i n g h i g h e r education, t h r o u g h the m o n e y w h i c h their fathers h a d fleeced f r o m the w o r k e r s a n d peasants, came back to A l b a n i a w i t h the pretension that t h e y were b r i n g i n g culture and c i v i l i z a t i o n , b u t who, in fact, came to share in the e x p l o i t a t i o n of the masses. T h e y h a d t a k e n nothing o f real value f r o m E u r o p e a n c i v i l i z a t i o n , apart f r o m some foreign language, a certain amount of knowledge of the craft t h e y h a d learned a n d mod e r n etiquette, along w i t h the top hat or bowtie, w i t h o u t w h i c h t h e y were never seen in the streets or cafes. A n d these c i v i l i z e d intellectuals w e r e not a s h a m ed to put themselves up for auction on the marriage market, because almost a l l of t h e m w e r e f o r t u n e - h u n ters. It is n a t u r a l that m a n y of t h e m became b o u r geois, w e r e pushed into h i g h offices a n d became examples for the less fortunate. These i n d i v i d u a l s w e r e lost to the cause of the people, w e r e s u p e r f i c i a l democrats, liberals o n l y in certain manifestations w h i c h were hangovers f r o m the countries w h e r e t h e y h a d attended school. In general, the intellectuals w i t h h i g h e r schooling 64

a n d in top positions either integrated themselves w i t h and became p i l l a r s of the regime or, even w h e n they were democrats a n d anti-Zog, d i d not see the f u t u r e of the c o u n t r y clearly. There were some of t h e m w h o d i d not l i k e Z o g a n d his regime a n d w h o deep d o w n w e r e anti-Zogites, but w h o d i d not have the courage to act or even to express their v i e w s openly. T h e r e w e r e o n l y a f e w of t h e m w h o spoke openly, of course not out in the street, against Z o g and his regime. B u t even these f e w engaged in academic talk about laws, measures, prices, ministers, and so on. B u t it was e x t r e m e l y d i f f i c u l t , not to say impossible, to f i n d in t h e m a consistent s p i r i t of resistance, or even less, a n y attempt at resistance. Of course, this came about also f r o m the fact that Zog, w h o m t h e y abused, had shut t h e i r mouths because it was a t i m e w h e n economic m i s e r y reigned among the people, w h e n the w o r k e r toiled the w h o l e d a y b r e a k i n g stones in the heat of s u m m e r for two to three leks a day, w h i l e people of this category received ten to fifteen gold napoleons a m o n t h , and w e r e well-dressed, owned comfortable homes, f u r n i t u r e and radios. Thus, these elements w i t h some democratic and anti-Zogite veneer f o u n d ft more suitable to take a comfortable p o s i t i o n : to enjoy the blessings w h i c h the regime p r o v i d e d for t h e m and to w h i s p e r the occasional c r i t i c i s m against it. In general, these intellectuals, as soon as t h e y returned f r o m abroad, a i m e d to get a good job a n d especially i n T i r a n a . A t that time, w h e t h e r y o u h a d graduated as an agronomist or an engineer, the place for y o u was in the m i n i s t r y , and if there was no job for y o u , it was created, because neither the agronomists 65

nor the engineers h a d a n y w h e r e to w o r k , a g r i c u l t u r e was at a v e r y l o w l e v e l a n d no investments w e r e made to boost it; n o t h i n g was b u i l t except the odd prison and homes f o r the w e a l t h y . Thus, the a g r o n o m ist was f o u n d a job in some office, w h i l e the engineer residing in T i r a n a d r e w the plans f o r the home of the b i g merchant. T h e doctors, f o r t h e i r part, set about m a k i n g money, w h i l e the professors competed w i t h one another to get a job in T i r a n a or in the M i n i s t r y , or if t h e y could not manage this, w e n t to the f e w cities in w h i c h there was a secondary school. There could be no talk about organization in the ranks of the intelligentsia. E s p e c i a l l y amongst the soundest part of it, of course, there were efforts to do something, to change the e x i s t i n g situation. Some of t h e m established l i n k s w i t h the c o m m u n i s t groups, b u t these were sporadic or on an i n d i v i d u a l basis. In t h e ranks of the intellectual lite w h i c h i n c l u d e d t h e professors, the doctors, the jurists, the journalists and i n d i v i d u a l s of other professions, there was a k i n d of division, on the basis of their l i n k s and a f f i n i t i e s created by the type of culture and the c o u n t r y in w h i c h they had received it. Hence, opinions c i r c u l a t e d that so and so is of Deutsche K u l t u r because he had been to u n i v e r s i t y in A u s t r i a or G e r m a n y , so a n d so is of F r e n c h culture because he had been in F r a n ce, he w h o had been to u n i v e r s i t y in Italy was of Italian culture, and so on. T h i s tendency, w h i c h created f o r m a l affinities between groups, encouraged a spirit of x e n o m a n i a a n d brought about the isolation of the intelligentsia f r o m the m a i n problems w h i c h

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w e r e p r e o c c u p y i n g the H o m e l a n d and the people. W h e n I w a s in T i r a n a , p r i o r to the occupation of the c o u n t r y by fascist Italy, apart f r o m contacts w i t h progressive a n d democratic intellectuals, I was g i v e n the o p p o r t u n i t y to come into contact also w i t h t h e milieus, opinions and psychology of that section of intellectuals that the regime pampered. In the R o y a l R o a d there was a s m a l l caf, w h i c h at that time seemed a b i g one, called Bella Venezia. T h i s Bella Venezia was frequented by the lite of the capital a n d the m a j o r sycophants of the regime f r o m F u a d A s l l a n i , the f o r e i g n minister, a n d other ministers, to the top p e r sonalities of culture. T h e y gathered there a c c o r d i n g to the E n g l i s h custom, at f i v e o'clock. Once or twice, a comrade took me w i t h h i m to this c l u b of the i n t e l l e c t u a l lite. A n d w h a t d i d I see there? A circle of arrogant, conceited cosmopolitans. It was s i c k e n i n g t o w a t c h t h e m eating cake a n d d r i n k i n g tea w i t h t h e i r aristocratic w a y s a n d w h i m s l i k e ladies i n d r a w i n g rooms. T h e r e y o u could hear a l l sorts of languages spoken, according to the p a r t i c u l a r clans, and A l b a n i a n was spoken m i x e d w i t h w h o l e phrases i n f o r e i g n languages, just as we have read in Tolstoy about the R u s s i a n aristocracy w h i c h m i x e d R u s s i a n and F r e n c h . T h e talk in these circles was about politics on a g r a n d scale and discussions about art. There y o u c o u l d hear judgements d e l i v e r e d w i t h absolute c o m petence about C h a m b e r l a i n , about Titulescu, about H i t l e r , about Nietzsche's Zarathustra, about Goethe's Faust, about the Niebelungen, but not a w o r d was said about the s u f f e r i n g of the peasant of M y z e q e , w h o m

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Zog, the V r i o n i s and the V r l a c i s fleeced a n d w h o died of m a l a r i a . To speak openly w i t h these people was dangerous. T h e y w o u l d h a n d y o u over to Z o g or the occupier, if not directly, indirectly, by denouncing y o u . As I said, however, the whole intelligentsia was not l i k e this. I personally was aware of this t r u t h f r o m the contacts w h i c h I had established w i t h a w h o l e circle of teachers and intellectuals of various professions d u r i n g the years I w o r k e d in the secondary school of T i r a n a and the Lyce of K o r a . T h e fact is, however, that o u r l i n k s w i t h the intellectuals w e r e extended f u r t h e r and placed on a sounder basis after the G r o u p of K o r a shifted the centre of g r a v i t y of its w o r k to T i r a n a , at the b e g i n n i n g of 1940, a n d especiall y after the f o u n d i n g o f the P a r t y , w h e n w e evaluated the w o r k w i t h the intellectuals as one of the most important fields of the w o r k of the P a r t y w i t h the nationalists. L i k e the other comrades, I continued to e x t e n d my contacts w i t h m y f o r m e r teacher colleagues w h o w e r e anti-Zogites and anti-fascists, s u c h as the T a s h k o brothers (Aleko and Gaqo), A l e k s B u d a , M i n e l l a K a rajani, N o n d a B u l k a , S o t i r A n g j e l i , B a l t a d o r i , N e x h a t Peshkpia (who later became a B a l l i s t and f l e d on the eve of Liberation), V a n g j e l G j i k o n d i , S e l i m S h p u z a and the w r i t e r and publicist Shevqet M u s a r a j , w h o later became an active m e m b e r of the P a r t y R e g i o n a l Committee o f T i r a n a and w i t h his w o r k s a n d w r i t ings made an outstanding c o n t r i b u t i o n to the p r o -

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paganda of the P a r t y d u r i n g the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War. We made approaches also to other intellectuals, s u c h a s the doctors X h e v d e t A s l l a n i , F e j z i H o x h a , E n v e r Z a z a n i , a n d H a s a n Jero, the architect L u a r a s i , engineers l i k e A n d o n L u f i , L l a z a r Treska, R r a p i ( I don't k n o w w h a t became of h i m later), the economist P a s k o M i l o , N a u m S t r a l l a a n d a n u m b e r of others. M a n y o f t h e m u n i t e d w i t h the people and the P a r t y in the f i g h t against the occupiers f r o m the first days. O n e o f t h e m was m y comrade i n the w a r a n d the work, H a x h i K r o i , w h o i s the n e p h e w o f A v n i R u s t e m i , and w h o f a i t h f u l l y f o l l o w e d the patriotic course of that great teacher of the people and fought and n o w w o r k s a s m y secretary w i t h e x e m p l a r y competence a n d devotion as one of the senior members of the Party. W e also made approaches t o A b a z X h o m o , a n o l d f r i e n d w h o m I h a d k n o w n in the Lyce a n d in France, as w e l l as other anti-fascist elements l i k e A l i B a k i u a n d S y r j a Selfo who, although t h e y w e r e merchants, assisted the w a r . S y r j a , in particular, spared n o t h i n g for the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and was ready to f i n d and p a y the rent for the houses w h i c h we needed as bases f o r the illegal comrades. Indeed, h e assisted and m a i n t a i n e d m y f a m i l y w h o h a d n o i n come at a l l d u r i n g the w a r . Thus, o u r circles w e r e being extended w i t h other intellectuals. Some of t h e m I k n e w , some others K o o Tashko, although h e w o r k e d especially w i t h the older nationalists w h o h a d f l e d i n the t i m e o f Z o g and r e t u r n e d w i t h the wagons of fascist Italy. 69

One of the finest representatives of the A l b a n i a n democratic intelligentsia, w h o r i g h t f r o m the outset l i n k e d his life w i t h the cause of the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d , was dr. M e d a r S h t y l l a . M e d a r was a p a triotic and progressive m a n , l i n k e d w i t h the people, h a d graduated f r o m the Lyce of K o r a b u t before my time, because I remember that w h e n I w e n t there f r o m the Lyce of G j i r o k a s t r a , I d i d not f i n d h i m at that school. A f t e r w a r d s he went to France, to Toulouse I t h i n k , w h e r e he studied v e t e r i n a r y science. T h e d i r e c t i o n of the h i g h e r studies w h i c h he h a d chosen in itself i m p l i e d that he was a m a n of the people, close to the peasantry, to the l a n d and the livestock, and so he had not chosen a fashionable and profitable profession such as that of a doctor or l a w y e r . I got to k n o w M e d a r w e l l w h e n I r e t u r n e d f r o m France, and I l i k e d h i m a n d l i n k e d m y s e l f w i t h this unpretentious, modest, quiet, honest m a n w i t h w i d e knowledge and culture, w h o aroused one's respect. He was a m a n of f e w words w h o made no fuss and d i d not l i k e boasting and s h o w i n g off. C e r t a i n smart A l e c k intellectuals said d e r i s i v e l y about h i m : H e i s t a c i t u r n because h e w o r k s w i t h animals. B u t M e d a r S h t y l l a was a wise and k i n d l y m a n w i t h character and courage. He l o v e d the H o m e l a n d a n d the people w i t h his whole heart and soul, and this he p r o v e d at the most d i f f i c u l t moments. M y comrades and acquaintances had told m e about the s y m p a t h y and respect w h i c h M e d a r e n j o y e d i n the villages of Durrs, and the peasants of Durrs, K a v a j a , Shijak, and the w o r k e r s on the X h a f z o t a j f a r m could not but love M e d a r S h t y l l a w h o had l i n k e d 70

himself so closely w i t h t h e i r troubles and worries. He fought for the rights of the w o r k e r s w h o were not p a i d regularly, encouraged t h e m to raise their voices and protest even to the M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e of that time. M e d a r was w e l l aware of the strength of the w o r k e r s of the f a r m and the peasants, but he also k n e w v e r y w e l l h o w f r i g h t e n e d the v e n a l g o v e r n ment officials w e r e of this force. Thus, f e a r f u l of the outbreak of some revolt, a n d despite their reluctance, the authorities were obliged to f u l f i l at least a part of the demands of the w o r k e r s of the f a r m . B o r d e r i n g on the X h a f z o t a j f a r m l a y the lands of the Italian I T A L B A company w h i c h a i m e d to get the l a n d of this f a r m into its clutches. M e d a r S h t y l l a , w h o was w e l l - a c q u a i n t e d w i t h the e x p l o i t i n g character of Italian i m p e r i a l i s m , w h o grieved over the p l i g h t of the poor peasants and the encroachment of the terr i t o r y of his beloved H o m e l a n d , fought heart and soul to prevent the Italian company f r o m achieving its ambitions. T h r o u g h these actions he w o n the hearts of the people and earned the h o s t i l i t y of the authorities. Not o n l y d i d he behave w i t h the workers on the f a r m l i k e a close f r i e n d , but he also t r i e d to create decent l i v i n g conditions for them. M e d a r insisted that the w o r k e r s of X h a f z o t a j should be p a i d more, and in fact, they d i d receive more t h a n the workers employed by the Italian company. H o w e v e r , this d i d not suit the exploiters w h o fattened themselves on the sweat and blood of the poor, therefore they demanded that the workers of X h a f z o t a j should receive the same pay as those w h o w o r k e d for the Italian companies. M e d a r protested and fought for the opposite. A l l these things 71

had made M e d a r S h t y l l a v e r y close to the w o r k e r s and peasants w h o opened their hearts to h i m about every p r o b l e m w h i c h w o r r i e d t h e m . B u t the t h i n g that l i n k e d t h e m most s t r o n g l y was their great love for the H o m e l a n d and freedom, their hatred for the occupiers, w h i c h was ready to erupt in w a r to d r i v e the foreigners f r o m o u r land. T h e Italian occupation f o u n d dr. M e d a r w o r k i n g as a v e t e r i n a r i a n in Durrs. It was the p e r i o d w h e n the communists of the G r o u p s h a d stepped up the w o r k for the f o r m a t i o n of the P a r t y . At that time I, l i k e the other comrades, was c o n t i n u a l l y engaged in m a k i n g contact w i t h c o m m u n i s t comrades, w i t h workers, w i t h w e l l - k n o w n intellectuals, w i t h nationalists as we called the n o n - p a r t y patriots at that t i m e and later. One day I went to D u r r s a n d met our comrade Telat Noga to discuss w i t h h i m some problems of our work, i n c l u d i n g the question of b r i n g i n g patriotic i n tellectual elements into the l i b e r a t i o n movement. I said to Telat: I want to go to meet my f r i e n d , M e d a r S h t y l l a , w h o m I t h i n k we should activize. Do y o u k n o w h i m ? Telat r e p l i e d : That's a v e r y good idea, Enver, because e v e r y body speaks about h i m w i t h respect. T h r o u g h h i m w e w i l l m a k e greater h e a d w a y i n the countryside because the peasants love him. At this time M e d a r h a d begun his resistance, as y o u might say, by denouncing the occupiers, the t r a i tors and quislings, the fascist state apparatus, the pseudo-patriots and pseudo-anti-Zogites, w h o m he k n e w v e r y w e l l and had seen w i t h his o w n eyes e m b r a c i n g 72

the fascists. I was convinced that this w o u l d be M e dar's stand. F r o m w h a t I k n e w o f h i m and w h a t T e lat said about h i m , I was certain that we w o u l d u n derstand each other v e r y w e l l and w o u l d l i n k o u r selves together f i r m l y as two o r d i n a r y soldiers of the people and for the cause of the people. I w e n t l o o k i n g for h i m and f o u n d h i m s i t t i n g i n a caf in the street w h i c h runs d o w n to the port. He saw me as soon as I approached h i m and, w i t h that pleasant b e h a v i o u r of his, rose to his feet and, w h e n we had exchanged greetings, i n v i t e d me to sit d o w n : Come along, E n v e r , sit d o w n and d r i n k a coffee w i t h me. I t h a n k e d h i m and sat d o w n . A f t e r exchanging the i n q u i r i e s about each other's health and so on, usual at such meetings, he asked me w h e t h e r I was d o i n g a n y good, m a k i n g any m o n e y b y s e l l i n g c i g a rettes in the Flora shop, and after I replied that I was m a n a g i n g to earn a bare l i v i n g , I asked h o w things w e r e going w i t h h i m . Oh, he said, I t r y to do something, because I can't stand this suffocation. We are sick to death of these dandies, Medar, therefore we ought to put t h e m in their place, I said, i n d i c a t i n g some Italian officers w h o were s t r o l l i n g around, t a l k i n g and l a u g h i n g loudly.

Les salauds*, said Medar, and we continued to t a l k i n F r e n c h i n l o w voices, because i n this w a y there was no danger that some spy m i g h t understand w h a t
__________________________________ * T h e scoundrels (French in the original).

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we were saying. T h a t caf, l i k e a l l the cafs of that time, was certain to have its o w n permanent spies. We have to fight, I said to M e d a r . We are reorganizing ourselves, the people are l i s t e n i n g to us a n d we must advance towards the l i b e r a t i o n w a r . Of course, this w a r has its dangers, it m i g h t cost us our heads, but for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d e v e r y sacrifice m u s t be made, therefore, we have taken death into account. We went on t a l k i n g l i k e this, tte--tte, for about half an hour. A f t e r listening to me attentively, M e d a r declared resolutely : I am ready to fight, I have no hindrances. T r u e , m y wife, M a r i a , w h o m y o u k n o w , i s a n Italian, h e continued, but she hates fascism just as we do. ( A n d she proved her anti-fascist feelings a n d love for A l bania, as the daughter of the people she was, by r e m a i n i n g i n illegality i n T i r a n a d u r i n g the whole period w h e n M e d a r was w i t h u s i n the mountains.) Tell me, Enver, w h a t should I do? asked M e d a r . What a c t i v i t y should I c a r r y out, w i t h w h o m am I to m a i n t a i n contact? Come to ' F l o r a ' as though to b u y a packet of cigarettes and there we can talk more freely, I t o l d h i m and after shaking hands f i r m l y w e parted. As far as I remember we d i d not manage to meet at Flora because I was obliged to leave the shop a n d go underground, but we m a i n t a i n e d contact w i t h M e d a r through other comrades. H e l i n k e d himself closely w i t h the w a r and the P a r t y , and the N a t i o n a l 74

L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t entrusted h i m w i t h w o r k among the peasants, intellectuals a n d others. Later, w h e n his act i v i t y began to s t r i k e the eye of the authorities, M e d a r w e n t u n d e r g r o u n d a n d became a tireless organizer of national l i b e r a t i o n councils in cities and villages. W e met again i n L a b i n o t a t the 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference, at w h i c h M e d a r was elected a m e m ber of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l . In this function, too, he w a s among the most active. H e was dispatched w i t h tasks and came back to report to us w h e r e v e r the C o u n c i l and the G e n e r a l Staff happened t o be, i n e r m e n i k a , S h m i l , G u r a k u q , Orenja, S h t y l l a , a n d elsewhere. K i n d l y , s m i l i n g and modest as ever, M e d a r made h i s reports, received his n e w tasks a n d instructions and o f f he w e n t again. M e a n w h i l e , the other comrades a l l over the c o u n t r y w e r e w o r k i n g and a c h i e v i n g results i n the w o r k w i t h the intellectuals and w i t h the patriots and other progressive elements. T h r o u g h patient w o r k the ranks of the sympathizers w i t h the l i b e r a t i o n movement w e r e extending, the n u m b e r of true patriots a n d dem o c r a t i c elements, w h o expressed t h e i r readiness to f i g h t shoulder to shoulder w i t h the whole A l b a n i a n people, shoulder to shoulder w i t h the communists, to liberate the beloved t e r r i t o r y of the H o m e l a n d f r o m the jackboots of M u s s o l i n i ' s fascists, was g r o w i n g . The C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e also appointed people w h o w e r e to engage especially in this d i r e c t i o n of the w o r k of the P a r t y , and they were K o o Tashko, Anastas L u l o and M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i . T h e t r u t h is, however, that the m a i n w o r k in the d i r e c t i o n of the nationalists was done t h r o u g h the meetings and contacts of a l l c o m 75

rades of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e a n d other comrades at the base and the centre. Anastas L u l o ' s i n t e n t i o n was not to increase the influence of the P a r t y , b u t to u n d e r m i n e it a n d to create his o w n f a c t i o n together w i t h S a d i k P r e m t e ( 1 ) ; K o o T a s h k o shut h i m s e l f a w a y w i t h his o l d m e n i n cafs and engaged i n grand p o lities w i t h t h e m ; w h i l e M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i w a s m o r e active, but there w e r e always suspect and m y s t e r i o u s things in his contacts and connections. Thus, in r e a l ity, this division of labour d i d not exist for long and, in fact, a l l of us w e r e engaged in this p r o b l e m . In T i r a n a and the other cities and districts of the c o u n t r y intensive a c t i v i t y was carried out by the c o m m u n i s t comrades, meeting and t a l k i n g w i t h elements i n w h o m they had some hopes. In my reminiscences I have g i v e n detailed accounts about the m a n y contacts and strong l i n k s w h i c h I created i m m e d i a t e l y after the fascist occupation w i t h the r e v o l u t i o n a r y and democratic patriot, M y s l i m P e z a , w h o was among the first w h o l i n k e d himself closely w i t h the P a r t y and its p r o g r a m and made an o u t s t a n d i n g contribution to the accomplishment of this p r o g r a m . L i k e w i s e , both I and the other comrades, before a n d after the f o u n d i n g of the P a r t y , h a d established contact and f o u n d a common language, the language of the fight for freedom and independence, w i t h other
___________________________________________ 1 Anastas Lulo and Sadik Premte, former heads of the by G r o u p of the Youth, had tried to impede the creation of the C P A i n November 1941. A f t e r its f o u n d i n g they opposed a l l manner of means the p o l i t i c a l l i n e of the P a r t y and set

up a dangerous Trotskyite faction in its ranks. In J u n e 1942 the Special Conference of the P a r t y smashed their faction a n d expelled t h e m f r o m the P a r t y .

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p a t r i o t i c elements. O n e of these was B a b a F a j a M a r t a n e s h i [Mustafa X h a n i ] w h o m I was to meet in the days of the C o n f e r e n c e of P e z a but of w h o m the comrades h a d spoken to me before, on account of his anti-Italian v i e w s a n d his i n f l u e n c e among the people of the d i s trict of M a r t a n e s h . B a b a F a j a was one of those clergy m e n w h o w o r e the cap and the cloak of a dervish, but w h o h a d A l b a n i a i n his heart a n d i n his h a n d the r i f l e f o r its l i b e r a t i o n . H i s activity, the talks w h i c h h e h e l d w i t h the friends and comrades and w i t h the bel i e v e r s a n d those in trouble w h o came to his tekke, t h e meetings disguised as religious feasts, had come to the notice of the black shirts. As B a b a F a j a t o l d me later, once w h e n he h a d gone to T i r a n a , H i l m i L e k a (1) a n d a t r u c k - l o a d of c a r a b i n i e r i h a d gone to the h o t e l w h e r e h e was staying, seized h i m a n d taken h i m t o G e n e r a l A g o s t i n u c c i . T h e y had interrogated a n d threatened B a b a F a j a and kept h i m u n d e r arrest f o r a f e w days, but since t h e y d i d not have m a n y facts a n d he was a person of influence among the people, t h e y released h i m . B a b a F a j a r e t u r n e d t o M a r t a n e s h and continued h i s w o r k in his tekkes, because he had t w o tekkes, one d o w n i n the v i l l a g e and one h i g h e r u p where B a b a stayed d u r i n g the summer. T o keep h i m u n d e r s u r v e i l lance the Italians set up a c a r a b i n i e r i post near one of the tekkes, but M u s t a f a i m m e d i a t e l y got up and w e n t a n d settled in the other.
_____________________________ 1 Editor-in-chief minister of culture of of the the fascist quisling newspaper government Tomorri during and the

fascist occupation of the country.

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T h e P a r t y sent people to m a k e contact w i t h M u s tafa X h a n i . I m m e d i a t e l y after the f o r m a t i o n of t h e P a r t y , Q e m a l Stafa and S a m i B a h o l l i met M u s t a f a X h a n i , w h i l e later R a m a d a n i t a k u , K a d r i H o x h a a n d others were sent to his tekke as delegates of the l e a d ership of the P a r t y . P a t r i o t i c B a b a [Faja] was enthusiastic and o p t i mistic about the w a r w h i c h we h a d begun, and n o t long afterwards he took up arms, f o r m e d his eta and began the a r m e d struggle at the head of the people of M a r t a n e s h . B u t B a b a F a j a d i d not discard his. clerical cap and robe, and he was quite right, because in this w a y he rendered even greater service to t h e line of the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t for u n i t i n g e v e r y b o d y i n the w a r w i t h o u t d i s t i n c t i o n as to region, or p o l i t i c a l a n d religious beliefs. I c a n picture i n m y m i n d this fine, honest a n d brave m a n : a handsome f e l l o w w i t h b u s h y black eyebrows, penetrating eyes and a beard w h i c h suited his broad face very well. T h r o u g h M y s l i m [Peza] we also made contact w i t h H a x h i L l e s h i , w h o after r e t u r n i n g i l l e g a l l y f r o m Y u goslavia, l i v e d i n h i d i n g i n the district o f D i b r a . H a x h i went f r o m house to house in Zerqan, H o m e s h , and other zones, carried out anti-fascist propaganda, urged the peasants not to p a y taxes and to rise in armed revolts. T h e fascist authorities d i d e v e r y t h i n g in their power to capture H a x h i , but the people p r o tected their o w n son, because they k n e w v e r y w e l l the patriotic traditions of H a x h i ' s f a m i l y as w e l l as the stand w h i c h H a x h i L l e s h i himself had taken b e fore the fascist occupation. 78

L i k e w i s e , the comrades of the P a r t y in Elbasan, K o r a , G j i r o k a s t r a , V l o r a , D i b r a , Skrapar, Shkodra, Tropoja, Berat, K u r v e l e s h , K u k s , M y z e q e and elsewhere extended their l i n k s w i t h the patriots of those districts and t h e i r brave and f r e e d o m - l o v i n g people. Thus, r i g h t f r o m the b e g i n n i n g patriotic elements l i k e S p i r o M o i s i u , Z y l y f t a r Veleshnja, R i z a K o d h e l i , H y s e n Zaloshnja, S i n a n Y l l i , H a s a n P u l o , R e x h e p S u l e j m a n i , A l i N i m a n Doi, H a s a n G r x h a l l i u , S h a b a n A r r a , a n d m a n y others joined the ranks of the national l i b e r ation movement. In the course of this work, at this period, not o n l y d i d we lose a n y i l l u s i o n we h a d h a d about certain elements w h o had a r t i f i c i a l l y retained the reputation of patriots, but we also understood that a n e w danger was emerging on the scene in the ideological, p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y struggle w h i c h was being waged a n d w o u l d become more and more intensive: besides the open quislings w h o m J a c o m o n i ( 1 ) had made p r i m e m i n i s t ers and ministers, senators and prefects, a praetor i a n g u a r d of the fascist regime was c r y s t a l l i z i n g in more disguised forms, more dangerous and p e r f i d i o u s t h a n the V r l a c i s and M e r l i k a s , because the members o f it, l i k e M i t h a t F r a s h r i , A l i K l c y r a and K o l T r o mara, shamelessly p l a y e d the f r a u d u l e n t role of d e mocrats, patriots and even anti-Italians. The role and reputation as democratic patriots had stuck to these elements f r o m the r e l a t i v e l y r e ___________________________________ 1 Francesco Jacomoni, 1943. former minister plenipotentiary of

fascist Italy to the Zog regime and Italy u n t i l M a r c h

V i c e - r o y of the k i n g of

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mote past, the period w h e n , after g a i n i n g its i n d e p e n d ence, A l b a n i a strove w i t h great t o i l a n d efforts to set out on the course of progress a n d development a n d to consolidate its independence. In particular, the numerous and e x t r e m e l y complex events of the years 1920-1925 were to exert an appreciable influence on the lives of these elements. T h a t was a period of a p o w e r f u l p o l i t i c a l struggle in w h i c h a w h o l e generation of revolutionaries a n d democrats, who called and fought for the destruction of f e u d a l i s m and the rescue of our c o u n t r y f r o m the clutches of imperialist powers, was c o m i n g to light. T h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y democrats l i k e A v n i R u s t e m i , H a l i m X h e l o and others, were t r u e sons of the poor people, anti-feudal fighters for a true, consistent, r e v o l u t i o n a r y democracy. T h e y w a n t e d a n d fought for the l i b e r a t i o n of the peasant f r o m the y o k e of f e u d a l lords and the bourgeoisie, w a n t e d a n d fought for the agrarian r e f o r m a n d the economic i n d e p e n d ence of the country. These elements understood the danger w h i c h threatened the c o u n t r y f r o m the i m perialist powers and supported L u i g j G u r a k u q i ( 1 ) w h o was opposed to g r a n t i n g o i l concessions to f o r e i g n powers such as B r i t a i n , Italy, etc. H o w e v e r , the democratic movement of that period was not compact a n d i t included elements and groups w i t h various p o l i t i c a l tendencies and views. A v n i R u s t e m i a n d his associates were representatives of the r a d i c a l w i n g of
________________________________ 1 Outstanding revolutionary democrat, minister of finances in the Provisional Democratic Government formed in June 1924.

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this m o v e m e n t and d i d not put m u c h trust i n the reforms w h i c h the other democrats allegedly d e m a n d ed, therefore, t h e y thought, quite correctly, that t h e y should organize the popular masses and that violence should be used if the need arose. A v n i R u s t e m i was the founder and soul of the Bashkimi (Unity) association w h i c h h a d a v e r y progressive p r o g r a m for that p e r i o d and whose activities extended a l l over the country. W i t h its r e v o l u t i o n a r y ideas and p o l i t i c a l act i v i t y this organization was assuming the features of a r e v o l u t i o n a r y democratic p a r t y in w h i c h the y o u n g er generation was to comprise the m a i n force. A n d in fact the Bashkimi association founded by A v n i R u s t e mi had some success, f o r m e d its branches in various cities of the c o u n t r y and gained influence and a u t h o r i t y . It was this association w h i c h organized the dem o n s t r a t i o n o f the people i n F i e r i n w h i c h t h e y m a r c h e d past the mansions of the f e u d a l beys, the V r i o n i s , c a r r y i n g a c o f f i n a n d shouting r e v o l u t i o n a r y slogans such as We s h a l l b u r y feudalism and We s h a l l d i v i d e the l a n d amongst the peasants. Seeing the danger w h i c h threatened them, the feudal lords, the beys and the aghas d i d their utmost to snuff out that movement, and one of the desperate acts of reaction was the assassination of A v n i R u s t e m i i n T i r a n a . T h r o u g h this act the f e u d a l coalition i n tended to i n t i m i d a t e the people and the r e v o l u t i o n a r y and democratic elements and deprive the movement of one of its most outstanding leaders. B u t things d i d not t u r n out l i k e that. T h e people were even more revolted by the m u r d e r of their o w n son. A v n i ' s body was taken to V l o r a where a huge c r o w d took part in the 81

solemn funeral. To this day I remember h o w shocked we were by the news of the m u r d e r of A v n i . I was w i t h some friends in the m i d d l e of the B a z a a r [in Gjirokastra] one day w h e n B a h r i O m a r i , the husband of my eldest sister, F a h r i j e , took me aside and said: Go home q u i c k l y , fetch me my suitcase, and tell them that I am going to V l o r a , because the beys have m u r d e r e d A v n i Rustemi. I was dumbstruck. I r a n home, got the suitcase and brought it to h i m as q u i c k l y as I could. At that time B a h r i O m a r i was a d e p u t y of G j i r o k a s t r a , a r e presentative of Opinga ( 1 ) the democratic group w h i c h was opposed to M y f i t L i b o h o v a ( 2 ) and his supporters. As soon as it received the news the G j i r o k a s t r a branch of the Bashkimi association m o b i l i z e d its m e m bers who, a r m e d w i t h rifles, boarded t r u c k s to m a r c h on T i r a n a . We, younger ones, too, s u r r o u n d e d the trucks and w a n t e d to c l i m b aboard, but t h e y stopped us because allegedly we were s t i l l young, u n a r m e d , and so forth. I remember that K i o K a r a j a n i and I were stopped and taken a w a y by dr. K a r a j a n i , K i o ' s father. The m u r d e r of A v n i R u s t e m i angered the people. The call was issued f r o m V l o r a , and the J u n e R e v olution broke out. F r o m K r u m a and Dragobia, f r o m V l o r a and G j i r o k a s t r a , f r o m K o r a and a l l parts o f the country thousands of volunteers set out to attack
_________________________________________ 1 Progressive Gjirokastra. 2 Representative of the Albanian feudal landowners and reactionary bourgeoisie, agent in the pay of Italian i m p e r i a l i s m . democratic association with its centre in

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the feudal rulers in T i r a n a . In the forefront of the v o lunteers were the members of the Bashkimi association. The R e v o l u t i o n t r i u m p h e d and, after r o u t i n g the mercenaries of A h m e t Zog, w h o f l e d to Y u g o s l a v i a , the insurgent forces entered T i r a n a w h e r e the b o u r geois-democratic government o f N o l i was f o r m e d . W e k n o w w h a t happened t o the N o l i government, w e k n o w its w o r k and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y not a t a l l i n f a v o u r of the p o l i t i c a l and economic reforms of the democratic elements of that period. I s h a l l not d w e l l on this here, but I w a n t to point out o n l y that the N o l i government d i d not r e l y o n the masses, d i d not a p p l y the m a j o r reforms w h i c h had been promised, the bourgeois elements w h i c h f o r m e d i t a n d supported i t d i d not s h o w consistency a n d m i l i t a n c y to c a r r y out the p r o g r a m w h i c h t h e y h a d proclaimed. N o l i h i m self was a f r a i d to c a r r y the r e v o l u t i o n f o r w a r d by u s i n g violence a n d d i d not r e l y o n the r e v o l u t i o n a r y d r i v e of the masses and outstanding revolutionaries and patriots l i k e B a j r a m C u r r i , L u i g j G u r a k u q i , H a l i m X h e l o , R i z a Cerova, and others. A n d d e p r i v e d o f its m a i n r e v o l u t i o n a r y leader, A v n i R u s t e m i , the active r e v o l u t i o n a r y force of the Bashkimi association d w i n d l e d away. T h e bourgeois democratic elements i n P a r l i a m e n t and i n the government began t o p l a y w i t h parliamentary cards as puppets in the hands of a l l e g e d l y democratic, b u t i n fact, i m p e r i a l i s t f o r e i g n powers, and the w h o l e tragic performance a n d d e mocratic masquerade ended up as it d i d . W i t h the a i d of S e r b i a and Wrangel's w h i t e guards Z o g a n d h i s clique entered T i r a n a and the leaders of the J u n e R e v o l u t i o n , democrats a n d elements of various hues, 83

w e n t into exile, w h e r e t h e y f o r m e d the anti-Zogite p o l i t i c a l emigration w h i c h was dispersed a l l over the w o r l d , f r o m the Soviet U n i o n t o A m e r i c a , France, Italy, S w i t z e r l a n d , a n d elsewhere. I s h a l l have more to say later about the a n t i - Z o gite emigration and the role w h i c h i t p l a y e d i n the subsequent events, but here I w a n t o n l y to point out that it was heterogenous in character, both f r o m the stand-point of its social o r i g i n and f r o m its p o l i t i c a l tendencies, a c t i v i t y and consistency on the r o a d of democracy. It also i n c l u d e d democratic elements a n d even communists who, in those years, w o r k e d f o r the dissemination of progressive ideas a n d fought the Z o g regime. F o r example, m a n y elements w i t h democratic tendencies, l i k e F a n N o l i , H a l i m X h e l o , R i z a C e r o v a , O m e r N i s h a n i , H a s a n P r i s h t i n a a n d others j o i n e d K O N A R E( 1 ) . Besides K O N A R E , w h i c h t w o years later took the name the Committee of N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n a n d was orientated towards a consistently democratic line, there was also the group called the Bashkimi Kombtar [National U n i o n ] w h i c h declared itself anti-Zogite, but w h i c h was for keeping A l b a n i a as it was, o n l y w i t h o u t Zog. T h i s group of emigrants i n c l u d e d the b u l k of the inconsistent elements of the J u n e R e v o l u t i o n , the offs p r i n g of w e a l t h y bourgeois or landowner-bourgeois families, top officials and f o r m e r deputies of the o p position against Zog, w h o had u n i t e d w i t h the d e m o ______________________________ 1 T h e Revolutionary N a t i o n a l Committee, an organization of A l b a n i a n p o l i t i c a l emigrants formed in V i e n n a in 1925.

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cratic m o v e m e n t of the years 1920-1924, not because t h e y l o v e d the people a n d genuine democracy, but, some of them, f o r t h e i r class interests as representatives of the n e w A l b a n i a n bourgeoisie w h i c h w a n t e d development a n d e n r i c h m e n t ; some others as opponents of A h m e t Z o g and his circle, and others s t i l l because t h e y h a d been carried a w a y in the upsurge of the revolutionary spirit which prevailed in Albania during that period, etc., etc. V e r y close to the Bashkimi Kombtar as to its class composition a n d views, was the so-called Z a r a G r o u p w h i c h took its name f r o m the Dalmatian city where Benito Mussolini kept Mustafa K r u j a a n d c o m p a n y as a reserve w i t h w h i c h he threatened A h m e t Z o g w h e n e v e r h e w a n t e d t o p u t pressure on h i m . M u s t a f a adopted a pose of h o s t i l i t y to the heads of the Bashkimi Kombtar such as A l i K l c y r a a n d company, because t h e y p r e f e r r e d the F r e n c h f r a n c and the Y u g o s l a v d i n a r to the Italian lira. Regardless of a l l this, however, the fact that these elements h a d taken part in the democratic m o v e m e n t of 1920-1924, a n d especially the fact that after Zog's assumption of p o w e r almost a l l of t h e m had emigrated and h a d r e m a i n e d f a r f r o m the H o m e l a n d , o r rather, far f r o m their properties, for fifteen years on end, h a d g i v e n t h e m the reputation of democrats, patriots, and politicians. N o w that t h e y had r e t u r n e d to A l b a n i a we h a d to m a k e approaches to them, too, w i t h the a i m of p u t t i n g t h e i r p a t r i o t i s m to the test a n d b r i n g i n g t h e m out on the battlefield. Otherwise, w i t h a l l their i n t r i n s i c complexities w h i c h fascism fostered among t h e m they w o u l d b e 85

come a m a j o r obstacle, indeed, one of the most d a n gerous obstacles, to the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r , to the u n i t y of the people in the w a r and, especially, to the f u t u r e of A l b a n i a . Therefore, right f r o m the start we decided to contact these patriotic politicians and c a l l on t h e m to fight, just as we d i d w i t h the other patriotic i n t e l lectual and nationalist elements. One of the most t y p i c a l a n d dangerous people of this category was M i t h a t F r a s h r i , alias L u m o Skndo, the pseudonym he had f r e q u e n t l y used in his l i t e r a r y and political works. I c a l l h i m one of the most d a n gerous, not o n l y because over the years he h a d vested himself w i t h the halo of a great patriot, but because he had also been clever enough to a v o i d c o m p r o m i s i n g himself openly in his collaboration w i t h the occupiers, and indeed d i d not occupy a n y o f f i c i a l post in the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e apparatus of the A l b a n i a n state. T h i s degenerate scion of the r e n o w n e d F r a s h r i f a m i l y , t a k i n g advantage of his f a m i l y name a n d the fact that he was the son of A b d y l F r a s h r i , the great patriot and p o l i t i c i a n of o u r country, posed as the h e i r to the s p i r i t of the Renaissance, as the absolute a r b i t e r of the fate of the A l b a n i a n people. He had spent his l i f e in the cafes of the East a n d the West, accepted salaries and subsidies r i g h t and left and shed crocodile tears over A l b a n i a w h i c h he t r u l y loved, but o n l y to possess it in order to sell it a n d m a k e deals w i t h it. U n l i k e m a n y others, who, although t h e y betrayed later, had f i r e d a f e w shots in the past, L u m o S k n d o h a d done nothing for A l b a n i a apart f r o m two or three worthless l i t e r a r y and p o l i t i c a l pamphlets and some 86

abstruse t a l k i n g . T h e people's w a r and his active w o r k in the service of the occupier brought out the t r u e colours of this patriot w h o f l e d across the sea w i t h the ships of the defeated enemy. I h a d been introduced to L u m o S k n d o p r e v i o u s l y by some friends of his in the intellectual circles of the capital. F r o m time to t i m e I had exchanged a f e w words w i t h h i m w h e n I w e n t to b u y some book in the bookshop w h i c h h e kept i n the R o y a l Road, today the R o a d of Barricades. To t e l l the t r u t h , I h a d heard both good and bad things said about h i m ; some m e n tioned M i t h a t B e y w i t h respect a s the leader o f A l banianism, others described h i m as a demagogue a n d perfidious, a n d indeed i t was said that A v n i R u s t e m i had exposed h i m as such and as a collaborator of Esat Pasha. ( 1 ) Nevertheless, M i t h a t B e y had a great r e p u t a tion and, moreover, d i d not f a i l to say the occasional w o r d in condemnation of the regime and the occupier and to speak w i t h regret about the H o m e l a n d w h i c h the enemy has invaded. In any case, b e a r i n g in m i n d the reputation of his f a m i l y , I had the o p i n i o n that this person m i g h t serve the country. The comrades and I had decided that it w o u l d not be a bad t h i n g to m a k e approaches to such an element. One m o r n i n g , in the t i m e w h e n I was s t i l l legal, I went to his bookshop. He was alone. He shook hands w i t h me.
_____________________________________ 1 Esat P a s h a Toptani, t y p i c a l representative of the treacherous A l b a n i a n f e u d a l lords, tool of the imperialist powers. He was assassinated by the revolutionary democrat Avni R u s t e m i in P a r i s in 1920.

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 H o w are things going, my boy? he asked me. What do y o u expect, M i t h a t B e y ! I r e p l i e d . A great e v i l has f a l l e n u p o n us a n d we y o u n g people cannot sit idle. We w a n t to fight, to get organized. We are convinced that y o u w i l l help us. I am ready to help y o u , but o n l y if y o u listen to me, he said. Go ahead, speak, M r . L u m o , y o u k n o w that I respect you. Come in here, he said and took me t h r o u g h the door b e h i n d h i m into a sort of store-room w h e r e he kept books and some old magazines and newspapers. Sit down, he said, p o i n t i n g to a chair, w h i l e he sat on another facing me. We sat l i k e this for some moments w i t h o u t speaking and I w a i t e d . L u m o was t u r n i n g something over in his m i n d . He took off his glasses, w i p e d t h e m w i t h a piece of cloth and then put t h e m back on. Listen, my boy, L u m o began and took off his glasses again, I am going to t a l k to y o u a n d w i l l help you, if y o u f o l l o w the road of y o u r uncle, the patriot H y s e n Hoxha. I am f o l l o w i n g his road, I replied, and f o l l o w i n g it faithfully. No, said M i t h a t B e y , that is not so. He was a n ardent nationalist, was w i t h I s m a i l B e y ( 1 ) i n V l o r a w h e n the flag was raised, he fought together w i t h
_____________________________________ 1 Ismail Q e m a l i (born in 1844), diplomat, politician, patriot and indomitable fighter for the freedom of Albania. On November 28, 1912 he raised the f l a g of independence in V l o r a and chaired the first A l b a n i a n government. He was poisoned by the Italian imperialists in 1919. People's H e r o .

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 e r i z T o p u l l i ( 1 ) and others, w h i l e y o u , his n e p h e w , have taken a bad, a n t i - A l b a n i a n course, y o u are a bolshevik and bolshevism is the enemy of Albania. I was d u m b f o u n d e d . I felt my temper rising, b u t I controlled m y s e l f and said to h i m : Mr. L u m o Skndo, y o u are i n s u l t i n g me over the t h i n g w h i c h I h o l d dearest, my love f o r the H o m e l a n d and my people. I am an A l b a n i a n c o m m u n i s t and that is w h a t I w i l l be u n t i l I die. T h e communists a r e l o y a l to the people to the death and I am p r o u d of the w o r k of my uncle a n d not o n l y of h i m , but also o f y o u r father, A b d y l F r a s h r i . T h e y fought against foreign occupiers and we communists are f i g h t i n g against the occupier of our H o m e l a n d . It seems to me, M r . L u m o , that y o u are not disposed t o f o l l o w t h e course of y o u r father and the F r a s h r i brothers, ( 2 ) that is, y o u are not f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of A l b a n i a . T h i s w i l l b r i n g great j o y to the occupiers and a ' n e u t r a l ' stand in these d i f f i c u l t times m u s t lead to betrayal! I w a l k e d out of the shop a n g r i l y a n d left M i t h a t F r a s h r i t r y i n g i n v a i n t o answer me, because h e w a s so s u r p r i s e d that he stuttered more t h a n usual. T h a t was the p e r i o d w h e n these democratic p a triots p e r m i t t e d themselves the tone of a h a u g h t y
________________________________ 1 e r i z T o p u l l i , commander of a eta of patriots f i g h t i n g against the Turkish occupiers during the Albanian national movement for freedom and the independence of the country. People's H e r o . 2 Abdyl leader of the (1846-1900), (1850-1904), Frashri Albanian great (1839-1892), League ideologist, of national outstanding Prizren; poet; and scholar personality, Frashri Frashri Naim Sami

Albanian

outstanding

statist.

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teacher in their conversations w i t h us communists. T h e idea of the lite of the nation, w h i c h was so f i r m l y implanted i n their m i n d s a n d w h i c h t h e y p r o pagated themselves, d i d not p e r m i t t h e m either to understand the great a n d inexhaustible strength of the people, or to see that the times h a d changed a n d t h e y h a d lagged b e h i n d the development of society w h i c h , according to them, had r e m a i n e d as it was t w e n t y years earlier. T h e y not o n l y said, b u t up to a point also believed that we, the communists, a n d o u r P a r t y , w h i c h had assumed the b u r d e n of the organization of the war, were children, incapable of r u n n i n g things and g i v i n g leadership. They, of course, h a d a great hatred for c o m m u n i s m , although t h e y calmed t h e m selves w i t h the idea that A l b a n i a is not Russia and bolshevism is not for the peasants a n d the ragged poor of A l b a n i a . D u r i n g meetings and heated arguments w i t h the representatives of this category of nationalists, we communists gained f i r s t - h a n d knowledge of their v i e w s and true aims. B e l o w I s h a l l speak in more detail about the origin, features and aspirations of this category of pseudo-patriots, but here I w a n t to point out that as early as the time of the c o m m u n i s t groups and especially later, w h e n the P a r t y charged us w i t h the task of t a l k i n g w i t h t h e m in order to c l a r i f y them and, if possible, to convince t h e m that t h e y h a d taken the w r o n g road, we h a d long, complicated and wearisome talks w i t h the patriot fathers w h o never tired of m a k i n g endless speeches f u l l of sophistry, traps and tricks. W h e n I came to T i r a n a and Esat D i s h n i c a and I 90

opened the Flora shop I f r e q u e n t l y v i s i t e d B a h r i O m a r i . A f t e r the defeat of the J u n e R e v o l u t i o n of 1924, B a h r i , l i k e m a n y others, h a d r e m a i n e d in e x i l e a n d r e t u r n e d to A l b a n i a in 1939 w i t h the caravans of p o l i t i c a l emigrants, settled in T i r a n a , and so it h a p pened that I w e n t to v i s i t h i m t i m e after time, espec i a l l y u n t i l I was able to get a house a n d b r i n g my father, mother and younger sister, Sano, to T i r a n a . B a h r i was a bourgeois l i b e r a l w h o behaved correctly i n his f a m i l y and social relations, w h i l e i n his p o l i t i c a l opinions he was opposed to us. Nevertheless, after the arguments about p o l i t i c a l questions w h i c h occurr e d between us he t r i e d to prevent these f r o m b e c o m i n g excessively bitter. At that t i m e I s t i l l hoped that B a h r i m i g h t be brought closer to us because, despite the contacts w h i c h he m a i n t a i n e d w i t h merchants, aghas a n d leading A l b a n i a n fascist officials, he posed as an anti-fascist a n d d i d not f a i l to say the odd w o r d against the occupier. A p a r t f r o m this, t h r o u g h B a h r i I had the possibility to create m a n y links, to contact t h e nationalist elements a n d to acquaint m y s e l f better at f i r s t h a n d w i t h their currents, tendencies, groups or t h e i r organization, w h i c h was an i m p o r t a n t task for the w o r k of the P a r t y . In fact, in the p e r i o d before the f o r m a t i o n of the P a r t y and, indeed, even later, w h e n the Conference o f P e z a h a d not been summoned, the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t h a d not been f o r m e d a n d t h e y h a d not f o r m e d the B a l l i K o m b t a r , it was d i f f i c u l t f o r us to d i s t i n g u i s h the trends and affinities of the f u t u r e heads of that t r a i t o r organization. We k n e w that A l i K l c y r a , K o l T r o m a r a , B a h r i O m a r i , S h e h 91

K a r b u n a r a , S e j f i V l l a m a s i a n d others w e r e of one trend. I h a d never heard B a h r i speak w i t h s y m p a t h y either o f L u m o Skndo o r M e h d i F r a s h r i a n d others of this ilk. P o s s i b l y t h e y h a d d i v i d e d t h e i r roles, possibly A l i K l c y r a was engaged w i t h them, w h i l e some other l i k e their f r i e n d X h e v a t K o r a , for i n s t ance, was a l l o w e d t o j o i n the q u i s l i n g government; A l i K l c y r a himself, the s o n - i n - l a w o f the V r i o n i s a n d their a l l y and, of course, also an a l l y of the V r l a c i s , d i d not take an o f f i c i a l position as f a r as I k n o w so that he w o u l d be able to pose for a w h i l e as a pure patriot. Hence, w h e n I w e n t to see B a h r i I d i d this not s i m p l y for a f a m i l y v i s i t b u t also to t a l k to h i m in order to convince h i m or to persuade h i m to l i n k up w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t . N o t o n l y was B a h r i not convinced by our arguments, b u t he p r e tended that h e and his friends, headed b y A l i B e y K l c y r a , were the greatest anti-fascists, the greatest anti-Italians and the greatest democrats that A l b a n i a had seen! N a t u r a l l y it was easy for me to shoot d o w n their justifications one after the other, a n d the facts and their activities p r o v i d e d m e w i t h weapons f o r this. This is our policy, this is our tactic, said B a h r i Omari. B u t w h o m does this p o l i c y and tactic serve? I asked h i m . The people and democracy! V e r y w e l l , but can't y o u reason? T h e people c a n never be w i t h y o u or y o u r policy, because t h e y hate the occupiers and condemn collaboration w i t h them. 92

That is w h a t y o u communists say, r e p l i e d B a h r i . It is not o n l y us that say this. E v e r y o n e can see t h a t y o u r 'tactics' i s anti-patriotic. Y o u pretend y o u have the people w i t h y o u , b u t y o u are w r o n g . T h e people are w i t h us, because we don't engage m ' g r a n d ' politics a n d 'delicate' diplomacy, but, m y w o r d , w e wage the w a r for the l i b e r a t i o n of the country. L i k e m a n y other pseudo-patriots, B a h r i h a d b e come a m e m b e r of the C o u n c i l of State, created especially f o r m e n of this type, w h o m the fascist r e g i m e h a d a r o u n d i t a n d kept i n reserve f o r the bad times w h i c h w e r e to come. We friends, cousins and acquaintances d i d our utmost to persuade t h e m to leave their e m p l o y m e n t w i t h the fascists, even used satire, allegedly j o k i n g l y , a l t h o u g h r e a l l y m e a n i n g it, b u t it was a l l m v a i n . D r . O m e r N i s h a n i , w h o m we h a d k n o w n as a dem o c r a t i c m a n , a m e m b e r of K O N A R E and a c o l l a b o r a tor of H a l i m X h e l o in the newspaper Liria Kombtare ( N a t i o n a l Freedom) ( 1 ), was included in this organ set up by the v i c e - r e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n as one of the details of the decor of the A l b a n i a n state. H o w e v e r , dr. N i s h a n i was not of the legion of those collaborationists. H i s j o i n i n g the C o u n c i l of State was t r u l y a mistake, but he was soon to correct it and, as I s h a l l s h o w later, the Doctor became one of the outstanding m i l i t a n t s of the F r o n t and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . I r e m e m b e r that one afternoon Esat D i s h n i c a and I went into the Kursaal Caf w h e r e we saw a l l these
_________________________________ 1 O r g a n of the Revolutionary National Committee (1925-

1935), p u b l i s h e d abroad, m a i n l y in V i e n n a .

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councillors gathered r o u n d the tables t a l k i n g amongst themselves. Corne on, said Esat, let's get in amongst t h e m and break up their conversation. A l l right, I said, and we went up to t h e m . Esat had a w r y humour. A f t e r greeting t h e m he said: Have y o u come out of school? P a r d o n us if we have disturbed y o u because perhaps y o u w e r e g o i n g over y o u r lessons. D r . N i s h a n i , w h o was a s y m p a t h i z e r of ours and, therefore, called red, laughed his u s u a l h e a r t y l a u g h and i n v i t e d us to sit d o w n . We d i d so. K o l T r o m a r a t u r n e d to Esat and said to h i m : It's a l l v e r y w e l l for these fellows w h o have n o thing and couldn't be a n y t h i n g else b u t communists, but y o u w h o are the grandson o f A l i B e y , w h o r u l e d the peasantry o f K o r a , w h y are y o u t r y i n g t o s h o w off to us? Precisely because I am the grandson of A l i B e y , replied Esat w i t h his characteristic aplomb, I w a n t to redress to some degree the sins and evils w h i c h my grandfather has committed. Occasionally I met K o l T r o m a r a a n d S h e h K a r b u nara in the Kursaal Caf and the conversations w h i c h ensued were about the most commonplace t h i n g s . W h e n we met in the street we greeted each other. K o l Tromara's face was not u n k n o w n to me, because I had seen h i m several times in P a r i s and his a r r o g ance and self-presumption had made an impression on me. He h e l d his head h i g h , wore A m e r i c a n - s t y l e spectacles, dressed in black clothes l i k e the Quakers a n d 94

w a l k e d , looked and spoke as if he were c a r r y i n g the w h o l e w o r l d on his shoulders. S h e h K a r b u n a r a I h a d met i n B a r i . I had never seen K o l T r o m a r a i n B a h r i ' s home, but I h a d met the S h e h there. S h e h K a r b u n a r a was a clever c u n n i n g d e v i l , v e r y guarded i n his words. H e l i v e d i n L u s h n j a , o r more precisely in K a r b u n a r a , in his tekke-home, a n d his a c q u a i n t a n ces f r o m L u s h n j a , Berat, Durrs, T i r a n a and other regions c o n t i n u a l l y v i s i t e d h i m there. T h e Sheh, u n d e r the cloak of a democrat and w i t h his a u t h o r i t a r i a n m a n n e r of a politician w h o k n o w s a n d understands the problems w e l l , u n d o u b t e d l y also e x p l o i t e d the religious m y s t i q u e of the cap and the gown and c e r t a i n l y took m o n e y f r o m anyone. F r o m w h a t I h a d heard, he h i m s e l f also w e n t here a n d there, not o n l y to T i r a n a , to his f o r m e r f r i e n d s in exile, but also to his other friends, w e l l - k n o w n merchants. H e was v e r y dangerous w i t h his bonhomie* w h i c h concealed a d i a b o l i c a l nature. H o w m a n y fruitless meetings a n d talks h a d I at that time w i t h these thick-headed i n d i v i d u a l s bent on t h e i r r o a d of b e t r a y a l ! It w o u l d be of no v a l u e to m e n t i o n a l l of t h e m (and in fact I c o u l d not do so) but many, if not the w h o l e lot, became arch-reactionaries, quislings or leaders of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . By chance I w a s introduced also to V e h i p R u n a who, in the p e r i o d before the 1924 R e v o l u t i o n , posed as a democrat. I h a d heard my father speak of h i m . V e h i p R u n a was f r o m o u r parts, L a b r i a , f r o m K u r velesh, if I am not m i s t a k e n . T h e fact is that V e h i p ' s
______________________________ * F r e n c h in the original.

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f a m i l y was w e l l - k n o w n in K u r v e l e s h as a w e a l t h y i n f l u e n t i a l f a m i l y a n d both V e h i p a n d his brother h a d reputations as brave f i g h t i n g m e n . A f t e r the o v e r t h r o w of the N o l i government, w h e n the regime of Z o g was established, V e h i p R u n a , as a clever a n d c u n n i n g kulak, i m m e d i a t e l y t u r n e d his coat and placed his i n fluence in the service of Z o g w h o k n e w h o w to m a k e the most of it. Thus, the democrat V e h i p R u n a h a d undergone a metamorphosis a n d h a d t u r n e d into a bayraktar of the south. N a t u r a l l y , his army was not v e r y big and his influence was based not so m u c h on the people of K u r v e l e s h , or the c i t y of G j i r o k a s t r a , as on the owners of large flocks and, especially, on f a m i l y and marriage connections w h i c h h a d to be taken into account. T h a n k s to these connections a n d as a r e w a r d for the services w h i c h he p e r f o r m e d for A h m e t Zog, V e h i p R u n a managed to be appointed prefect, left the village and t u r n e d into a c i v i l i z e d personality of the city. When Zog fled from Albania, Vehip Runa, of course, abandoned Z o g a n d offered his h a n d to Italy. He t u r n e d his coat again, became prefect again, under the q u i s l i n g regime. He was a tall, w e l l - b u i l t man, w i t h k n o w i n g eyes set in a characteristic long, sallow, deeply w r i n k l e d face. He had assumed the appearance and the manners of the top m e n of the regime; he h a d retained both their detestable appearance and also the c u n n i n g of the r i c h peasant. In his g l i t t e r i n g eyes one could see the savagery along w i t h the gentility of a civilized man and the c u n n i n g of the agha. He spoke in a l o w polite voice w i t h such words as M r . E n v e r , m y 96

boy, a n d m a n y expressions o f this nature w i t h w h i c h he w a n t e d to indicate his s u p e r i o r i t y and i n f l u e n c e a m o n g the masses. N o w V e h i p R u n a h a d l i n k e d u p w i t h his o l d f r i e n d s of the t i m e of democracy w h o h a d r e t u r n e d f r o m exile, a n d was once again an anti-Zogite a n d a democrat. He was a top f u n c t i o n a r y of the fascist regime a n d w h i s p e r e d here a n d there as if allegedly there was n o t h i n g else he could do, just as there was n o t h i n g else that his f r i e n d s could do. We have t o w o r k f r o m w i t h i n t o o v e r t h r o w fascism i n peaceful ways, that is, we m u s t take the castle f r o m w i t h i n , and w h e n the horse died these v e n a l lackeys w e r e ready to s t r i p off its shoes, to seize p o w e r a n d to establish d e m o c r a c y ! T h i s was the thesis w h i c h V e h i p o u t l i n e d quietly, in a l o w voice, to me, M r . E n v e r , the son of my f r i e n d H a l i l , and, as he p u t it, the others w e r e of the same o p i n i o n as he. T h i s conversation took place d u r i n g a l u n c h i n B a h r i O m a n's house t o w h i c h V e h i p R u n a h a d been i n v i t e d a n d at w h i c h I a n d S k n d e r P o j a n i w e r e present, too. S k n d e r P o j a n i w a s a dissolute bey, portly, w i t h spectacles and a moustache, an inveterate philanderer, despite his advanced age. T h i s bey was a shareholder of S T A M L E S ( 1 ), had a w e l l - f i l l e d wallet, w e n t in and out of the homes of his Italian f r i e n d s a n d was f r i e n d l y w i t h the other beys w h o gathered r o u n d the honey pot of fascism. N a t u r a l l y , he was a f r i e n d also of these so-called democrats w h o m he s u p p l i e d w i t h spe__________________________________ 1 Albanian shareholder tobacco and cigarette commercial-industrial

company.

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cial cigarettes as w e l l as w i t h cash, w h e n they asked for it. He was an adventurer bey, but for K o l T r o mara, S h e h K a r b u n a r a and persons of that i l k he was popular and a democrat. D u r i n g the conversation I t o l d V e h i p R u n a that I could not agree w i t h his opinions and actions. D u r i n g the whole time that I sat there w i t h t h e m I used the same quiet tone and t r i e d to oppose their thesis w i t h c o n v i n c i n g arguments. I had no hope at a l l in V e h i p R u n a and Sknder P o j a n i , but it pleased me to k n o c k d o w n their arguments and t o place t h e m w i t h t h e i r backs to the w a l l . W h e n I was speaking, V e h i p R u n a , who had long been acquainted w i t h my ideas, p r e t e n d ed to be astonished and tried to counter my arguments. M r . Vehip, I said to h i m , w h y do y o u w a n t to complicate issues w h i c h are clear? Fascist Italy has occupied us, it is colonizing us and w a n t s to w i p e us out as a nation and a people. C a n y o u not see this, or do y o u not want to see it? Italy and a l l those w h o have occupied us have a l w a y s h a d this a i m . O u r people have always fought for f r e e d o m and n o w t h e y are going to f i g h t to liberate themselves once and f o r a l l . Therefore, for us the p r o b l e m is clear: either we w i l l fight together w i t h the people, o r w e w i l l f i g h t together w i t h the occupier against the people. T h i s is h o w I present the problem, M r . V e h i p . Take y o u r choice. We have chosen the f i r s t course. We too, M r . H o x h a , have chosen the first course, r e p l i e d V e h i p sharply. Then abandon the second! I t o l d h i m . This is a tactic, my son, said V e h i p . This is where we differ. We i n t e n d to strangle the fascist r e 98

gime w i t h o u r men, to get control of e v e r y t h i n g by w o r k i n g under the lap, in a w o r d ' q u i e t l y and g e n t l y a n d get o u r o w n w a y ' . I interrupted h i m saying: Mr. V e h i p , we are opposed to y o u r p o l i c y ' q u i e t l y and g e n t l y a n d get o u r o w n way', because w i t h the occupiers the people c a n never get their o w n w a y , w i l l get nothing, therefore we c a n be neither gentle n o r restrained w i t h the enemies, but w i l l be savage a n d merciless, because this is the o n l y w a y that w e ' l l save the people. A f t e r these w o r d s o f mine, S k n d e r P o j a n i , w h o up to that point h a d been too b u s y eating a n d d r i n k i n g to say a n y t h i n g , i n t e r v e n e d in the conversation: Oh, no, M r . E n v e r , he said, we cannot agree w i t h y o u . People w i l l b e k i l l e d , and towns, villages a n d w h o l e districts burned. M r . S k n d e r i s quite right, said V e h i p s u p p o r t i n g h i m , t u r n i n g to me. If we f o l l o w the course that y o u advocate, o u r people, w h o are o n l y a h a n d f u l , w i l l suffer great losses. Is this w h a t y o u w a n t ? W h a t d o y o u say, B a h r i ? h e asked B a h r i O m a r i w h o h a d t a k e n no part in the conversation. I have t a l k e d c o n t i n u a l l y w i t h Enver, r e p l i e d B a h r i , but I do not agree w i t h h i m . Y o u t r y to r e a c h agreement, a n d he relapsed into silence. W e have great love f o r the people a n d the Homeland, I t o l d t h e m , and we never w a n t to see the people k i l l e d a n d the c o u n t r y devastated. O n t h e contrary, we w a n t to have the H o m e l a n d free a n d the people the sovereign masters i n our country. B u t this w i l l not be achieved either by s i t t i n g idle, or by 99

'taking the castle f r o m w i t h i n ' , as y o u think, I c o n tinued. The freedom and happiness of the people can be achieved o n l y through war, therefore we have decided to fight back at those w h o have attacked us and robbed the H o m e l a n d of its freedom and sovereignty, to d r i v e t h e m out a n d liberate the people. B u t isn't this w h a t We want, M r . E n v e r ? asked Sknder Pojani. The 'tactic' w h i c h y o u use shows that y o u r strategy does not have such an aim. W h y , m y son, r e p l i e d V e h i p R u n a , isn't o u r strategy for the l i b e r a t i o n of A l b a n i a ? Excuse me for speaking somewhat harshly, I replied, but y o u r expressions ' q u i e t l y and g e n t l y and get our o w n way', y o u r tactic to 'take the castle f r o m w i t h i n ' and w i t h o u t f i r i n g a shot, obliges one to t h i n k that y o u r intention is not to overcome the problems of the H o m e l a n d a n d the people, b u t to go about it so that w h e n fascism is defeated, y o u gentlemen w i l l take p o w e r and act w i t h A l b a n i a i n the w a y that pleases you. There was a m o m e n t of silence, Sknder's f o r k tapping on his plate was the o n l y sound heard in the room, but V e h i p gave h i m an angry look and S k n d e r put it d o w n . Listen, son, said V e h i p e v e n t u a l l y in a tone in w h i c h gentleness was g i v i n g w a y to open threats. We are w e l l aware of w h a t democracy is and we have fought for it. Y o u were s t i l l a c h i l d w h e n B a h r i , M u l l a H a l i l and I voted for Opinga and were d e m o crats. I m a y have been a c h i l d at that time, M r . Vehip, 100

I said, but I am a c h i l d no longer and the people a n d I, as a son of the people, suffered the consequences of y o u r 'democracy' u n d e r the regime of Z o g and are s u f f e r i n g t h e m n o w u n d e r fascism. Yes, interjected B a h r i , the o n l y point i n w h i c h I agree w i t h y o u , E n v e r , is that democracy d i d not exist u n d e r Z o g a n d does not exist u n d e r fascism! In that case, I replied, give up y o u r collaboration w i t h fascism. Y o u d i d not b o w to Zog, so be consistent. I glanced at V e h i p R u n a , Zog's e r s t w h i l e prefect, but he pretended not to u n d e r s t a n d the a l l u s i o n a n d directed his eyes a n d his f o r k to the rissole on his plate. Then, I w e n t on, you m u s t bear in m i n d that the people w a n t to fight, y o u cannot restrain t h e i r desire for f r e e d o m long w i t h tactics. T h a t is w h y I say we ought to u n i t e a n d fight. If we are u n i t e d and organized, t h e n w e ' l l have f e w e r losses a n d w i l l w i n f r e e d o m more q u i c k l y . V e h i p raised his head. M r . Enver, he said, we k n o w the people better and t h e y k n o w us better. T h e r e fore, it is not precisely as y o u say. I need go no f u r t h e r t h a n to t e l l y o u about L a b r i a w h i c h I k n o w l i k e the p a l m of my h a n d . Z e n e l G j o l e k a and I have b e e n there a n d the people t o l d us that we m u s t wait, that w e have n o weapons, that t h e y w i l l b u r n o u r homes if we open fire. I don't agree either w i t h y o u , M r . V e h i p , o r w i t h Z e n e l G j o l e k a w h o i s d o i n g the opposite o f w h a t Z e n e l G j o l e k a , the b r a v e of the brave of L a b r i a , d i d against the O t t o m a n occupiers, I replied. We, too, k n o w L a b r i a , just as w e l l and possibly even better 101

t h a n you, because we k n o w the people a n d the true patriots there. H a t r e d f o r the e n e m y is s i m m e r i n g there. T h e people w a n t to f i g h t a n d are f i g h t i n g . Of course, there are a f e w w e a l t h y i n d i v i d u a l s , l i k e the S h u k o Qanas, B i l a l N i v i c a s a n d H a s a n Zagart* w h o not o n l y do not w a n t to f i g h t the enemy, b u t e v e n worse, are f i g h t i n g against the people of L a b r i a , w h i c h is an heroic region and it w i l l continue its h e r oic traditions. W h o m are y o u t e l l i n g about these traditions, M r . H o x h a ? asked V e h i p i n a n i r o n i c a l tone. We come f r o m there and these traditions belong to us; we can talk about G j o l e k a , elo P i c a r i a n d others. What do y o u t h i n k we are, Italians, or collaborators of the Italians? I r e p l i e d a n g r i l y . The heroic traditions of G j o l e k a of L a b r i a a n d a l l the heroes of the c o u n t r y of a l l times belong to the people. We are the sons of this heroic people a n d have the r i g h t to be p r o u d of these heroes, and it is o u r d u t y to f o l l o w in their footsteps. B u t there is one t h i n g y o u ought t o k n o w : G j o l e k a o f L a b r i a a n d e l o P i c a r i were brave and strong w i l l e d , because t h e y w e r e patriots a n d fighters against the invaders and because t h e y based themselves on the people. Y o u have heard, I believe, h o w the people sing to these patriots. T h e y eulogize the outstandingly brave i n d i v i d u a l s to w h o m the c o m m o n people have g i v e n b i r t h a n d w h o m t h e y have made fighters of rare valour. Hence, this people w h o have always considered f r e e d o m the most sacred t h i n g and have h a d courage f l o w i n g i n t h e i r veins cannot
____________________________ * Dogs.

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t h i n k as y o u do. Y o u r v i e w s a n d pretensions are h a r m f u l . H i s t o r y shows that we and not y o u are right. But y o u have n o one i n K u r v e l e s h , M r . H o x h a , y o u have o n l y a f e w youths w h o m nobody knows. I believe y o u m u s t have heard of B a l i l Nesha, I replied. N o b o d y k n e w B a l i l u n t i l he fought the detachments of T u r k e y and the people recognized h i m , h o n o u r e d h i m a n d composed a song about him, and I quoted some lines f r o m a f o l k song,

Ku, Kallarat and Bolena Rose with Balil to a man Gunfire broke loose at the river And death knocked at every door. Balil, you star of bravery!
We have comrades l i k e this in K u r v e l e s h , since y o u m e n t i o n e d that region, I continued my r e p l y to V e h i p . T h e y are going to f i g h t and if y o u continue y o u r 'tactic' the i n f l u e n c e y o u have there, w h i c h seems to y o u dominant, w i l l be w i p e d out. We needn't g o f u r t h e r t h a n y o u r brother, M r . V e h i p , w h o i s w i t h us a n d not w i t h y o u a n d is f i g h t i n g the occupiers. I have h e a r d t a l k about y o u r bravery, M r . R u n a , and k n o w that y o u have influence i n K u r v e l e s h , therefore it w o u l d be good if y o u were to p u t it at the disposal of the w a r for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d : a b a n don the course y o u have taken, because it is w r o n g , go no f u r t h e r towards disaster, unite w i t h o u r people's w a r and place yourselves in the service of the great cause of liberation, I concluded. But Vehip Runa's reply was: 103

We are f i g h t i n g for A l b a n i a i n o u r o w n w a y . We do not have the same views. It is y o u r r i g h t to stick to the v i e w s y o u have, I said bluntly, but I t e l l y o u once a g a i n : the people and h i s t o r y w i l l not excuse y o u for w h a t y o u are doing. We have done our d u t y towards y o u . I see that y o u have no regard for us, but we do not measure our w o r k w i t h the y a r d s t i c k of y o u r regard. T h e people are w i t h us. T h e y love and support us. W i t h out the people and w i t h o u t us y o u ' l l slide deeper a n d deeper into the mire. A f t e r these words I stood up, p u t t i n g an end to the meeting w i t h V e h i p R u n a , w h o was a n d r e m a i n e d at w a r w i t h us, a n d assisted the occupiers to the end, u n t i l the people gave h i m the p u n i s h m e n t he deserved. A p a r t f r o m other things, i n the conversations w i t h these individuals, the absurd belief t h e y h a d i n the authority w h i c h t h e y allegedly e n j o y e d amongst the people made an impression on us. Of course, this overweening belief i n their o w n worth h a d its source in the fact that t h e y k n e w n o t h i n g about the people, about the changes w h i c h t h e y h a d undergone in their outlook, psychology and p o l i t i c a l m a t u r i t y . These i n d i v i d u a l s believed that since t h e y h a d been deputies and had worked in exile, t h e y s t i l l retained the reputation of anti-Zogite politicians a n d pure democrats and, consequently, w e r e m e n of influence. A m o n g s t themselves t h e y h a d d i v i d e d their spheres o f influence. B e i n g f r o m K o r a , K o l T r o m a r a thought that he had K o r a b e h i n d h i m and o n l y needed to issue the call and K o r a w o u l d s p r i n g to its feet to 104

f o l l o w h i m (!). A l i B e y w a s not content o n l y w i t h K l c y r a and D a n g l l i a , but posed as a person of i n f l u e n c e among a l l the democrats of the country. Indeed, he thought that he even h a d the peasantry in his pocket, regardless of the fact that he was the scion of one of the most barbarous families of beys, notorious f o r m u r d e r i n g peasants b y t h r o w i n g t h e m f r o m the cliff o n w h i c h their m a n s i o n was b u i l t into the V j o s a R i ver. A p p a r e n t l y , A l i B e y thought that these details o f his f a m i l y r e c o r d a n d the fact that he was the s o n - i n l a w of the V r i o n i s increased his a u t h o r i t y and this self-styled democrat was convinced that the peasantry w o u l d f o l l o w h i m ! I t was the same w i t h a l l o f t h e m : Q a z i m K o c u l i , the hero of the w a r of Vlora, t h o u g h t that h e h a d the people o f V l o r a w i t h h i m w h e n e v e r h e w a n t e d , S e j f i V l l a m a s i was the one w h o w o u l d take the place o f Z y l y f t a r P o d a ( 1 ) i n K o l o n j a , w h i l e R e x h e p M i t r o v i c a thought that he personally w a s K o s o v a , for w h i c h the hearts of these v e n a l officials allegedly w e r e bleeding. H o w e v e r , h i s t o r y showed that their titles a n d p o w er w e r e o n l y t h e i r dreams, because the people not o n l y d i d not f o l l o w them, but on the contrary, s w e p t t h e m a w a y a n d tossed t h e m into the garbage b i n , w h e r e t h e y belonged. T h e r e w e r e also some w h o d i d not take the trouble to camouflage t h e i r true aims and interests w h i c h l i n k e d t h e m w i t h the Italian occupiers. E v e n i n c o n ___________________________________ 1 C o m m a n d e r of a eta of A l b a n i a n insurgents d u r i n g the O t t o m a n occupation of the country.

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v e r s a t i o n they were threatening a n d aggressive, because t h e y considered our efforts a n d our w a r a d i rect threat to their posts and profits. R e i z Selfo, a b i g G j i r o k a s t r a merchant, t a l k e d to me one d a y about the blessings w h i c h fascist Italy h a d brought A l b a n i a . Of course, he d i d not f a i l to shed a f e w crocodile tears over the lost freedom and the u n h a p p y Homeland, but the essence of w h a t he h a d to say was that this e v i l t h a t has come u p o n us also has its good points, because jobs are opening up, there are goods in the market, the A l b a n i a n schools have not been closed, a n d so on a n d so forth. N a t u r a l l y , I rejected this thesis, t e l l i n g h i m that the enemy h a d captured our H o m e l a n d , enslaved us, imprisoned our people, was colonizing us a n d also e x p l o i t i n g us economically. A n y o n e w h o defends the occupation of the country by foreigners is a traitor, I t o l d R e i z Selfo. The profits and blessings that y o u t a l k about, Reiz, are f o r the collaborators of fascism. Y o u b i g merchants are certainly m a k i n g fabulous profits, w h i l e the people g r i n d corn husks f o r bread a n d are struck d o w n b y the enemy's bullets. W h y should y o u r f r i e n d Q e m a l V r i o n i c o m p l a i n about I t a l y w h e n h e i s d r a w i n g p r o fits by selling the l a n d of the c o u n t r y to Italian a g r i c u l t u r a l companies? Y o u b i g merchants strangled the s m a l l shopkeepers and l i v e l i k e lords. L o o k at that great green j e w e l on y o u r f i n g e r (he was w e a r i n g a r i n g w h i c h was c e r t a i n l y v e r y costly). Y o u are the friends of J a c o m o n i and S h u k G u r a k u q i , the m i n i s t e r

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of finance, get fat i m p o r t licences a n d pose as p a triots. W h a t p a t r i o t i s m i s there i n this? B a h r i O m a r i , i n whose house this m e e t i n g took place, opened his m o u t h a n d s a i d : Reiz, better leave off this conversation. No, said Reiz, I won't, because these r e d r a g a m u f f i n s are boasting of t h e i r p a t r i o t i s m as if t h e y are going to m a k e A l b a n i a . We are g o i n g to m a k e it. We reds, together w i t h the people, a n d the people w i l l be w i t h us! I replied. We'll n e v e r a l l o w y o u r seed to sprout on o u r soil, declared R e i z S e l f o a n g r i l y . Remember these words, R e i z Selfo, I said to h i m , because I f o r my part w i l l not forget t h e m . W h e n the people take p o w e r t o m o r r o w y o u ' l l n o l o n ger speak i n this language, b u t y o u w i l l f i l l y o u r pants, a n d I begged B a h r i ' s p a r d o n for the expression I used. B a h r i O m a r i again begged us to close that subject. R e i z shut his gob and I got up and left. I do not k n o w w h e t h e r the t r a i t o r merchant, R e i z Selfo, r e m e m b e r e d those words of mine, b u t w h e n the people's state p o w er confiscated his stock a n d w e a l t h , or e v e n later, w h e n the people's court sentenced h i m to death f o r h i s c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y d u r i n g the nazi-fascist occupation a n d after the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d , this r a b i d e n e m y h a d l e a r n e d n o t h i n g f r o m the fate of his friends, because apart f r o m other things, he i m p l i c a t e d himself i n terrorist activities. I n the f i r s t years after L i b e r ation he was one of the organizers of the terrorists w h o t h r e w a b o m b at the Soviet E m b a s s y in T i r a n a .

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Once I h a d a fierce q u a r r e l w i t h A b a z O m a r i , a cousin of B a h r i ' s f r o m his father's side, w h o was also a relation of ours, because he was the n e p h e w of my uncle, H y s e n H o x h a . W e h a d k n o w n each other since our childhood a n d w h e n w e w e r e y o u n g m e n h e often came to our home. We were about the same age (perhaps A b a z was two or three years older t h a n I), and he, too, had attended the Lyce of K o r a a n d h a d gone to P a r i s to continue his studies. B u t after s t a y i n g there for f o u r years kept by his father w h o was a m e r chant and l a n d o w n e r i n Fier, h e h a d r e t u r n e d t o A l bania w i t h o u t a d i p l o m a a n d w o r k e d in his father's business for some time. L a t e r he m a r r i e d a w o m a n w i t h a handsome d o w r y and r e t u r n e d to F r a n c e w i t h her money, took his d i p l o m a in l a w a n d r e t u r n e d to become an advocate. I h a d not met h i m for a long t i m e u n t i l one day after the occupation of the c o u n t r y I f o u n d h i m v i s i t i n g m y sister F a h r i j e . W e embraced, I congratulated h i m and after the u s u a l s m a l l talk, as always, we began discussing the p o l i t i c a l problems. I remember that in the past A b a z presented h i m s e l f in our discussions as an anti-feudal, a democrat a n d a leftist. B u t w h a t d i d I f i n d : w h e n I spoke to h i m about the war, about the necessity for it a n d so on, it t u r n e d out that f r o m being a leftist A b a z h a d become a rightist, f r o m a democrat he h a d become an ardent defender of the wealthy, in a w o r d , he h a d t u r n e d his coat. W e q u a r r e l l e d and w h o k n o w s h o w the q u a r r e l w o u l d have ended h a d m y sister not intervened. N e v e r again d i d I see this m a n w h o became a g u a r d dog of A l i B e y , a B a l l i s t and an open collaborator w i t h the G e r m a n occupiers. 108

I s h a l l not d w e l l at greater length on a l l the talks and debates w h i c h I h a d w i t h these individuals, b u t I w a n t to say that despite o u r efforts to convince t h e m t h e y w e r e d e t e r m i n e d to f o l l o w their course, just as we w e r e d e t e r m i n e d to f o l l o w ours. We h a d wasted a lot of t i m e a n d energy and lost our tempers w i t h t h e m . We h a d p l e n t l y of w o r k to do and w o u l d do it even w i t h o u t t h e m because w e k n e w a n d saw that w e had the people w i t h us. N a t u r a l l y in the future, too, we w e r e to m a k e efforts to t u r n these elements back to the r i g h t road of the people's w a r against fascism, b u t w e w e r e a l w a y s c l e a r l y aware that w e d i d not base the fate of the w a r on t h e m . Regardless of t h e i r decisions, the w a r h a d begun a n d was m o u n t i n g d a y by d a y let t h e m sit and philosophize about t h e i r tactic of satisfying everybody. T h e honest p a triots a l l over A l b a n i a w e r e t a k i n g t o arms. M o r e i m portantly, the masses of the people, the w o r k e r s a n d peasants, a n d especially the y o u t h , w e r e more a n d m o r e o p e n l y expressing themselves in f a v o u r of the p r o g r a m o f the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y for w a r against the fascist occupier. This, y o u m i g h t say, was the preparatory w o r k i n the d i r e c t i o n o f r e a l i z i n g o u r objective o f f o r m i n g a f r o n t of a l l honest A l b a n i a n s . Of course, some t i m e h a d s t i l l to pass u n t i l , on September 16, 1942, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t was established on a complete organizational a n d p o l i t i c a l basis, as a m i l i t a n t u n i o n of the masses, w h i c h under the leadership of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a , was t o accomplish the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d . H e r e I w a n t to point out the 109

importance of this first preparatory phase, w h e n we l a i d the foundations of the Front, because w i t h o u t t h i s phase it w o u l d have been impossible to achieve t h e historic Conference of Peza.

3. Towards the Conference of Peza

T h e w o r k of the P a r t y in a l l zones of the c o u n t r y to b u i l d up its ideological, p o l i t i c a l a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l strength and to arouse the people in the w a r w a s y i e l d i n g its fruits. F r o m p o l i t i c a l and demonstrative actions we were going over on a broader scale to t h e armed struggle and, especially in the s p r i n g and s u m m e r of 1942, a large n u m b e r of partisan units a n d eta w e r e operating in d i f f e r e n t regions of the country. T h u s under the leadership of the P a r t y the m o n o l i t h i c u n i t y of the people in the battle for national l i b eration was becoming an ever more tangible reality. The P r o v i s i o n a l C e n t r a l Committee, w h i c h was a t t e n t i v e l y f o l l o w i n g the situation and the w a r w h i c h was developing gradually, a r r i v e d at the logical d e d u c t i o n that we w e r e passing into a more developed s i t u a t i o n w i t h broader horizons, therefore it was concluded that, along w i t h the organization and extension o f the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, the time had come to consider the p o l i t i c a l organization of this w a r . and To our P a r t y w h i c h was clear on the character the f i n a l objective of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n 110

War, it was obvious that the organs a n d organisms of the o l d state power, its f o r m s and content w e r e no longer appropriate o r useful. O u r w a r w o u l d m o b i l i z e the broad p o p u l a r masses, a n d we w o u l d be unable to accomplish this task w i t h the o l d f o r m s of the Z o gite regime. T h e P a r t y , w h i c h was far-sighted, w a s certain that the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t w o u l d be extended and strengthened, that eta, battalions, a n d brigades w o u l d emerge f r o m the people and a t r u e a r m y of the insurgent people w o u l d be created. B u t the w a r was not w a g e d o n l y i n the mountains, i t was waged everywhere, in the mountains, in the cities, in the villages, in the suburbs. It w o u l d be and was a people's w a r to w h i c h the y o u n g pioneer w h o stuck up leaflets or c a r r i e d a letter, the housewife w h o w e l comed a n d f a r e w e l l e d i l l e g a l fighters a n d partisans, and the f i g h t e r w h o attacked the enemy arms i n h a n d a l l made t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n . A l l this struggle b e h i n d the enemy's lines had to be organized and g u i d e d a n d this w o u l d not be done by the organs of the q u i s l i n g state, b u t by n e w p o l i t i c a l organs to w h i c h the people's w a r itself w o u l d have to give b i r t h . T h u s the m a n y tasks f o r the u n i f i c a t i o n of the masses, f o r the organization a n d extension of the N a tional L i b e r a t i o n W a r and the prospects of the d e v e l opment of the r e v o l u t i o n made it indispensable that in the course of the war, the n e w state power, the people's state power, w h i c h w o u l d have n o t h i n g in c o m m o n w i t h the state p o w e r of the feudals a n d the bourgeoisie, should be set up. T h e concrete forms in w h i c h this state p o w e r was realized w o u l d be created gradually, but r i g h t f r o m the outset the P a r t y was 111

clear about one t h i n g : its social basis w o u l d be the broad popular masses. As everyone knows, the foundations of the people's state p o w e r were l a i d d u r i n g the w a r w i t h the national l i b e r a t i o n councils, w h i c h w e r e a n e w f o r m that the P a r t y used as the most suitable f o r our c o u n t r y . It was an o l d t r a d i t i o n of o u r villages a n d regions that, in the absence of a centralized p o l i t i c a l power, the more important problems of the l i f e of the v i l l a g e should be thrashed out in p o p u l a r assemblies and the decisions w h i c h w e r e t a k e n there became l a w . W e f i n d this f o r m o f p o p u l a r self-government realized i n the m a j o r events of o u r history, w h e n , on the i n i t i ative of outstanding patriots, great conventions w e r e s u m m o n e d for the defence of the H o m e l a n d . T h e A s s e m b l y of L e z h a ( 1 ), the A l b a n i a n League of P r i z r e n , the A s s e m b l y of Gre, ( 2 ) the Congress of L u s h n j a , ( 3 ) etc., to w h i c h the people sent t h e i r o w n representatives to solve the problems a n d to defend t h e i r l a n d and freedom f r o m the aims of imperialists a n d the greed of chauvinists, w e r e of this type.
______________________________ 1 Political under and military of alliance created in March 1444 for the leadership Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg,

the unification of the country in the w a r against the Ottoman invaders. 2 T h e assembly was convened in J u n e 1911 in the N o r t h of A l b a n i a to demand the territorial-administrative autonomy of A l b a n i a . 3 Summoned on of Albania, J a n u a r y 28, 1920. It rejected the secret the country's complete independence, L o n d o n Treaty of the year 1915 w h i c h envisaged the division demanded p r o c l a i m e d the overthrow of the traitor government of D u r r s in w h i c h A l b a n i a n secret agents of Italian i m p e r i a l i s m p a r t i c i pated, and elected the n e w n a t i o n a l government.

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N o w w e h a d t o e m p l o y this sound popular t r a d i t i o n w h i l e , of course, e n r i c h i n g it in content and f o r m in accord w i t h the tasks of the w a r and the future. T h e P r o v i s i o n a l C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e issued the i n s t r u c t i o n for the setting up of councils, for the first time, in F e b r u a r y 1942. I remember that the comrades a n d I discussed this p r o b l e m at length, especially to define the tasks that these councils were to c a r r y out a n d the w a y i n w h i c h t h e y w o u l d b e formed. O f course, such discussions w e r e natural, because none of us h a d either experience or even the necessary k n o w l e d g e i n connection w i t h the functions a n d p r e rogatives of organs of state power. Nevertheless we proceeded cautiously in this direction, and determined those functions in c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the needs of the w a r a n d the r e a l possibilities w h i c h these councils w o u l d have in that period. A f u n d a m e n t a l and v e r y i m p o r t a n t t h i n g i n the directive o f the C e n t r a l C o m mittee was that these councils w e r e described e x p l i c i t l y as the e m b r y o of the n e w state power. F o r the f i r s t t i m e in the h i s t o r y of our people, the l i b e r a t i o n w a r was combined w i t h the struggle f o r the establishm e n t of a n e w p o l i t i c a l p o w e r after the v i c t o r y . T h i s is due solely to the correct leadership of our M a r x i s t L e n i n i s t P a r t y , thanks t o w h i c h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation W a r assumed the character of a popular, d e m o cratic r e v o l u t i o n . T h e leaders of the p a r t y organizations in the t e r r a i n in p a r t i c u l a r were instructed that the members of these councils should be supporters and activists in the w a r f o r f r e e d o m in words a n d deeds, those w h o h a d w o n the love and respect of the people. I n i t i a l l y , 113

these councils were to serve to r a l l y the masses to the w a r against the occupiers, w o u l d provide volunteers for the partisan eta, w o u l d administer justice and m a i n t a i n order among the people in the liberated zones, w o u l d organize propaganda and the collection of aid for the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Movement, and so o n . The w o r k began q u i c k l y in this direction, too. and in certain districts of the country, especially in the south, the first councils began to be set up in the liberated zones. A l l these successes w h i c h w e were a c h i e v i n g step by step were h a v i n g ever greater influence in the life of the c o u n t r y and seriously d i s t u r b i n g the security and calm w h i c h the occupiers proclaimed. W h i l e the communists and the A l b a n i a n people rejoiced over these successes, over the correct and r e liable course w h i c h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r w a s t a k i n g under the leadership of the C P A , those of the i l k of the self-styled fathers of the nation reacted quite differently. Since they were r a b i d a n t i - c o m munists, the h e r d of patriots, democrats, a n t i Zogites and anti-Italians, who, in fact, were a l l subsidized f r o m Jacomoni's treasury, were i n f u r i a t e d and seriously shocked by the direction w h i c h events were taking. To their astonishment and terror, precisely those children w h o m u p t i l l yesterday they had u n d e r rated and labelled w i t h a l l sorts of epithets, w e r e r e a l l y t a k i n g over the leadership of the war, w i n n i n g the support of and u n i t i n g the people around t h e i r program. E v e n worse, the organs of the fascist state were being o v e r t h r o w n and n e w organs, the national l i b 114

eration councils, w e r e being f o r m e d ! These things, esp e c i a l l y the question of councils, could not f a i l to f r i g h t e n the fathers of the nation to the depth of t h e i r souls. W e r e events to continue in this w a y there was the danger that they w o u l d be left b i t i n g t h e i r fingernails. Therefore, the m o m e n t came w h e n p r e c i sely those who, u p t i l l yesterday h a d left n o t h i n g u n said against us a n d disdained us, scenting w h i c h w a y the p o l i t i c a l breeze w a s b l o w i n g and on the orders of J a c o m o n i , w e r e obliged to m a k e approaches to us, of course, w i t h t h e i r h a u g h t y politeness, seeking to meet us children in order to consult w i t h us and to f i n d a c o m m o n language. We, of course, on the basis of the d e f i n e d l i n e a n d p l a t f o r m of the P a r t y , d i d not refuse to meet and talk w i t h them, although w e were convinced, a n d became even more convinced, that t h e i r a i m was n o t to reach agreement to collaborate in the w a r against fascism, but to f i n d a c o m m o n language w i t h us, that is, to d i v e r t us f r o m the course on w h i c h we had set out and to integrate us into their o w n c a p i t u l a t i o n ist and collaborationist p o l i c y ! One day, e a r l y in the s u m m e r of 1942, w h i l e I was w o r k i n g in a base, I was i n f o r m e d that a comrade w a n t e d to meet me, because he had some news f o r me personally. I k n e w that comrade, w h o was f r o m K o r a , and I told t h e m to b r i n g h i m i n . W h e n he came in we embraced, I asked h i m h o w things w e r e going, had h e a r r i v e d f r o m K o r a i n recent days and about my o l d comrades. T h e n the comrade t o l d me: T w o or three days ago, F a z l l i F r a s h r i sought 115

me out and said to m e : 'Please f i n d the p o s s i b i l i t y to i n f o r m the Professor that M r . F a z l l i F r a s h r i wants to have a m e e t i n g w i t h h i m . I am ready to go a n y where the Professor chooses.' I told him, c o n t i n u e d the comrade, that I d i d not k n o w w h e r e the Professor was, but if I met h i m , I w o u l d t e l l him. The old fox! I exclaimed, a n d t h e n t o l d the comrade: Come back t o m o r r o w and I'll give y o u m y answer. F a z l l i B e y F r a s h r i , w h o posed as a democrat, was one of those elements of the f e u d a l bourgeoisie w i t h a h u n d r e d flags in his pocket, w h o t u r n e d w h i c h ever w a y the w i n d blew. I had heard about h i m a n d had also met h i m m y s e l f w h e n I was in K o r a , espec i a l l y in the days w h e n we w e r e t r y i n g to organize the resistance against the Italian occupation. As a m a n w i t h o u t scruples or principles, he t r i e d to increase his a u t h o r i t y among the strata of intellectuals in K o r a , amongst the ranks of the mercantile bourgeoisie in the city, to be on good terms w i t h the beys, the l a n d owners, such a s M a l i q B e y F r a s h r i a n d m a n y aghas of K o r a , and to preserve his influence among a l l the Zogite politicians and pseudo-democrats, the s y c o phants of the tyrant. He posed as a l i b e r a l anti-Zogite, but in fact was a camouflaged Zogite. In K o r a there were rumours, and these were in the interests of the regime, that Z o g s u m m o n e d h i m to the palace f r o m time to time and consulted w i t h h i m . T h i s fame was fostered by his o w n supporters and those of the regime w h o s a i d : Zog w a l k s on t w o legs i n K o r a : w i t h the M o s l e m leg o f F a z l l i F r a s h r i and the C h r i s t i a n leg o f K o o K o t a and P a n d e l i E v a n 116

gjeli. T h e latter two w e r e openly advisers of Zog, w e r e even appointed p r i m e ministers, w h i l e F a z l l i kept out of the l i m e l i g h t . He was I'minence grise of the despotic m o n a r c h . At the time w h e n I met h i m i n K o r a h e r a r e l y w e n t t o T i r a n a , but i n K o r a h e was the f r i e n d of a l l the prefects w h o came and went. F a z l l i B e y h a d a d i v i s i o n of roles w i t h his brother Q a z i m , or Qazka, as the people called h i m derisively, one of the biggest and the most r u t h l e s s l y e x p l o i t i n g employers and merchants of K o r a . F a z l l i ' s influence w i t h Zog, K r o s i a n d K o o K o t a was channelled t h r o u g h Qazka, w h o received the favours of the regime, doing business for it, made deals w i t h the b i g merchants of K o r a , w i t h the beys and the aghas, w h i l e F a z l l i B e y p l a y e d the role of someone w h o was not i n v o l v e d in these affairs because m a t e r i a l matters w e r e allegedly of no interest to h i m . F a z l l i posed as an idealist, a great politician, a m a n of culture and a philosopher. A h , in these directions he was n u m b e r one! In Qazka's house, because F a z l l i was a bachelor, he c e r t a i n l y gave advice and concocted intrigues w i t h T e f i k M b o r j a , w h o after the occupation become m i nister of the A l b a n i a n Fascist P a r t y , and his b r o ther S e l i m M b o r j a (a b i g merchant who, together w i t h an Italian, was the owner of the brewery), w i t h P e t r a q K a t r o , another b i g merchant and fascist of the first hours. These and their associates were F a z l l i Frashri's true friends, but he guarded against e x posing himself, g a m b l i n g or w h o r i n g as t h e y did. As the c u n n i n g f o x of the bourgeoisie he was, F a z l l i r a r e l y frequented the centres w h e r e these degenerate 117

bourgeois gathered. He went o n l y to the caf near the c h u r c h of Shngjergj where o l d K o r a patriots such as G a v r i l l Pepo, Idhomene B r a t k o a n d others gathered. He c a r e f u l l y pursued this line in order to create his reputation as a patriot. In the afternoons y o u c o u l d see F a z l l i F r a s h r i , w i n t e r and summer, s t r o l l i n g u p a n d d o w n the b o u l e v a r d , t a l k i n g u s u a l l y w i t h the same professors of the Lyce of K o r a , especially S t a v r i S k n d i , w h o became one of the leaders of the B a l l i K o m b t a r of K o r a , a certain N i k o Stralla, the agent of the Italians, V i l i J a t r u , w h o m our g u e r i l l a units executed in the name of the people, and the u t t e r l y i m m o r a l A n d o n a q k a of F r a shri, an agent of the A m e r i c a n s . These comprised his select and permanent intellectual associates. He was v e r y r a r e l y seen in p u b l i c w i t h merchants, beys or aghas; as for students, w o r k e r s or craftsmen they d i d not come into the question at a l l . F a z l l i F r a s h r i posed as a peripatetic philosopher, but not because he was a f o l l o w e r of A r i s t o t l e , because he k n e w nothing about his philosophy; f r o m the famous t h i n k e r of a n t i q u i t y F a z l l i had t a k e n o n l y the custom of discoursing on his thoughts to his disciples d u r i n g long strolls i n the b o u l e v a r d . W h e n t h e y were weary, p a r t l y f r o m w a l k i n g and p a r t l y f r o m the reasoning of the teacher, the members of this group of philosophers r e t u r n e d to Nando's caf where they d r a n k tea a n d ate cake. There, too, F a z l l i F r a s h r i w i t h that p o c k m a r k e d face, w h i c h he sometimes stroked as if he were r u b b i n g d o w n his horse, continued his discourse. F a z l l i t a l k e d a n d his acolytes listened. S t a v r i S k n d i and Foto B a l a , professor 118

at the Lyce, ardent s y m p a t h i z e r of the Duce and fascist of the first hours, were the nightingales w h o sang, of course, in tune w i t h F a z l l i . These t w o were disciples of F a z l l i , but possibly also something more t h a n this. T h e former, S t a v r i S k n d i , o u r s w o r n enem y and agent o f the A m e r i c a n s , f l e d f r o m A l b a n i a o n the eve of L i b e r a t i o n and went to the U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a w h e r e he continues the struggle against socialist A l b a n i a , w h i l e F o t o B a l a was jailed as an agent of fascist Italy and his father, D h i m i t r B a l a , another active enemy of our state, was shot by sentence of the people's court. Twice, or at the most three times, I had occasion to meet F a z l l i d u r i n g his strolls, w h e n I h a d no a l ternative, because I happened to be s t r o l l i n g w i t h my colleagues f r o m the Lyce in the b o u l e v a r d w h e n F a z l l i appeared in front of us and joined us in our stroll. On these occasions I heard the conversations w h i c h were carried o n i n these circles. W h e n m y colleagues introduced me to F a z l l i he appeared to be pleased; he k n e w me, of course, by sight, w h i l e we o f the C o m m u n i s t G r o u p o f K o r a k n e w w h a t F a z l l i r e a l l y was. D u r i n g these brief strolls I heard h o w the philosopher bey o u t l i n e d the grand p o l i c y of B r i t a i n , A m e r i c a , G e r m a n y and Italy. Once I i n t e r v e ned i n the conversation and asked h i m : B u t w h a t do y o u t h i n k about the p o l i c y of R u s sia, M r . F a z l l i ? Y o u are a liberal, a democrat and I k n o w y o u are not a f r a i d to tell us. A n d I stressed these last words because he himself l i k e d to repeat them. My question f e l l on the others l i k e a bombshell, t h e y looked at one another and were waiting, c u 119

rious to k n o w h o w the professor w o u l d get out of this predicament. F a z l l i paused, stroked his c h i n and replied v e r y g r a v e l y : I don't k n o w m u c h about it, M r . H o x h a , because the Soviets and S t a l i n conduct a closed and c o n s p i r a torial policy. H o w can that be? I asked h i m . The p o l i c y of L e n i n and S t a l i n has always been clear, w h i l e A m e r ica, B r i t a i n , France and the others have concluded secret treaties and agreements to the detriment of the peoples and to the detriment of A l b a n i a . We A l b a n ians k n o w v e r y w e l l that i t was L e n i n w h o made these back-stage deals public. W h i l e today, f r o m w h a t we hear, a l l the bourgeoisie and fascism are attacking the Soviet U n i o n and they have their reasons, because t h e y k n o w that the Soviet p o l i c y w i l l b r i n g t h e m defeat. That is y o u r opinion, said F a z l l i , but we t h i n k differently. We are democrats, but not extremists. I see that, I replied w i t h a tone of i r o n y a n d said no more. R i g h t t i l l the end F a z l l i B e y t r i e d to p l a y the role of the democrat. As soon as the T r o t s k y i t e Z a i F u n d o a r r i v e d in K o r a , a little before the occupation, his first meeting was w i t h F a z l l i F r a s h r i , the fascist P e t r a q K a t r o , the A m e r i c a n agent S t a v r i S k n d i and the pseudo-communist K o o Tashko. T h e G r o u p o f K o r a rejected Koo's proposal for collaboration w i t h Z a i Fundo, w h o had come to A l b a n i a to sabotage the f o u n d i n g of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a and the w a r against the enemy. B u t he w a s quite unable to do 120

this. L a t e r h e joined u p w i t h the B r i t i s h and G a n i K r y e z i u ( 1 ) a n d received the sentence he deserved. This, then, was F a z l l i F r a s h r i , the representative of the mercantile bourgeoisie a n d the arrogant part of the intelligentsia of K o r a who, already u t t e r l y corrupt, become even more corrupt and placed t h e m selves completely in the service of the n e w patrons, the fascist occupiers. I consulted w i t h the comrades, w h o k n e w w h o F a z l l i was just as w e l l as I did, and we decided that I should meet h i m . T h e f o l l o w i n g d a y I s u m m o n e d o u r comrade and instructed h i m : Go t o F a z l l i a n d t e l l h i m : 'The Professor w i l l meet y o u in a house at such and such an hour.' Go and get h i m , take h i m by a round-about route t h r o u g h the alleys to G a b r a n i ' s house. A l l the members of the household of our u n f o r gettable comrade, S a b a u d i n G a b r a n i , were friends of m i n e and their home, one of our w a r t i m e bases. G a brani's father was f r o m L i b o h o v a , a v e r y fine m a n and a f r i e n d of my father's. H i s sons a n d daughters w e r e a l l w i t h us, v e r y active fighters of the y o u t h . A l l o f them, w i t h o u t hesitation, h u r l e d themselves into the f i r e of the l i b e r a t i o n w a r . S a b a u d i n f e l l a m a r t y r , w h i l e his sisters emerged f r o m the w a r sound and w e l l and are communists a n d outstanding p a r t y w o r k e r s today. G a b r a n i ' s mother, too, was a v e r y f i n e person, sweet-spoken, wise, quiet and brave. She w e l comed and f a r e w e l l e d us w i t h o u t any fear. These two e l d e r l y people were some of those thousands and
_______________________________ 1 Secret agent of the B r i t i s h .

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thousands of patriots w h o not o n l y gave t h e i r c h i l d r e n to the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, but also placed themselves in its service. Nevertheless t h e y w o u l d say to us: What are we doing? N o t h i n g . We o n l y hope that y o u come out of it alive. T h e y w e r e simple f o l k and d i d not appreciate w h a t great assistance they gave the l i b e r a t i o n war. T h e y were the people w i t h o u t w h o m we could not have fought, w i t h o u t w h o m we, the a r m e d fighters, w o u l d have been left like f i s h out of water. I said goodbye to the comrade w h o m I sent to f i n d F a z l l i a n d w e n t to my friends' home. T h e r e I f o u n d Sabaudin's father w h o welcomed m e w a r m l y , as always. In a little w h i l e a m a n w i l l come here to meet me, I told h i m , they c a l l h i m F a z l l i F r a s h r i . W i l l y o u a l l o w me to do this? Our home is yours, said the wise o l d m a n . He w e n t o n : I have heard the name of F a z l l i B e y , b u t w a t c h out for the beys, don't forget the bey f r o m o u r part, M y f i t L i b o h o v a . Y o u m u s t never trust them. Don't w o r r y , I t o l d h i m , because we k n o w this f e l l o w and a l l his i l k v e r y w e l l . T h e y are just as y o u said, but we have our eyes open a n d brains in o u r head. W h e n he comes, said the o l d man, I s h a l l b r i n g y o u a coffee and y o u w i l l excuse me if I i n t e r r u p t the conversation. I t h a n k e d h i m and at the appointed h o u r I was a w a i t i n g F a z l l i B e y . I heard the gate creak as it opened and saw our comrade enter the y a r d together w i t h F a z l l i . I met h i m on the p o r c h ; I shook hands 122

w i t h h i m , w e exchanged greetings and w e n t into the room. As soon as he sat down, F a z l l i stroked his face a n d after asking about m y h e a l t h began the conversation. B a d times have come u p o n us, Professor. T h e f o r e i g n e r has occupied our Homeland, and he shook h i s head g l o o m i l y . This is the d o i n g of Z o g and his friends, I t o l d h i m . T h e y fleeced the people t h o r o u g h l y a n d i n the end sold the c o u n t r y to Italy. I believe y o u remember t h e m e e t i n g i n the t o w n h a l l o f K o r a , F a z l l i B e y ? I t was y o u r f r i e n d , the prefect V a s j a r i , w h o precisely w h e n we w e r e d e m a n d i n g arms threatened us and c o r d o n e d off the K a p s h t i c a road t h r o u g h w h i c h Z o g was going to abscond w i t h the people's gold. Is that n o t so? I remember, Professor, a d m i t t e d F a z l l i , but y o u k n o w that I am a democrat and I w a n t the c o u n t r y to be free. Then, sir, w h a t do y o u i n t e n d to do to liberate t h e c o u n t r y ? I asked. We are greatly interested in this and if we f i n d a c o m m o n language we s h a l l f o r get the past. It is the present we are concerned about, because we have the e n e m y in o u r H o m e l a n d , therefore, f i r s t of a l l , we m u s t get r i d of h i m , t h e n sort out w h a t disagreements we have between ourselves. Because we have disagreements, M r . F a z l l i , is that not so? That is so, Professor, but I, too, am of the o p i n i o n that it is precisely the existing situation on w h i c h we should concentrate and exchange ideas. 123

Go, ahead, M r . F a z l l i , I am listening, I said, w h i l e I thought to myself, Who k n o w s w h a t he w i l l b r i n g up now. A n d so he began to outline to me his o w n ideas about the e x t e r n a l situation. He emphasized the strength a n d savagery of the Italian fascists, spoke about the rise of H i t l e r and the attack on the S o v i e t U n i o n , sang the praises of the great strength of B r i t a i n and A m e r i c a and d i d not f a i l t o m e n t i o n also the strength of the Soviets w h o are fighting, as he put it. A f t e r b o m b a r d i n g me l i k e this for a good half hour and satisfied w i t h the analysis he made of t h e situation, he f i n a l l y got r o u n d to the purpose of h i s mission : In v i e w of a l l these things, continued F a z l l i , we consider that we are in a grave situation, t h a t we are a s m a l l c o u n t r y a n d at the m e r c y of great powers w h i c h , if y o u dare to raise y o u r voice, w i l l crush you. U n a b l e to contain m y s e l f I butted i n : T h a t means, M r . F a z l l i , we s m a l l countries should just suffer in silence?! No, the bey hastened to say, obviously we have to fight, because n o t h i n g can be w o n w i t h o u t fighting, and up to this point I agree w i t h y o u . B u t since we are a s m a l l people it is v e r y i m p o r t a n t f o r us to pursue a wise policy. P o l i c y , Professor, F a z l l i raised his voice in the tone of a teacher, s t r o k i n g h i s face as usual, now has great importance for us. We must begin w i t h a wise p o l i c y towards Italy, m u s t o u t w i t them, must put t h e m to sleep and g r a d u a l l y raise o u r voice in such a w a y that 'the meat is roasted 124

w i t h o u t b u r n i n g the spit', as the outstanding patriot, M i t h a t B e y , says. Are y o u speaking on behalf of M i t h a t B e y ? I asked h i m . Yes, he said, on behalf of h i m and m a n y others. Go ahead then, continue! I said. V e r y w e l l , excuse me, but I am going to speak f r a n k l y : y o u are communists, we are not; y o u f o r m e d a party, we have not f o r m e d one and are against f o r m i n g a n y p a r t y ; y o u are doing a great deal of p r o paganda among the people to arouse t h e m to f i g h t immediately, we have another tactic; y o u are also t a k i n g steps towards the seizure of power, we have a different idea about the future. We do not l i k e a l l these things that y o u are doing, b u t that is y o u r affair. It seems to us, however, a n d please understand m e correctly, M r . H o x h a , that y o u are t a c k l i n g the I t a lians head on, b i t i n g off more t h a n y o u can chew. Y o u are k i l l i n g some of them, but t h e y are k i l l i n g and i m p r i s o n i n g thousands. We are concerned about the youth, the f l o w e r o f o u r country, M r . H o x h a . H a v e y o u considered w h a t great h a r m w i l l be done to the f u t u r e of A l b a n i a if the e n e m y destroys them? T h i s is w h a t worries us, M r . Hoxha. Then, i n y o u r opinion, M r . F a z l l i , w h a t ought we to do? I asked h i m , i n w a r d l y s i m m e r i n g w i t h u n controllable anger. Look here, Professor, we t h i n k that for the t i m e being y o u should not act; let us organize a n u m b e r of meetings in order to study a j o i n t p o l i c y w h i c h we s h o u l d pursue towards the Italians, because we, 125

too, are many, M r . H o x h a , and y o u w i l l excuse m y s a y i n g so, but we are older and the people k n o w us better. T h u s our t w o sides w i l l reach accord a n d the people w i l l agree to this, too, because we s h a l l save t h e m f r o m death and destruction. Is y o u r brother Q a z k a s t i l l engaged in trade w i t h the Italians? I asked h i m . What has Qazim's trade to do w i t h this question? retorted F a z l l i Bey, f e i g n i n g surprise, because I had touched h i m on a tender spot. I asked this question, M r . Fazlli, I said s m i l i n g at h i m , because I w a n t to s u m up the p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n y o u presented to me. F o r you, to conduct a wise a n d cautious p o l i c y means we should engage in trade w i t h fascist Italy, because for y o u the w o r d 'policy' c o u l d be translated as 'Qazka's trade'. Qazim is engaged in trade and not in politics, replied F a z l l i , these are two separate things, Professor. They are not as separate as y o u say, I t o l d h i m , but if y o u have f i n i s h e d I can t e l l y o u the o p i n i o n of our Party. Please do, said F a z l l i , I have finished. We, the communists, have been sure a l l a l o n g that the f o r m a t i o n of our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y was a bullet in the heart of the Italian invaders and t h e i r friends w h o are v e r y w e l l aware of the great v a l u e w h i c h the existence of a leading force, and especially the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , has for a people w h o are g o i n g t o fight. B u t n o w y o u have c o n f i r m e d f r o m y o u r o w n m o u t h that y o u , w h o c a l l yourselves nationalists, too, were displeased that w e communists f o r m e d o u r P a r ty and are f i g h t i n g to a p p l y its program for the l i b e r 126

ation of the H o m e l a n d . Y o u told me this yourself, b u t y o u produced no argument to show me what m i s t a k e we communists made in f o r m i n g the Party. We think, Professor, that this is not the time to f o r m parties. Y o u have f o r m e d the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , we could f o r m our party, others m i g h t f o r m a t h i r d party, a n d so on. W h a t do these b r i n g apart f r o m d i v i s i o n of the people? Is this not to the detriment of the war, and in f a v o u r of those w h o w a n t to h a r m Albania? No, I r e p l i e d to F a z l l i B e y , if this w e r e so the fascists and their friends w o u l d not be so upset about it. We set up the P a r t y precisely in order to unite the people and not to d i v i d e them, and this w i l l certainly be achieved, because our p r o g r a m is w h a t the people want. M o r e o v e r , M r . F a z l l i , I continued, you c o n d e m n us communists because we have f o r m e d a party, but y o u said n o t h i n g about w h e t h e r y o u are against the ' A l b a n i a n ' Fascist P a r t y w h i c h y o u r friends set up. F a z l l i scratched his face and said: We are opposed to it, too. Y o u are opposed to it o n l y in words, I told h i m , because a l l y o u r friends h u r r i e d to enlist in it. T h e y have to eat, M r . H o x h a , because otherwise t h e y can't keep t h e i r jobs. B u t the people and we, the sons of the people, don't we w a n t to eat? A n d we do eat, but we eat the crusts of the people and not the rolls of the fascist G i r o ( 1 ) and his friends. Y o u yourself said that y o u n a ___________________________________ 1 G i o v a n n i G i r o Italian fascist hierarch, expert in A l b a nian affairs in the plans of the Italian fascist government for the i n v a s i o n of A l b a n i a .

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tionalists do not w a n t to f o r m a party. W h y not? L e t me tell y o u : y o u are unable to do so, because h o w ever m u c h influence y o u m a y pretend to have the people do not trust y o u and do not f o l l o w y o u . A p a r t f r o m this, you, and I am not speaking just of y o u p e r sonally, do not w a n t to f a l l out w i t h the occupier. He does not a l l o w y o u to f o r m y o u r party, therefore, he shows y o u the way, j o i n the fascist p a r t y . The other m a i n reason that y o u do not w a n t to have a p a r t y is that y o u neither w a n t n o r i n t e n d to fight against the occupier. Y o u issue the reactionary slogans: ' Y o u can't f o r m a h e r d of rabbits', ' T w o A l banians never get together', a n d so on, w h i l e we have complete confidence in the u n i t y of the people w h o have always risen i n struggle against f o r e i g n i n v a ders. The feudal lords, the beys, the merchants and the spies have always d i v i d e d the people, and n o w t h e y are t r y i n g to p l a y the same game, b u t n o w the A l b a n i a n people have their o w n t r u s t w o r t h y leader, the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . Y o u do not w a n t the people to have this leadership so that t h e y w i l l not rise in i n surrection and w i l l not k n o w w h i c h w a y t o go. W i t h out the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y there is no struggle and w i t h out struggle there is no C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . M r . Fazlli, I continued, our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y is at w a r to the death w i t h the fascist Italy and its collaborators. F o r the Italian fascists we have o n l y rifles a n d bombs, there is no diplomacy and compromise w i t h them. T i m e after time, we have called on y o u and y o u r friends to j o i n forces w i t h us in the f i g h t against fascism, but y o u want to p l a y 'politics' w i t h them. Hence, we are not in agreement, we are d i v i d e d on the m a i n thing, 128

on the basic issue. N o w we consider it necessary to warn you: The f i r s t course: y o u should unite w i t h u s i n the w a r against the occupiers a n d traitors, a n d w h e n I say unite, I m e a n not w i t h deception and t r i c k e r y , a s y o u have done u p t i l l now, b u t i n fact. Y o u m u s t take this seriously, and don't t h i n k for one m o m e n t that y o u w i l l be able to deceive us. T h i s is the course of honour, the o n l y patriotic course w h i c h o u r f o r e fathers have taught us. The second course is to sit idle, to r e m a i n n e u t r a l , neither w i t h us n o r w i t h the Italians. T h i s is not an honourable course, not in the least patriotic, a n d it is h a r d to m a i n t a i n such a stand in these times w h e n the w h o l e w o r l d is ablaze a n d o u r people are f i g h t i n g . O n l y cowards take this stand. The t h i r d course is that of betrayal, of secret or open collaboration w i t h the occupiers against the people w h o are f i g h t i n g . T h e traitors c a n p u t o n a n y k i n d of mask, b u t we s h a l l tear it f r o m t h e m . T r e a c h e r y w i l l be m e r c i l e s s l y crushed by the strength of the people. The C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a has chosen the first course and it c o u l d not do otherwise. Y o u p r o posed a course to u s : ' P l a y politics w i t h the Italians!' We reject this proposal and propose to y o u o u r course w h i c h is the o n l y course for t r u e patriots. Y o u are s t u b b o r n and don't k n o w h o w to conduct politics, said F a z l l i . That is just w h a t M i t h a t B e y also t o l d us at the time w h e n the c o u n t r y was i n v a d e d and I was s t i l l legal and h a d a shop w h e r e I sold cigarettes. 129

Mithat B e y w a n t e d to come, personally, to meet y o u and h e ' l l be sad w h e n I report to h i m about our conversation, F a z l l i t o l d me. It w o u l d have been d i f f i c u l t for M i t h a t B e y to come and meet me and he h a d no reason to do so, because it was he, a n d not I w h o broke off our c o n nections. Nevertheless, he has sent you, and I received you, I listened to y o u a n d y o u heard my r e p l y a n d no doubt y o u w i l l transmit w h a t was said here t o M r . M i t h a t . Nevertheless, I continued, I w a n t to stress, and I speak on behalf of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , that we w i l l be w i t h a l l those w h o f o l l o w the course of the war. The w a r w i l l unite u s even w i t h L u m o S k n do and his associates, p r o v i d e d t h e y j o i n in the f i g h t against the Italians and the quislings. I w a n t to t e l l y o u also, M r . F a z l l i , something i n connection w i t h y o u r c l a i m that the people are w i t h y o u , that 'the people k n o w y o u and that no one k n o w s or listens to us'. First, that is y o u r opinion, b u t not ours. Second, and this is the m a i n thing, be sure that y o u r o p i n i o n is w r o n g . Indeed y o u sought this meeting, because y o u can see that the people are and w i l l be completely w i t h us, w i t h the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a . Y o u w i l l be left w i t h the degenerate beys, the aghas, the blood-sucking merchants, the spies and the quislings. That is a l l that w i l l r e m a i n of y o u r ' a r m y ' if y o u stick to y o u r present course. D o n ' t take this as a threat. Take it as the last assistance we are o f f e r i n g y o u . Consider y o u r situation w e l l : we do not need you, but y o u need us, because the people, justice and p o w e r are w i t h us. Y o u say, M r . F a z l l i , that the y o u t h w i l l b e k i l l e d 130

and the c o u n t r y devastated. E v e r y l i b e r a t i o n w a r w i l l have its sacrifices, heroes and m a r t y r s . T h e c o u n t r y m a y be devastated, but the people and the y o u t h w i l l not be w i p e d out, a l t h o u g h the fascists w i l l be. A f t e r the war, the people and the y o u t h w i l l be steel, w i l l strike the sparks f r o m the flints. T h e P a r t y and the w a r w i l l temper t h e m and teach t h e m not to be d e ceived by i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a h u n d r e d flags in t h e i r pockets. T h e people themselves w i l l take p o w e r i n t o their o w n hands and w h a t N a i m said about A l b a n i a w i l l occur: ' H a p p y the m a n w h o lives to see A l b a n i a a lady!' This is o u r reply, M r . F a z l l i . I beg y o u r p a r d o n if this conversation has been somewhat heated, b u t i t was frank. W e say t o y o u : T h i n k over o u r p r o p o sals a n d we hope to see y o u again in the f i g h t against the occupiers. I stood up to i m p l y that f o r my part the c o n v e r s a t i o n was over. F a z l l i F r a s h r i stood up, too, we parted and I never saw h i m again. As soon as F a z l l i left, our host entered the r o o m and, seeing m e tired, p u t his h a n d o n m y shoulder, p o i n t i n g to the coffee cups on the table and s a i d : T h i s coffee that y o u d r a n k w i t h the b e y doesn't count. L e t us d r i n k another together, to m a k e y o u feel better. Yes, let's d r i n k a coffee together, I r e p l i e d to that good old m a n . A n d we sat and t a l k e d together f o r a w h i l e . W h e n the t i m e came for me to leave I h a d forgotten both the bey p o l i t i c i a n and a l l his f i l t h y ilk. T h i s m e e t i n g w i t h the representatives o f the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y sought by the pseudo-patriotic elements 131

was neither the first nor the last in that period. As I said, the caf politicians w h o w e r e p l a y i n g the game of fascism had begun to be f r i g h t e n e d by o u r g r o w i n g strength among the people and w e r e to m a k e a l l k i n d s of efforts to d i v e r t us f r o m the course on w h i c h we had set out. In this s u r p r i s i n g zeal of theirs to reach agreement w i t h the communists, we ourselves saw another indication of the g r o w t h of the role a n d a u t h o r i t y of our P a r t y . Nevertheless, p r u d e n t a n d p e r sistent i n p u r s u i n g the line w h i c h w e h a d decided, w e w o u l d receive them, w o u l d a l w a y s g i v e t h e m the answer t h e y deserved. M e a n w h i l e w e pressed o n v i g o r o u s l y w i t h the w o r k for the extension and strengthening of l i n k s w i t h the broad masses of t o w n and countryside, w i t h intellectuals and patriots of a l l ages, and the t r u t h is that this m a i n and most important sector of w o r k was also the most successful for us. A m o n g s t the scores of people w i t h w h o m I was l i n k e d d u r i n g that time, the figure of an o l d patriotic teacher, in w h o m the f i r e of patriotism and h a t r e d f o r feudal lords, traitors and the occupier was u n q u e n ched and never w o u l d be quenched, remains u n f o r g e t table and dear to me personally. I h a d seen h i m and learned something about his life at the time w h e n I was a teacher in the secondary school in T i r a n a . I was sitting d r i n k i n g a coffee w i t h a colleague of mine, another teacher at the secondary school, in a s m a l l caf near the O l d B a z a a r w h e n a s l i g h t l y built, rather e l d e r l y man, dressed i n a n o l d blue suit and w i t h a faded felt hat passed by. He greeted my c o l league w h o rose f r o m his chair and r e t u r n e d the 132

greeting w i t h great respect; i n s t i n c t l y I stood up, too. W h e n the m a n was out of earshot I asked my colleague. Who was that m a n y o u spoke to? Don't y o u k n o w h i m ? said m y colleague. H e is X h a f Z e l k a , a patriotic teacher of the A l b a n i a n school here in T i r a n a . T h e y c a l l him ' X h a f the rebel', because he was a 'scribe' a n d f i g h t e r w i t h H a x h i Q a mili. (1) M y c u r i o s i t y about X h a f Z e l k a , o r Xhaf the rebel, as t h e y called h i m , was i m m e d i a t e l y aroused and I said to my colleague: That i s interesting. T e l l m e w h a t y o u k n o w about h i m , a n d if possible I w o u l d l i k e y o u to introduce me to h i m one day. M y colleague k n e w something about X h a f ' s s i m ple l i f e f u l l o f m i l i t a n t strivings. H e t o l d m e that X h a f was anti-feudal, h a d fought against the forces of T o p t a n i a n d against V r l a c i , ( 2 ) and later, as the democrat he was, h a d supported the government of F a n N o l i . W h e n Z o g came to power, t h e y made a thousand d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r X h a f , dismissed h i m f r o m his job, r e appointed h i m a n d dismissed h i m again, u n t i l t h e y abandoned h i m to his fate. Y o u ought t o hear h i m t e l l about the vicissitudes o f B a b Qamil, m y f r i e n d said, but I'll t e l l y o u one story m y s e l f just as X h a f t o l d it to m e :
_________________________________ 1 Leader (1914-1915), imperialist of which the Peasant a Uprising of Central Albania antiagent had democratic, lords anti-feudal of the and

character. country,

2 O n e of the biggest f e u d a l ment in A l b a n i a (1939-1941).

of I t a l i a n fascism, p r i m e minister of the first q u i s l i n g g o v e r n -

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Bab Q a m i l and his soldiers emerged on the shore at S h n g j i n . T h e r e he raised the long telescope he carried and began to e x a m i n e the sea. On the h o r i z o n he saw quite a b i g vessel approaching. It w a s one of those b i g m e r c h a n t ships that sailed to the A d r i a t i c ports. 'Xhaf,' called Bab Q a m i l . 'Come here, X h a f , b r i n g out y o u r paper a n d i n k a n d w r i t e to that s o n of-a-bitch steering that ship to keep clear of the shores of A l b a n i a because if he approaches I'll open f i r e on h i m w i t h a r t i l l e r y a n d m a k e such a hash of h i m that even the f i s h w o n ' t eat h i m . ' X h a f h a d stared at Bab Q a m i l , but w i t h a stern look he had made h i m drop his gaze a n d w r i t e w h a t he was told. T h e n , B a b Q a m i l ordered three soldiers to take a s m a l l r o w i n g boat w h i c h was l y i n g there and d e l i v e r the letter to the captain. 'If t h e y take y o u prisoner', Bab Q a m i l said to them, ' t r y to k i l l one or two of t h e m a n d say y o u r last prayers, because my shells w i l l smash both the e n e m y and you, my friends. W h a t else can I do, this people m u s t be defended and y o u w i l l go to paradise.' H o w e v e r , they d i d not go to paradise because they came back safe and sound to the shore w h i l e the ship t u r n e d r o u n d and sailed away. That is what X h a f t o l d me, but he m u s t k n o w m a n y such stories, my colleague concluded his tale. Do y o u k n o w a n y others? I asked my colleague w h e n he had finished, because I was v e r y interested in the question of rebellions, especially the u p r i s i n g of the peasants of C e n t r a l A l b a n i a . If y o u want to k n o w more, y o u h a d better ask 134

X h a f yourself, he said. I s h a l l introduce y o u to h i m one day, but don't imagine that he w i l l start to t e l l y o u these things as soon as y o u meet. F i r s t y o u have to w i n his confidence, otherwise he w i l l shut his mouth. T i m e w e n t by. M y colleague d i d not manage t o introduce me to X h a f Z e l k a , but w h e n e v e r I saw h i m on D i b r a Street I greeted h i m respectfully, speaking l o u d l y enough to m a k e sure he noticed me. H e looked a t m e w i t h surprise, r e t u r n e d m y greeti n g and continued o n his w a y . Despite m y great desire to become better acquainted w i t h X h a f I was unable to do so because I was transferred to K o r a . O n l y after the occupation, w h e n I began w o r k in the Flora shop, was I able to get to k n o w h i m and t a l k w i t h h i m . D u r i n g this period, I was c o n t i n u a l l y s t r i v ing to learn as m u s h as possible about the peasant uprising of Central Albania led by H a x h i Qamili. Our erudite comrade, S e l i m Shpuza, told me in detail about the phases of that epoch, w h i c h the beys, the feudal lords a n d the emerging bourgeoisie called the epoch of rebels Since L i b e r a t i o n I have recorded my ideas about that i m p o r t a n t p e r i o d of the peasant u p r i s i n g in an article ( 1 ) , i n w h i c h , i n the l i g h t o f the M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t philosophy, I have t r i e d to e x p l a i n the objective r e a sons w h i c h caused it a n d to refute as baseless and anti-scientific both the distorted v i e w s a n d denigrating theories spread about the rebellion by the supporters of Toptani, Z o g and the bourgeois usurers, w h o
_______________________________ 1 E n v e r H o x h a , W o r k s , v o l . 23, pp. 128-175, A l b . ed.

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took over f r o m the f e u d a l lords, that is, c l i m b e d on the backs of the poor peasantry, and the incorrect opinions of certain progressive elements of the time who d i d not understand the class essence and complex i t y of that movement. B u t here I am t a l k i n g about X h a f Z e l k a . One day, f r o m the w i n d o w I saw X h a f entering the Flora shop. I stood up and said to h i m : What can I do f o r you, M r . X h a f ? H o w d o y o u k n o w m y name, m y boy? h e asked me. The teachers k n o w y o u r name and have respect for old patriotic teachers l i k e you. Why, are y o u a teacher or a tobacconist? asked X h a f , w h o was unable to hide the pleasure he felt w h e n he heard that he w a s respected a n d described as a patriotic teacher. I was a teacher, but the occupiers dismissed me f r o m my job and n o w I sell cigarettes, I replied. He looked me in the eye and s a i d : Could y o u let me have a carton of cigarettes? Two, if y o u like, I said. I haven't enough m o n e y for two but o n l y for one. Excuse me, M r . X h a f , I said, but we s u p p l y our friends o n credit. B r i n g m e the m o n e y w h e n y o u have it. Do y o u have a shop? I asked h i m . No, my son, but I peddle them, because I w a n t to raise my children. I put three cartons of cigarettes in f r o n t of h i m , t e l l i n g h i m t o take t h e m a n d b r i n g m e the m o n e y w h e n he had sold the cigarettes. 136

He looked at me again and s a i d : S h o u l d I accept this f a v o u r y o u are doing me? W h e n the p u p i l does this for the teacher this seems so little that I w i l l not a l l o w y o u to t h a n k me. X h a f Z e l k a touched his hat, took the cartons, said, See y o u again my boy, and went out. N o w m y interest was not o n l y t o l e a r n f r o m X h a f Z e l k a about the peasant u p r i s i n g l e d b y H a x h i Q a m i l i , but also t o l i n k h i m w i t h the w a r w h i c h w e had begun. A n honoured teacher a n d patriot l i k e X h a f w o u l d do a great deal of w o r k in the circles that he k n e w . H i s words, i n s p i r e d b y o u r war, w o u l d have t h e i r effect, especially among the youth, w h e n t h e y saw that this w a r h a d r e v i t a l i z e d the energies even of the elderly. T h e w o r d s and example of s u c h people as X h a f Z e l k a , w i t h that w e a l t h of experience of life a n d struggle w h i c h they had, w o u l d c e r t a i n l y serve also to expose those patriots w h o w a n t e d to l i v e with the a u r a of t h e i r glorious past, w h e n t h e i r a c t i v i t y d i d not amount to even a tenth of that of X h a f Z e l k a . Of course, I c o u l d not speak openly to h i m on the f i r s t day. I w o u l d keep close to h i m , w o u l d welcome h i m as he deserved and later o u r a c q u a i n tance w o u l d take its n a t u r a l course. A f e w days later he came and brought me the money. I brought out three more cartons. A r e y o u g o i n g to do the same t h i n g again, s i r ? asked X h a f . No, I said, it's not the same t h i n g . T h i s t i m e y o u have paid, there's y o u r m o n e y on the counter. What's y o u r name, m y boy? X h a f asked me, l o o k i n g a t m e a t t e n t i v e l y w i t h his l i v e l y eyes. 137

They c a l l me E n v e r Hoxha, I said, and I am f r o m G j i r o k a s t r a . A l l o w m e t o introduce m y father. My father was sitting q u i e t l y in a chair, listening. X h a f t u r n e d t o h i m and greeted h i m . M y father, w h o was a simple man, rose to his feet a n d b o w e d . A long life to y o u r son, said X h a f . If G o d wills, said m y father, a n d being curious asked h i m : Where are y o u f r o m , sir, have y o u a f a mily? X h a f r e p l i e d that he h a d daughters and sons, picked up the cartons, t h a n k e d us, said good bye and left. W h e n he w e n t out the door, my father asked m e : Who was that m a n ? Does he have a shop? What sort of shop c o u l d he have, he's stony broke, I said. That old m a n was together w i t h H a x h i Q a m i l i w h e n they set f i r e to the palaces of Esat T o p tani. Y o u don't say! said my father. So we are even, he set f i r e to the palace of Esat Pasha, w h i l e A v n i R u s t e m i f i n i s h e d off the v i l l a i n o u s Pasha and he f e l l silent for a moment, w r a p p e d in thought. B u t where does this o l d m a n f i n d the m o n e y to b u y three cartons? I give t h e m to h i m on credit. Say no more, said my father, I understand. W h e n X h a f came n e x t time, not for cartons of cigarettes but s i m p l y because he was passing that way, I d i d not let h i m go immediately, but i n v i t e d h i m to d r i n k a coffee. X h a f d i d not refuse. T e l l me, M r . Enver, said X h a f , is it s i m p l y because I have been a teacher a n d y o u yourself have 138

b e e n a teacher that y o u respect a n d honour me in this way? B o t h for that, M r . X h a f , b u t more especially f o r the love w h i c h y o u have for the H o m e l a n d a n d the struggle y o u have waged for the good of the poor people. Y o u have been deeply h u r t b y the occupation w h i c h Italy has imposed on us, a n d w i t h o u t doubt y o u have thought that the people w i l l not endure this, b u t w i l l rise a n d get r i d of it. T h e insurgent s p i r i t of the A l b a n i a n s has never ceased to exist. Of course, the times have changed, the e n e m y is more ferocious, better armed, b u t are we going to be i n t i m i d a t e d by this? I say no, M r . X h a f , a n d I w o u l d l i k e to k n o w w h a t y o u , as a f i g h t e r of H a x h i Q a m i l i ' s uprising, think? T h a t wise and honest man, the patriot X h a f Z e l k a , thought for a m o m e n t and s a i d : X h a f Z e l k a i s n o longer young, M r . Enver, because w e r e he y o u n g he w o u l d not be i d l i n g a r o u n d l i k e this. The w a r for the H o m e l a n d takes no account of age, Mr. Xhaf. Everybody can contribute, and I looked h i m in the eye, e m p h a s i z i n g the words, and ought to contribute to the freedom of the H o m e l a n d . Therefore, I was s o r r y to hear y o u say that y o u are o l d . X h a f Z e l k a does not age easily and he w i l l f i n d the r e m e d y w i t h w h i c h to combat the aging of his body, but not of his spirit. X h a f d r a n k his coffee in silence, l o o k i n g at me as though t r y i n g to m a k e me out. It seemed to me I h a d said enough for that day. T h e rebellious s p i r i t 139

of X h a f Z e l k a was such that it needed o n l y a s t i m u lus to burst out. Y o u r words have g i v e n me something to t h i n k about, said X h a f and, l o w e r i n g his head, added in a voice w h i c h made m e tremble f r o m e m o t i o n : See y o u again, son! I could h a r d l y r e t u r n his greeting and I w a t c h e d h i m for a long time as he w a l k e d s l o w l y away. X h a f Z e l k a was a n outstanding patriot a n d d e mocrat. It seemed to h i m that I was b u r d e n i n g m y self w i t h the assistance I gave h i m . T h e honest o l d man, X h a f Z e l k a , thought that I w a s m a k i n g some sacrifice. One day he came to the shop and I asked h i m : H o w m a n y cartons do y o u w a n t today? None, M r . Enver, he replied. W h y so, M r . X h a f , I asked, don't spare me. No, my boy, he said, but I am tired. N o w j u s t give me a coffee. I called t o M a l i , our f r i e n d f r o m T i r a n a w h o w a r ned us w h e n spies came into the s m a l l caf he r a n to eavesdrop on us, to m a k e us a coffee. M a l i w a s an e l d e r l y m a n , dressed i n the t r a d i t i o n a l T i r a n a w a y , and w h e n h e brought the coffee, X h a f , w h o c e r t a i n l y k n e w h i m , said: Take good care of the boys for me, M a l o . Don't y o u w o r r y about that, B a b X h a f , r e plied M a l i . W h i l e he drank his coffee, X h a f Z e l k a shook his head, s a y i n g : N o w I k n o w what's going on in that m i n d of yours. 140

I replied with a laugh: W h y , do y o u t h i n k I don't k n o w what's going on i n yours? W e both laughed. Listen, son, said X h a f Z e l k a . I s i m p l y cannot h e l p y o u n o w as m u c h as I ought to do, my legs are done for, b u t I don't stop t a l k i n g and I s h a l l never stop t a l k i n g against these fascist dogs. M r . X h a f , I said, the tongue is not steel, yet it cuts. Y o u have been and s t i l l are a fighter for the c o m m o n people and we are f o l l o w i n g y o u r course to save the Homeland. You k n o w better t h a n we h o w to f i g h t and good l u c k to y o u ! C o m e closer and listen to me, said X h a f a n d spoke in a l o w voice. I can't become a c o m m u nist, but I w a n t y o u to teach my c h i l d r e n so that t h e y l i n k u p w i t h the P a r t y . There is no doubt about that, I said. L i k e a l l the c h i l d r e n of the people, they w i l l f o l l o w the road a n d teachings o f t h e i r father. T h e w a r w i l l teach t h e m a n d the P a r t y w i l l a l w a y s keep close t o t h e m a n d educate t h e m to become v a l u a b l e people. A n d , in fact, one of his sons became a resolute P a r t y m e m b e r and a n excellent journalist, w h i l e one of his daughters, as N e x h m i j e [ X h u g l i n i H o x h a ] w h o had her as a class-mate in the G i r l s Institute in T i r a n a of that t i m e has t o l d me, was an active t e a cher, both d u r i n g the years of the w a r and later. As I have heard, X h a f Zlka's three other children, too, are simple people and honoured workers, just as their father, the patriot X h a f Z e l k a had w a n t e d t h e m to be. A l l his life he fought for the poor people, for p r o 141

gress and freedom, and he l i v e d for m a n y years after the L i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d h a p p y and contented i n his old age. A l l over A l b a n i a there were m a n y such patriots who, although of advanced age, put a l l their strength in the service of the H o m e l a n d and the P a r t y and, along w i t h their fighter sons and daughters, became f i e r y agitators and propagandists for the freedom a n d independence of the country. Thus, regardless of t h e manoeuvres and attempts of the pseudo-patriots, we carried o n energetically w i t h the w o r k f o r the u n i fication and organization of the masses to raise t h i s u n i t y to a higher l e v e l and place it on sounder f o u n d ations. In a meeting w h i c h we organized in J u n e 1942, a t w h i c h R a m a d a n i t a k u , N a k o S p i r u , K o o Tashko, M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i and, possibly, one or t w o others t h a t I don't remember, were present, w h i l e we w e r e t a l k ing about our contacts w i t h the nationalist elements, I said to the comrades: The w o r k is extending and the w a r is b u i l d i n g up, but don't y o u t h i n k that the t i m e has come for a l l this to be organized and centralized? It is organized! objected K o o . So it is, I replied, in a certain sense. T h e w o r k w h i c h we, as a party, are doing w i t h the masses a n d the nationalists is organized and centralized because the P r o v i s i o n a l C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e is leading it. B u t in this direction there is s t i l l w o r k to be done because there are comrades w h o do not keep the leadership i n f o r m e d about their connections, movements a n d v a rious contacts, and I glanced at M u s t a f a , but he s a i d 142

n o t h i n g . What I am getting at, I went on, is t h a t the broad masses of the people, the patriots, must be organized, m u s t have a u n i f i e d p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y leadership, so that the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n or P o p u l a r Front, w h a t it w i l l be called is not v e r y important, w h i c h we are creating in fact, should be embodied concretely in certain organizational forms of its o w n and have its competent organs w h i c h w i l l guide the w o r k for the m o b i l i z a t i o n of the people in the war. K o o Tashko spoke a g a i n : The P a r t y leads t h e w a r and the masses! he pontificated. That is one of our f u n d a m e n t a l principles, I r e p l i e d quietly, the P a r t y w i l l lead the F r o n t and l i k e wise the y o u t h . B u t w e m u s t bear i n m i n d that not o n l y the communists and the sympathizers of t h e P a r t y are t a k i n g part i n the war. B o t h i n p r i n c i p l e and tactically we need to organize the masses in a m i l i t a n t organization w i t h a program w h i c h w i l l unite a l l those w h o w a n t to fight. B a c a (1) and N a k o supported me, s a y i n g : Taras (2) is right. A n d even M u s t a f a expressed himself i n f a v o u r o f m y idea. F o r h i m this offered possibilities o f w o r k i n g for his o w n aims and a v o i d i n g the control of the Party. We should meet and decide about this as q u i c k l y as possible, proposed G j i n i s h i . We should create a leading staff and announce it t h r o u g h a Proclamation. No, I objected, we m u s t n ' t be hasty in t h i s
________________________________ 1 R a m a d a n itaku's pseudonym. 2 One of Comrade E n v e r Hoxha's pseudonyms d u r i n g the National Liberation War.

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matter. We have no need for leading staffs on paper, no one w i l l take any notice of them. My idea is that we should organize a meeting w i t h representatives of our P a r t y , as the o n l y P a r t y in the country, a n d v a rious patriots and there we should decide h o w a n d w h e n it should be done. I can speak for n o r t h e r n a n d central A l b a n i a here! boasted M u s t a f a . M y s l i m P e z a w i l l not go against me, n o r w i l l . . . Listen, Mustafa, I said to put G j i n i s h i , exalted by his own influence, in his place, M y s l i m does not go against the P a r t y , because he is l i n k e d w i t h the P a r t y and not w i t h y o u o r a n y other i n d i v i d u a l . I n any case this was o n l y an idea w h i c h we s h o u l d d i s cuss and the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e w i l l decide on it. In fact this idea had been h a m m e r i n g a w a y in m y b r a i n for some t i m e and i n one w a y o r the other I had already presented it to some comrades. I was convinced, and time c o n f i r m e d this, that it was up to our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , after the w o r k w h i c h i t h a d done for about s i x to seven months, to take the i n i t i a t i v e to embody the u n i o n of the A l b a n i a n people p o l i t i c a l l y and organizationally in concrete forms. I t a l k ed it over w i t h other comrades w h o m I met d u r i n g those days and we decided that we s h o u l d discuss it more extensively in a regular m e e t i n g of the C e n t r a l Committee, define the measures w h i c h had to be taken about the content of the meeting and decide w h e r e and w h e n it w o u l d be held. Immediately after this, we issued the i n s t r u c t i o n that the contacts and w o r k w h i c h the comrades w o u l d c a r r y out w i t h nationalists and other elements w e r e 144

to be directed towards the idea w h i c h the leadership of the P a r t y was developing in concrete forms for the organization of the m e e t i n g at w h i c h the p o l i t i c a l foundations of the u n i t y of the A l b a n i a n people in the w a r against fascism w o u l d be l a i d . S p e c i a l instructions w e r e issued to the comrades in the districts to collect, s t u d y and send us i n f o r m a t i o n about those elements w h o m it was thought m i g h t take part in s u c h a meeting. M a n y of these elements we d i d not trust, n e v e r theless we t r i e d w i t h t h e m , because the a i m was to organize a broad m e e t i n g at w h i c h a l l the strata and p o l i t i c a l forces w h i c h expressed t h e i r readiness to fight, w o u l d be represented. It was i m p o r t a n t that the organs w h i c h w o u l d emerge should have the broadest possible representative basis and the decisions operative force. L i k e a l l the comrades I, too, was e n gaged d i r e c t l y in the accomplishment of the n e w and i m p o r t a n t task w h i c h we undertook and, to this end, I w e n t to P e z a to meet Bab* M y s l i m . As on a l l other occasions, M y s l i m expressed his agreement and readiness to take part in the meeting w h i c h the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y proposed. Moreover, through his contacts and acquaintances, t h r o u g h the influence he had among various nationalist elements, he helped us to f u r t h e r extend our contacts. I asked M y s l i m for and he gave me recommendations for a n u m b e r of people w h o m we c o u l d i n v i t e to the m e e t i n g and he expressed his readiness to t a l k w i t h t h e m himself, if
____________________________________ * D a d t e r m of respect a n d affection

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w e charged h i m w i t h this task w h e n the matter w a s f i n a l l y decided. A m o n g the f i r s t w h o m h e m e n t i o n e d were H a x h i L l e s h i and M u s t a f a X h a n i , w h o h a d long since expressed their agreement w i t h the p r o g r a m of the P a r t y , therefore, I asked M y s l i m to p u t us in c o n tact w i t h them, a n d if possible, to b r i n g t h e m to P e z a for a p r e l i m i n a r y m e e t i n g w i t h t h e m . N o t long after this conversation, M y s l i m sent m e w o r d that H a x h i L l e s h i h a d a r r i v e d i n Peza. T h e n e x t day or the day after, I set out for P e z a a n d a r r i v e d a t M y s l i m ' s house where H a x h i h a d stayed d u r i n g those days. I embraced H a x h i a n d M u s t a f a K a a i w h o h a d accompanied H a x h i t o Peza. H a x h i was s t i l l y o u n g but looked older t h a n his years on account of the d i f f i c u l t life he h a d l i v e d . He was a short, s t u r d y - l o o k i n g chap w e a r i n g a leather jacket. I l i k e d his quiet and mature w a y of t a l k i n g . I t o l d h i m that M y s l i m and the other comrades had spoken to me about his a c t i v i t y in f a v o u r of the people, both against the regime of Z o g and against the Italian occupiers. I spoke more extensively about the program of the P a r t y , about the organization of the w a r u n t i l we w o u l d achieve the general u p r i s i n g of the whole A l b a n i a n people, about the efforts we had made up t i l l that time, about the successes and shortcomings o f o u r w o r k , told h i m w h e r e w e h a d had results and w h e r e we had not, stressed that the P a r t y w a n t e d to f u r t h e r strengthen its w o r k , especially in the N o r t h , a n d that it w o u l d base this a i m on the people of the N o r t h and the honest patriots of those districts. T h e n , I went on to t e l l h i m a n d asked his 146

o p i n i o n about the idea of organizing a broad meeting of representatives of the A l b a n i a n people. H a x h i listened t o m e attentively, f r o m t i m e t o t i m e a n s w e r i n g some questions I asked h i m . As I h a d expected, i n his r e p l y h e once again expressed h i m self in f a v o u r of the p r o g r a m of the P a r t y for the w a r and approved the idea of a conference for the u n i f i c a t i o n of the A l b a n i a n people in this w a r . In response to my request, he also gave me an outline of the situation in D i b r a , spoke about the v a rious influences there, a n d stressed that despite the d i s r u p t i v e a c t i v i t y of the gentry, the bayraktars, the people of D i b r a w o u l d soon begin an organized a r m e d struggle. T h e judgements and precise i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h H a x h i L l e s h i gave m e w e r e o f great assistance to o u r work. A m o n g s t other things I asked H a x h i to r e c o m m e n d to us some of the nationalist elements w h o m he knew, in order to put us in contact w i t h t h e m so that we could t r y to i n v o l v e them, too, in the w a r . H a x h i L l e s h i m e n t i o n e d a n u m b e r of names and spoke p a r t i c u l a r l y about M u s t a f a X h a n i . We k n o w B a b a Faja, I t o l d h i m , our comrades have t a l k e d w i t h h i m . I am h a p p y that y o u have the same o p i n i o n of him. W h a t about B a z i i Cans, [Abaz K u p i ] , H a x h i ? asked B a b M y s l i m , w h o u p t i l l that time h a d sat quietly, l i s t e n i n g to our conversation. True, we k n o w that he is one of Zog's f o r m e r officers, and w i t h Zogite sentiments, I t o l d H a x h i , but it is said that he is one of those w h o w a n t to fight. A f t e r a moment's reflection H a x h i r e p l i e d : I 147

came t h r o u g h K r u j a o n m y w a y t o P e z a . I met B a z i , because I have a certain f r i e n d s h i p w i t h h i m ; w h e n the Italians i n v a d e d us he stayed for some w e e k s in m y home, together w i t h his f a m i l y and several f r i e n d s of his. I spoke to h i m and he expressed his opposition to the occupation of the country, cursed M r l i k a (1) a n d Jacomoni, but w h e n I asked h i m his o p i n i o n about an organized war, he r e p l i e d : 'It's too soon, H a x h i , the Italians have the n u t a n d the n u t - c r a c k e r in t h e i r hands. T h e y w i l l smash us.' To p u t it b r i e f l y , said H a x h i , it seems to me that B a z i w o u l d not w a n t to take part in it. I stayed a long t i m e t a l k i n g w i t h H a x h i a n d M y s l i m a n d after we spent a night in C i k a l l e s h , in the home o f the patriotic peasants A r i f X h a f a a n d Q e r i m S h i m a , friends of M y s l i m , I set out the f o l l o w i n g m o r ning to return to Tirana. T h a t same day H a x h i and K a a i left for M a r t a nesh w h e r e t h e y were to meet B a b a F a j a at o u r r e quest, to put to h i m the idea of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y about the organization of the meeting. A f t e r l i s t e n i n g a t t e n t i v e l y t o H a x h i , B a b a F a j a s l o w l y l i f t e d his sheeps k i n rug, showed h i m his r i f l e and s a i d : Y o u are not the o n l y ones to take up a r m s to f i g h t the foreigners w h o have i n v a d e d the country. I, too, cannot tolerate the bondage w h i c h Z o g brought us by selling our c o u n t r y to Italy. I personally a n d t h e w h o l e of M a r t a n e s h are w i t h you.
_______________________________ 1 Mustafa 1941-January Mrlika 1943). (Kruja), inveterate agent of Italian

fascism, p r i m e minister of the q u i s l i n g government (December

148

T h e case of this patriotic clergyman, B a b a F a j a , was not the o n l y one. L a t e r there were other c l e r g y m e n w h o j o i n e d the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r heart and soul a n d fought in it. T h e activities of M u s t a f a X h a n i had great propaganda importance among the people, because he showed the people that t h e i r r e l i gious convictions are one thing, w h i l e being A l b a n i a n patriots is another t h i n g . Regardless of w h e t h e r y o u are a M o s l e m , O r t h o d o x or Catholic, y o u r f i r s t d u t y is the w a r for the f r e e d o m of A l b a n i a , this is w h a t B a b a F a j a t o l d a l l A l b a n i a n s t h r o u g h his personal fight. A n d this was completely i n c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the line of our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y for the u n i t y of the w h o l e A l b a n i a n people i n the w a r for freedom. W h i l e the comrades a l l over the c o u n t r y c o n t i n u e d the w o r k on the basis of the orientations and instructions w h i c h w e h a d sent them, s t u d y i n g e v e r y t h i n g t h o r o u g h l y w i t h c o m m u n i s t coolheadedness, the leadership of the P a r t y decided that it should h o l d a special m e e t i n g to analyze the results achieved and define the tasks and concrete measures for the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the N a t i o n a l Conference of representatives of the A l b a n i a n people. T h i s was done in the f i r s t days of J u l y 1942, at that m e e t i n g of the P r o v i s i o n a l C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the C P A at w h i c h a series of i m p o r t a n t decisions w e r e t a k e n for the l i q u i d a t i o n of the hostile factional w o r k of Anastas L u l o a n d S a d i k P r e m t e . ( 1 ) A t this meeting, w e put f o r w a r d the idea and t h r a s h e d out opinions about the organization of
__________________________________ 1 For
When the

more
Party

extensive
Was Born

information
p.

see
3rd

Enver
Alb.

Hoxha,
ed.

(Memoirs),

317,

149

the N a t i o n a l Conference w h i c h w o u l d o f f i c i a l l y decide on the u n i f i c a t i o n of the A l b a n i a n people in a m i l i t a n t organization w h i c h w o u l d b e the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front. To this end, I presented to the comrades at the meeting a s u m m a r y c o m p r i s i n g a n u m b e r of points o u t l i n i n g the p o l i t i c a l p l a t f o r m w i t h w h i c h the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a w o u l d go to the Conference as its initiator, about the necessity of h a v i n g a caref u l l y considered and e x t r e m e l y precise p r o g r a m , as w e l l as about the measures w h i c h we w o u l d have to take to ensure that the Conference was conducted normally. There are t w o things that we have to bear in mind, I pointed out to the comrades. First, we are going to present the p l a t f o r m , our program, to the Conference, but in fact we are presenting it to the people, and t h e y w i l l approve it; t w o or three i n d i v i duals won't l i k e this but that doesn't matter. Second, I continued, to those w h o m a y raise the question of the f u t u r e regime i n A l b a n i a w e s h a l l say that the people themselves w i l l decide this after L i b e r a t i o n , through regular democratic elections. Besides this, I stressed, we m u s t go to the Conference as a P a r t y and not as individuals, w i t h a delegation w h i c h we s h a l l appoint j o i n t l y w h i l e the others w i l l be nationalists w h o are already f i g h t i n g , or w h o m we t h i n k we can persuade to fight in the f u t u r e . R e p r e s e n t a t i ves of the C o m m u n i s t Y o u t h and the A n t i - f a s c i s t W o m e n w i l l also go to the conference. A f t e r I had spoken a l l the comrades took part in the discussion and the general outline of the p l a t f o r m of the Conference was adopted. It was decided that 150

one m a i n report, w h i c h I w a s charged w i t h drafting, as w e l l as t w o s u b s i d i a r y reports, one about the youth, the other about the w o m e n , w o u l d be d e l i v e r e d at the Conference. In regard to p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the C o n f e rence, we agreed in p r i n c i p l e on the c r i t e r i a and app o i n t e d a group of comrades to prepare the list of those to be i n v i t e d . T h e place at w h i c h the Conference w o u l d be h e l d was also discussed in that meeting. I h a d considered this matter i n advance a n d j o i n t l y w i t h some other comrades we h a d a r r i v e d at the o p i n i o n that we should h o l d the Conference in P e z a e M a d h e . I p u t this p r o posal to the m e e t i n g of the C e n t r a l Committee, backing it up w i t h a n u m b e r of arguments. The h o l d i n g of such a m e e t i n g in Peza, so close to Tirana, I p o i n t e d out, w i l l be a strong challenge t o the occupiers and M e r l i k a . B y h o l d i n g this event i n P e z a w e w i l l say t o t h e m : 'See, right u n d e r y o u r noses, we organized the Conference of the whole people to discuss the a r m e d u p r i s i n g . ' In this way, w e ' l l demonstrate to the i n v a d i n g e n e m y and the traitors the political, organizational a n d m i l i t a r y strength of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a . T h i s w i l l t e r r i f y and i n f u r i a t e the enemy, w h i l e it w i l l give the people c o u rage a n d confidence. T h a t was the p o l i t i c a l aspect of the question. In regard to the other aspect: e n s u r i n g the safety of the participants a n d the h o l d i n g of the Conference w i t h out incident, in this direction, too, P e z a f u l f i l l e d a l l the conditions. P e z a w a s the birthplace and battlefield of B a b M y s l i m . There, in P e z a e M a d h e the partisan f i g h t i n g forces made up of communists and peasant 151

patriots, l i k e the whole district of P e z a w h i c h had j o i n e d in the a r m e d struggle against the occupiers, w o u l d guarantee the peaceful conditions needed to conduct the m e e t i n g and take the historic decisions. T h e comrades agreed and it was decided that the meeting s h o u l d be h e l d in P e z a e M a d h e , w h i l e the question of the time, if I am not m i s t a k e n , was set for the m i d d l e of A u g u s t . I m m e d i a t e l y after this we set to w o r k p r e p a r i n g for the organization of the Conference. We w e r e aware that the Conference for w h i c h w e w e r e w o r k i n g w o u l d be a m a j o r event of historic importance, a concretization of the M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t l i n e of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a . T h e repercussions of it w o u l d be incalculable. At the J u l y meeting we h a d decided to seek the agreement of patriots and nationalists to participate in the Conference and w o u l d present to t h e m a g e n eral outline of its purpose, in order to enable t h e m to prepare themselves to speak, b u t for security reasons we w o u l d t e l l t h e m neither the day n o r the place. The meeting h a d to be a broad one, not in the n u m e r i c a l sense, however, because for reasons of secrecy a meeting w i t h 50 or a h u n d r e d people w o u l d not be suitable, but in the sense of its breadth of r e p r e sentation. It was important that the participants s h o u l d be m e n w i t h weight and i n f l u e n c e among the people, patriots w h o represented the c o u n t r y f r o m the N o r t h to the South. T h e names of a n u m b e r of outstanding patriots, l i k e M y s l i m Peza, H a x h i L l e s h i a n d M u s t a f a X h a n i , h a d long been on the list, a n d beside t h e i r names there was no question m a r k about t h e i r stand 152

towards the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . A b o u t the others w e h e l d c o n t i n u a l d i s cussions. Abaz K u p i m u s t b e i n v i t e d w i t h o u t fail, M u stafa G j i n i s h i said to me one day. Why w i t h o u t f a i l ? I asked h i m , m o s t l y to cool his ardour, because in fact we had decided to i n v i t e B a z i . He is a great patriot, said M u s t a f a in a less imperious tone. He fought in D u r r s on A p r i l 7. That he was in D u r r s I know, I replied. He m a y even have fought. B u t w h e t h e r he fought f o r A l b a n i a or for Zog, this I do not k n o w . I k n o w , also, I told h i m , that since he returned, not o n l y is B a z i doing no f i g h t i n g but s u r p r i s i n g l y , the Italians are not harassing h i m . D o y o u k n o w a n y t h i n g about this? He has influence i n K r u j a and M e r l i k a i s a f r a i d of him, r e p l i e d M u s t a f a . T i m e w i l l tell, I said and bent my head over the m a t e r i a l I had in front of me, i m p l y i n g that I was busy. M u s t a f a t u r n e d to leave, but w h e n he reached the door I s a i d : Listen, M u s t a f a , w h a t do y o u think, if we i n v i t e A b a z K u p i , w i l l h e come t o the Conference? G j i n i s h i brightened u p i m m e d i a t e l y and a p p r o a ched the table w h e r e I was w o r k i n g . Leave this i n m y hands, Comrade Taras! V e r y well, I said, you have a talk w i t h B a z i , a s t h o u g h c o m i n g f r o m you, w i t h o u t t e l l i n g h i m a n y t h i n g concrete, and take care, I instructed h i m , that B a z i does not t h i n k we are begging h i m to come. If he w a n t s to come w e l l and good, if he does not want to, let h i m go his o w n way. 153

I assure y o u he w i l l come! W i t h these words M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i left a n d w i t h o u t doubt, as it was to become clear later, he went to co-ordinate matters w i t h the other resident agent of the Intelligence Service, A b a z K u p i . ( 1 ) M e a n w h i l e , w e h a d been sounding people out and we k n e w that B a z i and other p r o - Z o g elements h a d said that t h e y w o u l d come. P r e c i s e l y in the heat of these preparations the comrades f r o m V l o r a proposed that w e s h o u l d i n v i t e S k n d e r M u o t o T i r a n a and t a l k w i t h h i m . I h a d h e a r d the name o f S k n d e r M u o b u t d i d not k n o w h i m p e r sonally. I had heard h i m w e l l spoken of in the i n t e l lectual circles in T i r a n a , he was said to be a capable l a w y e r and was advertized as a learned, erudite, clever m a n and not corrupted. I n T i r a n a , V l o r a a n d elsewhere, he had the reputation of a democrat a n d the c o m rades of V l o r a recommended h i m to us as a p r o m i s i n g element. He must have been a f e w years older than I, had studied jurisprudence in Italy. He was not one of those w h o w e r e openly opposed to Zog, b u t neither was he openly pro the regime. He was, so to say, a reluctant conformer and it was r u m o u r e d that p r e c i sely for this reason he h a d p r e f e r r e d to become a l a w y e r rather t h a n a judge and to be free a n d uncommitted. K n o w i n g a l l these things, as w e l l as the special i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h H y s n i K a p o ( 2 ) a n d the other comrades
______________________________________
1 Enver Hoxha,

The

Anglo-American

Threat

to

Albania

(Memoirs),
2 At

T i r a n a 1982, pp. 173-297, E n g . ed. time political secretary of the Vlora Regional

that

Committee of the C P A .

154

f r o m V l o r a sent us, we agreed to the proposal to meet h i m a n d i n f o r m e d the comrades that he should set out for T i r a n a . M e n t o r ( 1 ), one of the most active comrades in the region of V l o r a , escorted S k n d e r M u o . A t the appointed t i m e S k n d e r M u o , accompan i e d by M e n t o r , presented h i m s e l f at the base. It seems to me we h a d chosen the house of a legal patriotic f r i e n d , a i m i n g b o t h to m a k e some impression on this l a w y e r of the bourgeoisie and to enable h i m to see the r e a l i t y as it was, to be convinced that we h a d strong links w i t h other w e l l - k n o w n patriots, too, and that we w e r e not a f r a i d of the reprisals of the occupiers. We met, exchanged the usual greetings and w h e n I saw that S k n d e r was w a i t i n g f o r me to begin, I said t o h i m : N e i t h e r y o u nor I have time to waste M r . S k n der, therefore, I t h i n k that first I should present the v i e w s of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y about the situation a n d what m u s t be done in the f u t u r e . T h e n I, as representative of the P a r t y , w o u l d l i k e to hear y o u r opinion. V e r y well, S k n d e r M u o replied. T h e n I gave h i m a brief outline of the p o l i t i c a l situation and the war, pointed out the barbarities and aggressive nature of the G e r m a n nazis and Italian fascists, before going into o u r i n t e r n a l situation and p o i n t ing out b r o a d l y h o w we assessed it. O u r o p i n i o n is, a n d this we have begun to put into practice, I said c o n c l u d i n g this question, that a l l of us m u s t rise in the f i g h t against the occupiers, to repeat the epic of V l o r a of 1920 and a l l the heroic
__________________________________ 1 T h e pseudonym of I b r a h i m D e r v i s h i .

155

wars w h i c h the A l b a n i a n s have waged against various invaders since the time of Skanderbeg. But, M r . Hoxha, S k n d e r M u o objected i m mediately, allow me to r e m i n d y o u that present-day Italy is no longer the Italy of 1920. N o w . . . . I k n o w w h a t y o u w a n t to say, I i n t e r r u p t e d h i m , but we m u s t not be i n t i m i d a t e d by the strength of fascist Italy. If we study the h i s t o r y of the wars of our people, we s h a l l see that our enemies of a l l times have been m u c h greater, more p o w e r f u l , and w e l l armed, but o u r s m a l l people have never been a f r a i d . T h i s is an historical fact. O u r people have risen in insurrection, have fought and t r i u m p h e d in battle over their enemies, hence, although s m a l l t h e y have c o n quered them, just as D a v i d fought and conquered G o liath. A n d w e m u s t not forget either, M r . Sknder, that in our wars of the past we have a l w a y s been alone against the enemies. No state has supported us, either materially, p o l i t i c a l l y o r m o r a l l y . I n h i s t o r y w e w i l l f i n d o n l y some w r i t e r s or poets w h o subsequently wrote a book or a poem about the v a l i a n t deeds of Skanderbeg and the A l b a n i a n s and their great role in defending W e s t e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n f r o m the O t t o m a n i n v a sion. Today, however, I continued, matters are d i f ferent: the whole democratic w o r l d , a l l the progressive states, first of a l l the Soviet U n i o n , but also B r i t a i n , the U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a , and so on, have risen in struggle against the savage G e r m a n - I t a l i a n nazi-fascist beast. So, in this war, we are not alone, as in the past. B u t w e have t o consider h o w w e s h o u l d organize o u r selves, because, as the people say, 'If the baby does not cry, the mother does not p u t it to the breast'; if 156

we do not organize ourselves for w a r and rise and fight, neither the freedom, n o r the independence a n d sovereignty of the H o m e l a n d can be w o n . This is h o w our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y sees the s i t u a tion, a n d we have been w o r k i n g for some t i m e to r a l l y our people in a m i l i t a n t u n i t y , we are e x p l a i n i n g the aims of the w a r to the people a n d c o n v i n c i n g t h e m that o n l y i n this w a y w i l l the H o m e l a n d b e liberated a n d t h e i r desires and aspirations be realized. As our comrades in V l o r a have told you, we are w o r k i n g to unite the people in an anti-fascist organization a n d we have s t r i v e n and are s t r i v i n g to unite a l l the honest patriots, w h e r e v e r t h e y are, t a k i n g no account of their regional differences, religious beliefs, or p o l i t i c a l outlooks, r o u n d this p l a t f o r m w i t h the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a . F r o m this F r o n t w e m u s t exclude the A l b a n i a n fascists and traitors. T h i s w i l l be a f i g h t i n g Front, a great u n i o n of the w h o l e people to d r i v e fascism into the sea. I believe y o u understand these things w e l l , M r . M u o , because y o u originate f r o m h e roic Vlora. I understand them, said the l a w y e r , but to wage this war, as y o u say, requires arms. W h e r e are we going to f i n d the arms? M a n y have asked us this question, I replied, but we m u s t not forget that neither our forefathers, our grandfathers nor we today have had or have arms factories, but arms w e have h a d a n d w e w i l l have t h e m again. We s h a l l start w i t h those o l d rifles we possess, and t h e n we s h a l l seize the weapons f r o m the e n e m y b y f i g h t i n g a n d k i l l i n g h i m and attacking his depots. That is w h y M r . Sknder, I continued, we r e 157

gard the situation as favourable for the w a r and are optimistic about its outcome. T h e H o m e l a n d belongs to a l l of us, therefore a l l of us must defend it a n d f i g h t for its liberation. We consider that the cause of l i b e r a t i o n is not a m o n o p o l y of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a and its members alone, but a d u t y of the w h o l e people, therefore our P a r t y and its members are m e e t i n g and t a l k i n g openly w i t h a n u m b e r of democratic patriots and anti-fascists a l l over the c o u n t r y in o r d e r to organize a meeting, n a t u r a l l y in great secrecy f r o m the enemy, w h i c h we could c a l l an assembly or a c o n ference at w h i c h we s h a l l t a l k as brothers, as comrades in such a great cause as the cause of the w a r against the occupier for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d . At t h i s conference we should talk and decide to f i g h t together, should thrash out o u r opinions about h o w we should f i g h t w i t h weapons, w i t h the pen, w i t h policy, h o w w e should organize and lead this war, w h a t m i l i t a r y and political organs we have to set up in order to achieve the great success of l i b e r a t i o n . As I have t o l d y o u , o u r P a r t y has a series of ideas, but in general outline, w h a t I have told y o u constitutes o n l y the essence and basis of these ideas. I presented t h e m to y o u so that we c o u l d exchange opinions in p r i n c i p l e in order to achieve this historic meeting. Of course, y o u w i l l w a n t to express y o u r opinion, too, and I s h a l l listen to y o u w i t h the greatest attention and good w i l l . Sknder M u o listened c a r e f u l l y t o m y expos a n d for this I t h a n k e d h i m s a y i n g in c o n c l u s i o n : We believe that y o u , as a patriot and democrat, w i l l be for this m e e t i n g in p r i n c i p l e and we hope that y o u w i l l add the weight of y o u r a u t h o r i t y to assist this 158

sacred deed. N o w I g i v e y o u the floor to express y o u r opinion about the matters I p u t before you. As the l a w y e r he was, S k n d e r M u o began and ended his talk w i t h a n allegedly b r i l l i a n t logic w h i c h i n r e a l i t y was not i n the least b r i l l i a n t . H e began w i t h emphasis, s w i t c h e d to a c a l m tone, made assertions, r e t u r n e d to m e t a p h o r i c a l language, e m p l o y e d the phraseology of symbols, raised some doubts w i t h o u t asking direct questions and a r t f u l l y retracted w h a t he had said a l i t t l e earlier in order to a v o i d c o m m i t t i n g himself t o a n y definite decision. I n t a l k i n g w i t h h i m , I realized that the o n l y arguments w h i c h supported his r e p u t a t i o n as a clever a n d capable m a n w e r e his dodges, h i s incoherence in judgements and u n p r i n c i p l e d assertions and retractions. H i s ability and cleverness w e r e fictitious, the qualities of the l a w y e r w h o w i t h c u n n i n g and e m p t y rhetoric defended the g u i l t y before a bourgeois court, w h i c h represented n o t h i n g but a bourgeoisie w i t h thieves a n d criminals, f r o m the ranks of w h o m emerged those l a w - b r e a k e r s w h o m S k n d e r M u o defended. I n his conversation w i t h me, too, he t r i e d to appear b r i l l i a n t t h r o u g h the use of smooth and c a r e f u l l y chosen words, but his rhetoric and w o r d s c o u l d neither convince n o r impress us w h o were equipped w i t h M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t logic. In essence, this is w h a t he h a d to say: he agreed that the s i t u a t i o n of the country was d i f f i c u l t and condemned the fascist occupiers, posed as an a n t i fascist democrat, but d i d not f a i l to give me a l o n g tirade, although it was neither the place nor the m o ment, to convince me that the Italian people w e r e talented, fine, industrious and democratic and t h a t 159

t h e y should not be confounded w i t h the Italian fascists (!). I i n t e r r u p t e d h i m s a y i n g : Fascist Italy has i n v a d e d us and here we have on our backs w h o l e armies w h i c h we have to fight. As to w h a t the Italian people are in p r i n c i p l e , that's another matter, but at the m o m e n t M u s s o l i n i has engaged them in w a r against us, therefore we m u s t fight. Agreed, said S k n d e r M u o , but I cannot go a l l the w a y w i t h y o u r arguments that G e r m a n y a n d I t a l y w i l l be defeated a l l that easily. L o o k h o w t h e y have got the Soviet U n i o n , B r i t a i n , F r a n c e a n d so on on the r u n . T h e U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a is s t i l l not p r o p e r l y committed, therefore we s h o u l d look before we leap a n d not bite off m o r e t h a n we can chew. I cannot accept this assessment that y o u m a k e of the situation, I said. It is true that the A x i s countries have a t e m p o r a r y supremacy, b u t we m u s t not forget that H i t l e r ' s ' b l i t z k r i e g ' has f a i l e d a n d his armies are being engaged in a long a n d d i f f i c u l t w a r . T h e t i m e factor is w o r k i n g for the allies. Besides, the s i t u a t i o n b e h i n d the lines, and here I include A l b a n i a , is b e c o m i n g ever more w o r r y i n g for the occupiers. I am c o n f i d ent that the anti-fascist coalition of the peoples w i l l triumph. S k n d e r M u o listened to me w i t h the superior smile of a m a n w h o is w e l l acquainted w i t h these matters. M r . Hoxha, he said, you k n o w that I am a democrat and as such I hope for the v i c t o r y of B r i t a i n and A m e r i c a , and I add, of Russia, b u t I t h i n k we ought to w a i t s t i l l and a v o i d the devastating attacks, ought 160

to w a i t u n t i l our allies consolidate the fronts a n d l a u n c h t r i u m p h a n t counter-attacks and t h e n we should j o i n in. That is a l l v e r y w e l l , M r . Sknder, I said, but even f r o m the stand-point of s o l i d a r i t y w i t h the allies it is not r i g h t that we should not f i g h t w h e n they are f i g h t i n g . Y o u w a n t the allies to stabilize the f r o n t and, on the other hand, w a n t the fascists to have a quiet situation b e h i n d the lines. T h a t is not logical. F r o m the national aspect it is even worse. We have the e n e m y in our H o m e l a n d oppressing us and shedding our blood, t h e n s h o u l d w e not f i g h t and defend ourselves? S k a n derbeg cleared out f r o m T u r k e y , r e t u r n e d to the H o m e l a n d a n d began the w a r against the T u r k s . T h e n h o w can w e w h o are i n our o w n H o m e l a n d f a i l t o fight? T h a t w o u l d be a tragic and inexcusable error. Sknder Muo interrupted me: Don't m i s u n d e r s t a n d me, I w a n t to fight, b u t we are unorganized. Our c a l l is precisely that we s h o u l d organize ourselves, and in order to organize we m u s t meet, discuss and decide. T h i s is w h a t we propose. B u t we w o u l d not be equal in that m e e t i n g that y o u propose, objected S k n d e r M u o , you w i l l come as a P a r t y and we as individuals. Is there a n y other p a r t y in the country, M r . S k nder? I asked l o o k i n g h i m straight in the eye. No, there isn't, m u r m u r e d the l a w y e r . T h e n we are obliged to appeal to i n d i v i d u a l s . We k n o w that the i n d i v i d u a l s to w h o m we address our appeal have influence among other people and this pleases us, just as the existence of our P a r t y ought to please you. 161

That is so, said S k n d e r Muo, but we cannot agree w i t h the p r o g r a m of y o u r P a r t y ; y o u are for the establishment of soviets. Y o u are mistaken, I said. Our P a r t y has its p r o g r a m in w h i c h it speaks clearly of its aims. It does not say that we are going to establish soviets as in the Soviet U n i o n ; we have declared and declare again t h a t the people themselves w i l l decide the question of state power w h e n they are liberated. In fact, M r . Sknder, I can tell y o u that Zogite elements have agreed to come to the meeting, therefore w h a t y o u say is not a sound reason for y o u to refuse to come. Please understand me, M r . H o x h a , I have not yet said whether or not I s h a l l come, but I am a s k i n g some questions and seeking clarification. I have no objection at a l l to questions and c l a r i fications, I told h i m . W e l l then, continued S k n d e r M u o , for e x a m ple, w h y do y o u communists w e a r the star on y o u r cap and not the eagle? W h y do y o u place the r e d star over the head of the eagle on the flag? Excuse me for saying so, said Sknder, but Z o g added his c r o w n and Italy two axes to the eagle, w h i l e y o u place a red star. M r . Sknder Muo, I said, we communists have fought Z o g who k i l l e d and i m p r i s o n e d us, therefore we hate h i m and the c r o w n w h i c h he had placed on the flag and the eagle. No one can deny the fierce f i g h t w h i c h our P a r t y is w a g i n g against fascist Italy and the Lictor's fasces. Our star is the star of freedom, of that freedom w h i c h is w o n at the cost of blood by f i g h t i n g , it is the 162

s y m b o l of the n e w w o r l d , of a democratic A l b a n i a . O u r red star is the distinctive badge of partisans w h o are f i g h t i n g w i t h the star on their b r o w and the f l a g of A l b a n i a in t h e i r hand, w i t h the r e d star over the eagle. W h e n our people w a n t to define a v a l i a n t fighter t h e y call h i m an eagle, a brave m a n w i t h a star on his b r o w . T h i s is a r i g h t of ours and should not be an obstacle to y o u r c o m i n g to the meeting. Y o u c o u l d raise this question there, y o u are free to do so and as a j u r i s t y o u should k n o w that the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l M e e t i n g , w h i c h must be s u m m o n e d w h e n the c o u n t r y is liberated, w i l l decide both the f o r m of the regime and the flag, and it w i l l decide w h e t h e r or not the f l a g w i l l have a star. T h e n that is clear, said S k n d e r M u o . Thank y o u for y o u r expos and y o u r i n v i t a t i o n . I cannot accept it r i g h t now, because I m u s t r e t u r n to V l o r a , discuss i t w i t h m y f r i e n d s and w i l l send y o u m y answer. I trust that w i t h i n ten days we s h a l l have a positive answer. I t o l d h i m . Oh, c e r t a i n l y w i t h i n ten days. S o w e parted w i t h S k n d e r M u o . F r o m the c o n versation w h i c h I had, and I t o l d the comrades this, I f o r m e d the c o n v i c t i o n that the people and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r could not expect a n y good f r o m h i m . He was a bourgeois i n t e l l e c t u a l who, in his soul, w a s embued w i t h the features of that bourgeoisie w h i c h passed judgement on those l a w breakers he defended, but w h o c a r e f u l l y preserved his disguise as a democrat, and since he secured h i s income f r o m his occupation, he posed as a free professional m a n , independent of 163

any state power, w h o had his o w n independent o p i nion, w h i c h he t r i e d to d i s p l a y to me. Subsequently, the democrat S k n d e r M u o t u r n e d his r i f l e against the P a r t y and the people, and we r e p l i e d to this traitor w i t h the r i f l e . P r e c i s e l y at this time the comrades charged me w i t h proposing to B a h r i and his group to take part at the conference. I have h a d m a n y talks w i t h B a h r i O m a r i and his clan, I told the comrades, and I am c o n v i n c e d that a l l of t h e m have already chosen their course. We should t r y once more, Enver, the comrades told me, and y o u can do this best. Since y o u are charging me w i t h this task, I accept it, I replied. I went, met h i m a n d said, We t h i n k we ought to exchange opinions w i t h one another, we ought to i r o n out our disagreements and in the interest of the H o m e l a n d organize a j o i n t meeting against the e n e m y occupier just as the patriots of o u r c o u n t r y have done in the past, and so on. As I expected, B a h r i d i d not accept such a proposal. So I d i d not press the matter f u r t h e r with him. 1 told the comrades about the result of my meeting w i t h B a h r i and we decided to m a k e approaches to K o l T r o m a r a and S h e h K a r b u n a r a . Despite the doubt w h i c h I had about the success of this mission I undertook this task, too. I decided to m a k e contact w i t h the S h e h w i t h w h o m I m a i n t a i n e d good relations, b u t I d i d not get along at a l l w i t h K o l T r o m a r a and I k n e w that I could not talk to h i m . 164

S h e h K a r b u n a r a w a s not i n T i r a n a . H e stayed i n his religious residence in L u s h n j a . so I decided to get into contact w i t h h i m t h r o u g h his son, H y s e n , w i t h w h o m I was acquainted because he was the brotheri n - l a w o f S y r j a Selfo. M y relations w i t h h i m w e r e good and I had v i s i t e d h i m p r e v i o u s l y and d i d so later, too, w h e n I w a s w o r k i n g in illegality, because at that time H y s e n posed as being w i t h us. L i k e w i s e , d u r i n g the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r he posed as a s y m p a t h i z e r w i t h the war, but after L i b e r a t i o n he began to d i s p l a y his t r u e colours and was m i x e d up w i t h the enemies of the people such as Shefqet B e j a and others. I w e n t to H y s e n ' s house and said to h i m : Listen, H y s e n , y o u are to go to L u s h n j a to B a b a S h e h and say to h i m that E n v e r w a n t s a m e e t i n g w i t h y o u a n d K o l T r o m a r a and i f they like, also, w i t h S e j f i Vllamasi. H y s e n opened his eyes in surprise, but he agreed to c a r r y out my instructions. A p p a r e n t l y he was d y i n g to k n o w w h a t this was a l l about so he asked m e : If the S h e h asks me w h a t the meeting is about, what should I t e l l h i m ? T e l l h i m that E n v e r has something i m p o r t a n t t o t a l k over w i t h t h e m . J u s t that, I replied. I k n e w that the Sheh's curiosity w o u l d be t i c k l e d and he w o u l d agree to the meeting. Qorri (the blind) as we called H y s e n , because he had a wall-eye, set off for L u s h n j a . A f e w days later the news reached me at the illegal base where I was s t a y i n g that H y s e n w a n t e d to meet me. I w e n t to his house unexpected one night and 165

he t o l d me that the S h e h agreed in p r i n c i p l e to meet me, but w h e n he came to T i r a n a he w o u l d discuss the matter w i t h his friends and w o u l d let m e k n o w . E v e n t u a l l y the news came that S h e h K a r b u n a r a , K o l T r o m a r a , a n d S e j f i V l l a m a s i agreed to the meeti n g w h i c h w e w o u l d h o l d i n the home o f K o l K u q a l i , our c o m m o n f r i e n d . I accepted and went there at the appointed t i m e and date. G j i k K u q a l i was our c o m r a de, w h i l e his father, K o l , was a s y m p a t h i s e r of ours. W h e n i entered the r o o m I f o u n d the three h a d a r r i v e d before me. Shall I leave you? asked K o l K u q a l i . Not as far as I am concerned, I said, so long as our friends don't object. Bah, sneered K o l T r o m a r a , you c l i n g to the branches, w h i l e the t r u n k is ours, a l l u d i n g to G j i k and K o l . We have been friends w i t h the K u q a l i s in A m e r i c a , have been members of Vatra ( 1 ) together, continued K o l T r o m a r a . It's v e r y good that K u q a l i is y o u r f r i e n d and ours, I said to K o l , but I t h i n k that the w i n n e r is he who has both the t r u n k and branches w i t h him. O k a y then, and what has 'Comrade R e d ' got to tell us that he brought us here? said K o l T r o m a r a . I began to speak to t h e m about the need for the w a r against the occupiers and quislings, the need for a joint meeting at w h i c h we w o u l d f r e e l y express our opinions about the organization of this war, etc., etc.
_________________________________________ 1 Association created by the Albanian emigrants in the

U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a .

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W h e n I was done K o l T r o m a r a took the floor and gave me a lecture studded w i t h those opinions w i t h w h i c h I was f a m i l i a r f r o m B a h r i and others, but w i t h greater haughtiness and arrogance, indeed, even in insulting tones w i t h such expressions as I k n o w what y o u reds are up to, I've had to do w i t h you, you listen to Stalin, and so on. I i n t e r r u p t e d h i m and s a i d : M r . T r o m a r a , I have not come here to discuss ideological issues. I made no m e n t i o n of y o u r p o l i t i c a l views, although I, too, have p l e n t y I can say about you. Go on then, said K o l , we can h o l d our heads up. A n d we can hold our heads up, too, I said, and our conscience is clear. B u t I w a n t e d to meet y o u not to quarrel, although I am ready to do that too, if y o u like, but I have come to t r y to reach agreement, to put aside our differences for the sake of the great cause of liberation. But w h o do y o u t h i n k is going to liberate this H o m e l a n d and h o w w i l l it be done? he asked. The people, I replied, all of us, together w i t h the people t h r o u g h w a r and w i t h o u t compromise. W i t h o u t compromise! H a ! H a ! H a ! K o l T r o m a ra laughed i r o n i c a l l y , But what was it S t a l i n made with Hitler, M r . Red? T r o m a r a was r e f e r r i n g to the non-aggression pact w h i c h the Soviet government had concluded w i t h G e r m a n y in 1939 after a l l the proposals w h i c h it had made to B r i t a i n and F r a n c e for joint resistance to the nazi 167

danger had been refused. T h i s wise act of Stalin's, w h i c h b l e w up a l l the plans of those w h o w a n t e d to sit back and w a t c h the destruction of the Soviet U n i o n by H i t l e r i t e G e r m a n y , i n f u r i a t e d the reactionaries w h o began a compaign of slander, the echo of w h i c h we hear to this day, that S t a l i n allegedly made a c o m p r o mise w i t h H i t l e r , that the Soviet U n i o n d i v i d e d the spheres of influence w i t h G e r m a n y a n d so on and so forth. Stalin, I told h i m , offered his h a n d to y o u r C h a m b e r l a i n and Daladier, the f r i e n d of y o u r idol, Herriot, and they not o n l y refused his hand, but t r i e d to a n d succeeded in unleashing H i t l e r against the S o viet Union. Oh, said K o l , how m a n y times have I read this r u b b i s h f r o m M a u r i c e Thorez i n P a r i s ! M r . K o l Tromara, I replied, s t r i v i n g to keep calm, you asked me a question, I replied. It is no fault of m i n e that y o u a p p a r e n t l y are not w e l l a c q u a inted w i t h recent history. W e ' d better r e t u r n to the point we had reached in the conversation. I t o l d y o u the people w i l l wage the w a r and we together w i t h the people. W h a t have y o u to say about this? It seems to me that these ways y o u are using to change the essence of the conversation and dodge the issue are not good and show that y o u do not want to r e p l y to my question. A r e y o u or are y o u not going to f i g h t against fascist Italy together w i t h its ally, n a z i G e r many, w h i c h the whole w o r l d is f i g h t i n g ? K o l T r o m a r a snorted and said n o t h i n g . W h e n h e saw that K o l was hard-pressed, S h e h K a r b u n a r a took a h a n d in the conversation. 168

We are going to fight. Since the E n g l i s h are f i g h t i n g , we s h a l l fight, too, said the Sheh. T h e n the m a i n t h i n g unites us, I t o l d them, and this is the c r u c i a l issue. A r e we going to go to w a r w i t h f i v e pence in our pocket? W h e r e are y o u r weapons? said K o l rudely. F r o m w h a t M r . K o l says, I said addressing S h e h K a r b u n a r a , it seems to me that he does not w a n t to f i g h t even in principle. I hoped to d r i v e a wedge between K o l and the Sheh, but this was not successful, because the S h e h , scratching his beard, s a i d : What K o l said is right. W h e r e are our weapons? Italy has stores f u l l of them. We m u s t capture t h e m f r o m Italy and in order to capture t h e m we m u s t dare to fight, I replied. M r . K o l , y o u k n o w Danton's words 'Courage, courage and courage again'. We are Cartesians and put reason, logic, above everything, r e p l i e d K o l . It seems to me that y o u are Cartesians o n l y in words, because if y o u had some sort of reason and were to analyse the situation at least as Descartes d i d , our talks w o u l d have h a d some result. At least, l a y y o u r cards on the table M r . Kol, I said. If y o u are a rationalist, as y o u claim, don't complicate matters as y o u are doing, and s h o w yourself at least a nationalist. H o w e v e r , K o l had put i n the w o r d Cartesian o n l y to impress the S h e h and S e j f i w h o had never heard the name of Descartes. S e j f i V l l a m a s i j u m p e d in 169

and repeated the old r e f r a i n of the pseudo-patriotic fathers: That's a l l v e r y w e l l , Enver, but have y o u c o n s i dered that if y o u f i g h t this means that people w i l l be k i l l e d and the c o u n t r y devastated? We have great responsibility for this. W h e n y o u decide to fight, M r . Sejfi, I replied, you m a y be k i l l e d , but y o u w i l l also k i l l , the e n e m y w i l l devastate the country, but we w i l l destroy them, too. T h e whole w o r l d is in flames. W h y is it in flames? W h y is it f i g h t i n g ? Because it wants to be liberated f r o m nazi-fascist slavery. D o y o u gentlemen t h i n k y o u w i l l be an exception to this l a w of the w a r ? No, r e p l i e d S e j f i , we intend to fight and to manoeuvre politically, that is, to t r i c k t h e m so that the meat is roasted w i t h o u t b u r n i n g the spit. That is the wisest course, said the Sheh, and that is the course that we must follow. B u t this means don't fight, but collaborate w i t h the occupier, B a b a Sheh, that course is suicide! I t o l d them. No, we communists are for a course c o m pletely opposite to yours. Then w h a t do y o u w a n t from us? said K o l raising his head f l u s h e d w i t h anger, Go and fight, no one is stopping you. No, we have not asked and are not a s k i n g y o u for permission to fight, but the P a r t y is appealing to you to fight together w i t h us, and this we consider a patriotic duty. M r . Enver, h o w are we to go to this meeting? asked S e j f i V l l a m a s i . 170

In secret ways, I replied, and I e x p l a i n e d to t h e m i n general the m a i n v i e w s w h i c h o u r P a r t y w o u l d present f o r discussion. W h i l e I was m a k i n g these e x p l a nations K o l i n t e r r u p t e d m e : H o w are y o u going to the meeting, as i n d i v i d u a l s l i k e us, or as a P a r t y ? A s a P a r t y , obviously. H o w b e a u t i f u l l y the reds have w o r k e d it out! T h e y go as a P a r t y w h i l e we are to go there l i k e pigs so that t h e y can lead us by the nose, said T r o m a r a to his friends. What y o u say is not true, I r e p l i e d to K o l . It's not our f a u l t that y o u have no party. K o l i n t e r r u p t e d again s a y i n g : Then w a i t t i l l we f o r m a p a r t y and are equal. A l l o w me to finish, I said to T r o m a r a . Second, we have no i n t e n t i o n of leading anyone by the nose and w o u l d never p e r m i t ourselves such a t h i n g . As for w a i t i n g u n t i l y o u f o r m a party, w h i c h y o u m a y o r m a y not do, this cannot be a reason for us not to meet. But w h o w i l l be the others at the meeting? asked the Sheh. We have i n v i t e d a l l those patriots w h o m we t h i n k w i l l be ready to f i g h t for the Homeland, I replied, Some of t h e m have agreed to come and we are s t i l l t a l k i n g w i t h the others. I, for example, am charged w i t h the task of getting y o u r agreement. That's a l l v e r y w e l l , Enver, said the Sheh, but we should w a i t a bit to see h o w the situation develops and what we are going to do. W h y do we need to meet. Moreover, y o u propose to meet in secrecy! Baba Sheh, I t o l d h i m , our people have never 171

taken historic decisions hastily. H a v e y o u forgotten the Congress of L u s h n j a w h i c h was h e l d near y o u r tekke! Do I have to tell y o u w h y that congress w a s held, w h y w e needed that congress, a n d w h y w e d i d not w a i t a bit before h o l d i n g it? No, B a b a S h e h , y o u r idea is not reasonable. Seeing that his f r i e n d was w a v e r i n g , T r o m a r a said angrily: M r . E n v e r , do y o u w a n t the answer f r o m us? H e r e it is: We do not accept y o u r proposal, we do not agree and w i l l not collaborate w i t h you. That is quite clear, I t o l d them, but y o u are assuming a grave r e s p o n s i b i l i t y before the people a n d history. We have no f u r t h e r obligations to y o u . B u t let me tell y o u that we are going to f i g h t the occupiers and the traitors, are going to h o l d the m e e t i n g e v e n w i t h o u t y o u , because the people are and w i l l be w i t h us! (I was disgusted w i t h them, but I managed to k e e p cool d u r i n g the w h o l e t i m e that the conversation c o n tinued, some f i v e hours.) I stood up, t h a n k e d o u r f r i e n d K o l K u q a l i , shook hands c o l d l y w i t h the others and left. N o t h i n g else could be expected f r o m s u c h elements. H o w e v e r , w h i l e these false patriots d e m a n d e d time to t h i n k it over or f o u n d a thousand a n d one justifications to sabotage the u n i t y of the people in their u n c o m p r o m i s i n g war, the people themselves, t o gether w i t h the communists, d i d not waste t i m e t h i n k i n g the matter over or in academic discussions. T h e r e a l i t y was s h o w i n g w i t h numerous examples that, under the leadership of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , the armed struggle and the p o l i t i c a l organization of the masses were being raised to a h i g h e r l e v e l and one of 172

the m a i n l i n k s in the p r o g r a m of the P a r t y , the f o r m a t i o n of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front, was being achieved. T h e m o m e n t had come to sanction its f o u n d i n g de jure.

4. September 16, 1942

T h e people, w i t h the communists in the forefront, w e r e w r i t i n g glorious pages in their age-old history. I n V l o r a , Skrapar, K u r v e l e s h , Elbasan, Prmet, D i b r a , S h k o d r a , Mat, and elsewhere actions w e r e being carr i e d out and units and eta raised ; in T i r a n a the w o m e n h e l d a p o w e r f u l demonstration, in w h i c h t h e y clashed w i t h the fascists, against the i n t e r n m e n t of their sons on the Italian islands; on J u l y 24, 1942, the telephone and telegraph lines w e r e cut; the people's w a r was b e c o m i n g a reality, just as the panic w h i c h h a d seized the e n e m y was becoming a reality. D u r i n g this period, together w i t h the j o y o f v i c tories we w e r e also to feel great grief over the c o m rades w h o f e l l w i t h h o n o u r on the f i e l d of battle. In S h k o d r a the h i s t o r y of Oso K u k a ( 1 ) was to be repeated
____________________________________ 1 Commander of an Albanian volunteer unit in the 60's

of the 19th century. F i g h t i n g for the defence of the A l b a n i a n territories, he was encircled by M o n t e n e g r i n bands in a house near the S h k o d r a L a k e a n d rather than f a l l in their hands, blew up the house with himself and his 23 men together w i t h m a n y of his M o n t e n e g r i n enemies.

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b y P e r l a t R e x h e p i , B r a n k o K a d i a and J o r d a n M i s j a ( 1 ) , w h i l e such communists a s M y z a f e r A s q e r i u i n G j i r o kastra. T e l i N d i n i i n V l o r a . M i s t o M a m e and M i h a l D u r i in T i r a n a , were to raise the popular and p a r t i s a n heroism to h i g h e r levels. T h e reports about their heroic sacrifice f o u n d me in the heat of the w o r k for the preparation of the Conference of Peza. I overcame my grief and sat d o w n again to prepare the report. T h e r u m b l e of the w a r w h i c h the people, headed by the communists, h a d launched and w h i c h had to g r o w even stronger after the Conference, must echo in every phrase of it. T h e t i m e gave no one greater right than the communists to appeal to the people for merciless w a r against the enemy that h a d occupied the country, in the new h i s t o r y w h i c h was being w r i t t e n w i t h the blood of the finest sons of the people no one could emerge w i t h greater pride and honour t h a n the communists. A b o u t the b e g i n n i n g of A u g u s t I had completed the report w h i c h I was to d e l i v e r at the Conference of Peza and m e a n w h i l e I had also drafted a R e s o l u t i o n w h i c h w o u l d be presented to the participants in the Conference for their approval. M e a n w h i l e w e had r e ceived positive answers f r o m a large n u m b e r of those invited. F o r our part we appointed a delegation w h i c h was to represent the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a as
________________________________ 1 Similarly, these three communists, besieged in a house in Shkodra, sacrificed their lives in J u n e 1942 after a heroic fight against hundreds of carabinieri and m i l i t i a w h o , f a i l i n g repeatedly to bomb it. to take the house in which the communists had entrenched themselves, w e r e compelled to c a l l in an a i r c r a f t

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w e l l as the C o m m u n i s t y o u t h and the A l b a n i a n a n t i fascist w o m e n at the Conference, and w e r e ready and had taken a l l the necessary measures; Bab M y s l i m was o n l y a w a i t i n g the precise date and l i k e w i s e H a x h i L l e s h i , M u s t a f a X h a n i and some others. W e had decided on a date in the m i d d l e of August, or a little later, as the day w h e n the Conference should commence its proceedings, but m a n y nationalists l i k e L u m o S k n d o and company either delayed g i v i n g us their replies or sought to postpone a little the date because t h e y were not prepared and so the days w e r e going by while we waited. Of course we could not postpone the meeting i n d e finitely. We s h a l l a l l o w these gentlemen, 'the fathers of the n a t i o n ' just a little longer, but if they don't come we w i l l hold the m e e t i n g w i t h o u t them, I t o l d the comrades one day. Thus, we f i n a l l y decided that we should h o l d the Conference in the m i d d l e of September. In the first ten days of September the other c o m rades and I established ourselves in P e z a and m o v e d o n l y w h e n this became essential. There we h a d e s t a b l i shed a s m a l l p r i n t i n g press on w h i c h the materials that the Conference approved, the Resolution, an appeal, leaflet, or c o m m u n i q u e w o u l d be p r i n t e d . Those w e r e days f u l l of tension, because although the measures had been taken in time, there were problems right up to the last moment. On the eve of the Conference we also held a m e e t i n g of the C e n t r a l Committee there, at which we discussed m a i n l y the p o l i t i c a l event w h i c h we were organizing. Besides the members of the P r o v i s 175

i o n a l C e n t r a l Committee, K r i s t o Themelko, R a m a d a n i t a k u , T u k J a k o v a and me, N a k o S p i r u also took part a s political secretary o f the C o m m u n i s t Y o u t h o f A l bania as w e l l as K o o Tashko as the comrade in charge o f the w o r k w i t h the nationalists. A t the m e e t i n g w e approved the report w h i c h I was to deliever and the t w o other reports. Special measures were taken by the P a r t y c e l l of the eta as w e l l as by its commander M y s l i m P e z a to protect the Conference f r o m a n y possible attack by the enemy. To this end partisan patrols h a d been stationed at a l l points f r o m w h i c h the movements of the enemy forces could be observed a n d on a l l the tracks on w h i c h their movements could be h i n d e r e d . T h e p r o v i s i o n of food was a p r o b l e m in itself. T h e comrades of T i r a n a as w e l l as the patriotic peasants of Peza were able to ensure that the participants l a c k e d nothing d u r i n g those days. W h e n I say nothing this does not m e a n that the comrades had secured roast m e a t and sweets, but we were not short of bread, stew a n d an occasional piece of cheese. Those i n v i t e d began to a r r i v e after the f i r s t ten days of September and by the e v e n i n g of the 15th the m a j o r i t y were there. We decided to w a i t no longer. If someone came d u r i n g the n i g h t w e l l and good, b u t the Conference w o u l d begin i n the m o r n i n g . In Peza I had my first meeting w i t h Baba Faja M a r t a n e s h i , w h o h a d come together w i t h H a x h i L l e s h i . B a b a Faja's sincere face and quiet m a n n e r of speaking made an immediate impression on me. In those f e w d a y s w h i c h h e stayed i n Peza, H a x h i L l e s h i also had a m e e t i n g w h i c h surprised h i m . 176

In one of the breaks in the meeting H a x h i was t e l l i n g me about the situation in D i b r a , about the influence o f bayraktars l i k e F i q r i D i n e and S e l i m K a loshi a n d the fanaticism w h i c h p r e v a i l e d especially over the girls and w o m e n in that district. This i n f l u e n c e w i l l be smashed, I t o l d h i m , and the patriotic people of D i b r a w i l l come over to the w a r and the P a r t y . T h e w o m e n and girls i n D i b r a w i l l awaken, too, a n d their energies w i l l burst out. A l i t t l e w h i l e back, H a x h i told me, H a k i S t r m i l l i t o l d me about a g i r l w h o h a d w r i t t e n h i m a w o n d e r f u l letter about his book 'Were I a B o y ' . He read me the letter w h i c h the g i r l h a d signed w i t h the p s e u d o n y m ' F l a k a ' (Flame) and H a k i said to me, 'Look, H a x h i , w h a t f i r e i s latent i n the A l b a n i a n women'. I laughed because I already k n e w w h o F l a k a was and I asked H a x h i : W o u l d y o u l i k e to meet F l a k a ? Where is she? he e x c l a i m e d in surprise. I despatched a comrade and a little w h i l e later N e x h m i j e came. Here she is, I t o l d H a x h i . Let me introduce y o u . T h i s comrade i s N e x h m i j e X h u g l i n i o r ' F l a k a ' that H a k i S t r m i l l i spoke to y o u about. But y o u are f r o m D i b r a ! exclaimed H a x h i , w h o knew Nexhmije's family well. T h e two of t h e m w e r e h a p p y to meet and I saw that H a x h i was pleased that a g i r l f r o m D i b r a was taking part a c t i v e l y in the w o r k of the w a r and the P a r t y . T h e f o l l o w i n g m o r n i n g , on September 16, 1942, the meeting w h i c h has gone d o w n and w i l l r e m a i n i n history as the 1st N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference of the 177

A l b a n i a n people, or the Conference of Peza for short, commenced. F o r the whole A l b a n i a n people and for us communists, in particular, this was a red-letter day. The years w h i c h have passed since have not d i m i n i s h e d the significance and historic importance of this event, but on the c o n t r a r y the colossal value of this historic event stands out even more c l e a r l y f r o m the heights to w h i c h the P a r t y has raised our beloved Homeland. We held the Conference in a hall, or rather in a big room, (it could h a r d l y be called a hall!) in Bab [ M y s l i m Peza's] house, w i t h a table at the head a n d filled w i t h chairs and forms. T h e comrades engaged in the organization had done their utmost to decorate t h e room. At the entrance, over the door, t h e y h a d placed a thick piece of cardboard w i t h the w o r d s : Welcome to the delegates!. Inside, on the walls, t h e y had h u n g our national f l a g and the portraits of heroes and outstanding figures in the h i s t o r y of our people, S k a n derbeg, Ismail Qemali, N a i m F r a s h r i , L u i g j G u r a k u q i , B a j r a m C u r r i and A v n i R u s t e m i , i n this w a y u n d e r l i n i n g the c o n t i n u i t y of the wars for freedom, w h i c h our people had waged d u r i n g the centuries against a n y invader and enslaver. We took o u r places on the chairs and the forms, each sitting alongside his o w n friends and a c q u a i n t a n ces. Of course there was no protocol in the seating of the participants, but the v e r y places w h i c h each one took automatically indicated his position. B a b M y s l i m , H a x h i and M u s t a f a X h a n i h a d sat d o w n beside us, the delegates of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , A b a z K u p i w a s alongside Ndoc oba, both representatives of the Z o 178

gite trend, the nationalists of M i t h a t B e y ' s school a bit to one side, and so on. A l l t o l d 17 delegates took part in the Conference. T h e delegation of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a was made up of E n v e r H o x h a , R a m a d a n i t a k u , Y m e r D i s h n i c a , K o o Tashko and M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i , N a k o S p i r u represented the A n t i fascist Y o u t h and N e x h m i j e X h u g l i n i the A n t i - f a s c i s t W o m e n at the Conference. T h e nationalist youth w e r e represented by H a l i m Begeja, w h o w a s also the delegate of the father of patriotism, L u m o Skndo, w h o d i d not come himself. In opening the m e e t i n g on behalf of the delegat i o n of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y w h i c h was the i n i t i a t o r of the Conference, I t h a n k e d the delegates for t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n and proposed that N d o c oba, as the oldest present, s h o u l d be c h a i r m a n of the meeting. N d o c oba h a d been a m e m b e r of the government w h i c h emerged f r o m the Congress of L u s h n j a and since that t i m e h a d enjoyed the reputation of an ardent patriot. L a t e r he became one of the leaders of L e g a l i teti and placed h i m s e l f openly in the service of the occupiers. A n o t h e r delegate proposed N e x h m i j e X h u g l i n i as secretary of the m e e t i n g to keep the minutes, etc. T h e proposals w e r e approved and N d o c o b a took the chair. T h e m e e t i n g was declared open, the historic Conference o f P e z a commenced. At firts a l l present rose to t h e i r feet to sing the N a t i o n a l A n t h e m and t h e n stood i n silence i n m e m o r y of the f a l l e n in the A n t i - f a s c i s t W a r . At these moments a partisan of the eta of P e z a entered the r o o m w i t h a camera to take some pictures, but on the insistence 179

of Ndoc o b a he was not a l l o w e d to photograph those t a k i n g part in the Conference. A f t e r a little discussion d u r i n g w h i c h the agenda was adopted, I was g i v e n the floor to d e l i v e r the m a i n report on the national liberation councils. Since this report has been lost I s h a l l t r y to give a s u m m a r y of the m a i n points w h i c h were dealt w i t h i n i t and w h i c h constituted the basic m o b i l i z i n g principles w h i c h the P a r t y presented to the Conference of the representatives of the A l b a n i a n people. N o w these principles have become historic. T h e N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and l i f e completely c o n f i r m e d their correctness. T h e m a i n f u n d a m e n t a l idea w h i c h was presented by the C e n t r a l Committee of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a at the Conference of P e z a w a s the unification of the whole Albanian people and their organization in the war against the occupiers. T h i s was the c a r d i n a l point w h i c h I, on behalf of the C e n t r a l Committee, elaborated to the Conference in the m a i n report on the national liberation councils. In p a r t i c u l a r I stressed in the report: These are tragic moments for the fate of the H o m e l a n d and the people. F a c e d w i t h the c r u e l r e a l i t y of the fascist occupation the people m u s t be u n i t e d to a man, the things w h i c h m i g h t d i v i d e us in o u r ideological, religious and other beliefs m u s t be put aside and we should mobilize a n d l i n k ourselves w i t h one another for a great cause: for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d , for the salvation of the people as a f o r m e d n a t i o n in order to bar the w a y to the predatory aims of the enemies who, at a l l periods, have operated in order to split us up a n d to d e n y our existence as a nation. He 180

w h o t r u l y loves the people and wants to see the H o m e l a n d free, independent a n d sovereign, m u s t display this now, irrespective of his p o l i t i c a l convictions, r e l i gious beliefs or his region of o r i g i n . The w a r against the Italian fascist invaders and their collaborators, the report stressed, is the o n l y alternative for the true patriots. A n y other course leads to n a t i o n a l a n d i n d i v i d u a l captivity, enslavement and m i s e r y . T h e Italian enemy and the quislings w a n t to d i v i d e us, to split us, and their m a i n a i m is to isolate the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a f r o m the people and the war. F o r the enemy occupier this objective is decisive. F o r the l i b e r a t i o n of the people and the H o m e l a n d , however, the existence and f i g h t of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a at the head of the people, w h o are f i g h t i n g and resisting, is decisive. W h e n I reached this part of my report, I noticed that some of those present reacted by fidgeting or e x c h a n g ing whispers. Of course, I expected that some of them, l i k e B a z i , the nationalist elements, l i k e H a l i m Begeja and one or two others, w o u l d be none too h a p p y about the leading role of the P a r t y , but we h a d decided we must stress this factor strongly and h a d prepared ourselves to r e p l y to t h e i r open reactions. H o w e v e r , there was no such reaction and I continued w i t h the report w i t h the a i m of m a k i n g things clear to those elements i n w h o m the f i l t h y a n t i - c o m m u n i s t p r o p a ganda of the occupiers and quislings m i g h t have taken root to one extent or another. I w e n t on to deal w i t h the problems of the c o n crete p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y organization of our war, saying in substance: 181

Our w a r is a national l i b e r a t i o n war w h i c h has as its objective the complete l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d and the establishment of a democratic regime, the f o r m of w h i c h the people themselves w i l l decide after liberation. Hence, our w a r w i l l be a p o l i t i c a l and military war. In order to achieve these two great objectives, it is necessary to organize the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e ration Front, w h i c h w i l l have national l i b e r a t i o n c o u n cils a l l over the c o u n t r y a n d the partisan eta, w h i c h are the a r m e d forces of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t . L a t e r we s h a l l go on to f o r m bigger units and w i l l also set up the G e n e r a l Staff. The A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t w i l l be extended a l l over our c o u n t r y in the liberated and non-liberated zones a n d its a c t i v i t y w i l l be a c c o m p l i shed t h r o u g h the national l i b e r a t i o n councils. T h e n a tional l i b e r a t i o n councils, continued the report, w i l l c a r r y out the p o l i t i c a l a n d propaganda work, the m o b i l i z a t i o n of people for the w a r a n d for resistance, and w i l l ensure m a t e r i a l supplies of e v e r y sort for the eta, w h i l e in liberated places and zones, in w h i c h the old oppressive state power w i l l be l i q u i d a t e d to its f o u n d ations, these councils w i l l b e a n d w i l l a f f i r m t h e m s e l ves as the n e w people's democratic state power, a n d in their f o r m and content, w i l l be n o t h i n g l i k e either the feudal bourgeois state a d m i n i s t r a t i o n or the o l d c o u n cils of elders. These w i l l be councils w i t h a n e w c o n tent and spirit, because those t a k i n g part in t h e m w i l l be m e n of the people, fighters f r o m a l l strata and of a l l religious and p o l i t i c a l beliefs, p r o v i d e d o n l y t h e y are anti-fascists and f i g h t against the occupiers. 182

I went on to speak concretely about the organization and leadership of the partisan eta w h i c h w o u l d be the e m b r y o of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y of the A l b a n i a n people. A m o n g other things, I s a i d : The partisan eta w i l l be led by commanders w h o m a y be communists, n o n p a r t y patriots, and at the same time, by p o l i t i c a l c o m missars w h o must be communists. T h e decisions must be t a k e n j o i n t l y by the commander and the commissar in complete h a r m o n y ; in the relations between t h e m and towards t h e m there m u s t not be any d i s c r i m i n a tion. T h e partisan eta w i l l fight u n d e r our national flag, under the f l a g of Skanderbeg, the f l a g w h i c h Ism a i l Q e m a l i raised i n V l o r a . O n their caps the p a r t i sans w i l l w e a r the f i v e - p o i n t e d r e d star w h i c h s y m b o lizes a b r i l l i a n t n e w era, w h i c h is being opened up to the H o m e l a n d and our people. In the report on the national l i b e r a t i o n councils I also stressed as a m a i n issue that the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a , the o n l y p a r t y in the country, leads the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the doors of the F r o n t w i l l be open to a n y person w h o wants to fight against the enemy and, who as an i n d i v i d u a l , considers the F r o n t his o w n , in w h i c h he can f r e e l y express his opinions and suggestions in f a v o u r of the National Liberation War. As to the question of the admission of other p a r ties to the Front, this was not raised at those moments, because no such parties existed. No other class, s t r a tum, or p o l i t i c a l g r o u p i n g had emerged w i t h its o w n party o r w i t h a n y p r o g r a m for national liberation. A n d any organization w h i c h was created after the C o n f e 183

rence of Peza, l i k e the B a l l i K o m b t a r , was n o t h i n g but a creation of the fascist occupiers a n d other f o r e i g ners to h i n d e r the l i b e r a t i o n of the country. In the report I d w e l t in p a r t i c u l a r on the role and concrete tasks of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils and on the practical organization of o u r w o r k in order to intensify the setting up of the councils a l l over the country. A f t e r reporting o n the w o r k w h i c h h a d been done up t i l l that t i m e a n d the results w h i c h had been achieved, amongst other things, I pointed out: The councils, w h i c h m u s t be f o r m e d f r e e l y by the people, should be set up both in the liberated zones and in the zones not yet liberated. Of course, in the villages and towns w h i c h are in the hands of the enemy, it is impossible to h o l d open and broad elections, but we s h a l l w o r k to ensure that these secret elections have the broadest possible representation so that those w h o become members of the councils are precisely those persons w h o m the people k n o w a n d want. A f t e r I had delivered the report it was t h r o w n open to discussion. M y s l i m strongly supported the t h e ses of the P a r t y . R e p l y i n g to the dodges of the n a tionalists w h o had no desire to c o m m i t themselves concretely to the w a r against the occupiers, he asked the question: When are we going to f i g h t ? We cannot w a i t a n y longer. T o d a y there are o n l y t w o courses: either to fight against the occupier together w i t h the people or to f i g h t against the people; one t h i n g is t r u e : the people no longer trust those 'nationalists' w h o appeal to us to wait. 184

B a b a F a j a M a r t a n e s h i , H a x h i L l e s h i and others also took the same stand. In their contributions the other comrades of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y delegation gave an outline of the international situation and p o i n ted out its repercussions on the i n t e r n a l situation. A p a r t f r o m o u r comrades, others present who, as time showed, h a d come to P e z a w i t h different aims, also spoke at the meeting. In general t h e y expressed agreement w i t h the report as w e l l as w i t h the w a r against the occupier, but by means of f o r m a l objections they t r i e d to d i v e r t the Conference f r o m its concrete a n d m i l i t a n t decisions. One nationalist democrat present w h o subseque n t l y became a Ballist, expressed h i m s e l f for the Front, but f r o m his n a r r o w and distorted concepts he w a n t e d to restrict the role of the Conference of Peza b y c o m p a r i n g i t w i t h the Congress o f L u s h n j a w h i c h was s u m m o n e d against the government of D u r r s . It was p l a i n that this person's inclinations w e r e for the creation of a democratic government by o v e r t h r o w ing that o f M u s t a f a K r u j a rather t h a n for the w a r against the occupiers, w h i c h he forgot to stress. What y o u propose is utter nonsense, I said in r e p l y t o h i m . Do y o u t h i n k the occupier w i l l a l l o w y o u to o v e r t h r o w M e r l i k a a n d establish a democratic government? On t h e contrary, the occupier himself m a y o v e r t h r o w M e r l i k a and put another M e r l i k a i n his place. T o d a y the problems of the people and the H o m e l a n d cannot be solved by government combinations, but o n l y by w a r against the occupiers and traitors. W h e n the w a r has been extended, w h e n we have our o w n army, w h e n we set up and strengthen the c o u n 185

cils, t h e n we s h a l l set up our o w n government, not w i t h the a p p r o v a l and signature of the D u c e and H i t ler, but signed w i t h the r i f l e of the people. H a l i m Begeja, w h o came as representative of the nationalist youth but in fact was the eyes and ears of M i t h a t F r a s h r i and his clan, also spoke allegedly in f a v o u r of the w a r and the Front, but in fact he wanted to eliminate f r o m t h e m the leadership of the P a r t y w h i c h w o u l d give t h e m their m i l i t a n t spirit. We admit that the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y is c a r r y i n g on extensive a c t i v i t y . . . , he said. It was precisely this fact that t e r r i f i e d the occupiers and traitors, therefore, by means of their tools, they were bound to t r y to m i n i m i z e , indeed to eliminate, the role of the P a r t y in the N a t i o n a l L i b eration F r o n t . Therefore, the spokesman for M i t h a t B e y proposed: There should be no leading p a r t y in the F r o n t . Those who a f f i r m themselves in the course of the w a r should lead it. If c o m m u n i s m t r i u m p h s there is no force w h i c h can stop it. A n d l i k e w i s e for nationalism. T h i s youth leader w h o became one of the l e a d ing figures of the B a l l i s t youth, this patriot w h o abandoned the H o m e l a n d and took to his heels together w i t h the G e r m a n occupiers, w a n t i n g to prevent the participation of our y o u t h in the war, also s a i d : We are of the o p i n i o n and insist that the y o u t h should be w i t h d r a w n f r o m the f i g h t i n g activities, because w i t h its tender age it is incapable of c o n t r o l l i n g its o w n actions or opinions. Then, w h o is to do the fighting, o n l y the elderl y ? asked one of our comrades. 186

A r i p p l e of laughter r a n r o u n d the r o o m w h e r e we were gathered, because everyone understood that w i t h out the y o u t h there could be no thought of the w a r for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d . H e r e I w a n t to j u m p ahead a little in the order of events w h i c h was f o l l o w e d at the Conference to m e n t i o n that this p r o b l e m was dealt w i t h e x t e n s i v e l y i n the report The y o u t h i n the w a r against the occupier. In this report, as w e l l as in that w h i c h N e x h m i j e d e l i v e r e d o n the deplorable situation and patriotic r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t y of the w o m e n and girls, the great importance of the w o r k e r , peasant and school y o u t h a n d the w o m e n w o r k e r s and peasants and housewives in this great w a r was raised and backed w i t h sound arguments. In these t w o reports it was argued that w i t h o u t a w a k e n i n g the y o u t h , w o m e n and girls and u n i t i n g t h e m a r o u n d the great a i m of l i b e r ation, w i t h o u t engaging t h e m in the war, in active r e sistance, e v e r y t h i n g w o u l d t u r n out weak, the sound and v i t a l forces of the H o m e l a n d w o u l d not be t o u g h e n ed, but on the contrary, w o u l d be enfeebled. The enemy m u s t not be a l l o w e d to corrupt a n y w o m a n or a n y boy or g i r l politically, was the line stressed at the Conference. In their contributions to the discussion most of those present at the Conference enthusiastically approved the judgements and proposals of the C e n t r a l Committee of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a about the f u n d a m e n t a l problems w h i c h w e r e presented. E v e n A b a z K u p i , the representative of the Zogite trend, and some others approved the p l a t f o r m of Peza, not because t h e y l i k e d it, but because t h e y intended to disguise themselves in order to act, as they did, in 187

opposition to the F r o n t and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . T h e question of the regime w h i c h w o u l d be established in A l b a n i a after the w a r was also raised at t h e Conference. T h i s was a delicate question a l t h o u g h f o r the P a r t y the perspective was quite clear. T h e objective of the w a r of the A l b a n i a n people u n d e r t h e leadership of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y was not o n l y the complete l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d , but also t h e o v e r t h r o w of any oppressive feudal-bourgeois regime. T h e people were not going to f i g h t to clear the w a y for Z o g or his lackeys, w h e t h e r his friends or enemies. H i s t o r y was advancing, the people h a d a w a k e n ed and their aspirations, w h i c h were represented by their finest sons and daughters, the communists a n d true patriots, w e r e for a n A l b a n i a free f r o m a n y oppression, either e x t e r n a l or i n t e r n a l . Therefore, in the discussion of this question, I expressed the o p i n i o n of o u r P a r t y that we s h o u l d proclaim the l i b e r a t i o n of the c o u n t r y and the creation of democratic people's A l b a n i a as the a i m of the w a r . As to the f o r m of the regime, let this be decided by the people after the w a r . Someone at the Conference advocated that we should p r o c l a i m a democratic r e public as the f o r m of the regime, b u t we, the r e p r e sentatives of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , rejected this as inappropriate for the moment. T h e l a u n c h i n g of s u c h a slogan w o u l d not serve the u n i f i c a t i o n of a l l t h e forces in the w a r and r i g h t f r o m the outset w o u l d create a h a r m f u l and unnecessary opposition towards the Front. E v e n A b a z K u p i expressed his s o l i d a r i t y w i t h o u r formulation. 188

B a z i i Cans declared solemnly: I love A l b a n i a first, and then Z o g . A f t e r the war, the people can decide if t h e y w a n t him. B u t we h a d understood the state of m i n d of A b a z K u p i a n d the other Zogites and w e r e not s u r p r i s e d w h e n t h e y took the f i r s t step against us. B a z i j o i n e d u p w i t h the b a y r a k t a r g e n t r y and collaborated w i t h the G e r m a n occupiers. He d i d not accept the star, the partisan s y m b o l (there was discussion about this a n d the w o r d partisan at the Conference), and this was not s i m p l y because something s y m b o l i c of the n a t i o n was allegedly violated, but because it was an issue o f p r i n c i p l e for h i m : w h a t w o u l d post-war A l b a n i a be, a n e w genuine democracy, or the old regime of Z o g and the feudals a n d bayraktars? Of course, A b a z K u p i hoped a n d w o r k e d for the r e t u r n of Z o g ; we took account of the c o m p l e x i t y of this person, h a d our doubts a n d reservations and, w i t h the passage of time, w e r e to k n o w h i m better and to become completely convinced that right f r o m the start h e was a n agent and m a n o f Zog, smuggled into A l bania b y the B r i t i s h Intelligence Service, w h i c h f i nanced and instructed h i m . H e h a d received i n s t r u c tions to accept o u r i n v i t a t i o n , to take part in the Front, to pose as a fighter but not f i r e a shot against the occupier, and to await the t i m e w h e n he w o u l d receive f u r t h e r orders on h o w to act. The discussion continued late into the n i g h t a n d on the f o l l o w i n g m o r n i n g . A f t e r the conclusion of the discussion, N e x h m i j e X h u g l i n i , as secretary of the C o n ference, read out the draft of the R e s o l u t i o n w h i c h 189

we had prepared in advance. There was no essential objection and the Resolution was adopted. T h i s d o c u ment is published and w e l l - k n o w n , therefore I s h a l l not d w e l l on its content. T h e n we proceeded to the elections. The Conference elected the P r o v i s i o n a l A n t i fascist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l composed of seven people. F r o m the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a , E n v e r H o x h a , Y m e r D i s h n i c a and M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i were elected. A l s o elected as members of the C o u n c i l were M y s l i m Peza and f r o m the nationalists A b a z K u p i , N d o c oba and K a m b e r Q a f m o l l a (the latter i n his absence). In the organization of the Conference e v e r y t h i n g went w e l l . T h e residents of P e z a took care of e v e r y t h i n g and in p a r t i c u l a r the secrecy was perfect. T h e r e was enthusiasm among the peasants and partisans, especially w h e n the delegates sat a n d t a l k e d w i t h t h e m d u r i n g some break in the proceedings. In one of these breaks an episode occurred w h i c h made the others of u s laugh but left A b a z K u p i v e r y g l u m . We were t r y i n g our s k i l l at shooting at a target w h e n A b a z K u p i took the rifle, f i r e d t w o o r three shots, but f a i l e d to h i t the target. T h e n in order to tease h i m N e x h m i j e said t o h i m : Let me have a try, M r . A b a z , because I have never f i r e d a rifle. B e l i e v e it or not, she hit the target w i t h the f i r s t shot. A b a z was furious that a y o u n g g i r l should outdo such a great f i g h t i n g man. A n d H a x h i said to h i m : Don't be upset, A b a z , this is h o w it is w i t h us 190

f r o m D i b r a . E v e n the girls k n o w h o w to use the rifle. A n d as t h o u g h to add even more to Bazi's d i s comfiture, M y s l i m said w r y l y : It seems y o u r rifle's a bit r u s t y ! So ended the Conference of Peza, w h i c h sanctioned the f o r m a t i o n of the m i l i t a n t organization of the A l banian people, the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front. T h e v e r y name of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t had a p r o f o u n d p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y meaning; those three words s u m m e d up the idea of the u n i t y of the people. B u t w h y ? In order to create a f i g h t i n g front. T h e idea and the action dominated in the w o r d front. T h i s w o r d expressed the sense of the m o b i l i z a t i o n of the active forces of the people o r ganized in a f i g h t i n g front, w h i c h r e q u i r e d courage, heroism, policy, strategy and various tactics against a savage enemy. B u t for w h a t w a r was this F r o n t created? T h e answer comes i m m e d i a t e l y : for the l i b e r a t i o n of the nation. Hence, it was this N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t w h i c h w o u l d m o b i l i z e and r a l l y t o its ranks a l l those anti-fascist forces w h i c h were to f i g h t to l i b e r ate the H o m e l a n d . A f t e r this, our H o m e l a n d w o u l d assume a n e w f o r m , w o u l d have a n e w regime w h i c h the a r m e d people themselves w o u l d decide, the people who, b y f i g h t i n g w i t h arms and m a k i n g great s a c r i f i ces, w o u l d have the right to determine the f o r m of the regime w h i c h pleased them. N o b o d y else, no external or i n t e r n a l enemy, w o u l d be a l l o w e d or w o u l d be able to impose his w i l l on the A l b a n i a n people. T h i s situation w h i c h was being created was the glorious deed of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a , the l e a d i n g role of w h i c h was a f f i r m e d at the Conference of P e z a . 191

W h e n the proceedings of the Conference h a d come t o a n end Sknder M u o , A z i z a m i , M u s a P u k a a n d K a m b e r Q a f m o l l a a r r i v e d , too late to take p a r t in the wedding. W e w e l c o m e d t h e m w a r m l y , t a l k e d w i t h t h e m and t o l d t h e m i n detail about the C o n f e r ence and the decisions that h a d been t a k e n there. We also gave t h e m the R e s o l u t i o n w h i c h we a p p r o v e d so that they could read it. T h e y said t h e y w e r e satisfied, expressed their regret that t h e y h a d not a r r i v e d i n time, but endorsed both the decisions a n d R e s o l u t i o n of the Conference. As I said above we h a d t a k e n a l l the necessary measures to p r i n t the materials of the Conference. Indeed, d u r i n g those days, we prepared an issue of the newspaper Zri i popullit ( 1 ), w h i c h w o u l d announce this historic event and echo the R e s o l u t i o n of the C o n ference of Peza. T h e R e s o l u t i o n was p r i n t e d q u i c k l y a n d a l l present took copies in order to d i s t r i b u t e t h e m a n d discuss the R e s o l u t i o n w i t h the people. Of course, the b u l k of t h e m w e r e to be d i s t r i b u t e d by o u r c o m rades in T i r a n a and the other cities a n d villages of the country. M e a n w h i l e , as soon as we f i n i s h e d the w o r k in hand, I w i t h several comrades decided to r e t u r n to
__________________________________ 1 which T h e reference is to Zri i popullit, nos. 3-4 (October 1942),

included the article The Albanian People in the War for Freedom, (pp. 7-11), w h i c h gave the good news about the successful h o l d i n g of the Conference of P e z a and enlarged on the importance of this meeting; and The Appeal of the National Liberation General Council, (pp. 11-13), w h i c h called on the A l b a n i a n people to rise united in the w a r for freedom, f o r a free, democratic and independent A l b a n i a .

192

T i r a n a . T h i s j o u r n e y had to be made in great secrecy because it was suspected that the enemy m i g h t have heard about the m e e t i n g a n d tightened up the control of travellers. Besides this, we w e r e to take w i t h us no small q u a n t i t y of materials for the comrades in T i r a n a and to send in other directions. Bab M y s l i m promised us he w o u l d f i n d a vehicle d r i v e n by a reliable comrade w h o had carried out such missions previously, especially in the p e r i o d of the preparations for the Conference of Peza. He was a d r i v e r closely l i n k e d w i t h the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t , w h o m I t h i n k was called M e t i [Muhamet Q o l i ] . A d a y or t w o later M e t i a r r i v e d at l u n c h time w i t h a F I A T 1100 cc w h i c h he h a d b o r r o w e d f r o m a f r i e n d of his and in the afternoon we set out for T i rana, together w i t h Y m e r D i s h n i c a and M u s t a f a G j i nishi. We three were dressed as intellectuals. I w a s also w e a r i n g a p a i r of d a r k sun-glasses. U n d e r my waistcoat I had my r e v o l v e r in my belt, w h i l e I had a twenty-shot automatic p i s t o l in my briefcase. As I said, in the car we also h a d one or two sacks of m a terials, leaflets, and the R e s o l u t i o n of the Conference. T h e j o u r n e y f r o m P e z a to the outskirts of T i r a n a passed w i t h o u t incident, b u t precisely w h e n we had passed the check-point and thought that we w e r e out of danger, T a f a r i ( 1 ), w i t h o u t consulting us at a l l , said to the d r i v e r : Turn over there! Where? I asked in astonishment. Do y o u w a n t
_____________________________________ 1 T h e pseudonym of M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i .

193

to lead us to the Italians l i k e lambs to the slaughter? and I pointed to the barracks r i g h t beside the place w h e r e he w a n t e d to put the car. The barracks are f a r enough away, he r e p l i e d quietly, w h i l e right here there i s a n i n n o w n e d b y a f r i e n d of m i n e . W e ' l l leave the sacks of documents there and enter the c i t y w i t h n o t h i n g dangerous aboard. I h a d no t i m e to object because the car stopped before a f i l t h y and delapidated i n n of sorts. T h e r e was n o t h i n g for it but to get out q u i c k l y , hide the sacks in a corner of the i n n a n d get back into the car. It seems to me that o u r brief stop there attracted the attention of the soldiers a n d m i l i t i a m e n w h o w e r e not f a r off a n d w h e n w e started off again i n the d i rection of K a v a j a Street (today the Conference of P e z a Street) t w o or three c a r a b i n i e r i s i g n a l l e d to us to stop. It was a Saturday, leave d a y f o r the I t a l i a n fascists, w h e n the soldiers and especially the officers w e n t into t o w n and spent the time celebrating in cafs a n d restaurants. Because of the considerable t r a f f i c on t h e road w e m a n o e u v r e d w i t h d i f f i c u l t y . M e a n w h i l e w e noticed that t w o motorcycles were f o l l o w i n g us. B u t M e t i d i d not stop and s k i l f u l l y managed to shake them off. Thus, we escaped that great danger t h i s time, too, and a r r i v e d at K o d r a e K u q e . F u r i o u s that t h e y were unable to catch us, the fascists had r e t u r n e d to G j i n i s h i ' s b r o k e n - d o w n i n n , searched it, and a l l the m a t e r i a l w e brought f r o m P e za (the Resolution and leaflets) f e l l into their hands. A t h o u g h w e had another purpose for this m a t e r i a l , w e 194

consoled ourselves w i t h the fact that the fascists were among the first to l e a r n the great n e w s : the A l b a n i a n people had decided to unite as a w h o l e in the w a r to w i p e t h e m out! L a t e r w e learned that N a k o S p i r u and two other comrades h a d r u n into a n enemy p a t r o l a t N d r o q and had been arrested on their w a y f r o m P e z a to D u r r s . As f a r as I r e m e m b e r N a k o was not long in j a i l b e cause he managed to escape. T w o or three days after our departure f r o m P e z a the Italians a n d the q u i s l i n g government forces began their p u n i t i v e operations in that zone. T h e fascists, who h a d n o w l e a r n e d about the m e e t i n g h e l d there and understood the danger of s u c h a base of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r so close to T i r a n a , h a d d e c i d ed to clear P e z a of the partisans and sympathizers of the movement. A force of 3,000 Italian a n d q u i s l i n g soldiers attacked P e z a in a p o w e r f u l pincers m o v e ment. T h r o u g h surprise attacks and r a p i d movement, our partisan eta, under the c o m m a n d of M y s l i m Peza, together w i t h the peasants w h o w e r e u n i t e d w i t h it, escaped the encirclement w i t h v e r y f e w losses. T h e savage e n e m y p o u r e d its f u r y on the inhabitants, the women, the c h i l d r e n and the homes of the people of Peza. One of the f i r s t to be b u r n t was the home of M y s l i m , the house of the Conference of Peza, w h i c h has been r e b u i l t today on the same foundations, just as it was, in order to keep it as a glorious r e m i n d e r for the c o m i n g generations. In T i r a n a we f o l l o w e d the development of events i n Peza w i t h attention and concern, although w e had unshakeable confidence that the communists, the p a r 195

tisans and the people of P e z a w o u l d cope w i t h the situation courageously and wisely. A n d that is what occurred. T h e enemy failed i n his purpose and w i t h d r e w f r o m Peza. T h e Conference had a colossal effect a m o n g the people, aroused hope and trust in the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a , confidence i n the w a r a n d i n v i c t o ry. A m o n g the enemies it aroused anger, fear and terror. T h e organization a n d decisions of the C o n f e r ence were a h e a v y p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y slap in the face for them. T h e i r positions in A l b a n i a w e r e being shaken. A f t e r this, t h e y w o u l d i n t e n s i f y the terror, the killings, the i m p r i s o n m e n t of communists, p a triots and the people, w o u l d put villages and whole regions to the torch, w o u l d hatch up and a p p l y new manoeuvres w i t h the chiefs of A l b a n i a n reaction, the pseudo-patriots and pseudo-democrats. B u t a l l this was in v a i n . N o w the w a r of the people under the leadership of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y w o u l d become fiercer and better organized, and step by step, w o u l d d r i v e out the occupiers w h i l e the reactionary r u b b i s h in the service of the occupiers w o u l d be tossed into the garbage b i n of history.

* * *

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II

FROM PEZA TO LABINOT (September 1942 September 1943)

T h e success w h i c h we a c h i e v e d at the 1st A n t i fascist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference of the A l b a n i a n people gave us heart. A b i g stride f o r w a r d h a d been taken towards a c h i e v i n g the f i n a l v i c t o r y over the occupiers a n d the quislings. Nevertheless w e w e r e f u l l y aware that w e h a d o n l y l a i d the foundations, w h i l e n o w the fortress h a d to be b u i l t u p o n these f o u n d ations. A h e a d of us l a y the m a i n struggle a n d work, the most d i f f i c u l t a n d c o m p l e x to cope w i t h a n d accomplish. Thus, on the basis of the l i n e of the C P A and the m i l i t a n t p r o g r a m w h i c h the Conference a p proved, people, communists a n d genuine patriots had to step up t h e i r efforts one h u n d r e d f o l d to m a k e the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t a steel s t r i k i n g force, a n d 197

the national liberation councils genuine organs for the m i l i t a n t mobilization, the defence a n d representation of the insurgent people.

1. In the forefront of the struggle

A t the t i m e w h e n w e were i n P e z a w e h a d d e f i n e d and shared out the tasks for o u r w o r k in the subsequent period. I was to w o r k m a i n l y in T i r a n a , where, apart f r o m tasks on the l i n e of the P a r t y (of course there was no reason f o r this to be stated at the meeting of the Council), I was to c a r r y out various tasks w h i c h were the responsibility of the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o u n c i l elected at Peza, was to w o r k for the organization of the illegal national l i b e r a t i o n c o u n c i l in the capital and, apart f r o m this, I was also to have the w o r k w i t h the intelligentsia at the centre of my attention; Y m e r D i s h n i c a was t o w o r k w i t h those n a tionalists w h o showed promise but h a d s t i l l not l i n k e d themselves w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t ; M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i had C e n t r a l A l b a n i a u n d e r his p a tronage, A b a z K u p i , as is k n o w n , had K r u j a and M a t , and so on. M y s l i m P e z a was not charged w i t h special tasks since he was commander of the eta of Peza, w h i c h of course, was a v e r y responsible d u t y and made it d i f f i c u l t for h i m to move. A l l the members of the C o u n c i l and the others who participated in the Conference w e r e instructed that, as soon as they r e t u r n e d to their towns and v i l 198

lages, t h e y s h o u l d begin the w o r k to convey the s p i r i t and decisions of the Conference of P e z a to the people, to discuss the R e s o l u t i o n a n d to c a l l for and lead the concrete w o r k f o r the setting up of national l i b e r a t i o n councils and p a r t i s a n eta and units. T h e people had to t h o r o u g h l y understand the importance of the C o n ference a n d be m o b i l i z e d to a p p l y the decisions t a k e n at it. A p a r t f r o m this, the comrades w e r e instructed to increase t h e i r contacts w i t h i n f l u e n t i a l nationalist elements, to speak to t h e m about the p l a t f o r m w h i c h we h a d approved a n d to appeal to t h e m , on the basis of this p l a t f o r m , to unite w i t h the w h o l e A l b a n i a n people i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . Of course, the great success w h i c h we achieved at Peza, the election of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n eral C o u n c i l , a n d the fact that it h a d commenced its work, i n n o w a y meant that f r o m n o w o n o n l y the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l w o u l d b e engaged i n and answer for the problems of the F r o n t and the national l i b e r a t i o n councils. H a d w e j u d g e d the matters i n t h i s w a y and acted accordingly, t h a t is, h a d we considered our w o r k for the F r o n t completed w i t h w h a t was achieved a t Peza, a n d subsequently left e v e r y t h i n g in the hands of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , this w o u l d have been one of the gravest a n d most fatal mistakes both f o r the fate of the c a r d i n a l issues of the w a r a n d people a n d f o r the fate of o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y itself. T h i s was not s i m p l y because in the composition of the C o u n c i l , apart f r o m representatives of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and some consistent true patriots, the rest w e r e u n reliable v a c i l l a t i n g elements or u n i t e d w i t h us for long-term aims of sabotage. No, even if a l l the m e m 199

bers of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l h a d been tested elements, genuine and consistent fighters, the w o r k a n d role of the P a r t y w o u l d s t i l l have r e m a i n e d irreplaceable. O n l y the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , w i t h its correct line, its clear program, the m i l i t a n c y of a l l its members and its consistency in c a r r y i n g things t h r o u g h to the end, w o u l d enable the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l to c a r r y out its tasks and functions properly, the F r o n t to be e x tended and strengthened on the soundest possible f o u n d ations and the councils f o r m e d and f u n c t i o n i n g p r o p e r ly a l l over the country and, as a consequence, the w a r w o u l d be ceaselessly extended, assume the character of a true general people's w a r and be c r o w n e d w i t h success. We were faced w i t h m a n y responsible tasks to ensure that this n o r m and m a x i m of M a r x i s m - L e n i n i s m for the w o r k of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y in the F r o n t was applied correctly and consistently in the concrete conditions of our country. True, the Conference of P e z a h a d a f f i r m e d the leading role of our P a r t y in the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, but it should by no means be thought that after this e v e r y t h i n g had been f i n a l l y settled. There w e r e w h o l e zones, especially i n the N o r t h , i n w h i c h o u r p r o g r a m and propaganda about the w a r h a d not penetrated to the proper extent and no results necessary for the u n i f i c a t i o n and m o b i l i z a t i o n of the people h a d been achieved. L i k e w i s e , even w h e r e o u r successes w e r e obvious there remained certain strata and groups w h i c h d i d not yet understand the role a n d the tasks w h i c h the moment r e q u i r e d . Hence, we s t i l l h a d to w o r k and struggle to ensure that the name of the 200

Party, the w o r d and deeds of its members, w e r e made k n o w n e v e r y w h e r e , penetrated e v e r y w h e r e and w o n the whole people over to our cause. Otherwise, w i t h o u t concrete struggle, w i t h o u t great a n d continuous e f forts, the leading role cannot be w o n . T h a t nobody w i l l h a n d to y o u on a platter. We have a l w a y s m e n t i o n e d the fact that the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a was the o n l y p o l i t i c a l p a r t y w h i c h operated in A l b a n i a as a positive factor and a i d for our work. B u t w h i l e a f f i r m i n g this truth, i t m u s t in no w a y be thought that the leading role in the w a r , in the Front, etc., belonged to our P a r t y and w o u l d be g i v e n to it automatically, since there was no o t h e r party to compete w i t h or anyone else to w h o m t h i s role could be g i v e n ! No, the r e a l i t y was quite different, e x t r e m e l y complex, d i f f i c u l t a n d w i t h m a j o r problems. True, there w e r e no bourgeois p o l i t i c a l parties of various hues i n o u r country, but there were a l l k i n d s of groups and circles a n d trends of the most v a r i e d hues and tendencies a l l of w h i c h , to a greater or lesser extent, h a d i n f l u e n c e a n d connections. True, these groups and trends d i d not rise or express themselves against the occupiers, but they w e r e not and no one allowed t h e m to r e m a i n inactive, aloof f r o m politics and activity. A n d since, i n general, t h e y w e r e not against fascism, necessarily t h e y w o u l d be against us, against our P a r t y , a n d its p r o g r a m a n d line about t h e Front, the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils, the war, etc. W e w e r e b o u n d t o clash w i t h a l l o f t h e m a n d t h i s clash became e x t r e m e l y complicated because, just as they d i d not come out o p e n l y against the occupiers, at first most of t h e m d i d not come out o p e n l y against 201

us, either, but on the contrary, engaged in t r i c k e r y and manoeuvres. L e t us not forget, either, that the i n h e r i t e d backwardness and ignorance, b a c k w a r d m e n t a l outlooks, both feudal and bourgeois, and in this context, the feverish propaganda against c o m m u n i s m c a r r i e d out by Z o g and fascism for m a n y years, w e r e to r e m a i n m a j o r obstacles to o u r work. Hence, a l l these groups, tendencies and m e n t a l outlooks stood alongside fascism, c o n f r o n t i n g our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y as expressions of the bourgeois and f e u dal partisanship. Therefore, although i n o u r w o r k w e were not confronted w i t h organized p o l i t i c a l parties of the bourgeoisie and reaction, we w e r e confronted w i t h t h e class interests of the bourgeoisie a n d reaction, and t h e i r aims to safeguard their d o m i n a n t positions, w h i c h were no less fierce a n d complex, no less c u n n i n g , u n d e r m i n i n g and dangerous and the outlooks a n d backwardness of the past. We h a d to do battle and f i g h t against these, to c l a r i f y the m i n d s and w i n the hearts of the people in order to m a k e t h e m aware of the right road w h i c h h a d to be f o l l o w e d . It was essential that the P a r t y increase its s t r u g gle and efforts a h u n d r e d - f o l d w i t h the a i m not m e r e l y of extending its leading role in the F r o n t a n d the national l i b e r a t i o n councils a l l over the country, but also, and most importantly, of safeguarding a n d ceaselessly strengthening it and ensuring that others d i d not seize this role f r o m the P a r t y . We h a d foreseen clearl y that even that section o f i n t e r n a l reaction w h i c h s t i l l had not declared itself as such, also, w o u l d o r g a n ize itself and t r y to destroy the F r o n t and the national 202

l i b e r a t i o n councils w i t h the a i m of sabotaging the people's w a r for f r e e d o m and democracy. So, it can be i m a g i n e d w h a t a catastrophe w o u l d have occurred in these n e w situations h a d o u r P a r t y , after the C o n f e r ence of Peza, considered its tasks f o r the F r o n t a n d the councils completed, a n d subsequently concentrated its o w n forces, let us say, s i m p l y as an assault force to c a r r y out combat actions. W i t h the A b a z K u p i s a n d H a l i m Begejas not o n l y w o u l d A l i K l c y r a a n d c o m p a n y never be brought out in t h e i r true colours, but o n the contrary, B a l l i K o m b t a r , w h i c h was to be set up w i t h a l l its c r i m i n a l s a n d gentry, w o u l d seize the reins a n d the P a r t y w o u l d s u d d e n l y f i n d itself faced w i t h the organized and l e t h a l attack of the forces of fascism a n d reaction. T h e P a r t y ' s being in the leading position was also essential for the prospects of the w a r w h i c h we were o r g a n i z i n g w i t h the broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the masses of workers, peasants, the youth, women, p a triots and others. T h e patriotism, the f r e e d o m - l o v i n g spirit of our people had been and were a great factor and m o t i v e force w h i c h p l a y e d a m a j o r role for the u n i t y and m o b i l i z a t i o n in the war, but n o w this alone was insufficient. O t h e r elements and demands, the v i t a l interests of the w o r k e r and peasant for the f u t ure had to be t a k e n into account. So, if we were to assure t h e m that these things w o u l d be settled j u s t l y and in their f a v o u r after liberation, u n d o u b t e d l y the u n i f i c a t i o n w o u l d be accomplished more q u i c k l y and the readiness to f i g h t w o u l d be greater. T h e basic and f u n d a m e n t a l element w h i c h was to assure the masses of a new future, different f r o m 203

the past, was precisely the fact that the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y was at the head of the F r o n t and the war, p l a y e d its leading role there. On this issue we p e r m i t t e d no i n f r i n g e m e n t or compromise, no agreement or attempt at sharing roles. It should never be thought that this was somet h i n g clear to a l l , and that it could be accomplished easily. On the contrary, the d i f f i c u l t i e s and obstacles were enormous, we faced attacks, accusations and pressures f r o m a l l sides. N o t o n l y the fascists a n d their c o l laborators, M e r l i k a and company, but m a n y of those w h o s t i l l stood aloof, w a i t i n g for the day to come(!), made accusations against us, o u r P a r t y and o u r i d e ology, w i t h a l l the a n t i - c o m m u n i s t arsenal elaborated over the years. E s p e c i a l l y after the v i c t o r y we achieved at Peza, this campaign, a n t i - c o m m u n i s t in p r i n c i p l e and against the C P A i n practice, assumed ferocious proportions. The spectre of c o m m u n i s m w a s b r a n d ished in e v e r y speech of the traitor M e r l i k a , w h o l a mented that the people w e r e being c o r r u p t e d by a f e w i n d i v i d u a l s w h o h a d sold themselves to M o s c o w a n d Stalin, that we w e r e allegedly against the honour, the f a m i l y , religion, fraternity, A l b a n i a , etc., etc.! It is obvious w h y this campaign w a s l a u n c h e d : n o w our enemies w e r e more t h a n ever t e r r i f i e d by the fact that the C P A was becoming the m a i n force w h i c h step by step was r a l l y i n g the masses, the people, around itself and engaging t h e m in the w a r . As a r e sult of this a n t i - c o m m u n i s t attack, there were even some of o u r o w n comrades (I am not t a l k i n g about the pseudo-patriots w h o were completely of one m i n d w i t h M e r l i k a ) , w h o as a result of the a n t i - c o m m u n i s t 204

pressure of open a n d concealed reaction as w e l l as of t h e i r o w n unclarity, lack of f o r m a t i o n or l o n g i m p l a n t e d o p p o r t u n i s m , demanded that we should not p r o c l a i m the name and role of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y a m o n g the masses and in the Front, because a l legedly this brought us h a r m and alienated the people, especially the nationalists, f r o m us! W h a t do y o u t h i n k ? I asked one of these elements. S h o u l d we hide the fact of the existence of o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , w h i c h is fighting, created the F r o n t and called and organized the Conference of P e z a and is in the forefront of the w a r ? Amongst ourselves, to the p a r t y members and s y m p a t h i z e r s we can m e n t i o n these things, but for the t i m e being, not among the masses! he replied. We should not give the e n e m y the p o s s i b i l i t y to accuse and slander us. We should r e m a i n w i t h i n the F r o n t a n d p r o c l a i m o n l y the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o u n c i l as the leadership. I felt not o n l y that this comrade had gone too far, but that the other comrades, too, although they opposed h i m , w e r e in need of a thorough e x p l a n a t i o n so that t h e y w o u l d understand this p r o b l e m properly, therefore, I c o n t i n u e d : In p r i n c i p l e the c o m m u n i s t p a r t y never hides its existence i n a n y circumstances. Otherwise, w h y was i t formed, w h y s h o u l d i t exist? T h e p a r t y must keep its methods of organization, bases, i n t e r n a l documents, plans of actions a n d activities secret f r o m the enemy, but never its existence, or its m a i n slogans for a g i v e n phase a n d m o m e n t . O u r m a i n slogan at present i s : 205

W a r against the occupiers and traitors for the l i b e r a t i o n of the c o u n t r y ! There is absolutely no reason w h y we should hide the fact that we, the communists, w e r e t h e first to l a u n c h this slogan and are adhering to and a p p l y i n g it consistently w i t h the blood of our c o m rades. The fascists are t e r r i f i e d by this f i g h t i n g slogan, the traitors shy a w a y f r o m it, but not the people or the true nationalists. O u r n e x t slogan is: U n i t y of the w h o l e people i n the A n t i - f a s c i s t F r o n t ! A n d there i s no reason w h y the people or the true nationalists should be f r i g h t e n e d off by this slogan. On the c o n trary, it is precisely because we m a k e this a p r i m a r y slogan that the people l i k e us and are r a l l y i n g r o u n d us. However, these are not the o n l y reasons w h y we must p r o c l a i m the name and w o r k of the P a r t y , I w e n t on. Look w h a t f i l t h y slanders and accusations reaction is p o u r i n g out against us and against c o m m u n i s m in general. W e r e we to retreat, to hide o u r selves, to r e m a i n silent, we w o u l d give the open and secret enemies the satisfaction of w h i c h t h e y dream, w h i l e we w o u l d leave people w h o don't see t h i n g s clearly at the m e r c y of the accusations of M u s s o l i n i and the M e r l i k a s . Therefore, w i t h a l l our forces and means we must do m u c h more t h a n hitherto to m a k e clear to the people w h a t c o m m u n i s m is and what we, the communists, are, w h y we are f i g h t i n g , w h a t o u r stands are towards the H o m e l a n d , the f a m i l y , society and the present and f u t u r e of the country. I agree that these things are effective among the common people, but the nationalists w i l l not feel s u r e of themselves, the comrade made another sally to 206

defend his v i e w s w i t h another attack. Perhaps we s h o u l d restrict ourselves at least in regard to the p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of the Soviet U n i o n . Why? Because d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y we i m p l y that we are for the Soviet order, hence, we are already expressing ourselves about the f o r m of our f u t u r e regime. T h i s is c o n t r a r y to the p l a t f o r m of the Conference of P e z a on this point. These things s h o u l d not be m i x e d up a n d c o n fused! I replied. To popularize the Soviet U n i o n and the great w a r w h i c h Stalin's glorious a r m y is w a g i n g is one thing, and to d e m a n d the Soviet order is another t h i n g . A p p a r e n t l y , I said to h i m , you have not read the articles we p u b l i s h in Zri i popullit c a r e f u l l y . N e i t h e r there n o r in a n y of our other p r o p a ganda have we raised or do we raise the question of the order w h i c h w i l l be established after liberation. B u t w e defend the Soviet U n i o n , S t a l i n and B o l s h e v ism and w i l l continue to defend t h e m openly because the enemies accuse t h e m openly. We m u s t t e l l the t r u t h about them, so that the people, the patriots k n o w that beside t h e m t h e y have such a p o w e r f u l a l l y as the Soviet people l e d by S t a l i n . On the other hand, I continued, true, we are consistent in o u r support f o r the p l a t f o r m of the Conference of P e z a about the A n t i fascist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r , and this is our i m mediate aim, but we m u s t never forget that the classes of the poor, the w o r k e r s and peasants, are r i s i n g in this w a r for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d and for their l i b e r a t i o n f r o m a n y sort of bondage. As to h o w and w h e n this w i l l be achieved, that is another m a t 207

ter. W h e n the time comes, we w i l l p r o v i d e the possibilities for the people to express themselves f r e e l y about the regime they want. B u t it is our d u t y as c o m munists, as enemies of a n y k i n d of bondage, to prepare a n d make the masses conscious, in proper ways, in c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the f u n d a m e n t a l p r o b l e m o f the m o ment, so that they choose the most reliable f u t u r e . At the moment we do not t e l l t h e m that the p r i v a t e property and the w e a l t h y classes w i l l be w i p e d out a s i n the Soviet U n i o n , but s i m p l y t e l l t h e m h o w life in the Soviet U n i o n has been built, h o w the w o r k e r s a n d collective farmers l i v e there. N o n e of this goes beyond the bounds of the slogans of the moment, I concluded. Therefore, our P a r t y , t h r o u g h its l i n e and the concrete w o r k of its members, has to be not m e r e l y the most active in the F r o n t and the war, but, more important, m u s t be the promoter of the F r o n t , the inspirer and true leading force of the war. A t the same t i m e w e were being v e r y c a r e f u l t o a v o i d a n d s t e r n l y attacked a n y m a n i f e s t a t i o n of e x t r e m i s m or sectarianism, a n y excess in the tasks and slogans in the moments t h r o u g h w h i c h we w e r e passi n g . H a d we t a k e n a soft stand towards the bearers of s u c h v i e w s and actions, the consequences w o u l d have been bitter and the image a n d role of the P a r t y in particular, and the whole of its w o r k w i t h the masses in general w o u l d have been sabotaged. Regrettably, i m m e d i a t e l y after the Conference of Peza, the P a r t y organization i n T i r a n a was faced w i t h s u c h a danger for a moment. T h i s was the t i m e w h e n Jacomoni, M e r l i k a and the pseudo-patriotic reaction, i n f u r i a t e d by the success we h a d just achieved at Peza, 208

were i n t e n s i f y i n g and co-ordinating a campaign to discredit o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , to accuse it of being an organization of terrorists, sower of disruption, of d r i v i n g the people into a w a r of extermination, disturbing the peace, leading astray the masses, and especially the youth, etc., etc. P r e c i s e l y d u r i n g those days, one of the cadres of the P a r t y R e g i o n a l C o m m i t t e e of T i r a n a at that time (a little later he was e x p e l l e d f r o m the P a r t y for grave mistakes) came to me and said that t h e y had decided to c a r r y out a m a j o r sabotage action as a r e p l y to the fascist reprisals. I agree in principle, I t o l d h i m , but w h a t w i l l this action be concretely? We are going to b l o w up a school, r e p l i e d the comrade, a l l self-assurance. B l o w up a school? I was so shocked I almost shouted at h i m , but in order to f i n d out h o w f a r m a t ters h a d gone, I added calmly, Indeed? A n d w h i c h is this school?! It is at the T i r a n a airport and it is i m p o r t a n t because the fascists have t u r n e d some of its rooms into a store, he t o l d me and was t r y i n g to show me where the school lay. Y o u m u s t not do this! I i n t e r r u p t e d h i m . We are talking e v e r y d a y about the importance of actions and acts of sabotage, w h i l e y o u have thought of something w h i c h is u t t e r l y h a r m f u l to our cause. C o u n t i n g the desks and the blackboards, too, there m a y be more t h a n a h u n d r e d cubic metres of pine t i m b e r in the building, the comrade t r i e d to persuade me. A n d apart f r o m the m a t e r i a l damage, 209

t h i n k what a n enormous fire i t w i l l m a k e ! T i r a n a w i l l be lit up for the w h o l e night and it w i l l have a great effect among the people! Yes! I said in an i r o n i c a l tone. The flames w i l l rise f r o m the boards at night w h i l e in the m o r n i n g the 'flame' of the M e r l i k a s w i l l burst out: ' L o o k w h a t the communists do!' the traitors w i l l shout. ' T h e y are b u r n i n g y o u r children's schools! If we fascists h a d not stopped them, they w o u l d have b u r n e d the p u p i l s w i t h the school.' It's a fascist school! the comrade persisted. Do y o u t h i n k the fascists are going to e x p l a i n to the people w h a t sort of school it i s ? ! T h e y w i l l s i m p l y seize on the fact that a school was b u r n e d and w i l l scream: 'The communists are against schools, against c h i l dren, against e v e r y t h i n g g o o d . . . ' So y o u see w h a t a fine action y o u have planned to c a r r y out! I t o l d h i m , and w h i l e I was c o n t i n u i n g to e x p l a i n the damage that such an action w o u l d b r i n g us, I saw that he was f i d geting. What's w r o n g w i t h you? I asked h i m . Don't y o u agree?! He was silent for a moment, pursed his lips a n d said in a l o w v o i c e : The p r o b l e m is that the u n i t has received its orders. I thought that y o u w o u l d agree and I approved the plan. Off w i t h y o u at once! I shouted. That action must be stopped i m m e d i a t e l y and y o u m u s t report to us on h o w it ends. I w a i t e d a n x i o u s l y but he d i d not come back a n d 210

neither d i d we see the flames lighting up T i r a n a that night. We learned later that the action h a d been attemped, but h a d ended in ignominious f a i l u r e : one m e m b e r of the u n i t h a d been w o u n d e d and captured by the e n e m y a n d this led to a f u r t h e r wave of searches and arrests. At just about the same period as this h a r m f u l action we w e r e faced w i t h another u g l y act: I was i n f o r m e d that t w o or three comrades of the T i r a n a organization, i n c l u d i n g s u c h adventurers a n d factionists as Beaverbrook, F i q r e t S a n x h a k t a r i (the fiance of the a d v e n t u r e r A g r o n o r a t i before she became e n gaged to and m a r r i e d M e h m e t Shehu) and others, allegedly in order to g a i n the release f r o m prison of a n e w l y arrested comrade, k i d n a p p e d the y o u n g d a u g h ter of M a n K u k a l e s h i , the commander of the g e n d armerie of T i r a n a , a n d sent the father a ransom note: The comrade or y o u r daughter. W h e n they told m e about this disgraceful b u s i ness, I could not b r i n g m y s e l f to believe that such a thing could cross the m i n d of any A l b a n i a n , let alone a n A l b a n i a n communist. B u t the comrades v e r i f i e d the i n f o r m a t i o n i m m e d i a t e l y and assured me that the action had been carried out. This is a d v e n t u r i s m and terrorism! I shouted, j u m p i n g to my feet. The k i d n a p p e d c h i l d must be released immediately, w h i l e the terrorists must be tried b y the P a r t y . A t the v e r y least t h e y m u s t b e expelled f r o m o u r r a n k s ! This, if they have done this f r o m s t u p i d i t y or f r o m p o l i t i c a l and ideological shortsightedness, but if t h e y have acted f r o m other motives (and here I had in m i n d the possibility of some trap or 211

provocation), the judgement and sentence w i l l be d i f ferent. As a result of our immediate i n t e r v e n t i o n this ugly incident, the o n l y one of its k i n d even in the history of our i n t e r n a l enemies (because this act could in no w a y s u l l y the P a r t y ) was avoided. A f e w days later we were to l e a r n that the c r i m i n a l spy, M a n K u k a l e s h i , had r e p l i e d there a n d t h e n to the terrorist-type demand of B e a v e r b r o o k a n d F i q r e t S a n x h a k t a r i for the exchange w i t h a fascisttype u l t i m a t u m : If y o u do not free my daughter by such and s u c h a time ten of y o u r comrades, w h o m we have arrested, w i l l be hanged in the m i d d l e of Tirana. A n d in order to c o n f i r m that on matters of c r i m e the fascists and their lackeys d i d not separate t h e i r w o r d s f r o m their deeds, the order was issued on the same day and the b u i l d i n g of ominous scaffolds in the c e n tre of T i r a n a h a d begun. Imagine what bitter consequences that adventurist action w h i c h I mentioned w o u l d have brought, h a d we not condemned it severely and stopped it i m m e d i a t e l y ! N o t o n l y w o u l d ten comrades have lost their lives, but the enemies w o u l d have been g i v e n a n e w excuse and argument to l a u n c h another w a v e of fascist terror and anti-communist demagogy among the people! A l though the f u r t h e r complications w e r e avoided w e analysed this case t h o r o u g h l y and sternly, p o i n t i n g out that such actions and attempts w e r e not o n l y a l i e n to and detested by communists, but were also v e r y h a r m f u l t o the u n i t y o f the P a r t y and the people. W e i n structed a l l the cells and g u e r r i l l a units to be p r u d e n t in the activities w h i c h t h e y carried out, to attack the 212

enemy ceaselessly, to m a k e life as d i f f i c u l t as possible for them, but never according to the w h i m s of this or that i n d i v i d u a l . The actions w h i c h we n o w are c a r r y i n g out at present in the cities, I pointed out to the comrades, have the purpose of d a m a g i n g and m a k i n g life i n secure for the enemies, but they also have another great purpose: in t h e m the people must see our strength, our a b i l i t y and courage to attack the enemy even in his m a i n strongholds. Therefore, the actions, e l i m i n a t i o n of enemies a n d acts of sabotage m u s t be most t h o r o u g h l y studied, v e r y p r u d e n t l y p l a n n e d and prepared and c a r r i e d out so that they are always c r o w n e d w i t h success. Otherwise, the consequences, especially among the people, w i l l have a negative effect. On no occasion m u s t we p e r m i t any action, h o w ever d a m a g i n g it m a y be to the enemy, at the same time to p r o v i d e the e n e m y w i t h the o p p o r t u n i t y to talk and slander against o u r P a r t y and its line. These t w o h a r m f u l actions w h i c h occurred one after the other in a v e r y short period, as w e l l as the fact that at these moments the enemies managed to capture a n u m b e r of comrades of the p a r t y organization and the c o m m u n i s t y o u t h in T i r a n a , not o n l y hindered us in the w o r k just begun for the i m p l e m e n t ation of the decisions of the Conference of Peza, but as I said, created a grave m o m e n t f r a u g h t w i t h d a n g ers for us. It was necessary to overcome this unpleasant situation immediately, to avoid any h a r m f u l consequence and to f u r t h e r e n l i v e n and strengthen the w o r k of the P a r t y in a l l directions. At a m e e t i n g of the P a r t y R e g i o n a l C o m m i t t e e of 213

T i r a n a w h i c h w e organized those days, i n w h i c h w e discussed the tasks we faced for the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of the p l a t f o r m of the Conference of Peza, we also stressed the problems w h i c h had emerged for us and those w h o had made mistakes w e r e severely criticized and the necessary measures taken against t h e m . ( 1 ) In o r der to strengthen the w o r k in the P a r t y R e g i o n a l C o m mittee and the w h o l e w o r k in the p a r t y organization of T i r a n a , amongst other things, we decided to d i s miss the f o r m e r organizational secretary (precisely the author of the action of the timber, w h o had d i s p l a y ed mistakes and distortions on other occasions, too), and I proposed in his place my unforgettable comradein-arms, the communist w o r k e r of the first hours, K o z m a N u s h i . L i k e w i s e , i n place o f M i s t o M a m e w h o had fallen h e r o i c a l l y on the f i e l d of battle in A u g u s t , N e x h m i j e X h u g l i n i , the p o l i t i c a l secretary of the Y o u t h R e g i o n a l C o m m i t t e e of T i r a n a , was elected member of the P a r t y R e g i o n a l Committee. We are a p a r t y of ceaseless action, I t o l d the comrades, but we are p r u d e n t in e v e r y t h i n g we do, and w o r k e v e r y t h i n g out c a r e f u l l y so that we have o n l y victories. We must not forget that the people have their eyes on us. T h e y do not believe the s l a n ders and accusations of the M e r l i k a s a n d other l i c k spittles against c o m m u n i s m and the communists, but y o u can imagine w h a t a negative effect a n y w r o n g
_______________________________ 1 A p a r t f r o m other things, this meeting r u l e d that A g r o n orati, Beaverbrook, and F i q r e t S a n x h a k t a r i be expelled f r o m the Party as factionalist elements infected with the group spirit as w e l l as on account of their adventurist a n d terrorist views and actions.

214

action or stand on the part of our comrades could cause. N o t o n l y must we not p e r m i t any w r o n g action, any sectarian or terrorist act w i t h i n our ranks, but we must keep our eyes open and g u a r d against p r o vocateurs and provocations w h i c h the e n e m y and its agents m i g h t h a t c h up. I stressed these things because it seemed astonishing and suspicious that both the action of the t i m b e r and the k i d n a p p i n g of the c h i l d occurred i m m e d i a t e l y after the Conference of Peza, and at a time w h e n a furious w a v e of terror and fascist demagogy had been launched against our P a r t y and its line. Hence, we had to be a l w a y s in action, v i g i l a n t and cautious in order to cope w i t h the m a n y problems of that p e r i o d and to ensure that the image of our P a r t y among the people and its l e a d i n g role were kept unsullied and increased in strength f r o m day to day as a decisive condition for the u n i t y of the people and their m o b i l i z a t i o n in the w a r . A n d the t r u t h is that the reputation and role of the P a r t y w e r e ceaselessly enhanced, w i n n i n g the love and trust of the masses. T h e heroic act of our brave comrades V o j o K u s h i , S a d i k S t a v a l e c i and X h o x h i M a r t i n i , w h o f e l l in a bloody battle w h i c h lasted s i x hours in October that year, saddened our hearts but, at the same time, f u r t h e r enhanced the name of our P a r t y and its members in the m i n d s of the people. P r e c i s e l y at these moments, in the upsurge of these events, we had to w o r k for the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of the decisions of the Conference of Peza. As I pointed out above, after this Conference, too, we were to c o n centrate our m a i n attention on the w o r k i n g class, the 215

peasantry and their component parts, the w o m e n a n d the youth, w h i c h constituted the social basis of the Front, of course, w i t h o u t in a n y w a y neglecting the w o r k w i t h the nationalists, the intellectuals, and so on. True, we pointed out that the w o r k i n g class and the peasantry recognized the C P A as the p a r t y w h i c h expressed and championed t h e i r interests, but it s h o u l d not in any w a y be thought that a l l the contingents of the workers and peasants had become conscious, as early as those moments, about the role of the P a r t y or of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t . There was s t i l l a v e r y great deal to be done to b r i n g these classes closer to and activize t h e m in the F r o n t and the war, and we were more than aware of this. In the direction of the countryside, in particular, and especially in certain zones of the N o r t h , both the F r o n t and the national l i b e r a t i o n councils w e r e being introduced w i t h greater difficulties. U n d o u b t e d l y , this was p a r t l y due to the influence of the bayraktars, the pronounced socio-economic and c u l t u r a l backwardness, a series of old mentalities, etc., etc., but at the same time it was p a r t l y a result of the weaknesses of our work, and concretely of the p a r t y r e g i o n a l committees and organizations that operated in those parts. S e r i o u s l y concerned about the situation, the P r o v i s i o n a l C e n t r a l Committee of the P a r t y several times a n a l y z e d its o w n work, the w o r k of the regional committees and its delegates in those zones, and c o n t i n u a l l y issued orientations and instructions for the i m p r o v e ment and enlivenment of the w o r k . O b v i o u s l y , we d i d not expect, or even think, that the situation e v e r y where w o u l d be t u r n e d in our f a v o u r w i t h i n one or 216

even s i x m o n t h s but we insisted that the w o r k s h o u l d be done, that the communists s h o u l d penetrate e v e r y where, c a r r y i n g the w o r d of the P a r t y , the decisions of the Conference of Peza, and together w i t h them, the crack of the p a r t i s a n r i f l e . 1 remember how, w h i l e we were t a l k i n g about t h e results achieved and the d i f f i c u l t i e s w h i c h presented themselves at a m e e t i n g w i t h some comrades w h o h a d just r e t u r n e d f r o m the zones of the N o r t h , one of t h e m said: It is d i f f i c u l t to get a n y w h e r e on p o l i t i c a l issues w i t h the highlanders of the remote zones. T h e i r ignorance and conservatism is so great that t h e y d o n ' t even listen to w h a t y o u say to them. No doubt, I said, if we go to a peasant to t a l k about 'grand politics', if we t r y to lead h i m up a l l sorts of b l i n d alleys he has the r i g h t to refuse to l i s t e n to us, indeed, close his door to us. A l l his life the deputies and officials of the anti-popular regimes and the reactionary hacks and impostors have been t r y i n g to f i l l his head w i t h e m p t y talk about 'grand politics'. The peasant doesn't listen to it and has no reason to do so. B u t if we sit d o w n w i t h h i m by his fireside, if we speak to t i m o p e n l y and f r a n k l y about the h a r v est, about his problems, about his poverty, about the enslaved H o m e l a n d , about the roguery, the k i l l i n g s and looting carried out by the occupier and his men, the peasant does not consider this politics, he considers it a talk about his d a i l y problems, and y o u w i l l see that he is able to speak about these things better t h a n you. L e t us leave p o l i t i c a l subtleties for those w h o are engaged in 'politics'. The c o m m o n people, the 217

w o r k e r s a n d peasants, are for action, are interested i n w h a t pains t h e m and n o w their greatest pain, the source of a l l pains, is the enslavement w h i c h is s t r a n g l i n g the H o m e l a n d . W h a t should we do to get r i d of this enslavement, this is w h a t we s h o u l d t a l k about w i t h the peasant and the worker, that is w h a t he has in his heart w h i c h throbs f o r the cause w h i c h we are fighting! Fortunately, however, s u c h excuses and a r g u ments, w h i c h h a d t h e y been taken at face v a l u e w o u l d have meant f o l d i n g o u r arms a n d g i v i n g u p the w o r k , w e r e f e w and f a r between. I n e v e r y instance i n w h i c h tendencies t o underrate the w o r k i n the c o u n tryside o r i n the c i t y w e r e expressed i n a n y f o r m , w e criticized t h e m severely and the fact is that step by step the results of our struggle began to become a p parent even in the most remote zones. T h e w o r k of communists, and hundreds of patriots, w h o w e r e n o w closely l i n k e d w i t h the line o f the P a r t y and the p r o g r a m of the Front, brought about that in the f i r s t months after the Conference of P e z a the role a n d a u t h o r i t y of our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y was f u r t h e r e n h a n ced, and the m i l i t a n t u n i t y of the people became even stronger a n d more consolidated. T h e months w h i c h f o l l o w e d the Conference of P e z a once again c o n f i r m e d the correctness of the line, the strategy and tactics of our y o u n g P a r t y . T h e results were obvious: the ranks of the P a r t y had been i n creased w h i l e day by day the broad masses of the people, the workers, peasants, the intellectuals, the p a triots, the A l b a n i a n youth, were p o u r i n g into the N a tional L i b e r a t i o n Front, the f i g h t i n g organization w h i c h t h e P a r t y led. 218

T h e N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t h a d n o w become a broad m o v e m e n t of the masses w i t h a p o w e r f u l political basis consisting of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils a n d a g r o w i n g m i l i t a r y force. In the towns and villages, in the occupied zones a n d in the liberated zones, the councils carried out their functions and their a u t h o r i t y among the people steadily increased. The f i r e of the a r m e d struggle was spreading f r o m South to N o r t h , the partisan eta and units and g u e r r i l l a units were m a k i n g l i f e intolerable for the occupiers and the q u i s l i n g traitors. U n d e r the ceaseless ideological, political a n d m i l i t a r y attacks, the e v i l regime w h i c h the blackshirts had established was e x p e r i e n c i n g a deep crisis. A f t e r V r l a c i , the h a n g m a n M e r l i k a was squeezed d r y and t h r o w n aside, and E q r e m L i b o h o v a was brought to power. B u t neither the bey of L i b o h o va nor the others w h o were to f o l l o w h i m w o u l d be able to p r o v i d e a safe h a r b o u r for the rotten s h i p of the fascist regime; the ocean of the people's w a r and hatred was r a g i n g a r o u n d it. Of course, s u c h a situation disturbed the e n e m y occupier w h o was obliged to m a k e desperate efforts to alter the situation in his favour. A p a r t f r o m the changes of puppets in the A l b a n i a n government and administration, apart f r o m the stepping up of its m i l i t a r y and police measures, a separate chapter in these efforts consisted of the total m o b i l i z a t i o n and r a l l y i n g of reaction, especially that part w h i c h fascist Italy had p e r m i t t e d to r e m a i n in the second echelon u p u n t i l that time. A s the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y realized clearly and h i s t o r y confirmed, the traitor nationalist organization, the B a l l i K o m b t a r , was to have its o w n 219

m a i n role i n this. O u r struggle w i t h this g r o u p i n g o f reaction w a s to comprise another chapter in the h e r oic efforts of the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t of the A l b a n i a n people.

2. The front of traitors

At the moments w h e n we w e r e in the heat of the w o r k to put into practice the decisions of the C o n f e r ence of Peza, especially in the m o n t h of November, a n u m b e r of comrades f r o m T i r a n a and other districts reported to us about m a n y movements, meetings a n d contacts of certain nationalist chiefs, p r o m i n e n t amongst w h o m was M i t h a t F r a s h r i . W e w e r e certain that something was being prepared and issued i n s t r u c tions that the greatest vigilance must be d i s p l a y e d a n d e v e r y t h i n g must be reported to us. N o t m u c h later, about the end of N o v e m b e r and the beginning of December, t h r o u g h the first issue of the paper, The War for National Liberation ( 1 ), w h i c h h a d been published and distributed illegally, we learned the news about the f o r m a t i o n of the nationalist o r ganization called the B a l l i K o m b t a r . As soon as we received the news about this organization and its leaders, as w e l l as a little later, w h e n we w e r e a c quainted w i t h its program, the notorious Decalogue, we were convinced that we had to do w i t h an o r g a n i z ation spawned by the enemy occupier w h i c h h a d
_____________________________ 1 O r g a n of the B a l l i Kombtar.

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t h r o w n this reserve into the struggle against the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a , the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the partisan N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War. T h e name of the B a l l i K o m b t a r itself explains the w h o l e p l a n of the local feudal-bourgeois reaction and the aims of the occupiers. Balli is not s i m p l y a l i t e r a l translation of front and l i k e w i s e Kombtar is not s i m p l y a translation of the w o r d national. No, the t e r m does not have a patriotic or linguistic character b u t has a p r o f o u n d ideological significance. F o r reaction the Balli w o u l d not m e a n war as the Front meant for us. F o r t h e m the Balli meant the head, the pre-destined national leadership, that is, the o l d unchangeable w o r l d without end, the conservative w o r l d w i t h oppressors and oppressed, the A l b a n i a n national w o r l d w h i c h rejects and fights progress and c o m m u n i s m . T h i s was the m e a n i n g of the B a l l i K o m b t a r created b y the Italian occupiers and by means of w h i c h the heads of A l b a n i a n reaction dreamed o f h o w t h e y could organize and r u n A l b a n i a i n the f u t u r e . T h e w o r d war d i d not exist i n the name of this organization or in its content, because it represented a w o r l d in its death throes. T h e B a l l i was t o engage i n war, both w i t h propaganda and w i t h arms, not against the occupier, however, but against the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a , against the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y and the n e w state p o w e r of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils. M i t h a t F r a s h r i , an arch-traitor, was placed at the head of this assembly of traitors, and a r o u n d h i m such notorious elements a s A l i B e y K l c y r a , K o l 221

Tromara, F a i k Q u k u , N u r e d i n V l o r a , and others s u c h as F u a t D i b r a , H a s a n Dosti, L e f Nosi, a n d so on, but in fact the B a l l i K o m b t a r was l e d by Jacomoni, the viceroy o f K i n g V i c t o r E m m a n u e l III and G e n e r a l D a l mazzo, the commander of the Italian a r m y in A l b a n i a . As to the local s c u m w h o f o r m e d and led this o r ganization, w h i c h they advertized as patriotic (!), the m a j o r i t y were precisely those pseudo-patriotic n a tionalist elements w i t h w h o m w e h a d been t r y i n g for more than two years on end and had done e v e r y t h i n g possible to w i n their support for the war, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the cause of the freedom and i n dependence of the H o m e l a n d . Earlier, w h e n I mentioned the meetings a n d f i e r c e debates w h i c h we had w i t h them, I also said s o m e t h i n g about their character, o r i g i n and their p o l i t i c a l a n d ideological baggage. N o w , however, I want to d w e l l somewhat more extensively on this aspect, to indicate the essence and o r i g i n of these i n d i v i d u a l s who, at the end of 1942, were a d v e r t i z i n g themselves as the head, the cream of the nation, and w h a t A l b a n i a could expect f r o m their organization, the B a l l i K o m b t a r . The b u l k of these certified patriots comprised the caravan of the anti-Zogite elements w h o after a 15 years a s y l u m on foreign soil h a d r e t u r n e d to A l bania in the wake of the Italian a r m y a n d u n d e r the protection of fascist bayonets. In the past t h e y h a d been deputies to the A l b a n i a n parliament, p r i o r to the government of F a n N o l i , and had been present at the f u n e r a l of A v n i R u s t e m i and t a k e n part in the R e v o l u t i o n of 1924. T h e y h a d differences in their p o l i t i c a l convictions because they expressed the most 222

varied opinions in a n u m b e r of newspapers w h i c h t h e y brought out d u r i n g the bourgeois-democratic r e g i m e w h i c h the coalition of beys and feudals headed by A h m e t Z o g o v e r t h r e w . T h e democratic v i e w s of some of t h e m w e r e s u p e r f i c i a l and q u i c k l y faded, w h i l e the most of those w h o had posed as partisans of Opinga ( 1 ) were in fact champions of the aghas and the m e r c a n t i l e bourgeoisie w h i c h was b u i l d i n g itself u p b y b u y i n g the lands of b a n k r u p t f e u d a l families. A l l of them, even i n c l u d i n g those w h o posed as farthest to the left, were f a r f r o m being r e v o l u t i o n a r y democrats, l i k e A v n i R u s t e m i , H a l i m X h e l o and others w h o w e r e l o y a l sons of the people and consistent fighters for democracy. A l l the. elements of the anti-Zogite e m i g r a t i o n w i t h the exception of the communists, or reds, as the anti-Zogites and democrats in exile called t h e m , claimed to be supporters of F a n N o l i . B u t after the f a i l u r e of the 1924 R e v o l u t i o n that erudite w r i t e r , F a n N o l i , t r a v e l l e d f r o m place to place, visited the Soviet U n i o n , spoke and wrote w e l l about it, stayed in G e r m a n y , w r o t e b e a u t i f u l and p o w e r f u l anti-Zogite verses, went to the U n i t e d States of A m e r ica w h e r e he became head of the C h u r c h , became more bourgeois, assumed a l l k i n d s of colours, and f r o m being an anti-Zogite came to terms w i t h Z o g and h i s men. True, he d i d not become a convinced and active Zogite, nevertheless, he accepted m o n e y f r o m Z o g . H e never f u l l y understood our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, d i d not prove to be a zealous c h a m p i o n of it to
____________________________ 1 T h e c o m m o n people.

223

the end, while, w h e n the people were d r i v i n g out the occupiers and traitors and establishing their o w n p o w er, F a n N o l i approved the B r i t i s h p l a n for the f o r m ation of an A l b a n i a n government in exile. N e v e r theless, we appreciate F a n N o l i as a bourgeois d e m o cratic w r i t e r and politician, l i m i t e d in his views, it is true, but who, on the whole, loved A l b a n i a . Whereas these disciples of F a n N o l i in exile were not even supporters of his, and before t h e y w o r ried about A l b a n i a , they hastened to ensure the m a n ger f r o m w h i c h they w o u l d eat. M u s s o l i n i ' s Italy p a i d some of them, A l e x a n d e r ' s Y u g o s l a v i a others, w h i l e s t i l l others were paid by the F r e n c h secret service, the B r i t i s h Intelligence Service, the G r e e k A s p h a l i a , the A m e r i c a n secret service, and so on. T h e y w e r e d i v i d e d into groups, but not according to their p o l i t i c a l t e n dencies and views, each w i t h its o w n p r o g r a m and o r ganization, newspaper and other publications. A l t h o u g h they t r i e d to present their p o l i t i c a l squabbles as o r i ginating f r o m differences i n their p o l i t i c a l views, i n fact they were grouped according to the sources f r o m w h i c h they received their subsidies, their f l o w of i n come. E a c h group had its premises in a caf w h i c h the members of other groups d i d not enter. A l l their a c t i v i t y as great politicians amounted to r e a d ing that newspaper w h i c h was p r o v i d e d by the caf where they sat a l l day i n d u l g i n g in idle talk and academic discussions about international problems w h i c h were accompanied by a f e w curses about Zog. W h e n they r a n out of words and their opposition s p i r i t dried up, t h e y began p l a y i n g poker and bridge and each t r i e d to rob the other at g a m b l i n g . 224

T h e chiefs, of course, conducted the f i n a n c i a l p o l icy, s h a r i n g out the m o n e y according to the orders of the centre f r o m w h i c h they received it, as w e l l as according to their personal sympathies. T h e pockets of some of t h e m w e r e f u l l but there w e r e others w h o h a d n o t h i n g to eat for days on end. T h i s u n d o u b t e d l y created quarrels amidst groups feeding f r o m the same manger a n d f r e q u e n t i n g the same caf. Of course, there were some w h o received income f r o m more than one source, came afloat again, and if one of t h e m were asked w h e r e he f o u n d this money, he w o u l d reply, I w o n it at gambling. In fact, however, these i n d i v i d u a l s w e r e spies for various agencies. I am not exaggerating these things. W h e n I was a student in France, on my w a y back to A l b a n i a for holidays or on the r e t u r n journey, I stopped both in B a r i , w h e r e I caught the ship, and in P a r i s . D u r i n g these transit stops I have seen h o w they l i v e d w i t h my o w n eyes. F o r instance, I was several times in the Stoppani C a f in B a r i w h i c h was one of the best known cafs of these emigrants in w h i c h the honourables, f o r m e r deputies and other members of the Zogite opposition, l i k e B a h r i O m a r i , S h e h K a r b u n a ra, M u h a r r e m V l l a m a s i , Q a m i l ela, w h o m they c o n sidered a red, an officer called L e k M a r g j i n i and others of the same t y p e gathered. In B a r i there were other emigrants w h o came around, but these were the m a i n ones, the heirs to the anti-Zogite p o l i c y and the Stoppani caf w a s t h e i r parliament. A l legedly to protect t h e i r lives the Italian government had openly appointed an o f f i c i a l police g u a r d for these honourables apart f r o m others w h o shadowed t h e m . 225

W h e n I passed t h r o u g h B a r i on my w a y to France, they asked m e : What's the news f r o m A l b a n i a , w h a t is going on? Do t h e y or do t h e y not l i k e Z o g ? W h e n is he going to die? and lots of other questions l i k e these. I don't remember a n y time w h e n t h e y asked me about the troubles of the people, the workers a n d p e a sants, or expressed r e v u l s i o n about the w a y the w o r k e r s and peasants w e r e p l u n d e r e d and exploited. W h e n I spoke about these things t h e y listened to me w i t h i n d i f ference, because the situation and movements of the masses w e r e of no importance to these partisans of Opinga; for t h e m the best news was if y o u told t h e m that Z o g had been i l l because it seemed to t h e m that the w a y was being opened for t h e m to take p o w e r in Albania. In the Stoppani caf t h e y dealt in grand p o l i tics. E a c h of t h e m expressed his o w n tendencies a n d sympathies i n t h e i r conversations. S h e h K a r b u n a r a , for example, apparently ate the bread of the Italians but had a special a d m i r a t i o n for the E n g l i s h . T h e S h e h was l i v e l y i n conversation and attracted attention w i t h his m a n n e r of speaking in the M y z e q e dialect and his l o u d laughter. H e was clever and c u n n i n g b u t h a d not the slightest culture. H e w a i t e d for B a h r i O m a r i to read h i m a newspaper because B a h r i k n e w several eastern and western languages. B a h r i ' s culture, h o w ever, was a little of everything, and of no depth. In his political views, he posed as a radical socialist b e cause he h a d great a d m i r a t i o n for E d o u a r d H e r r i o t , one of the leaders of the F r e n c h radical socialists. Le Temps, a l i b e r a l newspaper w i t h great influence in France at that time, was the source of B a h r i ' s i n f o r m 226

ation and interpretations. S h e h K a r b u n a r a and t h e others w a i t e d for h i m in the Stoppani caf w i t h the newspaper Le Temps in f r o n t of h i m . Come on, read it to us! said the S h e h . Wait a minute, said B a h r i , t i l l I have a coffee w i t h cream. T h e n he began to glance over the h e a d lines and gave t h e m a brief resum of the news and articles in the paper. M e a n w h i l e , the S h e h d i d not f a i l t o s a y : That's a l l v e r y w e l l , but see w h a t the E n g l i s h say about this problem. Forget about the others, it's the E n g l i s h that count. In t h e i r conversations they posed as anti-Zogitea and consequently, i n l o w voices, s a i d the odd w o r d against M u s s o l i n i , w h i l e t h e y bombarded Z o g w i t h words. B u t Z o g d i d not w o r r y about t h e m at a l l , had no fear of t h e m and s i m p l y ignored t h e m because he k n e w that t h e y represented no danger to h i m . O n m y w a y back f r o m F r a n c e t o A l b a n i a I asked these honourable g e n t l e m e n : What's the news f r o m A l b a n i a ? B u t there w a s n o t h i n g I could learn f r o m them apart f r o m scandalous r u m o u r s about the goingson of the regime. I remember once I f o u n d t h e m in v e r y h i g h spirits. Things are going on v e r y w e l l ! t h e y t o l d me. What has happened? I asked. Zog is dying, said the Sheh. We have reliable i n f o r m a t i o n that he has cancer and t w o famous doctors have gone f r o m V i e n n a to e x a m i n e him. Baba Sheh, I said, have we a n y organization inside the c o u n t r y to o v e r t h r o w h i m apart f r o m t h i s ? The S h e h looked m e i n the eye and s a i d : 227

Yes, . . . w e have. B u t y o u reds w a n t t o k n o w e v e r y t h i n g and y o u hide y o u r i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m us! and he looked at Q a m i l e l a w h o m t h e y considered a communist. These pseudo-politicians, these supporters of the mercantile bourgeoisie and aghas had hatred for c o m m u n i s m i n their blood stream a n d this t h e y d e m o n strated later. As for a n y organization on t h e i r part w i t h i n the country, not o n l y d i d this not exist, but they had not sent a n y newspapers, pamphlets or e v e n a single leaflet into A l b a n i a . T h e i r activity could not be compared even w i t h that of democratic elements among the exiles l i k e O m e r N i s h a n i o r F a n N o l i h i m self, whose disciples they c l a i m e d to be, let alone w i t h the a c t i v i t y of r e v o l u t i o n a r y communist m i l i t a n t s l i k e A l i K e l m e n d i , H a l i m X h e l o and R i z a Cerova, w h o w o r k e d abroad but also entered A l b a n i a l e g a l l y o r i l legally, and w o r k e d under the threat of imprisonment, internment and murder. B u t w h a t sort of organization could the clients of the Stoppani caf c l a i m to have w h e n their l i n k s w i t h the c o u n t r y w e r e non-existent? A p a r t f r o m a f e w f o r m e r acquaintances, m e n of the bourgeoisie, aghas, top officials or some o l d intellectuals, no one in A l b a n i a remembered t h e m . T h e latter had considered it m o r e advantageous to m a k e their peace w i t h Z o g t h a n to rove the cities of Europe, had submitted to the regime, l i v e d and carried out their a c t i v i t y u n d e r the protection of the K r o s i s and Zog's ministers and had e v e n gained some posts in the capital or were appointed its prefects in the districts. T h e S k n d e r Pojanis, R e i z Selfos, V e h i p Runas, Q e m a l V r i o n i s and m a n y others were of this 228

type. N o w even t h e i r opinions w e r e u n i f i e d , t h e y h a d become convinced Zogites, although some posed as apolitical, others as n e u t r a l and w h e n t h e y w e n t abroad, especially to Italy, because that is w h e r e t h e y w e n t m o s t ly to strike trade deals, t h e y d i d not forget their o l d friends. T h e y w o u l d meet in the Stoppani caf, crack a f e w jokes, pose as democrats, relate some of the crimes of the regime and, as friends and acquaintances, put a bit of m o n e y in their pockets. Hence, the contacts of the emigrant politicians w i t h A l b a n i a w e r e made t h r o u g h m e n of the Zogite regime w h o w e n t abroad, t h r o u g h officials, b i g m e r chants, l a n d - o w n e r s and aghas, and these contacts were m a i n t a i n e d not in order to conspire or do something against the regime, but in order to get some economic aid f r o m it and to delude themselves by s a y i n g that they had not lost contact w i t h A l b a n i a . T h i s was not surprising. E v e n i n the time o f the F a n N o l i g o v e r n ment w h e n these m e n w e r e members of it, or elected as deputies, t h e i r l i n k s w e r e not w i t h the masses of the people but m a i n l y w i t h the l i b e r a l g e n t r y of the city and, up to a point, w i t h the g e n t r y of the c o u n tryside. It was not the idea of the progress of A l b a n i a w h i c h l i n k e d t h e m w i t h the gentry, but t h e i r f a m i l y and marriage links, a n d chance friendships w h i c h w e r e w i d e l y developed in the social l i f e of that time. The anti-Zogite democrats of P a r i s comprised another group of t h i s category of p o l i t i c a l exiles. T h a t included A l i K l c y r a , K o l T r o m a r a , Q a z i m K o c u l i , S e j f i V l l a m a s i , R e x h e p M i t r o v i c a and others, but T r o mara, A l i B e y , K o c u l i a n d M i t r o v i c a posed a s leaders. In fact none of t h e m recognized the other as leader, 229

because t h e y a l l led, but they w e r e leaders in words, commanders w i t h o u t a n a r m y . I d i d not have the o p p o r t u n i t y to get to k n o w these people w e l l , because I was a student w i t h o u t a bursary, w i t h n o money, and c o u l d b a r e l y p a y for m y board and lodging and r a r e l y w e n t out to v i s i t some museum, to see a performance or to d r i n k a cup of coffee. Sometimes my father sent me a f e w napoleons, sometimes my friends gave me a c o i n or t w o a n d sometimes I w a s able to give lessons in A l b a n i a n at a f e w francs per hour. B u t f r o m w h a t l i t t l e I k n e w of t h e m a n d w h a t I heard f r o m other A l b a n i a n s t h e y passed their time in the cafs and g a m b l i n g clubs, going to the races, the cinema, etc. O b v i o u s l y t h e y h a d p l e n t y of money. Where do t h e y f i n d it? I asked R e m z i Fico, a medical student w h o k n e w K o l T r o m a r a . They are w e l l p a i d by the F r e n c h government as the politicians t h e y are, R e m z i t o l d me. T h e i r centres w e r e La Coupole, La Source and other w e l l - k n o w n cafs. There they gambled, p l a y e d politics, overthrew Zog, aroused the A l b a n i a n people, and shared out the francs a n d the dollars w h i c h the course of b e t r a y a l on w h i c h t h e y had set out secured for them. T h e anti-Zogites of the Stoppani caf had good relations w i t h this group w h i l e t h e y q u a r relled w i t h the group o f M u s t a f a M e r l i k a w h i c h M u s s o l i n i kept i n D a l m a t i a and prepared for his f u t u r e plans of invasion. As soon as fascist Italy invaded A l b a n i a a l l these exiles r e t u r n e d f r o m the cafs of Europe. N a t u r a l l y , they w e r e pleased to see t h e i r friends and established 230

political contacts w i t h other anti-Zogites w h o had remained w i t h i n the c o u n t r y or h a d r e t u r n e d earlier. Now, w i t h the occupation of the country, these socalled anti-Zogite democrats either s t i l l h e l d the posts w h i c h t h e y h a d h a d in the time of Zog, or h a d been raised in responsibility, a n d w i t h the a i d of fascism, were f u r t h e r e n r i c h i n g themselves at the people's e x pense. The outstanding patriots r e t u r n e d f r o m Europe, sounded out the t e r r a i n , s n i f f e d out w h e r e the l i r e came f r o m and how, sounded out the quislings, the Italian and A l b a n i a n fascist hierarchs, posed as p o l i t ically undefiled, as able m e n and politicians, as men w h o h a d made sacrifices for this nation, w h i l e languishing on foreign soil, so n o w that the sea h a d turned into y o u g h u r t t h e y ought to be g i v e n not spoons but ladles. T h e y w e r e installed in homes, t h e i r salaries continued, but in w h a t way, nobody k n e w . The occupier w a n t e d to legalize these salaries, but the fathers of the nation put up resistance in this d i r e c tion because this w o u l d m e a n that the pseudo-patriots w o u l d be compromised in the eyes of the people a n d committed to the dance. H o w e v e r , fascist Italy was to allow t h e m to retain their disguise, just as long as it was in its interests, because it had taken into account the role of the reactionary chiefs of the p o l i t i c a l exiles in its plans for the occupation of A l b a n i a . It was not for nothing that Zog's great f r i e n d had l o n g been w o r k i n g to organize them, had kept and subsidized them, allegedly in secret ways, because Z o g d i d not dare m a k e the slightest protest. F a s c i s m h a d considered and was to use these m e n as a reserve for the d o m i n 231

ation of A l b a n i a and they were an important c a r d in the Italian game of the l i b e r a t i o n of A l b a n i a f r o m Zog. These elements had become puppets a n d as such nobody was going to ask t h e m w h a t role t h e y w e r e going t o p l a y i n the prepared plot. A n d fascism d i v i d e d the roles amongst the groups of these p o l i t i c a l exiles. Some of them, such as M u s t a f a K r u j a a n d others, it used d i r e c t l y to govern its colony, w h i l e the others it kept in reserve. It was not that fascist Italy h a d no need of t h e m , but it k n e w that it could not b r i n g t h e m into use before Vrlaci, Mustafa Merlika, Eqrem B e y Libohova, M a l i q B u s h a t i , and so on. T h e y w e r e the first violins, w h i l e the others had to s u b m i t to the q u i s l i n g regime of the occupiers and w o r k f o r it and, moreover, at f i r s t shed the odd tear for A l b a n i a and A l b a n i a n i s m . A l l this was a puppet p l a y but the captor Italy had not staged it for nothing. In this way, these pseudo-patriots, pseudo-democrats and fascists were brought into the dance of the Italian fascist occupiers. Some of t h e m w e r e made m e m bers of the C o u n c i l of State created especially for them, while, as I said, the others became local fascist chiefs, and others s t i l l received pensions and bribes w i t h o u t occupying a n y definite post, so that t h e y c o u l d retain for a w h i l e the reputation of unblemished p a t r i ots although a l l the t i m e t h e y carried on disguised p r o paganda against the people's resistance. T h e elements of this group t e m p o r a r i l y left in reserve were closely l i n k e d w i t h fascist Italy, but their role was to c a r r y out subversive a c t i v i t y w i t h i n the struggle o f the A l b a n i a n people and to co-ordinate t h e i r demagogy w i t h the bludgeon w h i c h M u s t a f a M e r l i k a w i e l d e d o p e n l y . 232

T h e i r m i s s i o n was to l i n k the m a x i m u m n u m b e r of people to the fascist b a n d - w a g o n through d e c e p t i o n and threats and to w i n over the peasantry and the intellectuals. In the end this dangerous a c t i v i t y of theirs h a d some results, especially among v a c i l l a t i n g and c o w a r d l y elements. Thus, in order to suppress the people and their struggle, the fascist occupier w o r k e d f r o m both sides: f r o m the side of the A l b a n i a n fascist officials placed i n government posts f r o m w h i c h t h e y oppressed and exploited the people, and f r o m the side of the pseudo-patriots, pseudo-democrats a n d Zogites allegedly f a l l e n in disgrace. These latter were the politicians of the Kursaal caf and g a m b l i n g clubs l i k e the Savoy and other notorious establishments. T h e fascist secret agency, w h i c h was e v e r y w h e r e and reported e v e r y t h i n g , t u r n e d a b l i n d eye and a deaf ear w h e n one of these politicians expressed some criticism of persons in p o w e r or the f a s cist regime in the country. T h e w h o l e lot of t h e m were a f i l t h y scum among w h o m it was h a r d to f i n d even one, h o w e v e r insignificant, w h o was u n d e f i l e d . Of course, apart f r o m the knowledge w h i c h we had f r o m the p e r i o d p r i o r to the occupation, we created a more complete and accurate o p i n i o n about them d u r i n g our m a n y attempts to fan up their patriotism, that is, to unite t h e m w i t h the war, w i t h the Front, w i t h the great cause of the H o m e l a n d . As I have a l ready s h o w n in detail, however, i n i t i a l l y they treated us w i t h total disregard, and, indeed, i m p l i e d that t h e y could h a r d l y deign to t a l k w i t h us hot-headed young reds. T h e r e were two m a i n reasons for this stand of theirs towards us in the i n i t i a l stage of our contacts with them: 233

First, among these nationalist-democrats, w h o l i v e d o n fascist hand-outs and w h o w e r e neither n a tionalists n o r democrats, the idea p r e v a i l e d that t h e y were the most capable, were proven politicians, that the people l o v e d a n d respected them and, hence, t h e y thought t h e y were destined, w h e n the favourable m o m e n t came, to take p o w e r a n d g o v e r n the country. Thus, w i t h their d e l i r i u m a n d these absurd illusions t h e y had about themselves they could not e v e n think, let alone accept, that their t i m e had passed and that n o w n e w m e n were e m e r g i n g f r o m the r a n k s o f the common people, ready to take over r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the fate of the H o m e l a n d . Second, this disdainful attitude towards us in this f i r s t phase of the w a r was dictated to t h e m by the fascist occupier and open reaction, w i t h the a i m that we, young people, w o u l d be overawed by their profound reasoning and lose heart, hence, w o u l d come to our senses, as t h e y advised us, reconcile ourselves to the situation and, w h i l e s w a l l o w i n g the misfortunes of the H o m e l a n d , enjoy the blessings of the fascist order! A f t e r years of idle talk and dreams in cafs, h o w ever, t h e i r calculations w e n t even f u r t h e r t h a n this, for t h e m the occupation of the c o u n t r y by fascist Italy w a s a passing phenomenon for A l b a n i a and t h e y thought that, w h e n the Italians left t h e y w o u l d s t i l l have t h e m as a support, p r o v i d e d we don't annoy them, as these boys are doing. T h e i r ideas w e n t f u r ther s t i l l : If n a z i G e r m a n y replaces Italy, that w i l l be even better and it w i l l help us; on the other hand, if both Italy and G e r m a n y are defeated, then B r i t a i n a n d the U n i t e d States o f A m e r i c a w i l l t r i u m p h , t h e y 234

w i l l m a k e the l a w and in that case we s h a l l be even better off. As a result of these dangerous v i e w s and the economic and p o l i t i c a l interests they regarded the w a r of the A l b a n i a n people against the occupier, for w h i c h we were appealing a n d s t r i v i n g , as something terrible. In no w a y d i d t h e y w a n t to f i g h t the fascist occupier, therefore, they d i d t h e i r utmost a n d e m p l o y e d every means to strangle the r e v o l u t i o n in its e m b r i o n i c phase. Of course, regardless of the disdain, gibes a n d remonstrances of these o l d m e n , harnessed to the fascist plough, w e c a r r i e d o n w i t h our w o r k and were to witness a l l their metamorphoses w h i c h a p peared ridiculous but, in fact, were done u n d e r orders. W h e n , to their astonishment, t h e y saw that we were r e a l l y t a k i n g the reins of the w a r in hand, t h e y w e r e obliged and ordered to come and seek us out, to t r y a n d persuade us for the sake of s u f f e r i n g A l b a n i a to proceed no f u r t h e r on the course of adventurism w h i c h w e had t a k e n . Q u i e t l y and patiently, w e e x plained o u r stand to t h e m once again and continued on o u r course. H o w e v e r , w h e n a l l these manoeuvres and efforts of theirs to soften us got nowhere, w h e n we o r g a n ized the Conference of P e z a and achieved one v i c t o r y after the other, t h e n the fathers of the nation r e ceived orders to change their tactic i m m e d i a t e l y : the notorious B a l l i K o m b t a r emerged, or more precisely, was produced in the w o r k s h o p s of the vice-regal a d m i n i s t r a t i o n as a counterweight to the N a t i o n a l L i b eration Front, the councils and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r w h i c h our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y was leading. 235

Some two years later, in the course of the w a r , w h e n we w e r e on the eve of the l i b e r a t i o n of A l b a n i a and f i n a l l y settling accounts w i t h the occupier a n d the whole of i n t e r n a l reaction, precisely on this p r o b l e m we w e r e to hear, amongst m a n y others, this absurd paradox: T h e B a l l i K o m b t a r emerged allegedly as a result of the inadequate w o r k of the C P A (!), moreover, as a consequence of a sectarian stand w h i c h we h a d allegedly adopted towards those elements w h o subsequently became leaders of the B a l l i K o m b t a r (!). This gem, w h i c h we had heard for the first t i m e f r o m the m o u t h of Tempo in M a r c h 1943 in L a b i n o t , was repeated at O d r i a n and later at B e r a t by Tito's other delegate, V e l i m i r S t o j n i c and was q u i c k l y t a k e n u p b y S e j f u l l a Malshova, K o i X o x e and others w h o t r i e d to justify it. Shocked and angry at the same time, I asked them, What do y o u consider sectarianism?! The fact that a l l of us, w i t h o u t exception, have h e l d meeting a f t e r meeting, f r e q u e n t l y for w h o l e days a n d nights, w i t h a l l those dregs of h i s t o r y and patriotism? T h e fact that we have listened p a t i e n t l y to a l l their f i l t h y insinuations and accusations against us w h e n they deserved to be t o l d 'go to the devil'?! Then, w h y d i d t h e y not come w i t h y o u , but o r ganized themselves in a separate organization? S t o j n i c t r i e d to catch me. What drove t h e m to the r i g h t ? W h y d i d they oppose the F r o n t and the P a r t y ? I can answer y o u r question, I t o l d h i m , b u t first it w o u l d be better for us to hear y o u r o p i n i o n because y o u have more experience : w h y d i d the M i h a j 236

lovies (1), the Ustae the C e t n i c i and a lot of others of t h e same type, become enemies of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f Y u g o s l a v i a ? W h a t took t h e m f r o m the side of ' p a t r i o t i s m ' and pushed t h e m to the right? S t o j n i stared at me, d u m b w i t h f u r y . It was not just the anger and i r o n y of my w o r d s w h i c h struck h i m d u m b . H e d i d not k n o w what t o say. S e j f u l l a t r i e d to come to his a i d : Each concrete p r o b l e m must be e x a m i n e d and analyzed in the concrete conditions and c i r c u m s t a n ces of each country. Y u g o s l a v i a is different f r o m A l bania. W e w e r e t a l k i n g about our c o u n t r y . . . I k n o w this p r i n c i p l e of M a r x i s m , I said to S e j f u l l a , but you, at least in this concrete case, are i n d u l g i n g in sophistry. A l t h o u g h I have no f i r s t - h a n d knowledge of the concrete conditions in Y u g o s l a v i a , or o f the w o r k o f the C P Y w i t h the 'nationalists' and other elements, in p r i n c i p l e I can state w i t h c e r t a i n t y : those same factors, those same conditions, those same social forces, dictates and interests w h i c h gave b i r t h to the C e t n i c i and Ustae in Y u g o s l a v i a or the Zervistas i n Greece, gave b i r t h t o the B a l l i s t s i n A l b a n i a ! H o w ever, I do not w a n t to go into the experience of others because I have no intimate knowledge of it. B u t one thing I can assert w i t h c o n v i c t i o n : our P a r t y acted towards the nationalist elements w i t h the greatest
__________________________________ 1 D r a a M i h a j l o v i , agent of E n g l i s h i m p e r i a l i s m , minister of war in the Yugoslav puppet government and of London in the 1942. He collaborated w i t h the G e r m a n occupiers against the Yugoslav national liberation movement terrorized ,Kosova people.

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m a t u r i t y . I n our relations and w o r k w i t h t h e m i n t h e phase before they emerged as an organization there m a y have been illusions, undue hopes and even a cert a i n overestimation of some of them, but there w a s certainly never any sectarianism! There is no need to d w e l l at length on these long arguments of those d i f f i c u l t days (many of t h e m I h a v e mentioned in greater detail in the book The Titoites [ 1 ]) but I brought up this fragment f r o m the a u t u m n of 1944 in order to compare it w i t h the p e r i o d and c o n crete situation under discussion, that is, the p e r i o d w h e n the B a l l i K o m b t a r had emerged on the scene at the end of 1942. F r o m this comparison between t h e Titoite accusation of sectarianism and our concrete stand, anyone, even the most i l l - i n f o r m e d or i l l - i n t e n tioned, can see clearly what a correct stand we adopted, w h a t great w o r k and efforts w e made w i t h the m i x t u r e of pseudo-patriots, what w i s d o m and patience we d i s played in order to convince t h e m to j o i n in the w a r together w i t h the people. A n d we should not forget: above I have mentioned o n l y those efforts, meetings and debates (naturally not a l l of t h e m and in f u l l detail) w h i c h I made personally w i t h the nationalists. B u t other comrades of the C e n t r a l Committee, of t h e regional committees, other communists and cadres, honest patriots and revolutionaries a l l over the c o u n try, had m a n y m a n y s i m i l a r meetings w i t h such e l e ments! Hence, the B a l l i K o m b t a r emerged on the scene
__________________________________ 1 This foreign 1982. book is published 8 in English and in some other languages by Nntori P u b l i s h i n g House, Tirana

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not for any fault in our w o r k w i t h them, but because w e l l before this, the C P A h a d emerged on the scene of history w i t h a correct line, w i t h a clear program, w i t h the w i l l , d e t e r m i n a t i o n and a b i l i t y to go among the masses a n d w i n t h e m to its cause. H a d our P a r t y not existed, had we not achieved the successes w h i c h we achieved in less t h a n a year of the existence and activity of the P a r t y , that is, had we remained silent, then perhaps, reaction w o u l d not have made the effort to assemble and organize itself! In brief, they emerged as reaction not against the occupier, but as reaction against us, against the C P A , against the N a tional L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t a n d the national l i b e r a t i o n councils, against the p a r t i s a n eta, units and d e t a c h ments w h i c h w e r e f i l l i n g the country. We w e r e clear about this development of r e a c tion f r o m the outset. Indeed, even before we l e a r n e d of the f o r m a t i o n of the B a l l i we h a d discussed a n d taken into account the p o s s i b i l i t y of an organization of pseudo-patriotic reaction in order to oppose us. N o w we had to define a n d m a i n t a i n such a correct, vigilant and p r u d e n t stand thanks t o w h i c h w e w o u l d ensure the greatest possible progress of our cause towards victory, regardless of the organizations a n d groupings w h i c h i n t e r n a l reaction was assuming and might alter in the f u t u r e . It is the m e r i t of o u r P a r t y that it accomplished this e x t r e m e l y c o m p l e x and d i f f i c u l t task, too, w i t h honour, w i t h o u t p e r m i t t i n g a n y sectarianism or o p portunism and as a consequence of this the solutions and results achieved w e r e the best possible and most acceptable for the years of the war, but above a l l , 239

t h e y were solutions w h i c h were v i t a l to the f u t u r e of the H o m e l a n d , the people and socialism in A l b a n i a . On this problem, too, the w o r k of our P a r t y c o n stitutes a r i c h experience of v e r y great p o l i t i c a l a n d ideological value and importance. H i s t o r y has had its say about this experience. Since that p e r i o d I have f r e q u e n t l y w r i t t e n and spoken about that stern, c o m p l e x but t r u l y v i t a l struggle w h i c h we had to wage along w i t h the w a r against the occupier. F i r s t of a l l . aware f r o m the outset that reaction was organizing itself not against the occupiers b u t against us, convinced that if it were to f i g h t w i t h arms it w o u l d do this o n l y against the C P A , the Front, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y and councils (and this is w h a t occurred), towards the organizations of reaction we defined and applied a line and tactics w h i c h made it possible to avoid f r a t r i c i d a l w a r in the ranks of the A l b a n i a n people, and the d i s r u p t i o n and d i s o r g a n i z ation of the patriotic u n i t y of the masses. Second, w h i l e c o m p e l l i n g reaction, w h i c h had not raised a h a n d to fight the occupier, not to engage in open fight against the P a r t y and the people, either (for as long as possible), at the same t i m e we d i d not for one moment permit a n y w e a k e n i n g of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r of the people or a n y v i o l a t i o n of the leading role of the P a r t y in the Front, in the councils or in the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , for the sake of m a i n t a i n i n g peace between us; we d i d not p e r m i t any deviation f r o m the p r o g r a m of the P a r t y , that is, we d i d not accept or reach a n y opportunist or socialdemocratic u n i t y o r fraternization w i t h the B a l l i o r a n y b o d y else. 240

T h i r d , thanks to the correct line, neither sectarian nor opportunist, towards reaction, and in the concrete case towards the B a l l i we managed to b r i n g about a p r o f o u n d d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n in its ranks; we w e r e able to separate a n d save those w h o were deceived by b r i n g i n g t h e m over to our side; those w h o adhered to the p r i n c i p l e neither w i t h one side nor the other w e n e u t r a l i z e d and kept f r o m f i g h t i n g us; a n d w e were able to b r i n g out clearly before the eyes of the people the detestable f i g u r e and c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y action of the traitor chiefs of reaction. A n d w h e n m a t ters reached the phase w h e n we had in our possession a w h o l e series of facts exposing the a c t i v i t y of these collaborators w i t h the occupier, w h e n they had been discredited in the eyes of the masses, their o w n t r e a chery was to compel t h e m to p l a y the f i n a l act: left like a h a n d f u l of dregs, w i t h o u t a n y hope for support, without a n y basis among the people, they went over openly to support the n a z i detachments against our partisan forces and against the people who had risen in the general insurrection. N o w the a r m e d struggle carried the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n through to the end. Thus, thanks to the line pursued by our P a r t y , the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d f r o m the nazi-fascist occupiers coincided w i t h the e l i m i n a tion of a l l those criminals, the f o r m e r representatives of the e x p l o i t i n g classes, f r o m the scene of A l b a n i a n life. A f i n a l result was achieved: the N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation W a r had been t r a n s f o r m e d into a popular r e v olution and w a s about to be c r o w n e d w i t h success. P r e c i s e l y in this p a r t i c u l a r experience of coping w i t h and defeating reaction lies one of the greatest 241

merits of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a , a m e r i t w h i c h had p r o f o u n d and decisive repercussions both on the development of the w a r and for the reliable future of the r e v o l u t i o n in A l b a n i a . Then, h o w was the C P A able i n those d i f f i c u l t years to define and a p p l y s u c h a l i n e w h i c h saved the country f r o m the c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y organization and groupings of i n t e r n a l reaction?! A b o v e all, we a r r i v e d at this line and the great results achieved t h r o u g h our reliance on a correct a n d consistent policy, w h i c h h a d as its w a t c h w o r d f r o m beginning to e n d : merciless, u n c o m p r o m i s i n g w a r against the foreign occupier and their collaborators, and the u n i t y of a l l the v i t a l forces of the n a t i o n in this life-and-death struggle! W i t h this w a t c h w o r d w e a w a i t e d the emergence of the B a l l i K o m b t a r on the scene and were to p i n it w i t h its back to the w a l l r i g h t to the end u n t i l its total degeneration and destruction. Thus, once we had learned the f o r m a t i o n of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and w e r e acquainted w i t h its so-called Decalogue i n w h i c h the B a l l i p r o c l a i m e d its p r o g r a m , we discussed the matter extensively and decided to attack it precisely on its weakest point, on its d e m a gogy and vows about patriotism. A m o n g the points of the Decalogue of the B a l l i K o m b t a r there was one about a free A l b a n i a , a n d the e l i m i n a t i o n of exploitation, and even the odd timorous w o r d about the w a r against the occupier, but apparently the B a l l i K o m b t a r was p r e p a r i n g for w a r against the M a r t i a n s because the Italian occupiers w e r e not m e n t i o n e d ! In this w a y the chiefs of the 242

B a l l i K o m b t a r w e r e t r y i n g t o safeguard their n a tionalist colours, so that they w o u l d be better able to play the role of the T r o j a n Horse in the ranks of the A l b a n i a n people w h o hated and were f i g h t i n g the occupier. We seized on this reluctant patriotism of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and at the proper moment, at a meeting organized in T i r a n a , we t o l d the representatives of that o r g a n i z a t i o n : We have heard about y o u r organization and have read the p r o g r a m w h i c h y o u proclaimed. T h e r e y o u express y o u r desire for a 'free A l b a n i a ' , 'for d r i v i n g out the foreigners', etc. These are things w h i c h unite us because we have been f i g h t i n g and shedding blood for these things t w o years now. As y o u k n o w , the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t o f the A l b a n i a n people w h i c h unites a l l the masses, anti-fascist nationalist currents and organizations in its ranks, w a s f o r m e d some t i m e ago. On the basis of the p l a t f o r m of the war, y o u , too, ought to adhere to this Front. We do not recognize y o u r F r o n t ! r e p l i e d the representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . We t a l k e d to t h e m p a t i e n t l y about the Conference of Peza, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n in it and its decisions, b u t the m e n of the B a l l i K o m b t a r again objected: We do not recognize either the Conference of Peza or its decisions! Since t h e y w e r e f e i g n i n g ignorance, we, w i t h o u t losing our aplomb, t o l d t h e m that their chiefs, such as M i t h a t F r a s h r i , K o l T r o m a r a , A l i K l c y r a and others, were i n f o r m e d about the Conference, that M r . M i t h a t had sent his o w n representatives, that S k n d e r M u o 243

had come to P e z a in person, although he w a s late, a n d had accepted the platform, etc., etc. Since they could not d e n y these facts, the r e p r e sentatives o f the B a l l i K o m b t a r p l a y e d another c a r d : Yes, yes, we k n o w a l l this, t h e y said, but y o u w e n t to the Conference as a P a r t y , w h i l e we n a t i o n a l ists w e r e i n v i t e d as i n d i v i d u a l s . We d i d not take p a r t in it as an organization, therefore we do not recognize either the Conference of P e z a or the N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation F r o n t ! We w o u l d not have f a i l e d to i n v i t e y o u as an organization, we told them, but h o w c o u l d we i n v i t e y o u w h e n y o u r organization d i d not exist at the time w h e n the Conference of P e z a was held?! H o w can y o u say the B a l l i d i d not exist? W e were alive! objected one of the representatives of the pseudo-patriots. We k n e w that y o u were alive, that's w h y w e i n v i t e d you, was our reply. B u t we c o u l d not read the cups to foretell the existence of an organization of w h i c h there was no l i v i n g sign, not e v e n w i t h a leaflet or proclamation, let alone w i t h rifles, and indeed none of y o u e v e n mentioned it! B u t the delegates o f the B a l l i K o m b t a r w e r e deaf in that ear. T h e n , the representatives of the F r o n t said to t h e m : Y o u r objections are baseless a n d u t t e r l y f o r m a l . In our o p i n i o n it is of no importance w h e t h e r or not y o u were at Peza. T h e i m p o r t a n t t h i n g is that we agree to fight together against the same enemy. A r e y o u f o r the w a r ? 244

We are! agreed the representatives of the Balli Kombtar. Then, w h a t is stopping y o u ? We are presenting to y o u a concrete p l a t f o r m of struggle and u n i t y w h i c h thousands a n d thousands of people a l l over the c o u n t r y have embraced months ago, so let us discuss the matter on this basis. We say to y o u : j o i n the F r o n t and take part in the war. The N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t y o u are t a l k i n g about is y o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y itself camouflaged w i t h the name F r o n t . By t e l l i n g us to j o i n the Front, w i l l y n i l l y y o u are asking us to take part in y o u r P a r t y ! No, even if y o u beg us we w o u l d neither ask this of y o u n o r ever p e r m i t it, we said. Y o u are t r y i n g in v a i n to confuse things w h i c h are clear as the light of d a y : the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y is a political p a r t y the doors of w h i c h are open o n l y to those w h o embrace a definite ideology the communist ideology, to those who accept and a p p l y g i v e n norms and p r i n c i p l e s w h i c h are e x t r e m e l y scientific and rigorous. Y o u c a n not do this and no one is asking y o u to do. W h i l e the Front, gentlemen, we continued, is a broad organization of the masses, the doors of w h i c h are opened to a l l genuine patriots, to a l l anti-fascist trends and organizations w h i c h are ready to take part in the a r m e d struggle against the occupier. T h e m a i n thing n o w is that we should a l l unite to w i n freedom. This m i l i t a n t u n i o n is the Front. Even if this w e r e so we could not j o i n it, because the F r o n t fights w i t h the p r o g r a m and slogans of the Communist P a r t y ! the representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r t r i e d to f i n d a w a y out. 245

 B u t w h a t are our concrete p r o g r a m and slogans? w e asked them, and c o n t i n u e d : The v e r y t h i n g that o u r N a t i o n a l A n t h e m says: ' A r o u n d the f l a g u n i t e d / w i t h one desire / for one a i m . ' W a r against the occupier f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of the c o u n t r y ! Go ahead and present some more m i l i t a n t p r o g r a m o r slogan w h i c h w i l l serve the aims of the H o m e l a n d and the people better and we s h a l l accept them. T h e representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w e r e nonplussed by our suggestion a n d looked at one another in doubt u n t i l one of them, as the most senior, in a quiet tone of the m a n of w i s d o m , began to teach us t h e i r great refined policy. In essence the lesson was t h i s : We recognize the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y as a p a r t y w h i c h does not l i k e fascism, and we, the B a l l i , do not l i k e i t either. B u t w e d i f f e r over the w a y i n w h i c h w e should fight it. Y o u communists are hasty, y o u are f a n n i n g up feuds, y o u are i n f u r i a t i n g the Italians w h o are v e r y strong and this f u r y i s f a l l i n g a n d w i l l c o n t i n u e to f a l l on the people, on the y o u t h . We m u s t safeguard these forces because we need t h e m for the f u t u r e ; after all, it's a p i t y to shed a l l this blood, s a i d the representative of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and c o n c l u d e d : The B a l l i is for w a i t i n g u n t i l the t i m e comes, hence hasty actions should not be undertaken. What t i m e have y o u i n m i n d ? w e asked t h e m . W h e n fascism has been b a d l y k n o c k e d about and has one foot in the grave. T h e n , we should rise, give it a shove and w i n freedom w i t h o u t m u c h bloodshed! replied the representative of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . A strange strategy! we said. B u t there is one 246

thing we don't u n d e r s t a n d : if we have to sit idle, if all the enslaved peoples are going to sit idle, t h e n w h o w i l l k n o c k fascism about and prepare it for us to give it the f i n a l shove? O u r question left the representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r i n stony silence. T h e y m u r m u r e d something between themselves and t h e n s u d d e n l y one of t h e m raised his v o i c e : It's impossible to t a l k w i t h y o u . Y o u are just t r y i n g to t r a p us w i t h words. That's y o u r aim! No, our a i m is to appeal to y o u and to convince you, since y o u r c l a i m that y o u are a nationalist o r g a n ization and do not l i k e fascism, to unite in the w a r against fascism. A p a r t f r o m this line, apart f r o m this logic, we recognize no other line or logic. Therefore think it over and decide. T h e doors Of the F r o n t are open to y o u . It is a w a i t i n g you, but there is a l i m i t to the waiting. No, no, the B a l l i s t s insisted, we accept o n l y the existence of y o u r P a r t y and agree to talk as p a r t y to p a r t y about w h a t we s h o u l d do. As to w h a t we should do, the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y decided this at the t i m e it was f o r m e d : w a r against the occupier! No one permits us to r e t u r n to that phase w h i c h has long been over. E v e n if we w a n t e d this, the w h e e l of h i s t o r y cannot be t u r n e d back. Therefore, if y o u are t r u l y for w h a t y o u say there is only one w a y : either y o u must j o i n that m i l i t a n t unity w h i c h has long been created, or it is no use our talking. In essence that is h o w the first meeting of the representatives of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l 247

C o u n c i l and the representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , a meeting w h i c h was organized on the i n i t i a t i v e of the C P A i n T i r a n a i n J a n u a r y 1943, began and ended. We had foreseen and expected this stand of theirs; they came to the meeting w i t h the a i m of d r a w i n g us into an endless series of talks and discussions in w h i c h we w o u l d beat the a i r and, m e a n w h i l e , t h e y w o u l d act w i t h c u n n i n g and demagogy to disintegrate the ranks of the Front, to u n d e r m i n e the a u t h o r i t y w h i c h the P a r t y had gained among the masses and, consequently, to q u e l l the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r w h i c h we w e r e stepping up f r o m day to day. T h a t is what fascism had demanded of this c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y grouping, therefore, in the i n i t i a l phase the a i m of the B a l l i K o m b t a r was to neutralize our a c t i v i t y and to gently displace the P a r t y f r o m its correct line and the role w h i c h it h a d gained. T h i s w o u l d have been a great v i c t o r y and gift for J a c o m o n i a n d M e r l i k a , and at the same time, a v i c t o r y for the t r a i t o r chiefs o f the B a l l i K o m b t a r : t h e y w o u l d have e l i m i n ated f r o m the scene the greatest obstacle and s w o r n enemy of their aims and v i t a l interests. O b v i o u s l y , however, these w e r e the aims and calculations of the occupier and reaction, w h i c h we had long foreseen and w h i c h w e opposed and w o u l d continue to oppose w i t h a l l our m i g h t w i t h o u t m a k i n g the slightest concession in o u r p r o g r a m and stand. Someone m a y ask: w h e n matters stood l i k e this, that is, w h e n the P a r t y understood c l e a r l y from the outset w h a t the B a l l i K o m b t a r represented a n d for w h a t sinister aims it was created, w h y was it necessary t o talk w i t h its representatives? W h y d i d the P a r t y and 248

the partisan forces not oppose this organization of the occupiers w i t h stern measures right f r o m the s t a r t ? ! Of course, at first sight it m i g h t seem s i m p l e r and easier to have declared the B a l l i K o m b t a r en bloc an e n e m y organization and t u r n the r i f l e against it f r o m the start. B u t these matters m u s t not be judged f r o m those v i l e deeds of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w h i c h the people saw and learned about in the s u m m e r or w i n t e r of 1943-1944, or f r o m w h a t e v e r y b o d y k n o w s about now. These matters m u s t be judged f r o m the c o n crete situations of the a u t u m n of 1942 and the b e g i n n i n g of 1943. These w e r e the f i r s t months w h e n the B a l l i K o m b t a r h a d just emerged o n the scene and, a l though i n r e a l i t y i t was w i n t e r , for the B a l l i K o m b t a r these months w e r e the first and last s p r i n g in w h i c h it flowered. A l t h o u g h the backbone of the B a l l i K o m b t a r was comprised m a i n l y of the elements of the r e a c t i o n ary bourgeoisie l i n k e d w i t h the occupier, as w e l l as the a n t i - p o p u l a r feudal lords and intellectuals it m u s t not be forgotten that both through their reputation f r o m the past and by means of manoeuvres, m o n e y and t r i c k e r y , t h e y managed to m i s l e a d and line up in the B a l l i K o m b t a r a n u m b e r of people f r o m the backw a r d strata and other confused elements. O u r P a r t y had taken this r e a l i t y into account and could not u n derrate it. On the other hand, in order to m a k e up for the t i m e it had lost, the B a l l i K o m b t a r set to w o r k vigorously: it set up eta and councils, organized regional committees, brought out a newspaper and leaflets allegedly illegally, but, in fact, w i t h the k n o w ledge and a p p r o v a l of the quislings and occupiers. In 249

o r d e r t o give their organization, stuffed w i t h a l l k i n d s of traitors and pseudo-patriots, a certain r e v o l u t i o n a r y flavour, it was arranged that the communists of Z j a r r i (Fire) [ 1 ] l i k e H y s e n Lepenica and company, w o u l d set up t h e i r camp beds along w i t h the o r d i n a r y c r i m i n a l s and thieves, in this l a i r of bandits w i t h felt hats and bow-ties! Moreover, before l o n g the leaders of the B a l l i K o m b t a r began to m a k e the absurd assertion that t h e y had f o r m e d their organization before the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t w a s set up and, as a result of a l l these things, illusions and opinions w e r e created among certain i l l - i n f o r m e d strata that allegedly there were, not one, but two anti-fascist nationalist organizations. H a d w e i m m e d i a t e l y declared open w a r o n the B a l l i K o m b t a r this w o u l d have meant leading the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r on a course e x t r e m e l y d a n g erous to its outcome: we w o u l d have been faced w i t h a new, open e n e m y at a t i m e w h e n o u r p r o c l a i m e d enemy was the foreign occupier. E v e n worse, a r e a l f r a t r i c i d a l w a r w o u l d have f l a r e d u p f i e r c e l y and this is precisely w h a t the occupier d r e a m e d of a n d d i d its utmost to k i n d l e amongst our people. These and other reasons compelled us to define and pursue a most correct and cautious line possible towards this g r o u p i n g of reaction. If we w e r e to save the m i s l e d and neutralize some of the other elements
_______________________________________ 1 Trotskyite group f o r m e d in Greece in 1936 w h i c h c a r r i e d out a pronounced hostile activity against the Communist Groups a n d the C P A i n A l b a n i a . I t was definitively smashed in the beginning of 1943.

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and also strengthen and consolidate the Front, the councils a n d the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , this w o u l d depend g r e a t l y on this line. We gave a l l the organizations of the P a r t y correct instructions on these matters, stressing that t h e y must pursue prudent and f l e x i b l e tactics in the d i r e c t i o n of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w i t h o u t p e r m i t t i n g a n y s p l i p p i n g into o p p o r t u n i s m or into sectarianism, the latter being the more l i k e l y danger at those moments. It is w e l l - k n o w n that the B a l l i K o m b t a r w a s created at a t i m e w h e n the prestige of the C P A a n d the F r o n t had been enhanced, w h e n the partisan eta and units h a d been extended and their n u m b e r was increasing continuously, w h e n the people w e r e seeing and becoming more and m o r e convinced each day w i t h facts that t h e y w e r e the o n l y real forces in the w a r against the occupier. T h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l position of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t had been strengthened also, especially after December 1942 w h e n the foreign ministers of the three G r e a t P o w e r s of the anti-fascist coalition, the Soviet U n i o n , the U S A and G r e a t B r i t a i n , recognized the w a r of the A l b a n i a n people and the post-war independence o f A l b a n i a i n p u b l i c d e c l a r a tions. T h a t was a b l o w to reaction w i t h i n the c o u n t r y w h i c h screamed that allegedly the A x i s P o w e r s w o u l d guarantee the f r e e d o m and sovereignty of A l b a n i a , w h i l e the heads of the B a l l i K o m b t a r were not pleased about this recognition because the a u t h o r i t y of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t was increased. In a talk w i t h one of the m a i n comrades of the P a r t y R e g i o n a l C o m m i t t e e of G j i r o k a s t r a (if I am not m i s t a k e n w h e n he came to L a b i n o t to take part in the 251

meetings w h i c h we organized on the eve of the 1st N a t i o n a l Conference of the C P A ) , [ 1 ] in speaking about our attitude to the B a l l i K o m b t a r he s a i d : We do not waste m u c h time w i t h the B a l l i s t s . E i t h e r w i t h us, or no s h i l l y - s h a l l y . T h i s divides us f r o m them, and slapped the b a r r e l of his r i f l e . I don't k n o w what y o u have i n m i n d w i t h t h a t 'shilly-shally', I said, but our line is t h i s : we m u s t m a k e every effort to d r a w the B a l l i K o m b t a r effecti v e l y into the f i g h t against the occupier w i t h o u t at a n y time f a l l i n g for their 'tactic' of endless, m e a n i n g less, fruitless talk. A s for the r i f l e , w e w i l l a i m i t a t t h e m o n l y if they come out openly on the side of t h e occupier against us. W h y , d o y o u t h i n k A l i K l c y r a can b e b r o u g h t r o u n d w i t h talks? persisted the comrade. There is no end to his words, l i k e his estates. If it w e r e o n l y a matter of A l i K l c y r a or t e n others l i k e him, I said, I believe there'd be no need even for talks. H o w e v e r , w e have i n m i n d those m i s l e d elements w h i c h he and his associates have deceived and w o n over. We must w i n these elements, this base, a w a y f r o m t h e m and they cannot b e w o n either w i t h e m p t y words a n d appeals or by t r a i n i n g o u r r i f l e s on them. Then, I continued, we m u s t not forget t h a t the B a l l i K o m b t a r presents itself t h r o u g h a democratic p r o g r a m as a nationalist organization, and u n l i k e t h e quislings, it has not come out against the w a r for t h e
____________________________________ 1 H e l d on 17-22 M a r c h 1943 to examine the question of the preparation of the general people's uprising and the organization o f the A l b a n i a n N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y .

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l i b e r a t i o n o f the H o m e l a n d . W e k n o w v e r y w e l l w h y A l i K l c y r a and c o m p a n y present themselves i n this way, b u t it s h o u l d not be thought that everybody, especially certain strata of the people, see matters as clearly as we do. A w r o n g sectarian and extremist stand towards the B a l l i K o m b t a r n o w w o u l d do us great harm. Advanced, or more precisely, hasty opinions i n connection w i t h this p r o b l e m had been manifested at those moments in the organization of the region of K o r a , too. Of course, the comrades of K o r a w h e r e the B a l l i K o m b t a r had a r e l a t i v e l y great influence, were t h o r o u g h l y fed up w i t h the activities of the spokesmen of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and the bands of c r i m i n a l brigands of Safet B u t k a and company w h o engaged i n propaganda against the P a r t y and the N a tional L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and t r i e d to sabotage the w a r a n d our w o r k in that region. T h e anger of the c o m rades was understandable. B u t here we had to do w i t h a delicate p o l i t i c a l question, and in such matters anger and r e v u l s i o n , w h i c h on m a n y occasions are bad counsellors, m u s t give w a y to correct analysis of the situation, clear perspectives and f l e x i b l e tactics. So, the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e could not give its a p p r o v a l for attacks on the B a l l i K o m b t a r , because s u c h an action w o u l d have had negative repercussions for our war, and instead we sent a letter ( 1 ) to the leaders of
_____________________________________ 1 This letter w h i c h in the at 8 that is t i m e was published sent in to a l l party Tirana

organizations

regions

Enver House,

Hoxha,

Selected Works, v o l . 1, 1974, p. 77, E n g . ed.

Nntori

Publishing

253

the P a r t y i n K o r a i n w h i c h w e d r e w t h e i r a t t e n t i o n to and explained the line towards the B a l l i K o m b t a r . O u r position w o u l d be t h i s : k n o w i n g the strategy and tactics of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , our d u t y w a s to oppose t h e m w i t h our correct and far-sighted strategy and tactics. These w o u l d u n m a s k and w e a k e n the B a l l i K o m b t a r , it w o u l d undergo a process of erosion a n d at a t i m e w h e n our f i g h t was stepped up the leaders of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w o u l d be openly recognized as collaborationists, the ranks of their organization w o u l d t h i n out a n d disintegrate, hence, its basis of honest but misled elements w o u l d abandon it, just as t h e y did. L i k e w i s e , the comrades i n the districts w e r e i n structed that the w o r k of the P a r t y a n d the F r o n t m u s t be f u r t h e r intensified and meetings a n d conferences should be organized w i t h the people, the intellectuals and others in order to ceaselessly p u b l i c i z e a n d m a k e clearer the line of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a and the p r o g r a m of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t . Thus, by p u r s u i n g a correct strategy and wise a n d f l e x i b l e tactics towards the B a l l i K o m b t a r w e h a d the i n i t i a t i v e in our hands r i g h t f r o m the start and step by step forced the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r to come out more and more in t h e i r t r u e colours. A f t e r their categorical refusal t o j o i n the F r o n t i n the w a r against the occupier we sent t h e m a f u r t h e r proposal, more advantageous for t h e m : Let us set up an i n i t i a t o r y commission w i t h d e legates of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , the N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and the B a l l i K o m b t a r and hold a big conference at w h i c h y o u can express y o u r 254

ideas about the organization of the w a r and we can express ours. No, t h e y replied, because there y o u w i l l be in the majority. The m a j o r i t y or the m i n o r i t y cannot determine who is r i g h t a n d w h o is wrong, we said to t h e m . However, since y o u are a f r a i d of a conference between ourselves, let us go to the people. L e t us come before the people, each express his o w n v i e w s a n d let the people judge us! T o o u r surprise, either f r o m b l i n d f a i t h i n their o w n strength a n d influence among the masses or because t h e y j u d g e d the masses w i t h their o w n yardstick, at first t h e y accepted this proposal of ours. Indeed, some meetings a n d assemblies of this type w e r e o r ganized. T h e r e the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r p a r a d e d p r o u d l y before the people w i t h endless r e a d y - p r e p a r e d panegyrics, f u l l of great oaths, tears a n d sighs, but i n the end, w e n t a w a y w i t h their tails between t h e i r legs. A l t h o u g h t h e y h a d l i t t l e schooling i n oratory, our comrades, communists a n d cadres, stood up before the people a n d w i t h the simple b u t f i e r y w o r d s of the P a r t y , t a l k i n g about the w a r for f r e e d o m a n d love for the H o m e l a n d , gave the people heart so that there and t h e n t h e y d e r i d e d a n d d i d short w o r k of the demagogues a n d traitors. Immediately, on order f r o m the centre the B a l l i K o m b t a r gave up this f o r m of w o r k a n d decided to explain matters to the people on its o w n , w i t h o u t opposition! A n e w phase began in the development of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , the phase of slanders a n d accusations against the Front, against the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n c o u n 255

c i l s and the line of o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . B u t it was already doomed. T h e people d i d not w a n t pledges and expressions of concern but w a n t e d concrete o r g a n i z ation and extension of the a r m e d struggle against the occupiers and, of course, expressed themselves in f a v o u r of the line of the P a r t y a n d the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front. Moreover, at these meetings of its o w n w i t h the masses the B a l l i K o m b t a r was o p e n l y d i s p l a y i n g its features not o n l y as a t r a i t o r organization, but also as a gang of o r d i n a r y thieves w h o stole e v e r y t h i n g f r o m chickens to women's dresses. T h e process of exposure and self-exposure n o w began to assume broader proportions. N o t o n l y the people but the m i s l e d elements w h o had joined this nest of rogues by m i s take began to f a l l off f r o m the chiefs a n d the c r i m i n a l thieves. M e a n w h i l e , w i t h a l l our means a n d forms o f propaganda, w i t h leaflets, appeals, at meetings w i t h the people, in the press, etc., s t i l l w i t h o u t a t t a c k i n g the B a l l i K o m b t a r b y name, w e defended a n d d i s seminated the correct line of the P a r t y about the war, replied to the accusations a n d slanders of the B a l l i K o m b t a r as t h e y deserved, a n d above a l l , exposed its demagogic slogans of wait-and-see. O u r best propaganda, however, was p r o v i d e d by the partisan units, eta and battalions w h i c h w e r e m a k ing l i f e h e l l for the enemy, a n d the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils in the liberated zones in the activities of w h i c h the people w e r e seeing the b i r t h of the n e w state power, their o w n state power. T h i s propaganda was v e r y effective a n d the broad masses of the people were c o m i n g closer and closer each d a y to the war, the F r o n t and the P a r t y . F o r us this had colossal importance. 256

E s p e c i a l l y after the 1st N a t i o n a l Conference of the C P A i n M a r c h 1943, the need arose f o r more i n tensive w o r k to speed up the deepening of the d i f ferentiation w i t h i n the ranks of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . The m a i n t h i n g w h i c h dictated to us the intensification of our w o r k in regard to this organization w a s the orientation of the Conference to f u r t h e r strengthen and consolidate the u n i t y of the people, the councils and the a r m e d partisan detachments n o w that we were on the verge of the general a r m e d u p r i s i n g . As was decided at the Conference and the C e n t r a l C o m mittee instructed, i n the w o r k w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r the stress was placed especially on those o r d i n a r y f o l k who had no l i n k s w i t h the treacherous a c t i v i t y of the chiefs except the h e r e d i t a r y influence of the B a l l i K o m b t a r chiefs and their o w n p o l i t i c a l u n c l a r i t y . I n these efforts a l l our means, propaganda, direct talks and relations w i t h those people and patient w o r k to convince t h e m w o u l d be used. L i k e w i s e , it was decided that f u r t h e r efforts w o u l d be made t h r o u g h talks w i t h the leadership of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . As the leadership of the P a r t y c o n t i n u a l l y pointed out, the basis of these talks, as always, w o u l d be the uncompromising w a r against the occupier and the traitors and acceptance of the p l a t f o r m of the N a t i o n a l Liberation F r o n t . By means of these talks, w h i c h we were becoming more and more convinced each d a y were the f i n a l ones, we a i m e d to f a n up even f u r t h e r the contradictions w h i c h existed w i t h i n this organization right up to its leadership and, on the other hand, to deepen the process of the exposure of the B a l l i Kombtar among the people so that it w o u l d lose even 257

w h a t little credit it m i g h t s t i l l have among them. As we had decided in the B u r e a u , I, personally, had t w o or three meetings w i t h the representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r at this time. One such meeting, as far as I remember, was h e l d in the home of B a h r i O m a r i i n T i r a n a . I had Y m e r D i s h n i c a and M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i w i t h me, w h i l e B a h r i O m a r i and K o l T r o m a ra represented the B a l l i K o m b t a r . It w a s almost n i g h t w h e n we a r r i v e d at B a h r i ' s house. We w e n t inside a n d f o u n d the two of t h e m w a i t i n g for us. We greeted t h e m and took our seats. Go ahead and t e l l us what y o u have to say, B a h r i said to me. A i l right, I replied, lit a cigarette and began to speak. First, I outlined to the representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r our v i e w s about the development of the situation in our country, the successes w h i c h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t h a d achieved, and the grave economic, p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y crisis w h i c h the fascist coalition was experiencing not o n l y in o u r country but also in the w o r l d . As y o u see, I pointed out among other things, the development of the situation shows that we and not y o u are right. C o n t r a r y to w h a t y o u have said in o u r earlier talks, not o n l y has our w a r developed, and the people are t a k i n g part in it more and more each day, but this w a r has placed the occupier in great d i f f i c u l ties and is d r i v i n g it to defeat. T h e people listened to us, and this was not because they l i k e d the look of us, but because our p r o g r a m responded to t h e i r interests and the patriotic spirit w h i c h has never been e x t i n g u i shed in the hearts of a l l honest A l b a n i a n s . 258

The Juggernaut of fascism, I continued, is heading f o r disaster and there is no force in the w o r l d w h i c h can save it f r o m f i n a l destruction. H i t l e r ' s r i b s are c r a c k i n g under the blows he is r e c e i v i n g f r o m Stalin's army, w h i l e the foundations of the Duce's empire are collapsing. Hence the day is not f a r off w h e n the people w i l l t r i u m p h and t h e n they w i l l judge w h o have been true patriots and w h o traitors a n d cowards. I w e n t on to t a l k about the prospects of the d e v elopment of o u r war, and pointed out that at those moments, p a s s i v i t y a n d s p l i t t i n g the people w e r e equivalent to treason. In conclusion, in the name of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , I appealed to t h e m once again to abandon the course or w h i c h they had set out and unite w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t in the w a r to d r i v e the enemy f r o m the s o i l of the H o m e l a n d . This w i l l never occur, objected K o l T r o m a r a immediately. We have t o l d y o u w e w i l l not j o i n t h e Front. V e r y w e l l , then, don't j o i n the Front, I r e p l i e d coolly. Instead let us cooperate in the war, y o u as the B a l l i K o m b t a r a n d w e a s the F r o n t . B u t w e d e m a n d f i g h t i n g and not words, and w i l l a l l o w no one to put a spoke in the w h e e l of our w a r . B a h r i O m a r i spoke up, We are not against cooperation. B u t do y o u come here as representatives of the F r o n t or the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y ? ! he asked. We are delegates of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n eral C o u n c i l , that is, representatives of the Front, I replied. 259

 N o ! We have t o l d y o u that we do not agree to t a l k to y o u on this basis! he replied. We have l a i d d o w n the c o n d i t i o n : w e talk o n l y w i t h the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y as p a r t y to party. But y o u are not a party, said Y m e r D i s h n i c a . Then w h a t are we? objected both B a h r i and K o l immediately, feeling insulted. As far as we can see the B a l l i K o m b t a r is an organization w i t h nationalists of various p o l i t i c a l t e n dencies, I told them. A c c o r d i n g to o u r concept, a p a r t y has a u n i f i e d political and ideological p l a t f o r m a n d an immediate and long-term program. The F r o n t is not and cannot be a party, but is an organization in w h i c h the whole people take part. There are communists in it, but there are also nationalist elements w h o m a y have different opinions f r o m us on m a n y issues. That's a l l v e r y w e l l , but the w h o l e w o r l d k n o w s that the communists lead the Front. We have never concealed this and have declared it openly to you, I told them. A r e y o u so f r i g h t e n e d o f the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y ? U p t i l l yesterday, y o u described us as c h i l d r e n w h o m no one w o u l d follow, w h i l e n o w y o u are so t e r r i f i e d that the P a r t y is at the head of the Front. Moreover, I continued, neither t o d a y nor at any other time have we called on y o u to f i g h t for communism, but for the freedom of A l b a n i a . We are f i g h t i n g for A l b a n i a . We have our eta everywhere, said B a h r i . B u t we also k n o w h o w to conduct politics and to conduct politics means 'seven feints and one bold deed'. We must give the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r their due: for feints and t r i c k e r y they beat the band. 260

B u t as for bravery, w h a t little t h e y had they e m p l o y e d against the A l b a n i a n people. That is h o w this t a l k continued: we made proposals, t h e y dodged them, u n t i l late into the night, w i t h o u t a c h i e v i n g a n y result. I n one o f m y last meetings w i t h B a h r i O m a r i , after a bitter argument, I said to h i m a n g r i l y (because I f o u n d it h a r d to keep my temper w i t h such i n d i viduals) : The people can never f o l l o w the traitors and their course of betrayal, t h e y are going to f i g h t against the occupiers and the traitors and w i l l w i n ! B a h r i O m a r i understood that I was m a k i n g a direct attack o n h i m a n d r e p l i e d : We s h a l l see w h o are the traitors, y o u or we. Yes, we s h a l l see, I t o l d h i m , but I w a n t to make it absolutely clear that those w h o h i n d e r the people's w a r a n d collaborate w i t h the enemy are t r a i tors. Please, Enver, said B a h r i , I don't want to t a l k politics w i t h y o u a n y more. It is clear that we are opponents. That is so, I replied, but I w a n t to save y o u f r o m a course w h i c h is a terrible disaster. I am s o r r y for you, but I tell y o u openly, I am even sorrier for my sister and y o u r t w o sons. P o o r F a h r i j e h a d dropped her head and was w e e p ing. It was a tragic w a r : her husband on one side, her brother on the other. N e i t h e r gave w a y to the other. Fahrije was one of my dearest sisters, an intelligent woman and k i n d l y to a l l . I loved her v e r y m u c h a n d I was s o r r y f o r her. 261

One evening w h e n I w e n t there B a h r i was not at home and F a h r i j e asked m e : Oh, Enver, t e l l me h o w is a l l this going to e n d up? We m u s t save B a h r i f r o m this course, I t o l d her, because it is the course of b e t r a y a l . T h e r e is o n l y one remedy, either w i t h the people a n d t h e i r w a r against the occupiers, or w i t h the latter. B u t w h a t ought I to do? she asked me. I t e l l h i m constantly: ' H a v e nothing t o d o w i t h A l i K l c y r a , he is a bey. G i v e up y o u r job in the state a n d we s h a l l manage somehow, l i k e e v e r y b o d y else.' B u t y o u k n o w he is so stubborn. Whether or not y o u r h u s b a n d is stubborn, that makes no difference. T o d a y the o n l y i m p o r t a n t t h i n g is the life and freedom or the people w h o m we m u s t save. I am g i v i n g h i m every chance and I s h a l l go on struggling as h a r d as I can to t r y to save B a h r i , but I w a r n you, sister, if he continues on this course we s h a l l settle matters w i t h the rifle. T h r o u g h her tears my sister said to m e : Enver, L u a n can j o i n y o u in the war, but I can't persuade B a h r i . A n d i n fact B a h r i was not p e r suaded either by his w i f e or by me, and w e n t e v e n f u r t h e r b y t a k i n g part i n the q u i s l i n g government d u r i n g the G e r m a n occupation. H o w e v e r , L u a n had l i n k e d himself w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r f r o m the beginning and w o r k e d a c t i v e l y in the organization o f C o m m u n i s t Y o u t h , together w i t h G j i k K u q a l i and others. W h e n I was in their home, t h r o u g h L u a n I sent and received letters f r o m the comrades; he became a partisan and later became a p a r t y m e m b e r and a cadre 262

w i t h a good f o r m a t i o n . D u r i n g the War, Fatos was a little boy, but later he went to school and n o w he works as an engineer. A t the same p e r i o d w e also h a d two meetings w i t h representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , one in the home o f N e x h a t Peshkpia, a t w h i c h B a h r i O m a r i and H a l i m Begeja w e r e present, and the other in the home of M u h a r r e m V l l a m a s i i n w h i c h , besides B a h r i and K o l Tromara, S h e h K a r b u n a r a took part as the intermediary. As the s l y f o x he was, he t r i e d to keep the balance, m a i n t a i n e d contacts w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r , but also kept his bridges intact w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b eration M o v e m e n t . In the past I had been in N e x h a t Peshkpia's home on m a n y occasions because we had f a m i l y c o n nections: N e x h a t ' s w i f e was a niece of the H o x h a t s of G j i r o k a s t r a . Therefore I was often in N e x h a t ' s home, w h i c h we considered as our o w n home, f o r l u n c h or for d i n n e r a n d on these occasions we h a d vigorous p o l i t i c a l discussions. T h e r e w e r e not m a n y points on w h i c h I had p o l i t i c a l differences w i t h N e x h a t or his brother M a n u s h , w h o had pretensions as a writer, as a poet, and was f r i e n d l y w i t h Shevqet M u saraj. At the t i m e w h e n I was u n e m p l o y e d and had no income, N e x h a t occasionally lent me a little money, u n t i l I was appointed teacher. Fero, the w i f e of N e x h a t and our niece, was a good w o m a n l i n k e d w i t h the people. M o r e o v e r at that t i m e N e x h a t himself claimed to be an anti-Zogite a n d anti-fascist, indeed he posed as a leftist and his v i e w s w e r e somewhat anarchist. W h e n I joined the partisans in the mountains I made several appeals to h i m to unite w i t h the Movement, but, 263

l i k e B a h r i , he was not convinced and became a B a l list. On the eve of the l i b e r a t i o n of the c o u n t r y N e x h a t Peshkpia, together w i t h other traitors, f l e d to the U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a w h e r e he fought us savagely u n t i l he died. These last two meetings w h i c h we organized w i t h the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r in T i r a n a began and ended l i k e the previous ones, w i t h the same t r i c k e r y on their part and the same s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d and u n y i e l d i n g stand on our part. T h i s time, however, in c o n c l u sion we pointed out: Overlooking the bitter past we again h e l d out our hand to save you, but once again y o u do not w a n t to follow the course that s h o u l d be f o l l o w e d . V e r y w e l l then, time is p r o v i n g w h o is right. B u t there is one t h i n g y o u m u s t bear i n m i n d : i f y o u don't w i s h to f i g h t against the occupier at least don't p l a y the occupier's game, don't t r y to oppose our war, the w a r of the A l b a n i a n people against fascism and its collaborators. Y o u must put an immediate stop to y o u r c a m paign of slanders and attacks against the F r o n t a n d the national liberation councils and the t h i e v i n g and looting w h i c h y o u r m e n are doing i n the villages. Y o u can take this as advice or as a w a r n i n g , w h i c h e v e r y o u like. We are v e r y clear about h o w m u c h can be endured and tolerated. A f e w days after these meetings w h i c h w e r e h e l d in T i r a n a in the first half of M a y 1943, I set out u r gently for V l o r a to attack and f i n a l l y clean up the dangerous a n t i - P a r t y faction w h i c h S a d i k P r e m t e ( 1 ) had
___________________________________ 1 Enver H o x h a , Selected Works, vol. 1, 8 Nntori P u b l i shing House, T i r a n a 1974, pp. 125-129, E n g . ed.

264

hatched up there. D u r i n g the days that I was in t h e highlands o f V l o r a and i n M a l l a k a s t r a , t h r o u g h H y s n i K a p o I took the o p p o r t u n i t y to have a m e e t i n g w i t h Tahir H o x h a (one of the heads of the B a l l i K o m b t a r in Vlora) a n d H y s n i Lepenica, an officer and a m e m b e r of the Z j a r r i G r o u p w h o w i t h a eta of ten to f i f t e e n men had attached h i m s e l f to the B a l l i K o m b t a r as an attack force. The purpose of this m e e t i n g was t h e same as that f r o m w h i c h we proceeded in the analogous cases w h i c h I m e n t i o n e d above: to m a k e one more appeal to the m a i n elements of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w h o were operating in the districts to come to their senses and d e f i n i t e l y decide w h e t h e r t h e y were going to set out on the course of the w a r and true p a t r i o t i s m or going to s i n k f u r t h e r into the m i r e of b e t r a y a l a n d collaboration w i t h the enemies. As I have described in detail in the book When the Party Was Born, ( 1 ) however, this meeting too, w h i c h was held i n the home o f G a n i A l i k o i n the v i l l a g e o f S h k o za, began and ended w i t h o u t any result. B o t h T a h i r H o x h a and H y s n i L e p e n i c a t r i e d t o sidestep the appeal and strong and unshakeable a r g u ments w h i c h H y s n i K a p o and I presented about the necessity of the B a l l i K o m b t a r j o i n i n g in the war, by harping on the same old r e f r a i n as the other leaders of the B a l l i K o m b t a r : The w a r can't be fought t h e way y o u are doing, you can't fight a w a r w i t h boys, we must safeguard our forces to be ready to s t r i k e the occupier the f i n a l blow, the situation is not ripe, etc., etc.
________________________________
1 Enver Hoxha,

When

the

Party

Was

Born

(Memoirs),

T i r a n a 1983, p. 429, 3rd A l b . ed.

265

A f t e r several hours of argument d u r i n g w h i c h T a h i r H o x h a tried to c a l m things down, it was quite p l a i n that the B a l l i chiefs of the district were going to continue the line of the chiefs in the centre. T h e r e fore, in conclusion I said to t h e m : The w a r i s raging, T a h i r H o x h a , and y o u k n o w this v e r y w e l l , but y o u don't w a n t to a d m i t i t ! T h i s w a r is organized and led by the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a , b y the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l w h i c h represents the people and this is precisely w h y t h e end of the Italian occupiers is near. Y o u k n o w this, too, although y o u don't want to a d m i t it. We c a l l on y o u to t h r o w yourself u n r e s e r v e d l y into the w a r against the occupiers and traitors w h i l e you've s t i l l time, because the interests of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r require that we should be united. Y o u are free to choose y o u r o w n course, but it is our d u t y to t e l l y o u that if y o u proceed against the interests of the people, y o u are lost! We stood up, and as we were p r e p a r i n g to leave, H y s n i Lepenica said to us: I want to have a talk w i t h y o u on my own. W e agreed, parted w i t h T a h i r H o x h a and the three of us, I, Comrade H y s n i K a p o and H y s n i L e p e n i c a set off for the home of U n c l e M u r a t in D u s h k a r a k w h e r e w e began the conversation w i t h H y s n i Lepenica. Since Lepenica had displayed some w a v e r i n g d u r i n g the debate w i t h T a h i r H o x h a and because of the fact that he was f r o m the Z j a r r i G r o u p , had some sort of a eta and pretended to have f i r e d a f e w shots, we thought that he was going to break w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r and unite w i t h the F r o n t and the N a t i o n a l 266

L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t . It seemed to us for a moment that it was h a r d for h i m to abandon the B a l l i K o m b tar in f r o n t of T a h i r H o x h a and that is w h y he sought this meeting alone w i t h us. H o w e v e r , r i g h t f r o m the start of the conversation it was quite p l a i n that H y s n i Lepenica had other aims. He raised t w o matters: first, the question of the Zjarri G r o u p , of w h i c h I have been a m e m b e r along w i t h F e t a h B u t k a and others, as he said, a n d second, the question of S a d i k P r e m t e . H y s n i L e p e n i c a was opposed to the treatment of his a r c h e o - M a r x i s t group and the struggle w h i c h o u r P a r t y had waged against it, and also to the w a y y o u and the V l o r a R e g i o n a l C o m m i t t e e dealt w i t h the question of S a d i k Premte. I gave h i m the answer he deserved on both these matters, t e l l i n g h i m : We agree w i t h n o t h i n g of the things y o u have said, M r . Lepenica. W e reject such views and w i l l combat them. Y o u are wrong, H y s n i L e p e n i c a replied. Y o u w i l l lose and w i l l be the cause of bloodshed. It is not we that are w r o n g but you, I t o l d h i m . You and not we are b e g i n n i n g the fratricide. We have begun the w a r against the occupiers and t h e i r c o l laborators and are going to c a r r y it t h r o u g h to the end. We appeal to y o u once again, M r . Lepenica, to unite w i t h u s and w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r without hesitation. In that case, said Lepenica, our conversation is over. W e cannot agree w i t h y o u o n any question. Y o u are threatening me w i t h the rifle. That is not true, I told h i m . It depends on you w h e t h e r we exchange shots, but we are not going 267

to change o u r course. There is no force that can m a k e us budge f r o m our principles and f r o m the sacred aims w h i c h the P a r t y has set itself. A n d we s h a l l not change our course either, s a i d Lepenica. So we parted w i t h this arrogant Ballist, pseudonationalist and collaborator w i t h the Italians, w h o w a s k i l l e d at G r h o t of G j i r o k a s t r a by his fascist f r i e n d s , immediately after the capitulation of Italy. F o r me personally these were the last meetings I had w i t h the traitor elements of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . I parted w i t h them never to see t h e m again. M e a n w h i l e , w e carried o n the w o r k v i g o r o u s l y i n a l l the other directions to put into practice the w h o l e program of the P a r t y and especially to a p p l y the decisions and accomplish the important tasks w h i c h the 1st N a t i o n a l Conference of the C P A set us. A n d the fact is that the w o r k of the P a r t y progressed, the w a r was extended, the people were being organized and armed. The a r m y of the insurgent people was e m e r g ing in the heat of the w a r and already its rifles h a d been heard in a series of battles in w h i c h the e n e m y had suffered c r u s h i n g blows. Other major events lay ahead of us.

3. An historic meeting (Labinot, 4-10 July 1943)

T h e events w h i c h had occurred since the C o n f e r ence of Peza and the m a j o r tasks w h i c h emerged before 268

us dictated the need for a regular meeting of the leading f o r u m of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front, the P r o visional G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , e a r l y in the s u m m e r of 1943. S u c h a m e e t i n g was essential both to analyse the work done by the C o u n c i l and each of its i n d i v i d u a l members and to take a series of decisions w h i c h the historic m o m e n t f o r c e f u l l y suggested. T h e m a i n one of these decisions had to do w i t h the proposal of the CC of the C P A about the formation of the G e n e r a l Staff and the organization of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , a task w h i c h had been put f o r w a r d at P e z a in September 1942 and for w h i c h the conditions for carr y i n g i t out had n o w f u l l y matured. W i t h these things in m i n d we decided that the meeting of the C o u n c i l should be held in the first days of J u l y and the members of the C o u n c i l should be i n f o r m e d of this in time. A l t h o u g h this was to be the first regular meeting of the f u l l C o u n c i l since September 1942 it must be pointed out that d u r i n g this t i m e this important organ had not remained idle and passive. On the contrary, its i n d i v i d u a l members h a d w o r k e d , had met a n d h e l d discussions according to the possibilities w h i c h the situation offered. T h e members of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l or other comrades a l located by it h a d f o l l o w e d the w o r k of the e x i s t i n g councils in the terrain, had w o r k e d for the setting up of n e w councils, had g i v e n instructions and brought out leaflets and appeals addressed to the people. M e a n while, experience was s h o w i n g that a n u m b e r of m e m bers of the P r o v i s i o n a l G e n e r a l C o u n c i l elected at Peza w e r e not o n l y f a i l i n g to j u s t i f y the trust placed

269

in them, but on the c o n t r a r y were either h i n d e r i n g or sabotaging the work. N o w , however, the question that presented itself was to guide the w o r k w i t h a broader range of v i s i o n and to p r o v i d e the most effective assistance to the development of the w a r and the strengthening of t h e power of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils. We rejoiced at the fact that, besides workers a n d peasants, large numbers of intellectuals and o t h e r honest patriots w e r e entering the ranks of the F r o n t , the councils and our partisan units. T h e y were b e c o m ing aware that hatred of and refusal to reconcile t h e m selves to the occupier alone were not sufficient a n d that the active contribution of each of t h e m was r e quired in the great w a r w h i c h was raging. Precisely at this phase, in application of t h e orientation of the 1st N a t i o n a l Conference for t h e broadest possible participation of the school y o u t h in the organized partisan war, the mass abandonment of the secondary schools of the c o u n t r y began. T h e f i r s t were a h u n d r e d senior students of the N o r m a l S c h o o l of Elbasan who, in an organized and demonstrative way, left the school on M a y D a y 1943 and w e n t straight to the mountains where they were i n c o r p o r ated in the ranks of the partisan eta and battalions. A little later the students of the L y c e of K o r a f o l l o w e d suit, at a time w h e n students and teachers f r o m all the other schools of the c o u n t r y w e r e j o i n i n g t h e partisan ranks. Thus, the fiercer and more extensive t h e w a r became, the more p r o f o u n d became the great d i f ferentiation between the w o r k i n g masses of t o w n a n d countryside, honest intellectuals, sincere patriots a n d 270

democrats, on the one hand, and the pseudo-patriots and pseudo-democrats, on the other hand. It was thanks to the P a r t y , to its w i s d o m and bravery and its correct line that patriots and progressive people f r o m the S o u t h to the N o r t h , such as A b a z Bekteshi, A v n i K a p i n o v a , M i l t i a d h Papa, H a k i Fejzo, M a r k B a l i , H a s a n X h i k u , X h e v d e t Nepravishta, M a h m u t Bedalli, R a s i m G u r i and others r a l l i e d r o u n d its p r o gram in the w a r for freedom. H u n d r e d s of patriots and progressive intellectuals gave a great deal to the National L i b e r a t i o n W a r , but the P a r t y gave t h e m a great deal, too, raised and tempered them, educated them more a n d more i n t h e i r v i e w s a n d outlook. T h e y became able to understand and accept not o n l y the current p r o g r a m of the P a r t y but also its f u t u r e s t r a t egy for the establishment of the socialist system in A l b a n i a . T h e y i d e n t i f i e d themselves w i t h the P a r t y and m a n y of t h e m were accepted into its ranks where they have m i l i t a t e d as l o y a l sons and capable cadres of the P a r t y . I c l e a r l y remember that day w h e n M u s t a f a X h a n i expressed to me the desire to be a d m i t t e d to the ranks of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a . We w e r e in the tekke of M a r t a n e s h (I went there m a n y times at d i f ferent seasons), and after we had had a long talk t o gether, M u s t a f a said to m e : Comrade Taras, I want to become a m e m b e r of the Party. These words of B a b a F a j a made me v e r y h a p p y and I i m m e d i a t e l y r e p l i e d : Y o u f u l l y deserve to become a m e m b e r of the Party, M u s t a f a X h a n i , therefore, m a k e y o u r a p p l i c 271

ation and tell the comrades of the cell that E n v e r is in f a v o u r of y o u r admission. I s h a l l support y o u in this request because I am sure that y o u do not believe in r e l i g i o n but believe o n l y in the P a r t y . For the P a r t y I s h a l l discard my clerical robes, said Baba Faja Martaneshi. No, I told h i m , you s h o u l d stick to the robes y o u wear. This is not a matter of deceiving people, but y o u wore the religious robes as a priest before the w a r a n d before the f o r m a t i o n of the P a r t y . Therefore, go on w e a r i n g them, because we have to respect the sentiments of believers and u t i l i z e the s y m p a t h y w h i c h the people have for y o u and the tekke of M a r t a n e s h . So, since y o u are resolutely for the w a r a n d love the P a r t y , respect and apply its line, w e w i l l a d m i t y o u as member of the Party. A n d the cell of the eta admitted M u s t a f a X h a n i as a member of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a . T h i s w a s a great j o y for B a b a F a j a M a r t a n e s h i . He e m b r a c ed and kissed me, p r i c k l i n g me w i t h that black beard w h i c h he combed w i t h his fingers. In these notes I have w r i t t e n in rather great length about B a b a F a j a M a r t a n e s h i , about his outstanding role in those years and the m a n y l i n k s I had w i t h h i m , but I must say there w e r e tens of s u c h patriotic clergymen all over the c o u n t r y w h o l i n k e d themselves closely w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t and the program of the P a r t y and gave t h e i r a l l for the freedom and independence of the H o m e l a n d . One of t h e m was Ismail T u f a f r o m T i r a n a , or H o d j a T u f a , a s e v e r y b o d y k n e w h i m and called h i m . I had k n o w n this fine patriotic old m a n in the 272

grave days of i l l e g a l i t y in T i r a n a w h e n his home became one of the m a i n bases of the P a r t y ' s p r i n t i n g apparatus and the hodja h i m s e l f acted as g u a r d and adviced us to block a l l the w i n d o w s a n d gaps f r o m which a n y noise m i g h t emerge, w i t h quilts. It's t r u e y o u are a hodja, I said to h i m , but I've never seen the K o r a n u n d e r y o u r g o w n . In place of it y o u have a revolver. So y o u are a hodja w i t h a revolver. T h e hodja c h u c k l e d and said to m e : We are f a c i n g a war, E n v e r , a n d y o u boys teach us that we can't wage the w a r w i t h the K o r a n b u t w i t h revolvers. A n d , i n fact, the patriot I s m a i l T u f a w e n t t h r o u g h all the d i f f i c u l t years of the w a r in this w a y . He placed himself, his home a n d his sons at the disposal of the P a r t y and the l i b e r a t i o n w a r . One of his sons, a c o m munist a n d our comrade, Met, gave his l i f e on the altar of freedom, w h i l e the 75 y e a r - o l d H o d j a T u f a himself was captured a n d t o r t u r e d by the G e r m a n s but he d i d not open his m o u t h . He was r e a d y to die rather t h a n t e l l w h a t the executioners of the people wanted f r o m h i m . It was the great m e r i t of our P a r t y that w i t h its correct political line it made approaches to, w o n over and placed in the service of the cause of the people and the H o m e l a n d s u c h patriotic c l e r g y m e n as B a b a Laze and B a b a Fejzo, H a f z H a l i l T o p h a n a and H a f z Zagonjori, F a t h e r P a s h k o V o d i c a and F a t h e r K o k o n e shi, Father I l i a Zagali, M u o the dervish, and m a n y others a l l over A l b a n i a . 273

B r e a k i n g completely w i t h the top clergy of the Catholic C h u r c h , w i t h those reactionary bishops and chief muftis, w h o blessed the occupiers and enslavers of A l b a n i a , the progressive and patriotic clergymen, w h o had emerged f r o m the people and l i v e d close to the people and regarded the collaborationist clergy w i t h hatred and scorn, made a v a l u a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n especially to the u n i f i c a t i o n of the people r o u n d the program of the P a r t y and the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t w i t h t h e i r words, stands and actions, w i t h the r i f l e they slung on their shoulders and the partisan star t h e y placed on their caps. D u r i n g the same period other intellectuals and patriots, amongst w h o m O m e r N i s h a n i was to be especially outstanding, w e r e activized and made t h e i r contribution to the strengthening of the F r o n t and the M o v e m e n t . I had been introduced to O m e r N i s h a n i w h e n he returned f r o m exile after the Italian occupation, but I had heard about h i m w h e n I was at school in G j i rokastra, since his brother, Beso N i s h a n i , was one of my teachers. Besides this I was f r i e n d l y w i t h h i s nephews, E m i n and F e r i k Shtino, the sons of A u n t A l o , the sister of the doctor, a v e r y s h a r p - w i t t e d o l d w o m a n l i k e her brother. I have w r i t t e n about this w o m a n i n m y reminiscences o f m y childhood ( 1 ) . A l l o f t h e m had spoken to me about the doctor, but I had never seen h i m i n G j i r o k a s t r a .
_____________________________________
1 The reference is to the book

Years

of

Childhood

Reco-

llections
1983.

of

Gjirokastra

which

was

published

in

A l b a n i a n in

274

W h e n Z o g came to p o w e r at the head of the counter-revolutionary forces in December 1924 I had heard about Doctor N i s h a n i as a politician, w h i l e amongst the p u p i l s in the Lyce of K o r a it was said that he was a communist. Y e a r s later, we of the G r o u p of K o r a learned that Doctor N i s h a n i had his centre in Geneva, where he brought out the newspaper Liria Kombtare on w h i c h he collaborated w i t h H a l i m Xhelo, N a u m P r i f t i , A l i K e l m e n d i , R i z a Cerova, S e l i m Shpuza and other r e v o l u t i o n a r y leftist and c o m m u n i s t comrades. T h i s group had clearer p o l i t i c a l v i e w s t h a n all the rest a n d i t was t h e y w h o organized K O N A R E w h i c h the group o f A l i K l c y r a , M u s t a f a K r u j a , A z i s a m i and c o m p a n y u n d e r m i n e d and fought. A t a n early age we had great a d m i r a t i o n f o r H a l i m and Doctor N i s h a n i w h o w e r e called reds b y the n a tionalist group o f A l i K l c y r a , Q a z i m K o c u l i and others. I do not k n o w for sure w h e t h e r the doctor e m i grated first to Greece, to the Island of Zante, or whether he w e n t to Greece later f r o m S w i t z e r l a n d . In any case he stayed for a time in S w i t z e r l a n d , in Geneva, w h e r e the doctor, as he t o l d me subsequently when w e talked together d u r i n g the w a r i n L a b i n o t and Orenja, was f r i e n d l y w i t h a leader of the left social-democrats of S w i t z e r l a n d , called N i c o l . W h e n I heard that the doctor had r e t u r n e d to A l b a n i a (he h a d graduated for medicine but never practised this profession) after the fascist occupation, I wanted to meet h i m , although I regretted that he, along w i t h the others, had joined the C o u n c i l of State. It was not d i f f i c u l t for me to meet the doctor. B a h r i introduced me to h i m . 275

Doctor, a l l o w me to introduce Enver, the brother of F a h r i j e and son of H a l i l . He is a 'red' l i k e you. Oh, said the doctor laughing, Halil's son, are y o u ? Y o u have a fine father. L i k e father, l i k e son, I replied, as we say in Gjirokastra. Hi, hi, hi, the doctor laughed loudly, and then, p t h . . . p t h . . . , a s though clearing something f r o m the t i p of his tongue, as we learned subsequently this was his habit. Y o u are not l i k e H a l i l in one t h i n g . Y o u don't stutter l i k e him. H e i n q u i r e d about m y f a m i l y and m y personal situation, asked whether I had f o u n d w o r k and w h y not, etc. T h e n he s a i d : We old fogies have had o u r day, long l i v e the youth, because y o u are the hope of the country. I haven't done a n y t h i n g m u c h , but I fought Z o g as m u c h as I could. A n d I had good comrades on the newspaper w h o helped me in that direction. I d i d not give up, but w h a t was I to do, die in e x i l e ? I w a s l o n g i n g to see the c o u n t r y and my people. I came back, but these fascists and occupiers a n d a l l the rogues w h o serve t h e m l i k e dogs, I hate t h e m l i k e death. B u t y o u are going to say (and he asked my name again), then w h y d i d y o u j o i n the ' C o u n c i l of State'? I had to, because I have nothing to l i v e on a n d I have a w i f e to keep. So this is what I am reduced to. Doctor, I said, today I have met y o u personally for the first time, w h i l e my comrades and I h a v e heard about y o u r ideas and struggle a long t i m e ago, a n d for this w e have always a d m i r e d y o u . Y o u say 276

y o u j o i n e d the ' C o u n c i l of State' because y o u w a n t e d to l i v e . It w o u l d have been better h a d y o u not done so, but we feel that in y o u r m i n d and heart y o u are outside the C o u n c i l because y o u are w i t h the people, w i t h the anti-fascist y o u t h and are not l i k e the K o l Tromaras, A l i K l c y r a s and company. Oh, so, y o u k n o w w h a t they are, my boy, said the doctor. That is important. Don't expect a n y t h i n g f r o m them. Doctor, we are going to m a k e efforts to d r a w everybody into the w a r against the occupiers, even them, if t h e y are for the people's l i b e r a t i o n war, I told h i m . Try, if y o u have the patience, as for me I have done a l l I can and can't be bothered w i t h t h e m a n y more. A l l t h e y k n o w is to take their salaries, to eat and d r i n k w e l l , to pose as if they are the salt of the earth, but c a r r y on w i t h y o u r w o r k , Enver, because perhaps y o u w i l l convince them. Doctor, I said, the w a r against the fascist occupier requires the r a l l y i n g and organization of the whole people. To d r i v e the occupier f r o m our l a n d we have to m a k e v e r y great sacrifices. In the first place, we communists have to do these things and we are going to do t h e m , because I, too, am a communist, Doctor, I continued. We are ready to sacrifice o u r lives for the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d and the people. Thank y o u f o r the trust y o u have s h o w n i n me, Enver, by t e l l i n g me that y o u are a communist, when e v e r y b o d y k n o w s that fascism cuts the heads of communists. I am not a communist, but I have l i v e d and w o r k e d w i t h them, I have respected t h e m and t h e y 277

have respected me. I s h a l l t e l l y o u one t h i n g : for y o u the road is not s t r e w n w i t h flowers, but go on, fight, because o n l y b y f i g h t i n g y o u w i l l save A l b a n i a , said the doctor. Comrade Nishani, I replied, excuse me for addressing y o u in this w a y but I can't b r i n g m y s e l f to address y o u as a doctor. We communists are s t i l l o n l y a f e w , but we are determined. In the f i g h t against the occupiers, o u r ranks w i l l increase, because we have or are going to have the w h o l e of the y o u t h a n d the people w i t h us. W h e n w e f o r m o u r P a r t y , y o u n g and old w i l l be w i t h it because it w i l l be the P a r t y of the common people. There is o n l y one t h i n g on w h i c h I cannot agree w i t h you, I added, the idea that y o u expressed that y o u old fogies have h a d y o u r day. N o , the war, the people need everybody. People l i k e y o u are a great assistance to the war, because y o u have m a t u r i t y and a patriotic past. I am appealing to y o u to put these qualities of yours in the service of the people. Enver, replied the doctor, your words a n d the trust w h i c h y o u show i n m e move m e deeply. Y o u are the first to speak to me l i k e this since I set foot again on the soil of the Homeland. I am a son of o u r people w h o have such great love for freedom and independence, I replied. Listen, Enver, I w i l l t e l l y o u one t h i n g and y o u can r e l y on it: Doctor N i s h a n i is w i t h y o u to the death. W h e n y o u consider it necessary let me k n o w and I w i l l be ready to do whatever the y o u t h ask of me. W i t h these words we put an end to o u r first c o n versation. 278

I i n f o r m e d the comrades of the G r o u p of K o r a about the conversation w i t h Doctor O m e r and t o l d t h e m that he was an element w i t h good prospects for o u r work. T h e y w e r e pleased, a p p r o v e d m y idea and e n t r u s ted me to m a i n t a i n contact w i t h h i m , to i n f o r m h i m f r o m time to time about the general situation, the g r o w t h of the resistance and the extension of the movement. I met the doctor on a n u m b e r of occasions and m y l i k i n g and respect for h i m increased. O m e r N i s h a n i was a m a n of broad culture and w e l l - a c q u a i n t e d w i t h a n u m b e r of languages of the West and the East. In the meetings w h i c h we had I spoke to h i m about the necessity of f o r m i n g a great u n i o n of a l l forces of the people, c o m b i n i n g our possibilities in the d i f f i c u l t but glorious struggle w h i c h l a y ahead of us. T h e doctor openly expressed his j o y over this course on w h i c h we h a d set out and d i d not f a i l to express wise and mature opinions w h i c h w e r e v a l u a b l e to us in our work. Thus, he became completely at one w i t h us in his opinions and aims and my conviction was strengthened that w i t h s u c h patriots the people's w a r w o u l d make progress. W h e n we f o r m e d the P a r t y I had a long talk w i t h him. I spoke about its importance, about the role it w o u l d p l a y in the f u t u r e of the c o u n t r y and the f u r ther extension of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . L i k e wise, I told h i m that f r o m n o w on we m u s t also do extensive w o r k w i t h the masses of the people and w i t h the patriotic and nationalist elements to w i n t h e m to our side against fascism. He was enthusiastic and very pleased about what I told h i m , congratulated me and repeated his readiness to help. 279

W h e n we had prepared the Conference of P e z a I had another meeting w i t h h i m , e x p l a i n e d its aims t o h i m a t length, w h o m w e h a d i n v i t e d and w h o had accepted. W e had decided that w e s h o u l d not i n vite the doctor at the Conference, because (and this I e x p l a i n e d to him) we d i d not w a n t to expose h i m ; his contacts a n d the propaganda w h i c h he c a r r i e d out in f a v o u r of the Movement, w h i l e disguised as a m a n of the regime associating w i t h the fathers of the C o u n c i l of State, w o u l d be u s e f u l to us for some time to come. Doctor N i s h a n i expressed his f u l l agreement w i t h the initiative of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and the p l a t f o r m of the Conference, w i s h e d me success for the Conference, and s a i d : I, too, w i l l c a r r y out propaganda about the d e cisions y o u are going to take, I w i l l confuse the enemies i n m y o w n w a y and b r i n g m y friends closer t o the Front. A n d mind, he pointed out f i n a l l y , when y o u need me, y o u w i l l f i n d m e ready. O m e r N i s h a n i kept his w o r d and w o r k e d i n T i rana as a zealous activist of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Movement. A n d w h e n the moments r e q u i r e d h i m , the comrades and I t a l k e d it over and we thought that he w o u l d b e valuable i n the w o r k o f the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l as a mature, patriotic and c u l t u r e d m a n f o r the w o r k of propaganda, the organization of the state, etc. We sent h i m w o r d and the doctor left T i r a n a for the mountains w h e r e he stayed u n t i l the c o u n t r y w a s liberated. O m e r N i s h a n i also brought w i t h h i m another sympathizer of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, K o s t a 280

B o s h n j a k u . I had heard the name of K o s t a B o s h n j a k u , but d i d not k n o w h i m personally. If I am not mistaken, he h a d stayed in V i e n n a as an emigrant, w h i l e in his youth he h a d been in Tsarist Russia, either w o r k i n g or w i t h his f a m i l y , and hence, had a good knowledge of Russian. He was of i m p o s i n g appearance, spoke l i k e a seasoned politician, gave himself great importance, and n a t u r a l l y abused Z o g and A l i K l c y r a and d e fended c o m m u n i s m , L e n i n , S t a l i n and our P a r t y . Thus, more and more each day the f r u i t s of the great w o r k the P a r t y h a d done w i t h the nationalists were becoming apparent. A large n u m b e r of p a t r i otic individuals, w h o had understood the line of the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front, were j o i n i n g the ranks of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t , the Front and the partisan eta and battalions. T h e y i n cluded, for example, Q i r j a k o Harito, A l i S h t p a n i i n Tirana, H a s a n P u l o and J a h o G j o l i k u i n V l o r a , S p i r o B a k a l l i i n Durrs, G a v r i l Pepo i n K o r a , D r . P e t r a q P o pa, F e t a h E k m e k i u , H a f z M u s a B a s h a i n Elbasan, P a sho H y s i in Skrapar, w h o m I k n e w personally and about whom I retain the best memories. L i k e w i s e , in the South and the N o r t h , along w i t h such honoured p a triots and fighters as S h p e n d B a l i a and S a l i M a n i in Tropoja, G j o n M a r a s h i , H a j d a r A l i a and others i n Shkodra, L l a z i Bozo i n M y z e q e , H a k i S t r m i l l i i n Dibra, M u h a r r e m B u t k a i n K o l o n j a , S i r i S h a p l l o and K a d r i Baboi i n G j i r o k a s t r a , Stefan T h o m a g j i n i i n S a randa, H a x h i Seseri, Bab R e x h a and others i n K r u j a , Ollga P l u m b i , D r . J o r g j i J o r g o n i , E l a G j i k o n d i and others i n T i r a n a , H o d j a D e l i u i n Elbasan, A l i K a m e and 281

K o o S t e f a n i i n Prmet, T a f i l T r p a n i i n B e r a t a n d s o on, scores of teachers, doctors, engineers, agronomists, writers and other w h i t e - c o l l a r w o r k e r s a l l over the c o u n t r y united w i t h the F r o n t and the N a t i o n a l L i b eration M o v e m e n t . R i g h t f r o m the start the P a r t y also d i d c a r e f u l w o r k w i t h the f o r m e r officers of the old a r m y because it was convinced that although some of them, especially the senior officers of Zog's f o r m e r a r m y , w o u l d be pre-disposed to place themselves at the service of t h e occupier, a large n u m b e r of patriotic and progressive elements w o u l d j o i n us in o u r w a r . Of course, we recognized the fact that the w o r k w i t h people of this category presented d i f f i c u l t y , because in the past t h e y had f o r m e d a p r i v i l e g e d caste educated w i t h a n t i popular concepts and w e r e w e l l - p a i d to protect the r u l e of the august sovereign. Nevertheless, we w e r e aware of the opposition to Z o g among the officers of l o w e r rank. Some of t h e m had even created a secret organization, the G r o u p of Officers, headed by B e d r i S p a h i u , where they t a l k e d about a n d discussed c o m m u n i s m and, indeed, it called itself a communist group, although in fact it w a s more of a v e r y t i g h t l y closed organization of officers w i t h o u t a n y l i n k s among t h e people and doomed to f a i l u r e in its activity, just as it t u r n e d out. As w e l l as this we k n e w that w i t h i n t h e i r ranks there were elements w i t h patriotic and democratic inspiration and it was our d u t y to l i n k t h e m w i t h our w a r . W h e n the c o u n t r y was occupied, w h i l e a l l the reactionary officers became tools of the occupiers, r e tained their r a n k and received fat salaries f r o m them, 282

m a n y others, especially the j u n i o r officers, u n i t e d w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . Some of t h e m like M u s t a f a M a t o h i t i , R e s h i t o l l a k u , M e m o Meto, A s i m Zeneli, P a n o X h a m b a l l o and others fought, became leaders of partisan battalions and brigades and f e l l heroically i n the sacred w a r for freedom. F r o m the ranks of f o r m e r officers emerged s u c h comrades as Spiro M o i s i u , w h o m the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the P a r t y and the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l appointed commander of the G e n e r a l Staff of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , or Shefqet P e i , w h o j o i n e d in the w a r against the occupiers f r o m the f i r s t days of the i n v a s i o n and after the f o r m a t i o n of the P a r t y became one of the most outstanding cadres in the formations of o u r N a t i o n a l Liberation A r m y . Others l i k e D a l i N d r e u , T a h i r K a d a r e a n d H u l u s i S p a h i u fought a n d d u r i n g and after the w a r the P a r t y charged t h e m w i t h various responsibilities, but after Liberation, in particular, the bad habits acquired d u r ing the period w h e n t h e y were Zogite officers as w e l l as other political, ideological and m o r a l disabilities i m pelled them on a w r o n g course and some of t h e m t h r e w themselves into the arms of foreign secret agencies and ended up as enemies of the P a r t y and the people. H o w ever, these things w e r e to be p r o v e d later. W h a t I w a n t ed to stress is the fact that the P a r t y was able to c a r r y out good and f r u i t f u l w o r k w i t h the officers of the old army just as w i t h other strata, and was able to win over and m o b i l i z e in the w a r a l l those that could be mobilized. In the s p r i n g a n d at the beginning of the summer of 1943, w h e n we w e r e a c t i v e l y organizing large formations of the partisan army, the better part 283

of them were to become a valuable resource for t h e P a r t y and the w a r . P r e c i s e l y at these moments, that is at the b e g i n n i n g of the s u m m e r of 1943, w h e n we w e r e p r e p a r i n g for the meeting of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , S e j f u l l a M a l shova t u r n e d up in A l b a n i a as a late arrivai. I p e r sonally had never met S e j f u l l a , but Y m e r D i s h n i c a and K o o Tashko w h o had k n o w n h i m abroad, the f o r m e r i n F r a n c e a n d the latter i n the Soviet U n i o n , had spoken to me about h i m . However, it was d i f f i c u l t to create a coherent idea about S e j f u l l a f r o m w h a t Y m e r and K o o told m e about h i m because t h e i r j u d gements w e r e d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposite. K o o T a s h k o , who apparently had not l i k e d h i m , t o l d m e that S e j f u l l a insisted that the centre of the group of A l b a n i a n communists, w h i c h the y o u t h w i t h democratic t e n dencies had organized w h e n t h e y w e n t to the S o v i e t U n i o n after the r e t u r n of Z o g to A l b a n i a , s h o u l d be established not in the Soviet U n i o n (and c e r t a i n l y n o t i n A l b a n i a ) but i n Europe, i n Paris, V i e n n a o r G e n e v a . W h e n I became better acquainted w i t h S e j f u l l a I believed this and understood that S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a certainly p r e f e r r e d the l i f e of the cafs in P a r i s to the real w o r k and struggle i n the H o m e l a n d . D i s h n i c a had spoken t o m e quite d i f f e r e n t l y about S e j f u l l a . H e had k n o w n h i m i n France, h e l d h i m i n special a d m i r ation, and was ready to t a l k to me for hours on e n d about the wisdom and talents of S e j f u l l a and about his activity. To tell the t r u t h , some of the things that Y m e r t o l d us impressed us and we thought that a comrade l i k e this, w h o had w o r k e d i n the Comintern, w h o 284

had been a professor in Moscow, w h o had some e x perience and theoretical knowledge and was a w r i t e r a n d poet, w o u l d be necessary for us. I was not g r e a t l y impressed w i t h S e j f u l l a in the first conversation I h a d w i t h h i m w h e n he a r r i v e d in A l b a n i a about J u n e 1943. Indeed, I was rather disappointed by the replies he gave me w h e n I asked h i m about S o v i e t Russia, about the experience of the B o l s h e v i k P a r t y or of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of France. On these occasions S e j f u l l a assumed the appearance of a philosopher overburdened w i t h the questions of disciples and gave h i m s e l f an air of m y s t e r y saying, We s h a l l talk about these things. Short and fat, w i t h a voice that he deliberately deepened, he listened and looked l i k e someone t o w h o m m i n o r matters w e r e a n n o y i n g . R i g h t f r o m the first days he d i d not f a i l to g i v e advice a n d m a k e criticisms, i m p l y i n g that now that I have come we s h a l l correct these matters. F o r my part I asked h i m about the situation in France, about some c o m m u n i s t friends and acquaintances there, but it seemed that S e j f u l l a k n e w little about them. Well, h o w does he seem to you? D r . D i s h n i c a asked me after the f i r s t conversation. I believe he w i l l help us, I replied, but apparently w i t h o u t the enthusiasm w h i c h Y m e r expected. A n d w h e n I saw that the doctor was surprised, I added : We s h a l l get to k n o w h i m better in the course of the w o r k a n d the war. He is a good comrade and w i t h training, Enver. We s h a l l see, I repeated, and left it at that. B u t as it became clear, I was not the o n l y one w h o had some reservations in the assessment of 285

Professor Malshova. Some time after his a r r i v a l in A l b a n i a I was t a l k i n g to Doctor N i s h a n i one d a y a n d w h e n o u r talk came r o u n d to S e j f u l l a , Doctor N i s h a n i laughed a n d s a i d : I am going to have trouble w i t h S e j f u l l a , or he w i l l have trouble w i t h me. W h y ? I asked w i t h interest, because I k n e w that the doctor had k n o w n S e j f u l l a abroad a n d also k n e w that O m e r N i s h a n i was a m a n correct in h i s judgements. We have some old problems related to the n e w s paper, the doctor told me, and w e n t o n : W h e n we were in exile b r i n g i n g out Liria Kombtare, I asked S e j f u l l a to send us the occasional article f r o m M o s c o w , but d i d S e j f u l l a bother? A f t e r I sent h i m f i v e letters he deigned to send me his ' m a t e r i a l ' : the title a n d two or three points as an outline, the supposed 'theses' for the article. A f t e r another f i v e abusive letters, in the end, he w o u l d send us the article. Sometimes I w o u l d not p u b l i s h it at a l l and sometimes H a l i m a n d I w o u l d completely r e w r i t e it. A lazier bastard y o u could h a r d l y meet, continued the doctor w i t h a laugh. He wrote me a load of rubbish, 'the p r o l e t a r i a t this, the proletariat t h a t . . . ' . Why, w e r e y o u opposed to the proletariat? I teased h i m . No, indeed, I was not against the proletariat, b u t what S e j f u l l a w r o t e w a s a load of r u b b i s h . F o r instance, he w o u l d copy something f r o m a Soviet p a p e r and w r i t e i n a n article destined for A l b a n i a : ' T h e i n d u s t r i a l proletariat, especially that of the plants a n d b u i l d i n g sites, must be at the head of the masses in 286

A l b a n i a ' . A n d goodness k n o w s w h a t other r u b b i s h . 'What proletariat are y o u t a l k i n g about S e j f u l l a ? ' I wrote to h i m a n g r i l y . 'The i n d u s t r i a l proletariat of y o u r Malshova ( 1 ) o r D u n a v a t ( 2 ) o f m y G j i r o k a s t r a ? D a m n it, h o w are we going to keep up the paper w i t h s u c h foolishness!' Those are the v e r y words I w r o t e to h i m , Enver, I swear to y o u . Go and ask h i m if it isn't true, and the doctor laughed a n d I laughed w i t h h i m over it. M e a n w h i l e , S e j f u l l a acquainted h i m s e l f w i t h the situation, h e l d academic conversations, especially w i t h Y m e r and K o o , t r i e d to m a k e out that he had been eagerly a w a i t i n g the d a y w h e n he could come to take part in the w a r (and to this day I have r e m a i n e d in the dark w h y he w a i t e d u n t i l the s u m m e r of 1943 to r e t u r n to Albania), and both because of the guarantees w h i c h Y m e r and K o o Tashko gave u s about h i m and because of the fact that he came f r o m the C o m i n tern, we decided to co-opt h i m into the C e n t r a l C o m mittee, as a candidate and not as a f u l l member, n a t u rally. S u c h , then, w e r e the conditions and circumstances in w h i c h we prepared and, on J u l y 4, 1943, began the meeting of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , w h i c h w a s h e l d i n L a b i n o t i n the house w h e r e the 1st N a t i o n a l Conference of the P a r t y h a d been h e l d in M a r c h . A p a r t f r o m the members of the P r o v i s i o n a l General C o u n c i l w h i c h h a d been elected at P e z a we had i n v i t e d to this m e e t i n g both H a x h i L l e s h i and Sejfulla M a l s h o v a w h o were to be presented to the
___________________________________ 1 V i l l a g e in South A l b a n i a . 2 Quarter in the city of G j i r o k a s t r a .

287

C o u n c i l as candidates to be co-opted as members of it. Thus, a l l t o l d w e w e r e eight people because t w o m e m bers of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , N d o c o b a a n d K a m b e r Qafmolla, had not come although t h e y w e r e i n f o r m e d about the meeting. I proposed the outstanding f i g h t e r M u s t a f a X h a n i as c h a i r m a n of this m e e t i n g and the others present were i n f u l l agreement w i t h m y proposal. T h e n the agenda was adopted, i n c l u d i n g as the f i r s t point a r e p o r t o n the e x t e r n a l and i n t e r n a l situation w h i c h Y m e r D i s h n i c a delivered. A f t e r listening to Y m e r ' s report we discussed the development of the p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y s i t u a t i o n in Europe, especially the delay in the opening of the sec o n d front b y the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n s . I n m y c o n t r i b u t i o n I said that the allies m i g h t m a k e a l a n d i n g in Italy w i t h the a i m of isolating I t a l y a n d the B a l k a n s f r o m G e r m a n y and after this, i t was l i k e l y that G e r m a n y w o u l d b e attacked both f r o m F r a n c e a n d f r o m elsewhere. In regard to the Balkans, I pointed out, I am of the o p i n i o n that the second front in this sector s h o u l d be left to the national l i b e r a t i o n forces of the B a l k a n countries themselves. T h e g r o w t h of national l i b eration movements, t h e i r successes i n A l b a n i a , Y u g o s l a v i a and Greece, s h o w that these movements are able to c a r r y this b u r d e n successfully. I remember that S e j f u l l a , too, discussed this point of the agenda. He had decided to overawe us w i t h his first p u b l i c discourse, b y m a k i n g prophecies and b o m b a r d i n g us w i t h quotations f r o m v a r i o u s agencies and radio stations. Indeed, he even m e n t i o n e d the name of 288

a S o u t h - A f r i c a n general w h o it seems h a d spoken about the development of events in the E u r o p e a n theatre of the w a r ! In the discussion of this point on the agenda I suggested that the comrades s h o u l d give us a short description of the situation in the regions f r o m w h i c h they came. I r e m e m b e r that a f i e r y discussion was kindled w h e n H a x h i spoke about the situation i n D i bra. A f t e r m e n t i o n i n g the successes of o u r w a r there, he dwelt on the stand w h i c h the g e n t r y of those parts maintained towards the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t and quoted facts to expose the game w h i c h s u c h elements o f the g e n t r y a s F i q r i Dine, A l i M a l i q i , M y f t a r K a l o s h i and others w e r e p l a y i n g . Their w o r k stinks, comrades, said H a x h i b l u n t l y . They m a i n t a i n connections w i t h us s i m p l y in order to hinder us, to prevent us f r o m c a r r y i n g out actions. The people have begun to understand this t r i c k e r y of the gentry, the t r u t h w i l l out; m a n y of their r a n k and-file supporters have joined us v o l u n t a r i l y in o u r actions. The g e n t r y have also h i n d e r e d the w o r k f o r the extension of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils a l l over the zone. N o w they have come out openly, the fig leaf has f a l l e n f r o m t h e m . L i s t e n to h o w t h e y w a n t to intimidate us, said H a x h i f i n a l l y , and he read t w o or three letters f r o m F i q r i D i n e to the partisan eto of D i b r a in the f o r m of an u l t i m a t u m d e m a n d i n g the cessation of attacks on the enemy. We s h a l l be patient, but we must r e c k o n on fighting the w a r w i t h o u t t h e m . Indeed, one day we may be face to face against them, said H a x h i and sat down. 289

Don't be hasty, said B a z i i Cans [Abaz K u p i ] . The oak is not separated f r o m its branches w i t h one blow of the axe. We are f i g h t i n g to unite and not to divide. We don't w a n t to benefit the enemy, do we? Really, the enemy deserves a bullet, and that's that, said M y s l i m . B a z i fidgeted and settled h i m s e l f more f i r m l y . By God, I cannot understand my f r i e n d H a x h i . H e i s f r o m a n honoured household i n G r e a t D i b r a . B u t we are brothers, d a m n i t ! We ought to be together. If we are together the people w i l l be together. K n o w i n g f u l l w e l l what the reactionaries o f D i bra were, this i n d i v i d u a l demanded collaboration w i t h them, in fact, in order to postpone i n d e f i n i t e l y a n y armed attack on the occupiers; after all, this was the task w i t h w h i c h he had been charged. He h i m s e l f acted in the same w a y as the g e n t r y of D i b r a and never f i r e d a shot; the o n l y difference was that for ulterior motives he had come to P e z a and took part i n the C o u n c i l . What good are resounding words, M r . A b a z ? I asked. True u n i t y is tested in war, this gathering today is an assembly of men. W h a t sense is there in saying these things here today if t h e y don't help us to step up the attacks on the enemy t o m o r r o w ? Is there such a t h i n g as a pledge? B a z i insisted c u n n i n g l y , a m a n is b o u n d by his word... Today the A l b a n i a n is b o u n d by this, said M y s l i m and slapped the pistol in his belt. I say, the w a r is differentiating the true m e n . In P e z a and S h i j a k I d i d not w i n over the chiefs but I d i d w i n the poor. We have attacked fascism a n d see, we are stronger, the 290

people trust us, b u t w h y ? Because we are f i g h t i n g and not t a l k i n g . Am I r i g h t ? Good f o r you, said B a b a F a j a , there is no other remedy. I n M a r t a n e s h w e have councils i n e v e r y v i l lage and the people have s w a r m e d r o u n d t h e m l i k e bees. We attack the enemy w h e r e v e r we can a n d as m u c h as we can. If anyone w a n t s to j o i n up w i t h us, we say come along, one r i f l e more! T h i s w a s the best answer to the v i e w s of A b a z Kupi. A f t e r the other comrades had made t h e i r c o n tributions, especially on the development of the w a r in their regions, we took a short break before going on to the other point on the agenda, about the a c t i v i t y and tasks of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils. I had been charged w i t h d e l i v e r i n g the report on this point. In the report I stressed the importance of the Conference of P e z a and spoke about the w o r k done up t i l l that t i m e for the setting up of councils e v e r y where and about their f u n c t i o n i n g as organs of the war and the p o l i t i c a l power, as w e l l as about the obstacles we had encountered in this w o r k not o n l y f r o m the occupier and the q u i s l i n g authorities, b u t also from the nationalists gathered i n the B a l l i K o m btar. I w e n t on to speak concretely about the s i t u a tion and the w o r k of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils in various regions and cities of the c o u n t r y such as Tirana, Durrs, V l o r a and M a l l a k a s t r a where, despite the difficulties, the w o r k had proceeded w e l l , as w e l l as about other regions, such as Shkodra, M a t , D i b r a and K r u j a w h e r e w e w e r e s t i l l encountering great 291

obstacles f r o m reaction. I criticized some shortcomings of our w o r k for a centralized leadership of the c o u n cils by the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and stressed that our contact w i t h the base had not been as continuous as the situation and our w a r required. The g r o u p i n g of forces is becoming crystallized, I pointed out. The b u i l d - u p of our w a r w i l l f u r t h e r accelerate the process, therefore, it is an urgent task for the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l to give the base greater assistance, to organize the people in the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a tion F r o n t a n d to strengthen the councils in the v i l lages, the suburbs, the cities and regions. F o r this w o r k to be done better the need was being felt for a document in w h i c h the rights, c o m petences, and functions of the councils w e r e c l e a r l y defined. Therefore, I raised the issue of a C o n s t i t u t i o n for the national l i b e r a t i o n councils, the draft of w h i c h we had prepared in advance and w h i c h I w o u l d n o w read to the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l for discussion. T h i s Constitution, together w i t h the R u l e s of the n a t i o n a l liberation councils, w o u l d be f i n a l l y approved at the 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference w h i c h w o u l d be h e l d later. I n dealing w i t h the w o r k w h i c h the P r o v i s i o n a l G e n e r a l C o u n c i l had done I w e n t on to point out that not a l l the members of this i m p o r t a n t organ of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r had p r o v e d up to t h e i r responsible tasks w i t h w h i c h the Conference of P e z a h a d charged them. The complete i n a c t i v i t y of two nationalist m e m bers of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , N d o c o b a and K a m b e r Qafmolla, has hindered the work, I pointed out. L i k e 292

wise, the w o r k w i t h the councils has not gone w e l l in Abaz K u p i ' s zone. Indeed, the councils have been h i n dered i n t h e i r a c t i v i t y . M e a n w h i l e , w e hear that R a m a zan J a r a n i , w h o is not a m e m b e r of the C o u n c i l but was appointed as a i d to M y s l i m P e z a for the w o r k of the C o u n c i l , has changed his tune a n d joined the B a l l i K o m b t a r . Thus, a l l the members have not been properly engaged in practice w i t h the w o r k of the Council R a m a z a n J a r a n i was a T i r a n a teacher w i t h a good past as an a n t i - Z o g i t e and anti-Italian. I had not k n o w n h i m w e l l , but had m e r e l y been introduced to him b y m y teacher friends. A t the t i m e w h e n w e w e r e w o r k i n g for the preparation of the Conference of Peza I asked to meet h i m , and this meeting was organized by M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i w h o recommended R a m a z a n most ardently. I h a d t w o talks w i t h h i m , c l e a r l y e x p l a i n e d our v i e w s i n connection w i t h the m e e t i n g w e planned to hold w i t h the nationalists and the p l a t f o r m w h i c h we w o u l d present. Since R a m a z a n J a r a n i expressed f u l l agreement w i t h us a n d promised that he w o u l d support u s i n e v e r y t h i n g , w e charged h i m w i t h the task of c a r r y i n g out propaganda against the occupiers among the nationalists of T i r a n a . He accepted this task and even t o l d me that in t i m e of danger I could go to his home, a s i m p l e T i r a n a home, in the same street as the house in w h i c h V o j o K u s h i and his comrades were k i l l e d . I was pleased w i t h Ramazan's readiness because every element gained for the w a r f o r l i b e r a tion was a success for the w o r k of the P a r t y . F o r a time it seemed that he w o u l d keep his promise; he took part in the Conference of Peza, expressed his 293

solidarity w i t h its decisions and his readiness to w o r k to c a r r y t h e m out. H o w e v e r , not long afterwards J a rani's enthusiasm cooled and M y s l i m complained to me that he not o n l y d i d not c a r r y out any of the tasks w h i c h were set h i m but had v i r t u a l l y b r o k e n off contact w i t h Bab M y s l i m . What's going on w i t h R a m a z a n J a r a n i ? I asked M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i one day. I k n o w h i m as a good man, replied M u s t a f a . I s h a l l go and talk to him. N o t long afterwards, w h e n I was in Labinot, the comrades f r o m T i r a n a sent me the news that R a m a z a n J a r a n i had t u r n e d his coat, abandoned the F r o n t and joined the B a l l i K o m b t a r . This was the metamorphosis of this renegade, w h i c h I e x p l a i n e d to the members of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l w h o w e r e present. In close connection w i t h these problems and the whole stage w h i c h our w a r had reached, the m e e t i n g of J u l y 1943 h e l d an extensive discussion on the need w h i c h had arisen for the f o r m a t i o n of the G e n e r a l Staff of a l l the armed forces of the insurgent people. It had been discussed and decided at the C o n ference of Peza that at the proper moment, w i t h the extension of the armed resistance to the fascist occupier and, especially, w i t h the increase in the n u m ber of partisan eta and units, a central staff should be created as the centre to direct the m i l i t a r y operations of the n e w a r m y w h i c h the people w o u l d create. A n d now, after a year of struggle and a l l - r o u n d efforts, we judged that this moment had a r r i v e d . 294

In the s u m m e r of 1943 the a r m e d struggle of the Albanian people had assumed wide proportions. The number of partisan eta was i n c o m p a r a b l y greater t h a n a few months earlier, their composition had been i n creased and strengthened and their f i g h t i n g activity, which they c a r r i e d out a l l over the country, was d e a l ing the enemy c r u s h i n g blows. In those eta , w h i c h were called regular units because t h e y functioned p e r manently, about 10 thousand fighters took part, besides about 20 thousand other fighters in the t e r r i torial eta ( 1 ) and g u e r r i l l a units. On the r e c o m m e n d a tion of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the P a r t y , we had gone over to the organization of battalions as bigger and more p o w e r f u l units, capable of c a r r y i n g out operations on a broader scale against the enemy, a n d the instructions had been sent out and measures w e r e being taken for the creation, in the near future, of the first partisan brigades. F o r a l l these reasons, charged by the C e n t r a l Committee of the P a r t y , in one of the sessions of the meeting of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l I rose and said to the comrades: From the analysis w h i c h it has made of the s i tuation and our forces, the C e n t r a l Committee of the Communist P a r t y has a r r i v e d at the conclusion that the
_______________________________ 1 Volunteer self-defence units formed in the liberated

regions w h i c h carried out attacks on the enemy and opposed enemy operations side by side w i t h the partisan eta. T h e y were also a source of m a n p o w e r for the completion of the regular partisan units.

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dimension w h i c h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r has assumed and the achievement of the f i n a l v i c t o r y over the enemy have made the organic u n i f i c a t i o n of a l l the partisan units in a n a t i o n a l army, directed f r o m a single centre, u r g e n t l y necessary. We propose to this C o u n c i l that it s h o u l d examine and endorse the p r o posal of the CC of the C P A about the f o r m a t i o n of the G e n e r a l Staff of the A l b a n i a n N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y . If we accomplish this task the a r m e d struggle of our people w i l l be more organized and w i l l be m o r e successful in achieving its p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y objectives in the future. I went on to stress that the f o r m a t i o n of this specialized organ for the m i l i t a r y leadership of our w a r was necessary also for the co-ordination and c o l laboration o f o u r N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r w i t h the w a r of the countries of the anti-fascist coalition, especially w i t h the great allies, the Soviet U n i o n , U S A and G r e a t B r i t a i n , and i n particular, w i t h the national l i b e r a t i o n movements of the peoples of the B a l k a n s . T h e members of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l w e l c o m e d the proposal about the f o r m a t i o n of the G e n e r a l Staff a n d expressed the belief that the existence of s u c h an organ w o u l d f u r t h e r strengthen the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a tion W a r and w o u l d b r i n g the d a y of our v i c t o r y over the enemy closer. A f t e r this historic decision was taken the composition of the G e n e r a l Staff was discussed and it was decided that the G e n e r a l Staff of the N a tional L i b e r a t i o n A r m y should be comprised of 12 people, concretely S p i r o M o i s i u , E n v e r H o x h a , M y s l i m Peza, H a x h i L l e s h i , M u s t a f a X h a n i , R a m a d a n

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 i t a k u , A b a z K u p i , Y m e r Dishnica, D a l i N d r e u , M u s tafa G j i n i s h i , S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a and B e d r i S p a h i u . The N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l also decided that the organizational structure of the G e n e r a l S t a f f should be left to the Staff itself at its first meeting. On the f o l l o w i n g d a y the G e n e r a l Staff of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y met, decided o n its o r g a n i z a tional structure, and d i v i d e d the responsibilities among the members. T h e Staff w o u l d have a commander as w e l l as its p o l i t i c a l commissar, just as a l l our partisan detachments had. I proposed that C o m r a d e S p i r o M o i siu, as a patriot a n d specialist on m i l i t a r y matters, should be charged w i t h the task of commander of the General Staff. T h e M a j o r , as we u s u a l l y called our comrade, was one of those patriotic officers in w h o m love for the H o m e l a n d and the people and hatred for the foreign enslaver w e r e stronger t h a n their desire for position and r a n k w i t h w h i c h Z o g and fascism tried to l u r e them. P r e c i s e l y on account of his patriotic merits, as w e l l as the fact that S p i r o M o i s i u was a senior officer w i t h experience, the G e n e r a l Staff appointed h i m as its commander. I was appointed as p o l i t i c a l commissar of the G e n e r a l Staff. On J u l y 10, 1943 we p u b l i c l y proclaimed the h i s toric decision about the f o r m a t i o n of the G e n e r a l Staff and the organization of the A l b a n i a n N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y . T h i s day has r e m a i n e d and w i l l remain as one of the most outstanding events not o n l y of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, but of the w h o l e epoch of the P a r t y , as the day of our People's A r m y , 297

the liberator and glorious defender of our socialist Homeland. Besides other decisions w h i c h h a d to do w i t h the organization of our army, w i t h the creation of region a l commands, and the c o m m a n d of the 1st O p e r a t i o n a l Zone, w i t h the organization of the partisan m i l i t a r y power in the rear, etc., at the meeting of J u l y 1943 we devoted special attention also to o u r stand towards the B a l l i K o m b t a r i n the future. In the report w h i c h I presented to the meeting, I made a detailed analysis of the w o r k we had done a n d the efforts we had made right up t i l l those m o m ents to convince the B a l l i K o m b t a r to take part in the w a r against fascism and accept the p o l i t i c a l line w h i c h we had endorsed at the Conference of Peza. In this w i d e - r a n g i n g analysis w h i c h I made of the p r o b l e m I had in m i n d two m a i n aims. First, to give those members of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l w h o h a d not been in continuous contact w i t h the C o u n c i l detailed i n f o r m a tion about the line pursued and the concrete activities w h i c h had been carried out, and second, to define the p l a t f o r m of talks w h i c h we envisaged to h o l d w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r , c a l l i n g on it for the last time to r e a l l y involve itself in the w a r and give up its collaboration w i t h the enemy and the struggle against the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . Those w h o spoke in the discussion that f o l l o w e d the report approved the line p u r s u e d and described all the efforts made up t i l l that t i m e as correct. F i n a l ly it was decided that one more m e e t i n g s h o u l d be h e l d w i t h the representatives of that organization, at w h i c h they w o u l d be asked to give a clear and f i n a l 298

a n s w e r as to w h e t h e r or not the B a l l i K o m b t a r was g o i n g to take part in the w a r . As far as I r e m e m b e r the first to take part in the discussion of this question was Y m e r D i s h n i c a . Y m e r concluded his c o n t r i b u t i o n by s a y i n g : I t h i n k that in the talks w h i c h are to be h e l d the B a l l ists m u s t be t o l d : ' W i t h y o u or w i t h o u t y o u we are g o i n g to wage the w a r to the end,' and we should app e a l to t h e m once more for a f i g h t i n g u n i t y to defeat the occupiers and for a free and democratic Albania. I m e n t i o n e d this c o n t r i b u t i o n of Y m e r Dishnica's in order to stress that Y m e r , w h o was to head the delegation of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l to M u k j e , was not o n l y clear in advance about the position that ought to be m a i n t a i n e d but, at least f r o m the words he said, also seemed to have a correct view, personally, about the B a l l i K o m b t a r and the stand w h i c h had to be m a i n t a i n e d i n the m e e t i n g w i t h its representatives. A f t e r Y m e r I took the floor again and said in substance : O u r objective is to i n v o l v e those w h o have s t i l l not understood the w a r w h i c h we are waging, in this w a r . A l s o among the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r we s h o u l d differentiate those elements w h o have not compromised themselves and should t r y once again to convince t h e m to fight by speaking to t h e m f r a n k l y a n d clearly, e x p l a i n i n g to t h e m the character of our National Liberation War. In regard to the talks w h i c h we t h i n k should be h e l d w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r we should send t h e m a letter w i t h our proposal and give t h e m a short time, 299

not more than f i v e or s i x days, to r e p l y w h e t h e r or not t h e y want to meet our delegation. We are not goi n g to give t h e m any longer t h a n this, and if t h e y do not come to this meeting or conference, we s h a l l w a i t no longer but s h a l l p u b l i s h our letter in the newspaper Bashkimi ( 1 ) so that the people w i l l see once again w h o is opposed to u n i t y in the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . We are not going to stand on ceremony w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r , I continued. The basis of the agreement w h i c h we s h a l l propose to t h e m s h o u l d be t h i s : organized, u n c o m p r o m i s i n g a r m e d struggle against the occupier; the B a l l i K o m b t a r must recognize the n a tional liberation councils as the o n l y people's d e m o cratic state power; it must purge its ranks of the collaborationists, criminals, spies and speculators; it must i m m e d i a t e l y stop its f i g h t i n g and propaganda against the F r o n t and the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , the p o s i tive elements of the B a l l i K o m b t a r m u s t take part in the Front, they must disperse their 'councils', etc. This, then, I concluded, should be the p l a t f o r m for the talks w h i c h our delegation s h o u l d h o l d and we should appoint the delegation here. The members of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and those of the Staff w h o had been i n v i t e d to the meeting, e n dorsed my proposals w h i c h w e r e accepted as the basis for the talks that w o u l d be h e l d in the near f u t u r e w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r . It seemed that e v e r y t h i n g was clear even t o Y m e r D i s h n i c a and M u s t a f a G j i n i ___________________________________ 1 O r g a n of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l w h i c h began to be published in M a r c h 1943.

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shi, w h o o n l y a f e w days after this m e e t i n g were to play a capitulationist role in a c h i e v i n g the notorious M u k j e Agreement.

4. A dangerous trap and a betrayal

Conscious of the importance and the difficulties of this f i n a l m e e t i n g of o u r delegation w i t h the r e presentatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , i m m e d i a t e l y after the m e e t i n g of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l I s u m m o n e d Y m e r Dishnica and M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i and t a l k e d w i t h t h e m several times not o n l y to ensure that t h e y t h o r o u g h l y understood their delicate m i s s i o n but also to define precisely, d o w n to the smallest details, the m a i n points on w h i c h the talks w o u l d be held. In y o u r conduct a n d presentation there m u s t not be even the slightest tendency to w a v e r f r o m our platform. L i k e w i s e , y o u m u s t bear in m i n d that on no account s h o u l d y o u beg the B a l l i K o m b t a r to unite w i t h us; we d i d not beg t h e m at the beginning w h e n we were f e w and we c e r t a i n l y w i l l not do so now. We must set the tone for the talks, I t o l d them, and they m u s t clearly understand that w i t h this we are holding out a h a n d to t h e m for the last t i m e so that they can get out of the impasse and m a k e amends for their crimes. Of course, of course, approved Dishnica, w h i l e M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i nodded his head and added: Don't y o u w o r r y , we s h a l l act properly! 301

A f t e r discussing the matter at l e n g t h w i t h t h e leading comrades of the P a r t y w h o were in L a b i n o t d u r i n g those days, w e decided that A b a z K u p i s h o u l d be added to the delegation of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front. As y o u saw for yourself, I said to Y m e r , A b a z approved the p l a t f o r m of the talks w h i c h y o u w i l l lead as the head of the delegation of the F r o n t w i t h the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , but both y o u a n d M u s t a f a m u s t take care to control his activities and not a l l o w h i m to get up to any of his tricks. Don't y o u worry, repeated M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i , w h o could h a r d l y contain his j o y that Abaz, too, w o u l d be in the delegation. A b a z m i g h t influence t h e delegates of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . We are i n f o r m e d that there is f r i c t i o n between the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , and y o u must e x p l o i t this. A s t o w h a t influence A b a z w i l l have, this w e shall see. I s h a l l talk to h i m myself. If the need arises, I told Y m e r , you can also d r a w in the comrades of the P a r t y and the F r o n t f r o m T i r a n a or Durrs. Probably this need w i l l not arise, said Y m e r confindently. Who knows, I said, but bear it in m i n d ! Before he left L a b i n o t I also had a talk w i t h Abaz K u p i . You, M r . A b a z , w i l l be in the delegation, I said, and we believe that y o u r a u t h o r i t y and acquaintance w i t h the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w i l l have a good influence on them. I s h a l l do my bit, A b a z promised and a d d e d : I have o n l y one request... 302

What is it? I asked. I w a n t to take M a j o r J a h j a w i t h me! I have no objection, I replied, I k n o w J a h j a ai personally. T a l k it over w i t h the Doctor [Y. D i s h nica] and decide this between yourselves. W h o was this J a h j a a i ? In the time of the Zog regime J a h j a had been a senior officer, but after the occupation it was said that he was a patriot w h o w a n t ed to fight, therefore, we h a d w o r k e d to w i n h i m over to the M o v e m e n t . In this d i r e c t i o n we were helped by the fact that his w i f e w a s a s y m p a t h i z e r of the P a r t y and an activist of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and r e m a i n e d s u c h to the end. T h e i r son, Hektor, too, was completely w i t h us, was activized in the y o u t h organization, subsequently fought in illegality, joined the partisans and became a good communist and cadre. Bearing i n m i n d w h a t was k n o w n about J a h j a , a s w e l l as the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of his w i f e and son in the N a tional L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t , I w e n t to his home one day and talked w i t h h i m : M r . E n v e r , he said, I cannot part w i t h m y w i f e o r m y son and, moreover, I think that this course of yours is right and I am going to f i g h t together w i t h you. In reality, however, he d i d not do so. He d i d not follow the course of his w i f e or his son or the N a tional L i b e r a t i o n W a r . He r e m a i n e d w i t h us for the sake of appearances, seemed to lean more and more towards B a z i i Cans, and w h e n we broke w i t h B a z i and expelled h i m f r o m the Front, J a h j a a i f o l l o w e d him, and u l t i m a t e l y j o i n e d the r a n k s o f A b a z K u p i who appointed h i m chief of staff of the Zogite forces 303

w h i c h opposed us w i t h arms and w h i c h we l i q u i d a t e d w h e n the 1st D i v i s i o n advanced to the N o r t h ( 1 ). T h a t was the end of J a h j a a i . At the t i m e about w h i c h we are speaking, however, in the s u m m e r of 1943, we had nothing against J a h j a except some reservations about his closeness w i t h B a z i in w h o m , as I have said, we had never placed any trust. A l t h o u g h a l l the issues had been t h o r o u g h l y thrashed out and e v e r y t h i n g was clear, s t i l l I was not free of w o r r y because I k n e w w h a t traps the diplomats of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w e r e capable of setting. Therefore, before Y m e r left for T i r a n a I h a d one more talk w i t h h i m . It was no accident that y o u w e r e appointed to the delegation, and moreover as its leader, I t o l d D i s h n i c a . We have been together i n talks w i t h v a rious nationalists on a n u m b e r of occasions, hence y o u have some experience and k n o w w h a t traps t h e y can set; on the other hand, y o u are not u n k n o w n in their circles. B u t more importantly, y o u are a m e m b e r of the B u r e a u , hence, have great r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the P a r t y ; there are two things y o u m u s t bear c l e a r l y in m i n d : first, that the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t is the o n l y force w h i c h has fought and is f i g h t i n g against the occupier, and second, never forget that our P a r t y is and w i l l always be the organizer and leader of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War...
____________________________________ 1 In J u n e 1944 the regions general of Central of and the offensive 1st Shock D i v i s i o n w e n t over to the North Albania to take part in the Albanian National Liberation Army

for the complete liberation of A l b a n i a .

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 W i t h o u t doubt, w i t h o u t doubt, approved the Doctor. If we insist on our positions, according to the p l a t f o r m w h i c h w e have decided, y o u r w o r k and the w o r k of the delegation is simple, otherwise, the s i t u a tion w i l l become complicated. Therefore, don't stray in the slightest degree f r o m the theses we have a p proved. Y o u m u s t g u a r d against unexpected news and m a k e contact w i t h the P a r t y R e g i o n a l Committee o f T i rana and keep us c o n t i n u a l l y i n f o r m e d about e v e r y t h i n g through the comrades there. F o r o u r part, we s h a l l assist y o u w i t h i n our possibilities, although y o u have the issues clear. D o n ' t forget that this is a p r e l i m i n a r y meeting, a n d this s h o u l d m a k e y o u r w o r k m u c h easier because no decisions w i l l be taken at this meeting, and y o u have o n l y to p u t to the B a l l i K o m b t a r those matters about w h i c h we have talked so m a n y times that I am sure y o u k n o w t h e m by heart. But what if the delegates of the B a l l i K o m b t a r declare that they accept our points? asked D i s h n i c a . I don't t h i n k the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w i l l accept them, I replied. Perhaps there are s t i l l some elements left in the ranks of the B a l l i K o m b t a r who w a n t to f i g h t and in fact there are such elements, but I believe that most, if not a l l , of those w h o come to the meeting w i t h you, w i l l not accept our demands. Nevertheless, we openly p r o c l a i m our p l a t f o r m and this w i l l have repercussions both w i t h i n the B a l l i K o m b t a r and among the people. W h e n t h e y refuse to accept our demands, t h e n we s h a l l unmask t h e m openly as traitors and the people w i l l understand once again that L u m o Skndo and company are to blame 305

for the 'fratricide' that the traitors l i k e to talk about. Agreed, said Y m e r , but let us suppose that the delegation of the B a l l i K o m b t a r accepts o u r platform. In that case y o u w i l l consider y o u r w o r k c o m pleted, because this is y o u r task and y o u w i l l tell the delegates of the B a l l i K o m b t a r that they s h o u l d p u b l i c l y declare that t h e y agree to take part in the w a r against the enemy and that t h e y recognize the national liberation councils as the o n l y p o l i t i c a l p o w e r of the people in A l b a n i a . T h e n y o u w i l l t e l l t h e m that they must begin the w a r concretely, that is, their eta must attack the Italians and the gendarmerie and a r m y of the T i r a n a government, must e x p e l the c r i m i n a l s f r o m their e t a , w i t h d r a w a l l the m e m b e r s of the B a l l i K o m b t a r f r o m the q u i s l i n g institutions and disperse the 'councils' of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . W h e n we see to w h a t extent they c a r r y out these things in practice, because hitherto t h e y have told us m a n y lies, then we can begin to t a l k about a n a t i o n a l conference, a s w e discussed, i n w h i c h the B a l l i K o m btar w i l l take part and at w h i c h a l l the questions of u n i f i c a t i o n w i l l b e put f o r w a r d and settled. B u t t h i s belongs to the f u t u r e and y o u w i l l t e l l the B a l l i s t delegates that y o u are not going to talk about this n o w because y o u are not authorized to do so by the Council. I assure y o u that e v e r y t h i n g w i l l go well, said Dishnica. I hope y o u are right, I laughed, but don't f o r get that 'he w h o sleeps w i t h dogs wakes up w i t h fleas'. Y o u w i l l have to do w i t h old foxes... 306

 T h e i r t r i c k e r y is proverbial, laughed the D o c tor, but this time t h e y w i l l be penned up and have no r o o m to move. M a i n t a i n contact w i t h Gogo [Nushi] ( 1 ) in T i r a n a and keep us i n f o r m e d of everything, I repeated once again. W i t h o u t fail, p r o m i s e d Y m e r . Thus, he set out for T i r a n a w h i l e we others took the road for K o r a . T h e r e w e stayed i n S h t y l l a , K u c a ka and V i t h k u q , g i v i n g f i r s t - h a n d attention to the f i n a l preparations for the i n a u g u r a t i o n ceremony of the 1st S h o c k B r i g a d e . Some days after Y m e r left a courier sent by Gogo brought a letter f r o m the Doctor addressed to me. In his letter Y m e r gave me a brief report on the s i t u a tion in T i r a n a and the nationalist circles, w r o t e about the enthusiasm w h i c h the announcement of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l about the f o r m a t i o n of the G e n e r a l Staff of o u r a r m y had aroused among the people and about the shock w h i c h it had caused in the circles of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and reaction; he reported on the f o r m a t i o n of an anti-fascist committee of u n i v e r s i t y students and other i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h , of course, it was necessary for us to k n o w about. On the m a i n question for w h i c h he had gone to T i r a n a , however, there w e r e only a f e w words. The letter stated b r i e f l y that M u s tafa G j i n i s h i had had a meeting w i t h L u m o Skndo and H a s a n Dosti, but not a w o r d about w h a t was said there. Of course, they w i l l have t a l k e d about the
___________________________________ 1 At that t i m e member of the CC of the C P A a n d p o l i t i cal secretary of the P a r t y R e g i o n a l Committee of T i r a n a .

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meeting of our delegates w i t h theirs, I thought to myself. In the evening of J u l y 25 on a battery radio w i t h w h i c h I was never parted, we heard the news about the coup d'tat w h i c h brought Badoglio to p o w e r a n d the arrest of M u s s o l i n i . T h i s was an event w h i c h spoke clearly of the p r o f o u n d p o l i t i c a l and economic and m i l i t a r y crisis of the fascist regime, w h i c h by s a c r i f i c ing its Duce w a n t e d to save itself. In a n y case this event was bound to have repercussions in o u r c o u n t r y a n d we had to be prepared for this. A f e w days after we heard this news, since we had had no i n f o r m a t i o n e i t h e r f r o m Y m e r o r the P a r t y R e g i o n a l Committee o f T i r a n a , I sent a letter to Gogo in w h i c h I criticized h i m over the lack of i n f o r m a t i o n about the w o r k for the meeting w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r , a n d about the reaction w h i c h the f a l l of M u s s o l i n i had caused among the people, i n the q u i s l i n g circles and i n the B a l l i K o m b tar. L i k e w i s e , in the name of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e I gave instruction for the organization and e n l i v e n ment of the w o r k of the P a r t y , the press and p r o p a g anda, for s w i f t and s k i l f u l actions i n c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the conditions and circumstances. We m u s t get r i d of the bureaucracy in o u r M o v e m e n t , otherwise we w i l l lose, I pointed out. In the end, d u r i n g the first days of A u g u s t a l e t ter came f r o m Shafingo ( 1 ) i n w h i c h h e informed m e about the first meeting w h i c h t h e y had h a d w i t h the representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . I read the letter q u i c k l y and w h e n I came to the end I thought perhaps
____________________________________ 1 T h e pseudonym of Y m e r D i s h n i c a .

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I h a d read it carelessly, because, to tell the t r u t h , I understood v e r y little f r o m it. I read it again and w a s convinced that, although Y m e r ' s report contained the minutes of a m e e t i n g w h i c h had been h e l d in the village of T a p i z a near T i r a n a , and although names a n d facts w e r e mentioned, t e l l i n g us about L u m o and D o s ti, about B a z i and M u s t a f a , and describing the exodus of the B a l l i s t s of T i r a n a to the mountains, and so on, it said n o t h i n g clear about the things we expected. The f u n d a m e n t a l issues about w h i c h D i s h n i c a s h o u l d have reported in the letter w e r e passed over superf i c i a l l y w i t h t w o or three obscure points w h i c h meant nothing. One point, w h i c h spoke of the idea of the creation of a Joint Committee, especially attracted my attention. It w a s not d i f f i c u l t to sense that there was a trap l u r k i n g in the idea of the f o r m a t i o n of this committee. It seems that something strange is being drafted at Tapiza, I said and glanced at the comrades around me. What was that? said S e j f u l l a in an absentminded tone as t h o u g h h e a v i l y burdened by his o w n thoughts. The Doctor w r i t e s that at T a p i z a they have p r o duced a draft on a f o u r - p o i n t agreement and one of the points seems to be the f o r m a t i o n of a 'Joint C o m mittee'. Is that so? said S e j f u l l a , and after a moment's thought, added, nevertheless... I c o u l d stand no more of this and i n t e r r u p t e d him: 309

For the moment, since the B a l l i K o m b t a r is not f u l f i l l i n g our conditions for unity, is not r e a l l y t h r o w ing itself into the w a r a n d is not p u r g i n g its o w n ranks of the criminals, there can be no talk of a n y k i n d o f organ o r 'committee' o f the F r o n t w i t h the B a l l i Kombtar. Excuse me, i n t e r r u p t e d S e j f u l l a , but does Y m e r e x p l a i n h o w the question of this committee was discussed? No, he doesn't, I replied, but Y m e r has no reason to enter into s u c h discussion for w h i c h no one has authorized h i m , a n d indeed I p a r t i c u l a r l y w a r n e d h i m about this. What does he w r i t e regarding the reaction to the o v e r t h r o w of D u c e ? asked N a k o . It seems that this has f u r t h e r w h e t t e d the appetite of the B a l l i s t s to capture the government seats as q u i c k l y as possible, I told the comrades, because, as Y m e r writes, the chiefs of the B a l l i have left their easy chairs in T i r a n a a n d are 'hastening' to the mountains. T h i s refers to that episode in the tragic-comic history of the traitor chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w h i c h occurred at the e n d of the s u m m e r of 1943 w h i c h e v e r y b o d y k n o w s about n o w and was described so beautifully, precisely and h u m o r o u s l y a little later b y our comrade a n d co-fighter, the r e v o l u t i o n a r y w r i ter, Shevqet M u s a r a j , in his famous Epic of the B a l l i Kombtar. As soon as t h e y learned the news of the o v e r t h r o w of the Duce, and after t a k i n g good care to m a k e sure that the fascist horse had r e a l l y cast its shoes, 310

the captains of the B a l l i K o m b t a r j u m p e d for joy, thought that e v e r y t h i n g w o u l d n o w be p l a i n s a i l i n g for t h e m and deemed that the time had come to share out the government seats. H o w e v e r , in order to d r a w a v e i l over t h e i r treachery up t i l l that moment and give themselves the a u r a of liberators the Ballists, in their ardour to take power, abandoned their i l l e gal offices and the cafs of T i r a n a for a f e w days and sallied f o r t h to the mountains in a demonstrative way, without, of course, forgetting to take along their coffee services, supplies of r a k i and liquor, pyjamas and camp beds. Dressed in u n i f o r m s and loaded w i t h bandoliers of cartridges, w i t h revolvers, binoculars, grenades and the dispatch cases of staff officers, the eta of the B a l l i , specially summoned to the zone where the meeting between the delegation of the Front and that of the B a l l i was held, put on a show of strength. T h i s pack of wolves was s t i l l l i v i n g in the past and thought that although they had not f i r e d a shot, it was their right to govern the s t i l l occupied country. W h a t does it matter, they thought, that the people, the partisans and the communists h a d shed and were shedding t h e i r blood for freedom, he w h o uses others to d r a w the chestnuts out of the f i r e for h i m is the stronger. A c c o r d i n g to them, t h e y had o n l y to strike a patriotic pose and put on some parade at the proper moment, and as soon as the Italians left they expected to enter T i r a n a and elsewhere as liberators a n d take the reins in hand. A c c o r d i n g to them, the lite r e m a i n e d lite and w h a t could they do other t h a n r u l e and g o v e r n ! ! As for the people w h o had seen and heard of the e v i l deeds of the B a l l i 311

Kombtar, the leaders of the B a l l i thought: We w i l l close their eyes w i t h the valiant deeds we s h a l l p e r f o r m in the closing stages and, if these are i n s u f ficient we s h a l l also stage an histori act: we s h a l l declare the independence of the c o u n t r y and a n n u l the decisions of the assembly of A p r i l 12, 1939 w h i c h proclaimed the u n i f i c a t i o n of A l b a n i a w i t h Italy a n d offered the c r o w n of Skanderbeg to V i c t o r of S a v o y ! H o w this first sally of the B a l l i to the m o u n tains ended up is w e l l k n o w n : as soon as the G e r m a n armoured cars entered T i r a n a , the crestfallen heroes of the closing stages hastily resumed their caf i l l e gality and sent w o r d to the n a z i Kommandatur that they had gone to the mountains s i m p l y to spend the summer ! However, a l l this was to occur a little later; let us r e t u r n to the moments w h e n we had just received the first letter f r o m Y . D i s h n i c a and w e r e t r y i n g t o imagine w h a t our envoys were engaged in h a t c h i n g up there w i t h the traitor chiefs M i t h a t F r a s h r i , H a s a n D o s t i and others. F r o m the ironical tone i n w h i c h Y . D i s h n i c a described H a s a n Dosti's proposal about the proclamation of independence, I f o r m e d the impression that on this, at least, our delegation w o u l d not f a l l into the trap of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . Nevertheless, I said to the comrades : F r o m w h a t Y m e r writes I can't understand a n y t h i n g concretely or clearly, but we m u s t insist w i t h h i m that he must f i r m l y reject the proposal they are m a k i n g . The Ballists must be told that the i n d e p e n dence of A l b a n i a is not w o n w i t h charters and agree312

ments. T h e y m u s t be t o l d : ' W i t h this agreement y o u gentlemen w a n t to cover up a n d w a s h y o u r hands off the act of occupation of A p r i l 7, 1939, in w h i c h y o u and y o u r friends participated and gave y o u r blessing to the Italian fascists. N o w y o u w a n t to involve us, too, in covering up that grave act. N o ! ' T h e y m u s t be t o l d : ' W e s h a l l w i n independence t h r o u g h f i g h t i n g , therefore we s h a l l talk about this and this alone'. These and other w o r r i e s w h i c h arose i n m y m i n d f r o m Y m e r Dishnica's obscure i n f o r m a t i o n i m p e l l e d us to d e m a n d detailed c l a r i f i c a t i o n as q u i c k l y as possible, therefore we decided to send h i m an u r g e n t letter. H o w e v e r , I had h a r d l y completed the r e p l y to the f i r s t letter w h e n a f u r t h e r letter a r r i v e d , a letter w h i c h added to my concern and, to t e l l the t r u t h , also made me angry. It seems to me the Doctor is w a s t i n g his time there, I told the comrades, and handed t h e m Y m e r Dishnica's letter. S e j f u l l a took i t and read i t q u i c k l y f r o m b e g i n ning to e n d assuming a t r o u b l e d expression. The issues are important, Enver, and there is nothing w r o n g w i t h discussing t h e m a n d thrashing out opinions, w a s his reply. What r u b b i s h y o u talk, Sejfulla! I said i m p a tiently. We instructed Y m e r and M u s t a f a about w h a t they s h o u l d discuss a n d they are discussing other things. L i s t e n w h a t he writes, I said and I took the letter back and read, 'In the talks the idea of the proclamation of independence and of ethnic A l b a n i a confused us!' I cannot understand w h y he s h o u l d get himself i n v o l v e d w i t h these questions. 313

The B a l l i w o u l d have raised these problems, put in Nako. Of course, the B a l l i has raised them, but Y m e r a n d M u s t a f a s h o u l d not have p e r m i t t e d the discussion of these issues. T h e y s h o u l d have presented our p l a t f o r m and demanded their r e p l y to it. Y o u are right, said N a k o , w h i l e S e j f u l l a said n o t h i n g more. Y m e r Dishnica's second letter s t i l l d i d not t e l l us a n y t h i n g of m a j o r importance and, as I l e a r n e d a f e w days later, d i d not i n f o r m us accurately about the w a y the discussions h a d developed. O n l y one t h i n g w a s clearly i m p l i e d : at M u k j e , near Tapiza, w h e r e the second phase of the talks was held, the B a l l i K o m btar had conducted the orchestra and, instead of o u r delegation and especially Y m e r D i s h n i c a a n d M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i setting the tone f o r the meeting and d e m a n d ing answers to the questions w h i c h we put before t h e m , M i t h a t B e y and H a s a n D o s t i h a d d i v e r t e d the p l a t f o r m o f the talks i n the w a y t h e y w a n t e d . T h i s fact alone was sufficient to d r a w the conclusion that o u r delegates w e r e not c a r r y i n g out the instructions w h i c h t h e y had received f r o m the leadership of the P a r t y and the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l . Y m e r d i d not w r i t e that m e a n w h i l e the agreem e n t h a d been reached; not o n l y w a s he confused b u t he had f a l l e n completely into the trap w h i c h the B a l l i K o m b t a r had set. T h a t same day I sat d o w n a n d w r o t e a l o n g letter w h i c h has been published, ( 1 ) therefore I s h a l l m e n t i o n o n l y the m a i n issues w h i c h I p u t before Y m e r D i s h n i c a .
________________________________ 1 E n v e r H o x h a , Works, v o l . 1, pp. 419-427, 2nd A l b . ed.

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It seems to us that the talks have developed on the w r o n g course, I p o i n t e d out in the letter. Y o u d i d not go there to discuss independence a n d ethnic A l b a n i a b u t t o put the B a l l i K o m b t a r w i t h its back to the w a l l a n d present its delegates w i t h these issues: they must j o i n in the w a r immediately, agree to c o l l a borate w i t h the councils and, after t h e y have fought, they can j o i n the Staff and take part in a n a t i o n a l conference to w h i c h patriots f r o m a l l parts of the country w i l l come. These things s h o u l d be the essence of the talks and such c r a z y things as the proclamation of i n d e p e n dence w i t h o u t d r i v i n g out the occupiers s h o u l d not be discussed. A n d to cap all, I pointed out to D i s h n i c a , this was raised by the Ballists w h o have not fought, and apparently have no i n t e n t i o n of fighting. In the letter I suggested to o u r delegates that the B a l l i K o m b t a r ' s insistence on the proclamation of independence and the annulment of the decision of the A s s e m b l y of A p r i l 12 s h o u l d not be treated s i m p l y as the f o r m a l i s t and scholastic insistence of a jurist. If y o u glance o v e r the list of participants in that 'assembly', I w r o t e in substance to Y m e r , you w i l l f i n d a l l the B a l l i K o m b t a r there. W e and the people have never recognized that decision, therefore, we have no reason to become partners w i t h the B a l l i , w h i c h t h r o u g h an allegedly j u r i d i c a l act wants to absolve the sins it has committed. I w e n t on to instruct h i m that he m u s t not enter into discussion of the issues w h i c h the B a l l i K o m b t a r raised, m u s t not become f u r t h e r i n v o l v e d w i t h the 315

j u r i d i c a l sophism of its chiefs, and repeated once again, indeed in the f o r m of separate points, w h a t the objective of the talks w h i c h were being h e l d s h o u l d consist of. At the end of the letter I advised Y m e r to r e m a i n v i g i l a n t and cool-headed in his judgements, to a v o i d being carried a w a y b y events, but use t h e m i n o u r favour; I rejected the slogan that M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i had launched that fascism is dead and stressed that we s t i l l h a d to wage w a r against it. Besides t h i s I w r o t e about the hostile activities of the B a l l i K o m btar gangs against our forces and enclosed in t h e envelope a n u m b e r of materials w h i c h showed t h a t the B a l l i K o m b t a r was c o n t i n u i n g the w a r against us and its collaboration w i t h the enemy. T h e y h a d m a n y facts about a l l these things but in my letter I also described episodes w h i c h had occurred in the zone of K o r a w h e r e we w e r e established at the t i m e that Y m e r and M u s t a f a were f l i r t i n g w i t h the delegates of the B a l l i K o m b t a r at T a p i z a and M u k j e . T h e letter w i t h the instructions for Y m e r D i s h nica was dispatched i m m e d i a t e l y and a r r i v e d at t h e destination in a v e r y short time, considering our c o n ditions of communication, but m e a n w h i l e Y m e r and M u s t a f a had hastened to complete their accord w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r w i t h o u t w a i t i n g for the opinions and directives of the leadership of the P a r t y . Less t h a n two days later we learned that a leaflet had been published in the name of the C o m m i t t e e for the S a l v a t i o n of A l b a n i a w h i c h spoke about the u n i t y w h i c h had been achieved between our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the B a l l i K o m b t a r ! T h i s n e w s 316

alarmed us and we judged at once that, regardless of the content of the leaflet, the announcement of a u n i t y w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r and the f o r m a t i o n of a committee at a t i m e w h e n that organization had g i v e n no proofs, was a v e r y w r o n g and h a r m f u l action and in complete opposition to our line. We asked the c o m rades in T i r a n a to send us a copy of the leaflet urgently and i m m e d i a t e l y w r o t e a c i r c u l a r addressed to the organizations of the P a r t y condemning the M u k j e agreement. ( 1 ) In this circular, in the name of the C e n t r a l Committee of the P a r t y I ordered that the agreem e n t m u s t be t o r n up, no m e n t i o n m u s t be made of it and our propaganda m u s t e x p l a i n our line and the conditions on the basis of w h i c h it was possible to achieve a genuine u n i t y . A f t e r I h a d w r i t t e n the c i r c u l a r I gave it to N a k o and S e j f u l l a to read. Perhaps we s h o u l d w a i t a bit, u n t i l the leaflet arrives a n d t h e n we s h o u l d judge it, t h e y said. Certainly not! I said categorically. E v e n w i t h the little that we k n o w about it, that agreement m u s t be condemned immediately, otherwise we w i l l cause confusion in the P a r t y a n d among the people. Do y o u agree that o u r delegates have v i o l a t e d the line? It seemes so, said Nako, w h i l e S e j f u l l a m e r e l y nodded his head. Then, have y o u a n y objection to the content of the letter? No, t h e y both replied.
_______________________________ 1 E n v e r H o x h a , Works, v o l . 1, pp. 428, 2nd A l b . ed.

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Then, we s h o u l d send it and w h e n the l e a f l e t arrives w e s h a l l see h o w deeply Y m e r and M u s t a f a nave committed themselves. A n d this is w h a t was done. W h e n a copy of the notorious leaflet approved under the olive-trees of M u k j e reached us on the f o l l o w i n g day, we understood even more c l e a r l y w h a t a mess Y m e r and M u s t a f a had made, w h a t t r e a c h e r y had been committed and w h a t dangerous traps had been set for the P a r t y , the people and o u r N a t i o n a l Liberation War. In the office of the Staff at V i t h k u q I t h u m p e d my fist on the table and i m m e d i a t e l y w r o t e Y m e r a letter ( 1 ) w i t h o u t attempting to conceal my anger at this base b e t r a y a l w h i c h h a d been c o m m i t t e d against o u r war, the blood we h a d shed, the p r i v a t i o n s we h a d suffered, the victories achieved and the l o f t y i d e a l w h i c h we had aroused in the hearts of the people a n d the partisans. R e a l i z i n g the dangerous consequences w h i c h the M u k j e agreement m i g h t have, I could not contain the anger w h i c h was s i m m e r i n g w i t h i n m e . I k n e w that the mistake of M u k j e w a s not the m i s t a k e of our P a r t y , but the mistake of one or t w o i n d i v i duals, w h i l e the B a l l i K o m b t a r w o u l d e x p l o i t this mistake, just as it was doing, almost before the i n k w i t h w h i c h Y m e r had signed the d i s g r a c e f u l M u k j e agreement was dried. If this inexcusable step, this grave mistake, were not e l i m i n a t e d immediately, it w o u l d have unimaginable consequences a m o n g t h e
________________________________ 1 E n v e r H o x h a , Works, v o l . 1, p. 432, 2nd A l b . ed.

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masses of the people, for the fate of the w a r and o u r revolution. You have f a l l e n completely into the positions of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , w h i c h is t r y i n g to hide its past, I w r o t e to Y m e r D i s h n i c a among other things. Your leaflet talks about ethnic A l b a n i a and says nothing at a l l about o u r w a r against fascism, not one word about the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . Y o u have put the B a l l i K o m b t a r , w h i c h is a basket of crabs, an o r g a nization w i t h a l i m i t e d n u m b e r of individuals, on an equal footing w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l Council w h i c h represents the A n t i - f a s c i s t F r o n t of the people. I pointed out to h i m also that t h r o u g h this c o m promising act, w i t h one stroke of the pen, the c o u n cils, the Staff and the army, w h i c h we had b u i l t up w i t h so m u c h bloodshed and sacrifice, h a d been w i p e d out and in place of t h e m a Committee for the S a l vation of A l b a n i a , w h i c h in fact w o u l d d i g the grave for A l b a n i a , h a d emerged! In conclusion, I i n f o r m e d Y m e r D i s h n i c a that the Central Committee s t e r n l y denounced the o p p o r t u n ist M u k j e agreement as a grave v i o l a t i o n of the political line of the P a r t y . At the end of the letter I ordered h i m to break off a n y k i n d of t a l k and to make no other agreement. I pointed out to Y m e r , Mustafa and the others that t h e y w e r e divested of a n y authority to represent the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t ; if necessary, the P a r t y w o u l d send another delegate there. In that situation it was essential to act in such an urgent w a y because every day that passed after the announcement of the M u k j e agreement, to w h i c h the 319

B a l l i s t propaganda gave the greatest p u b l i c i t y w i t h o u t delay, w o u l d cause h a r m to our w o r k and the war, w o u l d cause confusion among the members of the P a r t y and other participants i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t . Therefore, w i t h o u t w a i t i n g for the meeting of the P l e n u m of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e or of the P o l i t i c a l B u r e a u , w h i c h i n the w a r t i m e conditions w o u d have r e q u i r e d t i m e to organize, I discussed the question w i t h those members of the leadership o f the P a r t y w h o w e r e a t K u c a k a . A p a r t f r o m N a ko, w h o was a m e m b e r of the P o l i t i c a l B u r e a u , S e j fulla, who had been coopted as a candidate m e m b e r of the C e n t r a l Committee, and some other comrades of the leadership of the P a r t y , w h o w e r e in the K o r a zone d u r i n g this period, I also s u m m o n e d K o i X o x e , w h o had returned f r o m accompanying T e m p o to Greece ( 1 ) and was engaged in m i n o r matters in the villages. I n connection w i t h m y stand towards the w o r k o f Y m e r D i s h n i c a and M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i there w a s n o opposition. Indeed, even S e j f u l l a , w h o was a close f r i e n d of Y m e r ' s , was unable to come out in his defence and expressed his s o l i d a r i t y w i t h the c o m m o n v i e w . O n l y K o i X o x e , as though w i t h o u t a n y u l t e r i o r motive, t h r e w in a poison p i l l , b y s a y i n g : We shouldn't have held these talks at a l l . See w h a t has come out of them. S e j f u l l a p r i c k e d up his ears. Y o u r idea is wrong, I r e p l i e d to K o i . The d e cision w h i c h w e took t o t a l k once again w i t h B a l l i K o m b t a r was correct and on the l i n e of the P a r t y .
__________________________________ 1 Enver Hoxha,

The

Titoites,

Nntori

Publishing

House, T i r a n a 1982, pp. 42-74, E n g . ed.

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The p l a t f o r m of the talks w h i c h we approved was correct, too, but Y m e r and M u s t a f a completely v i o l a t e d it. But see they have compromised the line, said Koi Xoxe. They compromised the talks, but not the line of the P a r t y and the Front. We condemn the act of M u k j e precisely because it violates our political line. T i m e c o n f i r m e d h o w correct and salutary was the clear-cut and intransigent stand w h i c h we decided to take towards w h a t was hatched up at M u k j e . H a d the P a r t y accepted the b e t r a y a l of M u k j e its hands w o u l d have been tied, it w o u l d have been obliged to m a k e other opportunist concessions, w o u l d have been swept by confusion and have been split, w o u l d have lost e v e r y thing gained, i n c l u d i n g the trust of the masses. A c c e p tance of that agreement and the so-called C o m m i t t e e for the S a l v a t i o n of A l b a n i a w o u l d have t h r e a t e n ed and t r a g i c a l l y jeopardized the f u t u r e of the H o m e land. A c c o r d i n g t o the agreement w h i c h Y m e r D i s h n i ca signed, this committee w o u l d have e q u a l r e p r e sentation f r o m the B a l l i K o m b t a r and the N a t i o n a l Liberation F r o n t and w o u l d a i m to become the supreme organ of the w a r and the state; the B a l l i s t members of it w o u l d do their utmost to eliminate the G e n e r a l Council, the G e n e r a l Staff, and above a l l the leading role of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . T h e v e r y creation of this organism w o u l d m e a n sharing p o w e r w i t h the b i g bourgeoisie and the feudal lords who, t h r o u g h such representatives a s A l i K l c y r a , M i t h a t F r a s h r i and others, w o u l d attempt to realize their o w n interests. Initially, t h e y w e r e obliged to recognize us as partners 321

and f i g h t to place themselves on an equal footing w i t h us, but in the f u t u r e they w o u l d attempt to get r i d of us, to seize the reins of power and to establish a m o d erate feudal bourgeois regime in A l b a n i a w i t h a d e mocratic disguise. H i s t o r y is not short of instances w h i c h prove h o w dear is the cost of opportunist mistakes at the k e y moments of the w a r and the r e v o l u t i o n . T h e c a p i t u l ationist acts of the leaders of the G r e e k C o m m u n i s t P a r t y w i t h the local reactionary organizations and groupings, the G r e e k counterparts of the B a l l i K o m b tar, cost the G r e e k people and the G r e e k C o m m u n i s t P a r t y dear. U p t i l l that time the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y was the greatest organizing and leading force in Greece in the w a r for the l i b e r a t i o n of the c o u n t r y f r o m the G e r m a n occupiers. T h e communists w e r e the initiators for the formation of the L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t of Greece, the E A M , i n September 1941. I n this F r o n t i n w h i c h the P o p u l a r Democratic P a r t y and other partriots also took part, the G r e e k C o m m u n i s t P a r t y p l a y e d a leading role and succeeded in r a i s i n g the people in the w a r f o r national and social liberation, began and b u i l t up the armed struggle and created the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , the E L A S . Later, however, the leaders of the Greek CP lost their bearings and s u b m i t t e d to the pressure of reaction and the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n friends. S i antos, the general secretary of the party, in the absence of N i k o Zachariades, w h o was in a concentration camp, acted as a provocateur and agent of the B r i t i s h , but even the others d i d not react against the agreements w h i c h were made in Lebanon and Caserta w h e r e peace was made w i t h reaction and a joint government f o r m e d . 322

The subsequent development of events in Greece is w e l l - k n o w n a n d it is not d i f f i c u l t to understand the grave r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the leaders of the G r e e k party. Here I w a n t to note that, as e a r l y as that time, our P a r t y expressed its opinions about V a r k i z a a n d t h e i r other agreements, describing those acts as b e t r a y a l to the G r e e k C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and the G r e e k people. T h i s opinion, together w i t h other reservations about the views and actions of the leaders of that party, I have expressed to Zachariades and Partsalides w h e n I met them personally and at the j o i n t m e e t i n g we h a d w i t h S t a l i n and M o l o t o v i n J a n u a r y 1950. ( 1 ) O u r P a r t y d i d not f a l l into s u c h traps a n d d i d not permit a n y t r i f l i n g w i t h the interests of the people and the H o m e l a n d . It acted w i t h courage and m a t u r i t y , although it w a s a y o u n g p a r t y and s m a l l in numbers. It had the great strength of the people w h i c h gave b i r t h to it, f a i t h in the correctness of the u n e r r i n g M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t theory, had the courage, w i s d o m a n d ability to a v o i d a n y m i s t a k e or act of treachery by i n d i v i d u a l persons at the proper time, as was the case of the grave b e t r a y a l at M u k j e .

_________________________________________ 1 Enver Hoxha,

With

Stalin

(Memoirs),

Nntori

Publi-

shing House, T i r a n a 1984, pp. 165-200, 2nd E n g . ed.

323

III

THE NATIONAL LIBERATION COUNCILS T H E ONLY STATE POWER IN ALBANIA

At the end of the s u m m e r of 1943 the Italian occupiers and their open collaborators w e r e c l e a r l y in their death agony and this was accompanied not o n l y w i t h the m a d f u r y of those w h o w e r e d r o w n i n g but also w i t h the w h e t t i n g of the appetites and stepped up efforts of the reactionaries held in reserve w h o hoped to exploit the situation to take over the reins of A l b a n i a w i t h o u t f i r i n g a shot. O u r P a r t y , the o n l y organized internal political force, w h i c h at the head of the people had made the m a x i m u m c o n t r i b u t i o n to d r i v e the occupiers to their death, n o w faced other grave and decisive tests and tasks. Those w h o up t i l l then had s i m p l y been seatw a r m e r s must in no w a y be allowed to benefit f r o m the bloodshed and sacrifices of the people, the c o m munists and a l l genuine patriots. That role and i n d i s p u t a b l e a u t h o r i t y w h i c h the P a r t y , the N a t i o n a l L i 324

beration F r o n t and the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils had established in the course of the w a r must in no way be lost and a l l o w e d to f a l l into the hands of others in those decisive moments. On the contrary, they h a d to be safeguarded and f u r t h e r consolidated not o n l y de facto, t h r o u g h the a r m e d struggle, b u t also de jure, t h r o u g h unshakeable decisions of the representatives of the people. T h e conditions for an important and decisive step towards this consolidation h a d m a t u r e d . T h e moments h a d come for the organization of the 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference of the A l b a n i a n people.

1. A decisive moment towards the seizure of power (The Conference of Labinot, 4-9 September 1943)

T h e 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference of the A l b a n i a n people, or as we call it for short, the 2nd Conference of Labinot, u n d o u b t e d l y occupies one of the most p r o m i n e n t places in the c h a i n of historic events of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . In the h i s t o r y of the creation, strengthening and steeling of the people's state p o w e r in A l b a n i a , in particular, the o r ganization of this Conference and its decisions have had and w i l l continue to have exceptional importance and value. 325

In stressing the importance of this event, it should never be thought that the idea about the o r g a n i z a tion of this Conference arose suddenly at the end of A u g u s t 1943, or that we w e r e i m p e l l e d to h o l d it by w h a t occurred at M u k j e . No, the situation in A u g u s t 1943 and the events at M u k j e were to serve s i m p l y as factors to accelerate the h o l d i n g of this Conference as q u i c k l y as possible, but the idea of and the need for organizing it had risen and been put f o r w a r d m u c h earlier. At the Conference of Peza in September 1942, at w h i c h we l a i d the foundations of the F r o n t and the national liberation councils, we pointed out that in the future, w h e n the councils had been set up and e x t e n ded over most of the t e r r i t o r y of the country, w h e n their role and a u t h o r i t y among the people h a d been increased and consolidated, the 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a tion Conference w o u l d have to be organized in. order to sum up what had been achieved and to define the tasks for the future. In assessing the great w o r k w h i c h had been done in this important d i r e c t i o n of the war, the 1st Conference of the C P A in M a r c h 1943 a r r i v e d at the conclusion that the conditions for the 2nd N a tional L i b e r a t i o n Conference of the A l b a n i a n people w e r e maturing, w h i l e a few months later, at the meeting o f the P r o v i s i o n a l G e n e r a l C o u n c i l i n J u l y 1943 in Labinot, it was f i n a l l y decided to c a l l together the meeting of representatives of the A l b a n i a n people in the near future. Indeed, we charged the Standing Committee or Secretariat of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , w h i c h w e elected i n J u l y i n Labinot, w i t h the p r e paration of the c o m i n g Conference as its m a i n and 326

urgent task and began the preparatory w o r k i m m e d iately after this. I have stressed these things in order to u n d e r l i n e once again a great t r u t h : we never a l l o w e d a n y meeting, especially a m e e t i n g of national proportions, to be held hastily, because the opportunity arose or because matters developed in this w a y . No, just as the P a r t y took the i n i t i a t i v e about h o l d i n g the C o n ference of P e z a w h e n it j u d g e d that the conditions were ripe and the possibilities existed for that C o n ference, so it d i d in regard to the 2nd Conference. We never p e r m i t t e d or agreed to h o l d hasty meetings or conferences unnecessarily, s i m p l y for the sake of holding them, or to decide things for w h i c h the time had not yet a r r i v e d . The f u n d a m e n t a l p r o b l e m on w h i c h the Conference w o u l d focus its attention was that of the strengthening and consolidation of the role of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a tion councils, the recognition of these councils by a l l those w h o expressed themselves and w e r e in f a v o u r of real a n d concrete w a r against the occupiers and, in connection w i t h this m a i n problem, the tasks for the extension and f u r t h e r organization of the great general struggle against the foreign yoke w e r e to be discussed and decided. P r e c i s e l y in the context of these tasks and p r e parations our f i n a l attempt was m a d e to h o l d talks w i t h the representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r at Mukje. As I have already related in detail, the demands w h i c h we decided to present to the representatives of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w e r e completely in c o n formity w i t h the problems w h i c h were to be discussed 327

at the 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference. If the Ballists were to accept our demands (a thing w h i c h their traitor chiefs could never do) we w o u l d a l l o w them time to c o n f i r m and prove in the w a r just h o w serious they w e r e about these demands and t h e n we w o u l d i n v i t e t h e m to take part in the Conference. If they refused our demands we w o u l d report to the Conference w h a t great efforts we had made and the w o r k we had done w i t h the chiefs of this organization, w o u l d produce proofs and arguments that the B a l l i K o m b t a r was a traitor organization and the Conference of the representatives of the people w o u l d f i n a l l y decide on the stand to be taken towards it in the future. Thus, at the proper moment and on the basis of a thorough analysis and m a t u r e judgements we d e c i d ed to organize the 2nd regular N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference and as early as J u l y , along w i t h other tasks, we began to w o r k for its preparation. T h e events w h i c h occurred and the situation w h i c h was created i m m e d i a t e l y after this p r o v e d h o w correct and well-considered our decision on the o r g a nization of this Conference h a d been. T h e outstanding event w i t h the most p r o f o u n d repercussions on the development and complication of the situation at these moments was the f a l l f r o m power of the fascist dictator B e n i t o M u s s o l i n i on J u l y 25, 1943. T h i s news, w h i c h was clear evidence of the i m m i n e n t capitulation of fascist Italy, gave us an i m mense joy, because our people, along w i t h other peoples, had made a m a j o r contribution to this end of Italian fascism, and it presented us w i t h n e w tasks. On 328

the one hand, we had to mobilize and lead the masses of the people m o r e v i g o r o u s l y in order to help b r i n g about the capitulation of fascism as q u i c k l y as possible and, on the other hand, we h a d to d i s p l a y v i g i l ance and d e t e r m i n a t i o n to ensure that the f r u i t s of the v i c t o r y w e n t o n l y to the f i g h t i n g people to w h o m they belonged. In these directions the dangers and d i f f i c u l t i e s were increasing and becoming more complex. T h e f a l l of M u s s o l i n i suddenly obliged the marionettes of the nation to stage a n e w anti-fascist farce. Those w h o up t i l l that t i m e had been fattening themselves at t h e trough of the impero and p r a y i n g for M u s s o l i n i , took to the mountains, t r y i n g to t u r n the d e c l i n i n g hour of fascism into the 7 days of the creation of the world; by presenting themselves as valiant fighters they thought that their t u r n h a d come to take over the p o w e r w h i c h was destined for t h e m alone f o r eternity! F r o m w h o m w o u l d they take over this power? These p o l i t i c a l swindlers w e r e u n r i v a l l e d at m a k i n g deals: if there w e r e no foreign interference they were sure that the Italian fascists w o u l d toss the state power to t h e m l i k e a coin in an u p t u r n e d hat; if the G e r m a n s came in, as the omens w e r e indicating, they w o u l d present themselves as internai l i b e r a tors and, u n d e r the protection of the nazi bayonets, would do w h a t e v e r the Gestapo demanded of t h e m until H i t l e r fell, too, and then p o w e r w o u l d r e m a i n in their hands. H o w e v e r they w o u l d emerge just as triumphant, indeed, even w i t h greater honour(!), if the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n allies w e r e to f i l l the v a c u u m created after the departure of the Italians, as was r u m o u r e d . 329

T h e y k n e w v e r y w e l l that C h u r c h i l l was not less anti-communist t h a n M u s s o l i n i and H i t l e r . True, if the B r i t i s h and the A m e r i c a n s , as members of the a n t i fascist coalition, w e r e to set foot in A l b a n i a t h e y w o u l d hold the reins themselves after the war, but for the heads of national betrayal this m i n o r evil was also a great blessing: under B r i t i s h protection the old w o r l d w o u l d guarantee and consolidate its state power; let w h o e v e r w a n t e d to pay the cost. Thus, h o w e v e r the situation developed, w h i c h e v e r foreigner came to A l b a n i a , there was no danger for the fathers of the nation: t h e y w o u l d r a l l y to a n y s h a m e f u l banner. F o r t h e m there r e m a i n e d o n l y one great, dangerous and m o r t a l e n e m y : the N a t i o n a l L i b eration M o v e m e n t of the A l b a n i a n people led by the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . Hence, i n the situation w h i c h was created after the f a l l of M u s s o l i n i the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r saw more c l e a r l y t h a n ever that the m a i n immediate and f u t u r e enemy to their dreams of power was the C P A , the F r o n t and the n a t i o n a l l i b eration councils. Therefore, w i t h a thousand and one tricks and manoeuvres, t h e y m o b i l i z e d a l l their forces to rob the people of that p o w e r w h i c h the people, led by the P a r t y , had created and w e r e strengthening at the cost of sacrifice and bloodshed. Hence, we had to cope at a l l costs w i t h this great danger w h i c h had long been i n existence but w h i c h n o w emerged openly c o n f r o n t i n g us w i t h a l l its savagery and cunning. At a l l costs we h a d to a f f i r m and centralize that real p o w e r w h i c h we had created and were strengthening t h r o u g h a bloody w a r in order to prevent the liberation manoeuvre, w h i c h the B a l l i s t 330

gangs w e r e staging, f r o m f i n d i n g acceptance in any way. A n d precisely w h e n w e sent our representatives w i t h clear-cut instructions to place the B a l l i w i t h its back to the w a l l , an action w h i c h w o u l d have greatly strengthened o u r a u t h o r i t y and assisted us in o u r subsequent stands, w h a t we k n o w about happened at M u k j e : Y . D i s h n i c a and M . G j i n i s h i , instead o f placing the B a l l i K o m b t a r w i t h its back to the w a l l , adopted the stand of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . T h i s grave and i n e x cusable act of c a p i t u l a t i o n and treachery made the situation and o u r tasks i m m e n s e l y m o r e complicated, and for a moment, placed a n e w w e a p o n in the hands of the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r to c a r r y on their c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y game to seize power. A l t h o u g h w e i m m e d i a t e l y denounced and c o n demned the M u k j e agreement, s t i l l this d i d not mean that i n t e r n a l reaction, especially the traitor chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , w o u l d give u p their manoeuvres and f e v e r i s h efforts to rob the people of the f r u i t s of t h e i r w a r . T h e m a i n a i m of a possible A n g l o - A m e r i c a n l a n d i n g on our shores, especially at these complex moments, w o u l d not be to f i g h t against the Italians, n o w at t h e i r last gasp, but precisely to support and secure the positions of i n t e r n a l reaction w i t h the objective that, b y this means, i m p e r i a l i s m w o u l d m a i n t a i n the old w o r l d w i t h its old enslaving connections and dependence i n A l b a n i a . Hence, it was more than ever essential to u n m a s k the anti-Italian manoeuvres of i n t e r n a l reaction and smash to smithereens the efforts and aims of a l l those 331

w h o w a n t e d to seize f r o m the hands of the people those historic victories for w h i c h t h e y h a d shed a n d w e r e shedding torrents of blood. It was essential to f u r t h e r strengthen and extend the u n i t y of the A l b a n i a n people i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and especially to strengthen the state p o w e r of the n a t i o n a l liberation councils f r o m e v e r y stand-point, as the o n l y legal political power of the people in A l b a n i a , A n d w h o could and must discuss and decide about these historic needs better t h a n the people themselves through their l a w f u l representatives? T h e moment f o r s u m m o n i n g the 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference, for w h i c h we had been p r e p a r i n g for some time, had now arrived. As soon as we inaugurated the 1st Shock Brigade, together w i t h a n u m b e r of other comrades, I set out i m m e d i a t e l y f r o m V i t h k u q and after a non-stop m a r c h through G o r a - O p a r and the zones of L i b r a z h d , a r r i v e d at Labinot, in the last ten days of A u g u s t to f i n d that Y m e r D i s h n i c a also h a d r e t u r n e d there. There w e h e l d a meeting of the P o l i t i c a l B u r e a u in w h i c h those comrades w h o had the possibility to come took part and we asked Y m e r for a detailed report on the a c t i v i t y of the delegation at M u k j e . A l t h o u g h Y m e r D i s h n i c a admitted his guilt, he t r i e d to j u s t i f y himself w i t h the unexpected situation and the alleged lack of instructions, etc., etc. At this m e e t i n g we proposed his expulsion f r o m the B u r e a u and left the discussion and decision of this matter for a regular m e e t i n g of the C e n t r a l Committee of the P a r t y w h i c h we e n v i s aged to hold in the first months of a u t u m n . ( C i r c u m -

332

stances developed in s u c h a w a y that the p l e n u m was held in M a y 1944.) D u r i n g those same days, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l at one of its meetings rejected the opportunist agreement of M u k j e and decided that the 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference, for w h i c h the necessary preparations w e r e almost completed, should begin its w o r k on September 4. This Conference w o u l d not be a m e e t i n g of i n d i v i d u a l elements, but a broad assembly of representatives of the people of different regions and of their organs of power, the national l i b eration councils. These representatives w o u l d be m a n dated delegates to a m e e t i n g w h i c h w o u l d take d e c i sions i m p o r t a n t to the f u t u r e of the H o m e l a n d . T i m e l y measures had been taken also to ensure the best possible organization of the Conference. The national l i b e r a t i o n councils in the districts and regions had been i n f o r m e d about this important event, about the m a i n problems w h i c h w o u l d be presented, and had been instructed on the procedure to be f o l l o w e d in the election of the delegates. The organizations of the P a r t y in the regions also had been instructed by the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e to regard this as a serious matter and to take a l l the necessary measures to ensure that the election of delegates, their departure and a r r i v a l at the destination w o u l d be carried out w i t h o u t a n y incident. T h e n u m b e r of delegates for each region w o u l d be in proportion to the n u m b e r of councils e x i s t i n g in that p a r t i c u l a r region. Thus, those regions and districts w h e r e the w o r k for setting up councils was not going w e l l had a s m a l l e r representation. A c cording to the instructions, each delegate w o u l d be 333

provided by the national liberation c o u n c i l of his d i s trict or region w i t h a mandate enclosed in a sealed envelope. T h e mandate had to be c a r e f u l l y safeguarded because w i t h o u t it no delegate w o u l d be allowed to take part in the proceedings of the Conference. Precisely at this period of preparations for t h e 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference, or a l i t t l e earlier, through the comrades in T i r a n a we received an i n v i t a tion f r o m A l i K l c y r a w h o i n f o r m e d us about a meeting of the Committee for the S a l v a t i o n of A l b a n i a . Before the war, w h e n I was a student in France, I had once h a d occasion to meet the feudal democrat. I remember I was on my w a y back f r o m A l b a n i a where I had been on h o l i d a y and in B a r i had met B a h r i O m a r i , w h o had g i v e n m e a letter for A l i K l c y r a w h o l i v e d in Paris. I v i s i t e d the bey in his home at the address w h i c h B a h r i had g i v e n me. It was a v e r y fine appartment, a t h i n g w h i c h impressed me as s u r p r i s i n g for a n emigrant. A l i received m e c o l d l y a n d haughtily, and r e l u c t a n t l y ushered me into the s i t t i n g room. O n l y w h e n he learned who had sent me d i d he change his tone, offered me a cigarette and rang the b e l l for his F r e n c h m a i d w h o m he ordered to m a k e me a coffee. W h i l e I was d r i n k i n g the coffee he asked me w h a t I was s t u d y i n g and what news I had f r o m A l b a n i a . The bey o f K l c y r a listened t o m e w i t h indifference and boredom. So I, too, r e m a i n e d cold, replied to his questions v e r y b r i e f l y and got up and left as soon as I had d r u n k the coffee. Since that t i m e I had never set eyes on h i m , either abroad or in A l bania, w h e n he returned together w i t h the occupiers. B u t w e had heard w h a t h e had been u p to. A l i K l 334

c y r a was one of the prominent propagandists of reaction and the B a l l i K o m b t a r , one of those w h o more t h a n a n y other v e n t e d his spleen against the w a r for liberation, against communists and partisans. W h a t is more, the traitor A l i K l c y r a was not content m e r e l y w i t h w o r d s ; together w i t h his brigands he took the side of the Italian troops in the p u n i t i v e operations in regions w h e r e our eta and battalions were f i g h t i n g , b u r n t homes and k i l l e d people and launched perfidious attacks. We k n e w about a l l these activities of his a n d had w a r n e d h i m about t h e m . Once w e arrested h i m , but let h i m go t e l l i n g h i m to w a t c h his step because he w o u l d not get off so l i g h t l y n e x t time. On the eve of the Conference of Labinot, that is, at the t i m e w h e n A l i B e y K l c y r a i n v i t e d us to the Committee, we had captured a n e w document p r o v i n g his treachery and that of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . T h i s was the s h a m e f u l protocol w h i c h A l i K l c y r a had signed i n H o t e l Dajti w i t h G e n e r a l R e n z o Dalmazzo, in w h i c h he openly pledged the collaboration of the Ballists w i t h the fascist troops. A l t h o u g h it was clear what r e p l y w o u l d be g i v e n to the i n v i t a t i o n of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , I also i n f o r m ed the other comrades who were in L a b i n o t d u r i n g those days about it. I d i d not c a l l a n y special meeting on this question, but seized an o p p o r t u n i t y w h e n several comrades had gathered in the r o o m w h e r e I was w o r k i n g . It seems to me they were S p i r o M o i s i u , Nako, O m e r N i s h a n i , w h o had come to us d u r i n g those days, and perhaps some others. I told them about A l i K l c y r a ' s i n v i t a t i o n and s a i d : 335

As we have decided, I s h a l l w r i t e to H y s e n ( 1 ) to m a k e clear to the B a l l i K o m b t a r once again that we w i l l have nothing to do w i t h M u k j e , let alone p a r t i c i pate in the so-called C o m m i t e e for the S a l v a t i o n of A l b a n i a , I believe we are a l l of the same mind. A l l the comrades agreed. A s w e w e r e t a l k i n g S e j f u l l a entered the r o o m and we e x p l a i n e d o u r stand to h i m . Is that what is decided? asked S e j f u l l a M a l shova and looked around f i s h i n g for some d i s a p p r o v a l of w h a t we had decided. Why, don't y o u agree? asked S p i r o M o i s i u . I agree in principle, S e j f u l l a hastened to reply, but I am r a c k i n g my b r a i n w h y t h e y have sent us t h i s invitation. It's not w o r t h w h i l e , I said to h i m there and then, g i v i n g h i m no chance to start one of his debates. In m y opinion, A l i K l c y r a ' s invitation, w h i c h i n fact is an i n v i t a t i o n f r o m the B a l l i K o m b t a r , is a provocation. T h e y k n o w v e r y w e l l that w e have r e jected M u k j e , but by i n v i t i n g us to their famous 'Committee' they intend that we s h o u l d get together once again, hold a discussion, q u a r r e l w i t h one another and cause a split. T h i s is the one aspect, the other aspect is that t h e y w a n t to pose as people w h o stick to agreements and to f i n d an occasion to spread the w o r d everywhere, 'See we want unity, b u t the communists break their word'. That is w h a t I am getting at, said S e j f u l l a . We are g i v i n g them such an occasion.
____________________________________ 1 T h e pseudonym of comrade Gogo N u s h i .

336

Take it easy, Sejfulla, said N a k o . The B a l l i seizes on e v e r y occasion to slander and gossip. Don't y o u w o r r y about that. S e j f u l l a said no more and thus the question of the Committee for the S a l v a t i o n of A l b a n i a was closed. M e a n w h i l e we pressed ahead w i t h the w o r k of receiving the delegates to the Conference and t a k i n g the f i n a l organizational measures. I n i t i a l l y we thought we s h o u l d hold the Conference not in L a b i n o t but in a more remote zone, S h m i l , since L a b i n o t h a d been exposed once and the danger existed of an attack by the enemy or reaction. We i n f o r m e d S a m i B a h o l l i of this opinion and suggested to h i m the school in the Qafa hamlet of S h m i l , as a suitable place. A f t e r inspecting it, however, S a m i and another comrade decided that the school b u i l d i n g was unsuitable for such a m e e t i n g because it was too s m a l l and in bad repair, so, in the end, we decided that this Conference, too, should be h e l d in the B a h o l l i s ' house in Labinot. T h e comrades in charge of accommodating the delegates d i d great w o r k . W i t h the help of comrades f r o m Elbasan and the s u r r o u n d i n g villages t h e y c o l lected food and blankets and even f o u n d a good cook. S a m i w o r k e d tirelessly, m o v i n g around a l l the nearby villages. T h e f i n a l touches to these preparations, especially f r o m the aesthetic aspect, w e r e g i v e n by N e x h m i j e , O l l g a P l u m b i and E l a G j i k o n d i , w h o a r r i v e d in L a b i n o t t w o or three days before the other delegates. As at the 1st N a t i o n a l Conference of the C P A , we adapted a part of the b i g room in the u p p e r storey 337

of the house as the h a l l for the meeting, separating it f r o m the other part w i t h a red c u r t a i n . B e h i n d the curtain were the stairs leading to the g r o u n d floor, w h i l e on both sides of the stairs there were t w o s m a l l rooms w h i c h w e r e used for w o r k and as sleeping quarters. On the c u r t a i n we hang the portraits of Skanderbeg and Ismail Q e m a l i . The delegates began to arrive on the 2nd of September and by the next day almost a l l had come. The f o l l o w i n g day, September 4, 1943, the proceedings of the Conference of L a b i n o t commenced. It was attended by about 50 delegates, elected by the n a t i o n a l liberation councils of the whole country, delegates of anti-fascist organizations w h i c h had adhered to the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front, f r o m the G e n e r a l Staff as w e l l as the members of the P r o v i s i o n a l G e n e r a l C o u n cil. One of those m i s s i n g was A b a z K u p i , to w h o m we had sent the i n v i t a t i o n and the list of the problems that w o u l d be discussed in time, but, as he was to say, work had prevented h i m f r o m coming. T h u s began the proceedings of the 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference at w h i c h , f r o m September 4-9, the delegates f r o m the w h o l e country, w i t h a h e a v i l y loaded agenda (frequently the proceedings w h i c h began in the m o r n i n g continued t i l l midnight), discussed and reached decisions on problems of historic importance. T h e m a i n problem w h i c h the Conference dealt w i t h was the question of the political p o w e r in A l b a nia, seeing this closely l i n k e d w i t h the real achievements of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils f r o m the moment w h e n they were f o r m e d and, undoubtedly, in close connection w i t h the new situation w h i c h h a d 338

been created in the s u m m e r of 1943 and the tasks w h i c h emerged f r o m this. A l t h o u g h each of the 6 r e ports delivered at the Conference and the m a n y c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the discussion about t h e m dealt more extensively w i t h p a r t i c u l a r aspects or problems, a c o m m o n idea l i n k e d t h e m and pervaded t h e m a l l : the real p o w e r w h i c h we had managed to create t h r o u g h a n all-sided struggle w i t h arms, w i t h propaganda, w i t h concrete w o r k w i t h the masses, etc., etc., n o w had to be centralized and p r o c l a i m e d the o n l y state p o w e r of the people in A l b a n i a . E v e r y effort m u s t be made to ensure that this state power carried out its tasks and role in the best possible w a y a l l over the c o u n t r y and was strengthened and protected as the inviolable power of the insurgent people. T h e report on the i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l situation, w i t h w h i c h the proceedings of the first session began, e x a m i n e d the questions of the development of the anti-fascist w a r on an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l in close c o n nection w i t h the developments of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a tion W a r and especially w i t h the m a j o r results i n this w a r . Our w a r has dealt the fascist enemy and its collaborators u n i n t e r r u p t e d blows, has made life h e l l for them, and we are p r o u d that our people have made and are m a k i n g a m a j o r c o n t r i b u t i o n to the f i n a l defeat w h i c h is threatening fascist Italy, said the report. This is precisely w h a t has enhanced the a u t h o r i t y and prestige of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e ment and w o n it recognition in the international arena. One of the delegates in his discussion s a i d : We 339

have not sought or achieved o u r recognition in the international arena through ambassadors or d i p l o m a t i c missions, b u t t h r o u g h the w a r against the occupier. The l i b e r a t i o n w a r is and w i l l be the f o r e i g n m i n i s t e r of the A l b a n i a n people. In this poetic way, the comrade touched on a great and incontestable t r u t h : the recognition in the international arena of our people's a r m e d struggle constituted, at the same time, an i m p o r t a n t factor and a guarantee of the recognition and a f f i r m a t i o n of the other major achievements and results of this struggle; especially at those moments this aspect of the p r o b l e m assumed p a r t i c u l a r importance. As I said, there was talk and the obvious possibility of an A n g l o - A m e r i c a n l a n d i n g in the Balkans, and w h i l e it was true that we recognized and spoke about t h e i r role in the a n t i fascist alliance, at the same time, we also k n e w t h e i r secret and sinister aims and interests in A l b a n i a and in other countries. Hence, it was i m p o r t a n t that, if t h e y w e r e to l a n d at those moments, t h e y f o u n d us not o n l y in c o m m a n d of the w a r against fascism, but also in c o m m a n d of o u r o w n affairs, masters of o u r o w n country. T h a t is, t h e y had to see and be obliged to recognize not o n l y a people m o b i l i z e d in w a r , but also a people who, as a result of the war, w e r e n o w effectively exercising t h e i r p o w e r t h r o u g h the national l i b e r a t i o n councils. T h i s p r o b l e m was thrashed out even m o r e c l e a r l y a n d d i r e c t l y in the Conference in the discussions of t h e report on the situation, a c t i v i t y and present and f u t u r e tasks of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils. D e l e gates f r o m T i r a n a , S h k o d r a , Durrs, V l o r a , G j i r o k a s 340

tra, E l b a s a n and elsewhere spoke concretely about the extension and strengthening of the national liberation councils in the regions, cities and villages, about t h e i r major role in the m o b i l i z a t i o n of the people in the war, about their a i d for the detachments of the N a tional L i b e r a t i o n A r m y and the s o l u t i o n o f the v i t a l problems of the people, especially in the liberated zones. In the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils, the people are seeing themselves not o n l y at w a r but also in power, said M e d a r S h t y l l a amongst other things. The more we enhance the role a n d a c t i v i t y of the councils, the more the m o b i l i z a t i o n of the people in the w a r w i l l be increased, because the o r d i n a r y f o l k are convinced that the bloodshed and sacrifices w i l l not be in vain. A m o n g s t others K o o Tashko, also, took the floor and began his c o n t r i b u t i o n w i t h a c r i t i c i s m about the remarks and dissatisfaction w h i c h S e j f u l l a M a l shova had expressed in the report on the situation and the a c t i v i t y of the councils in the terrain. S e j f u l l a m u s t not forget that R o m e was not b u i l t in a day! said K o o . A f t e r e n u n c i a t i n g this adage, however, he c o n sidered it in order to m a k e a criticism himself, not about the councils at the base, but about their higher organs. There is p a r o c h i a l i s m in the G e n e r a l Council, he said (he h i m s e l f was not a m e m b e r of the Council). Baba F a j a i s interested i n M a r t a n e s h , M y s l i m i n Peza, H a x h i L l e s h i i n Dibra. 341

We w o r k where we are f i g h t i n g and w i l l go w h e r e v e r we are needed, H a x h i r e p l i e d to h i m . C l e a r l y , w h a t K o o Tashko was concerned about was not the parochialism of H a x h i , M y s l i m a n d M u s t a f a X h a n i . H i s a i m was t o denigrate s u c h active comrades w h o w e r e members of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , of w h i c h K o o thought he ought to be a m e m b e r sine qua non, just as he c l a i m e d that he c e r t a i n l y ought to be a m e m b e r of the leadership of the P a r t y . We have had and have members of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and delegates charged w i t h the qualities a n d competences of members of the C o u n c i l in a l l zones, I said speaking to K o o Tashko. Let each of us do his best in his o w n zone or sector and there is no reason for anyone to criticize us for p a r o c h i a l i s m . True, M y s l i m is more interested in the s i t u a t i o n and role of the councils in the zone w h e r e he is fighting, I continued, but he is not interested in his o w n p o w e r there, but in the power of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n council of his zone. T h e same is true of H a x h i in D i b ra, H a s a n P u l o i n V l o r a , the others i n K o r a , G j i r o kastra, and so on. T h e w o r k of a l l of us together, on the basis of the p l a t f o r m of the Conference of Peza, on the basis of the collective orientations and directives, makes u p the whole. A n d i n m y opinion, the whole, the general, the m a i n thing, has gone and is g o i n g well. In a n y case, neither Sejfulla's excessive criticisms and expressions of discontent about the a c t i v i t y of the councils in the terrain, nor Koo's c r i t i c ism about parochialism had a n y influence on the correct and mature discussion of the problems for 342

w h i c h we had gathered, although they caused a certain amount of argument and h i l a r i t y . We took t h e m more as lack of k n o w l e d g e of the real state of affairs on the part of these t w o comrades, as consequences of personal discontent and their hasty and ill-considered desire to achieve w i t h i n a f e w months or a year what in r e a l i t y r e q u i r e d work, t o i l and experience over whole years and decades. Of course, I am not s a y i n g that in the a c t i v i t y of the councils at those moments we d i d not have shortcomings or weaknesses. On the contrary, we recognized the shortcomings, struggled to i m p r o v e the w o r k as m u c h as possible, a l w a y s aware that not e v e r y t h i n g w o u l d be achieved i m m e d i a t e l y and aware, likewise, that any maniac d e m a n d i n g absolute perfection w o u l d have p l e n t y of things on w h i c h to seize even after this! F o r us the m a i n t h i n g was that the councils were in existence, that t h e y were c a r r y i n g out their activity, that they w e r e recognized by the people as such and p l a y i n g the role of the state power of the people i n A l b a n i a ! N o w , this result h a d to be p r o c l a i m e d in law, so that this real power w h i c h the people had created in the heat of the war, w o u l d not be seized by others. As I said, the dangers in this f u n d a m e n t a l aspect were by no means hypothetical. The time had come to take another stand towards reaction w h i c h was now posing as anti-fascist, to t e l l it b l u n t l y and f i r m l y that the people w o u l d no longer tolerate it to manoeuvre at their expense. I had prepared a report On O u r A t t i t u d e Towards the D i f f e r e n t Trends Outside the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n 343

M o v e m e n t w h i c h I delivered at the Conference about this p r o b l e m of first-rate importance. I s h a l l not d w e l l on this report, because its content is k n o w n and it has been published ( 1 ), but I w a n t to re-emphasize o n l y some f u n d a m e n t a l aspects w h i c h have to do m o s t l y w i t h the reasons w h i c h i m p e l l e d us to prepare and present this document to the Conference a n d w h a t the Conference discussed and decided about the problems raised in it. A l t h o u g h the central point of the report was o u r attitude towards various trends and organizations in the country, in fact, the whole report was a r e f l e c t i o n of the line and w o r k of our P a r t y for the f o r m a t i o n and strengthening of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the national l i b e r a t i o n councils. I o u t l i n e d to the Conference the history and problems of the w h o l e process w h i c h had developed, both before a n d after the Conference of Peza, p o i n t i n g out that w h i l e the masses of the common people, genuine honest patriots, had united i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and j o i n e d in the war, the whole lot of pseudo-patriotic elements of the most various shades and tendencies w e r e s t a n d ing more and more aloof f r o m and opposing the F r o n t and the A n t i - f a s c i s t W a r . In the report I dealt in p a r t i c u l a r w i t h the question of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , the conditions and reasons for its emergence, the great amount of w o r k we h a d done and our patient efforts to i n v o l v e it in the w a r , and in concluding this question I s a i d :
__________________________________ 1 Enver Hoxha,

Selected

Works,

vol.

1,

Nntori

P u b l i s h i n g House, T i r a n a 1974, pp. 172-189, E n g . ed.

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The B a l l i K o m b t a r has waged an a l l - r o u n d ideological, p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y struggle against the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t . It has t r i e d to s p l i t it, to arouse the people against the communists and genuine patriots, moreover, in spirit, its chiefs have been and s t i l l are w i t h Italy and G e r m a n y and have s u p ported the quislings f r o m M u s t a f a K r u j a t o M a l i q Bushati, w h o m they themselves recommended to J a c o moni. T h e B a l l i K o m b t a r has been a supporter of a l l the occupiers' p o l i t i c a l manoeuvres f r o m the 'ethnic A l b a n i a ' t o 'the A l b a n i a n A r m y ' and ' A l b a n i a n G e n darmerie'. T h e chiefs of the B a l l i pose as patriots, but, I stressed, the b u r n t - o u t villages of V l o r a , M a llakastra and other districts w h e r e they guaranteed peace and quiet for the fascist legions and, indeed, collaborated w i t h them, are evidence of their p a t r i o t ism. A n d these collaborators w i t h fascism, w h o have stained their hands w i t h the blood of the finest sons of the people, are so shameless as to appeal to us to 'return to A l b a n i a n patriotism'! In the course of this expos I dealt in detail in my report w i t h the question of the M u k j e meeting, the reasons w h y we decided to go to this f i n a l m e e t i n g w i t h the chiefs of the B a l l i , w i t h the s h a m e f u l and impermissible compromise into w h i c h o u r representatives f e l l , and, in particular, I d w e l t on the grave political consequences w h i c h f l o w e d f r o m i t and clearly e x p l a i n e d the reasons w h y we i m m e d i a t e l y d e n ounced the M u k j e agreement as i n v a l i d and tore it up. The comrades entrusted w i t h this task p r o v e d incapable of defending the line of the G e n e r a l C o u n cil, but, instead, f e l l into the lap of the B a l l i K o m 345

btar, accepted its p l a t f o r m , and the B a l l i K o m b t a r suddenly emerged as an organized party, as if it h a d allegedly fought as m u c h as, if not more than, the National Liberation Front. A t the p a r t i c u l a r moments t h r o u g h w h i c h the c o u n t r y is passing, I w e n t on, the chiefs of the B a l l i , w h o up t i l l n o w have not f i r e d a shot against the occupier, and w h o are seeing the strength of the state p o w e r we have created, pretend t h e y accept the role of a partner in it, but a l w a y s w i t h the intention of seizing the whole power. It is i m p e r m i s s i b l e for us to f a l l into this tragic mistake. T h e power of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils is the p o w e r of the i n s u r gent people and not of gangs of traitors and counterrevolutionaries. N o w that we have rejected the M u k j e agreement they are t r y i n g to f i n d other w a y s to take power. We must close off a n y path or possibility for t h e m to achieve this, and one of the first and m a i n acts in this d i r e c t i o n is the decision we propose this Conference should take: we should declare the n a tional liberation councils the sole state power of the people in A l b a n i a . We must take this decision not o n l y because it is a step for w h i c h a l l the conditions for it have f u l l y m a t u r e d but also because there is an i n d i s pensable need to do so. A f t e r all, we are legislating an accomplished reality, c o n f i r m e d by our w a r and our work, recognized by the people and f u n c t i o n i n g effectively in A l b a n i a . W i t h this act we w i l l block the w a y to both internal and external reaction in their manoeuvres and aims to seize power. The participants in the Conference applauded this report w h i c h I d e l i v e r e d on behalf of the N a t i o n a l L i b 346

eration G e n e r a l C o u n c i l . T h i s showed that they, l i k e the entire people w h o m they represented, approved the correct p o l i t i c a l line of our P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front, because this correct and consistent line was the source of a l l the concrete results we had achieved. A n d one of the greatest victories was p r e cisely the n e w state p o w e r that was emerging, the power of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils, the p o w e r of the people. We w e r e at the d a w n of a n e w epoch for A l b a n i a . T h e a p p r o v a l of the stand w h i c h the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l had adopted towards the B a l l i K o m b t a r and other currents, in general, as w e l l as towards M u k j e , in particular, was v i r t u a l l y unanimous, f r o m a l l those who took part in the discussion. M a n y of the representatives of the people at this Conference spoke on this question. T h e y supported the line pursued by the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , condemned the o p p o r t u n i s m of Y m e r D i s h n i c a and M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i and brought up facts and arguments to prove that the B a l l i K o m b t a r had gone over i r r e v o c a b l y to the positions of betrayal. One speaker said, The B a l l i is a w a i t i n g the f a l l of Italy and l i k e the 'the eldest s o n ' is d e m a n d i n g its inheritance. Its a i m is to assemble its forces in order to be strongest in the struggle for power. A n o t h e r said, The B a l l i K o m b t a r has reached agreement w i t h the Germans, too, considering them as an e v e n t u a l occupier. In his c o n t r i b u t i o n Y m e r D i s h n i c a in general accepted the blame for the great m i s t a k e he had c o m mitted, although he tried to j u s t i f y it w i t h the c i r cumstances. 347

 W h e n we heard of the f a l l of the Duce, said Y m e r among other things, we w e r e taken by s u r prise and d i d not appreciate this m o m e n t p r o p e r l y . We thought that the fact that the B a l l i o f f i c i a l l y agreed to reconciliation w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l was a great success. As for M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i , here, too, he again t r i e d to dodge his responsibility w i t h a l l k i n d s of excuses such as we w e r e out of contact, we d i d not k n o w a l l the facts, etc., etc. At the Conference G j i n i s h i d i d not f a i l to attack the stand of the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t towards the B a l l i K o m b tar, w h i c h he even t r i e d to d e f e n d : N o w the comrades are s a y i n g w i t h f i r m c o n v i c t i o n that the B a l l i was f o r m e d to f i g h t us. In that case w h y d i d we go to that meeting? B u t this is not so, p r e v i o u s l y t h e y d i d not have this a i m . On the question of the slogan of the B a l l i 'death to the t r a i t ors', also, we should not take it amiss, assuming that it is a i m e d against us. I t h i n k that it w o u l d have been better h a d we not h e l d a n y talks at a l l w i t h the B a l l i Kombtar, said G j i n i s h i . I i n t e r r u p t e d M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i , Y o u alone, apparently, are the o n l y one w h o has not understood that the B a l l i K o m b t a r is an organization w h i c h was formed to oppose the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t . The other comrades and the people have understood this, but I believe that y o u r purpose is to m a k e the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l a partner in the mistakes w h i c h y o u and Y m e r have committed. T h e C o u n c i l has been clear about w h a t the B a l l i K o m b t a r w a s and y o u w e r e present at the meetings w h e n we discussed this 348

problem. We w e r e not w r o n g to send a delegation to M u k j e . Y o u made the mistake and the C o u n c i l d i s a p proved w h a t y o u did. The other comrades w h o discussed this point also d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y gave this disguised agent of the B r i t i s h , of A b a z K u p i and of a l l the reactionary forces the r e p l y he deserved. In their contributions t h e y said, The line we have f o l l o w e d has been correct and its results are apparent i n practice; the B a l l i K o m b t a r has been u n masked among the people and m a n y w h o m it had misled have joined u p w i t h the M o v e m e n t . M u k j e , too, w o u l d have assisted the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r had our delegation there t a k e n a f i r m stand. A p a r t f r o m those m e n t i o n e d above, N a k o S p i r u , S e j f u l l a M a l s h b v a , H a x h i L l e s h i (who dealt i n p a r t i cular w i t h the w o r k done w i t h the b a y r a k t a r chiefs of Dibra), A b d y l A g a l l i u ( a delegate f r o m Vlora), M u s tafa X h a n i , O m e r N i s h a n i and others also spoke about this point on the agenda. A l l of them, b r i n g i n g the voice and w i l l of the people of the zones they r e p r e sented, p r o v e d and a f f i r m e d the m a j o r role w h i c h the national l i b e r a t i o n councils w e r e p l a y i n g and w e r e u n a n i m o u s l y in f a v o u r of p r o c l a i m i n g these councils the o n l y p o l i t i c a l p o w e r of the people. To conclude the discussion, I took the floor again and, i n u n d e r l i n i n g the m a n y m a j o r tasks w h i c h e m erged for the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils, I pointed out among other things: N o w that the p o w e r of the councils has been centralized and proclaimed the o n l y p o w e r of the people, it is essential that the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , w h i c h 349

this Conference w i l l elect, s h o u l d set up a n e t w o r k of different organs and sections e v e r y w h e r e to organize the w o r k in every f i e l d , in the economy, education, propaganda, etc. There must be no f i e l d in w h i c h the w o r k is lame, the role of the councils m u s t be felt and asserted everywhere, otherwise the w a r itself w o u l d be c r i p p l e d and the future of the people jeopardized. The Conference e x a m i n e d the problems related to the strengthening of the state p o w e r in close c o n nection w i t h the strengthening of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the strengthening and inclusion in the ranks of the F r o n t of a l l the organizations of the masses formed by the P a r t y . Comrades N e x h m i j e X h u g l i n i , O l l g a P l u m b i a n d E l a G j i k o n d i spoke in detail at the Conference about the struggle of the w o m e n and stressed the need for a better organization of the A l b a n i a n anti-fascist women. O n this problem, Y m e r D i s h n i c a , w h o spoke o n every point of the agenda, indeed, t w o or three times, declared : The A l b a n i a n w o m a n does not c a r r y scented handkerchiefs, but illegal leaflets! A f t e r supporting the idea of the f o r m a t i o n of the organization of the A n t i - f a s c i s t W o m e n , he w e n t on to express the idea that this organization should take part in the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l as a separate section. T h i s idea of Dishnica's was f u n d a m e n t a l l y w r o n g , and I rose to reject it. The N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and the F r o n t admit to their ranks a n y person w h o fights against the enemy, i n c l u d i n g the women, I said. H o w e v e r , 350

there is no reason for the w o m e n to come into the C o u n c i l as a separate section. We cannot create separate sections in the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l for m e n and for women, for the e l d e r l y and the y o u t h . If we w e r e to do this, t o m o r r o w we w o u l d have to create in the C o u n c i l sections for groupings a c c o r d i n g to political, religious and other tendencies, w h i c h is contrary to the s p i r i t of the decisions w h i c h this C o n ference is taking. R a m a d a n i t a k u supported m y o p i n i o n and e x plained that the C o u n c i l w o u l d have sections f o r different sectors of the l i f e of the country, for finance, education, etc., but not for separate organizations. A r o u n d the report w h i c h N a k o S p i r u delivered o n the A l b a n i a n A n t i - f a s c i s t Y o u t h there w e r e m a n y contributions w h i c h had to do w i t h their organization, m i l i t a n t spirit, enthusiasm and r e v o l u t i o n a r y a s p i r a tions. The y o u t h are t a k i n g part in the w a r en masse and d e m a n d i n g that t h e y should be free to achieve their o w n desires i n free A l b a n i a . T h e w a r for l i b e r a tion w i l l produce a y o u t h in w h i c h the finest virtues of our n a t i o n are developed and f u r t h e r enhanced. The H o m e l a n d itself w i l l benefit f r o m this, was stated at the Conference. In close connection With the central issue and t h e other matters that w e r e thrashed out there, the C o n ference also analysed the problems w h i c h h a d to do w i t h the f u r t h e r strengthening of the a r m e d struggle and, in this context, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y of the A l b a n i a n people. The fact is that right f r o m the outset, f r o m t h e 351

time w h e n the first national l i b e r a t i o n councils were set up, a n a t u r a l and integral connection had existed and been strengthened between the councils and the eta and bigger detachments of our a r m y . T h r o u g h o u t this whole period, as w e l l as subsequently, w h i l e the councils devoted a large part of their w o r k and act i v i t y to the m o b i l i z a t i o n and i n v o l v e m e n t of the masses in the war, the partisan detachments and units, for their part, d i s p l a y e d special care and attention w h e r e v e r they fought and operated for the formation, protection and strengthening of the councils. A n d n o w that the councils w e r e being proclaimed the o n l y power of the people in A l b a n i a , o u r N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation A r m y itself had increased in numbers and strength, comprised tens of eta and battalions w h i c h fought a l l over the country, the 1st S h o c k B r i g a d e had been f o r m e d and had begun its battles. We w e r e in the process of f o r m i n g the 2nd and 3rd S h o c k B r i g ades, m i l i t a r y operational zones, etc., and f u n c t i o n i n g at the head of t h e m was the G e n e r a l S t a f f of our Army. T h e comrades w h o spoke about this p r o b l e m , including H a x h i Lleshi, Spiro Moisiu, Ramadan i t a k u , E t h e m B a r h a n i , H u l u s i S p a h i u and others, stressed the necessity of the extension of the ranks and numbers of the partisan battalions and brigades and the better organization and t r a i n i n g of these units to defeat the n a z i foreign occupier w h i c h was entering A l b a n i a and to defend the victories w h i c h we were achieving. One of the contributors to the discussion, I t h i n k it was E t h e m B a r h a n i , spoke about the f i g h t that had 352

taken place at B u r r e l in the beginning of August. In this attack the partisans had been joined by volunteers from M a t and K r u j a and surprisingly the eta of Abaz K u p i i n w h o m , n o w that fascist Italy was o n its last legs, an astonishing w i l l to fight had been aroused. P r e c i s e l y because of their participation, h o w ever, it had not been possible to liberate the t o w n . Y o u astound me, m y dear fellow, said K a d r i H o x h a in a sarcastic tone, in the region of E l b a s a n w i t h a l l those eta, we are unable to d r a w in other people in large numbers, w h i l e it seems that in M a t 2,500 volunteers have t u r n e d out. Y o u don't get volunteers by h i d i n g yourself in Orenja or in the house of B e g B a l l a , as y o u do, I replied to K a d r i there and then. Besides, y o u shouldn't measure the f l o w of volunteers into o u r a r m y w i t h the one or perhaps f i v e people y o u t r y to m o b i l ize. Most of Elbasan, L i b r a z h d and G r a m s h are bases for partisans! The debates continued in this w a y on this p r o blem, too, and as t h o u g h to cap it a l l , at the end of the respective session, Y m e r D i s h n i c a got up and said in a solemn tone: I ask our national poet to compose a poem, an anthem for the a r m y ! and he f i x e d his eyes on Sejfulla. The national poet made a show of objecting a little before f i n a l l y yielding: I accept! he said, but I don't k n o w w h a t h a p pened about L a m e K o d r a ' s ( 1 ) poem, w h e t h e r or not he wrote it or s i m p l y neglected it as he u s u a l l y neglect_____________________________________ 1 T h e pseudonym of S e j f u l l a Malshova.

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ed the jobs w i t h w h i c h he was charged. B u t one t h i n g I k n o w for certain, that our a r m y continued the w a r unconcerned about whether or not S e j f u l l a w r o t e the anthem. Of course, in the days a n d nights of the proceedings of the Conference, amongst the m a t u r e c o n tributions f u l l of content and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for w h a t was said and decided, there was bound to be some such occurrence or note of h u m o u r . F r o m this aspect, however, the c u l m i n a t i o n w a s the original proposal of H u l u s i S p a h i u w h o suggested the creation of a decoration, a proposal w h i c h caused h i l a r i t y in the h a l l . H u l u s i , w h o s t i l l h a d not begun the f i g h t i n A l b a n i a , was t h i n k i n g about medals and decorations. What made y o u t h i n k of the decoration? I asked h i m d u r i n g a break. It is needed, he said, to d i s t i n g u i s h those w h o fight best, who... The time w i l l come w h e n we'll have our decorations, I replied, but n o w we have other problems. However, there is one t h i n g y o u s h o u l d know, I added w i t h a laugh, l o o k i n g at the comrades r o u n d about, we w o n ' t give y o u e v e n one. W h y ? he asked me. Because y o u w i l l lose it at gambling, I said, and told the comrades, as a joke, of course, an old g a m b l i n g story between H u l u s i and T a h i r K a d a r e , about w h i c h I have w r i t t e n elsewhere. W h e n the discussion of the reports was completed, the Conference elected the C o m m i s s i o n for the f i n a l d r a f t i n g of the Resolution and the A p p e a l a d dressed to the A l b a n i a n people. We had prepared a 354

draft of the R e s o l u t i o n in advance, b u t n o w it had to be enriched in the s p i r i t of the discussion and the decisions of the Conference so that it w o u l d serve in the best possible w a y to m a k e things clear to the people, the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils, a n d so on. Doctor N i s h a n i , Nako, S e j f u l l a , M e d a r and I shut o u r selves up in a r o o m and, t a k i n g into account the reports and the discussions at the Conference, d r a f t e d the R e s o l u t i o n w h i c h has been published. W h i l e the C o m m i s s i o n appointed was w o r k i n g i n one of the rooms of the second floor, one of the members of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l read the C o n s t i t u t i o n and R u l e s of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l s to the delegates. These were i m p o r t a n t documents, the f i r s t founding acts, y o u m i g h t say, the first Constitution of the n e w people's state power. It w a s late after 10 o'clock at n i g h t a n d there w a s an idea that the Conference s h o u l d conclude its proceedings on the f o l l o w i n g day. B u t since o n l y a little work r e m a i n e d to be done, we decided to continue. In this way, the delegates w o u l d be able to leave for their o w n places the f o l l o w i n g m o r n i n g . So, we read the Resolution and the A p p e a l w h i c h we prepared and went on to the elections. T h e Conference appointed a commission to prepare a list of the candidates and, while the commission began its work, the participants in the Conference took a break. Thus, the delegates went downstairs e m p t y i n g the h a l l . O n l y t w o or three remained behind, i n c l u d i n g S p i r o K o l e k a a n d another comrade of the secretarial group, D h i m i t r E v a n g j e l i , who w e r e f i d d l i n g w i t h a P h i l i p s radio w h i c h w a s placed in a corner of the h a l l on a table near the balcony. 355

We prepared the list w h i c h w o u l d be presented to the Conference and I said to the comrades: Let's go outside to freshen up a bit a n d smoke a cigarette w i t h the delegates, because the doctor [Omer Nishani] won't let us smoke as m u c h as we like. We went downstairs and were t a l k i n g w i t h the delegates and partisans, w h e n K o l e k a suddenly came out on the balcony and called w i t h great excitement: Comrade E n v e r ! Comrades! Italy has capitulated! W h a t was expected had occurred. Fascist Italy was finished. The 8 m i l l i o n bayonets w h i c h w e r e going to secure the spazio vitale* for Italian i m p e r i a l i s m and r e v i v e the R o m a n E m p i r e , had tossed t h e i r flags at the feet of the victors. A n d among these v i c tors were we, the A l b a n i a n partisans and fighters, w h o defeated the legions of M u s s o l i n i w i t h o u r m a k e s h i f t rifles. The news was enthusiastically w e l c o m e d by a l l the comrades. T h e y embraced, t h r e w their caps and hats on the air and even f i r e d a few shots despite our intervention. In the group where I was, two or three comrades began to talk about going d o w n to the cities to take p o w e r and begin the w o r k for n e w democratic Albania. But w h a t about the Germans? I asked t h e m . The Germans! they said w i t h some surprise, but q u i c k l y came to their senses and added, They, too, w i l l clear out one day because we are fighting! A11 of us must be clear about this, I told them. The nazis w i l l not leave A l b a n i a unoccupied and,
_______________________________ * L i v i n g space (Italian in the original).

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moreover, t h e y w i l l occupy the parts of Italy t h e allies have not entered. T h e l i b e r a t i o n of A l b a n i a would threaten their positions in Greece and other countries in the B a l k a n s . Therefore, we m u s t s t r e n g then o u r power, but m u s t not imagine that the w a r is over, there is a sterner f i g h t ahead of us. We m u s t have our weapons ready. Thus, the c a p i t u l a t i o n of Italy created a n e w s i tuation for w h i c h we h a d to be prepared. Therefore, we decided to conclude the elections that night a n d to discuss the measures w h i c h had to be taken in a new p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y situation the f o l l o w i n g day, September 9. T h e Conference elected the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n General C o u n c i l comprised of 62 members. F o r its part the C o u n c i l elected a S t a n d i n g Committee of 16 members: M u s t a f a X h a n i , M y s l i m Peza, O m e r N i s h a ni, E n v e r H o x h a , K o s t a B o s h n j a k u , Y m e r D i s h n i c a , Ollga P l u m b i , L i r i Gega, H a x h i L l e s h i , F e t a h E k m e k iu, M e d a r S h t y l l a , N a k o S p i r u , S e j f u l l a Malshova, Ramadan i t a k u , A b a z K u p i , a n d S p i r o M o i s i u . I m m e d i a t e l y after the elections the comrades began to discuss the situation. We were a l l overjoyed and concerned about the serious tasks ahead of us, but it was after 4 o'clock in the m o r n i n g . We w e r e in need of sleep, therefore, after consulting the comrades of the p r e s i d i u m , I rose and said to the participants in the Conference: The p r e s i d i u m t h i n k s w e s h o u l d i n t e r r u p t the discussion because it is late and the comrades have to rest. We w i l l continue tomorrow, or rather today at 10 o'clock. 357

We broke off and w e n t off to our beds, but I continued to talk w i t h Omer, M e d a r and others about this event for a w h i l e . No doubt, the others d i d the same t h i n g . T h e n e x t m o r n i n g the f i n a l session of the C o n ference began. O m e r N i s h a n i was the f i r s t to take the floor: It is logical, said the doctor, that the enemy should surrender to o u r a r m e d forces, that is, to the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y w h i c h i s l i n k e d w i t h the allies. Therefore, I propose that we s h o u l d send a note to the Italian generals, in w h i c h we d e m a n d the unconditional surrender of their men, armaments a n d equipment. A p a r t f r o m this, we s h o u l d p u b l i s h a leaflet or appeal addressed to the Italian soldiers. O t h e r comrades discussed the proposal and we decided that an appeal should be addressed to the A l b a n i a n people, in w h i c h it s h o u l d be stressed that n o w the general a r m e d u p r i s i n g against the G e r m a n occupiers and the traitors and the establishment of the state power of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils a l l over the c o u n t r y w a s on the order of the day. L i k e wise, Doctor Nishani's proposal of a leaflet addressed to the Italian soldiers c a l l i n g on t h e m to f i g h t against the nazis, was approved, and the G e n e r a l S t a f f was charged w i t h presenting our demands to the Italian command i n A l b a n i a . A f t e r these decisions w e r e taken R a m a d a n i t a k u , on behalf of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , spoke about the organization and the f u n c tions of sections. These sections w o u l d be: the social section to assist regions, families and i n d i v i d u a l s g r a 358

vely damaged by the w a r and to ensure n o r m a l l i f e for them, the sections of health, the economy and f i nance, the press and propaganda, a n d the section of education. We w e r e setting out on the road of the construction of the n e w democratic state. So ended the proceedings of the 2nd N a t i o n a l Liberation Conference w h i c h took decisions of the greatest importance for the a r m e d struggle of the A l b a n i a n people and their state power. T h e general armed u p r i s i n g and the p o w e r of the councils, the only power of the people in A l b a n i a , w e r e the t w o main slogans w i t h v i t a l importance f o r our c o u n t r y and its f u t u r e approved at the Conference, w h i c h the delegates took w i t h t h e m in order to disseminate and work to a p p l y t h e m a l l over A l b a n i a .

2. Facing the great test

T h e s i t u a t i o n created after the capitulation of fascist Italy demanded s w i f t actions and urgent m e a sures. We m u s t not let a n y t h i n g slip, especially n o w that the i n i t i a t i v e was c o m i n g completely into our hands. Therefore, we decided and i m m e d i a t e l y issued orders, that the forces of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y should occupy a l l the zones and cities w h i c h had been in the hands of the Italian occupiers and establish the power of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils there. Besides this, we decided that, just as at B a r m a s h and else359

where, we should continue the u n i n t e r r u p t e d attacks on the n a z i detachments w h i c h w e r e s t i l l not f u l l y deployed in A l b a n i a . It w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t to liberate those inhabited centres w h i c h o u r forces had the possibility to take and to establish the p o w e r of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils there. Irrespective of h o w events w o u l d develop s u b sequently (this w o u l d depend especially on the l e v e l of the m i l i t a r y i n t e r v e n t i o n of the nazis or the A n g l o A m e r i c a n allies), the establishment of the p o w e r of the councils in the cities and other inhabited centres w o u l d have v e r y great political importance. T h e people w o u l d see and feel the strength, a u t h o r i t y and a b i l i t y of their o w n power, w h i l e the pseudo-patriotic reaction and the Anglo-American e x t e r n a l reaction would understand better that their p o l i t i c a l manoeuvres had failed and were no longer of a n y use. Therefore, the strengthening of the state power, of the councils and the a r m y everywhere, the m o b i l i z a t i o n of the people around the national liberation councils a n d in the ranks of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y a n d the discrediting of the B a l l i K o m b t a r to d e p r i v e it of any influence among the people, presented itself as a v i t a l task. In this w a y we w o u l d have the strength a n d the right to say to the allies, if t h e y were to m a k e a l a n d ing, Y o u have come to A l b a n i a o n l y to f i g h t H i t l e r i t e G e r m a n y , but the government of the c o u n t r y is and w i l l r e m a i n in the hands of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Movement! In the context of a l l these measures and tasks the G e n e r a l Staff planned, i n c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the s i t u a tion, a possible assault on the capital so that it w o u l d 360

be liberated and our state p o w e r in a l l its l i n k s established there, too. To this end, i m m e d i a t e l y after the conclusion of the 2nd N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Conference, w h i l e the d e l egates set out for the regions and the zones w h i c h t h e y represented, a part of the G e n e r a l Staff of the N a t i o n a l Liberation A r m y left L a b i n o t and established itself near the capital, at A r b a n a , w h e r e the c o m m a n d of the G r o u p of Peza was also established d u r i n g those days. H e r e the organization a n d i n a u g u r a t i o n of the 3rd Shock Brigade, a n event i n w h i c h S p i r o M o i s i u and I and other comrades of the G e n e r a l S t a f f w e r e to take part, w o u l d be carried out. As I said, however, our establishment in this zone w a s conditioned especially b y the p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y situation w h i c h could be created in o u r c o u n t r y in the case of some eventual l a n d i n g of the allies in the B a l k a n s and, especially, i n A l b a n i a . A s soon a s w e h a d established ourselves i n A r bana, I s u m m o n e d Comrade Gogo N u s h i to i n f o r m me about the state of our forces and the enemy forces in the capital and to discuss w i t h h i m the tasks of the moment. What do y o u t h i n k ? I asked h i m , H o w m a n y armed forces could be raised f r o m T i r a n a to support a co-ordinated attack of the partisan forces f r o m the surrounding h i l l s ? Apart f r o m a l l the forces of the g u e r r i l l a units, which are a r m e d and r e a d y to go on to the attack at any moment, I am convinced that the y o u t h and the people w i l l w i l l i n g l y rise in the attack for the l i b e r a tion of the capital, r e p l i e d Gogo, but w e n t on to 361

say, The worse of it is we are short of weapons. Y o u k n o w w h a t the w e l l - k n o w n song says, 'If y o u have no weapons, f i n d them, seize t h e m f r o m the hands of the enemy', (1) I replied. Don't w o r r y about the weapons, I w e n t on, we w i l l help y o u a n d the people themselves k n o w where to f i n d them. Y o u are right, said Gogo, there w i l l be no lack of boldness and courage. T h e people can h a r d l y w a i t to see T i r a n a free. Of course, I continued, this is a v e r y delicate and e x t r e m e l y i m p o r t a n t matter w h i c h can be discussed only in the p a r t y regional committee. We s h a l l l a u n c h the attack on T i r a n a o n l y w h e n we are c o n v i n c e d that it is essential, that we are sure of v i c t o r y and, most important, for the moment, o n l y if the allies l a n d in A l b a n i a in order to present themselves as liberators. We appreciate t h e i r war, but we alone have been and are the t r u e liberators in A l b a n i a and we s h a l l have p o w e r in our hands alone. A f t e r Gogo and I h a d discussed these problems in detail he set off i m m e d i a t e l y for T i r a n a to present e v e r y t h i n g w h i c h we talked about so the p a r t y r e g i o n a l committee, so that the people and the g u e r r i l l a units w o u l d be m o b i l i z e d and ready if it was decided to l a u n c h the attack for the l i b e r a t i o n of the capital. M e a n w h i l e , a n u m b e r of battalions a n d eta, apart f r o m the forces of the G r o u p of P e z a and the 3rd Shock B r i g a d e w h i c h was in the process of formation, had been brought into the zone around T i r a n a for this purpose. L i k e w i s e , we gave the order for the 1st
_________________________________ 1 F o l k song of the period of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r of the A l b a n i a n people.

362

Shock B r i g a d e to be deployed in the zone a r o u n d T i r a n a and Elbasan, c u t t i n g the c o m m u n i c a t i o n routes between the cities a n d attacking the n a z i convoys. The partisan forces under the c o m m a n d of H a x h i L l e shi w e r e also to take part in the assault on T i r a n a after the l i b e r a t i o n of K r u j a . Besides this, we called on the Italian a r m y to surrender to the partisan c o m mand, to take to the mountains in the w a r against nazism and to refuse to continue in the service of the Germans because it w o u l d end up in t h e i r concentration camps. We made this k n o w n to t h e m by means of appeals and t h r o u g h our comrades w h o m we sent to t a l k w i t h them, because, of course, at that time, we d i d not possess radio transmiters. Some of the I t a lians responded to our appeal. W h i l e we w e r e in A r b a n a , a n u m b e r of senior Italian officers, i n c l u d i n g the air-force commander in charge of the aerodrome of Shijak, came to us. Amongst t h e m was a colonel, the son of G e n e r a l P i r z i o B i r o l l i , w h o commanded the Italian forces in the o p erations in Montenegro. T h e y came dressed in w h i t e summer suits and s i l k shirts, presented themselves to o u r Staff, gave their names and, for our part, I congratulated t h e m because t h e y had not surrendered to the G e r m a n s . H o w e v e r , an Italian a r t i l l e r y battery continued the w a r against us, s h e l l i n g A r b a n a . So, I told the colonel, the son of P i r z i o B i r o l l i : The w h o l e Italian a r m y is surrendering, so, go w i t h one or two other Italian officers and c a l l on that battery to cease f i r e and surrender. He agreed, took his stand in an open place and shouted to the b a t t e r y : 363

Surrender to the A l b a n i a n partisan command, because Italy has capitulated! See, we have s u r r e n dered. Then, this battery instead of f i r i n g on A r b a n a f i r e d on the son of P i r z i o B i r o l l i and his m e n and b l e w t h e m to pieces. I don't k n o w w h a t became of his father, but he, too, m a y have met his death in Montenegro at the hands of the Y u g o s l a v partisans. In their barracks and stations, the other Italian officers, of course, w e r e used to t a k i n g a b a t h each day. One of them, an air-force colonel, asked one of our partisans to heat a bath for h i m . What do y o u w a n t ? asked our partisan. A bath, r e p l i e d the Italian c a l m l y . So, the gentleman wants a bath, eh! said the partisan, s m i l i n g , and added, There is y o u r bath, in the E r z e n R i v e r ( 1 ). Go and w a s h as m u c h as y o u like, there is no other bath here. We are at w a r and this is the countryside. W h e n we liberate A l b a n i a w e ' l l have baths. Do y o u agree, signor? T h e Italian w h o w a n t e d a bath was not a bad chap. He stayed w i t h our forces to the end. As I have been told, in Italy after the w a r he was promoted, and w h e n he was eventually pensioned off v i s i t e d our embassy f r o m time to time. He had become o u r f r i e n d . Thus, w i t h the capitulation of Italy a n u m b e r of Italian units, indeed, even one division, the Firenze D i v i s i o n , commanded b y G e n e r a l A z z i , s u r r e n d e r e d t o us. O u r forces disarmed the d i v i s i o n a n d w e r e ordered to send A z z i and his w h o l e staff to A r b a n a . I received
___________________________________ 1 R i v e r in the v i c i n i t y of T i r a n a .

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them there and after the usual greetings, I spoke about the changes and the situation in the government of Mussolini's Italy, w h i c h Badoglio had taken over, as w e l l as the situation of the Italian a r m y and the Italian c o m m a n d . I also t o l d G e n e r a l A z z i that, in my opinion, the Italians w h o surrendered to us should take the honourable road to atone for their sins and mistakes by t a k i n g part w i t h us in the w a r against the Germans. A m o n g s t other things I said to h i m , We can sign a joint declaration c a l l i n g on the other Italian forces that s t i l l have not s u r r e n d e r e d to unite w i t h us. A f t e r this we s h o u l d ask t h e m i n d i v i d u a l l y and let those who w i s h to f i g h t keep t h e i r rifles, w h i l e those w h o do not w i s h to f i g h t should surrender their weapons and go to our liberated zones and w o r k there together w i t h the peasants to produce their o w n food and to assist the war. I reached agreement w i t h A z z i on this. Some of the s u r r e n d e r e d Italians expressed their desire to f i g h t a n d d i d so. We incorporated t h e m in several units of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y ; some of t h e m we incorporated in the 1st Shock Brigade, in a battalion w h i c h we gave the name of the founder of the Italian C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , A n t o n i o G r a m s c i . W i t h the d i s a r m i n g of the Italian units after the capitulation of Italy, we took possession of rifles, machine-guns and bombs. W i t h these weapons we equipped a n u m b e r of partisan battalions and t e r r i torial battalions w h i c h we organized at that time, a n d also kept some weapons to strengthen the 3rd Shock 365

Brigade, and especially the 2nd Shock B r i g a d e w h i c h was w e a k e r f r o m the point of v i e w of equipment. L i k e w i s e , we emptied the Italian depots of as m u c h materials, such as food and clothing, as we could, and transported it deep into our liberated zones. A good part of these supplies we shared out among the people of P e z a w h o had fought and been b u r n t out, w h i l e the r e m a i n d e r we kept for the needs of the w a r and the partisan forces. Thus, after a s t e m and bloody w a r w h i c h lasted for several years our s m a l l but v a l i a n t and i n d o m i t able people, m o b i l i z e d and led by o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , managed to conquer the hordes of the Italian E m p i r e and t r i u m p h over them. T r i u m p h a n t as t h e y were, however, o u r people d i s p l a y e d towards the erstw h i l e k i l l e r s and occupiers the qualities of a great people: those w h o w a n t e d to m a k e amends for t h e i r e v i l deeds and contribute to the w a r against n a z i fascism, t h e y accepted as comrades-in-arms, w h i l e to the others w h o d i d not take this honourable course, the doors of the houses and cottages in the villages w e r e opened and the people protected t h e m f r o m the n a z i f u r y u n t i l the w a r was over. A f t e r L i b e r a t i o n , i n M a r c h 1945, the Italian u n der-secretary of state for w a r , M a r i o Palermo, came to w i t h d r a w the Italian troops w h o h a d surrendered to us. P a l e r m o was a communist; at that t i m e the c o m munists w e r e t a k i n g part in the Italian g o v e r n ment, and T o g l i a t t i himself was m i n i s t e r of Justice. We welcomed this m a n w a r m l y , not so m u c h as a government personality but as a communist comrade, talked w i t h h i m about the stands of our P a r t y , about 366

the stands of our n e w state and about the f u t u r e of our c o u n t r y and its prospects. We also spoke to h i m about the fierce w a r w h i c h Italian fascism h a d waged in our c o u n t r y and the great damage w h i c h it caused us and also t o l d h i m that we spared n o t h i n g to oppose Italian fascism and the fascist a r m y . Then, we t o l d h i m that, despite this, after its capitulation, we acted in a h u m a n e m a n n e r w i t h the Italian army, called on the Italian soldiers to take to the mountains, and those w h o w a n t e d to s h o u l d fight, a n d in fact a f e w of t h e m d i d fight. We also signed a protocol w i t h P a l e r m o d e f i n i n g the procedure for the transfer of a l l the I t a l i a n troops i n A l b a n i a t o Italy. A l l those w h o w e r e u n a r m e d boarded the ships w h i c h came f r o m Italy w h i l e w e sent the partisans w h o h a d fought i n the ranks of the Gramsci B a t t a l i o n to Italy w i t h f u l l honours and a l l of t h e m a r m e d . I do not k n o w w h e t h e r the f o r m e r Italian under-secretary for w a r is s t i l l alive, b u t although he was an old m a n and a m e m b e r of the Italian revisionist party, w h e n e v e r he met our comrades, he spoke to t h e m w i t h s y m p a t h y and affection for the P a r t y of L a b o u r of A l b a n i a and about the meetings and talks w h i c h he had had w i t h us. Subsequently, he p u b l i s h e d a book about his v i s i t to A l b a n i a i n w h i c h h e speaks i n f r i e n d l y terms about the talks w h i c h h e h a d w i t h m e and m y comrades i n connection w i t h the p r o b l e m of the r e p a t r i a t i o n of the Italian a r m y . H e r e I am r e f e r r i n g to the r e p a t r i a tion of the l i v i n g , because the repatriation of the dead a r m y took place m u c h later. W h e n the bones of the dead a r m y w e r e to be transferred, a general came, but he was a fascist and took the bones of fascists. 367

B u t let us r e t u r n to the a u t u m n of 1943 w h i c h began w i t h the capitulation of fascist Italy and w h i c h became one of the periods of our most intensive p o l itical and m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t y ; the period i n w h i c h w e had overcome the greatest d i f f i c u l t i e s and dangers and the most severe tests. In particular, I w a n t to point out that d u r i n g this period, a structure of o u r organs of power, f r o m the suburb, village, c i t y and regional councils to the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and its S t a n d i n g Committee, was set up o v e r v i r t u a l l y the w h o l e c o u n t r y . In the liberated regions and cities, the national liberation councils became the sole organs of p o w e r w h i c h administered and governed on behalf of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the interests of the people. They brought life back to n o r m a l , r a n the economy, and education, saw to the p r o v i s i o n of s u p plies for the people, carried out propaganda and o r ganized the collection of aid for the M o v e m e n t and the sending of volunteers to the detachments of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y w h i c h was dealing ceaseless blows at the n e w n a z i enemy. This was the general test of the n e w state w h i c h was emerging in the heat of the war. G o o d reports reached us f r o m a l l o v e r the country about the w o r k and struggle of our c o m rades, the enthusiasm of the people and their determ i n a t i o n to proceed on the course that the P a r t y showed them. Precisely in this tense but optimistic atmosphere the reports w h i c h reached us f r o m G j i r o k a s t r a , w h e r e B e d r i Spahiu, the p o l i t i c a l secretary of the p a r t y regional committee, had made an impermissible p o l i t 368

ical mess, struck an unpleasant discordant note. C o n t r a r y to the clear instructions of the C e n t r a l Committee and the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , after the capitulation of Italy, the comrades of G j i r o k a s t r a had a l l o w e d the B a l l i s t gangs to enter the c i t y and it was o n l y after them that our units entered the city. Instead of d r i v i n g out the brigands of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and establishing the sole and u n d i v i d e d p o w e r of the national liberation council in the city, B e d r i S p a h i u a l l o w e d the power of the B a l l i K o m b t a r to exist alongside it and exercised his oratory in polemics w i t h A l i B e y in the Qaj e Pazarit, in the centre of the city. Thus, A l i B e y and the other Ballists strutted l i k e lords in the streets and cafs of G j i r o k a s t r a , the Ballists committed a l l sorts of f i l t h y crimes, w h i l e B e d r i S p a h i u exposed t h e m w i t h words. T h i s was a condemnable p o l i t i c a l f l i r t a t i o n w h i c h gravely v i o l a t e d the line of the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t . As soon as I received the report I sat d o w n and wrote a stern letter to the P a r ty R e g i o n a l Committee of G j i r o k a s t r a in w h i c h I condemned their action and e x p l a i n e d to t h e m once again our current stand towards the B a l l i K o m b t a r . In essence I pointed out to the comrades in G j i r o k a s t r a : No power other t h a n the power of the national liberation councils m u s t be permitted. Y o u have a l lowed the B a l l i K o m b t a r to establish itself and are content w i t h y o u r alleged exposure of it. Y o u must understand clearly that n o w there can be no more talk of u n i t y w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r , but only about smashing this reactionary traitor organization. We must act energetically, not o n l y w i t h political work, 369

but also w i t h m i l i t a r y operations. We must use w e a pons to clean up that f i l t h and establish our p o w e r everywhere. In Berat, too, as we were informed, an analogous event had occurred, and for this we criticized the leading comrades of the P a r t y R e g i o n a l C o m m i t t e e of Berat. We thought that the situation w o u l d be p u t right w h e n , to our astonishment, a f e w days later, we received another report, even more scandalous t h a n the first, indeed so unbelievable that we u r g e n t l y sought v e r i f i c a t i o n of it. It t u r n e d out that the c o m m a n d of our troops in the region of B e r a t had entered into a n u g l y compromise w i t h the G e r m a n occupation forces. As though it were not enough that the Ballists made the l a w i n Berat, that the c r i m i n a l A b a z E r m e ni strutted about tearing up our proclamations and the bulletins of Zri i popullit, w i t h his o w n bloodstained hands, G j i n M a r k u , w h o w a s the delegate of the C e n t r a l Committee, and M e s t a n U j a n i k u , the f o r m e r commander of the region e v e n a l l o w e d the G e r m a n soldiers to enter the city after they w e r e searched by o u r guards at the entrance to B e r a t ! T h e nazis entered peacefully, looked around, gathered i n formation, pretended to b u y something in the shops, w h i l e the partisan c o m m a n d looked on. S i m i l a r things occurred in L u s h n j a , too. W e demanded urgent explanations f r o m G j i n M a r k u who, in his letter of r e p l y sent to the G e n e r a l Staff, admitted the situation and, indeed, w r o t e that Germans had even entered our offices! S u c h a stand w i t h o u t precedent in a l l those years of our N a tional L i b e r a t i o n W a r demanded a clear and stern 370

stand. Together w i t h S p i r o M o i s i u we drafted a letter to the c o m m a n d of the region in w h i c h , after c r i t i c i z ing t h e m for the lack of regular i n f o r m a t i o n about the situation, we stressed the g r a v i t y of this mistake f r o m the p o l i t i c a l stand-point. At a t i m e w h e n we were f i g h t i n g the B a l l i K o m b t a r and reaction w i t h arms and propaganda, w h e n we were accusing t h e m of collaboration w i t h the nazis, a partisan c o m m a n d had come to terms w i t h the nazis! Y o u should never have reached agreement w i t h our most ferocious enemies, we wrote, even if the w h o l e a r m y had been w i p e d out in the fight against them. W e discussed this grave act for w h i c h G j i n M a r k u was m a i n l y responsible, t h r o u g h p a r t y channels, too, and decided that at the first m e e t i n g of the P l e n u m of the C e n t r a l Committee we should discuss both the capitulation of Y m e r D i s h n i c a at M u k j e and the quest i o n of G j i n M a r k u , and that the latter should be expelled f r o m the C e n t r a l Committee. At these moments it was important to attack not o n l y such opportunist actions w h i c h w e r e i n flagrant contradiction w i t h the line o f the C P A and the N a tional L i b e r a t i o n Front, but also the manifestations of euphoria w h i c h w e r e seen in some organization or i n d i v i d u a l comrades. W h i l e instructing that the establishment of the p o w e r of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils should be pressed ahead w i t h a l l over the c o u n try, the C e n t r a l Committee also pointed out that the security of the cadres of the P a r t y and the M o v e m e n t should be safeguarded and that o n l y those comrades for w h o m it was essential to emerge openly as l e a d ers of the state p o w e r should be exposed. In general, 371

this instruction of the C e n t r a l Committee was applied correctly, but on some occasion we had to criticize certain comrades for the v i o l a t i o n of security, f o r the unnecessary movements of i l l e g a l comrades as if they were legal, by vehicle in the m i d d l e of the day, and so on. I n particular, w e strongly criticized the P a r t y R e gional Committee of Elbasan w h i c h completely let go the reins in this direction. N o t long afterwards the comrades of this organization received a grievous b l o w on account of the euphoria they had d i s p l a y e d : a n u m ber of communists and cadres of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a tion Movement, i n c l u d i n g the p o l i t i c a l secretary of the region, T o m o r r S i n a n i , were arrested by the G e s t a po assisted by the Ballists. Thus, t h r o u g h u n i n t e r r u p t e d struggle and activity, w i t h keen vigilance and a correct and consistent stand in every step, we were successfully passing one d i f ficult test after another in the situation created after the 2nd Conference of Labinot. It was becoming clear to everybody that the a u t h o r i t y of the N a t i o n a l L i b eration M o v e m e n t had greatly increased and, in this context, the national liberation councils w e r e not o n l y capable of h o l d i n g the reins of the country, of acting and dictating in the name of the people, but, more important, w e r e determined not to a l l o w a n y b o d y to threaten or damage the victories achieved. P r e c i s e l y at these moments, in the m i d s t of a l l this work, we w e r e to be faced w i t h a n e w threat and a fresh effort of reaction to attack us on a l l fronts, to d i v i d e the people and to rob t h e m of w h a t h a d been achieved t h r o u g h struggle. 372

We were in A r b a n a w h e n we received a leaflet issued by a Zogite N a t i o n a l P a r t y , unheard of up t i l l those moments, but signed by such w e l l - k n o w n bayraktars a s F i q r i Dine, M u h a r r e m B a j r a k t a r i , M y f t a r K a l o s h i , A b a z K u p i and others. T h r o u g h this leaflet the Zogite N a t i o n a l P a r t y , freshly cooked up in the secret kitchens of reaction, proclaimed its existence and gave the masses the sensational n e w s : the star of the nation, the despot A h m e t Zog, had not yet set. H e was alive and l i v i n g w e l l i n E n g l a n d and, m o r e over, he w a s h o l d i n g talks and p r e p a r i n g plans for liberation w i t h M r . C h u r c h i l l himself (!), and the B r i t i s h Intelligence Service was m o b i l i z e d to f i n d w h e r e those w r e t c h e d opinga*, w h i c h the sovereign was not able to put on in A p r i l of 1939 ( 1 ), had been lost! Hence, let the n a t i o n rejoice, shouted the Zogite N a t i o n a l Party, because the s a v i o u r w i l l l a n d (from the skies by B r i t i s h balloons) and u n t i l the opinga are f o u n d a l l patriots and people m u s t unite around the p a r t y of the A u g u s t M o n a r c h to fight (of course, against the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and Movement), because we are sure of the f u t u r e : the m o n a r c h y and the monarch ! In c o m m e n t i n g b r i e f l y to the comrades who w e r e in A r b a n a that day on this leaflet and its asinine content, I s a i d :
_____________________________________ * T r a d i t i o n a l A l b a n i a n green-hide shoes. 1 Irony on the statement that in case of aggression Zog will by put Zog's on the in opinga with the and rush It of to was the Durrs put April to meet the Italian aggressors men bullets. first days into circulation fascist

1939

aggression on A l b a n i a in order to deceive i n t e r n a l opinion.

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This whole thing is evidence of a manoeuvre hatched up against us by i n t e r n a l a n d e x t e r n a l reaction. C o n v i n c e d that they have achieved nothing w i t h the B a l l i K o m b t a r , n o w the reactionaries have started to exhume A h m e t Z o g f r o m the grave, to powder and perfume his corps in order to create the impression that the m o n a r c h y and the m o n a r c h w e r e a n d s t i l l are legitimate and in power in A l b a n i a ! T h e point is quite p l a i n : there is no reason to create another state power in A l b a n i a , no reason to recognize the national liberation councils. H e n c e : struggle against t h e m in the name of the monarchy, and not struggle against the occupiers in the name of A l b a n i a ! M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i , who spent most of that p e r i o d in the zone of Peza, said w i t h a v e i l e d gloating in his eyes, The rogues have p i c k e d a v e r y suitable moment. This w i l l cause a l l sorts of problems and a lot of w o r k for us! Undoubtedly the problems and w o r k w i l l b e i n creased, I told h i m , but as for the m o m e n t they have picked, it is m o s t l y to the disadvantage of reaction i t self. The sudden emergence of Zogites on the scene w i l l confuse and split the ranks of the B a l l i K o m b t a r more deeply. L e t us not forget that, regardless of t h e i r motives, for years on end the chiefs of the B a l l i K o m btar have been opposed to Zog, and n o w the p r e sentation of the r e t u r n of Z o g as the s a v i o u r and h e i r to the state power w i l l t e r r i f y a good n u m b e r of t h e m and make t h e m abandon the B a l l i K o m b t a r and come closer to us. B u t that is another matter, I continued. Time w i l l show w h a t w i l l happen w i t h the various trends and groupings of reaction. As far as we are 374

concerned, the m o m e n t w h e n the Zogites have emerged on the stage is m o r e in our favour. N o w we have the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front, have the councils and our a r m y a l l over the country, and have an a u t h o r i t y and p o w e r w h i c h is recognized and functions. T o w a r d s this reactionary ' p a r t y ' we s h a l l m a i n t a i n that same clear-cut stand w h i c h we decided towards the reactionary B a l l i K o m b t a r ! H e r e i n lies the e v i l and our greatest problem, interrupted G j i n i s h i , confident that this time there was nothing o n w h i c h I c o u l d catch h i m . The B a l l i K o m btar has been discredited, but the Zogite p a r t y has just emerged. If we attack it i m m e d i a t e l y they w i l l say : A r e y o u f o r w a r against the occupiers, as y o u declare, or are y o u for w a r between parties? T h i s w i l l compromise us greatly!... I don't understand f r o m what position y o u are speaking?! I said to h i m , h a r d l y able to control my anger. He w a s silent f o r a moment, gave me a resentful look and continued q u i e t l y : The comrades a n d I understand y o u correctly, Comrade Taras, and in essence matters are as y o u present t h e m . H o w e v e r , w h a t I am concerned about is the prudent tactics that we must pursue, that is, to avoid v i o l a t i n g that p l a t f o r m w h i c h we have decided and proclaimed at P e z a and also at Labinot. W h y ? W h e r e do y o u see any v i o l a t i o n ? I asked him. If y o u attack the Zogite party immediately, w i t h out g i v i n g it a chance to discredit itself amongst the people as a collaborator w i t h the occupier, it seems to 375

me that this w i l l be taken as a v i o l a t i o n of the p l a t f o r m of the Conference of Peza. We have declared that we are not opposed to different nationalist parties and organizations. Is that not so?! Here there are two things, Mustafa, I replied, either y o u have not understood the p l a t f o r m of P e z a and Labinot, or f r o m haste y o u are f a l l i n g into m i s takes and interpretations w h i c h are inexcusable even in a beginner. We have been and are for collaboration w i t h any progressive, nationalist or other p a r t y w h i c h accepts the p l a t f o r m of the Conference of Peza, joins the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front, recognizes the n a t i o n a l liberation councils and, w h i l e preserving its i n d e p e n dence as a party, fights w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k of the F r o n t against the occupiers and traitors for the l i b e r ation of A l b a n i a . Is that not so? I asked h i m . Yes! T h a t is so! m u t t e r e d G j i n i s h i . Then, I continued, w h i c h of these basic c o n ditions does the 'Zogite N a t i o n a l P a r t y ' f u l f i l ? ! Not one of t h e m ! On the contrary, not o n l y does it not f u l f i l any of these demands, but it calls on the N a t i o n al L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t to come under its u m b r e l l a , and even worse, raises the p r o b l e m of the regime at these moments and, moreover, has decided both the f o r m of the regime and the persons to head it, the m o n a r c h y as a regime and A h m e t Z o g as k i n g ! In v i e w of all this, is there a n y t h i n g about this so-called party, to w h i c h w e should k o w t o w according t o y o u , M u s t a f a , that is less 'discrediting' t h a n there is about the B a l l i Kombtar?! That is d e f i n i t e l y so, intervened S p i r o M o i s i u . We must tear the mask f r o m the e v i l face of the 376

'Zogite N a t i o n a l P a r t y ' as we d i d w i t h the B a l l i ! Y o u r logic convinces me, Comrade Taras! said Mustafa G j i n i s h i , t r y i n g to cover his tracks. I took a superficial v i e w of matters since I had no time to reflect on t h e m deeply. B u t I was also confused by that damned signature of B a z i i Cans at the bottom there and w h a t it says about C h u r c h i l l . I thought to myself, ' B a z i is a m e m b e r of the S t a n d i n g Committee of the C o u n c i l , and C h u r c h i l l is the leader of our great ally, B r i t a i n , therefore,' I considered, 'we couldn't oppose t h e m o p e n l y as do the A l i K l c y r a s and M e h d i Frashris.' B u t I see it was a hasty judgement. As for A b a z K u p i , I told the comrades, as a member of the S t a n d i n g Committee of the C o u n c i l and of the G e n e r a l Staff, he m u s t render account for w h a t he has done. W i t h this leaflet that he signed he has openly admitted that he has been in our ranks up t i l l now w i t h other aims and missions. A s for C h u r c h i l l and his talks w i t h A h m e t Zog, we have no reason to worry. The people k n o w the despot A h m e t v e r y w e l l . We shall tell the people openly that, if it pleases C h u r c h i l l and he has the time, let h i m talk about our question w i t h A h m e t Z o g d a y and night, but we and we alone w i l l decide the f u t u r e of A l b a n i a . A f t e r this, h a v i n g discussed the p r o b l e m and thrashed it out thoroughly, we instructed a l l the o r ganizations of the P a r t y in the regions, and especially in Tirana, about the clear-cut and consistent stand which must be m a i n t a i n e d towards the Zogites. At the same time, we instructed both the o r g a nizations of the P a r t y and the national l i b e r a t i o n c o u n cils that the struggle against the Zogites and the 377

chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r should not in a n y w a y be taken or treated as a separate struggle or as the m a i n one for us. A n e w enemy, G e r m a n nazism, has occupied o u r Homeland, we instructed the comrades, therefore, we must concentrate a l l our forces against the occupiers, and, along w i t h the occupiers, also against the B a l l i s t and Zogite traitors w h o collaborate w i t h t h e m . We must not forget that the strings w e r e p u l l e d in L o n d o n to b r i n g the 'Zogites' on the scene, but t h e y might also have been p u l l e d in the corridors of the G e r m a n Gestapo. T h e nazis are s t r i v i n g to i m p l a n t and encourage the split, to deceive us so that we c o n centrate the w a r against the local reactionary groups and parties that pop up a n d w i t h e r l i k e toadstools. Therefore, v i g i l a n c e and prudence! If the f i r e on o u r l a n d burns up the nazis, their tools, the local brigands, w i l l b e b u r n t u p along w i t h them. So, in the a u t u m n of 1943, amongst so m a n y d i f ficulties and tests, we began and consistently and b r a v e l y carried on the battle w i t h the other tool of the occupiers and local and foreign reaction, the Z o g ites. A little later, this so-called party, a nest of c r i m inals and h i r e d mercenaries, was to organize a socalled congress in T i r a n a f r o m w h i c h it was to emerge w i t h a s y m b o l i c name d r a w n f r o m the past, Legaliteti. In this w a y the scum w h i c h comprised it w a n t e d to say that they were allegedly the legal representatives of and heirs to a legal regime w h i c h existed somew h e r e . . . (in the plans of the B r i t i s h a n d the dreams of the v e n a l officials of the nation), and w h i c h n o w

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was emerging on the scene to re-establish the m o n a r chy i n A l b a n i a . But, as in the case of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , w i t h Legaliteti, too, reaction h a d reckoned w i t h o u t the host. As I have said r i g h t f r o m the outset we discovered and correctly d e f i n e d the reactionary character and aims of this g r o u p i n g and i m m e d i a t e l y opposed it everywhere w i t h our line of exposure and open attack. Both f r o m the correct stand w h i c h our P a r t y adopted immediately a n d because of the u n i v e r s a l hatred w h i c h the masses of the people had for the t i m e of the Zogite regime, L e g a l i t e t i never established a n y s o l i d roots. It remained m o s t l y a g r o u p i n g of chiefs, agents of the B r i t i s h and the o l d regime, supported by gangs of brigands, in the forefront of w h i c h w e r e the m e r c e n a r y forces of A b a z K u p i a n d a f e w other b a y r a k t a r chiefs. M e a n w h i l e , the emergence of L e g a l i t e t i on the scene was to q u i c k l y c o n f i r m w h a t we had foreseen: the upset and d i v i s i o n in the r a n k s of the heads of the nation, especially among a n u m b e r of elements of the B a l l i K o m b t a r . C l e a r that the B a l l i K o m b t a r had lost a l l hope of success and now, f r i g h t e n e d by the possibility of the reappearance of Zog, various pseudo-nationalist elements w e r e f i n a l l y obliged to turn their eyes to the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and were agonizing over the step w h i c h t h e y had to take. Indeed, t h e y sent w o r d to o u r comrades in T i r a n a that they had in m i n d to break a w a y f r o m the B a l l i Kombtar, to f o r m a democratic party, to j o i n the Front as a party, to recognize the councils and take part in the a r m e d struggle against the occupier! We sent w o r d to the comrades in T i r a n a to tell 379

them they were welcome, but they m u s t stick to and carry out what they promised. T h e F r o n t was not and w o u l d never be a shelter for swindlers. T h e F r o n t was a f i g h t i n g organization. We w a i t e d for t h e m to come, n a t u r a l l y w i t h o u t being greatly concerned whether t h e y d i d or not, because, after all, it was they w h o w e r e seeking assistance and salvation and not us, but we heard no more of t h e m . T h e y were f i n i s h e d f r o m every s t a n d point. Some of t h e m reconciled themselves to the f o r m e r situation and the n e w occupier, some decided to give up politics, w h i l e others decided to sit on the fence. A l t h o u g h it is not w o r t h w h i l e to d w e l l at greater length on these gentlemen of the past era, I s h a l l m e n t i o n just one more t h i n g w h i c h is l i n k e d w i t h them, but especially w i t h an idea or proposed i n i tiative of some of our comrades. W e w e r e s t i l l i n the zones a r o u n d T i r a n a w h e n S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a came f r o m the c i t y one day and presented to me a brilliant idea to w h i c h he h a d converted N a k o S p i r u , too. The waverers in the r a n k s of reaction are unable to do a n y t h i n g w i t h their o w n forces. T h e y are not f o r m i n g the democratic p a r t y w i t h w h i c h t h e y w i l l j o i n the Front. We have the idea we s h o u l d encourage and help t h e m to f o r m a party, but not a social-democratic p a r t y ; something more progressive, perhaps a d e mocratic, or even better, a democratic-republican party. Interesting! I said w i t h gentle i r o n y to avoid putting h i m off. B u t w h y is this 'assistance' f r o m us needed? We should exploit the contradictions in the r a n k s 380

"The Party Has Been Founded". Tableau by Painter Shaban Hysa

Facsimiles of the Resolution of the Founding Meeting of the CPA and the Appeal addressed to the Albanian people, November 1941

Monument dedicated to the historic Conference of Peza, September 16, 1942

The house in which the Conference of Peza was held

Participants in the C o n f e r e n c e of Peza ENVER HOXHA

MYSLIM PEZA

MUSTAFA XHANI

NEXHMIJE XHUGLINI

HAXHI LLESHI

"The People on Their Feet, the Party at the Head". Monument dedicated to heroic Peza, work of People's Sculptor, Muntaz Dhrami

Facsimiles of the Resolution of the Conference of Peza and other documents announcing and analysing the decisions of this historic event

View of the house in Labinot, where a series of important meetings of the CPA and the Anti-fascist National Liberation General Council were held during the year 1943

"Labinot, July 10, 1943". Tableau by People's Painter, Guri Madhi

Comrade Enver Hoxha, founder and organizer of the Albanian National Liberation Army

Participants in the 2nd Anti-fascist National Liberation Conference held in Labinot, September 1943

The state power of councils the only state power in Albania

In the difficult winter of 1943-1944

"We Break the Encirclements". Tableau by Merited Painter, Fatmir Haxhiu

Towards the historic Congress

The building in which the Congress of Permet was held

Comrade Enver Hoxha delivering the report at the Congress of Prmet

Prmet, May 1944. Comrade Enver Hoxha with other members of the Anti-fascist National Liberation General Council

The hall in which the Congress of Prmet was held

Facsimiles of the documents of the Congress of Prmet

Monument dedicated to the historic Congress of Permet which brought the people to power. Work of People's Sculptor, Odhise Paskali

Prmet today

View of the village of Odri an

Detailing the plan of the general offensive of the ANLA. Summer 1944

The home of Vitori Jorgji (above) and Konstandina Londari (below) at Odrian of Prmet, where Comrade Enver Hoxha has lived and worked in the summer of 1944

Facsimiles of manuscripts of Comrade Enver Hoxha's memoirs and historical notes on the work and efforts for the creation of the Anti-fascist National Liberation Front and the emergence of the people's state power

of our opponents, deepen the split and extend the differentiation i n their ranks, S e j f u l l a r e p l i e d proudly. A n d for this we, the members and cadres of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , ought to teach and encourage t h e m to f o r m a p a r t y ? We consider this a course w i t h great p o s s i b i l i ties! continued the professor. Imagine w h a t an effect it w o u l d have if a part of the B a l l i K o m b t a r broke a w a y to f o r m a separate p a r t y and this p a r t y p u b l i c l y p r o c l a i m e d its adherence to the F r o n t ! T h e p l a t f o r m of the Conference of P e z a . . . Excuse me for i n t e r r u p t i n g you, Sejfulla, I said, but in this concrete instance y o u have judged matters precisely l i k e the social-democrats of p a r l i a m e n t a r y debates. We are members of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and it is i m p e r m i s s i b l e for us to take the initiative or to encourage the a r t i f i c i a l creation of other parties, and we have absolutely no reason to do so. If various nationalist, democratic and other elements or groups themselves manage to f o r m a p a r t y w h i c h agrees to and r e a l l y joins in the w a r against the occupier, adheres to the F r o n t a n d accepts the national l i b e r a t i o n councils, t h e n we have no objection to recognizing this party, respecting its independence and, indeed, if it proves capable and if our brains s h r i v e l and become mouldy, let i t w i n the leading role i n the F r o n t ! We have made this clear and correct stand k n o w n to a l l and w i l l consistently adhere to these L e n i n i s t principles. B u t to i n v o l v e ourselves in deals or efforts in order to urge those w h o are incapable of doing a n y t h i n g to f o r m a party, this is a n t i - M a r x i s t in p r i n ciple and v e r y h a r m f u l i n practice! 381

In brief our stand is and remains this: if they want to and are capable of doing so, let t h e m create their own party and call it what they like, but we have told them and tell them a g a i n : if they t r u l y want to fight there is no reason to waste their time w i t h talk about parties. Let them j o i n the Front, either i n d i v i d u a l l y or in groups, begin the fight and we shall respect them, just as we shall demand that they, either as i n d i v i d u a l s or as parties, recognize and respect not only the independence of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y in the Front, but also the leading role w h i c h our P a r t y has w o n t h r o u g h colossal struggle and efforts. S e j f u l l a appeared to be convinced by my a r g u ments and for a certain time had n o t h i n g more to say about this party. F i v e or s i x months latter, however, w h e n we had just broken out of the enemy encirclement of the w i n t e r and were established in Panarit, I received a letter f r o m N a k o S p i r u i n w h i c h , t o m y astonishment, he repeated Sejfulla's proposal about encouraging the formation of a democratic-republican party and n o w w i t h members of the F r o n t (!) in its ranks. I sent a stern and terse r e p l y to N a k o and, t h r o u g h h i m , to the m a i n author of the formation of parties, S e j f u l l a , and instructed t h e m to waste no more time on such matters but to get on w i t h the work. Subsequently I grasped the true m e a n i n g of S e j f u l l a Malshova's proposal better in the context of a l l his right opportunist views. S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a envisaged the future of A l b a n i a in the establishment of a bourgeois democracy, w i t h a parliament in w h i c h various parties w o u l d play their cards and bargain 382

for portfolios and reforms and in that game S e j f u l l a might v e r y w e l l become leader of the democraticrepublican party or some other p a r t y w h i c h he m i g h t dream up, if the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y d i d not act according to his l i n e and desires. A f t e r the liberation of the country he openly expressed these v i e w s u n t i l the P a r ty f i n a l l y attacked h i m as an opportunist and a defender of the interests of the bourgeoisie. I had h a d an argument w i t h S e j f u l l a p r i o r to this, a little w h i l e after he r e t u r n e d to A l b a n i a to give the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation M o v e m e n t his advice. A t that t i m e S e j f u l l a thought that w e w o u l d welcome h i m l i k e r a i n i n the desert and we w o u l d accept every w o r d of his as p u r e gold. He was unreserved in t e l l i n g us about his activ i t y . H e d i d not k n o w the M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t m a t u r i t y of our P a r t y and thought that he w o u l d r e a d i l y peddle his opportunist ideas. Thus, in one of our conversations he boasted to me how, w h e n he was in Paris, on his o w n initiative, he had t r i e d to meet Zog, to talk w i t h h i m and concoct a n alliance w i t h that m u r d e r e r . S e j f u l l a t o l d me about this line of his quite convinced that it was a stroke of political genius and was v e r y surprised w h e n I t o l d h i m that he had not done w e l l in t r y i n g to meet Z o g because we w o u l d not f o r m an alliance w i t h h i m . In regard to Zog, I t o l d S e j f u l l a , our o n l y d u t y is to cut off his head, not once but ten times over. S e j f u l l a , w i t h those s m a l l eyes w h i c h he a l w a y s kept l o w e r e d because he was a f r a i d to look y o u straight in the eye, and that pose of the great m a n f r o m M o s 383

cow, w h i c h he adopted to compensate for his s m a l l stature, said to m e : W h y do y o u speak l i k e this, Comrade E n v e r ? I, too, am opposed to Zog, but this is a p o l i t i c a l tactic and y o u don't understand this. I understand it, I replied, but I don't u n d e r stand the tactic as y o u do, just as y o u don't u n d e r stand it as I do. S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a brought out his c o n v i n c i n g argument, s a y i n g : Moscow recommended this p o l i c y and this tactic to me, therefore, y o u ought to agree to it. Y o u say that M o s c o w recommended it to you, I interrupted S e j f u l l a , but I am convinced that this is not so and y o u w o r k e d it out for yourself. The B o l s h e v i k P a r t y and the C o m i n t e r n could not advise us to embrace the executioner of our people w h o pers o n a l l y prepared the 7th of A p r i l and brought the Italian occupiers and who, w h e n the people demanded weapons to attack the invaders, took to his heels l i k e a d i r t y thief. Moreover, even after the occupation Z o g is s t i l l what he was a m u r d e r e r of the people and the enemy of their H o m e l a n d , a s w o r n e n e m y of o u r N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r , therefore, it is useless for y o u to press this matter, I pointed out to h i m . A n d I order y o u not to speak to anyone about it because we w i l l expose y o u before the P a r t y as a saboteur of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War. F l u s h e d w i t h anger, S e j f u l l a said to m e : I shall w r i t e to M o s c o w about y o u r attitude. Write to w h o e v e r y o u like! I r e p l i e d . A n d don't t h i n k y o u can f r i g h t e n m e w i t h w h a t y o u say! Let the 384

P a r t y a n d the people judge me, let even the C o m i n t e r n judge me if need be. B u t let us r e t u r n to the a u t u m n of 1943, packed w i t h s o m a n y events, d i f f i c u l t i e s a n d dangers w h i c h we encountered and withstood successfully. As I said, o u r stand towards a n d struggle against the B a l l i s t and Zogite reaction w e r e not a separate struggle but constituent parts of the great and stern w a r w h i c h w e w e r e w a g i n g every h o u r and e v e r y day against the n a z i foreign invaders w h o immediately, after the c a p i t u l a t i o n of Italy, poured into A l b a n i a w i t h a l l their savagery. As we had expected, the n e w occupiers began to accompany the m i l i t a r y occupation of the c o u n t r y w i t h feverish demagogic propaganda. T h e n the quislings and the B a l l i s t s and t h e i r propaganda began to m a k e interpretations of the f u n d a m e n t a l theses of this demagogy, t r y i n g in this w a y to d r a w a v e i l over their s h a m e f u l collaboration w i t h the n e w occupiers. The plans of ethnic A l b a n i a w e r e brought out again f r o m the drawers and strong-rooms of the Italian occupiers, the a r m y and the gendarmerie of the sovereign A l b a n i a n state w e r e concocted, and so on. T h e n e w occupiers d i d not hasten to set up a gov e r n m e n t immediately, but established a p r o v i s i o n a l executive committee headed by I b r a h i m B i a k u and, as soon as t h e y gathered some of the fathers of the nation in a so-called assembly, t h e y created the R e gency, w i t h M e h d i F r a s h r i , w h o m t h e y brought b y aircraft f r o m Rome, L e f Nosi, F a t h e r A n t o n H a r a p i and F u a t D i b r a . W e sent O m e r N i s h a n i t o T i r a n a i n a n effort t o d r a w M e h d i F r a s h r i into the N a t i o n a l L i b 385

eration M o v e m e n t but this traitor had made up his m i n d to do the d i r t y w o r k for the G e r m a n s in r e t u r n for the money t h e y p a i d h i m . T h e B a l l i K o m b t a r was integrated openly into the repressive apparatus w h i c h the occupier set u p ; the finest b u i l d i n g s in the towns w e r e placed at the disposal of the B a l l i K o m b t a r ; its regional committees sent recommendations to the q u i s l i n g organs about the people w h o should be g i v e n jobs, etc. T h e open G e r m a n - B a l l i s t collaboration w i t h arms w o u l d not be long delayed, either. At this t i m e the q u i s l i n g - B a l l i s t propaganda activized a l l its forces. Of course, under this torrent of propaganda even among our m e n there w e r e elements w h o w a v e r e d and broke. It could not have been otherwise. W a r and the r e v o l u t i o n are d i f f i c u l t , d e m a n d sacrifices and self-negation: in the course of the struggle, there w i l l be some w h o have joined it fortuitously, w h o become weary, frightened and capitulate. These i n d i v i d u a l s desert and f r o m this the r e v o l u t i o n loses nothing, on the contrary, becomes stronger. That i s w h a t occurred w i t h S o t i r K o n d i w h o was a m e m b e r of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n c o u n c i l of T i r a n a . W i t h the capitulation of Italy and the c o m i n g of the G e r m a n s Sotir K o n d i had declared the w a r o v e r ! A c cording to h i m , the departure of the Italians meant that A l b a n i a h a d n o w regained its f r e e d o m a n d i n dependence w h i l e the G e r m a n s w e r e m e r e l y in t r a n sit and not occupiers. Thus, he considered that the w a r was o v e r ! Of course, such views, w h i c h we had attacked and w e r e attacking every day, became e x t r e m e l y d a n 386

gerous w h e n t h e y w e r e expressed by a person w h o adhered to the M o v e m e n t and, moreover, occupied an important place in it. I s u m m o n e d M e d a r S h t y l l a , a m e m b e r of the Standing C o m m i t t e e of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n eral C o u n c i l , and i n f o r m e d h i m about these v i e w s . Y o u are to go to Tirana, I told h i m , as the delegate of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and to convoke a meeting of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n c o u n c i l of T i r a n a about this matter. V e r y well, r e p l i e d M e d a r as ready as ever. A t this meeting, I continued, you w i l l listen patiently t o S o t i r K o n d i . T h e n t r y t o convince h i m that his v i e w s are w r o n g and e x p l a i n the line of the National L i b e r a t i o n Front, s h o w h i m w i t h arguments and facts w h a t the G e r m a n s are a n d what o u r d u t y to the people and the anti-fascist coalition is. B e a r in m i n d that y o u r arguments m u s t be clear, because apart f r o m S o t i r K o n d i there m i g h t be some other element w h o understands these matters w r o n g l y . I s h a l l do as y o u say, Comrade Enver, replied Medar. Besides this, I added, take this o p p o r t u n i t y to talk w i t h the members of the c o u n c i l of T i r a n a about the current tasks and e x p l a i n the m e a n i n g of the d e cisions we took in L a b i n o t once again. A f t e r y o u have listened to the other comrades of the c o u n c i l and S o t i r himself, if he does not retract his stand, t h e n he m u s t no longer be a m e m b e r of the council of T i r a n a or even of the Front. A f e w days later M e d a r i n f o r m e d me about the meeting of the national l i b e r a t i o n c o u n c i l of T i 387

rana w h i c h was held in the home of A l e k s B u d a , one of the patriotic intellectuals w h o l i n k e d himself w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and is one of the most outstanding m e n of science in our c o u n t r y today. T h e efforts and arguments of M e d a r and the other c o m rades had not convinced S o t i r K o n d i w h o f r o m those moments was declared a renegade f r o m the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t . As Q i r j a k o H a r i t o , one of the finest and most active comrades of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r ation c o u n c i l of T i r a n a of w h o m I r e t a i n the finest memories, t o l d us later, the true reason for the d e sertion of S o t i r K o n d i was the pressure w h i c h h a d been exerted o n h i m b y the q u i s l i n g M e h d i F r a s h r i w h o had threatened h i m b y t e l l i n g h i m that the G e s tapo had been i n f o r m e d about his a c t i v i t y . A f t e r o u r i n t e r v e n t i o n and w i t h the intensive a c t i v i t y and leadership of the P a r t y R e g i o n a l Comittee of T i r a n a , the national l i b e r a t i o n c o u n c i l in the capital c o n t i n u e d its w o r k n o r m a l l y and, in the conditions of savage n a z i terror, a f f i r m e d itself as a representative a n d resolute defender of the people and the great cause of our w a r . Thus, a m o n t h went by w h i l e we, f r o m the zones close to T i r a n a , f o l l o w e d the development of the s i t u a t i o n step by step, w o r k e d and struggled to keep on course and not a l l o w anyone for one m o m e n t to d a m age the great w o r k w h i c h we had achieved a n d w e r e consolidating through the w a r and endless efforts and sacrifices. M e a n w h i l e , events continued to develop r a pidly. T h e B r i t i s h allies, for their o w n reasons, postponed the l a n d i n g i n the B a l k a n s . M e a n w h i l e T i r a n a h a d 388

become the m a i n centre in w h i c h the cream of the n a z i - B a l l i s t forces had assembled and entrenched t h e m selves. A u t o m a t i c a l l y , the projected p l a n to liberate the capital was r e m o v e d f r o m the agenda. In the n e w conditions w h i c h had been created an assault on the capital w o u l d not o n l y cost us h e a v y losses and b l o o d shed, but more i m p o r t a n t l y , we w e r e convinced that even if we w e r e to liberate the capital city, it w a s s t i l l too e a r l y a n d beyond o u r possibilities to h o l d it for long. To have entered there for a d a y or t w o and then be obliged to w i t h d r a w w o u l d have been an adventure and demonstrative gamble w i t h effects m u c h more negative t h a n positive. W e w o u l d l a u n c h our offensive on T i r a n a w h e n the time came and we felt that that day w o u l d not be f a r off. Hence, we gave up the p l a n of the assault on T i rana and were m a k i n g ready to move deep into the hinterland, towards Shngjergj, a n d t h e n towards our m a i n base, the highlands of Elbasan. On one of those days, the m o r n i n g of October 9, as far as I remember, w h e n we w e r e s t i l l in A r b a n a , we heard r i f l e and m a c h i n e - g u n fire. We got up, asked w h e t h e r the comrades w h o w e r e on g u a r d outside k n e w a n y t h i n g and, w h i l e the f i r i n g continued, w e a l l got dressed, a r m e d ourselves and made r e a d y for an attack. T h e r e u p o n we saw a courier sent by M y s l i m r u n n i n g towards us. He t o l d us that A r b a n a was being attacked by the G e r m a n s who, it seems, had learned f r o m t h e i r spies that we w e r e in that village. It m u s t be said that our forces w e r e taken by surprise at a time w h e n the enemy h a d operated w i t h great speed and had prepared both a f r o n t a l attack, f r o m the h i l l s 389

facing A r b a n a , and likewise f r o m the t w o sides of the E r z e n R i v e r , f r o m the n o r t h and the west, f r o m M u l l e t and the B e s h i r B r i d g e . F r o m the B e s h i r B r i d g e and M u l l e t they came t h r o u g h the E r z e n V a l l e y w i t h tanks, w h i l e the i n f a n t r y came d o w n f r o m the h i l l s towards the E r z e n R i v e r . We went d o w n f r o m the village immediately, crossed the road amongst the shrubs and met M y s l i m , w h o reported to us on the situation, and r a p i d l y r e i n f o r c e d the position of our troops. We carried out these actions in the course of the f i g h t i n g . M y s l i m m o v e d to the left side of the fighting, facing the Germans, and I together w i t h a f e w partisans to the right, l i k e w i s e facing the G e r m a n s at the m i l l w h i c h t h e y w e r e t r y ing to take and f r o m w h i c h they could attack A r b a n a and cross over to this side. T h e f i g h t i n g raged f i e r cely. In order to liquidate this action of the G e r m a n s it was necessary not o n l y to hold our positions but also to counter-attack. We decided to l a u n c h the counterattack f r o m the right, that is, towards the north, outf l a n k i n g the G e r m a n s and t h e n f r o n t a l l y , by crossing the E r z e n R i v e r and attacking t h e m f i e r c e l y f r o m the m i l l . T o this end, w e sought and f o u n d K a j o K a r a f i l i w h o m we ordered to lead a squad a r o u n d the G e r m a n flank, to cross the E r z e n , to c l i m b a k e y track and then, w h e n t h e y had a r r i v e d at the positions w h i c h we decided, we w o u l d l a u n c h the attack f r o m both flanks. A n d this i s w h a t w e d i d . As a result of o u r concentrated attack the G e r m a n s were unable to cross the E r z e n , but t h e y kept up c o n t i n u a l f i r e w i t h mortars w h i c h t h e y had placed o n 390

the left side of the B e s h i r B r i d g e , although the shells f l e w over our heads and f e l l 100-150 metres a w a y f r o m us. As a result of the successful realization of our plan, the G e r m a n s w i t h d r e w and by afternoon the battle was over. In this battle the peasants of the zone assisted us arms in h a n d and took part b r a v e l y in frontline f i g h t i n g . As soon as the f i g h t i n g was over, together w i t h several other comrades, I crossed the E r z e n and v i s i t e d the site of the battle. W i t h my o w n eyes I saw the bodies of ten dead G e r m a n s and gave orders that t h e y should be b u r i e d i m m e d i a t e l y and covered w i t h l i m e because I w a s a f r a i d of the spread of an epidemic. At this t i m e I saw some partisans b r i n g i n g in a c i v i l i a n prisoner w h o had come f r o m S h i j a k towards Arbana through Alltat. Who is this? I asked the comrades. A G e r m a n s p y o f Czechoslovak nationality. Interrogate h i m ! I t o l d them. O u r m e n (one of w h o m k n e w a little G e r m a n ) i n terrogated the spy and, as soon as they threatened that t h e y w o u l d shoot h i m , he t o l d t h e m that the Germans had brought h i m to observe our positions because t h e y intended to continue the attack on A r bana beyond that village. O u r comrades t r i e d this spy before the partisan court and shot h i m . In this battle, the G e r m a n nazis lost about 40 dead, a n u m b e r of mortars, h e a v y and l i g h t machine-guns, rifles and automatics. F o u n d amongst the dead nazis was a p r o m i n e n t person whose i d e n t i t y we learned later f r o m a r i n g he was w e a r i n g , w h i c h the partisans handed to M y s l i m . T h e r i n g of this nazi w h o left his 391

bones at A r b a n a p r o v e d that he was the nephew of H e r m a n n G o r i n g . Doctor N i s h a n i begged M y s l i m t o give h i m this r i n g for his w i f e w h o was a n A u s t r i a n and w a n t e d to keep it as a s o u v e n i r of the A l b a n i a n s ' w a r against the G e r m a n nazis. M y s l i m , of course, gave it to h i m . So ended the battle of A r b a n a , a fierce fight, but c r o w n e d w i t h our v i c t o r y . A f t e r this battle we w e r e i n f o r m e d by the c o m rades of the P a r t y R e g i o n a l C o m m i t t e e of T i r a n a that a traitor assembly w a s soon to be s u m m o n e d under the aegis of the occupiers! Comrade Gogo N u s h i , on behalf of the comrades of T i r a n a , proposed that the assembly should be attacked w i t h a r t i l l e r y . We i m m e d i a t e l y app r o v e d the proposal and instructed that this action must be carried out successfully. On the m o r n i n g of October 18, 1943 the palace in w h i c h the fathers of the nation had gathered was shelled f r o m the hills of T i r a n a , w h i l e the leaflet w h i c h the P a r t y issued echoed the enthusiasm of the people: H o w do the people r e p l y to the assembly of the Gestapo? W i t h C A N N O N ! It took the fathers of the nation two or three days to p u l l themselves t o gether and they were assembled again in a cinema of T i r a n a under the protection of the G e r m a n bayonets. There decisions w e r e taken about the independence and a message was drafted to the national hero Abaz K u p i ! Throughout this whole period, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , as the supreme organ of the n e w state p o w e r w h i c h was being created and c o n solidated by the partisan r i f l e , was engaged, together 392

w i t h a l l the leaders and r a n k - a n d - f i l e of the P a r t y , the a r m y and the F r o n t , in c a r r y i n g out the historic directive of the Conference of L a b i n o t on the establishment of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils a l l over the country. S u c h indefatigable comrades as M e d a r S h t y 11a, S p i r o M o i s i u , O m e r N i s h a n i , F e t a h E k m e k i u and H a k i S t r m i l l i , w h o w e n t f r o m village t o village, f r o m one partisan detachment to the other, set up and led the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils at the base and together w i t h a l l the comrades carried the w o r k f o r w a r d , r e m a i n unforgettable i n m y m e m o r y . Faced w i t h this intense and f r u i t f u l activity, or as y o u m i g h t say, faced w i t h this offensive of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t , the B a l l i K o m b t a r f o u n d it preferable to emerge f r o m illegality. At first it t r i e d to establish itself in the cities and t h e n c l i m b e d on to the b a n d wagon of the n a z i a r m y and its leading figures e m e r g ed in a l l their patriotic(!) splendour as ministers, prefects, c r i m i n a l s and executioners! T h e open i n t e g r a tion of the B a l l i K o m b t a r into the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the repressive apparatus, its f i l t h y propaganda against our P a r t y and the Front, the a r m e d attacks of the B a l l i s t gangs against the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y brought us to the conclusion that the B a l l i K o m b t a r had completely consummated the crime of treason to the people and the H o m e l a n d . T h e o n l y language in w h i c h to talk to it n o w was that of the r i f l e . W h i l e declaring all-out w a r against the B a l l i K o m btar w i t h propaganda and w i t h weapons, the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e instructed the organizations of the P a r t y i n the t e r r a i n and i n the a r m y that even after this, they should act w i t h care and prudence t o w a r d s 393

those elements w h o had not stained t h e i r hands w i t h blood and p r o v e d able to understand the course on w h i c h they had been m i s l e d t h r o u g h ignorance, the influences of the past and p o l i t i c a l n a i v i t y . T h e efforts to p u l l the m i s l e d and the deceived out of the m i r e of treachery m u s t never cease. In no w a y s h o u l d the L u m o Skndos, K o l Tromaras, Safet B u t k a s a n d other c r i m i n a l s of the B a l l i K o m b t a r be treated on the same basis as the m i s l e d l o n g - s u f f e r i n g poor peasants who f o l l o w e d t h e m . I n general, this p o l i c y was f o l l o w e d and gave results; m a n y of these m i s l e d elements realized in t i m e w h e r e the m u l e of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and other traitors was c a r r y i n g them, broke w i t h t h e m and made amends for their m i s t a k e by f i g h t i n g alongside the people. As I said, the same stand as towards the q u i s l i n g B a l l i K o m b t a r , w a s adopted towards its B r i t i s h style q u i s l i n g sister, L e g a l i t e t i . In the d i r e c t i o n of this party, however, there w a s s t i l l something left undone: one of its chiefs, A b a z K u p i , had to render account for his b e t r a y a l of the Front, the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and the G e n e r a l Staff of o u r army. Hence, w e demanded that A b a z K u p i s h o u l d come to render account for his activities, but he dodged this and f i n a l l y , at the end of October, we received an official letter addressed to the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t tee of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l in w h i c h K u p i , the lesser Zog, i n f o r m e d us seriously that the Zogite party, of w h i c h I am a member, has been formed w i t h the a i m of f i g h t i n g the occupier, as we have done up t i l l now(!). K u p i w e n t on to express the readiness of his party to reach agree394

ment and collaborate o p e n l y and sincerely w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front, and asked us to set the date and the place for the meeting. As soon as I received the letter f r o m the b a y r a k tar of K r u j a I t o l d the comrades: Abaz K u p i wants to get over the r i v e r w i t h o u t getting wet, a v o i d i n g being condemned for the b e t r a y a l w h i c h he is c o m mitting, and, moreover, w a n t s us to recognize his 'patriotic m e r i t s ' and talk w i t h h i m as equal parties! Let h i m come to render account to the S t a n d i n g Committee and the Staff, said S p i r o M o i s i u . There we s h a l l see w h e n A b a z has allegedly fought the occupier. We thrashed out this p r o b l e m at l e n g t h and in the end, s u m m i n g up the j o i n t opinion, I concluded: We s h o u l d t e l l A b a z K u p i not to get too b i g for his boots, and d e m a n d talks w i t h the Front. He must come to meet the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the General C o u n c i l a n d to render account for w h a t he is doing, otherwise we s h o u l d tell h i m w e ' l l attack h i m w i t h o u t mercy. W h i l e w e w e r e w a i t i n g t o meet A b a z K u p i , h e was receiving assurances f r o m the Gestapo and the Wehrmacht, f r o m M e h d i F r a s h r i , f r o m Davies a n d M c L e a n ( 1 ), strengthening his l i n k s w i t h the chiefs of
_______________________________ 1 E d m o n d Davies and B i l l M c L e a n , envoys of the I n t e l l i gence Service at the head of of the British military people
Albania

missions

to

A l b a n i a , w h o carried out a broad hostile activity against the National

Hoxha,

Liberation
The

War

Albanian
to

(See E n v e r
(Memoirs),

Anglo-American

Threat

8 Nntori P u b l i s h i n g House, T i r a n a 1982, pp. 29, 80, 225. Eng. ed.).

395

the B a l l i K o m b t a r and even organizing the C o n gress of the Zogite P a r t y w h i c h took decisions about the f u t u r e of A l b a n i a . F o l l o w i n g o u r stern insistence A b a z K u p i promised to come to O r e n j a on N o v e m b e r 25. We w a i t e d for h i m on the appointed date but A b a z K u p i d i d not s h o w up. A f t e r h e f a i l e d to come on the date we had set, and w h e n we sent h i m a n u l t i m a t u m i n w h i c h w e w a r n e d h i m that w e w o u l d attack h i m as an e n e m y a n d a traitor, A b a z K u p i was frightened and agreed to present h i m s e l f to the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l at Shngjergj on December 7. W h e n I a r r i v e d in Shngjergj I f o u n d Y m e r and S e j f u l l a there. T h e y had a r r i v e d on the evening of December 6, and as they told me, had contacted A b a z and reached agreement that the m e e t i n g w o u l d be h e l d the f o l l o w i n g day. V e r y good, I said, that is w h a t we have come for. T e l l A b a z that w e are ready and w a i t i n g for h i m to come and e x p l a i n his actions. We sent one of the comrades, w h o accompanied us, to the house w h e r e A b a z K u p i w a s s t a y i n g and waited. B e f o r e v e r y long our envoy r e t u r n e d : What d i d A b a z say? I asked h i m . W h e n is he going to come? He refuses to come to the meeting of the S t a n d ing Committee, he r e p l i e d . A b a z t o l d me, 'I have resigned f r o m the C o u n c i l , therefore, I agree to talk w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l as a delegate of the Zogite party.' I realized w h a t the c u n n i n g b a y r a k t a r was up to. He wanted both to escape his responsibility for v i o l a t 396

ing his pledge and also to secure recognition of his party by the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t . Let h i m not come to the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e if he doesn't w a n t to, I said to the comrade, but l i k e it or not, he is going to render account to us, and we are going to t e l l h i m our opinion straight to his face. L i k e w i s e , w e s h a l l w a r n h i m t o w a t c h his steps and not p l a y the games of the G e r m a n s and M e h d i F r a shri, and t o give u p his f l i r t a t i o n w i t h the B a l l i K o m btar, because otherwise we w i l l l u m p them a l l together. As for his resignation we shall give h i m our reply b y e x p e l l i n g h i m f r o m the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , and w i l l m a k e this decision p u b l i c so that the people b r a n d h i m a traitor. W h i l e as for the recognition of the L e g a l i t e t i by the F r o n t , we should t e l l h i m that he w i l l never achieve this and point out to h i m that any p a r t y outside the F r o n t w i l l be attacked as a traitor organization and tool of the occupier. W e w e r e a l l i n agreement and w e decided that I, D i s h n i c a and F e t a h E k m e k i u should meet A b a z K u p i . T h i s m e e t i n g was held in a house in Shngjergj. It was a t w o - s t o r e y house, as far as I remember, and w h e n we a r r i v e d there, A b a z had preceded us, w h i l e his body-guard h a d s u r r o u n d e d the house and looked at us threateningly. A b a z w a n t s to f r i g h t e n us, I t o l d the c o m r a des, and we continued on o u r w a y t a k i n g no notice of the guards. We c l i m b e d the stairs together and the three of us entered the r o o m w h e r e A b a z was w a i t i n g , w h i l e our t w o or three partisan escorts r e m ained outside. I have described h o w the conversation developed 397

in the book, The Anglo-American Threat to Albania (1), and s h a l l not d w e l l on it. There I have spoken about Bazi's absurd theses that he was allegedly the first to begin the war, that he had liberated K r u j a and his megalomaniacal c l a i m that a l l the parties (read: the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front) s h o u l d amalgamate in the p a r t y of H i s Majesty, etc., etc. In the end, after we w a r n e d h i m that if he d a r e d to act against our forces he w o u l d be w i p e d out together w i t h his pack of followers, this great m a n was f r i g h t e n e d and left, saying, I don't annoy anyone if t h e y don't annoy me. We r e t u r n e d to the house of A l i S h t p a n i where we had stayed in Shngjergj and there h e l d the meeting of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and expelled A b a z K u p i . Thus, w e f i n a l l y broke w i t h B a z i i Cans and the fate of h i m and his associates was that of a l l the traitors: t h e y j o i n e d up completely w i t h the detachments of the n a z i occupiers in order through t h e m to secure support d u r i n g the w a r and power after the w a r (without f a i l i n g to m a k e deals w i t h the B r i t i s h , too). N a t u r a l l y , for the period of the war, this u n i t i n g under arms of reaction and the foreign occupiers w a s to increase our difficulties and the blood our c o m rades w o u l d have to shed, but this same act w o u l d make matters somewhat easier for us in the f u t u r e w h e n w e liberated A l b a n i a : the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n betw e e n the people and reaction, between the oppressed and oppressor classes, had reached its c u l m i n a t i o n . We w o u l d settle accounts w i t h the exploiters more easily,
____________________________________
1 Enver Hoxha,

The

Anglo-American

Threat

to

Albania,

(Memoirs) 8 N n t o r i P u b l i s h i n g House, T i r a n a 1982, pp. 249258, E n g . ed.

398

and so it t u r n e d out. Indeed, f r o m those moments we began to settle accounts r a d i c a l l y : some of the reactionaries were k i l l e d in the battles w i t h our forces, others took to t h e i r heels on the eve of L i b e r a t i o n together w i t h the Germans, and others again w e r e captured by our forces and w e r e condemned by the people's courts for the crimes t h e y h a d committed. A b a z K u p i h i m s e l f adhered to the p r i n c i p l e of taking to his heels a n d w i t h the a i d of the B r i t i s h managed to get a w a y in order to embrace the b r i l l i a n t star of the nation in exile. A f t e r w e f i n i s h e d our w o r k i n Shngjergj w e r e turned to e r m e n i k a w h e r e the commencement of the G e r m a n offensive of the w i n t e r 1943-1944 caught us. A f t e r s o m a n y d i f f i c u l t i e s and tests w h i c h w e had successfully overcome, n o w the people, the C o m m u n ist P a r t y , o u r N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t , the F r o n t and the councils w e r e faced w i t h another test, one of the gravest, most d i f f i c u l t and most dangerous. B u t through u n r i v a l l e d courage, b r a v e r y and endurance, we w e r e to pass this great general test, too. As to h o w w e acted a n d h o w w e emerged f r o m that grave winter, w h e n the f u r y of the nazis, the B a l l i s t s and Zogites w a s unleashed against us, together w i t h the savagery of the weather and the c u n n i n g of the B r i t ish allies, h i s t o r y has had its say a n d I personally have w r i t t e n on a n u m b e r of occasions about those unforgettable days and nights ( 1 ).
____________________________________
1 Enver Hoxha,

The

Anglo-American

Threat

to

Albania,

(Memoirs),
142-172,

Nntori ed.

Publishing

House, 8

Tirana Nntori

1982,

pp.

Eng.

Among

Simple

Folk,

Publishing

House, T i r a n a 1984, pp. 195-313, A l b . ed.

399

H e r e I w a n t o n l y to recall once again the care w h i c h we took at the b e g i n n i n g of this offensive, amongst m a n y other things, of the security of the old fellows, as we called Omer, K o s t a B o s h n j a k u and others, because t h e y w e r e older t h a n the rest of us. W h e n we saw that it was impossible for t h e m to keep up w i t h us on the d i f f i c u l t tracks of the e n c i r c l e m e n t in the savage w i n t e r , I sent t w o comrades to take matresses, blankets a n d a stove to the cave in t h e G u r i i M u z h a q i t and we decided that Omer, S e j f u l l a and K o s t a B o s h n j a k u s h o u l d stay there u n t i l the heat of the G e r m a n attack h a d passed. I had been several times at G u r i i M u z h a q i t , w h e r e the cave was l i k e a room. In w i n t e r it w a s covered w i t h snow, the roads to it a l l blocked and no roads w e n t b e y o n d it, so a l l measures were taken, supplies of food w e r e left there and t w o partisans appointed to stay w i t h them. I talked w i t h O m e r N i s h a n i and t o l d h i m of our opinion that, in the conditions of the w a r and the w i n t e r , it w o u l d be better f o r t h e m to stay in this cave. Of course, y o u w i l l not be as comfortable as in the home of our f r i e n d , A l i Shtpani, in Shngjergj, but there y o u ' l l be safe f r o m the e n e m y attacks u n t i l the heat of t h e i r offensive is over, I t o l d h i m . It is impossible for y o u to keep up w i t h us in this deep snow through the forests and oak scrub, especially w i t h the zone f u l l of G e r m a n s and the B a l l i s t s of A z i s Biaku. V e r y w e l l , let it be as y o u decide, said the Doctor. I accompanied t h e m a part of the road t h r o u g h 400

snow and t h e n we embraced and parted. T h e y took the r o a d f o r the G u r i i M u z h a q i t and we of the General S t a f f began o u r odyssey. We w e r e to meet again w i t h O m e r N i s h a n i and a good part of the leadership of the P a r t y , the F r o n t and the a r m y in the s p r i n g of 1944 w h e n the people and their army, under the leadership of the P a r t y , had completely passed the great and stern test. T h e difficulties and battles had made us tougher, the moment h a d come w h e n w e w o u l d f i n a l l y c r u s h the occupiers a n d the traitors, the moment h a d come w h e n in the small, heroic and unforgettable t o w n of Prmet, we were to h o l d the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Congress of the A l b a n i a n people, the decisions of w h i c h w e r e to open a n e w page, a n e w epoch in the age-old history of A l b a n i a .

401

IV

THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE NEW STATE

The enemies' hopes of destroying the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t and w i p i n g out its leadership through the w i n t e r offensive of 1943-1944 by the time the n e w leaves burst their buds, ( 1 ) were smashed by the heroic resistance of the people and our A r m y . F i g h t i n g in d i f f i c u l t conditions, in grave situations, the Front, the A r m y and the national l i b e r a t i o n councils had not o n l y safeguarded their existence but had tempered themselves p o l i t i c a l l y and m i l i t a r i l y , had increased their ranks and had accumulated v a l u a b l e experience. We suffered losses and damage d u r i n g this grave and d i f f i c u l t test: brave comrades f e l l in bloody battles against the nazis and the Ballists a n d some died of hunger and the bitter cold of the w i n t e r , w e l l - k n o w n councillors and activists of the F r o n t and the national
___________________________________ 1 Said i r o n i c a l l y about the hopes of internal reaction.

402

liberation councils w e r e k i l l e d , savage massacres l i k e that of F e b r u a r y 4, 1944 in T i r a n a ( 1 ) w e r e perpetrated in the cities, but none of these testified to the w e a k e n ing or, even less, to the defeat w h i c h the foreign occupiers and reaction aimed to i n f l i c t on us. On the contrary, the people, the communists and the partisan forces t u r n e d their grief for their fallen comrades into a source of strength, resistance, and greater m o b ilization and r e p l i e d to the savagery of the enemy by further extending and t i g h t e n i n g our ranks. O u r N a tional L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , w h i c h n o w comprised a n u m ber of shock brigades, scores of regular partisan battalions and eta, as w e l l as scores of eta and u n i t s w i t h volunteer forces a l l over A l b a n i a , faced up to the enemy's general offensive of the w i n t e r w i t h u n rivalled heroism. Indeed, precisely w h e n the enemy's general o f f e n sive had reached its c u l m i n a t i o n , w h e n the nazis and the reactionaries of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and L e g a l i t e t i everywhere w e r e t r u m p e t i n g about the e l i m i n a t i o n of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t , three other big f o r mations, the 5th, 6th and 7th Shock Brigades, f o r m e d in the first months of 1944, as w e l l as m a n y other battalions and eta, were added to the previous f i g h t ing formations of our A r m y . It was conclusively proved that the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t was indomitable and i n v i n c i b l e . A b o v e all, d u r i n g this period our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , the leading staff of the
_________________________________ 1 In an attempt at terrorizing the population of the capital, in the night of F e b r u a r y 4, 1944 the nazis and their A l b a n i a n tools barbarously massacred 84 men, young men and w o m e n and tortured hundreds of others.

403

w a r and revolution, had g r o w n a n d been f u r t h e r t e m pered. It had functioned, guided and organized, h a d fought and led w i t h heroism, m a t u r i t y and valour. Thus, the last s p r i n g of the w a r f o u n d us stronger. V e r y soon afterwards, on A p r i l 5, the G e n e r a l Staff was to issue the order of the day for the partisan units to go over to the offensive, f o i l i n g the plans of the G e r m a n s and reaction who had intended to l a u n c h another offensive d u r i n g A p r i l . T r u l y , the moment h a d come w h e n we had to go over to a greater a n d more general offensive in a l l directions and fields.

1. On the eve of historic events

Immediately after we broke out of the w i n t e r e n circlement, the greatest concern of the m o m e n t was to i n s t a l l ourselves in a secure base, to establish c o m munications w i t h the organizations of the P a r t y , w i t h the state power at the base and the detachments of the A r m y , w h e r e v e r t h e y were, and to i n t e n s i f y the work. I n i t i a l l y we stayed b r i e f l y in P a n a r i t , a b i g village of the K o r a district on the border w i t h S k r a par, l i n k e d w i t h the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . F u n c t i o n i n g in P a n a r i t at that t i m e w a s the p a r t y course, o u r first p a r t y school, in w h i c h the cadres of the P a r t y and of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r w e r e t r a i n e d ideologically and politically, studied 404

M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t literature, and were acquainted w i t h the p r i n c i p l e s and n o r m s of the construction, organization and f u n c t i o n i n g of the P a r t y of the w o r k i n g class of the L e n i n i s t type, s u c h as our P a r t y was. We stayed a f e w days in this village, rested and acquainted o u r selves i n general o u t l i n e w i t h w h a t h a d occurred d u r i n g our encirclement, w i t h the a c t i v i t y of the comrades, met and t a l k e d w i t h those t a k i n g part i n a n d the teachers of the p a r t y course, and so on. In P a n a r i t we had a l l the conditions for our work, and at f i r s t we thought we w o u l d stay there. B u t , as I said, this was a b i g v i l l a g e w h i c h both the G e r m a n s and the fighters of the B a l l i K o m b t a r w e r e v e r y keen to take. A p a r t f r o m this, its geographical position made P a n a r i t an objective w h i c h could easily be captured by the enemy and, indeed, w i t h o u t w a r n i n g . In regard to this we were concerned not o n l y about the danger w h i c h w o u l d threaten the comrades of the leadership of the P a r t y , the F r o n t and the Staff (and this was a matter of great importance), but also about important secret documents w h i c h m i g h t f a l l into the hands of the enemy. Hence, we agreed we should not stay in P a n a r i t and thought we s h o u l d go to Skrapar, to the village o f B a c k a , w h i c h w a s separated f r o m P a n a r i t only b y M a r t a Pass. B a c k a , too, was a fine big village, l y i n g in the v a l l e y of a stream, w i t h people r e n o w n e d for their bravery, h o s p i t a l i t y and pride. D u r i n g the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, B a c k a w a s completely w i t h the P a r t y and I believe I am not m i s t a k e n if I say that the B a l l i K o m b t a r f o u n d n o place i n B a c k a . A p a r t f r o m other things, the village was the birthplace of R i z a 405

K o d h e l i , our comrade-in-arms, a brave fighter and l o y a l son of the P a r t y and the people. U n c l e R i z a , as we called h i m , because he was an e l d e r l y m a n , had begun to fight foreign intruders at the b e g i n n i n g of the century and, w h e n the P a r t y raised the people in the w a r for liberation, he united w i t h the P a r t y and the people and became one of the v a l i a n t commanders o f the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y . A f t e r we reached Backa, however, and w e r e taki n g a s t r o l l there, a little f u r t h e r a w a y I saw a group of houses standing on a s m a l l flat on the side of a h i l l opposite us. What is that village? I asked the comrades w h o w e r e w i t h me. It is Helms, replied one of the residents of Backa. Is it far f r o m here? I asked. About half an hour's walk, was the r e p l y . I l i k e d the position in w h i c h Helms was placed a n d I was also attracted by the fact that it was a s m a l l isolated village, w h e r e our presence w o u l d not be noticed. I t o l d the others of these ideas and we sent comrades to look at the concrete situation, the p o s s i b i lities of f i n d i n g housing there, etc. T h e comrades r e t u r n e d satisfied f r o m t h e i r inspection and t o l d us that the inhabitants had expressed their readiness to keep us and shelter us as long as we l i k e d , u n t i l the liberation of the country, as t h e y had put it. Thus, o n the f o l l o w i n g d a y w e settled i n Helms, a s m a l l village w i t h ten to t w e l v e houses and lots of gardens w i t h apple trees, and here amongst the apple trees we set up the tents w h e r e some of the comrades, 406

the partisan guards, and so on, were housed, w h i l e we occupied two two-storey houses, the o n l y ones in this village. M e a n w h i l e , t h r o u g h couriers and by radio, we established communications w i t h the t e r r a i n and the A r m y , and the w o r k began again w i t h intensity, i n accord w i t h the demands of the situation w h i c h was developing and changing f r o m day to day. In the f i r s t place, the comrades g r a d u a l l y acquainted themselves better and more t h o r o u g h l y w i t h the situation and the w o r k done by the P a r t y and the organs of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t d u r i n g the past w i n t e r , w i t h the results of the f i g h t i n g of the units of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , w i t h the c u r rent state of its forces, armaments, cadres, etc., etc. L i k e w i s e , the i n f o r m a t i o n and reports w h i c h came to us f r o m the comrades in the terrain brought us up to date w i t h the p o l i t i c a l situation w i t h i n the country, and on the basis of a l l this i n f o r m a t i o n we created a more or less complete v i s i o n about the s i t u a t i o n of the national l i b e r a t i o n councils, too. A l t h o u g h they had stood f i r m and carried o n intensive activity, s t i l l the wave of reaction w h i c h struck t h e m had had its consequences: there had been elements w h o had w a v e r e d and been broken, and there were e v e n occasions in various villages w h e n they had not functioned. One of the first measures w h i c h we took in this direction was the decision of the S t a n d ing C o m m i t t e e of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l about h o l d i n g n e w elections for the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils. T h i s decision was essential, because a r e l a t i v e l y long period had passed, a p e r i o d of m a n y events and d i f f i c u l t situations, in w h i c h a l l those elements who 407

had been elected to the councils had been put to the test to j u s t i f y the people's trust. T h e n e w elections, however, w e r e not in a n y w a y to m e a n a complete change in composition of the f o r m e r national l i b e r a tion councils. The people w o u l d decide w h e t h e r this or that f o r m e r member of the c o u n c i l h a d j u s t i f i e d their trust. There w o u l d be no r o o m for traitors, cowards and opportunists in the organs of the w a r and the n e w democratic state power. L i k e w i s e , the national l i b e r a t i o n councils in the regions w e r e instructed to proceed w i t h the o r g a n i z a tion of the national l i b e r a t i o n conferences in those regions and cities where these had not been h e l d after the Conference of Labinot. T h e S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l devoted special care to these conferences w h i c h w e r e to be schools for a l l the delegates f r o m the villages, districts and cities of A l b a n i a . Hence, throughout this period, the leading organs of the P a r t y a n d the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t w e r e m a k i n g a precise e x a m i n a t i o n of the situation and, on the basis of analyses, w e r e d e f i n i n g the concrete measures w h i c h had to be taken in the political, o r g a nizational and m i l i t a r y planes. A b o v e all, it was essential that along w i t h stepp i n g up the attack on the n a z i hordes and their c o l l a borators, we should do e v e r y t h i n g to a r r i v e at the liberation of the c o u n t r y as w e l l prepared p o l i t i c a l l y as possible. T h i s meant that we had to concretize the great victories achieved and sanction t h e m i n l a w s and forms approved by the people. T h e m o m e n t had come w h e n the slogan of o u r N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r , For a free, democratic, people's A l b a n i a , had to be 408

concretized. S u c h decisions w h i c h , of course, the leadership o f the C P A a n d the A n t i - f a s c i s t G e n e r a l C o u n c i l w o u l d discuss and define, could be f i n a l l y taken and sanctioned o n l y by a broad meeting, a great national assembly of representatives of the A l b a n i a n people, w h i c h w o u l d express the aspirations a n d desires of the people. Thus, the need arose for the p r e paration of the 1st A n t i - f a s c i s t Congress of P r m e t . T h i s w o u l d be a constitutional congress w h i c h w o u l d legalize the p o w e r of the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n councils as the o n l y state p o w e r in A l b a n i a , a n d on this p o l i t i c a l basis the foundations of the n e w d e m o cratic state w o u l d be l a i d a n d the legislative and executive organs w o u l d be elected on the basis of t h e w i l l of the people. Thus, the w a y w o u l d be blocked to the manoeuvres o f reaction, inside a n d outside o f A l bania, as w e l l as to the efforts of the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n imperialists to impose a regime according to their desires on the people, and a government w h i c h t h e y might f o r m e v e n t u a l l y inside the c o u n t r y or abroad. A f t e r t h o r o u g h l y discussing i n the P o l i t i c a l B u reau the idea about h o l d i n g the 1st A n t i - f a s c i s t C o n gress, we decided to present it to the S t a n d i n g C o m mittee of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l at a meeting organized on A p r i l 15, 1944 at Helms, in a room in the home of M e h m e t M y s l y m i , w h i c h served d u r i n g those months as the premises of the leading organs o f the P a r t y and the w a r and i n w h i c h Y m e r Dishnica, Doctor N i s h a n i and others were quartered. A l o n g w i t h other comrades I was quartered in the home of N o v r u z B i l i m a n i . I r e t a i n fine memories of the people of those t w o houses w h o were always ready 409

to help us in every way, and especially of the k i n d l y , sweet-spoken N u r i h a n w h o looked after us and cooked for us. A l m o s t a l l the members of the S t a n d i n g C o m mittee had come to this meeting. T h e o n l y ones m i s sing were M y s l i m Peza a n d M u s t a f a X h a n i , w h o could not leave the f i g h t i n g front, N a k o S p i r u and O l l g a P l u m b i , who r e m a i n e d i n T i r a n a because i t w a s d i f f i c u l t to move, and F e t a h E k m e k i u , about whose fate we had no reliable i n f o r m a t i o n . On behalf of the leadership of the C P A I took the floor to present the proposal about s u m m o n i n g the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Congress. In essence, I said to the comrades: Today our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t i s recognized i n A l b a n i a and throughout the w o r l d as the o n l y p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y power w h i c h represents the supreme interests of the A l b a n i a n nation. We have w o n this recognition through our correct policy, through the heroic struggle of the P a r t y and o u r people. N o w , in the c i r c u m s t a n ces of the new, higher stage w h i c h o u r N a t i o n a l L i b eration W a r has entered, the leadership of the C P A has a r r i v e d at the conclusion that it is essential to have higher organizational forms in o u r movement and, above all, to have a legislative assembly and a p r o v i sional government. In order to secure these it is necessary to organize a congress of representatives of the A l b a n i a n people w h o w i l l f r e e l y decide on the future of the H o m e l a n d , t r a n s m i t t i n g the desire of the people w h o have elected them. W i t h i n the c o u n t r y the congress w i l l have a m a j o r political effect and the people w i l l applaude its decisions, because t h e y have been f i g h t i n g for these things for f o u r years. L i k e 410

wise, I stressed, its echo w i l l be great outside the country, too, and w i l l have an influence on our r e l a tions w i t h the allies. T h e Congress w i l l p r o v i d e the country w i t h its l a w f u l government and w i t h this, i t w i l l p u t an end both to the manoeuvres of i n t e r n a l reaction and to the u n d e r h a n d w o r k of the allies. T h e comrades received m y speech w i t h enthusiasm, and in their contributions to the discussion u n a n i m o u s l y approved the proposal for s u m m o n i n g the Congress, as w e l l as the procedure for the election of the delegates. I m m e d i a t e l y after this we began the concrete preparations for the Congress, w h i c h , as I s h a l l relate below, it w a s decided s h o u l d be h e l d in the t o w n of Prmet. O n the f o l l o w i n g day, together w i t h the R e s olution, the national l i b e r a t i o n councils of every region were sent a letter of instructions f r o m the S t a n d i n g Committee of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l in w h i c h it was pointed out that the delegates should be selected f r o m the ranks of m i l i t a n t s and fighters, true representatives of the people, w h i l e not a l l o w i n g enemies of the people to i n f i l t r a t e it by stealth, etc. That same d a y we sent a special c i r c u l a r to the regional committees of the C P A and the p o l i t i c a l sections of the brigades of the A l b a n i a n N a t i o n a l L i b e r a tion A r m y i n connection w i t h this m a j o r event, stress i n g the importance of this Congress and its decisions, w h i c h w o u l d have p r o f o u n d repercussions both inside and outside of A l b a n i a . Therefore, in the name of the C e n t r a l Committee, the comrades of the P a r t y were instructed to exert a l l their strength to ensure the complete success of the A n t i - f a s c i s t Congress. 411

D u r i n g these days a l l the comrades w e r e w o r k i n g f r o m m o r n i n g t i l l night. W e h a d t o deal w i t h the c u r rent problems of the P a r t y and the state power, to f o l l o w the development of the m i l i t a r y situation, to r e p l y to the letters and reports w h i c h the c o u r i e r s brought us every day f r o m the regional committees, the councils, brigades, battalions, a n d so on. Besides a l l these permanent jobs, we were faced w i t h a w h o l e series of matters w h i c h h a d to be settled a n d w o r k w h i c h had to be done for the preparation of the A n t i fascist Congress. A l l this demanded time and m e n t a l and p h y s i c a l tension, but at that t i m e we were y o u n g and could sit w o r k i n g for w h o l e days and even forget to eat. B u t the m a i n t h i n g was that we w e r e w o r k i n g w i t h a light heart and j o y in our spirits because we saw that o u r w o r k and struggle had not been in v a i n a n d w e r e convinced that we were w o r k i n g for a h a p p y f u t u r e for the H o m e l a n d and the people. T h e t r u t h is that the other comrades l i k e Omer, M e d a r and B a c a t r i e d to ease the burden on me a n d had undertaken to deal w i t h the organizational or technical questions w h i c h w e r e also g i v i n g rise to plenty of problems. M e a n w h i l e , w e decided i n p r i n c i p l e w h o m w e could i n v i t e to the congress as guests a n d p r e p a r e d the invitations. D r . N i s h a n i , as I said, h a d r o l l e d up his sleeves and was e x t r e m e l y serious and concerned about his work. He personally saw to the preparation of invitations and the tickets, as we called the d e l egates' mandates at that time, w h i c h he signed in the name of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the N a t i o n a l L i b 412

e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l , v e r i f i e d the lists, the f u l l n a m e s a n d a l l other details to w h i c h he devoted the necessary care. Doctor M e d a r S h t y l l a was e q u a l l y correct and scrupulous. B o t h of t h e m had a m a r v e l l o u s education i n w o r k : w h a t e v e r they d i d t h e y d i d w e l l . One of the f i r s t invitations w h i c h we sent out in t h e n a m e of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l was that w h i c h was sent to the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l o f K o s o v a and the D u k a g j i n Plateau, o u r brothers w i t h w h o m w e w e r e l i n k e d not o n l y b y the c o m m o n ideals of the war, but also by language, blood and nationality. In the i n v i t a t i o n signed by O m e r N i s h a n i we w r o t e to our K o s o v a brothers about the decision of great historic importance w h i c h we h a d taken for the c a l l i n g of an A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l Congress, w h i c h w o u l d m a r k a n e w stage in our war, and expressed the desire that a delegation of the C o u n c i l a n d of the m a i n Staff of K o s o v a and the D u k a g j i n P l a t e a u s h o u l d come to this congress. The c o m i n g of that delegation, we wrote, w i l l be the most v i v i d i n d i c a t i o n to the Congress of h o w our traditions of the w a r for freedom b r i n g us together w i t h o u r brothers. ( 1 ) We waited for the representatives of the L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t of K o s o v a and the P l a t e a u u n t i l the d a y the Congress was due and s t i l l hoped that t h e y m i g h t come d u r i n g
______________________________________ 1 A copy of this document is preserved in the Central

National Dukagjin to start, the days

Party A r c h i v e s .

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w h e n the Congress was in progress, but in v a i n . We do not k n o w w h a t happened, but no delegation or reply reached us. In w h a t free time we had, w h e n we gathered for a f e w moments in the r o o m w h e r e I stayed, or w h e n we were eating together in a c o m m o n dinning-room, we talked about m a n y problems, i n c l u d ing the preparations for the Congress, the h o l d i n g of elections of delegates in the regions and zones, t h e measures w h i c h had been taken for their coming, and so on. We instructed the p r i n t e r y we had at L a v d a r to prepare slogans and flags, to secure p o r t r a i t s of leaders of our Renaissance, w a r heroes and others, and besides a l l this, we d i d not overlook to ensure the presence of a photographer. In brief, a l l measures were taken to ensure that e v e r y t h i n g w o u l d go l i k e clock-work. M e a n w h i l e , we made the necessary preparations and in the m i d d l e of M a y 1944 summoned the P l e n u m of the C e n t r a l C o m mittee of the C P A , w h i c h , among the m a i n problems, discussed and decided on the matters w h i c h w o u l d be raised at the Congress of Prmet, the decisions w h i c h the P a r t y w o u l d propose should be taken there, and so on, considering this event a k e y m o m e n t in the course of our w o r k for the deepening of victories and the prospect of the development of the r e v o l u t i o n w h i c h the P a r t y was leading. Speaking about this f u n d a m e n t a l problem, in the report ( 1 ) w h i c h I presented to the P l e n u m , amongst other things I stressed:
___________________________________ 1 Enver H o x h a , Selected Works, vol. 1, 8 Nntori P u b l i -

shing House, T i r a n a 1974, p. 290, E n g . ed.

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The development of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and the proportions w h i c h it has assumed, the p o l i t i c a l situation abroad and the i n t e r n a l circumstances today demand that we take important decisions and summon a congress to elect the Anti-fascist National Liberation Council which will have the attributes of a legislative and executive organ, f r o m w h i c h the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e w i t h the attributes of a p r o v i s i o n a l government w i l l emerge. W h i l e g i v i n g the detailed reasons w h y this c o n gress had to be s u m m o n e d and the importance w h i c h it w o u l d have, I once again d r e w the attention of the comrades of the P l e n u m of the C e n t r a l Committee that we m u s t a l l prepare ourselves to face up to the c o m ing events. In the situations w h i c h w i l l develop, we s h a l l have to take decisive stands, I pointed out. Therefore, we m u s t have a strong P a r t y , m u s t have sound cadres w i t h p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y training, m u s t s t r e n gthen and temper the u n i t y of the w o r k i n g class and the peasantry a r o u n d the C o m m u n i s t Party. In particular, I stressed t w o possible developments for w h i c h we h a d to be p r e p a r e d : an allied l a n d i n g in the B a l k a n s and a r a p i d w i t h d r a w a l of the nazi forces f r o m A l b a n i a . It is o u r d u t y to take great care and not a l l o w our allies to meddle in o u r i n t e r n a l affairs in any way, I t o l d the comrades. The decisions of the C o n gress of Prmet, w h i c h w i l l give the people the legislative and executive organs of power, and l a y the foundations of the n e w democratic people's A l b a n i a n 415

state, w i l l p l a y an i m p o r t a n t role in this direction. On the other hand, I continued, it is necessary to eliminate the outlook w h i c h is apparent among m a n y comrades and partisans that, w i t h the e x p u l s i o n of the Germans, w e have f i n i s h e d a l l o u r w o r k and have o n l y to l a y d o w n our arms and go home. We m u s t m a k e clear to a l l the comrades and partisans that we w i l l never l a y d o w n our arms, not o n l y w h e n there is no enemy force left i n o u r c o u n t r y and the A l b a n i a n people have w o n complete freedom, but also after this. T h e n e w state w h i c h we are creating m u s t be defended and we w h o are creating it w i l l defend it. The greatest guarantee of o u r v i c t o r y is the u n i t y of the P a r t y . We have duties to the P a r t y , we have duties to the people, therefore, we m u s t set to w o r k and accomplish those duties to the letter, w i t h determination, not s p a r i n g even o u r lives. A l l the proceedings of the P l e n u m , the report w h i c h I d e l i v e r e d there on behalf of the B u r e a u of the Central Committee of the P a r t y , as w e l l as the m a t u r e and enthusiastic contributions of the comrades, showed that n o w we had entered the decisive phase of the war, the period w h e n the P a r t y and the people w e r e to harvest the fruits of m a n y years of f i g h t i n g . T h e liberation of the H o m e l a n d was close at hand, new horizons were being opened to the r e v o l u t i o n . M e a n w h i l e , not o n l y in Prmet, but a l l over the country preparations for the Congress w e r e being made, the elections of delegates being h e l d and m e a sures taken to send t h e m to destination. A c c o r d i n g to the decision of the S t a n d i n g Committee of the G e n e r a l 416

C o u n c i l the liberated zones and those that were s t i l l occupied, the battalions and brigades of the army, the A n t i - f a s c i s t Y o u t h U n i o n and the A n t i - f a s c i s t Women's U n i o n w o u l d be represented at the Congress. In the liberated regions the delegates to the Congress w o u l d be elected democratically by the people by open vote, w h i l e in the occupied zones the delegates w o u l d be appointed by the national liberation c o u n c i l of the respective region. In the partisan battalions and b r i gades, the delegates w o u l d be elected by open vote in general meetings of the fighters. In the liberated zones the elections of the delegates to the Congress t u r n e d into real celebrations. M e n , w o m e n and y o u n g people who had the right to elect a set n u m b e r of representatives according to the zones in w h i c h they resided, took part in them. Thus, the whole p o p u l a t i o n of the free zones expressed its o p i n ion about its finest sons w h o w o u l d c a r r y its w i l l , desires, dreams and belief in a h a p p y f u t u r e to the great convention. T h e meetings e v e r y w h e r e w e r e l i vely, m a t u r e in judgement and in the end decided on honest patriotic elements w h o had fought t h r o u g h out their lives for A l b a n i a , and n e w cadres w h o had m a t u r e d i n t h e i r t h i n k i n g f r o m their experience i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . B u t above all, a n e w m a j o r v i c t o r y w a s that among the delegates there w e r e also w o m e n w h o w o u l d c a r r y t h e i r w o r d and ardent love for the H o m e l a n d , the people and the P a r t y to the Congress. T h e members of the regional anti-fascist councils in the non-liberated cities and zones met to decide w h o w o u l d be the delegates to represent them at the 417

Congress in an e n t i r e l y different atmosphere, more q u i e t l y f r o m external appearances, but w i t h the same enthusiasm in their hearts. One by one and v i g i l a n t against observation by the enemies, t h e y w e n t to the houses w h i c h w e r e bases of the war, and there, after f i e r y debates, in w h i c h love and respect f o r the comrades of the w a r predominated over e v e r y t h i n g , they appointed the delegates. Thus, the election of delegates was c a r r i e d out in time i n accordance w i t h the instructions w h i c h w e issued. N o w , however, a great d i f f i c u l t y emerged for the delegates, especially for those of the zones of the N o r t h , T i r a n a , K o r a and elsewhere, w h e r e the enemy, w h o m a y have learned something about the h o l d i n g of the great assembly in S o u t h e r n A l b a n i a , had i n creased the n u m b e r of guards and spies at the checkpoints and had banned the m o v e m e n t of people on the roads by automobile if they w e r e not accompanied by Germans. B u t no obstacle w a s going to stop the delegates on the road to the Congress. U n d e r the noses of the G e r m a n s and t h e i r spies, by crossing the rivers and t a k i n g n e w tracks, the b u l k of t h e m w e r e to a r r i v e at the Congress. Great secrecy was m a i n t a i n e d about the t o w n in w h i c h the Congress was to be held, so that the enemy w o u l d not be able to organize a mass attack against Prmet. O n l y a l i m i t e d n u m b e r of comrades k n e w the place in w h i c h this historic event was to be held. F o r the dispatch of delegates to P r m e t we had appointed people w h o w o u l d guide and accompany the delegates through the mountains, f r o m detachment to detachment. The delegates f r o m the southern districts 418

were to go d i r e c t l y to Prmet, w h i l e for those f r o m the N o r t h we had charged the comrades in T i r a n a w i t h the task of assembling t h e m in P e z a and accompanying them f r o m there to the S o u t h . We had discussed the question of ensuring peacef u l conditions d u r i n g the proceedings of the Congress and, in the name of the G e n e r a l Staff, I had ordered a n u m b e r of brigades and detachments of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y to take up strategic positions and block the roads w h i c h l e d to P r m e t w i t h a clear-cut order: the enemy m u s t not pass in the d i r e c t i o n of the t o w n . Thus, w h e n the time was approaching for the proceedings of the Congress to commence, the partisans of the 5th, 12th, 7th and 8th S h o c k Brigades occupied their f i r i n g positions w i t h their arms ready round the clock f r o m T r i U r a t t o Berat, Skrapar, T e pelena, Z a g o r i a and L u n x h r i a , K o l o n j a and V i t h k u q . Besides them, other brigades of o u r army, dispersed over w i d e r areas, w e r e to operate to protect historic Prmet. T h e comrades of the G e n e r a l Staff w e r e convinced that o u r heroic partisans w o u l d p e r f o r m the lofty d u t y w i t h w h i c h they had been charged w i t h devotion and, in fact, that is w h a t occurred. The historic Congress of P r m e t took place in complete c a l m . W h e n e v e r y t h i n g was ready we set out for P r met. T h e weather was fine, the s p r i n g was apparent everywhere. G o i n g d o w n into the V j o s a V a l l e y o n the slopes of the mountains and h i l l s y o u c o u l d see houses and cottages b u i l t on the cliffs. T h e people struggled even on the rocks to g a i n a bit of l a n d . T h e land and the climate w e r e suitable for the trees and 419

the crops, but the anti-popular regimes of the past had done n o t h i n g to benefit this place or this people, o r those a n y w h e r e else i n A l b a n i a . W e talked w i t h the comrades about w h a t great w e a l t h our c o u n t r y had and about our marvellous, generous, industrious and brave people w h o deserved to be happy. A f t e r Liberation, the P a r t y rebuilt P r m e t f r o m its foundations and made it one of the most b e a u t i f u l towns of the H o m e l a n d , but in M a y 1944 we f o u n d it devastated and burnt. Three times on end the enemy had reduced this s m a l l t o w n beside the V j o s a R i v e r to r u b b l e and ashes, but w h e n we entered it we w e r e deeply m o v e d by the enthusiastic welcome, the shouts a n d cheers of the people, h a p p y to have their o w n sons, the fighters, delegates, partisans, y o u n g m e n and women, amongst them, w h o gave the t o w n a liveliness w h i c h it had never seen before. T h e great event w h i c h was t a k i n g place, history itself, made Prmet, d u r i n g those days, the capital of the new A l b a n i a w h i c h was being born in the war. It was not by chance that the 1st A n t i - f a s c i s t Congress of the A l b a n i a n people was to be h e l d in P r m e t and not in some other place. We h a d decided this w h e n we were in Helms. We could have met in other places, but we chose P r m e t for t w o m a i n reasons: first, in order to show the people that the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y w e r e o n the verge of victory, that our w a r had n o w passed into t h e phase of the liberation of cities, that v i c t o r y was i m m i n e n t and we were able to h o l d such a great C o n gress of historic importance not o n l y in the m o u n t a i n s b u t also in the cities. A p a r t f r o m this, I proposed 420

P r m e t because it i n c l u d e d Dangllia, Frashr, w h e r e the most outstanding and glorious m e n of our N a t i o n a l Renaissance w e r e born. T h e P a r t y honoured the great patriots w h o w e r e b o r n on the s o i l of Prmet, N a i m , S a m i and A b d y l , the great poet, the great philosopher and the great p o l i t i c i a n . We w e r e w e l l acquainted w i t h N a i m ' s poems, w i t h Sami's book, Albania, What It Has Been, What It is, and What It Will Become, and the efforts of A b d y l for the independence and t e r r i torial i n t e g r i t y o f A l b a n i a . B y h o n o u r i n g these outstanding m e n of the Renaissance, fighters w i t h the pen and the r i f l e , we showed the people once again that the partisans, the communists, w e r e their w o r t h y sons, and not the traitors, such as L u m o Skndo and M e h d i F r a s h r i , e v e n t h o u g h t h e y w e r e f r o m the F r a shri f a m i l y . We showed the people that the P a r t y appreciated and honoured the patriotic traditions and the patriots, and their heirs w e r e the people and the communists and not the traitors sold out to foreigners. F r o m the t i m e the P a r t y began the w a r at the head of the people, it based itself on these outstanding traditions of f i g h t i n g and heroism. F o r us, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r was not a separate l i n k in the c h a i n of the battles w h i c h our people h a d waged to defend the H o m e l a n d , to ensure t h e i r existence as a nation, w i t h their o w n language, culture and a l l their n a t i o n a l features. It was a continuation of those battles, b u t at another t i m e and w i t h a loftier content. The heroes of o u r f o r m e r wars w e r e heroes w h o m we, the communists, honoured as d i d the w h o l e people, and we propagated t h e i r names and deeds. There was the odd comrade w h o d i d not agree w i t h this correct 421

attitude of the P a r t y , but we attacked these v i e w s as w r o n g and h a r m f u l . W h y do we need Skanderbeg or N a i m F r a s h r i ! T h e y w e r e feudal! said the proletarian conscience of the P a r t y , K o i X o x e who, as was to be p r o v e d later, t h r o u g h his savage, sectarian, T r o t s k y i t e policy, was for the destruction of the F r o n t . They w e r e great fighters for A l b a n i a , I t o l d h i m . Their names and deeds w i l l r e m a i n i n the popular m e m o r y t h r o u g h the centuries. We communists are the continuers of t h e i r w o r k in n e w times. J u s t as o u r N a t i o n a l Renaissance evoked the great name of G j e r g j K a s t r i o t i S k a n d e r b e g and made h i m a s y m b o l of the resistance and the w a r for freedom, d u r i n g the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r o u r P a r t y evoked not o n l y o u r N a t i o n a l Hero but also other famous patriots and m e n such as the F r a s h r i brothers, I s m a i l Qemali, L u i g j G u r a k u q i , B a j r a m C u r r i , A v n i R u s t e m i and others, and honoured t h e i r heroism and w o r k . B u t let us r e t u r n to P r m e t in those unforgettable days, let us recall the historic Congress w h i c h opened a n e w epoch in the history of A l b a n i a , the epoch of socialism.

2. The historic Congress of Prmet

I always remember w i t h nostalgia the P r m e t of M a y 1944. w i t h its festive appearance, the decorated Congress hall, the clean d i n i n g - r o o m w i t h long tables, 422

the comrades whose r i f l e barrels c l i c k e d together w h e n they embraced one another. A l l these things c h a l l e n ged the r u i n s caused by the w a r and f i l l e d our hearts with great joy. In my m i n d ' s eye I can see the c o m rades, y o u n g as they w e r e at that time, vigorous, laughing, enthusiastic, r e m e m b e r H y s n i K a p o , a steel p i l l a r of the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, Bab M y s l i m , the wise, l o y a l and v a l i a n t fighter, Gogo N u s h i , s p a r i n g w i t h his w o r d s but a tireless w o r k e r . I remember my other cofighters and collaborators of the w a r t i m e years, S p i r o M o i s i u , M e d a r S h t y l l a , D o c tor N i s h a n i , Esat D i s h n i c a , H a s a n P u l o and many, m a n y others w h o made their c o n t r i b u t i o n to the b r i l liant course on w h i c h the P a r t y led us. W h e n I remember P r m e t of those heroic days I seem to become m u c h younger t h a n I am today w h e n I am w r i t i n g these lines. It is n a t u r a l that one's m e m ory is not so f r e s h as to b r i n g to m i n d e v e r y i n d i v i d u a l detail, but even n o w that m a r v e l l o u s fluid of those heroic but d i f f i c u l t times, that great enthusiasm of the unforgettable days of the Congress, that ardour w h i c h seethed in o u r hearts, seethes in and pervades my w h o l e body w i t h that same force and I feel that I a m s t i l l young. We passed the evening a n d n i g h t of M a y 23 in a j o y f u l atmosphere. T h e r e w e r e the songs and dances, the ardent talks, the m i l i t a n t sketches w h i c h w e r e to continue d u r i n g a l l the days of the Congress and w h i c h the partisans presented on makeshift stages set up on the r u i n s . Indeed, the w e e k of r e v o l u t i o n a r y art was held in P r m e t d u r i n g those days. H e r e the theatrical 423

group was formed f r o m the best partisan actors, and the history of our theatre of socialist r e a l i s m began. D i n n e r for the delegates was p u t on in a f o r m e r enemy barracks, thoroughly cleaned and t i d i e d up, w i t h long tables and plates and glasses for everyone. On the odd occasion there was also a glass of r a k i and a simple snack. T h e r e were t w o dishes at each l u n c h and sometimes w e even had h a l v a h ! A n d so, on the f o l l o w i n g day, M a y 24, 1944, a m idst the enthusiasm of the people a n d the partisans, the delegates and the i n v i t e d guests entered the historic h a l l in w h i c h the proceedings of the Congress were to be held. We, the comrades of the S t a n d i n g Committee of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and the G e n e r a l Staff, entered the h a l l at 10 o'clock. T h e delegates and guests, old people and youth, partisans and commanders, w o m e n , clergy, patriots, welcomed us w i t h a long ovation and we a l l stood and cheered together. The h a l l had been freshly w h i t e w a s h e d . A b i g A l banian flag covered the w a l l facing us, w h i l e alongside it the portraits of Skanderbeg and I s m a i l Q e m a l i were placed. A r o u n d the h a l l one metre f r o m the floor there was a chain i n t e r r u p t e d by the slogan: D e a t h to Fascism F r e e d o m to the People. The Congress opened w i t h one minute's silence for those w h o h a d fallen in w a r and after this solemn commemoration of those w h o had g i v e n t h e i r blood, their y o u t h and their lives for the freedom of the H o m e l a n d , O m e r N i s h a n i d e l i v e r e d the i n t r o d u c t o r y address. M a k i n g a brief s u m m a r y of the efforts of o u r freedom-loving people, he evoked the movements of 424

the A l b a n i a n people to defend the l a n d of their f o r e fathers, pointed out the injustices w h i c h had been imposed on our c o u n t r y by the i m p e r i a l i s t treaties, spoke about the struggle of our people to defend the A l b a n i a n territories i n the N o r t h and the S o u t h and m e n t i o n e d the A l b a n i a n League of P r i z r e n . In his speech Doctor O m e r N i s h a n i stressed the fact that at the k e y moments of their history, our people had a l w a y s sent their finest sons to national conventions in order to discuss and decide the fate of the H o m e l a n d . T h i s is w h a t had occurred at the A l b a n i a n League of P r i z r e n , and at the Congress of L u s h n j a in 1920, w h i c h took decisions for the protection and strengthening of the independence of A l b a n i a . This is w h a t has occurred and is occurring in the recent years, too, pointed out Doctor N i s h a n i , when our H o m e l a n d has been attacked by hordes of enemies and threatened by the greatest dangers. T h e representatives of the people gathered at P e z a to put the w a r on sound foundations, gathered later at L a b i n o t in order to centralize the a u t h o r i t y and power w h i c h they had w o n t h r o u g h fighting, and today we have gathered here in P r m e t in order to discuss and to take some of the most important and historic decisions. To speak about h o w we have a r r i v e d to this great day, w h a t struggle, problems and d i f f i c u l t i e s have been overcome and the decisions w h i c h this assembly, unprecedented in our history, must take, concluded Doctor N i s h a n i , I give the floor to Comrade E n v e r H o x h a . On behalf of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l he w i l l d e l i v e r the report ' O n the D e v e l o p m e n t of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r of the 425

A l b a n i a n People i n Connection w i t h International Events'. I had taken part, spoken in and chaired i m p o r t a n t meetings and conferences of the P a r t y , the F r o n t and the state p o w e r for f o u r years on e n d ; on a l l these occasions, together w i t h the confidence and d e t e r m i n a tion w h i c h the strength of the P a r t y and the w a r gave me, I had also felt p r o f o u n d emotions, but the emotions w h i c h I felt on this occasion, w h i l e I w a s m a k i n g ready to d e l i v e r the report, w e r e of a special q u a l i t y and I s h a l l never forget them. H o w e v e r , the prolonged applause and ovations of the delegates, their u n i n t e r r u p t e d enthusiastic shouts gave me time to p u l l m y s e l f together and my voice resounded w i t h that assurance and strength w h i c h this great event required. T h e report w h i c h I delivered at the Congress has been published, ( 1 ) therefore, here I s h a l l m e n t i o n o n l y some fragment or passage w h i c h had p a r t i c u l a r i m p o r tance because of the moments at w h i c h it was d e l i vered. Thus, w h i l e speaking in detail about the delevopment of events and o u r w a r since A p r i l 7, 1939, about the stages t h r o u g h w h i c h this w a r had proceeded, about the d i f f i c u l t i e s w h i c h had been overcome, etc., I devoted special importance to b r i n g i n g out and stressing the historic role of our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y as the f u n d a m e n t a l factor for the u n i t y of the people and the v i c t o r y of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r .
_______________________________________ 1 Enver Hoxha,

Selected

Works,

vol.

1,

Nntori

P u b l i s h i n g House, T i r a n a

1974. p. 325, E n g . ed.

426

The C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a placed the lives of its members and e v e r y t h i n g it h a d in the service of the H o m e l a n d and the people, I declared at the Congress. It became the organizer and true leader in the a r m e d i n s u r r e c t i o n against the occupier and the most r a b i d reaction, it has a l w a y s stood in the forefront of the w a r and has s t r i v e n to unite the masses of the people and a l l honest nationalists and patriots in a c o m m o n f r o n t against the occupiers. T h i s declaration w h i c h was received w i t h e n t h u siastic cheering reflected an indisputable historical fact. E v e n before this, d u r i n g the war, we had spoken about the role of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , about its leadership i n the F r o n t a n d the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , and more importantly, applied this i n practice. N o w , however, it was of great importance to a f f i r m the P a r t y as the decisive factor of the v i c t o r y at such a great event as the Congress of Prmet. W i t h this, in p r i n c i p l e and practice, we r e a f f i r m e d and s a feguarded the leading role of the P a r t y for the future. In my report I w e n t on to speak about the efforts of reaction to u n d e r m i n e and sabotage the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, to alienate the people f r o m the P a r t y and the F r o n t . In this part of the report, too, I gave an historical account of the forms w h i c h this hostile a c t i v i t y had followed, of the demagogic tactics of reactionary and collaborationist groupings f r o m the open quislings l i k e K r u j a , V r l a c i , B u s h a t i a n d L i b o hova, t o the B a l l i K o m b t a r , A b a z K u p i and Legaliteti, and the n e w quislings l i k e M e h d i F r a s h r i , I b r a h i m B i a k u and others. T h e report p r o v e d their treachery w i t h arguments and facts. As a fresh fact I m e n 427

tioned the efforts of reaction to enter into alliance w i t h B a l k a n reaction, not o n l y to strangle our war, but also to sell the H o m e l a n d to the chauvinists of neighbouring countries. D u r i n g those days we had captured authentic documents w h i c h p r o v e d such a t h i n g and we displayed these in a corner of the h a l l w h e r e the C o n gress was held. A m o n g s t t h e m was a letter signed by the chairman of the B a l l i s t C e n t r a l Committee, M i t hat F r a s h r i , sent to the renegade D h i m i t r F a l l o in w h i c h the latter was instructed to reach agreement w i t h the other members of a commission w h i c h was to hold talks w i t h representatives of G r e e k reaction. T h i s so-called commission was comprised of F a l l o , representing the B a l l i K o m b t a r , X h a v i t L e s k o v i k u , representing the q u i s l i n g government, K o o K o t a r e presenting the Zogite party and they had even d u g up representatives of K o s o v a ! A m o n g s t the captured documents w e r e passports f r e s h l y issued by the q u i s l i n g government, a letter of recommandation signed by the foreign minister, B a h r i O m a r i , to the f r i e n d l y government, as w e l l as a letter setting out 8 or 9 points on w h i c h the agreement w i t h the G r e e k reactionaries was to be achieved. A c c o r d i n g to these points, the B a l l i K o m b t a r , amongst other things, agreed that the A l b a n i a n a r m e d forces should be amalgamated w i t h the reactionary G r e e k forces in a joint army, commanded by the Greeks, w h i c h w o u l d be e m p l o y e d to suppress the n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n m o v e ments in A l b a n i a and in Greece. W h a t is more, these traitors had expressed their readiness to s i g n an accord w i t h the Greek government in C a i r o to give 428

Greece the so-called N o r t h e r n Epirus, to place our c o u n t r y u n d e r the rule of the G r e e k monarchy, w i t h autonomous rights, that is, to sell the H o m e l a n d to the G r e e k chauvinists, ( 1 ) L i k e a l l the others, however, this card, too, was b u r n t in the hands of reaction. A n d it was b u r n t not o n l y because we discovered their f i l t h y deal over the f u t u r e of the H o m e l a n d in time, but because n o w such games no longer h a d a n y value. T h e y w e r e unable to t u r n a people w h o had risen to t h e i r feet and had their o w n C o m m u n i s t P a r t y as their leadership, f r o m their course. We i m m e d i a t e l y gave D h i m i t r F a l l o the sentence he deserved as a traitor and c r i m i n a l and executed h i m in the m i d d l e of K o r a , to the great d i s m a y of the quislings and reaction w h o covered the walls of K o r a w i t h posters about his murder and ordered that his f u n e r a l should be conducted w i t h majestic s o l e m n i t y and at the expense of the m u n i cipal council. Subsequently, after L i b e r a t i o n , X h a v i t L e s k o v i k u and the f o r m e r Zogite p r i m e minister, K o o K o t a , w h o m our people f o u n d w h e r e he was hiding, also rendered account and the two of t h e m together, along w i t h other criminals, w e r e placed in the dock in the people's court. A f t e r my expos of our w a r against the occupiers and traitors I w e n t on to deal w i t h the question of the measures and decisions necessary for the liberation and f u t u r e of the c o u n t r y in the light of international events.
_______________________________ 1 These Archives. documents are preserved in the Central Party

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The situation today is such that our people, w h o have suffered, made sacrifices and shed t h e i r blood, should have a state system w h i c h w i l l ensure t h e m their freedom and genuine democracy, I stressed amongst other things in the report, and in this c o n text, I presented the tasks w h i c h the historic Congress of P r m e t had to accomplish. It is the d u t y of the delegates to this Congress, chosen by the sovereign w i l l of the people and w h o represent a l l the strata of o u r society, I said on this issue, to take the proper measures for w a g i n g the w a r t h r o u g h to v i c t o r y and to ensure the f u t u r e of the H o m e l a n d . It devolves u p o n our Congress to establish political, legislative and executive organs w h i c h w i l l be able to overcome a n y obstacle w h i c h m a y e m erge for them, w i l l represent the A l b a n i a n people properly, both inside and outside A l b a n i a , and be able to prevent any attempt, f r o m w h a t e v e r direction it is made, intended to hinder the realization of the desires for w h i c h our people are f i g h t i n g a n d shedding so m u c h blood in this great liberation war. T h e delegates greeted the conclusion of the report w h i c h I delivered at the Congress of P r m e t w i t h prolonged applause and cheering, thus expressing t h e i r revolutionary o p t i m i s m , joy, and d e t e r m i n a t i o n to forge ahead on the road w h i c h the P a r t y showed us. F o r me, the m o v i n g enthusiasm and the ardour w i t h w h i c h the delegates spoke i n the discussion w i l l r e m a i n unforgettable. T h e representatives of the people spoke about the victories of o u r A r m y , about the people's state p o w e r w h i c h was f u n c t i o n i n g vigorously, brought out n e w facts about the a c t i v i t y of the reac430

tionaries and approved the decisions w h i c h were p r o posed. To say that the h a l l was electrified is p u t t i n g it m i l d l y ; the festive atmosphere and the enthusiasm of those present f o u n d the opportunity to burst out w h e n Doctor N i s h a n i , at the opening of or d u r i n g sessions, r e ported the most recent news about the successes of the partisan detachments on the f i g h t i n g front, or read the letters of greeting w h i c h came to the Congress. A m o n g t h e m w e r e the greetings of our comrades B a b a F a j a and H a k i S t r m i l l i , w h o w e r e unable t o attend this historic convention. T h e discussion of the report continued for n e a r l y t w o days. H y s n i K a p o , w h o m the P a r t y had charged w i t h the task of p o l i t i c a l commissar of the 5th S h o c k Brigade, took the floor and in his c o n t r i b u t i o n spoke about the b i r t h and extension of the a r m e d struggle of the A l b a n i a n people, stressing the fact that it was the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a w h i c h had u n i t e d the people a n d aroused t h e m to fight. A m o n g s t other things, H y s n i s a i d : We started o u r war, a w a r of a n e w t y p e w h i c h trains the people and educates t h e m p o l i t i c a l l y , w i t h s m a l l units and w e n t o n to f o r m eta, battalions and brigades. T h e f o r m a t i o n of the G e n e r a l Staff strengthened our organization, and, f r o m the time it w a s created, it has l e d o u r N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y v e r y well, h e said. Today we have 12 brigades and we are going to have d i v i sions and a r m y corps. The victories we have achieved have increased the confidence of the people in v i c t o r y and the f o r m a t i o n of a people's democratic g o v e r n ment. In his contribution S p i r o M o i s i u also spoke about 431

the organization of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , stressing that its equipment and armaments w e r e secured solely by capturing t h e m f r o m the enemy, because the aid of the allies had amounted to almost nothing. S p i r o M o i s i u also mentioned to the delegates a fact w h i c h testified to the g r o w t h of the s t r i k i n g force of our w a r and also to the resolute, p r i n c i p l e d stand of the P a r t y against any treacherous c o m promise. The G e r m a n command, he said, sent an officer to us and proposed that our G e n e r a l Staff s h o u l d send representatives to T i r a n a to talk a n d reach agreement w i t h the Hitlerites. B u t we declared to the G e r m a n s that we are going to fight u n t i l n a z i s m is w i p e d out. T h e N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y has come out to f i g h t for the people and freedom and w i l l continue the w a r through to victory, w i t h o u t any compromise w i t h the occupiers or their tools. We began the w a r w i t h the trust in the people and that is h o w we s h a l l f i n i s h it. Doctor M e d a r S h t y l l a also made a f i e r y speech about the progressive traditions and ceaseless efforts of our people for freedom and popular justice. He stressed the right of the people to decide their o w n fate, a right w h i c h they had w o n t h r o u g h the barrel of the gun. In the course of the war, o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y developed these marvellous traditions and gave t h e m a n e w content. The m i l i t a n t u n i t y of the people, e d u cated and tempered by the P a r t y , t h r o u g h the example of the communists, guaranteed their freedom. O u r strength l a y in these m a n y - s i d e d l i n k s of the people w i t h the P a r t y . 432

M y s l i m Peza rose a n d s a i d : We fought the occupiers and traitors as h a r d as we could. T h e y have k i l l e d us and b u r n t our homes, but no one has said, 'the P a r t y is w r o n g , ' because they k n o w that the road of the w a r is the r i g h t road of the people, the road of the P a r t y is my road, too. At first we w e r e not organized. T h e P a r t y u n i t e d and organized us. T h e people of P e z a have opened their doors n i g h t and d a y to the y o u n g m e n and girls. T h e y a l l call me 'Bab'. W h y do t h e y c a l l me this? H a v e I loved the people or not, this y o u can say. T h e r e was a burst of applause: Y o u have loved t h e m ! L o n g l i v e Bab! It was a source of special j o y a n d pride to see a l l these men, a f e w gray-headed and others of m i d d l e age amongst the m a j o r i t y w h o w e r e y o u n g m e n and women, but w h o u n i t e d as one, h a d a l l risen to fight for the fate of the H o m e l a n d . The Congress was the most v i v i d expression o f this p o w e r f u l u n i t y w h i c h the P a r t y had created. This Congress represents the w h o l e A l b a n i a n people, said H a x h i L l e s h i i n his contribution, t h e r e fore, a l l w i l l recognize its decisions, w i l l recognize the n e w government, because it is their government. He w e n t on to say, The B r i t i s h mission has assisted reaction. We are going to describe t h e m as reactionaries, too, because we are allies w i t h the peoples, but not w i t h those w h o assist reaction. In D i b r a , M a t and L u m a there are partisan eta and battalions that are f i g h t i n g the occupiers and reactionaries and the people support these eta because t h e y k n o w t h e y are f i g h t i n g for their freedom. M e a n w h i l e , R a d i o L o n d o n most433

ly mentions the names of reactionaries as if it is t h e y w h o are f i g h t i n g . We say to R a d i o L o n d o n , w h i c h has spoken about the B a l l i K o m b t a r as t h o u g h it has fought, that it should be better i n f o r m e d . L i k e w i s e , the B r i t i s h must be w e l l aware that L e g a l i t e t i w h i c h they support represents nothing. T h e people of the N o r t h , too, in D i b r a , M a t a n d elsewhere, have the greatest hatred for L e g a l i t e t i and the regime of Z o g w h i c h b u i l t o n l y jails, but no schools or hospitals. The people have seen w i t h t h e i r o w n eyes that those w h o call themselves Zogites p l u n d e r e d B u r r e l , but as for fighting, they have n e v e r fought against the occupier. T h e most fiery c o n t r i b u t i o n against B a z i i Cans and L e g a l i t e t i was ... that of M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i ! T h i s d i d not surprise me. We already had proof that he was an agent of the B r i t i s h ; as I have w r i t t e n in the book The Anglo-American Threat to Albania, w h e n we left H e l m s for Prmet, M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i was the last to leave the house of U n c l e M e h m e t , t h i n k i n g that we were w i t h the caravan w h i c h had gone ahead. W e h a d just t u r n e d a corner f r o m w h i c h H e l m s could no longer be seen w h e n we saw a B r i t i s h soldier h u r r y i n g somewhere. T h e unexpected appearance a n d haste of this B r i t i s h soldier made an impression on us, so we watched c a r e f u l l y and managed to see the B r i t i s h s o l d i e r q u i c k l y h a n d a letter to M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i . W h e n we demanded the letter f r o m M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i , he refused to h a n d it over. We gave h i m a severe dressing down, threatening h i m w i t h e v e r y t h i n g , but h e s i m p l y repeated: Do what y o u like, but I ' l l not give y o u the letter. 434

We s h a l l talk in Prmet, we t o l d this agent of the B r i t i s h w h o h a d received orders f r o m his e m p l o y e r to sabotage the Congress. B u t it was too late. T h e G j i n i s h i card had been b u r n t once and for a l l . N o w , caught l i k e a rat in a trap and on the verge of total exposure, he was t r y i n g w i t h his f i e r y speech to camouflage the m i s s i o n w i t h w h i c h he had been charged by his employers a n d to spare h i m s e l f for the f u t u r e . H e stood u p and said that B a z i f l e d to Y u g o s l a v i a w i t h two bags of gold and r e t u r n e d w i t h t w e l v e (he k n e w these things w e l l because he w a s up to the same game), that L e g a l i t e t i was the o f f s p r i n g of M e h d i F r a s h r i and the Gestapo, because t h e y themselves d i d not have the brains to organize, and, indeed, said that B a z i kept B r i t i s h officers w i t h h i m i n order t o w e l c o m e the allies w i t h flowers. In the pathetic tone, the angry cries of G j i n i s h i against B a z i a n d Legaliteti, and his oaths of l o y a l t y to the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and its great work(!), I c l e a r l y saw the desperate attempts of the secret agent to t h r o w dust in our eyes. B u t it was too late, n o w no tactic was of a n y v a l u e to h i m . B u t as early as those d i f f i c u l t years we learned a great deal f r o m the w a y in w h i c h he acted, and a l l this w a s a v a l u a b l e lesson for the f u t u r e . T i m e w a s to p r o v e that other G j i n i s h i s , too, w i t h t h e i r appeals and loyalty to the cause, w i t h t h e i r dedication exaggerated to the point of flagrant sectarianism, w e r e s i m p l y t r y i n g t o hide t h e i r claws i n order to w i n the confidence of the P a r t y a n d the people, to capture k e y positions in the P a r t y a n d the state and f r o m there, w i t h stealth and cunning, to m o r e 435

easily p l a y the d i r t y game of the foreign masters w h o had bought them. H o w e v e r , n o t h i n g was to escape the v i g i l a n t eye of the P a r t y . Sooner or later, t h e y w e r e to stick their necks out and the P a r t y and the people w o u l d cut off their heads. However, these were isolated individuals, w h o m the situation, the w a r and vigilance of the P a r t y had brought out or w o u l d b r i n g out in their true colours. T h r o u g h their sound and l i v e l y contributions, the d e l e gates showed the deplorable position of such elements as M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i . Nevertheless, although w e k n e w v e r y w e l l f r o m w h a t position G j i n i s h i had made a mistake at M u k j e and in whose f a v o u r he w o r k e d and fought, we a l l o w ed h i m not o n l y to take part and speak in the C o n gress of Prmet, but also to retain the functions w h i c h he had in the organs of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b eration F r o n t and the C o u n c i l . We acted in this w a y , as y o u m i g h t say, for political advantage, in p a r t i c u l a r to avoid g i v i n g the B r i t i s h allies cause and o p p o r t u n i t y to take a more hostile stand towards our N a t i o n a l L i b eration Movement, especially n o w that we w e r e f o r m ing the A n t i - f a s c i s t Committee w i t h the attributes of a people's democratic government w h i c h , apart f r o m other things, w o u l d seek the recognition and support by the allies. The question of Y m e r D i s h n i c a and the reasons w h y he, too, took part as a delegate in the Congress of P r m e t and was re-elected to the leading organs of the F r o n t a n d the state was rather different. As I pointed out above, we removed h i m f r o m the leadership of the P a r t y in September 1943 for his 436

grave mistake in the capitulation of M u k j e , w h i l e the 1st P l e n u m of the C e n t r a l Committee of the P a r t y , on M a y 15, 1944, o f f i c i a l l y decided to e x p e l h i m f r o m the top functions he had in the P a r t y . M e a n w h i l e , however, he retained the functions he held in the l e a d ing organs of the F r o n t and the state, took part in the Congress of Prmet, and was e v e n elected to and w o r k e d for a w h i l e in the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b eration C o m m i t t e e as director of the department of health. We acted in this way, proceeding f r o m the fact that Y m e r D i s h n i c a f e l l into his grave mistake at M u k j e as a result of his incorrect p o l i t i c a l v i e w s and ideo-political i m m a t u r i t y and not because he was i m p e l l e d by secret aims and motives, as was the case w i t h M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i . Thus, w h i l e his p e t t y - b o u r geois softness and o p p o r t u n i s m led Y m e r D i s h n i c a into the act of capitulation at M u k j e , it was the role of a secret agent, w i t h w h i c h he had been charged by the Intelligence Service, w h i c h led M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i t o that act. At one of the sessions of the Congress, that brave fighter f r o m Skrapar, Z y l y f t a r Veleshnja, spoke. T h e Congress h a d appointed Z y l y f t a r , w h o had been seriously w o u n d e d in the w a r a short time earlier, to the presidium, and f r o m there he rose to speak leaning on a w a l k i n g - s t i c k . Comrades, he said, I greet y o u w i t h 'Death to Fascism!' I am a v i l l a g e r f r o m Skrapar, a former m i l l e r . In my earlier life I toiled to exhaustion, I fought as best I could, and considered myself a r e v olutionary, but d i d not k n o w w h a t to seize on and 437

w h a t course to take. F o r t u n a t e l y for me and for the people, the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a emerged and k n e w h o w to lead us in the w a r against the occupiers and traitors. N o w I feel that I have been r e b o r n and have wings. I had heard a great deal about Z y l y f t a r V e l e s h n j a , about h i s patriotic a c t i v i t y and the struggle w h i c h he had waged both i n the past a n d n o w i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . A d e t e r m i n e d opponent of Z o g and his savage o r i e n t a l regime, a comrade-in-arms of R i z a Cerova, a participant in the F i e r M o v e m e n t , he had experienced prison a n d the cruelest tortures, a n d later h a d gone to Greece to escape persecution, but there, too, had suffered every sort of d i f f i c u l t y , i n c l u d i n g political persecution, u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d hunger. A f t e r the fascist occupation of the H o m e l a n d , Z y l y f t a r r e t u r n e d to A l b a n i a and was one of the first to respond to the call of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and take up arms. As soon as I learned that Z y l y f t a r h a d come to P r m e t among the delegates I called h i m to me and we embraced w a r m l y . I offered h i m a stool and we sat d o w n because he had a leg in plaster and f o u n d it d i f f i c u l t to stand. I a m v e r y h a p p y about our w a r and o u r C o n gress. L e t us enjoy free A l b a n i a ! he said, his eyes shining. I spoke to h i m about the i n t e r n a l situation, the victories we had achieved, and the i m m i n e n t l i b e r a t i o n of o u r country, and he was as h a p p y as a c h i l d . He hold me about the p a t r i o t i s m of the people of S k r a p a r and about their love for and trust in the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . I begged h i m to t e l l me about the f i g h t 438

ing i n w h i c h h e had taken part, but Z y l y f t a r was reluctant to say m u c h about it. I asked about his wounded leg and a d v i s e d h i m : Y o u m u s t look after yourself and get treatment. I'll get over it, Z y l y f t a r V e l e s h n j a r e p l i e d . I am o n l y s o r r y that it has happened at this time. T h e leg hinders me a bit because I can h a r d l y move. I went to orovoda, w h e r e we held the elections for the delegates, on f o u r legs, r i d i n g a m u l e . B u t I got there and it was a great g a t h e r i n g of people f r o m the villages. T h e y spoke b e a u t i f u l l y and courageously c r i ticized a n d rejected two candidates and t h e y w e r e right on the mark. I was overjoyed and I never thought about my leg, it seemed to me I should fly, let alone w a l k ! A n d that's h o w it seems to me now, too, that's w h y I'll say I'll get over it. A m o n t h or t w o later we w e r e able to send a group of seriously w o u n d e d partisans to B a r i ( 1 ) for treatment, together w i t h o u r m i l i t a r y mission w h i c h was t o h o l d talks w i t h the A l l i e d M e d i t e r r a n e a n H e a d quarters. A m o n g s t t h e m was Z y l y f t a r . A f t e r this f i r s t conversation I met h i m at other times a n d l i k e d to talk w i t h h i m because he was
________________________________ 1 D u r i n g J u l y - A u g u s t 1944 the delegation of the G e n e r a l Staff o f the A N L A and the representatives o f the A l l i e d M e d i terranean Headquarters held talks there about a i d in m i l i t a r y material Army mand and after which the talks, had to off did War be given to the National the Kupi. Liberation Comeven the The British and, against and and the breaking relations not of fulfil their the between of A b a z these hostile British

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Albanian

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pleasant and wise in conversation and a great one for cracking jokes. One day he t o l d us a story w h i c h m a d e us laugh t i l l we cried. W h e n he was a patient in the partisan hospital of Zabrzan, Z y l y f t a r had seen h o w the B r i t i s h fulfilled o u r requests. We needed and asked t h e m for weapons and a m m u n i t i o n as w e l l as medicines, bandages a n d plaster, w h i l e the B r i t i s h dropped us piss-pots! In the partisan hospital, w h e r e there were a lot of these piss-pots, the w o u n d e d n i c k named t h e m Churchill. T h e y used t h e m to collect up soiled gauze and bandages w h e n their dressings w e r e changed, bits of food and so on. One d a y a B r i t i s h doctor had gone to the hospital to see the w o u n d e d . As he was w a l k i n g among the beds one of the w o u n ded has asked the nurse: Please, b r i n g me the ' C h u r c h i l l ' . The B r i t i s h doctor had heard this and asked our doctor w h o was accompanying h i m : What is he saying about C h u r c h i l l ? He says that C h u r c h i l l sends t h e m to us. had r e p l i e d the doctor. A11 right! the B r i t i s h doctor h a d said. However, let us t u r n f r o m the generous aid of the B r i t i s h p r i m e m i n i s t e r for o u r partisan hospitals and go back to the sessions of the Congress of P r met. As I said, the discussion of the report w h i c h I delivered continued for t w o days and could have gone on longer, because a l l the delegates w a n t e d to speak, to t e l l about the war in t h e i r regions, to express their j o y and faith in the P a r t y and to approve the historic decisions. To the representatives of the towns, villages and partisan detachments, it seemed that t h e y 440

w e r e not f u l l y c a r r y i n g out the instructions w h i c h the people and the partisans had g i v e n t h e m if they d i d not stand up in the Congress and express in words w h a t they had in their hearts. T h e delegates listened w i t h enthusiasm to the contribution of the delegate of the G r e e k m i n o r i t y in A l b a n i a , w h o spoke about the correct leadership of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f A l b a n i a , w h i c h u n i t e d the people and m a d e t h e m brothers and gave the m e m bers of the G r e e k m i n o r i t y the same rights as t h e f r a t e r n a l A l b a n i a n people. Our arms u n i t e d i n this w a r for freedom i n d i cate o u r c o m m o n purpose, o u r c o m m o n f a i t h : y o u r freedom is our freedom, he said. N e x h m i j e X h u g l i n i , a delegate of the A n t i - f a s c i s t Y o u t h U n i o n , made a fine contribution at the C o n gress. She spoke about the w a r and the efforts of the A l b a n i a n youth, w h o under the leadership of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , g r e w up, w e r e educated and became a great force in the w a r for liberation. She mentioned the m a n y m a r t y r s w h o m the y o u t h had g i v e n for o u r sacred aim, expressed the grief of a l l the y o u t h and the people that Qemal, Misto, M a r g a r i t a , M i h a l and other beloved comrades of the y o u t h were not amongst us. In her c o n t r i b u t i o n N e x h m i j e pointed out that it was the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y w h i c h led the y o u t h and gave them the ideal for w h i c h they w e r e f i g h t i n g . A f t e r the appeal of the Party, she said, the y o u t h stepped up the struggle in the countryside, in the towns and the schools, took to the mountains and, thus, the flame of the liberation w a r was set ablaze. The school and student y o u t h left the schools a n d 441

universities, not to become blacksmiths, as L u m o S k ndo says, but to fight. Here, in Prmet, the f o u n d a tions of the n e w A l b a n i a are being l a i d on the r u i n s of b u r n t villages and unploughed fields. T h e y o u t h k n o w w h a t the people w a n t and what they are in need of. Therefore, they w i l l w o r k for the b u i l d i n g of people's democratic A l b a n i a w i t h the same e n t h u s i a s m and love for the people w h i c h they have s h o w n in the w a r . T h e y o u t h have before t h e m the faces of t h e i r heroes and are concerned to raise the f l a g for w h i c h t h e y fell, higher and higher. The continuation of the w a r t h r o u g h to v i c t o r y , the election of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l and the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e and other decisions of n a t i o n a l importance w e r e discussed by m a n y delegates, w h o w i t h their words raised the enthusiasm to an even higher level. T h e delegate f r o m V l o r a , H a s a n P u l o , made such a c o n t r i b u t i o n in concrete and s i m p l e terms. The great d a y of M a y 1 was also the d a y of the election of the delegates to this Congress, he said. In M e s a p l i k more t h a n 500 m e n and 200 w o m e n voted for their representatives, w i t h tears of j o y in their eyes, because thanks to the sacrifices made and the blood shed, these people, for the first time, w e r e g i v e n the o p p o r t u n i t y to vote not under the bayonets of Taf K a z i u and the nooses of A h m e t Zog, b u t freely, according to t h e i r o w n w i l l . I am not going to speak at length here, he said, but I t e l l y o u that the people are for the w a r and have charged me to i n f o r m the Congress and the n e w G o v e r n m e n t w h i c h we are going to create here that the w h o l e of V l o r a has confidence in the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t 442

and the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y ! T h e y also instructed me to ask the G o v e r n m e n t to do e v e r y t h i n g possible to seek the c o m i n g of a Soviet m i l i t a r y m i s s i o n here! H i s closing w o r d s w e r e lost in the applause and shouts of the delegates: We w a n t the Soviet m i l i t a r y mission! T h i s was a long-standing desire of ours w h i c h h a d its source in o u r love f o r the H o m e l a n d of the giants of the revolution, L e n i n and S t a l i n , for the first s o c i a l ist country, and o u r respect for the Soviet A r m y w h i c h had h e r o i c a l l y withstood the H i t l e r i t e attack and now, g u i d e d by the S t a l i n i s t m i l i t a r y art, was c r u s h i n g the n a z i beast and d r i v i n g it back towards its lair, G e r m a n y . T h e c o m i n g of a Soviet m i l i t a r y m i s s i o n w o u l d be a j o y for the people a n d our a r m y . We had B r i t i s h missions in A l b a n i a , but these w e r e u n i n v i t e d guests w h o we w e r e obliged to accept f r o m the respect w h i c h was due to o u r allies, w h i l e the Soviet officers w o u l d not be o f f i c i a l guests but friends we c o u l d welcome wholeheartedly. B e f o r e this we h a d t r i e d to establish contact w i t h the Soviets, and had asked the Y u g o s l a v comrades to t r a n s m i t our desire to the Soviet c o m mand. T h e y had t o l d us it was hazardous to drop t h e m by parachute, that they also had great difficulties in m a k i n g contact w i t h one another, etc., etc. N e v e r theless, d u r i n g the days w h e n the Congress of P r m e t was being held, by chance a Soviet officer was present at our G e n e r a l Staff and we had i n v i t e d h i m to take part in the Congress. He expressed the desire to say a f e w words of greeting to the Congress and we f u l f i l l e d his desire. This Congress shows the w o r l d once again that 443

the peoples oppressed by fascism have risen to fight, he said. He spoke about the Soviet society w h i c h k n e w no oppression and exploitation, about the heroic w a r against the nazi hordes, and w e n t on to give a b r i e f account of the victories of the R e d A r m y w h i c h w a s at the gates of the B a l k a n s . O n l y those peoples w h o fight and raise t h e i r voices for freedom, o n l y t h e y deserve to live, he said i n conclusion. Y o u r Congress shows that the A l b a n i a n people k n o w that freedom is gained o n l y by f i g h t i n g for it. A f t e r two days of discussion, on M a y 26, we w e n t on to the n e x t phase of the proceedings of the Congress the election of legislative and e x e c u t i v e organs of our people's state power. T h i s was an historic moment w i t h decisive importance for the fate of the H o m e l a n d and the people, the c r o w n i n g of the people's w a r for freedom and people's A l b a n i a . T h e moment had come w h e n , w i t h the w i l l o f the A l banian people, the foundations had to be l a i d of a n e w state w h i c h w o u l d fight for the f u n d a m e n t a l interests of the popular masses, of workers, peasants a n d the patriotic intelligentsia. The A n t i - f a s c i s t C o u n c i l , w h i c h w o u l d be our first Constituent A s s e m b l y , and the Committee, w i t h the competences of a government, w o u l d not be the outcome of combinations of E u r o pean chancelleries, or ghosts of the past, w h i c h t h e imperialist powers m a i n t a i n e d and subsidized i n order to use t h e m against peoples w h o hated them. T h e new state w h i c h we w e r e b u i l d i n g had the support a n d trust of the people, had its o w n a r m y w h i c h was f i g h t 444

i n g h e r o i c a l l y and w o u l d soon d r i v e out the enemy, and h a d a whole system of organs w h i c h e f f e c t i v e l y and r e a l l y r a n and a d m i n i s t e r e d the country. T h e m a i n organs of this state w e r e emerging f r o m a great ass e m b l y of representatives of the people w h o came f r o m the f i g h t i n g fronts. I have been charged w i t h the great honour of opening this session, one of the most historic sessions of this Congress, said Doctor N i s h a n i , speaking w i t h emotion. The moment has come f o r us to elect the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l , that C o u n c i l w h i c h w i l l be charged w i t h the role and functions of electing the A n t i - f a s c i s t Committee, the first D e m ocratic G o v e r n m e n t in the history of A l b a n i a . Doctor N i s h a n i w e n t on to e x p l a i n to the delegates the procedure for the elections, spoke about the n u m b e r of the members of the C o u n c i l , and so on. It was proposed that a commission comprised of c o m rades w i t h a u t h o r i t y and w e l l - k n o w n i n the w a r s h o u l d be appointed to nominate the candidates w h o w o u l d be presented to the Congress. H o w m a n y members w i l l this commission have? somebody asked. It w i l l be w e l l to restrict the n u m b e r to 10-15 people, said Doctor N i s h a n i . M e h m e t Shehu, the delegate f r o m the 1st Shock Brigade, too arrogant to stand up, spoke first. I am going to m a k e some proposals w h i c h perhaps m a y be accepted. I t h i n k that the members of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and the G e n e r a l Staff should be elected to the commission and a f e w of us, f r o m the mob... 445

T h i s person's dose of concetit was m i x e d w i t h the sense of discontent w h i c h was s i m m e r i n g w i t h i n h i m . H i s opinion of himself was so great that he s c o r n e d and underrated other modest members of the P a r t y and comrades of the war, w h o m he s c o r n f u l l y d e s cribed as the mob, that is, an amorphous w o r t h less mass destined to approve the opinions and d e c i sions of others. In his o w n opinion, M e h m e t S h e h u thought that he had not been g i v e n his due, because we had left h i m among the mob, despite the fact that he h a d been elected as a candidate m e m b e r of the P l e n u m of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e and h a d been appointed a brigade commander. B u t M e h m e t S h e h u w a n t e d more, both to satisfy his o w n a m b i t i o n a n d to c a r r y out the instructions of his patrons. D u r i n g those days I was to have a separate talk w i t h h i m about such expressions of conceit and other mistakes, d u r i n g w h i c h I criticized h i m s t e r n l y and there and t h e n he made a strong self-criticism, as w a s his custom. B u t let us not interrupt the proceedings of the session. A f t e r the necessary proposals w e r e made, O m e r N i s h a n i asked: Do y o u w a n t to add to the list of the c o m m i s sion? Or are these names sufficient? The delegates raised t h e i r clenched fists because that was the w a y t h e y voted, and the list w a s a p proved. T h e commission left the h a l l to compile t h e list of candidates for members in the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a tional Liberation Council. We had just begun c o m p i l i n g the list in the side room, w h e n a burst of applause was heard f r o m t h e hall. 446

Doctor N i s h a n i , w h o was bending over his notes, raised his spectacles w i t h his i n d e x f i n g e r and asked: W h a t ' s going on? T h e n i m b l e Nako, darted f r o m his chair, entered the h a l l for a m o m e n t and came back laughing. Professor S e j f u l l a is entertaining the delegates w i t h his poetic muse, he said l o o k i n g at Doctor N i shani, perhaps because he used a G j i r o k a s t r a e x p r e s sion for entertaining. Tch, tch, O m e r N i s h a n i made a disapproving, noise and w e n t on w i t h the w o r k . F r o m the h a l l came the imposing voice of the r e v o l u t i o n a r y poet, as D i s h n i c a described h i m on this occasion to the listeners, a n d then, in another tone, the appropriate explanations: written in the y e a r s u c h a n d such, w r i t t e n in the conditions of protracted p o l i t i c a l exile, etc., etc. F o r some days. S e j f u l l a , w h o w a s a classical sloth, had been d i s p l a y i n g tireless a c t i v i t y . He discussed and theorized about issues, met delegates, recited, i n q u i r e d w h e t h e r we had a n y task w i t h w h i c h to charge h i m , etc., etc. It was quite obvious that S e j f u l l a w a n t e d to advertise himself in e v e r y w a y as a theoretician, as a m a n acquainted w i t h the affairs of the state a n d as a poet to boot. A f t e r about t w o hours of discussion the c o m m i s sion compiled a list of 115 candidates, we returned to the hall, and the session recommenced. Doctor N i s h a n i read t h r o u g h the list twice and gave explanations about each of the candidates proposed, w h i l e t h e y stood up in t u r n and were introduced to the c o m rades. In general, a l l the candidates proposed were approved by the delegates, and this was n a t u r a l , be447

cause we had had in m i n d that those to be elected to the C o u n c i l s h o u l d be honest patriots, w h e t h e r communists or not, m i l i t a n t s of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, w h o had distinguished themselves i n t h e i r w o r k and struggle i n the t e r r a i n a n d i n the a r m y . Understandably, however, there w a s r o o m for a d d i tions to the list. In c o m p i l i n g the list of candidates we h a d also taken account of a series of other factors s u c h as the ratio between P a r t y m e m b e r s a n d n o n p a r t y members, their geographical d i s t r i b u t i o n , as w e l l as their various religious beliefs, w h i c h was a c r i t e r i o n that had importance at that t i m e . Thus, there w e r e no essential reservations about the c a n didates proposed except that the names of a n u m b e r of candidates, w h o should be added to the list, w e r e proposed. Since the composition of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l could not be enlarged w i t h o u t limit, however, it w a s decided that the total n u m b e r should r e m a i n w h a t it was, but there w a s discussion about w h e t h e r one candidate s h o u l d be replaced by another comrade. A n d , in fact, after the c o n v i n c i n g arguments and reasons presented by the comrades there were some candidatures that w e r e replaced. F o r example, at one m o m e n t C o m r a d e H y s n i K a p o rose and s a i d : I have no objection to the comrade proposed, w h o f u l l y deserves to be elected. H o w e v e r , proceeding f r o m the fact that he is an a r m y m a n and other c a n didates f r o m the a r m y f r o m the zone w h i c h he r e presents have already been approved, I t h i n k that we s h o u l d replace h i m w i t h another candidate w h o is a civilian. 448

A l m o s t everyone expressed agreement, w h e n u p got M e h m e t S h e h u a n d s a i d : There is an i n t r i g u e going on h e r e ! It doesn't seem to me r i g h t that because someone is a m i l i t a r y m a n h e s h o u l d not take part i n the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a tional L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l ! Is y o u r c o m p l a i n t about this concrete instance? we asked h i m , or is it related to the general p r i n ciple? Both, he replied, but the m a i n t h i n g is the general principle. Then, y o u are wrong, I told h i m , I don't k n o w w h e t h e r y o u listened c a r e f u l l y t o the list w h i c h D o c tor N i s h a n i read, or to w h a t extent y o u are acquainted w i t h the candidates proposed, but, as H y s n i said, the names of m a n y comrades f r o m the a r m y are there on the list. In fact, in the election of delegates we had h a d in m i n d that as m a n y comrades as possible f r o m the a r m y s h o u l d come to the Congress. O b v i o u s l y , by t a k ing up arms a n d shedding blood t h e y had g i v e n a great proof of themselves to the people and the H o m e land. T h e delegates f r o m the a r m y made up m o r e than 40 per cent of the total. L i k e w i s e , in the list of candidates for the C o u n c i l there was a good ratio between comrades f r o m the a r m y and civilians, thus M e h m e t Shehu's criticism in p r i n c i p l e was c o m pletely out of place. Hence, his concrete concern was for the concrete candidatures and obviously, above all, he was t r y i n g to open the w a y for a place f o r himself in the A n t i - f a s c i s t Committee. After discussion and explanation the composi-

449

tion of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l was approved. The n e w C o u n c i l received a long burst of applause. Now, said Doctor N i s h a n i , closing the session, we instruct a l l the delegates to the Congress to m a i n tain secrecy about those elected w h o are in i l l e g a l i t y in the zones s t i l l occupied by the enemy. A f t e r lunch, d u r i n g w h i c h I h a d a f r i e n d l y t a l k w i t h m y old friends M i h a Lako, Bab M y s l i m and Esat Dishnica, in the afternoon we began the f i r s t meeting of the n e w A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Council. A t this meeting the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a tion C o u n c i l took v e r y i m p o r t a n t decisions: about t h e functions and tasks of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b eration C o u n c i l , its S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e and the A n t i fascist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e ; about p r e v e n t i n g the r e t u r n of Z o g to A l b a n i a ; about a w a r d i n g badges o f r a n k i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y . W i t h the competences a n d prerogatives w i t h w h i c h it was charged, the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l , or A N L C as it was called for short, w o u l d be t h e supreme legislative organ of the n e w A l b a n i a n state. It was the Assembly, o u r People's A s s e m b l y , in t h e time of the w a r a n d the f i r s t months of L i b e r a t i o n , u n t i l general elections w e r e h e l d i n A l b a n i a for t h e Constituent A s s e m b l y , w h i c h , c a r r y i n g on the w o r k of the A N L C , w o u l d f i n a l l y settle the question of the f o r m of the regime, appoint the n e w G o v e r n m e n t and adopt the Constitution. W i t h the decision w h i c h the r e presentatives of the people at the Congress of P r m e t w o u l d approve, the functions and competences of the 450

S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e o f the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b eration C o u n c i l and Committee, as the supreme e x e cutive organ w i t h a l l the attributes of a P r o v i s i o n a l People's G o v e r n m e n t , w e r e also defined. A t this first m e e t i n g o f the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l , after the draft decisions w h i c h I mentioned w e r e read, discussed and adopted, we w e n t on to the election of the S t a n d i n g Committee. A f t e r about an hour's discussion in the commission appointed for the proposal of the candidates, a list of about 30 persons w a s prepared a n d Doctor O m e r N i s h a n i read this list to the members of the A N L C . This is the list proposed by the commission, he said, is there a n y objection? T h e r e w e r e no objections to the comrades p r o posed and a l l the candidates w e r e approved u n a n i m ously. Then, said O m e r N i s h a n i , please, bear in m i n d that the election of the last f o u r comrades to t h e S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e m u s t not be p u b l i c i z e d u n t i l t h e y are i n f o r m e d , because t h e y are in towns w h i c h have s t i l l not been liberated. N o w , w i l l a l l the comrades w h o w e r e elected to the S t a n d i n g Committee r e m a i n in the hall, w h i l e the others w i t h d r a w ? A f e w m i n u t e s later the first m e e t i n g of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e o f the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b eration C o u n c i l commenced. Since there are f e w of us, y o u m a y n o w smoke, said O m e r N i s h a n i w h o h a d categorically p r o h i b i t e d s m o k i n g d u r i n g a l l the sessions of the Congress and the A N L C . A t this meeting, f r o m w h i c h f i v e members o f the 451

S t a n d i n g Committee, B a b a F a j a , Q i r j a k o H a r i t o , O l l g a P l u m b i , Gaqo Tashko and G j e r g j K o k o s h i , w e r e absent, because they had been unable to come to Prmet, we elected the c h a i r m a n and three v i c e - c h a i r m e n of the S t a n d i n g Committee. Doctor O m e r N i s h a n i was elected chairman, w i t h B a b a F a j a M a r t a n e s h i , Hasan P u l o and K o i X o x e a s v i c e - c h a i r m e n . It was after 8 o'clock at night. W i l l we continue w i t h the election of the C o m mittee tonight or tomorrow? asked N a k o S p i r u . I t h i n k we should elect the C o m m i t t e e t o m o r row, I proposed, because it m i g h t take some t i m e and besides this we also have to examine some other laws. My proposal was adopted. We came out of the meeting h a l l together and, group by group, passed t h r o u g h the streets of the t o w n thronged w i t h the local people, partisans and delegates. A c r o w d had gathered in the m a i n square w h e r e there w e r e p e r formances of songs, dances and sketches w r i t t e n by our writers, who, also, w o r k e d a n d fought for the liberation of A l b a n i a . B u t we could not stay as long as we w o u l d have l i k e d amongst our friends and c o m rades because, although we w e r e in our free time, there was s t i l l a great deal of w o r k to be done. D u r i n g one of those free evenings I s u m m o n e d M e h met S h e h u and talked w i t h h i m about a n u m b e r of problems w h i c h had emerged in the brigade he c o m manded, especially about his relations w i t h other comrades of the brigade. A short time earlier I had received a letter f r o m one of the leading cadres of the 1st Shock Brigade, 452

who complained about the disparaging, d i s d a i n f u l and despotic attitude w h i c h M e h m e t S h e h u adopted t o wards h i m and a n u m b e r of other comrades. Hence, because of these things, as w e l l as the astonishing interjections, expressions of discontent and gibes w h i c h he made f r o m t i m e to time, even d u r i n g the proceedings of the Congress, I s u m m o n e d h i m to a separate m e e t i n g a n d c r i t i c i z e d h i m for these m a nifestations w h i c h w e r e incompatible w i t h the f i g u r e of a commander of a partisan unit. A m o n g s t other things I spoke to h i m about the relations between the commander and the commissar and t h e i r relations w i t h other comrades, w h e t h e r functionaries or not, e x p l a i n i n g the damage w h i c h his v i e w s and activities caused the P a r t y a n d the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . As I have w r i t t e n elsewhere, w h e n he was c o m mander of the 1st Shock Brigade, M e h m e t S h e h u had been s t e r n l y c r i t i c i z e d for his sectarian activities, c o n t r a r y to the l i n e of the P a r t y , both in M y z e q e and in e r m e n i k a d u r i n g the enemy's w i n t e r general o f f e n sive. We had c r i t i c i z e d h i m , also, for the distorted and disparaging v i e w s w h i c h he expressed in a letter in connection w i t h the a p p o i n t m e n t b y the G e n e r a l Staff of a f o r m e r officer, l i n k e d w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r ation War, to an i m p o r t a n t m i l i t a r y task. C o n t r a r y to the correct line w h i c h our P a r t y f o l l o w e d towards officers o f the o l d a r m y w i t h progressive and r e v o l utionary tendencies a n d stands, M e h m e t S h e h u d i s d a i n f u l l y c a l l e d t h e m zabit and expressed opposition to their p r o m o t i o n to v a r i o u s posts! M e h m e t S h e h u admitted his mistakes, made a self-criticism a n d p r o m i s e d that such things w o u l d 453

not be repeated. Later, he also sent me a letter in w h i c h he w r o t e that he a l w a y s bore in m i n d the t a l k w h i c h we had in Prmet. H o w e v e r , the i n k of this letter was scarcely d r y before M e h m e t S h e h u , c o n t i n u i n g his activities as a secret agent, was to oppose the order for the 1st D i v i s i o n to advance to the N o r t h , w h i l e somewhat later, in December 1944, in a letter addressed to the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the P a r t y , or more precisely to K o i X o x e (because it was addressed to h i m by name), M e h m e t S h e h u w a s to v e n t a l l his spleen against o u r P a r t y , its line and sound leadership, f u l l y i n the s p i r i t o f a n d i n unison w i t h the accusations w h i c h V e l i m i r Stojnic, K o i X o x e , S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a and others had p o u r e d out at the B e r a t P l e n u m in N o v e m b e r of that year. I have w r i t t e n in detail about a l l these things elsewhere ( 1 ) and here I w a n t to point out o n l y that this letter addressed to K o i X o x e t o some extent explains w h y , d u r i n g the proceedings of the Congress of P r m e t a n d after it, M e h m e t S h e h u was upset and irritable (in this letter, in his o w n h a n d w r i t i n g , he c o m p l a i n e d that he was dissatisfied that he was not g i v e n the r a n k of general and not appointed to the G e n e r a l Staff of our Army!). B u t let us r e t u r n to the f i e r y and unforgettable days d u r i n g w h i c h the proceedings of the Congress continued. On the f o l l o w i n g m o r n i n g , after the f i r s t m e e t i n g of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A N L C we met to
_____________________________________ 1 Enver Hoxha,

The

Titoites

(Historical

Notes),

Nntori

P u b l i s h i n g House, T i r a n a , 1982, p. 596, E n g . ed.

454

continue the w o r k to appoint the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Committee, that is, the first D e m ocratic G o v e r n m e n t of A l b a n i a . The m e e t i n g was chaired by O m e r N i s h a n i w h o gave the floor to the members of the S t a n d i n g Committee to make the respective proposals. T h e f i r s t t o speak was R a m a d a n i t a k u . H e proposed that the C o m m i t t e e should have 11 departments: i n t e r n a l affairs, e x t e r n a l affairs, the economy, reconstruction, justice, finance, the press a n d p r o p a ganda, education, health, the war, and p u b l i c w o r k s . I also i n t e n d to propose the names, he said in conclusion. Wait a m i n u t e u n t i l we agree on the n u m b e r of departments, O m e r N i s h a n i i n t e r r u p t e d h i m . Of course, m a n y times before this we had d i s cussed the questions of the organization of the state apparatus, the government, etc., h a d exchanged o p i n ions and r a c k e d our brains because for most of the comrades this w o r k was terra incognita: almost none of us had a n y previous experience in these matters; naturally, w e k n e w i n general w h a t the legislative and executive organs were, h a d some knowledge of certain aspects of state organization, the structure of the l o c a l organs of power, a n d so on. We had read about the various forms of regime in other c o u n tries, about the monarchies and the different forms of bourgeois republics, and h a d interested ourselves in f i n d i n g out as m u c h as possible about the organization of the Soviet socialist state in particular. A m o n g s t us we had O m e r N i s h a n i w h o had a fine j u r i d i c a l culture and a certain amount of experience in the 455

affairs of state administration, so we t u r n e d to h i m on m a n y questions and w h e n he k n e w the answers he showed us the way, and w h e n he d i d not he r a c k e d his brains together w i t h us. We thought that S e j f u l l a and K o o Tashko w o u l d contribute something f r o m their experience in the Soviet U n i o n , but t h e y o n l y theorized, especially S e j f u l l a , w h o h a d the greatest pretensions in this direction, but in most cases d e m onstrated n o t h i n g but his o p p o r t u n i s m and ignorance. We based ourselves, also, on w h a t experience we had accumulated d u r i n g the w o r k of strengthening and centralizing the national l i b e r a t i o n councils. T h i s experience was v e r y u s e f u l at basic l e v e l in the t e r rain, but in regard to the supreme organs we had m u c h less experience. U p t i l l that t i m e w e had o n l y the experience of a short period since the Conference of L a b i n o t at w h i c h , as I said, we had taken a step f o r w a r d by allocating to the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the G e neral C o u n c i l certain functions and competences w h i c h gave it the features of the beginnings of a government. We had also set up several sections to direct d i f f e r e n t fields of a c t i v i t y of our state power. H o w e v e r , there were m a n y things that w e s t i l l d i d not k n o w w e l l . F o r example, on the basis of our previous talks and discussions B a c a proposed the n u m b e r of departments and named them. B u t h a d w e t h o r o u g h l y considered and achieved complete c l a r i t y on the tasks and f u n c tions of these departments? We thought we had and, generally speaking, the structure that we decided upon, w i t h some modifications, j u s t i f i e d itself. H o w ever, w h e n we thought that we had settled this p r o b -

456

lem, one of the comrades of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e got up a n d a s k e d : W h a t is this department of reconstruction? It w i l l be engaged in the reconstruction of objects destroyed by the war, the houses, the bridges, and so on, e x p l a i n e d B a c a . That's a l l right, but we also have a department for p u b l i c w o r k s and one for the economy. Don't t h e y overlap one another? asked another. We discussed such problems over again and not o n l y answered a question or a criticism, but m a d e things clear to ourselves and defined the tasks of a department more completely and clearly. Thus, these discussions and debates became for us l i k e a theoretical course on the organization and structure of the n e w state. We spent a long time arguing over the n a m i n g of departments. W h y should we c a l l it the ' w a r d e p a r t m e n t ' ? asked S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a . We are not for war, therefore, we should c a l l it 'the department of the people's defence', and he took the o p p o r t u n i t y to speak to us about the character of o u r w a r today a n d in the f u ture, about the foreign p o l i c y of the state, etc., etc. V e r y w e l l , then, let us c a l l it the 'department of w a r and n a t i o n a l defence', someone proposed and this was approved. T h e r e were s i m i l a r debates, also, about w h e t h e r we s h o u l d speak of the department of the press and propaganda or the department of people's culture, the department of the economy or the department of the people's economy, etc. 457

A f t e r overcoming this p r o b l e m we w e n t on to the proposals for the composition of the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m mittee. One of the comrades proposed a list made up of 12 people, one c h a i r m a n of the Committee, w h o w o u l d also be in charge of the department of the w a r and defence, one v i c e - c h a i r m a n and the other m e m bers of the committee each of w h o m w o u l d r u n one department. Is there a n y other proposai? asked Doctor N i shani. I t h i n k we should have two vice-presidents of the committee, said M u s t a f a G j i n i s h i . I propose M a jor S p i r o M o i s i u , the appointment of w h o m sounds good also because he is an O r t h o d o x C h r i s t i a n ! Spiro M o i s i u is commander of the G e n e r a l Staff and cannot take on this function, too, O m e r N i s h a n i and I were of the one opinion. In our w a r we cannot take into account w h e t h e r someone proposed is O r t h o d o x or M o s l e m . H e r e we should proceed f r o m the c r i t e r i a of the candidate's w o r k , ability, determination, etc., put in S e j f u l l a and looked at all around h i m . O m e r N i s h a n i c h u c k l e d to himself because he u n derstood that S e j f u l l a was interested in his o w n c a n didature. I t h i n k that for the time being there is no need for more t h a n one v i c e - c h a i r m a n of the Committee, and so we are left w i t h B a b M y s l i m as the o n l y candidate, he said. I w i t h d r a w my proposai, said G j i n i s h i . O t h e r proposals w e r e discussed a n d it was reasonable and necessary to discuss them, because that was 458

the job for w h i c h we had met, so that we w o u l d elect the best comrades to the Committee, those w h o h a d the a b i l i t y a n d s k i l l and w o u l d be in a position to lead the w o r k . H e r e a n d there, however, in the comments a n d contributions of some members of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e there w e r e signs of w r o n g trends and p e r s o n a l inclinations to occupy positions. Let us have a look at w h e t h e r Doctor N i s h a n i ought to be c h a i r m a n of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e and also i n charge o f foreign affairs, put i n L i r i Gega, and i m m e d i a t e l y K o o Tashko took u p the r e f r a i n : W o n ' t the task of 'foreign affairs' m e a n neglecti n g the task of c h a i r m a n of the C o u n c i l ? O m e r N i s h a n i , w h o w a s modest but also s c r u p u lous on j u r i d i c a l matters, shrugged his shoulders and s a i d : It seems to me that the t w o don't go together. I n u n i s o n w i t h L i r i and K o o , S e j f u l l a , too, thought that e v e r y t h i n g was i n his f a v o u r a n d w e n t on the attack to capture the portfolio of foreign m i n i s t e r . Thus, there w e r e three candidates for this p o r t f o l i o and each thought he was the most suitable. I n order t o e x p l a i n w h y w e proposed the c a n d i d a t u r e of O m e r N i s h a n i , I intervened, s a y i n g : I t h i n k that the candidature of Doctor N i s h a n i f o r the department of foreign affairs is appropriate, especially at present. In the present situation of our c o u n t r y there is n o t h i n g w r o n g w i t h h a v i n g s u c h a w e l l - k n o w n f i g u r e as C o m r a d e O m e r N i s h a n i , c h a i r m a n of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A N L C , a m e m ber of the government, too. On the contrary, this fact w i l l have a good influence among the people. L i k e w i s e , we h a d judged that Doctor N i s h a n i , as 459

a democratic personality, k n o w n at home and a b r o a d , through his reputation and his w o r k w o u l d g r e a t l y assist the strengthening of our links w i t h foreign countries. Some years later, in 1947, w h e n I w e n t to B u l g a r i a at the head of a government delegation to sign the T r e a t y o f F r i e n d s h i p , Co-operation and M u t u a l A i d between the P R o f A l b a n i a and the P R o f B u l garia, d u r i n g my talks and meetings in S o f i a and elsewhere w i t h D i m i t r o v , I learned that he, too, k n e w and respected O m e r N i s h a n i . D i m i t r o v had been w e l l acquainted also w i t h H a l i m X h e l o and, likewise, w i t h A l i K e l m e n d i and his a c t i v i t y as a communist a n d member of the C o m i n t e r n , and expressed his regret that A l i had died. I talked to h i m at length about the former anti-Zogite emigrants and the efforts of o u r P a r t y to persuade t h e m to j o i n in the w a r a c c o r d i n g to the historic directives w h i c h D i m i t r o v himself h a d issued as G e n e r a l Secretary of the E x e c u t i v e C o m m i t tee of the C o m m u n i s t International, and w e n t on to tell h i m h o w some of t h e m f e l l into the m i r e of f a s cism. The unforgettable D i m i t r o v said to m e : The line of y o u r P a r t y has been correct, and the old m a n was pleased w h e n I t o l d h i m about N o l i and D o c t o r N i s h a n i , w h o had taken a good stand; it was a special j o y for me that such a personality as D i m i t r o v k n e w and was interested in the Doctor w h o m we h a d as C h a i r m a n of the P r e s i d i u m of the People's A s s e m b l y at that time. So we persisted and, in the end, it was decided that the name of O m e r N i s h a n i s h o u l d r e m a i n on the list as the candidate to r u n the department of f o r e i g n affairs. 460

Then, let us put the list to the vote one by one and as a group, said O m e r N i s h a n i . Just a minute, i n t e r r u p t e d one of those present. What are we going to c a l l the members of the C o m mittee w h o are to r u n the departments? T h a t was another problem, another o p p o r t u n i t y for the reasoning of our theoreticians. If we get i n v o l v e d in this question it w i l l take us another hour, I thought to myself, so I proposed: T h e y should be c a l l e d : members of the C o m mittee in charge of the w o r k of the economy, education, and so on. In charge of the w o r k does not sound right to me, said S e j f u l l a , p u r s i n g his lips. Then, w h a t do y o u propose? I asked h i m . I w o u l d have proposed 'commissar', but this w o u l d be considered leftist, therefore I say t h e y should be c a l l e d 'members of the C o m m i t t e e for such and such affairs'. It's a bit long but simple. I don't see a n y difference f r o m w h a t Comrade E n v e r proposed, said R a m a d a n i t a k u . I have a proposal that I k n o w w i l l not be accepted, put in N a k o S p i r u , let us c a l l the members of the C o m m i t t e e 'secretaries'. That's w h a t they are called in A m e r i c a , S e j f u l l a snapped a t h i m , w h i l e K o i X o x e , the f u t u r e m i n i s t e r of i n t e r n a l affairs, put the seal on it. I say, better c a l l t h e m 'entrusted'! In the e n d we got over this problem, too, and it was decided that the members of the Committee w o u l d be called in charge of the w o r k . 461

Then, we w e n t on to vote for the candidates, one by one, and the list as a whole. T h e A n t i - f a s c i s t N a tional L i b e r a t i o n Committee was approved u n a n i m ously w i t h the f o l l o w i n g composition: c h a i r m a n a n d in charge of the w a r a n d n a t i o n a l defence E n v e r H o x h a , v i c e - c h a i r m a n M y s l i m Peza, m e m b e r in charge of i n t e r n a l affairs H a x h i L l e s h i , in c h a r g e of foreign affairs D r . O m e r N i s h a n i , in charge of the economy D r . M e d a r S h t y l l a , in charge of t h e reconstruction B e d r i S p a h i u , in charge of j u s t i c e M a n o l K o n o m i , in charge of finance R a m a d a n i t a k u , in charge of the press and propaganda S e j f u l l a Malshova, in charge of education G j e r g j K o k o s h i , in charge of p u b l i c w o r k s E n g . S p i r o K o l e k a , in charge of health D r . Y m e r D i s h n i c a . T h e n e x t day, M a y 28, was the d a y of the closing of the A n t i - f a s c i s t Congress of P r m e t . T h e f i n a l session at w h i c h the historic decisions of the A l b a n i a n people w o u l d be approved was left for the afternoon; in the evening the delegates w o u l d celebrate together w i t h the patriotic and hospitable people of Prmet, w o u l d say their farewells a n d on the m o r n i n g of the f o l l o w i n g d a y each of t h e m w o u l d set out for the place to w h i c h his d u t y to the H o m e l a n d called h i m . A n atmosphere o f o p t i m i s m and j o y p r e v a i l e d that day. It could be felt in the P r m e t homes, in the streets, it could be read in the h a p p y faces and s m i l i n g eyes of the comrade delegates, commanders and commissars, w h o came to meet us over matters of work, brought reports and information, received o r d ers and instructions and set out r e a d i l y on t h e i r d u ties. M e a n w h i l e , others, friends and comrades, c a m e 462

just to meet us and talk, to express their good w i l l and say good-bye because who knows, perhaps w e ' l l never meet again. L i k e the other comrades, I was v e r y b u s y and d i d not l i k e t o i n t e r r u p t m y work, but w h e n the door opened and in came, say, H a s a n Pulo, to i n v i t e me to d r i n k a coffee a n d smoke a cigarette, I was not annoyed because these meetings w i t h dear comrades a n d f i n e people freshened my m i n d , rejoiced m y heart and increased m y w i l l t o work. I n the afternoon, w h e n w e entered the h a l l the delegates w h o h a d t a k e n their seats and w e r e singing in d i f f e r e n t groups, w e l c o m e d us w i t h applause a n d ovations f o r the P a r t y , the F r o n t and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y . T h e y d i d not stop for minutes o n end, h o w e v e r m u c h O m e r N i s h a n i , w h o himself w a s v e r y m o v e d , called on the delegates for order. In the end, w h e n some order was established, the D o c tor declared the session opened and gave the floor to the secretary of the S t a n d i n g Committee of the A N L C to read the draft decisions to w h i c h the Congress was to g i v e the f i n a l approval. T h e r e a d i n g of the draft, w h i c h n o r m a l l y s h o u l d have r e q u i r e d an hour, took m u c h longer because applause burst out after every decision, and even over separate clauses of the d e c i sions. H o w c o u l d the delegates of this nation, w h o had fought for freedom a n d justice for centuries, not cheer w h o l e h e a r t e d l y w h e n they h e a r d : The n e w democratic people's A l b a n i a w i l l be b u i l t according to the w i l l of the people! In these decisions t h e y saw the c r o w n i n g of the long d i f f i c u l t war, the a i m for w h i c h thousands and thousands of their comrades had shed their blood, had sacrificed their y o u t h and t h e i r 463

lives. T h e y u n a n i m o u s l y approved the decision that A h m e t Zog, the despot a n d traitor to the A l b a n i a n people, and his f a m i l y w o u l d be p r o h i b i t t e d f r o m r e t u r n i n g to A l b a n i a . W h e n this decision was read, O m e r N i s h a n i w h o chaired the session, a s k e d : Does the Congress approve? This time there was no clapping. T h e delegates expressed their o p i n i o n w i t h shouts, D o w n w i t h Zog! and stamping their feet. T h e Congress also u n a n i m o u s l y approved the other decisions about the refusal to recognize a n y other government w h i c h might be f o r m e d inside or outside the country, about the continuation more f i e r c e l y of the w a r against the occupiers, the quislings, the B a l l i K o m b t a r , L e g a l i t e t i and any other reactionary group. T h e Congress also endorsed the p o l i t i c a l line of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l and the a c t i v i t y of the G e n e r a l Staff of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , and expressed the desire that m i l i t a r y missions of the Soviet U n i o n and the U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a should be attached to it. T h e n , the other decisions of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l and its S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e w e r e read to the Congress, i n c l u d i n g those about the r e e x a m i n a t i o n and cancellation of a l l the enslaving p o l i t i c a l and economic agreements w h i c h Z o g had made w i t h other countries, about the functions and competences of the A N L C and its S t a n d i n g Committee, etc., etc. T h e decision of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l about the a p pointment and composition of the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m mittee w i t h the functions of a p r o v i s i o n a l government was received by the delegates w i t h applause a n d o v a tions. 464

Thus, w i t h these decisions of historic importance, w h i c h opened a n e w b r i l l i a n t epoch in the ancient h i s t o r y of the A l b a n i a n people, the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o n gress of P r m e t accomplished its historic mission. W i t h t h e i r clenched fists raised high, just as they saluted one another in the w a r for freedom, the delegates sealed a f u n d a m e n t a l act w h i c h m a r k e d the b i r t h of the n e w A l b a n i a n state and sketched the contours of the course o n w h i c h A l b a n i a w o u l d proceed i n the future. T h e w h o l e r e v o l u t i o n a r y s p i r i t of the Congress of Prmet, the experience of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r , together w i t h the historic decisions w h i c h were taken, w e r e reflected in the D e c l a r a t i o n of the C o n gress, w h i c h S a m i B a h o l l i read, a n d was applauded and approved unanimously. T h i s Declaration, w h i c h was soon to be made k n o w n to the w h o l e nation, s u m m e d up the w a r of the A l b a n i a n people since A p r i l 7, 1939 w i t h its f u n d a m e n t a l stages and moments, noted the anti-national and anti-popular role of the regime of Zog, the q u i s l i n g government and the Ballist, Zogite and other t r a i t ors a n d collaborationists, and strongly emphasized the role of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y as the leader a n d inspirer of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . In its analysis of the e x t e r n a l factors, the D e c l a r a t i o n stressed the w a r of the Soviet peoples and the R e d A r m y , under the l e a d ership of S t a l i n , as the m a i n factor in the v i c t o r y of t h e peoples' anti-fascist coalition, a n d made a correct assessment of the w a r of the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n s a n d that of the peoples of the B a l k a n s . F o l l o w i n g the reading of the D e c l a r a t i o n a n d a n u m b e r of messages, I, as c h a i r m a n of the A n t i - f a s c i s t 465

N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Committee, d e l i v e r e d the closing address. A m o n g s t other things, in my short speech I s a i d : This Congress is one of the greatest successes of o u r Movement, is the t r i b u n e at w h i c h the opinions and desires of the people have been f r e e l y expressed f o r the first time in A l b a n i a , at w h i c h decisions i m p o r t a n t to the fate of o u r H o m e l a n d , to the development of the w a r and the creation of a h a p p y future, have been taken. Conscious of the grave responsibility w i t h w h i c h the A l b a n i a n people have entrusted us, I w e n t on, we s h a l l place a l l o u r strength and our lives in the service of the people and the H o m e l a n d and w i l l r e m a i n l o y a l to the death to the w i l l of o u r people for the a c h i e v e ment of an independent and democratic A l b a n i a . We s h a l l take the decisions of this Congress i m mediately to the people and, together w i t h the people, w i l l fight to a p p l y them, not s p a r i n g even our lives, w i l l mobilize a l l the active forces of the people and, u n i t e d around the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l and Committee, h u r l ourselves more vigorously into the fight to hasten the l i b e r a t i o n of o u r people! A f t e r my speech, a l l the delegates, one after t h e other, placed their signatures b e l o w the decisions w h i c h had been collected in the Book of the Congress, in that book in w h i c h in a s y m b o l i c w a y we put o u r signatures w h e n e v e r we go to P r m e t on the a n n i v e r sary of that glorious event. Thus, the Congress of Prmet, one of the most important events of our epic N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r , 466

a m o n u m e n t b u i l t by the w a r a n d the w i s d o m of t h e P a r t y and the people, a great deed w i t h colossal i m portance for the f u t u r e of A l b a n i a , came to a close. A t Prmet, A l b a n i a , led b y its heroic C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , demonstrated to friends a n d enemies that it was u n w a v e r i n g on its correct course. A c c o u n t s could no longer be made as in the past. Those times had gone n e v e r to r e t u r n . H i s t o r y w o u l d n e v e r again be repeated as the enemies w i s h e d : the people had become masters of t h e i r o w n fate.

3. Towards the final victory

I m m e d i a t e l y after the Congress of P r m e t we established ourselves in O d r i a n , a v i l l a g e b u i l t on a ridge, about an h o u r or t w o by foot f r o m P r m e t . O d r i a n w a s a s m a l l but pleasant village, w i t h fresh w a t e r and f r u i t trees. T h e enemy h a d not b u r n t it, therefore we had somewhere to stay. T h e residents w e l c o m e d us w i t h open arms and we w e r e a l l billeted in their homes. T h e y allocated me to a house at the top of the village, the master and mistress of w h i c h were patriots and, l i k e the w h o l e village, l i n k e d w i t h the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and hated the B a l l i K o m b t a r , A l i B e y and the reactionary D e r v i s h of the tekke of S u k a w h i c h was nearby. My hosts, especially M o t h e r V i t o r i J o r g j i , d i d e v e r y t h i n g they could to please me and provide me w i t h conditions f o r 467

w o r k and rest. Since L i b e r a t i o n I have met the o l d m a n several times in P r m e t w h e n I have gone there for anniversaries of the Congress. I do not k n o w w h e t h e r those fine people are s t i l l alive, but I have been told that their son, w h o was y o u n g at that time, is a good cadre and today w o r k s in the organs of the state in Prmet. Beside the home of M o t h e r V i t o r i was that of M o t h e r Koce, as K o s t a n d i n a L o n d a r i was called in the village and as we called her, too. M a n y a time I w e n t to w o r k or to sit in the home of M o t h e r K o c e , w h o as soon as she set eyes on me, w o u l d ask w i t h m o t h e r l y love and concern if there w a s a n y t h i n g I needed. She had no c h i l d r e n , but d u r i n g the t i m e we w o r k e d in O d r i a n she made a l l of us her c h i l d r e n and, indeed, w h e n e v e r our w o r k r e q u i r e d it, she made her w h o l e house available w h i l e she m o v e d into the s m a l l detached k i t c h e n in the y a r d . I have the greatest l o v e in my heart a n d the fondest memories about this kindly woman. D u r i n g the days of the Congress, but especially after we established ourselves in O d r i a n , we discussed the political and m i l i t a r y situation of the c o u n t r y in detail and took fresh measures a n d decisions f o r the f u r t h e r strengthening of the National Liberation A r m y , formation of n e w brigades, divisions and a r m y corps, and so on. One of the most important decisions of the days w h e n we w e r e in P r m e t was that on the f o r m a t i o n of the 1st D i v i s i o n of the A l b a n i a n N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , w h i c h was evidence of the h i g h l e v e l of m a t u r i t y and organization w h i c h o u r a r m y had achieved. 468

N o w t h e P a r t y and the people saw w i t h j u s t i f i e d pride h o w our heroic a r m y had g r o w n and been strengthened in the f i r e of the w a r for freedom and had become dear to the people and a terror to the enemy. At this p e r i o d there w e r e shock brigades, most of w h i c h had been f o r m e d after the enemy's general w i n t e r offensive, as w e l l as scores of regular or t e r r i torial battalions, eta and units, at the head of w h i c h w e r e tested commanders, commissars and other p o l i t ical and m i l i t a r y cadres such as H y s n i K a p o , Shefqet Pei, A d i l a r a n i , H a k i Toska, M a n u s h M y f t i u , R a m i z A l i a , R i t a M a r k o , T e k i K o l a n e c i , J a h o G j o l i k u and tens of others, f u n c t i o n i n g and c a r r y i n g out p o w e r f u l m i l i t a r y operations i n o u r country. T h e ranks of o u r f i g h t i n g formations w e r e ceaselessly f i l l e d w i t h sons and daughters of the people, and even w i t h the more elderly, a t h i n g w h i c h spoke clearly of the strength and indisputable a u t h o r i t y w h i c h our l i b e r a t i o n a r m y enjoyed among the people. Not o n l y was it smashing the n a z i and B a l l i s t forces e v e r y w h e r e and l i b e r a t i n g cities and w h o l e districts and zones one after the other, but also, w i t h even greater force t h a n before, it was p l a y i n g a v e r y great role in strengthening the national l i b e r a t i o n councils, ensuring that t h e y functioned in the best possible way, in defending and a f f i r m i n g the n e w state p o w e r w h i c h h a d n o w taken the reins o f A l b a n i a f i r m l y i n hand. B e f o r e long, in the ceaseless upsurge of the general a r m e d u p r i s i n g , we w e r e to f o r m other divisions as w e l l as the 1st A r m y Corps of the A l b a n i a n N a 469

t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , t o w h i c h H y s n i K a p o , the brave son of L a b r i a and l o y a l fighter of the P a r t y , was appointed as commissar. Thus, our people, the P a r t y and the G o v e r n m e n t n e w l y formed a t P r m e t had i n t h e i r hands t h e i r p o w e r f u l weapon and defender, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , w h i c h had n o w been t r a n s f o r m e d into a regular a r m y and was ceaselessly perfecting its m e thods and forms of f i g h t i n g . A l l these things enabled us to p l a n and c a r r y out large-scale co-ordinated operations a n d to go over f r o m the tactic of partisan w a r f a r e to the tactic of frontal warfare. Included in this context is the order w h i c h we issued i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e historic Congress of P r met for the 1st D i v i s i o n of the A l b a n i a n N a t i o n a l L i b eration A r m y to go on the offensive in the N o r t h in order to attack a n d rout the forces of the occupier and a l l the Ballist, Zogite a n d b a y r a k t a r reactionary forces i n Mat, D i b r a and elsewhere. This order had special importance because it e n a bled the government f o r m e d at P r m e t to e x e r t its power in the N o r t h , too, where, especially in certain zones, i n t e r n a l reaction, supported and i n s p i r e d by the B r i t i s h , was t r y i n g to r e t a i n d o m i n a n t positions and hold on to the old state power. As I have w r i t t e n elsewhere, the aims of reaction w e n t so far that t h e y intended and planned for a division of A l b a n i a into t w o parts and i n this division N o r t h e r n A l b a n i a was to r e m a i n under the p o w e r of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , L e g a l i t e t i and B r i t i s h i n f l u e n c e ! B u t in p u r s u i n g this aim, too, reaction was w r o n g 470

in its calculations. Irrespective of the p o w e r of the bayraktars and the clergy, the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t h a d p o w e r f u l support i n the N o r t h , f r o m T r o p o j a t o S h k o d r a , f r o m D i b r a t o M a t and M i r d i t a . The people of those parts, w h o suffered under the oppression of bayraktars, reactionary clergy, especially of the C a t h o l i c C h u r c h , w e r e seething w i t h the desire to t r a n s f o r m t h e i r lives and to be free. T h i s desire w a s i n complete accord w i t h the w a r w h i c h the P a r t y was waging, therefore the resistance towards the f o r e i g n ers and t h e i r tools was increasing day by d a y a n d the people w e r e more and more c o m i n g to understand that the basis of t h e i r f u t u r e and the course w h i c h they had to pursue, w a s the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b eration W a r . T h e development of events was to prove the correctness of the line of the P a r t y and resulted in the v a l o u r and courage of the sons of the remote regions of the N o r t h being d i s p l a y e d as b r i l l i a n t l y as e v e r y w h e r e else. P a r t i s a n units a n d eta, l i k e those of D i b r a , S h k o dra, M a t , Has, e r m e n i k a and M a r t a n e s h , operated in the zones of the N o r t h right f r o m the start and steadily increased t h e i r activity, e x t e n d i n g it over the whole region. T h e partisan eta, w h i c h later grew into battalions such as the battalion of D i b r a , the Perlat R e x h e p i Battalion, the B a j r a m C u r r i B a t t a l i o n , the battalion of M a t and others, had scored a n u m b e r of victories in D i b r a , Tropoja, the H i g h l a n d s of G j a k o v a , in M a l s i e Madhe, in M a t and M a r t a n e s h . W i t h such patriotic and v a l i a n t commanders and fighters, as Ismail Poga, D i n B a j r a k t a r i , D u l e j m a n ela, Idriz M u l o s m a n i and 471

others, these units had not o n l y made l i f e intolerable for the Italian and G e r m a n occupiers and the l o c a l reactionaries l i n k e d w i t h the foreigners, but t i m e after time, at the request of their brothers of K o s o v a and on our orders, had advanced into the depths of K o s o v a and Montenegro in a i d of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t of the A l b a n i a n p o p u l a t i o n of those parts and the Y u g o s l a v peoples. L i k e w i s e , the finest sons of the N o r t h operated and m i l i t a t e d a l l over A l b a n i a , w h e r e v e r the P a r t y had sent them, d i s p l a y i n g great bravery, w i s d o m a n d devotion. Y o u could f i n d t h e m i n the partisan brigades, at the head of regional committees, f i e r y agitators f o r the line of the P a r t y , feareless u n d e r g r o u n d fighters, bold g u e r r i l l a fighters and ardent communists. B e a r i n g i n m i n d a l l the f i g h t w h i c h the people o f the N o r t h w e r e w a g i n g , as w e l l as the p r o f o u n d patr i o t i s m of the people, we w e r e c o n v i n c e d that, h o w ever m u c h reaction and the foreigners t r i e d to separate the N o r t h f r o m the rest of the H o m e l a n d , t h e y w o u l d never achieve this purpose. Nevertheless, although such ideas a n d plans were evidence of the deplorable situation a n d d i s a r r a y of reaction, it was impermissible for us to u n d e r e s t i mate a n y t h i n g and we m u s t not lose a single m i n u t e . Therefore, together w i t h the order for the offensive in the N o r t h , we recommended to the comrades of the P a r t y that t h e y should be merciless w i t h the heads of reaction and v e r y open-hearted and k i n d l y w i t h the people of the N o r t h , m u s t take care n e v e r to lose their patience, because t h e y m u s t a l w a y s take into account the v i l e propaganda w h i c h the occupiers a n d 472

reaction h a d c a r r i e d out among the people. We h a d to show the people of the N o r t h t h r o u g h our fight, through o u r stands and w i t h o u r w o r d s that we w e r e not w h a t the traitors and b a y r a k t a r s o r A b a z K u p i and c o m p a n y said we w e r e in t h e i r slanders of us, but, on the contrary, w e r e the true liberators a n d those w h o h a d brought the people to power. P r e c i s e l y d u r i n g those days the enemy began its second m a j o r operation, the J u n e Operation, w h i c h for a w h i l e , prevented the c a r r y i n g out of the order w h i c h I h a d signed in P r m e t for the N a t i o n a l L i b eration A r m y to go over to the offensive. The J u n e Operation was another stern test of the strength, courage and w i s d o m of our partisans, commissars and commanders, as w e l l as of the a b i l i t y of the P a r t y and the G e n e r a l C o m m a n d t o lead the N a t i o n a l L i b eration A r m y . Established at O d r i a n , we w e r e w i t h i n the zone of the enemy offensive a n d at a n y m o m e n t could come under attack, especially if the G e r m a n s and B a l l ists learned that the leadership of the P a r t y and the G e n e r a l C o m m a n d w e r e established there. Therefore, we had instructed the comrades and the residents of the v i l l a g e to m a i n t a i n the strictest secrecy and, at the same time, had t a k e n measures so that we could shift r a p i d l y in case of danger. One n i g h t B e h a r S h t y l l a and Stefo G r a b o c k a came u r g e n t l y a n d i n f o r m e d me that a G e r m a n force was heading for Prmet, a d v a n c i n g t h r o u g h the highlands of K o r a . I took the map, we m a r k e d the place f r o m w h i c h the G e r m a n s had set out, noted the t i m e at w h i c h t h e y h a d started and calculated w h e n t h e y 473

m i g h t pass through or close to O d r i a n . We had o n l y a f e w hours left. We n o t i f i e d the battalion of R i z a K o d h e l i , w i t h M i s t o T r e s k a as commissar, to move up q u i c k l y and occupy positions in the forest f a c i n g O d r i a n , above the road w h i c h l e d to A l i p o s t i v a n a n d opposite the road w h i c h came out of the v i l l a g e of P a g r i a . We took measures to ensure that the w o m e n , c h i l d r e n and o l d f o l k w e r e established in a safe place a n d f i n a l l y , we of the G e n e r a l C o m m a n d m o v e d across from Odrian. I summoned Riza Kodheli and Misto T r e s k a w h o reported to me on the positions of t h e i r forces a n d I gave the order to a l l that no-one s h o u l d open f i r e w i t h o u t h e a r i n g three shots f r o m my Maiiser. W e stood ready, w a i t i n g i n silence. I f the G e r mans w e r e to b u r n the village, t h e n it w a s certain they had received i n f o r m a t i o n that we w e r e there and that we m u s t be in the forests round-about and, thus, they w o u l d take the road of A l i p o s t i v a n . T h e G e r m a n s came, the c o l u m n passed through O d r i a n and P a g r i a w i t h mules laden w i t h l i g h t arms and mortars, c o n t i n u e d o n t h e i r w a y and emerged o n the r o a d b e l o w the forest. F o r two w h o l e hours we w a t c h e d t h e m as t h e y passed before us as on parade. T h e y d i d not b u r n either O d r i a n o r P a g r i a , but headed for P r m e t w h i c h t h e y p u t to the torch for the last t i m e ; a l l t h e y d i d was r e - b u r n the ruins. Hence, the G e r m a n s h a d not received i n f o r m a t i o n that we w e r e in the zone of the operation. We r e t u r n e d to O d r i a n and continued o u r work. E v e r y evening, either in the house or in the porch of the s m a l l c h u r c h at the e n d of the village, I gathered the comrades together a n d i n f o r m e d t h e m about 474

t h e situation and the n e w events and consulted t h e m . F r o m O d r i a n , we f o l l o w e d the development of the G e r m a n offensive. B y c a r e f u l l y f o l l o w i n g the development o f the f i g h t i n g on the eastern front, we judged that the end h a d come for n a z i G e r m a n y . It w a s being smashed u n d e r the t e r r i b l e l e t h a l blows o f Stalin's R e d A r m y , under the blows of a l l the peoples w h o w e r e f i g h t i n g h e r o i c a l l y for freedom. N o w the G e n e r a l C o m m a n d understood c l e a r l y that the G e r m a n offensive of J u n e 1944 in A l b a n i a was the m o m e n t of the last desperate w r i t h i n g of the d y i n g beast. In order to respond to this offensive in c o n f o r m i t y w i t h o u r strategy and the task of the r a p i d l i b e r a t i o n of the w h o l e c o u n t r y we continued to instruct the detachments of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y to resist the e n e m y operation w i t h f l e x i b l e a n d active defence, w h i l e a v o i d i n g the attacks of large f o r m a tions of the e n e m y forces, w i t h c o n t i n u a l offensive actions against G e r m a n a n d reactionary forces in order to tire them, break t h e m up, demoralize t h e m and wipe t h e m out in the f i r e of the people's w a r . In this context the order for the 1st D i v i s i o n to move to the N o r t h , also, was a serious p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y blow to the G e r m a n s and the traitors, and to the aims and plans of the allies. T h e c a r r y i n g out of this order, despite the opposition of the B r i t i s h and the sabotage on the part of M e h m e t Shehu, D a l i N d r e u and T u k J a k o v a , in fact, m a r k e d the end of the enemy offensive a n d the b e g i n n i n g of o u r general offensive for the l i b e r a t i o n of the w h o l e country. As a result of a l l these successes on the front 475

of the war, the w o r k for the organization and f u n c t i o n i n g of the n e w state w h i c h we h a d just created emerged more and more in the forefront. T h e a c t i v i t y of the state organs elected at the Congress of Prmet, w h i c h h a d been h i n d e r e d for a m o m e n t d u r i n g J u n e on account of the m i l i t a r y situation, w a s extended more w i d e l y a n d f u r t h e r i m p r o v e d i m m e d i a t e l y afterwards. F r o m J u l y t o October the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e and the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e and its departments brought out a series of laws, decisions and instructions for the organization and r e v i v a l of the economy, e d u cation, the h e a l t h service, and so on. In the liberated zones w o r k began to register and administer the national assets, to b r i n g into production those f e w i n d u s t r i a l objects w h i c h h a d remained f r o m the past, to open schools, to ensure cadres for d i f f e r e n t fields, such as doctors, teachers, engineers, technicians, a n d so on. T h r o u g h its activity, the n e w people's state showed that it existed not just on paper, but w a s r e a l l y r u n n i n g and g o v e r n i n g the c o u n t r y i n the n a m e of the people and w i t h t h e i r f u l l support and assistance. P r e c i s e l y in the upsurge of a l l this w o r k t h e P a r t y decided that the 1st Congress of the o r g a n i z a tion o f the A l b a n i a n A n t i - f a s c i s t Y o u t h U n i o n s h o u l d be held. T h i s was a m a j o r event, not o n l y for t h e youth, but also for the P a r t y and o u r w h o l e people, because the y o u t h w e r e the most vigorous and active force i n the w a r a n d tomorrow, after L i b e r a t i o n , t h i s indomitable and organized a r m y w o u l d p l a y a n i r r e placeable role in the w h o l e life of the country, in t h e reconstruction, i n the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d and i n the g o v e r n 476

ment. E d u c a t e d in the s p i r i t of l o f t y patriotism, always the m i l i t a n t reserve of the P a r t y , the y o u t h w o u l d take over a n d c a r r y f o r w a r d the banner o f o u r r e v o l u t i o n unprecedented in the h i s t o r y of o u r people. P r e c i s e l y because we considered this event so important, we, the l e a d i n g comrades of the P a r t y , the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e a n d the S t a n d i n g Committee, w h o h a d re-established ourselves i n Helms, despite the great amount of w o r k we had to do, spent those days w i t h our r e v o l u t i o n a r y y o u n g m e n and w o m e n . T h e Congress was to be h e l d at Helms, in a b e a u t i f u l meadow above the village. These w e r e h a p p y days f u l l o f w o r k . N a k o and N e x h m i j e p r e pared the report w h i c h afterwards w e looked over together. T h e o t h e r comrades of the Y o u t h O r g a n i z a t i o n w e r e p r e p a r i n g to welcome the delegates and a l l , i n c l u d i n g us older ones, w e r e eagerly a w a i t i n g the day w h e n the Congress was to open. T h e y o u t h delegates a r r i v e d f r o m a l l parts of the country. T h e y came f r o m the m i l i t a r y detachments, f r o m the eta, f r o m amongst the c i v i l i a n population, legal and illegal workers, a l l y o u t h f u l ardour and vigour, w i t h great love for a n d l o y a l t o the P a r t y and the N a t i o n a l L i b eration W a r . On A u g u s t 8, the d a y w h e n the Congress began, I left H e l m s in the m o r n i n g together w i t h Doctor N i s h a n i and other comrades and we c l i m b e d up to the b e a u t i f u l m e a d o w o f L i r z w h i c h resounded w i t h songs and cheers for the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a . A l l the delegates, happy, s m i l i n g and f u l l of joy, opened the w a y for us, l i n i n g up on both sides of the road, and we passed between t h e m as t h o u g h we were 477

r e v i e w i n g a guard of honour comprised of y o u n g m e n and w o m e n partisans standing facing one another, s a l u t i n g arms. We took our places on the r o s t r u m of the Congress along w i t h comrades of the leadership of the Y o u t h Organization such as N a k o S p i r u , R a m i z Alia, Nexhmije X h u g l i n i , A l q i Kondi, Tasi M i t r u s h i , and others. There was a moment of expectant silence w h i c h was broken w h e n the voice of a y o u n g m a n r a n g out, f u l l of emotion, w h i c h affected a l l of us. Comrades, he said, in the name of a l l the d e legates, w h o represent the y o u t h of the liberated a n d unliberated zones, and a l l the detachments of o u r army, I welcome to the Congress of the y o u t h the m a i n leaders o f the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , the A r m y and o u r n e w State. In expressing our heartfelt thanks to t h e m , let me say that we consider t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h e Congress a great honour, encouragement and assistance for the younger generation of A l b a n i a ! This y o u n g man, s t i l l s l i m i n b u i l d , but w i t h k e e n eyes and f i e r y words, was C o m r a d e R a m i z A l i a . I m e t h i m personally for the first t i m e at Helms, a l t h o u g h , y o u m i g h t say, we had long been acquainted at a d i s t ance. The comrades, especially N a k o and N e x h m i j e , had spoken t o m e about R a m i z w i t h respect and s y m pathy, as a s k i l f u l and m i l i t a n t y o u n g comrade w h o had distinguished himself, i n i t i a l l y in T i r a n a , and especially in the organization and leadership of the Committee and O r g a n i z a t i o n of the Y o u t h of the r e gion of Berat. T w o months earlier I h a d received a letter f r o m h i m , w h i c h struck m e i m m e d i a t e l y for the competence w i t h w h i c h he raised problems of the p o l 478

itical w o r k and w o r k w i t h the y o u t h i n the 7th S h o c k Brigade, in w h i c h right f r o m the outset, he had been charged w i t h the duties of comrade responsible for the y o u t h organization and w o r k in the p o l i t i c a l section of the brigade. In my r e p l y I congratulated h i m and transmitted the advice and instructions of the leadership of the P a r t y to c a r r y f o r w a r d the w o r k for the education of the y o u t h . At that time R a m i z was quite young but w i t h clear and mature opinions, a m i l i t a n t type and w i t h initiative, qualities w h i c h he d i s p l a y e d again in the days w h e n the proceedings of the C o n gress took place. At H e l m s the delegates elected h i m a m e m b e r of the leadership of the A l b a n i a n A n t i - f a s cist Y o u t h U n i o n and f r o m then on, through ceaseless w o r k and f r u i t f u l activity, he was to advance f u r t h e r on the road he h a d taken as one of the m a i n leaders of the Y o u t h , and subsequently of the P a r t y , and we were to be l i n k e d together in a close collaboration and f r i e n d s h i p w h i c h is based on o u r w o r k for the t r i u m p h of the ideal of the P a r t y . T h e h a l l for the 1st Congress of the Y o u t h was the meadow, the sessions w e r e held outside in the fresh air of M a r t a Pass. D e l i v e r i n g a message of greetings to the Congress on behalf of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the P a r t y , I spoke to the representatives of the Y o u t h about the great trust w h i c h the P a r t y h a d always placed i n the heroic younger generation of A l b a n i a and made a h i g h assessment of the great c o n t r i b u t i o n of the y o u t h in the w a r for freedom, and w e n t on to point o u t : N e w battles a w a i t us to construct the H o m e l a n d , to strengthen the democratic state power, to set o u r 479

A l b a n i a on the road to happiness! Therefore, y o u y o u n g m e n and w o m e n o f A l b a n i a w h o t o d a y are i n the forefront of the gigantic struggle for the f r e e d o m of the H o m e l a n d , f r o m these moments on m u s t a l w a y s be in the forefront of the w o r k for the reconstruction of the country, for the e l i m i n a t i o n of its backwardness, f o r the defence and f l o w e r i n g of this s o i l w h i c h we are w a t e r i n g w i t h o u r blood. The delegates w e l c o m e d my greeting on behalf of the C e n t r a l Committee w i t h ovations. W i t h their e n thusiastic cheers and shouts as w e l l as in t h e i r c o n tributions to the discussion, t h e y expressed t h e i r love for and unshakeable confidence in the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and their determination to forge ahead u n w a v e r i n g l y on its course. We, too, had great desire to stay there in the meadow of Lirz, w h e r e the freshness, v i g o u r and strength of the y o u t h was predominant. H o w e v e r , we left the y o u t h t o c a r r y o n w i t h t h e i r w o r k because n e w w o r k and tasks w e r e a w a i t i n g us. A s w e w e r e w a l k i n g h a p p i l y d o w n the slope, amidst continuous cheers, we ceaselessly repeated the l e i t m o t i v of o u r talks : We w i l l c e r t a i n l y t r i u m p h over a n y enemy w h o emerges before us! Doctor N i s h a n i , deeply moved, w i p e d a w a y his tears w i t h his handkerchief and s a i d : Look w h a t this P a r t y has done! L o o k w h a t p a t r i o t i s m it has aroused in the hearts of the youth! L e a v i n g the y o u t h above t o c a r r y o n w i t h t h e i r Congress, we members of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the Party, the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e and the S t a n d i n g Committee of the C o u n c i l continued o u r w o r k f r o m 480

m o r n i n g t i l l late at night, d e f i n i n g the measures to bring the d a y of l i b e r a t i o n as close as possible, to heal the wounds of the war, to r e b u i l d the homes, schools and bridges, to ensure the people's food, to r e v i v e that little i n d u s t r y we had, etc. T h e r e was so m u c h w o r k that, as t h e y say, there was scarcely time to d r a w a breath. B u t we w e r e a l l confidence and o p t i m i s m : after so m a n y years of s t r u g gle and efforts we saw that freedom w a s close at hand, the people w o u l d enjoy it completely, as never before, in a n e w A l b a n i a w i t h o u t oppressors or exploiters. It was quite obvious that the a u t u m n of 1944 w o u l d be the last season of the occupation in A l b a n i a . T h e w h o l e S o u t h had been liberated, together w i t h the b i g m a i n towns l i k e V l o r a , G j i r o k a s t r a , Saranda, Prmet, etc. L i k e w i s e , t h r o u g h bloody f i g h t i n g the greater part of C e n t r a l A l b a n i a had been liberated, w h i l e in the N o r t h the enemy s t i l l h e l d control of some towns a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n lines as routes for their w i t h d r a w a l b e y o n d o u r state borders. In fact, the occupation authorities, the q u i s l i n g government and its a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had no real p o w e r : in a l l the liberated zones w h i c h in October of that year comprised about 3/4 of the t e r r i t o r y of A l b a n i a , the new people's state p o w e r had been established and was f u n c t i o n i n g w i t h its organs f r o m the base to the centre. E v e r y t h i n g indicated that the e n e m y w a s no longer capable of m a k i n g serious attempts to re-establish the f o r m e r situation; the complete l i b e r a t i o n of A l b a n i a w a s a matter of weeks. In these circumstances the leadership of the P a r ty discussed the measures w h i c h had to be taken, es481

pecially in the p o l i t i c a l plane, in the face of these pending events, and t a k i n g into account the e x i s t i n g i n t e r n a l situation and the i n t e r n a t i o n a l relations of o u r n e w state, the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the P a r t y c o n sidered it u r g e n t l y necessary to t r a n s f o r m the A n t i fascist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e into the P r o v isional Democratic G o v e r n m e n t of A l b a n i a . As I have said above, a n d as is k n o w n f r o m h i s tory, although the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e w h i c h w a s elected in P r m e t had a l l the attributes of a g o v e r n ment (amongst ourselves this is w h a t we called it), p u b l i c l y we d i d not c a l l it a government, and this was for several reasons. True, the Congress of P r m e t f o u n d e d the A l b a n i a n state, n e w i n f o r m a n d d i f f e r e n t i n content f r o m the feudal-bourgeois state of the Z o g regime; true, the supreme state organs w h i c h w e r e elected at P r m e t had the w i d e support of the popular masses, and e x pressed and w i e l d e d state sovereignty, but it m u s t not be forgotten that in M a y 1944 a good part of A l b a n i a was s t i l l under the occupation and control of n a z i troops and q u i s l i n g administrations. At the same time, in M a y 1944, we h a d not yet created a complete n e t w o r k of administrative organs t h r o u g h w h i c h the g o v e r n m e n t c o u l d r u n and c o n t r o l the w h o l e l i f e of the country. A p a r t f r o m this, h a d w e p r o c l a i m e d the f o r m a t i o n of a n o m i n a l government in M a y 1944, this w o u l d have raised the question that this government should be recognized by our allies, w h i c h w o u l d not have been tactically opportune at those moments. T h i s because the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n allies, especially, of the extent of whose sympathy f o r us we w e r e w e l l 482

aware, w o u l d have refused us recognition, using as a pretext the circumstances w h i c h I mentioned above. Therefore, it was decided that the C o m m i t t e e should be t u r n e d into a government at a second step, w h e n the general offensive of our a r m y had almost totally destroyed the G e r m a n occupier, i n t e r n a l reaction, and together w i t h them, the hopes of allies to oppose another p o l i t i c a l force to the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e ment, as a counter-weight in the struggle for power. In September 1944, the leadership of the P a r t y considered that the conditions for this n e w step h a d m a t u r e d and raised the p r o b l e m for discussion in the meeting of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l . A f t e r p o i n t i n g out t o the comrades the reasons w h y at P r m e t we emerged w i t h the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e and w h y n o w i t h a d to be t u r n e d into and p r o c l a i m e d the Democratic G o v ernment of the n e w A l b a n i a n state, I concluded: The proposal that the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b eration C o m m i t t e e elected at P r m e t s h o u l d be t u r n e d into the P r o v i s i o n a l Democratic G o v e r n m e n t of the n e w A l b a n i a n state is the logical continuation of the course on w h i c h the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y has l e d the p o p u l a r masses for the l i b e r a t i o n of the c o u n t r y and the seizure of p o l i t i c a l state power. In this sense, the meeting w h i c h w i l l approve this proposal o f the P a r t y w i l l b e a continuation of the Congress of Prmet, a 'session' of it w h i c h is h e l d a f e w months later. A l l the comrades of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the C o u n c i l w e l c o m e d the proposal of the C e n t r a l C o m mittee o f the C P A w i t h enthusiasm and agreed that the 2nd M e e t i n g of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n 483

C o u n c i l should be called in the first days of October. T h e precise date w o u l d be communicated to members of the A N L C later, together w i t h the name of the city in w h i c h the meeting w o u l d be held, w h i c h was left to the G e n e r a l Staff to decide depending on the m i l i t a r y situation. O n l y a f e w days after this m e e t i n g we learned that the city of B e r a t had been liberated. We decided i m m e d i a t e l y that the 2nd M e e t i n g of the A N L C s h o u l d be h e l d there, t a k i n g into account that it was one of the m a i n cities of A l b a n i a , in the centre of the c o u n t r y and w i t h ancient historical traditions. However, the date for the commencement of the meeting was put back a little because the G e r m a n troops s t i l l held their positions in K u o v a and a certain t i m e w o u l d be needed to assemble a l l the members of the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o u n c i l . M e a n w h i l e , we ordered our u n i t s w h i c h w e r e operating in that zone to put an e n d to the resistance of the nazis as q u i c k l y as possible, and it seems to me t w o to three days before the c o m m e n cement of the meeting of Berat, K u o v a , too, was l i b erated. Thus, at the proper time we set out f r o m O d r i a n , travelled across S k r a p a r and, after a j o u r n e y of t w o days, a r r i v e d at B e r a t late at night. On the f o l l o w i n g day, w h e n the people l e a r n e d that the comrades of the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e and the G e n e r a l Staff had come to their city, they f l o c k e d into the streets. M e n and w o m e n , o l d folk, mothers w i t h children in their arms, boys and girls, pioneers welcomed us w i t h songs and protracted cheers. F o r hours on end, the singing a n d cheering continued in t h e streets as w e l l as in front of the b u i l d i n g w h e r e 484

we had established ourselves on the edge of M a n g a lem precinct i n w h i c h the district m u s e u m o f t h e N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r is established today, and w h i c h p r e v i o u s l y had been the house of the V r i o n i s . T h e c i t y w a s b u z z i n g w i t h n o r m a l h a p p y l i f e : the partisans and volunteers had established l a w and order. B e r a t had not suffered m a j o r damage f r o m the war, although there w a s some destruction and b u r n t b u i l d ings, but i n comparison w i t h P r m e t w h e r e w e had met a f e w m o n t h s earlier, B e r a t w a s in a m u c h better state. D u r i n g those days a l l of us, partisans a n d l e a d ers, l i v e d i n a n atmosphere w h i c h w e had not e x p e r i enced for a long time. T h e streets were f u l l of life, the shops open a n d f u l l of goods (of course, those goods w h i c h could be f o u n d at that time), and the cafs and restaurants stayed open late. Nevertheless, we d i d not justify the hopes of the merchants and owners of those businesses because, w h i l e we w o u l d have l i k e d to b u y something, we w e r e short of money, and w h e n the comrades managed to scrape up the o d d lek f r o m t h e i r pockets, t h e y spent it on tobacco, a razor blade or to d r i n k a coffee l i k e lords in the Colombo Hotel! D u r i n g those days, the allied m i l i t a r y missions of the Soviet U n i o n , G r e a t B r i t a i n and the U n i t e d States o f A m e r i c a , headed respectively b y Ivanov, S m i t h a n d Thomas Stevens, alias T h o m a Stefani, also established themselves i n B e r a t . O f course, C o l o n e l V e l i m i r S t o j n i c and the other Y u g o s l a v friends w e r e there, too. We i n v i t e d a l l of t h e m to take part in t h e m e e t i n g of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l as r e p r e s e n tatives of f r i e n d l y countries a n d allies in the c o m m o n 485

w a r against n a z i fascism. Of course, I v a n o v a n d S t o j n i accepted the i n v i t a t i o n w i t h pleasure a n d l i k e w i s e the A m e r i c a n f r o m K o r a , Stevens, w h o h a d also t a k e n part in the Congress of P r m e t as an observer. S u r prisingly, the B r i t i s h , too, u n l i k e w h a t t h e y h a d done at Prmet, agreed to attend the m e e t i n g to w h i c h t h e y sent M a j o r S m i t h w h o had replaced P a l m e r w h o had left in the first days of October. A f t e r the setback t h e y had suffered in their attempts to speak to us t h r o u g h the language of force, the members of the B r i t i s h M i s s i o n were n o w c a r e f u l to m i x a measure of kindness and good behaviour w i t h intrigues and threats i n t h e i r stands. A p p a r e n t l y they had f i n a l l y realized that their p l a n w i t h A b a z K u p i and others l i k e h i m had no chance of success and n o w they w e r e to t r y to w o r k w i t h i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t , w i t h i n the Front, t h r o u g h other T r o j a n horses, in order to sabotage the v i c t o r y of the people's r e v o l u t i o n . T h e historic m e e t i n g of B e r a t began on October 20. A b o u t 10 o'clock in the m o r n i n g we m e m b e r s of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e and the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Committee set off on foot for the h a l l in w h i c h the meeting w a s to be held a n d w h i c h is p r e served to this d a y as a m o n u m e n t of history. B o t h sides of the street w e r e crowded w i t h people w h o shouted greetings and t h r e w flowers to us. In f r o n t of the cinema, partisans of a c o m p a n y of the 7th Shock B r i g a d e w h i c h had fought for the l i b e r a t i o n of the city w e r e l i n e d up s a l u t i n g arms. W h e n we entered the h a l l , the members of the C o u n c i l and the guests rose to their feet in applause. N e a r l y half the hall, the boxes and the g a l l e r y w e r e 486

f i l l e d w i t h people. W e had fought together, e v e r y t h i n g was done in the name of the people, therefore, as they say, we l a i d o u r cards on the table: the people t h e m selves w o u l d see h o w a m e e t i n g of their representatives elected d e m o c r a t i c a l l y at P r m e t w a s conducted. There was n o t h i n g w r o n g w i t h this except that D o c tor N i s h a n i , w h o chaired the proceedings, had to w o r k harder, being obliged to intervene on a n u m b e r of occasions to persuade the enthusiastic people to cease their continuous cheering. Quiet, please, said O m e r N i s h a n i sternly, we are at a w o r k i n g m e e t i n g and not a r a l l y ! E v e r y t h i n g w a s simple, n a t u r a l and m o v i n g . H e r e there w e r e n o deputies w i t h gold watch-chains, t a i l coats and tasselled epaulettes, no beribboned guards, no protocol secretary w i t h the pile of dossiers, papers and ink-pots as in the p a r l i a m e n t of the Zogite fathers of the nation. T h e deputies to this parliament w e r e s i m p l e folk, sons of the people w h o came f r o m the fronts of the w a r . T h e y h a d neither i n h e r i t e d titles nor estates but had love for the people w h i c h t h e y had p r o v e n i n battles a n d w e r e determined t o w o r k for the h a p p y f u t u r e of the H o m e l a n d . T h i s fact, alone, together w i t h m a n y others, showed that w h a t was occ u r r i n g in A l b a n i a was a r a d i c a l change, the d a w n of a n e w w o r l d , in w h i c h the scorned and oppressed of the past, t h r o u g h f i g h t i n g , bloodshed and r e v o l u t i o n , had w o n the right to decide the fate of the nation. T h e h a l l had been decorated w i t h flags, flowers and l a u r e l wreaths. On the c u r t a i n at the back of the stage there was a v e r y b i g flag of A l b a n i a , l o v i n g l y 487

embroidered, and on both sides of it the slogan Death to Fascism F r e e d o m to the People. On the side w a l l s there were portraits of patriots of the R e n a i s sance and m a r t y r s of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r as w e l l as banners w i t h L o n g l i v e the people's state power! and Long l i v e the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r my!, w r i t t e n in b i g letters. T h e c h a i r m a n of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A N L C , D r . O m e r N i s h a n i , opened the m e e t i n g w i t h a short speech i n w h i c h h e b r i e f l y s u m m e d u p the i n ternal and e x t e r n a l s i t u a t i o n and presented to the members of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l the purpose of the meeting. In this situation, he said, when three quarters of A l b a n i a are under our jurisdiction, the S t a n d i n g Committee of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l considered it necessary to s u m m o n this m e e t i n g of the C o u n c i l to approve the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e into the Democratic G o v e r n m e n t of A l b a n i a . T h e S t a n d i n g Committee considered it reasonable that this decision should b e taken solemnly b y the w h o l e C o u n c i l , a l though on the basis of the competences w i t h w h i c h it was charged at Prmet, it could have c a r r i e d out such an act itself. The immediate applause of the members of the A N L C and the people present i n the h a l l demonstrated in advance their a p p r o v a l of the proposal for this h i s toric act w h i c h w o u l d be voted on at the e n d of the meeting. A f t e r D r . N i s h a n i ' s opening address I was g i v e n the floor as c h a i r m a n of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a 488

t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e t o d e l i v e r the report i n the name of this Committee. A f t e r a brief expos of the international situation, in w h i c h I stressed the m a j o r f r e s h victories of the R e d A r m y , w h i c h was n o w f i g h t i n g i n P o l a n d and Czechoslovakia a n d in East Prussia, as w e l l as the fact that at last the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n s had opened the second front in France, I presented a tableau of the successes w h i c h o u r people a n d o u r a r m y l e d b y the P a r t y h a d achieved i n the decisive offensive t o d r i v e the n a z i beast f r o m the sacred s o i l of the H o m e l a n d . The decisions of the Congress of P r m e t are being successfully accomplished, I reported to the C o u n c i l , Our divisions and brigades smashed the second G e r m a n offensive and m a r c h e d t r i u m p h a n t l y towards N o r t h e r n A l b a n i a and together w i t h the defeats w h i c h they i n f l i c t e d on the divisions of the W e h r m a c h t , they made the eta of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and the bands o f Shefqet V r l a c i a n d A b a z K u p i , F i q r i D i n e and H a l i l A l i a , o f M a r k a g j o n i and M u h a r r e m B a j r a k tari, m e l t a w a y l i k e s n o w i n the rain. In my speech I spoke w i t h passion and i n s p i r a t i o n about the epic h e r o i s m of o u r N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y , about o u r brave partisans, commanders and commissars, w h o u n i f o r m e d or in rags, fed or h u n g r y , in the s u m m e r heat or f r e e z i n g cold, on the plains, in the cities a n d on the m o u n t a i n peaks, fought w i t h selfsacrifice, defended the H o m e l a n d , soaked every i n c h o f this l a n d i n blood a n d f e l l w i t h songs o n their l i p s and made death like birth. W h e r e d i d this a r m y f i n d its strength a n d support, w h e r e was it armed, fed a n d sheltered? A m o n g the people! 489

Our army, I pointed out in this part of the report, has been a r m e d in the w a r w i t h the weapons it seized f r o m the enemy in battle, has been fed w i t h the bread of the people w h o shared t h e i r children's crust w i t h the partisans. T h e homes of the people, the mountains and forests of the H o m e l a n d have been a n d are the barracks of o u r army. But, I said, t u r n i n g to the allied m i l i t a r y representatives, for the c o m m o n interests of this sacred war, in order to a r m the thousands of volunteers w h o are increasing the ranks of our a r m y e v e r y d a y and in order to block the roads for the w i t h d r a w a l of the G e r m a n forces and to w i p e t h e m out, we ask our allies for weapons, weapons, weapons! No one can refuse us the r i g h t to fight; no one can break our w i l l to fight and to w i n ; but, we repeat, we demand weapons and a m m u n i t i o n ! W h o k n o w s h o w m a n y times I h a d addressed this request to our friends, w h o can r e m e m b e r in h o w m a n y meetings, talks, o f f i c i a l letters and radiograms we had told t h e m we w e r e not asking for sweets a n d chocolates or a n y t h i n g else apart f r o m weapons, cartridges and shells! We repeated these demands a n d r e ceived promises, h y p o c r i t i c a l d i p l o m a t i c smiles, excuses and offers to sell out the H o m e l a n d . We appealed to t h e m for the sincere aid of the allies, but our appeals w e r e l i k e a vox in deserto*. There was n o t h i n g we c o u l d do about it; this has been the fate of our people; r a r e l y have we h a d l o y a l friends and sincere allies. B u t w h a t of it, perhaps precisely this has made the people more v i t a l , more indomitable and has convinced
__________________________________ * A voice in the wilderness.

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them that t h e y can expect f r e e d o m a n d happiness o n l y b y r e l y i n g o n t h e i r o w n forces. In the report I d w e l t p a r t i c u l a r l y on the p o l i t i c a l effects w h i c h the f o r m a t i o n o f the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e at the Congress of P r met h a d had. H e r e I stressed the enthusiasm w i t h w h i c h this event had been greeted b y the A l b a n i a n people who, in thousands of letters, had expressed t h e i r j o y o v e r the f o r m a t i o n of the f i r s t people's gove r n m e n t a n d also expressed t h e i r w i l l to support and assist it in its a c t i v i t y for the good of A l b a n i a . Q u i t e the opposite was the response of the r e a c tionary circles and forces, for w h o m the f o r m a t i o n of the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e was a bombshell w h i c h completely destroyed their fantastic dreams. The f o r m a t i o n of the C o m m i t t e e w i t h the attributes of a r e v o l u t i o n a r y government, I stressed p a r t i c u l a r l y a n d not w i t h o u t purpose, made ridiculous the attempts of reaction inside a n d outside A l b a n i a to create puppet g o v e r n ments w i t h o u t a n y s y m p a t h y or support among the people. W h o e v e r engages in the p r o d u c t i o n of s u c h creations d o o m e d to f a i l u r e is p l a y i n g the game of the enemies of the A l b a n i a n people! I w e n t on to report about the w o r k a n d a c t i v i t y w h i c h the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e had carried out d u r i n g this f o u r - m o n t h period. In this part of my speech I presented to the C o u n c i l a s u m m a r y of the efforts of the C o m m i t t e e for the r e o r ganization of the life in the liberated districts, in the cities and villages, about the measures w h i c h had been taken to get the economy functioning, to ensure food 491

and shelter for the population, to ensure the h e a l t h service, the opening of schools, the development of culture and propaganda. B o t h w i t h their prolonged bursts of applause w h i l e I was reading the report and in their discussion of it later, the members of the C o u n c i l made a positive assessment and approved the a c t i v i t y of the A n t i - f a s cist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Committee. U p t i l l that time the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a tion Committee had based its w o r k on a s t i l l embryonic, incomplete administrative system. O n l y the C o m m i t t e e had established a d i v i s i o n of work, h a d the d e p a r t ments w h i c h covered the d i f f e r e n t sectors of the l i f e of the country, w h i l e at the base, in the n a t i o n a l l i b eration councils in the regions and cities, the o r g a n i z ation had o n l y just b e g u n ; they had just begun to set up separate sections, to create the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e apparatus, etc. Of course, we w e r e s t i l l at war, the state had just been born, and the cadres and experience w e r e lacking. E v e r y t h i n g w o u l d advance step by step, practice itself w o u l d suggest to us the appropriate forms and w o u l d teach us h o w to r u n affairs and govern. A f t e r e x p l a i n i n g to the comrades the m a n n e r of the organization and f u n c t i o n i n g of our n e w state, I w e n t on to the m a i n object of the 2nd M e e t i n g of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l , the proposal that the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o m m i t t e e should be t u r n e d into the P r o v i s i o n a l People's Democratic G o v e r n m e n t . The Democratic G o v e r n m e n t w h i c h w i l l emerge f r o m this meeting, I said, w i l l r e m a i n f a i t h f u l to the political and m i l i t a r y p l a t f o r m o f the N a t i o n a l L i b e r 492

ation M o v e m e n t and the decisions of the Congress of P r m e t . In the f i r s t place, it w i l l continue the task for the complete l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d and c a r r y it through to the end. A f t e r the complete liberation of Albania, I continued, and after the situation has been stabilized, the Democratic G o v e r n m e n t w i l l e n sure and organize free democratic elections for the Constituent A s s e m b l y , w h i c h w i l l decide the f o r m of the state a n d approve the C o n s t i t u t i o n of the A l b a n i a n state. The government w i l l seek recognition f r o m the allies of the great anti-fascist bloc as the only g o v e r n m e n t of the A l b a n i a n people, emerged f r o m the w a r and f r o m the ranks of the people, w h i c h represents and expresses the w i l l of the whole A l b a n i a n people. T h e allies w i l l recognize our government, I pointed out, because w i t h t h e i r o w n eyes t h e y have seen the sacrifices we have made in this t e r r i b l e and unequal war, have seen the d a i l y heroism of our small but indomitable people, w h o i n v e r y d i f f i c u l t conditions, h u r l e d themselves u p o n the enemy w i t h u n t o l d self-sacrifice. A f t e r the report w h i c h I d e l i v e r e d on behalf of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Committee, w h i c h took about an hour, we took a break d u r i n g w h i c h a concert w i t h patriotic partisan songs was g i v e n by the artistic groups of the m i l i t a r y detachments and the y o u t h of the city of Berat. The people in the h a l l and the participants in the meeting sang together w i t h the artists on the stage. Perhaps this joint concert, outside the bounds of the stage, was a bit rough and d i d not satisfy the artistic demands of the conductor; there w e r e some w h o sang flat, some w h o d i d not k n o w the w o r d s of the songs properly, w h i l e some 493

forgot that the concert had a set p r o g r a m , and after one song was over, w a n t e d to go on w i t h another that they l i k e d better; nevertheless, everyone was satisfied, happy and j o y f u l ; the comrades w e r e r e j o i c i n g i n t h e i r hearts and they showed this in their eyes! A f t e r this break, the session recommenced w i t h the greetings of representatives of a l l i e d countries, Who, speaking in general terms, praised our successes i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r and expressed s y m pathy and support for our people. Of course, the greetings of each of t h e m had their o w n nuances, depending on their aims and the stands w h i c h t h e y m a i n t a i n e d towards us, even if o n l y in appearance. F o r example, S m i t h , despite the c r i t i c i s m a i m e d at h i m for the insufficient, not to say, non-existent aid, d i d not m e n t i o n that matter at a l l , but s i m p l y promised that the allies w i l l not forget their w a r t i m e friends in times of peace, as if to w a r n us that after the war, too, we w o u l d have p l e n t y of problems w i t h t h e m ; the A m e r i c a n of A l b a n i a n origin, but t o t a l l y degenerated, in b r o k e n A l b a n i a n , expressed his pleasure, as an A m e r i c a n soldier and an A l b a n i a n f r o m his f a m i l y origin. T h e haughty V e l i m i r Stojni spoke longer than the others, and in his speech in the S e r b i a n language the frequent r e p e t i t i o n of the w o r d s Tito, Y u g o s l a v i a , the Balkans, etc. w a s v e r y noticeable. W h e n his speech was translated, it w a s realized that the Y u g o s l a v c o l onel had spoken m o s t l y about the w a r of Y u g o s l a v i a and T i t o rather than w e l c o m e this historic event to w h i c h we had i n v i t e d h i m ; Stojni spoke about the u n i t y of the B a l k a n peoples and also mentioned the 494

famous federation, p r o m i s e d the aid and support of sister Yugoslavia, but d i d not say one w o r d about the fight of our forces in a i d of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t in K o s o v a and D i b r a as a concrete expression of the m i l i t a n t f r a t e r n i z a t i o n of o u r peoples and countries in the battles against the c o m m o n enemy. T h e greeting o f M a j o r Ivanov w a s w e l c o m e d w i t h enthusiasm by the delegates. W h e n he took the floor as w e l l as at the e n d of his speech, the h a l l echoed w i t h cheers f o r great S t a l i n and the R e d A r m y , and in the midst of Ivanov's short address, one of the comrades in the h a l l shouted in the R u s s i a n language, Da Zdrastvuyet Sovyetskiy Soyuz!* Of course, this was an expression of the great love w h i c h we A l b a n i a n communists had f o r the B o l s h e v i k P a r t y , for L e n i n and Stalin, for the f i r s t socialist c o u n t r y in the w o r l d , and w i t h this love o u r P a r t y had educated the w h o l e peopie, w h o saw in the Soviet U n i o n not o n l y the colossal force w h i c h c r u s h e d the fascist beast, but also the great supporter of the peoples of the w o r l d in the w a r for f r e e d o m a n d social justice. C o m p a r e d w i t h the sincere and enthusiastic w e l come it received f r o m those present, Ivanov's speech was e x t r e m e l y d r y . Indeed, i n the assessment w h i c h he made of the w a r of our people, w h o by fighting b e h i n d the enemy's lines, had g i v e n t h e m great assistance, there w e r e some signs of megalomania. I have w r i t t e n about my impression of this envoy of the Soviet C o m m a n d . W e h a d w e l c o m e d his c o m i n g w i t h joy and considered it a great aid. H o w e v e r , we had
____________________________________ * L o n g l i v e the Soviet U n i o n !

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no benefit f r o m Ivanov, he gave us no precise i n f o r m a tion and w h e n we asked h i m about something or sought his opinion, his o n l y r e p l y w a s : I s h a l l i n f o r m M o s c o w by radio, because he had a radio transmitter w i t h h i m . Ivanov k n e w we needed weapons and m i l i t a r y supplies, but his radio never w o r k e d to transmit o u r needs to the Soviet command and n o t h i n g came to us f r o m there. The tone of the contributions of o u r comrades p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the meeting, who, in their f i e r y speeches, rejoiced at o u r freedom, expressed the w i l l and aspirations of the people and their confidence in and o p t i m i s m about the b r i l l i a n t future, was e n t i r e l y different. I n his contribution, the w r i t e r and fighter H a k i S t r m i l l i spoke about the w a r of the people of D i b r a who had r e v i v e d and f u r t h e r developed their patriotic traditions i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, m e n t i o n e d the names of sons of D i b r a l i k e N a z m i R u s h i t i and others, w h o had g i v e n t h e i r lives for a free and d e m ocratic A l b a n i a . In the name of the people of that district, H a k i S t r m i l l i expressed his a p p r o v a l t h a t the meeting should decide on the f o r m a t i o n of the Democratic G o v e r n m e n t . T h e patriot H y s e n Z a l o s h n j a brought the voice and w i l l of the people of B e r a t a n d S k r a p a r . P e r h a p s his speech was not so w e l l p u t together as that of the author of the book If I Were a Boy. Indeed. U n c l e H y s e n read the speech w h i c h he had w r i t t e n out rather hesitantly and, in the end, put aside the sheet o f paper i n f r o n t o f h i m and spoke c l e a r l y i n t h a t p o p u l a r i d i o m of his about the free l i f e w h i c h the people of S k r a p a r and B e r a t had been e n j o y i n g for some little t i m e ; he also touched on problems w h i c h 496

were n o w emerging for the people's state power, d w e l ling especially on s u c h problems as the h e a l t h service, the schools, etc. T h e n e x t to speak was M e t Seseri f r o m K r u j a , who pointed out that, despite the efforts of M u s t a f a K r u j a and A b a z K u p i , the people o f K r u j a w e r e never weaned a w a y f r o m the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e ment. A b e d i n i i , H a x h i Lleshi, E t h e m B a r h a n i , K a d r i Baboi, M a n o l K o n o m i , Y m e r D i s h n i c a , N a k o S p i ru, Shefqet B e j a and m a n y others, I can't remember them a l l , a l l spoke in t u r n . T h e comrades w h o spoke u n a n i m o u s l y approved the proposal for the t r a n s f o r m a tion of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e into a P r o v i s i o n a l G o v e r n m e n t . In this session a f i n e and w e l l - p r e p a r e d c o n t r i b u tion was made by Comrade S p i r o K o l e k a , w h o at P r met had been put in charge of the department of public w o r k s and was one of the most active comrades of the Committee. A f t e r stressing the importance of the meeting and expressing his a p p r o v a l of the d e c i sion w h i c h was to be taken, K o l e k a d w e l t on the m a j o r economic problems w h i c h we faced. Besides the w a r w i t h arms for the l i b e r a t i o n of the country, he said, now we face another struggle in the front of w o r k . We have m a n y m a n y problems w h i c h await s o l u t i o n in regard to industry, a g r i c u l ture, the roads and bridges, houses, schools, hospitals, etc. To accomplish a l l these things requires ceaseless and tireless work, the collective w o r k of a l l . We s h a l l do a l l these things ourselves, stressed S p i r o K o l e k a , among other things, because economic freedom, too, is not donated, but is gained through w o r k and s w e a t 497

T h e discussion continued on the f o l l o w i n g day, October 22. It was a S u n d a y a n d such b e a u t i f u l f i n e weather that it was h a r d to believe it w a s the end of October. W h e n we w e r e going to the cinema w h e r e the meeting was held we were constantly s u r r o u n d e d by the people w h o w e r e in especially large n u m b e r s at the entrance of the b u i l d i n g . That day the vote w a s to be taken on the question of t r a n s f o r m i n g the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e into the P r o v i s i o n a l Democratic G o v e r n m e n t . As I said, however, the v o t i n g w o u l d be o n l y a f o r m a l j u r i d i c a l act; not o n l y those w h o took part in the discussion, but also the others in the hall, t h r o u g h t h e i r enthusiasm w h i c h n o w g r e w i n crescendo, h a d already expressed t h e i r a p p r o v a l . T h a t d a y the atmosphere in the h a l l seemed to have reached its c l i m a x . T h e cheers and ovations w h i c h accompanied the words of the comrades w h o m o u n t e d the p o d i u m w e r e s u c h that the comrade w h o was keeping the minutes o f the m e e t i n g had t h r o w n u p his arms i n despair, powerless to catch the w o r d s w h i c h were said t o record t h e m i n the minutes. Later, w h e n the other comrades and I checked over the documents of the meeting, w e laughed l o u d l y w h e n i n the part o f the minutes there w e r e o n l y the names of the speakers and the note, Because of the great enthusiasm in the h a l l it is impossible to keep notes. I n this situation, after f i v e o r s i x comrades h a d spoken, a n d after the ceaseless shouts of the m e m b e r s of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l and the people, Democratic G o v e r n m e n t ! a n d P u t it to the vote!, D r . O m e r N i s h a n i declared the discussion closed and, after establishing a moment's silence, s a i d : 498

Let us vote on the proposal that the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m m i t t e e s h o u l d be t u r n e d into the P r o v i s i o n a l Democratic G o v e r n m e n t o f A l b a n i a , A l l i n f a v o u r raise t h e i r fists. E v e r y o n e stood up w i t h t h e i r clenched fists raised h i g h . Together w i t h the members of the C o u n c i l , the guests, too, the people, rose to their feet and voted. T h i s time, however, the scrupulous O m e r N i s h a n i d i d not notice the v i o l a t i o n of the rules of procedure. A f t e r this historic decision, D r . O m e r N i s h a n i announced that the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e o f the A N L C had charged me w i t h the task of head of the D e m o cratic G o v e r n m e n t . In the afternoon session I was to present to the C o u n c i l the p r o g r a m and composition of the G o v e r n m e n t . In the afternoon session, on behalf of the G o v ernment, I made a p r o g r a m m a t i c declaration w h i c h expressed the c o m m i t m e n t of the n e w G o v e r n m e n t to c a r r y the w a r for the l i b e r a t i o n of the c o u n t r y through to the end, to r e m a i n l o y a l to the historic decisions of Prmet, to strengthen the people's state power, to defend and guarantee the democratic rights for the popular masses, etc. At the same time, in the declarat i o n I also announced the request to the allies for recognition of the P r o v i s i o n a l Democratic G o v e r n m e n t as the o n l y l a w f u l government of the A l b a n i a n people. T h e composition of the G o v e r n m e n t was i d e n tical w i t h that of the Anti-fascist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Committee. Thus, on October 23, the 2nd M e e t i n g of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l came to an end. T h e historic decision w h i c h it took for the trans499

formation of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o m mittee into a Democratic G o v e r n m e n t was an i n d i s p e n sable historic step, a logical consequence of the w a r and the popular r e v o l u t i o n under the leadership of the P a r t y . W i t h this decision, the t a k i n g of p o l i t i c a l p o w e r by the w o r k i n g masses w h o had o v e r t h r o w n the o l d state p o w e r through w a r became a r e a l i t y de facto and de jure. The importance of this historic d e cision w a s to be reflected later, too, in the deepening of the revolution, in the f u r t h e r steps w h i c h the P a r ty took at different stages and at the proper time. A f t e r the closing of the meeting, we w a l k e d f r o m the h a l l to the premises w h e r e the G o v e r n m e n t had been established amongst the cheering people. A large c r o w d had gathered in front of the b u i l d i n g w h e r e we had established ourselves. T h e chiefs of the a l l i e d missions, w h o had come for a courtesy visit to c o n gratulate us, w e r e astonished at w h a t they saw and, of course, this d i d not please some of them. We parted f r o m the masses of people w h o had s u r r o u n d e d us, but even w h e n we w e n t inside there was no end to the p o w e r f u l cheering: L o n g live free A l b a n i a ! L o n g l i v e the Democratic G o v e r n m e n t ! L o n g l i v e the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y ! L o n g l i v e the heroic N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y ! O m e r N i s h a n i was deeply m o v e d a n d p u t his h a n d o n m y shoulder: Enver, y o u must appear before them, don't y o u hear them? he said and he took out his handkerchief a n d w i p e d his tears of emotion f r o m his spectacles. I w e n t to the w i n d o w and t h a n k e d t h e m w i t h w o r d s w h i c h came f r o m my heart. I don't remember 500

precisely w h a t I said, we had no microphones or l o u d speakers, but the people understood w h a t I was saying, passed it on f r o m one to the other a n d cheered. They had confidence in their o w n sons, tested in the c o m m o n w a r . On the insistence of the people, after me the other comrades also appeared at the w i n d o w . A n d n o w w o r k ! W o r k and struggle a t the head of the P a r t y and the people, leading the great battles w h i c h a w a i t e d us! S e v e r a l times a day I talked w i t h Medar, Baca, K o l e k a , G j e r g j K o k o s h i , B e d r i S p a h i u and others about the problems of the departments of w h i c h they w e r e in charge. W i l l , courage and a great deal of w o r k w e r e needed to cope w i t h s u c h urgent questions as the procurement of grain, the r e p a i r of roads and bridges, the opening of schools and courses against illiteracy. A n d a l l this at a t i m e w h e n the c o u n t r y was s t i l l at war, w h e n in the liberated districts and cities the ashes left b e h i n d by the enemy's b a r b a r i t y were s t i l l hot. W i n t e r is approaching and a good part of the people are w i t h o u t food or shelter, I told the c o m rades in these talks. The w o r k must be intensified in the villages a n d precincts to ensure that, by helping one another, each f a m i l y has at least a room. T h e difficulties are great, but let us continue w i t h that e n thusiasm, confidence and determination w i t h w h i c h w e began the w a r . T h i s i s the o n l y w a y i n w h i c h t o achieve o u r aim! M e d a r S h t y l l a raised another p r o b l e m : We m u s t take measures for the protection of the livestock, especially the w o r k i n g oxen, he said. The a u t u m n 501

s o w i n g is not yet completed and we m u s t give serious consideration to h o w this w o r k can be done. We m u s t have bread. We must persuade the peasants to use horses and mules, too, for the s o w i n g ; we have sent out a c i r c u l a r for this purpose and w i l l see h o w things go... Thus, one after the other, we discussed a n d took decisions on various problems of the economy, culture, the health service, etc. F o r the things that we d i d not know, we asked comrades w h o w e r e specialists, d i s cussed w i t h one another, and in the suggestions and opinions of the comrades f o u n d the most r a t i o n a l w a y . T h e most important t h i n g w a s to respond to the e n thusiasm and trust of the people w i t h tireless w o r k , day and night, to h o n o u r a b l y u p h o l d the r e s p o n s i b i l i ties w i t h w h i c h w e had been charged a n d the p r o m ises we had made. This is no time for parades! I t o l d some c o m rades w h o insisted we s h o u l d go here, we s h o u l d go there, for visits a n d meetings. We must get d o w n to work, sleep little and don't forget we are not a l l o w e d to get t i r e d ! We w i l l go to rallies and we w i l l meet the people, but in the first place we m u s t do our duty! We stayed in B e r a t about a m o n t h a n d the lights i n the b u i l d i n g w h i c h the G o v e r n m e n t h a d occupied, could be seen b u r n i n g late and, not rarely, r i g h t through t i l l m o r n i n g . T h e comrades w h o w e r e m i n i s ters w e r e obliged to i n v o l v e themselves not o n l y in the m a i n questions, but also in m i n o r matters, d o w n to technical details, because our apparatus was a b s o l u t e l y m i n i m a l and a whole m i n i s t r y occupied o n l y one 502

or two rooms in the government b u i l d i n g . Somebody came to me a n d raised the p r o b l e m of cadres, of deputy-ministers, but I cut h i m short s a y i n g : Later we s h a l l have e v e r y t h i n g just as it should be. N o w we ourselves are ministers, directors, and clerks, a l l in one. A n o t h e r comrade came and complained that in his department there was nothing, neither means, funds, specialists n o r m a t e r i a l base. I understood h i m , the situation w h i c h he reported to me was real, but n o t h i n g could be achieved w i t h demands and complaints to the G o v e r n m e n t . We waged the w a r w i t h the people, I told h i m . The people w h o have n o t h i n g to eat themselves are k e e p i n g us, too, and w e ' l l do these jobs together w i t h the people. W h e r e is the G o v e r n m e n t going to f i n d w h a t y o u w a n t ? We are s t r i v i n g for one cause, therefore we cannot separate the problems of our G o v e r n m e n t f r o m those of the people; both today and in the future we s h a l l t u r n to the people and no one else for e v e r y t h i n g . No m a n n a is going to f a l l to us f r o m Heaven. We had such talks, meetings and w o r k i n g contacts everyday, indeed, several times a day, but these neither w e a r i e d n o r bored us. T h e w o r k of the P a r t y and the state, the leadership of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y in the f i n a l battles, w e r e a b u r d e n w h i c h the P a r t y and the people had charged us to c a r r y and we w o u l d c a r r y t h e m on our backs indefatigably, especially n o w that we w e r e on the eve of the great v i c t o r y . D u r i n g those days in Berat, however, the grave situation w h i c h was created by the a n t i - M a r x i s t and a n t i - A l b a n i a n interference of Tito's envoy, V e l i m i r 503

Stojni, and especially by the trap and plot w h i c h h e was preparing, together w i t h K o i X o x e , S e j f u l l a , P a n d i K r i s t o and others against the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a and the future of our H o m e l a n d , w e r e causing us deep distress. As to w h a t w e r e the aims of this hostile plot, this we were to realize later, but as I have w r i t t e n in detail in the book The Titoites, as early as those days I was convinced that the l i n e of our P a r t y was being u n j u s t l y attacked by Tito's envoy. In recalling those moments, I remember quite w e l l what great efforts I imposed on m y s e l f to a v o i d c o m municating my concern and w o r r y to other comrades. On the one hand, I had to f i g h t to defend the p u r i t y of the line of the P a r t y against the hostile w o r k of the Y u g o s l a v representative and the c l i q u e w h i c h he w a s forming, and on the other h a n d I had to overcome a l l my worries and welcome the comrades of the C o u n c i l and the G o v e r n m e n t w i t h a smile w h e n t h e y came to talk over various problems and to discuss the measures and decisions we w o u l d take i m m e d i a t e l y after we entered T i r a n a . W i t h sadness i n m y heart, but a s m i l e o n m y face, I also welcomed the delegates of the city of B e r a t who came to me to convey their congratulations to the valiant P a r t y w h i c h liberated the people. T h e y w e r e not aware of my desperation, d i d not k n o w that a group of Trotskyites was t h r o w i n g m u d at this P a r t y w h i c h the people loved so m u c h . A f t e r we had talked a little, one of the old m e n of the delegation f r o m the city, said to m e : Comrade Commander, we have a request f r o m the people of Berat. 504

 T e l l me w h a t it is, I said w i t h ' a smile. The people of B e r a t w a n t our city, Berat, to become the capital of the n e w A l b a n i a . T h i s request was something quite unexpected, and l a u g h i n g I told h i m : W h e n the h i s t o r y of the t i m e of the P a r t y is w r i t t e n , it w i l l be said that for a time Berat was the capital of the n e w A l b a n i a , because both the A n t i fascist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l a n d the first D e m ocratic G o v e r n m e n t of o u r c o u n t r y are centred here now. Later, the Constituent A s s e m b l y w i l l have its say and decide both the f o r m of the regime that the new A l b a n i a is to have and its capital. I am unable to satisfy y o u r request, but I can t e l l y o u that the opinion of the P a r t y and the people is that the capital should be T i r a n a , w h i c h w i l l soon be liberated once and for all. Let it be as the P a r t y sees best! said the w i s e and patriotic old m e n of Berat. We parted w a r m l y and I accompanied t h e m downstairs. T h e i r visit, t h e i r w a r m w o r d s addressed to the P a r t y a n d the G o v e r n ment, eased my distress and increased my strength, but m e a n w h i l e I k n e w that up there in the offices where we w o r k e d and l i v e d , there w e r e other comings and goings, slanders, accusations a n d ceaseless pressures a w a i t i n g us. D u r i n g those days in B e r a t we w e r e also p r e p a r ing for two other important events, the Conference of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t and the Congress of Anti-fascist W o m e n . T h e Conference of the F r o n t w h i c h was held, if I am not mistaken, 3 or 4 days after the 2nd M e e t i n g of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l 505

L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l , was to discuss and approve the decision that f r o m n o w on the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t should be a great p o l i t i c a l organization of a l l the honest people w h o fought for a free, democratic people's A l b a n i a , l e a v i n g the functions of state power to the national l i b e r a t i o n councils. As we h a d agreed in the leadership of the P a r t y , the organization of the F r o n t w o u l d create its o w n cells e v e r y w h e r e , the councils of the Front, w h i c h w o u l d p l a y a colossal role for the u n i f i c a t i o n of the people, for the m o b i l i z a t i o n of a l l their creative energies and abilities in the service of the cause of the construction of the n e w Albania. Precisely w h e n w e were p r e p a r i n g for this C o n ference as w e l l as d u r i n g its proceedings, V e l i m i r S t o j n i and N i j a z Dizdarevi, i n u n i t y and c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h K o i X o x e , S e j f u l l a Malshova, N a k o S p i r u and others, tried to attack and distort the line of the P a r t y i n connection w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front. T h e accusations about sectarianism w h i c h they had put on the agenda, were reflected in t h e i r suggestions and recommendations to extend the bounds of the Front. P u t t i n g it b l u n t l y , this w o u l d have meant that elements who, d u r i n g the years of the war, had not fought or had e v e n attacked us w i t h arms, should be admitted in the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front. N e i t h e r Tito's delegates n o r their A l b a n i a n acolytes w e r e short of arguments in f a v o u r of this. T h i s was a stage on the w a y to r e a l i z i n g the p l a n w o r k e d out in Belgrade to attack the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a , to show that d u r i n g the years of its existence it had allegedly p r o v e d incapable of w o r k i n g 506

out and f o l l o w i n g a correct p o l i t i c a l line and thus, the t e r r a i n w o u l d be prepared for T i t o and his m e n to take over the reins of A l b a n i a . K o i , S e j f u l l a and the others came to me one after the other as though by chance, and repeated the tale w h i c h I had first heard f r o m Stojni. The Front, as a broad organization of the m a s ses, s h o u l d not have, and there is no reason for it to have, s t r i c t l y d e f i n e d limits, S e j f u l l a said to me on one occasion. A f t e r L i b e r a t i o n , we, w h o have o u r state power, ought to have a l l the forces w i t h us in the F r o n t and not against us, otherwise there w i l l be the r i s k of c i v i l w a r ! I don't understand, w h a t are y o u r e f e r r i n g to concretely? I asked h i m . The mistakes w h i c h have been made previously, w h i c h w e r e j u s t i f i e d for the circumstances of that time, we have the o p p o r t u n i t y to repair today, he said. Thus, w i s e l y and gently, we shall prevent possible opponents f r o m t a k i n g the initiative. A n d w h a t can t h e y do to us w i t h i n the F r o n t ? P r a c t i c a l l y n o t h i n g ! T h e y have no strength, have no base, and w e ' l l tie t h e i r hands politically. This w o u l d be the greatest f a v o u r w h i c h we could do them. I interrupted. Let us not forget that the F r o n t is the p o l i t i c a l organization of the people, of patriots w h o have fought for liberation and the people's state power. W h i l e y o u propose we should a l l o w into it traitors and c r i m i n a l s w h o w i l l fight us f r o m w i t h i n tomorrow, and even provide the c o n d i tions for t h e m to penetrate into our organs of power right up to the G o v e r n m e n t . T h i s we must never 507

a l l o w ! T h i s we d i d not do even in the most d i f f i c u l t times and we acted correctly and not w r o n g l y , let alone n o w w h e n the w a r itself has defined w h o r e mained to the e n d in the ranks of the enemy. I don't say that we should allow t h e m into the Party, persisted the professor. The F r o n t is not l i k e the P a r t y let us not confuse the t w o notions, because we shall make p o l i t i c a l mistakes. N e i t h e r do I say that we should a l l o w M i t h a t F r a s h r i into the F r o n t or open its doors to A b a z K u p i ! No, those w o u l d be grave blunders (!). B u t w h a t w o u l d be wrong, for example, w i t h C e n E l e z i ? H e has stood aloof, is it in o u r interest to have h i m against us? Does he not have some people w i t h h i m ? L e t us not forget the psychology of our highlanders, t h e y f o l l o w the chiefs, trust them... L e t us e x p l o i t this o p p o r t u n i t y . The Y u g o s l a v comrades also have a s i m i l a r idea a n d we ought to value t h e i r practice, too; then historical experience teaches us that in the Soviet U n i o n , too... Listen, Sejfulla, I broke into the lecture i n t o w h i c h he was l a u n c h i n g . I am opposed in p r i n c i p l e to opening the doors of the F r o n t ' w i t h o u t l i m i t s ' as y o u say. I do not r u l e out the possibility that we s h o u l d discuss some concrete element, examine his past, t h e effectiveness of his stand and take a decision. T h i s was the beginning of that campaign w h i c h was to reach its c u l m i n a t i o n at the 2nd P l e n u m of the C e n t r a l Committee of the P a r t y in Berat, w i t h the accusations o f K o i , S e j f u l l a , N a k o S p i r u , N a x h i j e D u m e and others, orchestrated by the Titoites, that allegedly we had not kept close to the people, the doors h a d been closed and the F r o n t had become narrow, etc. 508

The homes of Mehmet Myslimi (above) and Nevruz Bilimani (below) at Helms of Skrapar where Comrade Enver Hoxha has lived and worked in the spring and summer of 1944

"All the delegates, happy, smiling and full of joy, opened the way for us by lining up on the two sides of the road, and we passed between them as though we were reviewing the guard of honour comprised of young men and women partisans facing one another, saluting arms." (Helms, August 1944)

Comrade Enver Hoxha greeting the participants in the 1st Congress of the Albanian Anti-fascist Youth Union, August 1944

During the unforgettable days of the Congress

Helms, August 1984

Comrade Enver Hoxha's message of greeting on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Congress of the AAYU

October 1944. In free Berat

October 23, 1944: "The Democratic Government, which will emerge from this meeting, will remain faithful to the political and military platform of the National Liberation Movement and the Decisions of the Congress of Prmet."

The building in which the 2nd Meeting of the ANLC was held

Members of the First Provisional Democratic Government (from left to right: M. Peza, E. Hoxha, S. Koleka, M. Shtylla, H. Lleshi)

The first premises of the Democratic Government

Comrade Enver Hoxha, Prime Minister of the First Democratic Government in Albania

In free Tirana. November 28, 1944

The victors' parade

At the 1st Congress of the Democratic Front of Albania. August 5, 1945

Myzeqe 1945: "May you enjoy your own land!"

January 11, 1946: Albania a People's Republic

A f t e r s u c h pressures w h i c h w e r e exerted day and night, in the office a n d at meetings, in fact t h e y d i d not manage to open the doors as t h e y w a n t e d to, but t h e y managed to b r i n g such elements as C e n E l e z i , D a n K a l o s h i and some others into the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a tion F r o n t t h r o u g h the w i n d o w . T h e subsequent hostile a c t i v i t y of the patriots of this i l k once again clearly demonstrated the correctness of our v i e w and the aims of those w h o m a n aged to impose themselves on us t e m p o r a r i l y . It is interesting that the pressures of the Y u g o s l a v envoys for the extension of the F r o n t were in complete conformity, both as a general idea and d o w n to the specific individuals, w i t h those of the B r i t i s h , w h o demanded o u r reconciliation w i t h A b a z K u p i and other chiefs of reaction. M e a n w h i l e , the e n e m y had not been f i n a l l y d r i v e n out. F r o m B e r a t I signed the order to the 1st A r m y Corps, divisions and brigades to attack a n d liberate T i r a n a . T h e operational p l a n for the l i b e r a t i o n of the capital, w h i c h had been w o r k e d out, was a component part of the strategic p l a n w h i c h was to m a k e possible that by the end of N o v e m b e r no foreign e n e m y w o u l d be left in the w h o l e of A l b a n i a . We h a d a l l the possibilities to achieve this objective. N o w the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y was comprised of over 70,000 f i g h t ers organized in brigades, divisions and a r m y corps. I discussed the f i n a l details for the l i b e r a t i o n of T i r a n a w i t h H y s n i K a p o , w h o was the delegate o f the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e and commissar of the 1st A r m y Corps and was the cadre w i t h the m a i n responsibility for c a r r y i n g out this p l a n . 509

A n d so, on the evening of N o v e m b e r 16, the n e w s reached us in B e r a t that T i r a n a , the capital of our H o m e l a n d , was v i r t u a l l y liberated. O n l y a f e w hours of l i f e w e r e left to the occupiers and traitors. W i t h incontainable j o y and special emotions I sat d o w n that v e r y evening and w r o t e the message addressed to the A l b a n i a n people about this great good news, (1) w h i l e on the f o l l o w i n g day, the m o r n i n g of N o v e m b e r 17, t h e f i n a l r i f l e shots w e r e heard and the capital of o u r H o m e l a n d w a s liberated once and for a l l . N o w the r o a d f o r T i r a n a was opened. A f t e r s o m a n y years of battles and skirmishes, t o i l a n d s a c r i fices at the head of the P a r t y and the w a r f o r freedom, the m o m e n t had come for us, the sons a n d daughters of the people, to enter the capital in triumph. I proposed that the G o v e r n m e n t s h o u l d enter T i r a n a on N o v e m b e r 28, the outstanding d a y of the p r o clamation of independence. T h e v e r y choice of this d a y for the establishment of the D e m o c r a t i c G o v e r n ment i n the capital liberated b y the partisan rifles, w o u l d be significant. A l t h o u g h i n n o r m a l conditions the distance f r o m B e r a t to T i r a n a can be t r a v e l l e d by car in not more than three hours, we set out f r o m B e r a t a d a y earlier, because the roads w e r e damaged and some unforseen delay m i g h t occur. A n d i n fact, o u r f i r s t j o u r n e y through the n e w l y liberated H o m e l a n d w a s unable to avoid a certain odyssey. As far as the B r i d g e of Hasan Bey, as the V a j g u r o r e B r i d g e was called in those times, we travelled by some cars and motorcycles w i t h side-cars w h i c h we had captured f r o m the e n e m y or
_______________________________ 1 Enver H o x h a , Works, v o l . 2, p. 586. 2nd A l b . ed.

510

had requisitioned. There we left the vehicles because, in t h e i r w i t h d r a w a l , the G e r m a n s had b l o w n up the bridge and the vehicles could go no f u r t h e r . So we crossed the O s u m R i v e r by w h a t means we could f i n d , and c l i m b e d into a bus w h i c h was w a i t i n g for us. W h e n w e reached the K u i B r i d g e w e left the bus, crossed the r i v e r w i t h d i f f i c u l t y on an i m p r o v i s e d ferry, and continued o n our w a y . A t R r o g o z h i n a w e faced another obstacle, the S h k u m b i n R i v e r . We left the bus, crossed the r i v e r group by group in a s m a l l p u n t and w i t h a f e w cars specially sent f r o m T i r a n a , we t u r n e d to the r i g h t in the d i r e c t i o n of Elbasan, because the road t h r o u g h R r o g o z h i n a , K a v a j a t o T i rana was m i n e d a n d the bridges b l o w n up. Since we had gone t h r o u g h countless difficulties d u r i n g the war, the vicissitudes of this j o u r n e y d i d not make a n y exceptional impression o n us. O n the c o n trary, it gave us the o p p o r t u n i t y for jokes a n d h u m our. Nevertheless, d u r i n g the w h o l e time that we w e r e t r a v e l l i n g , l o o k i n g left and right I thought of w h a t enormous w o r k a w a i t e d us, because the reconstruction of e v e r y t h i n g , f r o m the b u r n t - o u t houses to these bridges w i t h o u t w h i c h we couldn't take a single step, had to be begun. T h e c i t y of E l b a s a n had been liberated for t w o weeks. F r o m the balcony of the hotel w h i c h s t i l l bore the o l d name Moderno, w h e r e we decided to spend the night, I greeted the people w h o had f i l l e d the square and the streets. On the m o r n i n g of the f o l l o w i n g day, N o v e m b e r 28, our convoy set off for T i r a n a , affectionately f a r e w e l l e d by people c r o w d i n g both sides of the road r i g h t to the outskirts of Elbasan. 511

F r o m here on, too, the road was damaged, the fresh scars of the w a r w e r e obvious e v e r y w h e r e . T h e G e r m a n columns w i t h d r a w i n g f r o m Greece were unable to pass the K r r a b a Pass to go to the a i d of their forces encircled by o u r forces in T i r a n a . O u r p o w e r f u l blows completely smashed them. A l o n g the r o a d we saw overturned tanks and a r m o u r e d cars, burnt-out trucks shifted a l i t t l e in order to open the road, piles of spent m a c h i n e - g u n cartriges, e n e m y s o l diers' helmets, and so on. T h e closer we approached T i r a n a , the more destroyed e n e m y weapons w e r e to be seen on both sides of the road. There was somet h i n g beautiful and s y m b o l i c in this scene. The victors passed p r o u d l y among the smashed weapons and r e m nants of the defeated invaders. We w e r e r e t u r n i n g to o u r beloved T i r a n a and for the first t i m e after so m a n y years, we entered there not illegally, w i t h false names a n d documents, but f r e e l y and, moreover, t r i u m p h a n t ! A f t e r a glorious and heroic war, T i r a n a , w h i c h f o r years on end had gone to bed and awakened amongst w h i s t l e blasts a n d a l a r m sirens and the curfew, w a s n o w liberated. O u r eagleeyed M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t P a r t y w h i c h w a s n e v e r w r o n g in its line, because it h a d the desires a n d aspirations of the people in its heart, l e d this w a r . It undertook the heaviest, but sacred b u r d e n a n d bore it w i t h honour, this time leading our people to complete v i c tory, because along w i t h freedom, it brought the people to power. As we approached the capital, I felt e x c i t e d and I remembered the days w h i c h I h a d passed there 512

when, together w i t h beloved and close comrades, w i t h Qemal, V a s i l and others, w e w o r k e d t o f o r m our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , the steel v a n g u a r d of the people, f r o m the separate groups that w e r e q u a r r e l l i n g w i t h one another. I r e m e m b e r e d o u r first demonstrations and actions, the days a n d nights w h e n we passed i l l e g a l l y f r o m one base to another, protected by the love of the s i m p l e people. H e r e i n T i r a n a w e had g r o w n up, had been tempered, h a d gained experience to organize and lead a n d to c a r r y out the tasks w h i c h our beloved P a r t y had entrusted to us. F r o m the Palace of Brigades along the Elbasan Street to the centre, the a f t e r m a t h of the heroic w a r was v e r y obvious. T h e shells a n d bullets h a d left holes in the streets and on the w a l l s of r u i n e d houses and other buildings, w h i l e the m i n a r e t n e x t to the clock t o w e r in the centre h a d been cut in half by a r t i l l e r y fire. Nevertheless we f o u n d the people of T i r a n a e n thusiastic a n d optimistic, w e l c o m i n g t h e i r g o v e r n ment w i t h songs. A great c r o w d h a d f i l l e d the streets and the b i g b o u l e v a r d in f r o n t of Hotel Dajti. F r o m a simple t r i b u n e I greeted the people on the occasion of Independence D a y w h i c h , for the first time after so m a n y years of war, we were celebrating i n freedom. S p e a k i n g w i t h great emotion, I s a i d : Today our glorious flag, r e d w i t h the blood of heroes of the people w h o h a v e f a l l e n in this anti-fascist war, is w a v i n g p r o u d l y in the s k y of free A l b a n i a . F i v e years have gone by u n d e r the h e a v y b u r d e n of fascist slavery, five times on each N o v e m b e r 28 the blood of the heroic 513

sons of the people w h o clashed w i t h the armed forces of the occupiers a n d traitors, has f l o w e d in the streets of the cities of A l b a n i a . Thus, the N a t i o n a l D a y has become doubly sacred, as the d a y of independence and the d a y of the u n i t y of the A l b a n i a n people. F r e q u e n t l y i n t e r r u p t e d by bursts of cheering and applause, I spoke about the heroic f i g h t of our people, w h o responded i m m e d i a t e l y to the c a l l of their finest sons and, under the leadership of the P a r t y , succeeded i n liberating the H o m e l a n d once and for a l l and t a k i n g the reins of the f u t u r e into t h e i r o w n hands. The construction of A l b a n i a , the development of the people's economy, culture and schooling, the r a i s ing of their standard of l i v i n g , open a n e w page in our history, a h i s t o r y w h i c h it is in our hands to m a k e and we s h a l l m a k e it just as glorious as the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n War, I said. We shall emerge t r i u m p h a n t f r o m this struggle, too, because n o w we have o u r o w n state p o w e r w h i c h belongs to the people a n d w o r k s for the people. Therefore, let us give our a l l for this state power, let us m a k e it strong, because in this w a y w e s h a l l r e b u i l d o u r devastated country, r e v i v e our agriculture and economy, r e b u i l d the r u i n e d houses, open schools and b u i l d hospitals. A l b a n i a w i l l become a great w o r k site. In the w a r for l i b e r a t i o n we d i d not spare our lives and today we must not spare our t o i l and sweat. Y o u n g and old understand that t h e y are no longer t o i l i n g for foreigners but w o r k i n g and b u i l d i n g o u r o w n country, our o w n lives. T h e y w e r e historic moments, m o v i n g and u n f o r gettable for the P a r t y and our people! T h e y w e r e the moments of rejoicing at the great v i c t o r y . W i t h blood 514

and sweat, w i t h t o i l and sacrifice, we had accomplished a gigantic and majestic w o r k . On the m o r r o w of that unforgettable d a y we r e ceived the news of the l i b e r a t i o n of S h k o d r a , w h i c h m a r k e d the l i b e r a t i o n of the whole of A l b a n i a , P r e c i s e l y o n that day, t w o divisions o f the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n P a r t i s a n A r m y , o f that heroic a r m y of the A l b a n i a n people w h i c h , w i t h its blood, heroism a n d self-sacrifice, had scored v i c t o r y after v i c t o r y over the f o r e i g n occupiers and t h e i r collaborators, on the orders of the G e n e r a l C o m m a n d crossed the border to assist in the l i b e r a t i o n of the peoples of Y u g o s l a v i a . N e w victories w e r e to be recorded in the glorious h i s t o r y of o u r People's A r m y . W h i l e the finest sons of our c o u n t r y w e r e to shed their blood for the l i b e r a tion of our brothers in K o s o v a , Montenegro a n d M a c e donia and the peoples o f Y u g o s l a v i a , i n A l b a n i a N o v e m b e r 29 m a r k e d the b e g i n n i n g of a n e w epoch, the epoch of socialism. Thus, alongside the historic day of N o v e m b e r 28, the great D a y of the F l a g , another great day, N o v e m ber 29, was m a r k e d , the day of the l i b e r a t i o n of the H o m e l a n d and the t r i u m p h of the people's r e v o l u t i o n . These two dates represent two different, but glorious periods of the A l b a n i a n people, two periods w h i c h w i l l continue to shine in a l l their majesty as the years and centuries go by. A n d n o w a n e w period was beginning. A l l of us w e r e confident: just as we had accomplished a m a g n i ficent deed d u r i n g the war, we w o u l d go on to b u i l d and defend the other deed we had before us, socialist A l b a n i a , even m o r e majestically and m a r v e l l o u s l y ! 515

V THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE: ALBANIA A PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC!

T h e n e w epoch commenced. N o w our P a r t y , the n e w A l b a n i a n state, w i t h its organs b o r n in the heat of the war, together w i t h the people and at the head of the people, w i t h m u l t i p l i e d forces, had to b u i l d the n e w A l b a n i a f r o m its foundations. We had to prove a n d c o n f i r m to our people, to friends a n d enemies, to everybody, that we w e r e capable, not o n l y of t a k ing power, but also of safeguarding a n d strengthening the new people's state power and m a k i n g it effective and v i t a l . We h a d to m a k e A l b a n i a a c o u n t r y of free and h a p p y people, an impregnable fortress against any enemy. A n d for this, mere good wishes, appeals or declarations were insufficient. These l o f t y aims w o u l d be achieved a n d confirmed, above all, t h r o u g h our work, through concrete deeds in a l l fields and in a l l directions. There was no time to lose, we had to s a v o u r the great joy of the historic v i c t o r y of l i b e r 516

ation o n l y in w o r k , in the many, great, heavy tasks w h i c h it w a s essential to c a r r y out.

1. The people's state power in action

T h e first days, months and years w h e n we l a i d the foundations of the n e w life w i l l never be forgotten. We had p o l i t i c a l p o w e r in our hands, had the lofty ideals of the P a r t y in our m i n d s and hearts, had the great enthusiasm and confidence of the v i c t o r y achieved and had the d e t e r m i n a t i o n and readiness to do e v e r y t h i n g necessary for the benefit of this c o u n t r y and this people. U n d o u b t e d l y , a l l these things w e r e a p o w e r f u l base, a great source of energy a n d i n s p i r a tion w h i c h i m p e l l e d us and made us confident that, w i t h w o r k and a l l - r o u n d efforts, w e w o u l d achieve e v e r y t h i n g that w e lacked. T h e fact is, however, that we lacked m a n y things, m u c h more t h a n anyone w h o has not k n o w n A l b a n i a i m m e d i a t e l y after the e n d of the war, c o u l d imagine today. A d d e d to the p o v e r t y and backwardness of the past, the t r u l y miserable state in w h i c h the regimes of the past had left the economy, culture, education and the people, w e r e the colossal destructions of the past f i v e years of w a r . We had to t h i n k about and secure as q u i c k l y as possible shelter for tens of thousands of inhabitants of devastated towns a n d v i l lages, food for the people w h o w e r e s u f f e r i n g hunger, as w e l l as c l o t h i n g a n d footwear, schools, workshops, and so on. We l a c k e d the funds, we lacked the means, 517

we lacked the specialists, even w i t h a m i n i m a l l e v e l of qualification. There could be no m o v e m e n t f r o m one district to the other because e v e n that feeble communications n e t w o r k w h i c h had been b u i l t p r e v i ously had been b l o w n up and completely paralysed by the war. W i n t e r had begun and it w o u l d m a k e the situation even more d i f f i c u l t . M e a n w h i l e , although the whole country had been liberated, the last remnants of the o l d w o r l d , the c r i m i n a l s and m e r c e n a r y bandits w h o had not managed to leave w i t h the o c c u p y i n g forces, were l u r k i n g in the gorges, the forests a n d caves, and now, w i t h the f u r y of w o u n d e d beasts, were seeking salvation in acts of terror a n d violence against the people, communists and councillors. S u p porting t h e m t h r o u g h visible and i n v i s i b l e l i n k s w e r e the classes o v e r t h r o w n by the state power, and, of course, the foreign imperialist and c h a u v i n i s t powers w h i c h could never accept the radical change w h i c h had occurred and was being made m o r e complete in Albania. A l l these (and I have m e n t i o n e d v e r y little of the shortages, the a l l - r o u n d difficulties and our enemies of those moments) confronted us and h a d to be o v e r come at a l l costs. Since we had t r i u m p h e d over the occupiers and traitors and seized power t h r o u g h so m u c h bloodshed and sacrifice, w i t h o u t f a i l we had to lead A l b a n i a f o r w a r d for the benefit and happiness of the people, despite the anger and f u r y of enemies. I remember a story w h i c h my father t o l d me those days w h e n we r e t u r n e d in t r i u m p h to liberated T i r a n a . A f e w days after the f o r m a t i o n of o u r D e m o cratic G o v e r n m e n t in Berat was announced, an o l d 518

acquaintance, a Ballist, had stopped my father in the street and h a d said to h i m s n e e r i n g l y : W e l l , H a l i l , h o w d o y o u feel n o w that you've become the father of the p r i m e m i n i s t e r ? L i k e a l l the c o m m o n people, my father h a d r e p l i e d quietly, and t r i e d to continue on his w a y , but the B a l l i s t had caught h i m by the a r m . Y o u ' r e a c u n n i n g d e v i l , H a l i l . It's just as w e l l y o u are not r i d i n g the h i g h horse, because y o u k n o w v e r y w e l l that y o u r son's government w o n ' t last long. What do y o u mean, y o u scoundrel! m y father h a d replied, but the B a l l i s t h a d c o n t i n u e d : Do y o u r e a l l y t h i n k that this government of r a g a m u f f i n s f r o m mountains, this worthless g o v e r n ment, w i l l b r i n g A l b a n i a into the light! Shame on you! had r e p l i e d my father. The government is not m y son's but the people's, y o u v i l l a i n , and w i l l l i v e as long as the people!... At other times, too, f r o m various sources we heard h o w the o v e r t h r o w n hostile o l d w o r l d poured out poison and hatred against us, against the n e w people's state power. T h e y e v e n calculated w h e n we w o u l d capitulate and be overthrown and took measures to b r i n g about the capitulation w h i c h t h e y desired a n d d r e a m e d of as q u i c k l y as possible. H o w e v e r , w e w e r e neither offended, n o r d u m b struck by the gibes, curses, screams and prophecies of that w o r l d w h i c h we had k i c k e d out. We continued our w o r k w i t h persistence a n d heroism, convinced that through t o i l and sacrifice w e w o u l d achieve a l l the things w h i c h , to others, seemed impossible. F o r the future, as hitherto, we had the P a r t y as our guarantee a n d beacon-light w h i c h w o u l d deter519

m i n e and guide us on the r i g h t road, and n o w it was a p a r t y in power, y o u n g in age, it is true, but w i t h great f i g h t i n g experience, w i t h a m i l i t a n t s p i r i t and unshakeable d e t e r m i n a t i o n to c a r r y the w o r k begun t h r o u g h to the end. M a n y had t r i e d and w o u l d continue t o t r y i n a l l k i n d s of ways, w i t h various disguises, pretensions a n d theories, to replace o u r P a r t y at the h e l m , but the fact is that we d i d not a l l o w t h e m to do so and d i d not f a l l into this tragic error. E s p e c i a l l y in the first moments after L i b e r a t i o n , both the camouflaged c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n a r y elements w i t h i n the c o u n t r y and the external forces, i n c l u d i n g the Y u g o s l a v friends, in particular, exerted great pressure on us to persuade us that n o w that we had t r i u m p h e d we s h o u l d not proclaim the P a r t y openly, s h o u l d neglect the P a r t y and operate w i t h i n the Front, h i d d e n in the Front, according to the p l a t f o r m of the F r o n t . W h y ? B e cause, t h e y told us, if the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y is p r o c l a i m ed as a p a r t y in power, the democratic facade of the F r o n t and the order w i l l be damaged, the great democratic allies, B r i t a i n and A m e r i c a , w i l l be angered, and w i l l not recognize the government(!), those w h o are unclear w i l l be frightened off, etc., etc.! A l t h o u g h there w e r e some w h o f e l l into these waters w i t h o u t e v i l intent, because that was h o w it seemed to t h e m and w h a t t h e y had been accustomed to in the past, in general the bearers and inciters of such opportunist and capitulationist r u m o u r s and advice proceeded f r o m deliberate aims of p o l i t i c a l d i v e r sion. T h e y w e r e not in the least concerned either about democracy or about recognition of the g o v 520

e r n m e n t : their r e a l concern was to displace t h e P a r t y f r o m the leading role in the l i f e of the country, to t u r n it into an appendage of the F r o n t and g r a d u a l ly d i v e r t the w h o l e course of the revolution, so that e v e r y t h i n g w e h a d gained w o u l d s l i p f r o m o u r hands and the people w o u l d again be placed in the shackles of the o l d s l a v e r y and old treaties. T h i s was precisely the a i m , not o n l y of s u c h self-proclaimed bourgeois-democratic elements, as the Shefqet Bejas, R i z a D a n i s and G j e r g j K o k o s h i s , but also of S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a a n d company. I can never forget that m o m e n t w h e n one of them, G j e r g j K o k o s h i , w i t h the sincerity o f a n i n nocent, c o m m i t t e d one of the vilest and most i r r i t a t i n g provocations against me. N e x h a t Peshkpia, w h o was a close f r i e n d of his, had introduced me to G j e r g j K o k o s h i before the I t a l i a n occupation, w h e n I was a teacher in the secondary school of T i r a n a . N e x h a t and he spoke against Z o g and against the Italian influence in o u r c o u n t r y and, indeed, at the first meeting at w h i c h he introduced me to G j e r g j , N e x h a t began to speak openly against Z o g . G j e r g j l o o k e d at Nexhat, no doubt q u e r y i n g w h e t h e r it w e r e safe to do so in f r o n t of me. Don't be afraid, N e x h a t told h i m , E n v e r is ours, indeed, he is a communist. This c o m m u n i s m is interesting, said K o k o s h i and we began to exchange opinions, but f r o m our first conversation it was obvious that on this matter he was not at one w i t h me, w h i l e N e x h a t was neither w i t h me, n o r w i t h G j e r g j , but was a n anarchist. O n l y one t h i n g u n i t e d us: opposition to Z o g and fascism. 521

At that time G j e r g j K o k o s h i was a professor w i t h authority. In his p o l i t i c a l ideas, however, he w a s a l i b e r a l democrat, a supporter of p a r l i a m e n t a r i a n i s m , especially B r i t i s h p a r l i a m e n t a r i a n i s m . I continued my contacts w i t h G j e r g j K o k o s h i later, too, especially after A p r i l 1939, u n t i l we brought h i m close to the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t , and we considered this a positive t h i n g for the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t . As I have said, K o k o s h i d i d not display open v a c i l l a tions d u r i n g the War, was elected to the highest i n stances o f the Front, and w h e n w e f o r m e d the A n t i fascist Committee and later the P r o v i s i o n a l G o v e r n ment, we appointed h i m m i n i s t e r of education, w h i c h was a suitable post for h i m , because he was a m a n w i t h knowledge of education a n d some culture. We had respect for h i m and, in appearance at least, he d i d not show any h o s t i l i t y towards o u r P a r t y . A n d now, in the name of the Front and our recognition in the world, as a f r i e n d outside the P a r t y , he, too, joined in the enemy plans to get r i d of the C o m munist Party of A l b a n i a ! He based his argument on the c l a i m that the governments o f the U S A and B r i t a i n w o u l d recognize our government if we w i t h d r e w the P a r t y f r o m the limelight, if even just as a tactic we h i d its name and role. We w i l l never do this, I cut short G j e r g j K o koshi's refrain, because such an act w o u l d m e a n abandoning a l l w e have w o n o f our o w n free w i l l i n order to please the B r i t i s h . T h i s w o u l d be b e t r a y a l not o n l y of the people but also of ourselves. But w e are r e a l l y i n power! G j e r g j K o k o s h i 522

said. See, I am not a c o m m u n i s t but I am a minister. M r . O m e r is not a communist, but he is president! True, y o u ' r e a c o m m u n i s t and general secretary of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , but above a l l , the c o u n t r y a n d the w o r l d is recognizing y o u and ought to recognize y o u as p r i m e m i n i s t e r ! It is the state f u n c t i o n that is p r i z e d and honoured in the i n t e r n a t i o n a l arena!... A n d so, w h a t ? I asked h i m w i t h an anger I c o u l d h a r d l y contain. I am c o m i n g to the point f r o m w h i c h I started, or rather w h i c h you, too, are w o r r i e d about, c o n t i n u e d the other f i x i n g his eyes on me. What w o u l d y o u lose f r o m y o u r p o w e r and authority, f r o m y o u r p o w e r as head of government, if y o u w e r e not secretary of the P a r t y , too?! N o t h i n g , I t h i n k ! A n d the same t h i n g is true of the fate of the country. Since we have a Democratic G o v e r n m e n t i n power, since the F r o n t exists as a broad p o l i t i c a l organization, w h a t h a r m w o u l d be done if y o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y w e r e not proclaimed? N o n e a t a l l ! W e h o l d p o w e r a n d w i l l y i e l d it to no one. With... I j u m p e d to my feet, c u t t i n g short his w o r d s : I thought better of you, G j e r g j K o k o s h i ! I said. F r o m the craziness of y o u r bourgeois intellectualism, or I don't k n o w f r o m w h a t other position, y o u are not o n l y t h r o w i n g m u d at our beloved P a r t y , but also c o m m i t t i n g a grave provocation against me personally. Do y o u t h i n k that I a n d my comrades became c o m munists and l e d the people in the w a r just to become p r i m e ministers, or ministers and, n o w that we have taken 'power', we should abandon the P a r t y , its cause and its v i c t o r i e s ? ! T h i s w i l l never, never occur! We 523

d i d not fight to become lords over the people, we d i d not fight for a change of cabinets and soft seats, but we fought and w i l l fight to the end to completely o v e r t h r o w the o l d era. It is not y o u or I in power, but the people. T h e state we set up is not m i n e or yours, but the people's. The people achieved these victories through their struggle on the course our C o m m u n i s t P a r t y showed them. A n d don't forget that y o u yourself became a minister, irrespective that y o u are not a communist, because d u r i n g the w a r y o u agreed w i t h , supported and applied that line and f o l l o w e d that course w h i c h the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y showed us and on w h i c h it l e d us. H o w e v e r , the difference and the gap between us is apparently m u c h greater and deeper t h a n w h a t we had thought or envisaged. Y o u have fought for a soft seat, w h i l e we have fought and are f i g h t i n g for A l b a n i a . T h i s is the mildest r e p l y that I could give y o u at these moments. As for y o u r 'concern' about the role of o u r P a r t y , let me declare t o y o u clearly and u n e q u i v o c a l l y : w e s h a l l n e v e r a l l o w ourselves to w e a k e n its role, nor a l l o w anyone, whoever he m a y be, to damage or i n f r i n g e it! G j e r g j K o k o s h i * went a w a y l i k e a w e t h e n and w h e n he subsequently went even f u r t h e r on his course, w h i c h was the opposite of that on w h i c h the P a r t y l e d the people, he lost both his soft seat a n d the remainder of his feathers. B e l o w I s h a l l speak about h i m a n d other democrats l i k e h i m who, b y chance or for subversive aims, h a d u n i t e d w i t h us d u r i n g those years, but here I w a n t to u n d e r l i n e that n e v e r
____________________________________ * In A l b a n i a n means rooster.

524

at a n y time w e r e we held up or confused by their efforts and insinuations. It was a d i f f e r e n t matter, however, especially for a time, w i t h the Y u g o s l a v friends and the agents w h o m they had managed to recruit w i t h i n o u r ranks, who, regrettably, included some of the m a i n cadres of the P a r t y . A l w a y s v o i c i n g the same worries, using the same arguments and advice as the bourgeois d e m ocrats, Tito's m e n , too, d i d e v e r y t h i n g possible to make us keep the P a r t y in a state of i l l e g a l i t y or, at the most, s e m i - i l l e g a l i t y , to hide it in the Front, and merge it w i t h the F r o n t . T h e i r ceaseless efforts a n d pressures, especially their attempts to isolate me f r o m the P a r t y , achieved a certain degree of success. F o r a time an unacceptable situation v e r g i n g on a b s u r d i t y was created amongst us: although our P a r t y was e f f e c t i v e l y the leading and g u i d i n g force, for the sake of opinion and e x t e r n a l appearances, efforts were m a d e to hide its name and to cover up its t r u e role. W h i l e there is no need to go into those details w h i c h are n o w w e l l - k n o w n , I w a n t to say o n l y that, although the pressures of the Titoites t r u l y h a d a certain effect, i n r e a l i t y o u r P a r t y never w a v e r e d f r o m the role w h i c h it had w o n t h r o u g h the strength of its ideas and the blood and w o r k of its members. W h e t h e r o r not w e a l w a y s advertised the w o r d a n d the role of the P a r t y everywhere, a n d here there was some concession w h i c h we ourselves considered absurd, nevertheless, in reality, it w a s the P a r t y , f r o m the base to the centre, w h i c h led and acted in the w h o l e 525

life of the country, in the state, in the F r o n t , in defence, in the economy and e v e r y w h e r e . Precisely because we k e p t the P a r t y in c o m m a n d and d i d not a l l o w ourselves to w e a k e n or to d i v i d e its role w i t h anyone else in that grave and d i f f i c u l t period w h e n m a n y capitulated and degenerated, we, the least experienced, the youngest, we of the worthless government, were able to overcome the mountains of d i f f i c u l t i e s and not o n l y to safeguard, but also to assert, to strengthen a n d ceaselessly t e m per the state of the people in power. B o t h d u r i n g the w a r a n d i n the n e w p e r i o d o f the w o r k o f construction, the P a r t y a n d the n e w D e m ocratic G o v e r n m e n t t u r n e d to the people, r e l i e d on the people, w h i l e w i n n i n g over a n d m o b i l i z i n g the people. We can never forget the unprecedented m o b i l i z ation, the indescribable enthusiasm of o u r m a r v e l l o u s people in the battles to heal the w o u n d s of the w a r . H u n g r y and ill-clad, aware that in their homes or in the temporary shelter that h a d been p r o v i d e d for t h e m they even l a c k e d bread and beans for their c h i l dren, nevertheless m e n and w o m e n , c h i l d r e n and old folk, and especially o u r heroic youth, w o r k e d v o l u n tarily, day and night, to b u i l d the n e w l i f e f r o m the ruins. A l b a n i a was t u r n e d into a k i n d of b u i l d i n g site where, true, m a n u a l labour alone prevailed, but people w o r k e d w i t h a w i l l a n d desire because they saw they w e r e w o r k i n g for themselves. This, of course, had a great effect to strengthen their u n i t y and to enhance the love of the people for the P a r t y a n d o u r l a w f u l government. The n e w state was establishing its a u t h o r i t y first 526

of a l l in the economic field, by e x e r c i s i n g control over a l l the enterprises and companies of A l b a n i a n m e r chants and industrialists, by r e q u i s i t i o n i n g food and p h a r m a c e u t i c a l p r o d u c t s , means of transport, the b u i l d ings necessary for the state a d m i n i s t r a t i o n or for housing, etc., in some cases w i t h compensation, in other cases w i t h o u t compensation. L i k e w i s e , a l l the assets of w a r c r i m i n a l s and p o l i t i c a l fugitives and the assets of G e r m a n y a n d Italy and of their citizens w e r e c o n fiscated. G r a d u a l l y the nationalization of all the existi n g i n d u s t r y i n our c o u n t r y began: the mines, the factories and the shops were n a t i o n a l i z e d or confiscated, became state p r o p e r t y and w e r e the f i r s t basis of the socialist c o m m o n property. Thus, by m a k i n g wise and consistent use of the p o l i t i c a l p o w e r w h i c h w e h a d created a n d w o n t h r o u g h the war, the P a r t y orientated and l e d us on the right course to w i n economic power, to place the economy in the service of the people and in the hands of the people. Thus, automatically, the p o l i t i c a l p o w e r was strengthened, the confidence of the masses in its l e a d ing organs was strengthened a n d steeled, and the people felt a n d saw that e v e r y t h i n g was being done in their f a v o u r a n d in the name of t h e i r state power. T h e sharp s w o r d of the dictatorship of the proletariat w a s c u t t i n g deep into the bourgeoisie. T h e first measures and reforms w e r e not o n l y of an economic character, it was their p o l i t i c a l class essence w h i c h was their sharpest edge. T h i s was the case w i t h the imposition of special taxes on w a r profits. T h a t was a measure w i t h pronounced class tendentiousness, because it w a s a m o r t a l b l o w to the mercantile b o u r 527

geoisie who, d u r i n g the war, as always, h a d fattened themselves on the blood and the s u f f e r i n g of the people. The P a r t y and the F r o n t h a d g i v e n t h e m t h e i r chance by m a k i n g c o n t i n u a l appeals to t h e m to unite w i t h , take part in or assist the w a r of the people, but the merchants, the bourgeois a n d the f e u d a l lords not o n l y d i d not listen to these appeals, but disdained t h e m and opposed the people's w a r w i t h the most u n scrupulous w a y s and means. N o w t h a t the people w e r e in power and e x e r c i s i n g their o w n dictatorship, these measures d i d not express the injustice of a state (at no moment of the development of society can the people be unjust), but t h e most s u b l i m e justice to w h i c h society could aspire. T h r o u g h these measures, any chance of r e t u r n i n g to the past w a s destroyed once and for a l l and the foundations w e r e l a i d for a new society, the socialist society. In order to impose the people's justice a n d r e t r i b u t i o n u p o n those w h o h a d stained t h e i r hands w i t h the blood of the finest sons of the c o u n t r y , those w h o had p u t villages to the t o r c h a n d h a d s e r v e d as collaborators w i t h the occupiers, s e l l i n g out e v e r y t h i n g and, above all, the H o m e l a n d , in M a r c h 1945 a special court was opened. A large n u m b e r of c r i m i n a l s and traitors appeared before it, i n c l u d i n g members of the q u i s l i n g governments, chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and agents of fascism, s u c h as F e j z i A l i z o t i , T e f i k Mborja, Shuk Gurakuqi, B a h r i Omari, K o l Tromara, H i l m i L e k a , I b r a h i m B i a k u a n d others. M e a n w h i l e , i n the name o f the D e m o c r a t i c G o v e r n m e n t of A l b a n i a , I sent a letter to P r e s i d e n t T r u 528

m a n in w h i c h I expressed the i n d i g n a t i o n of our people over the gentle treatment w h i c h the A l b a n i a n c r i m i n a l s , w h o had f l e d at the e n d of the war, w e r e r e c e i v i n g f r o m the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n authorities i n Italy. T h i s was a l a w f u l d e m a n d and the f a i l u r e to respond to it w a s another injustice c o m m i t t e d against the A l b a n i a n people w h o insisted that instead of being treated g e n t l y a n d left at large to c a r r y out t h e i r fascist intrigues against o u r people, A l i K l c y r a , M i t hat F r a s h r i , A b a z K u p i , K a d r i C a k r a n i , K o o M u k a a n d V e h i p R u n a s h o u l d b e i n the dock along w i t h the other traitors and c r i m i n a l s , and there receive the sentences t h e y deserved. It was not d i f f i c u l t to understand w h a t the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n s w e r e a i m i n g at in their p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment of c r i m i n a l s and traitors to the A l b a n i a n people. It w o u l d not be long before they w o u l d be used as cannon fodder or else they w o u l d be t r y i n g to eat one another l i k e a basket of crabs. T h e court sentenced some of the traitors to capital punishment. T h i s was a sentence t h e y deserved, w h i c h expressed the w i l l of the people w h o f o l l o w e d the d e v elopment of this t r i a l w i t h great interest. D u r i n g the days When the court was in session the people w h o f o l l o w e d the proceedings, both inside a n d outside the cinema b u i l d i n g i n w h i c h the t r i a l was held, p r o nounced sentence in no u n c e r t a i n terms, by s h o u t i n g : L o n g l i v e the people's justice! D e a t h to the w a r criminals P r e c i s e l y at the t i m e w h e n the people's courts were c o n d e m n i n g the w a r criminals, the traitors, the saboteurs and conspirators against the people's state 529

power, K o i X o x e , as m i n i s t e r of Internal A f f a i r s , i n f o r m e d me about the a c t i v i t y of an e n e m y group w h i c h was being investigated and the m a i n persons involved. In due course, he t o l d me one day that S y r j a Selfo had implicated himself in this group for the o v e r t h r o w of the state. I opened my eyes in surprise and said to K o i : Syrja y o u say? It's impossible, y o u must be w r o n g ! S y r j a could not rise against the people's state power. S y r j a was one of the Selfo f a m i l y , w h o w e r e b i g merchants. W i t h the exception of S y r j a and H a l i t , w h o joined the partisans, a l l of t h e m were bad. T h e first amongst them was R e i z Selfo w h o was considered the head of the Selfo f a m i l y . He was one of the most reactionary and expert s w i n d l e r s in the circle of b i g merchants. H e was o n good terms w i t h e v e r y regime, w i t h Z o g and the Italians. W i t h us alone he d i d not get along, because for the crimes he had c o m m i t t e d against the people and the H o m e l a n d we put h i m in his place and the court sentenced h i m to be shot. I was w e l l acquainted w i t h Reiz, w i t h w h o m I h a d had occasion to meet, but r a r e l y to talk. He w a s too i m p o r tant and had no time to waste w i t h people l i k e us. S y r j a , however, was a good f r i e n d w i t h w h o m I often talked and he understood me; he was not a communist, but he was a patriot, a n t i - I t a l i a n and anti-fascist. He sincerely l i k e d me, in particular, a n d I l i k e d h i m . He was not on good terms w i t h Reiz, but R e i z c o u l d do h i m no harm, because S y r j a was more capable at his job and not e v i l l i k e Reiz. S y r j a assisted the w a r as m u c h as he could a n d rented two houses w h i c h he 530

placed at the disposal of our illegal w o r k . He c o n t r i buted m o n e y to help our w a r and d u r i n g the w a r he gave great help to me personally and, l i k e w i s e to my f a m i l y , w h e n I w e n t into illegality. W h e n w e liberated A l b a n i a , S y r j a rejoiced. W e met one d a y a n d I said to h i m : The day for w h i c h we fought has come, but the struggle continues. N o w we are going to impose w a r taxes on a l l merchants a n d they w i l l be heavy. The Selfos w i l l be included. Syrja replied: Do w h a t e v e r y o u l i k e . T a k e the lot and I s h a l l help y o u . I just w a n t to work, so go ahead and c o n fiscate the lot. A n d that i s w h a t w e d i d . S y r j a was w i t h us. H e c o u l d never be separated f r o m us. A n d now, quite unexpectedly, K o i X o x e came t o t e l l me that S y r j a was allegedly implicated in a plot to o v e r t h r o w the people's state p o w e r ! K o i X o x e r e p l i e d calmly there and then to my shock and open opposition : H e has testified himself. He has admitted e v e r y t h i n g and signed his confession! B r i n g me his testimony, because I k n o w his signature. He brought it to me. I read it and saw that it was S y r i a ' s signature. I thought for a m o m e n t and asked Koi: D i d they torture h i m ? K o i swore black and b l u e : C e r t a i n l y not. We have p r o h i b i t e d torture by decision of the Bureau. 531

 V e r y well, I said. He m u s t be p u t on t r i a l , let the court judge h i m and the decision of the court be carried out. Later, w h e n the treachery of K o i X o x e and the Y u g o s l a v s was uncovered, w h e n a l l t h e i r v i l l a i n y came to light, the dossiers w h i c h they p r e p a r e d in the M i n i s t r y o f Internal A f f a i r s for m e a n d the others were discovered, too. T h e question of S y r j a Selfo a n d some others was n o t h i n g but a trap to compromise me, b y arresting m y friends and t o r t u r i n g t h e m t o death to m a k e t h e m a d m i t a n d sign w h a t the group o f K o i X o x e and the Yugoslavs dictated. D u r i n g this period this same K o i X o x e , t o w h o m it meant n o t h i n g to put innocent people on t r i a l , e x e r ted a l l sorts of pressures and made e v e r y effort to lighten the sentences on real enemies w h o w e r e placed i n the dock. A f t e r reaching agreement w i t h S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a and N a k o S p i r u , the three of t h e m proposed in the P o l i t i c a l B u r e a u that the lives of the c r i m i n a l s we had p u t on t r i a l s h o u l d be spared. In fact, K o i ' s a i m , both in his condemnation of innocent people and in his softness towards criminals, w a s to compromise me. T h i s was the time w h e n K o i , i n collaboration w i t h the Yugoslavs, after the P l e n u m of Berat, had b e g u n to prepare materials w i t h c o m p r o m i s i n g accusations and slanders against me. I rejected t h e i r proposals and t o l d t h e m that a l l the traitors and quislings, not e x c l u d i n g B a h r i O m a r i , m u s t be punished according to the sentences of the people's courts. L i k e w i s e , S h e h K a r b u n a r a , too, was to receive the punishment h e deserved later. T h i s v e r y w i l y i n d i v i d u a l , this B a l l i s t and collaborator w i t h the chiefs 532

of the B a l l i K o m b t a r , who t h r e w the stone and h i d his hand, had not p u b l i c l y proclaimed himself w i t h either the Italians or the Germans. He had saved his s k i n , indeed at the moment w h e n the J u g g e r n a u t of n a z i s m was w e l l on the w a y to disaster, he even posed as a s y m p a t h i z e r of the F r o n t and the P a r t y , although I h a d never had a n y f a i t h in this change in the S h e h and was convinced that he was a m a n of reaction w h o hated o u r P a r t y . H e had fought, although i n stealthy ways, against the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t but, as I said, K a r b u n a r a had proved to be wiser than his friends l i k e K o l T r o m a r a and A l i K l c y r a who, e v e n w h e n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n G e n e r a l C o u n c i l called on t h e m to unite w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r against the Germans, not o n l y d i d not accept their call, but on the contrary, as chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r and together w i t h it, they o p e n l y entered the service of the occupiers. F r o m that time on, we no longer addressed appeals to them, but aimed the r i f l e at t h e m . A f t e r the l i b e r a t i o n o f A l b a n i a , since S h e h K a r b u nara, S e j f i V l l a m a s i and one or two others w e r e not declared enemies l i k e their friends, we left t h e m at l i b e r t y a n d d i d not arrest them, because we had no f l a g r a n t l y c o m p r o m i s i n g facts against them. N e v e r theless, we gave t h e m a serious w a r n i n g that, if there was the slightest evidence that they w e r e acting against the people's state power, they w o u l d be arrested and handed over to the r e v o l u t i o n a r y court. T h e y agreed to this in words but not in deeds, especially S h e h Karbunara. I r e m e m b e r that d u r i n g the period w h e n the t r i a l of q u i s l i n g traitors and w a r c r i m i n a l s was going on, 533

I was r e t u r n i n g to T i r a n a one day f r o m B e r a t w h e r e I had been on business. At that time I wore a g e n eral's blue u n i f o r m w i t h r e d stripes and top boots. W h e n we w e r e approaching the v i l l a g e of K a r b u n a r a I saw the S h e h w i t h his priest's hat and robe, w h o was standing in the m i d d l e of the road w i t h his h a n d raised s i g n a l l i n g to the car to stop. I told my d r i v e r to stop the car and allowed the S h e h to approach. I d i d not get out of the car because I deliberately w a n t e d to h u m i l i a t e h i m and to m a k e this enemy u n d e r stand that we, the P a r t y a n d the people w h o h a d fought and t r i u m p h e d , w e r e i n power. T h e Sheh, d r a g ging his feet, opened the door of the car, bowed, w i s h e d me good day and held out his h a n d . I shook hands with him without moving. What do y o u w a n t ? W h y d i d y o u stop m e ? I asked h i m . First of all, to congratulate you, he said. I have no need for y o u r congratulations, I t o l d h i m . Have y o u a n y t h i n g else? I stopped y o u to beg y o u to p a r d o n some of those w h o are on trial, he said. I'll see to it myself, I told h i m shortly. The lives of traitors and q u i s l i n g ministers in the service of the Germans, of chiefs of the B a l l i K o m b t a r a n d anyone else w h o t u r n e d the r i f l e against us, have been placed in the hands of the people's justice. Y o u r friends and associates, S h e h K a r b u n a r a , have stained their hands w i t h the blood of the people a n d o u r c o m rades, therefore don't w o r r y at a l l because I am certain that the people's justice w i l l give t h e m w h a t t h e y deserve. 534

It's v e r y bad, E n v e r . . . Listen, S h e h K a r b u n a r a , I told h i m , when I told you, indeed begged y o u , to abandon the road, of betrayal, y o u thought that the Italians and G e r m a n s were stronger t h a n our people a n d o u r P a r t y w h i c h y o u derided and fought. H o w e v e r , things t u r n e d out quite d i f f e r e n t l y f r o m w h a t y o u thought a n d this was not a m i r a c l e of the fate a n d god in w h i c h y o u believe, but was a result of the m i n d , a b i l i t y and b r a v e r y of the P a r t y , the communists and o u r people. I k n o w v e r y w e l l , that you, Sheh, w e r e together w i t h K o l T r o m a r a and company, but y o u t r i c k e d t h e m cleverly, y o u t h r e w the stone and h i d y o u r hand. We d i d not arrest you. not for the sake of y o u r b e a u t i f u l eyes, but because we d i d not have so m a n y c o n crete facts about you, because otherwise y o u w o u l d be together w i t h the traitors in the dock today. T h e communists, w h o m y o u abused, are the w o r l d ' s most just men, the kindest w i t h the people and ready to sacrifice themselves for the people's greatest causes. Hence, y o u escaped once, but y o u w i l l not escape a second time, therefore I advise y o u to keep y o u r m o u t h shut and not conspire against the people, because, if y o u do, we s h a l l put y o u in y o u r place. That is a l l I have to say to you. T h e officer shut the door of the car, I left S h e h K a r b u n a r a in the dust of the road a n d never again set eyes on h i m . That enemy d i d not give up his act i v i t y against the people's state power. He became a participant in the plot hatched up by the A n g l o A m e r i c a n agency o f Shefqet Beja, G j e r g j K o k o s h i , R i 535

za D a n i a n d others. So, S h e h K a r b u n a r a , too, was condemned by the people's court. T h e i r other associate, S e j f i V l l a m a s i , p u l l e d in his horns, l i v e d on what m o n e y he had accumulated u n t i l he was reduced to rags and, in the end, w h e n he was h a r d pressed for food, was obliged to seek a n y sort of job. He had g r o w n old. I h a d never asked about h i m . One day, w h e n I was going to V l o r a , I stopped at the f a r m at Gosa, met the director and asked h i m h o w things were going. He e x p l a i n e d things to me. Close to the road there were some w h i t e w a s h e d sheds. I asked him: What are these sheds? They are the pigs' stalls, he told me. Let's go in and see, I said. I w e n t inside and met an o l d K a v a j a peasant. I k n e w that the old people of K a v a j a w e r e fanatical, especially in the e a r l y years after L i b e r a t i o n . N o t o n l y w o u l d they not eat pork, but they could not bear pigs at all, because this was prohibited by the K o r a n . I'm pleased to see that y o u are k e e p i n g pigs, I said to the o l d m a n . What else can I do? he said. I have to live. Then, after he recognized me, he said in a l o w voice: I'll t e l l y o u on the quiet, because y o u k n o w o u r w o r r i e s : I can't bear the sight of these pigs, but I love the P a r t y and do w h a t it tells me. Y o u see this long stick? I use this to p r o d the pigs, because, by G o d , I can't b r i n g myself to l a y a h a n d on them. The three of us burst out l a u g h i n g . O u r l a u g h t e r brought another w r i n k l e d and ragged, e l d e r l y s w i n e 536

herd over to us. He h e l d out his h a n d to me and g r e e ted m e s a y i n g : H o w are you, M r . E n v e r ? I raised my head to look at h i m , because the w o r d Mr. in the m o u t h of a peasant, w h e n t h e y a l w a y s called one another comrade, attracted my attention. A n d w h o d i d I see? S e j f i V l l a m a s i ! He had become a swineherd. Despite a l l y o u have done, I said to h i m , the P a r t y of communists d i d not leave y o u w i t h o u t a job and y o u are e a r n i n g y o u r bread w i t h the sweat of y o u r b r o w for the first time in y o u r life. A s y o u say, M r . Enver, but n o w I'm an o l d man. Y o u have got older, that's the l a w of nature, b u t w h a t can y o u do, y o u have to eat and in order to eat y o u m u s t work. That is so, M r . Enver, said S e j f i , but could the government possibly give me a pension? Pension, w h y ? Because y o u have never worked, or because y o u have been in the fascist ' C o u n c i l of state', or because y o u have never done a patriotic deed? In the t i m e of N o l i ' s G o v e r n m e n t y o u voted for the reactionaries, in e x i l e y o u gambled w h i l e the people suffered, and then y o u came back w i t h I t a l y and served it and the G e r m a n s . A r e these the ' m e r i t s ' for w h i c h y o u are seeking a pension? Is this w h a t this f e l l o w has been? intervened the peasant f r o m K a v a j a . So, he's worse than these pigs. On my w o r d , C o m r a d e E n v e r , I d i d not k n o w him. I saw V l l a m a s i once again a f e w years later on a 537

footpath in F i e r . T h e diplomat of the B a l l i was bent almost double. I asked w h a t he was doing. T h e y told me that he had a s m a l l pension, because he h a d been a swineherd. T h e comrade w h o t o l d me this was y o u n g and had never e v e n heard the name of this Ballist, f r o m w h o m and f r o m whose associates w e h a d suffered so m a n y bad things. A n d so, one after the other, the brambles and thorns of the past, the leeches w h o h a d sucked the blood of the people, the snakes w h o had v e n o m on the tip of their tongues, began to be cleared away. A l l these things strengthened the position and enhanced the a u t h o r i t y of the P a r t y and the n e w state; the masses of the people w e r e becoming more and more convinced that the r o a d on w h i c h the P a r t y led t h e m was their most secure future. The w a r m welcome w h i c h the people gave the first laws and measures of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A n t i f a s c i s t C o u n c i l (from the l i b e r a t i o n of the country u n t i l J a n u a r y 11, 1946, w h e n the Constituent A s s e m b l y met, this S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e was the s u p reme legislative organ), was the greatest endorsement w h i c h could have been given to the correctness of the line w h i c h the P a r t y and the peoples' state p o w e r were pursuing. T h e reforms of a democratic character w h i c h were u n d e r t a k e n at this period strengthened the economic basis of the state, strengthened the trust of the masses of the people in it, because n o w a l l w e r e seeing that the n e w state was the irreconcilable e n e m y of the bourgeoisie, feudal lords and speculators, and that the democratic government was capable of r u n n i n g and organizing the life of the country. L i f e was 538

d i f f i c u l t for the people, but they were seeing w i t h their o w n eyes that the P a r t y and the organs of the state w e r e doing the impossible to create conditions so that l i f e could proceed n o r m a l l y and the wounds of the w a r and the past w o u l d be healed as q u i c k l y as possible. One of the great and p r o f o u n d revolutions w h i c h we set about f r o m the outset and carried t h r o u g h to the end t h r o u g h consistent efforts was the c a r r y i n g out of the L a n d R e f o r m . W i t h this r e v o l u t i o n in the life of the A l b a n i a n countryside we not o n l y f u l f i l l e d one of the age-old aspirations of and the first promises w h i c h we h a d made d u r i n g the w a r to the l o y a l a l l y of the w o r k i n g class, the brave and patriotic A l b a n i a n peasantry, but we also brought about a colossal transformation in the relations of p r o d u c t i o n and opened the w a y to the b i r t h of socialist relations in the countryside, w h i c h the P a r t y had envisaged i n its long-term plan. W o r k for the d r a f t i n g of this law, w h i c h , as is k n o w n , was adopted in the s u m m e r of 1945, had been going on for a long time. A n d both in the d r a f t i n g and in the discussion of it, in the P o l i t i c a l B u r e a u of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e and i n the A N L C , f i e r y debates took place. T h e orientations of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e that the L a n d R e f o r m s h o u l d not o n l y give l a n d to peasants w i t h no or little land, but should also e l i m i n ate the possibility of the b i r t h of the k u l a k economy w h i c h exploited the w o r k of others, were opposed w i t h all sorts of manoeuvres, criticisms and suggestions b y R i z a D a n i and Shefqet B e j a d o w n t o S e j f u l l a Malshova. True the t o i l i n g peasant must be g i v e n a bit of 539

land, said R i z a D a n i , but we must not go to extremes and k i n d l e c i v i l war, hatred and blood feuds in the countryside. We must not satisfy some and m a k e e n e mies of the others! Those 'some' w h o m y o u mentioned, I r e p l i e d to h i m , are thousands and tens of thousands of peasants w h o have dreamed of the l a n d a l l their lives, w h i l e p o u r i n g out torrents of sweat in f a v o u r of a h a n d f u l of b i g landowners. It was not these b i g landowners w h o waged the war, but those w h o had nothing, the thousands. Therefore, we s h a l l give the l a n d to t h e m w i t h o u t w o r r y i n g m u c h w h e t h e r o r not the w e a l t h y peasants l i k e it. As for c i v i l war, it is s i l l y to t a l k about it. L e t those w h o are going to be e x p r o p r i a t e d t r y to raise their hand. T h e people w i l l cut it off, because this is the time of the people a n d not of f e u d a l lords and capitalists. S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a combated the R e f o r m f r o m a more moderate p o s i t i o n : We should d i v i d e the l a n d among the poor, he said, but must not forget the m e n t a l i t y of our p e a sants. T h e y have had n o t h i n g at a l l and w i l l be s a tisfied w i t h little and w i l l not b e interested i n l a r g e scale a g r i c u l t u r a l production. F a m i n e w i l l threaten us. Then, w h a t do y o u t h i n k should be done? I asked h i m . We should give the e x t r e m e l y poor masses a m i n i m u m area, just enough to f u l f i l t h e i r needs, w h i l e we should reduce the l a n d of the present owners, b u t leave t h e m at least 40 hectares. T h e y k n o w the v a l u e of large-scale production and w i l l m a k e their economies model ones and produce for the city, too. 540

That w o u l d b e t r i f l i n g w i t h the L a n d R e f o r m a n d w i t h the peasantry, I opposed h i m f i r m l y . A n d worse s t i l l , it w o u l d be f a v o u r i n g the kulaks. Since my f i r s t w o r k s of the 30's I have always been heart and soul a declared e n e m y of kulaks, S e j f u l l a M a l s h o v a defended himself at once. B u t n o w we have to t h i n k not o n l y about the bread of the peasants, but also about the bread of the w h o l e people. F o r the sake of the bread of the people we have to m a k e some distinction and some concession towards the w e a l t h y . L e t us not forget, comrades, that these are p r o f o u n d problems. L e t us not forget that to expect s a l v a t i o n f r o m f r a g m e n t a t i o n into small-scale p r o p e r t y means to decree general m e d i o c r i t y ! I have r e a d this in L e n i n ! someone, N a k o S p i r u I think, i n t e r v e n e d there and then. Exactly! replied Sejfulla proudly. Yes! I i n t e r v e n e d to put an end to t h e i r theorizing. We a l l read L e n i n and struggle to put his teachings and those of our great teachers into practice. B u t b y confusing o u r aims, S e j f u l l a , y o u confuse and distort L e n i n , too. He n e v e r was a n d expressed himself against the L a n d R e f o r m . W e d o not t h i n k that w e w i l l f i n d complete and f i n a l salvation i n small-scale p r o p e r t y t h r o u g h the L a n d R e f o r m w h i c h w e m u s t c a r r y out. No, w e w i l l f i n d s a l v a t i o n i n large-scale property, although neither capitalist n o r feudal, but state and cooperativist socialist property. L e t the f a r m e r get the l a n d w h i c h is due to h i m and, gradually, he h i m s e l f w i l l be convinced, and we s h a l l struggle to convince h i m , that his s a l v a t i o n and the s a l v a t i o n of the state, that is the future, belongs to large-scale a g r i 541

culture, collectivization. B u t , I stress: We s h a l l go over to large-scale socialist ownership t h r o u g h the L a n d R e f o r m , through g i v i n g o w n e r s h i p to the poor peasants w h o o w n nothing! Nevertheless, t h r o u g h the insistence of S e j f u l l a and w i t h the open or silent a p p r o v a l of K o i X o x e , P a n d i K r i s t o and others i n the P o l i t i c a l B u r e a u and the C e n t r a l Committee of the P a r t y , and subsequently w i t h the support of the R i z a D a n i s and K o k o s h i s in the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l , the L a w on the L a n d R e f o r m i n i t i a l l y had a series of shortcomings, although it was an i m p o r t a n t event in the transformation of relations in the countryside. T h e l a w left large areas of l a n d in f a m i l y o w n e r s h i p for the so-called model economies, up to a m a x i m u m of 40 hectares, w h i c h in the conditions of A l b a n i a was a v e r y large area, and safeguarded the positions of the estate owners a n d w e a l t h y peasants. A l t h o u g h this was the l a w w h i c h began to be applied at first, we felt that it had shortcomings and w o u l d not lead to the complete application of the principle, the l a n d belongs to the tiller. Therefore, in a series of meetings in the leadership of the P a r t y and the state, in contacts w i t h cadres, communists and r a n k - a n d - f i l e people, we a l w a y s discussed this p r o b l e m and I insisted that the former l a w m u s t be changed at a l l costs in f a v o u r of the poor peasantry, in particular, and in f a v o u r of deepening the socialist revolution, as a whole. Especially after the 5th P l e n u m of the CC of the P a r t y in F e b r u a r y 1946, w h e n we sternly attacked the opportunist v i e w s and stands of S e j f u l l a Malshova, almost a l l had become aware of the necessity of c h a n g 542

ing the L a w o n the L a n d R e f o r m , and i n M a y the n e w l a w w i t h a p r o f o u n d r e v o l u t i o n a r y content was p r o mulgated. A c c o r d i n g to this law, a l l the lands, vineyards, olive groves, etc., of those w h o d i d not w o r k t h e m themselves w e r e expropriated, w h i l e the peasants and owners w h o w o r k e d the l a n d were a l l o w e d up to 5 hectares w h i c h could not be sold, bought or mortgaged. O n l y those w h o w o r k e d the l a n d could hold and enjoy it! T h i s had great importance, because it blocked the w a y to l a n d speculation, eliminated any possibility of w e a l t h y elements b u y i n g the l a n d o r e n r i c h i n g t h e m selves by e x p l o i t i n g the t o i l of others. T h i s was a great v i c t o r y for our patriotic peasantry w h i c h had borne the b r u n t of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n W a r . The peasa n t r y e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y welcomed the proclamation of the R e f o r m w h i c h l i n k e d i t even more closely w i t h the P a r t y a n d the people's state power. We decided that the application of the R e f o r m should start w i t h a s y m b o l i c act, therefore, together w i t h m y comrades, D r . N i s h a n i , M y s l i m Peza, S p i r o M o i s i u , Shefqet P e i , G a q o Tashko, w h o had become m i n i s t e r of agriculture, and other comrades, we went to L u s h n j a w h e r e we witnessed the indescribable j o y of the peasant of M y z e q e w h o wept w h i l e he h e l d the land deed tight in his t r e m b l i n g hands. One could not but be m o v e d by the most unexpected scenes of the expression of j o y and love for the P a r t y , the F r o n t and the n e w state. I r e m e m b e r that amongst this t r u l y popular e n t h u s i a s m and rejoicing I spoke w i t h a voice that was t r e m b l i n g w i t h e m o t i o n : Comrade peasants, y o u must a l w a y s keep y o u r eyes open and have y o u r fists ready to strike h a r d at 543

t h e enemies of the people. T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the l a n d has begun, the deeds are being handed out, more a n d more each day y o u w i l l have the assistance of y o u r g o v ernment. W e w i l l put a l l o u r possibilities i n the service of the people. We do not promise y o u the heavens, but y o u can be sure that w h a t we say we do. I offer y o u m y heart-felt congratulations o n the l a n d w h i c h y o u have received. I w i s h y o u a l o n g life to m a k e our fields f l o u r i s h generation after generation! T h e economic effects of this R e f o r m , and especially its p o l i t i c a l effects on the outlook of the people, w e r e t r u l y among the greatest. The people swore by the P a r t y and the state, w h i c h gave t h e m the land, w h i c h was equal t o s w e a r i n g by m y head! B y g i v ing the peasantry the l a n d w h i c h belonged to it in perpetuity, the P a r t y and the state l i n k e d themselves even more closely w i t h the peasantry. Consistently, step after step, b a t t l i n g w i t h d i f ficulties and a l l k i n d s of enemies, the people, led by the P a r t y , w e r e t a k i n g economic p o w e r into their o w n hands and, in this way, becoming masters of their o w n fate in the broadest sense of the t e r m . B u t w h i l e the people felt great j o y over the n e w situation w h i c h was being created, the bourgeoisie felt that the h o u r had come w h e n a n x i e t y a n d pessimism were covering its last days. These measures and reforms were m o r t a l blows to this class w h i c h , faced w i t h these attacks, t r i e d to react, to organize, to f i n d allies, r o a m ing around in despair, ready to c o m m i t even the most hideous crimes. A l t h o u g h the situation, the sett i n g and the atmosphere had changed radically, they d i d not want to believe their o w n tragedy. T h e y w a n t e d 544

to r e m a i n p e r p e t u a l directors on the stage of the life of the people, therefore they began to draft a n d send petitions to the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n missions, asking t h e m to intervene on their behalf w i t h our G o v e r n m e n t , began to e x e r t b l a c k m a i l and to activize their m e n w h o h a d penetrated into the G o v e r n m e n t , the F r o n t and e v e n into the P a r t y . A m o n g t h e m w e r e Shefqet Beja, G j e r g j K o k o s h i , R i z a D a n i and others, who, as I have m e n t i o n e d earlier, h a d u n i t e d w i t h the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t , had r e m a i n e d generally i n f a v o u r of it, a n d h a d e v e n been elected to leading forums. M y personal acquaintance w i t h R i z a D a n i h a d b e g u n late, e i t h e r at P r m e t or Berat, but the c o m rades of S h k o d r a h a d spoken to me about h i m long before. L i k e G j e r g j K o k o s h i , h e w a s f r o m S h k o d r a , an e l d e r l y m a n w i t h influence in that city. A brother of his, H a s a n D a n i , was a b i g merchant who, after d i p p i n g his h a n d in Zog's honey-pot, also enjoyed the honey-pot of fascism, as d i d m a n y others, l i k e the democrat F a z l l i F r a s h r i and his brother Qazka, w h o m I have m e n t i o n e d earlier. R i z a himself, h o w ever, was a l i b e r a l democrat, anti-Zogite, a n t i - c l e r i cal, and anti-fascist. In the context of our w o r k w i t h the nationalists, the comrades of S h k o d r a had l i n k e d up w i t h R i z a and he had agreed to fight and take part i n the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t . W e w e r e pleased about this and considered it a success. I was better acquainted w i t h Shefqet Beja, because I had t a l k e d w i t h h i m more f r e q u e n t l y . He had been a f r i e n d of B a h r i ' s a n d of M u h a r r e m V l l a m a s i , a n a n t i - Z o g i t e element w h o h a d been i n exile i n B a r i . Shefqet and M u h a r r e m w e r e of the same age and both 545

had graduated f r o m a n Italian c o m m e r c i a l school, b u t w h i l e Shefqet B e j a p u r s u e d his occupation and b e came a b i g merchant, M u h a r r e m V l l a m a s i became a politician. In the time of the occupation by Italy, the democrat and anti-Zogite M u h a r r e m became a federal, w h i l e w i t h the f o r m a t i o n o f the N a t i o n a l L i b eration Front, Shefqet B e j a u n i t e d w i t h us. He w a s a v e r y clever t y p e and, i n the talks w h i c h w e held, posed as a democrat, attacked a n d d e r i d e d the Duce, T e f i k M b o r j a a n d the c o m p a n y of fascist hierarchs. Shefqet's j o i n i n g the F r o n t , too, we considered a success. D u r i n g the w a r I h a d long a n d open talks, especially w i t h G j e r g j K o k o s h i and Shefqet B e j a , w h o m I m e t m o r e frequently, a n d k e p t t h e m i n f o r m e d about the s i t u a t i o n of the w a r and the f o r m s of democratic organization of the state after l i b e r a t i o n . T h e y c o u l d not have a n y reservations towards the P a r t y on the grounds that it d i d not keep t h e m i n f o r m e d o r consult them. T h e y seemed to be f r a n k in e v e r y t h i n g , in appearance had no complaints, and, despite the odd doubt or m i s understanding, in general, t h e y approved the p r o g r a m of the P a r t y . T h e y w e r e somewhat dogmatic and outdated in t h e i r ideas, grave, and democrats of the old style, but seemed to be m a t u r e m e n . I t r i e d to a v o i d intensive polemics w i t h t h e m , since t h e y w e r e i n agreement on the m a i n issues. A n d now, w h e n the P a r t y a t the head o f the people began the w o r k f o r the reconstruction of the b u r n t out and devastated c o u n t r y a n d started to p u t the m a j o r reforms into practice, these elements, although they d i d not come out o p e n l y against this consistent line of the P a r t y , in r e a l i t y began to move. T h e y 546

f r e q u e n t l y came to talk w i t h me, sometimes together sometimes i n d i v i d u a l l y . R i z a D a n i and Shefqet B e j a , i n particular, w e r e w o r r i e d about the L a n d R e f o r m , the w a r taxes on the merchants a n d the people's courts. I w a s not surprised at their attempts at i n t e r vention, indeed, I was sure that t h e y w o u l d g r a d u a l l y increase. Therefore, I kept my temper w i t h t h e m and gave t h e m the proper answers: T h e y have e n r i c h e d themselves at the expense of the people a n d t h e y m u s t disgorge w h a t they have plundered. The peasants shed their blood, their homes w e r e burnt, t h e y liberated the c o u n t r y a n d w o n their l a n d in the country, therefore a genuine L a n d R e f o r m w i l l be c a r r i e d out. The w a r c r i m i n a l s m u s t render account. T h e y k i l l e d a n d b u r n t together w i t h the occupiers, therefore t h e y w i l l p a y for their crimes. The c o u n t r y w i l l be r e b u i l t f r o m the start, t h e r e fore the banks, foreign trade, transport and i n t e r n a l trade, in general, w i l l be in the hands of the people's state power. Of course, t h e y raised their democratic reasons on a l l these issues, but I gave t h e m the genuine d e m o cratic reasons. I felt t h e y left my office unsatisfied, but w e r e obliged to accept their defeat w i t h a smile. A f t e r all, it was no f a u l t of ours that t h e y w e r e s l i d i n g towards disaster. S i n c e we had dedicated e v e r y t h i n g to the cause of the people, it was impermissible for us to satisfy the desires and ambitions of w o r s h i p pers of the o l d for the sake of a f e w democratic poses and manoeuvres. If t h e y w a n t e d to l i v e and serve 547

l i k e r e a l men, let t h e m unite w i t h a n d continue on the road of the people, otherwise goodbye to t h e m ! The m a i n t h i n g that rejoiced us and f i l l e d us w i t h strength was the fact that the people approved, s u p ported and enthusiastically applied the p o l i c y a n d l i n e w h i c h our P a r t y and the n e w state w e r e f o l l o w i n g . In the course of the application of this line we saw and were convinced that the u n i t y of the P a r t y w i t h the people, w h i c h we had created in the f i r e of the war, was becoming ever stronger. A n d now, after so m a n y victories and achievements, the m o m e n t had come and the conditions had been created to c a r r y out one of the f u n d a m e n t a l c o m m i t m e n t s and tasks w h i c h we had set ourselves at the outset: the m o m e n t had come for the people to solemnly and f r e e l y express t h e i r w i l l on the f o r m of the regime w h i c h they w i s h e d to establish in A l b a n i a .

2. The proclamation of the People's Republic

The people f i r s t raised the d e m a n d to express themselves on the f o r m of the regime in A u g u s t 1945, at the 1st Congress of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n Front, w h i c h , f r o m that t i m e onwards, took the name the Democratic F r o n t o f A l b a n i a . T h i s Congress, w h i c h took place in the atmosphere of enthusiastic a p p r o v a l of the p o l i c y of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y and its future program, amongst other things, 548

s o l e m n l y demanded that the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b eration C o u n c i l and the P r o v i s i o n a l Democratic G o v e r n m e n t h o l d elections i n free A l b a n i a for the C o n stituent A s s e m b l y , w h i c h w o u l d p r o c l a i m the w i l l o f the people on the f o r m of the regime a n d approve the C o n s t i t u t i o n of the country. O n the proposal o f the G o v e r n m e n t , the A n t i fascist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l approved this dem a n d of the people, expressed t h r o u g h their organization, and charged a special commission w i t h the task of d r a f t i n g the laws on the elections to the Constituent A s s e m b l y . At the end of September the draft of these laws w a s presented t o the m e e t i n g o f the A N L C for approval. T h e C o u n c i l declared its a p p r o v a l i n p r i n ciple of the elections and also discussed and approved the L a w o n the Elections and the L a w o n the E l e c t o r a l Lists. T h e latter p r o c l a i m e d that a l l A l b a n i a n s u b jects, m e n and w o m e n , over 18 years of age, had the right to elect and be elected. T h e f o r m e r q u i s l i n g ministers, w a r c r i m i n a l s and, of course, those w h o t h r o u g h t h e i r o w n f a u l t h a d t e m p o r a r i l y lost their p o l i t i c a l rights, w e r e e x c l u d e d f r o m this right. Thus, for the first t i m e in the h i s t o r y of A l b a n i a , real possibilities w e r e created for the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f a l l c i t i zens in the elections. I r e m e m b e r that this l a w w a s approved w i t h o u t debate or opposition, even f r o m those l i b e r a l bourgeois-democratic elements w h o had managed to penetrate into the C o u n c i l a n d the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A n t i - f a s c i s t N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l . I m e n t i o n this because, f r o m the i n f o r m a t i o n we had, as w e l l as f r o m the great pressure w h i c h the B r i t i s h and A m e r i 549

can representatives w e r e e x e r t i n g on us, we expected a great struggle w i t h those elements w h o w e r e n o w charged w i t h the mission of going on the attack to sabotage the line of o u r P a r t y on the elections, of creating an opposition w i t h i n or outside the F r o n t a n d m a n o e u v e r i n g by means of it to seize p o w e r in the future. A p p a r e n t l y , however, t h e y h a d saved t h e i r v e n o m for the L a w on the Elections. Therefore, t h e y received the L a w o n E l e c t o r a l L i s t s w i t h smiles and even applause. T h e i r faces looked sour o n l y w h e n I rose and sought an exception to the L a w . I propose, I said, that an exception s h o u l d be made for those w h o have s t i l l not reached the r e q u i r e d age, but w h o have t a k e n part in the r a n k s of the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y . I t h i n k that it is f a i r to m a k e this exception. Those boys and girls w h o have fought for freedom arms i n hand, who, w i t h f u l l c o n sciousness, have dedicated t h e i r y o u n g lives to the H o m e l a n d , have the r i g h t to say w i t h t h e i r vote what t h e y have said w i t h the r i f l e . T h e y have a l l the m a t u r i t y necessary to m a k e their judgement on the fate of the people. I support E n v e r ' s proposal w i t h both hands. We should include i t i n the L a w w i t h o u t hesitation, said O m e r N i s h a n i , w h o was among the first to speak. The y o u n g people of all ages bore the b u r d e n of the war, said N a k o S p i r u , therefore, it is t h e i r r i g h t to u p h o l d the state power... A l l present approved m y proposal a n d after this we went on to the discussion of the proposed L a w on the Elections. B o t h for the p r e p a r a t i o n of this draft l a w and for the w h o l e organization and c r o w n i n g w i t h 550

success of the election c a m p a i g n we h a d to do a great deal of w o r k and preparation, not o n l y because we w e r e short of competent a n d experienced jurists, and none of us h a d a n y sort of experience on these matters in the past, b u t also because, in general, no t r a d i t i o n about elections h a d been created in our c o u n t r y in the past, especially for supreme organs s u c h as the C o n stituent A s s e m b l y . T h a t slight experience on p a r l i a m e n t a r y elections i n A l b a n i a w h i c h w a s created i n the years 1920-1924 w a s not o n l y the first a n d c o n tained m a j o r mistakes, restrictions and distortions, but, more importantly, it w a s m o s t l y a k i n d of contest, a p a r l i a m e n t a r y race, w h i c h took place between representatives of the w e a l t h y classes, feudal lords and reactionary bourgeois, on the one hand, and the progressive and democratic elements w h o w e r e or posed as representatives of Opinga, on the other hand. In general, the people themselves stayed or w e r e kept a w a y f r o m these elections. A f t e r the advent of Z o g to p o w e r and, especially, after he was proclaimed k i n g in 1928, e v e n that slight democratic element w h i c h appeared in the elections of an earlier p e r i o d came to a n end. F r o m that t i m e on, the vote i n the farcical Zogite elections w a s decided by the w h i p , the bribe and the r i f l e butt, associated both w i t h the general ignorance and backwardness of the masses and w i t h their understandable lack of interest in the so-called elections. Hence, we had to create e v e r y t h i n g f r o m scratch, u s u a l l y basing ourselves on w h a t we read f r o m the classics of M a r x i s m - L e n i n i s m , w h a t we had been able to l e a r n f r o m the experience of the Soviet U n i o n , 551

and so on. A b o v e all, we proceeded f r o m the p r i n c i p l e that we m u s t f o r m u l a t e a draft l a w in w h i c h the people w o u l d be g i v e n the possibility and r i g h t to express their o p i n i o n and w i l l as clearly, f r e e l y a n d d i r e c t l y as possible, that is, a l a w w h i c h w o u l d ensure a l l the guarantees for the n o r m a l a n d democratic development of this p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y of historic importance. The elections for the Constituent A s s e m b l y w o u l d be held on the basis of u n i v e r s a l e q u a l sufferage w i t h direct secret ballot, a n d the l a w p r o h i b i t e d a n d c o n demned a n y k i n d of a c t i v i t y by anyone at a l l to v i o l ate these principles. A l t h o u g h the draft l a w on the elections, w h i c h we had prepared w i t h the greatest t o i l a n d care, g u a r a n teed one of the most democratic and complete w a y s for the people to express their w i l l , d u r i n g the discussions for its a p p r o v a l a l i m i t e d n u m b e r of democratic and liberal elements rose in strong opposition to it. G j e r g j K o k o s h i , in particular, l a u n c h e d a fierce attack on the l a w w h i c h w a s being discussed, and, in fact, that was an attack against the D e m o c r a t i c Front, the P a r t y and the people's state power. As soon as the draft l a w was presented, G j e r g j K o k o s h i demanded the floor and, after some h y p o c r i t i c a l eulogizing of the F r o n t and the people's state power, began to pour out his c r i t i c i s m s w h i c h , in fact, amounted to rejection of the draft l a w w h i c h w a s to be approved. K o k o s h i ' s criticisms w e r e a reflection of the p r o f o u n d concern of the o v e r t h r o w n classes, reaction a n d the imperialists w h o understood that in the coming elections they w o u l d have no chance of w i n 552

n i n g a complete v i c t o r y or e v e n of securing an adequate n u m b e r of deputies to create an opposition. Besides people of the war, there should also be people of the peace in the Assembly, advocated G j e r g j K o k o s h i , and there are such people even o u t side the Front. Of course, s u c h an a b s u r d d i v i s i o n into people of the w a r and people of the peace on his l i p s had the m e a n i n g that even those w h o , w h e n the A l b a n i a n people w e r e f i g h t i n g f o r the freedom of t h e country, sat l o o k i n g on, d r e w profits and e v e n secretly or openly collaborated w i t h the occupier or the q u i s l i n g government, should be elected to the Constituent A s s e m b l y . G j e r g j K o k o s h i w a n t e d the merchants a n d property-owners, the beys a n d k u l a k s to be represented in the supreme state organ so that t h e y c o u l d dictate t h e i r w i l l there. T h i s spokesman o f theirs u n derstood c l e a r l y w h a t the o p i n i o n of the people w a s about their oppressors, therefore he demanded that the l a w should guarantee t h e m u n f a i r possibilities to be elected to the A s s e m b l y . The people organized in the Democratic F r o n t , present their o w n candidates to the A s s e m b l y in the lists of the Front, we told h i m quietly. If those w h o are outside the F r o n t desire to be elected, let t h e m present t h e i r candidatures i n d i v i d u a l l y . T h e draft l a w recognizes t h e m this right and, indeed, w i l l defend it. In comparison w i t h the lists of the F r o n t w h i c h has a b r i l l i a n t organization, K o k o s h i a d m i t t e d w i t h regret, the i n d i v i d u a l candidatures are doomed to f a i l ure, because these elements are not organized in p o l i t i c a l parties and do not have t h e i r o w n press or 553

propaganda. On the other hand, the m e n of the state power are a l l in the Front, thus no guarantees are g i v e n that other candidates w i l l be elected. T h i s was a v i l e i n s i n u a t i o n against o u r people's state p o w e r and one of the comrades, w h o was a m e m ber of the S t a n d i n g Committee, got up and quite r i g h t l y asked: Does M r . G j e r g j K o k o s h i w a n t the r e t u r n o f f o r m e r regimes w h i c h w i l l give guarantees o f free elections?! M a n o l K o n o m i , the m i n i s t e r of justice, on behalf of the Government, e x p l a i n e d to G j e r g j K o k o s h i the application of the p r i n c i p l e of p r o p o r t i o n a l i t y for d i f ferent organizations and not for i n d i v i d u a l s on the lists. Q i r j a k o H a r i t o , S i r i S h a p l l o and others also spoke i n opposition t o K o k o s h i ' s criticisms. T h e y pointed out that through the w a r and its work, the Democratic F r o n t h a d gained great a u t h o r i t y and trust a m o n g the people and, if other p o l i t i c a l parties and groups d i d not exist, that was not its fault. The fact that no other group has been able to organize itself after ten m o n t h s of liberation, said S i r i , means that the creation of such groups has not been in the interests of the people. T h e people are w i t h the F r o n t . If there are some w h o w a n t to o r g a n ize themselves outside the F r o n t , let t h e m try, but t h e y w i l l r u n u p against the strength o f the F r o n t and w i l l lose. There is n o t h i n g we can do about this. Thus, this attempt of reaction to use the elections for its o w n aims failed. Its advocate, K o k o s h i , w a s left in a m i n o r i t y of one. A f t e r this, l i k e a d r o w n i n g m a n c l u t c h i n g at a straw, he decided to p l a y the last card 554

w i t h w h i c h his patrons, the B r i t i s h , had p r o v i d e d h i m : he d e m o n s t r a t i v e l y resigned f r o m the Democratic F r o n t , i n this w a y g i v i n g the signal for the creation of an opposition, w h i c h , according to the B r i t i s h and A m e r i c a n plans, w a s to take part in the elections as a c o u n t e r - w e i g h t to the Democratic F r o n t . H o w e v e r , K o k o s h i ' s gesture at those moments of general e n t h u s i a s m s i m p l y became a n e w theme for jokes: faced w i t h o u r strength, the other Kokoshis* became w e t hens a n d d i d not dare f o l l o w K o k o s h i into opposition. He r e m a i n e d alone, in appearances of course, because in reality, w h i l e the other elements like h i m d r e w in their horns a little, b e h i n d the scenes t h e y w e r e to increase t h e i r savage a c t i v i t y to o v e r t h r o w the people's state power. T h i s was to be p r o v e d and documented a l i t t l e later, w h e n o u r organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat w e r e to uncover a l l the threads of t h e i r plot and t h e y appeared before the people's courts. A f t e r his abortive attempt and, especially, after he left the Front, G j e r g j K o k o s h i surrendered his place on the stage to his friends, R i z a D a n i , Shefqet B e j a and others. These two had been i n c l u d e d in the lists of the F r o n t and succeeded in being elected to the Constituent A s s e m b l y , because up t i l l that t i m e t h e y posed as supporters of the p r o g r a m of the Democratic F r o n t a n d h a d guarded against d i s p l a y i n g o p e n l y hostile stands. Nevertheless, we had been v i g i l a n t l y w a t c h ing t h e i r a c t i v i t y and had seen that the dose of resistance in t h e m was increasing f r o m d a y to day.
____________________________________

* Kokoshi

in

Albanian

means

rooster.

555

F o r some t i m e w e had had reports that R i z a D a n i , G j e r g j K o k o s h i , Shefqet B e j a and some others, w h o w e r e convinced that o u r P a r t y w o u l d go bankrupt, were l i n k e d w i t h the B r i t i s h and A m e r i c a n m i l i t a r y missions. As was discovered later, it was these m i s sions w h i c h organized and directed these elements to create the resistance and opposition, legal a n d illegal, against the people's state power, against the P a r t y and the m a j o r reforms w e w e r e c a r r y i n g out. W e k n e w that these i n d i v i d u a l s w e n t in and out of the B r i t i s h mission and w e r e f r i e n d l y w i t h its functionaries. W e considered this n o r m a l a n d realized that, if we w e r e to m a k e a n y comradely c r i t i c i s m about this, t h e y w o u l d say to us: There is n o t h i n g w r o n g w i t h it because they are o u r allies. We w e r e soon convinced, h o w ever, that t h e y d i d not go to v i s i t the B r i t i s h or the A m e r i c a n missions to t a l k about the w e a t h e r or to d r i n k a coffee or a w h i s k e y , but to complain about their problems and co-ordinate their a c t i v i t y against us. M y suspicions w e r e q u i c k l y c o n f i r m e d after a meeting w h i c h I h a d w i t h the B r i t i s h general, Hodgson. Some days after his a r r i v a l in o u r country, about the b e g i n n i n g of 1945, Hodgson, w h o was head of the B r i t i s h mission, sought an audience a n d I r e c e i v e d h i m at the p r i m e m i n i s t e r ' s office. He greeted me w i t h his r u d d y face and his cane u n d e r his a r m , took off his cap and I i n v i t e d h i m to sit d o w n in an a r m chair. As soon as he was seated, he began p o m p o u s l y : I b r i n g good news for the F r o n t and y o u r a d ministration, he said and handed me an o f f i c i a l letter f r o m U N R R A . U N R R A , continued Hodgson, has 556

decided to assist y o u as the allies we are, w i t h food, materials, etc., a n d he continued to list the aid. I h a n d e d the letter to the interpreter w h o translated it for me. I cannot read the signature, he said at the end. A s k the general, I t o l d h i m . The note has been signed b y M a j o r O a k l e y H i l l w h o has been appointed representative of U N R R A in A l b a n i a , r e p l i e d Hodgson. Is this f e l l o w w h o was Zog's adviser on the gend a r m e r i e s t i l l alive? I asked h i m . Yes, r e p l i e d the general, he is alive a n d n o w he has the o p p o r t u n i t y to assist A l b a n i a again. Except that, this is no longer the A l b a n i a of Zog, but A l b a n i a of the partisans and the people, therefore I am astonished at this coincidence that U N R R A has appointed M a j o r O a k l e y H i l l , w h o signed this letter, to o u r c o u n t r y w h e n it is k n o w n that there is no longer a gendarmerie to t r a i n in A l b a n i a , I told h i m . W i t h o u t doubt b o t h the G e n e r a l and H i l l w e r e agents of the B r i t i s h Intelligence Service. Nevertheless, I said, we t h a n k U N R R A for the s y m p a t h y w h i c h it has demonstrated, but, I c o n tinued, g l a n c i n g d o w n the list of materials w h i c h U N R R A had decided to send, we t h i n k that the q u a n t i t y allocated does not respond either to o u r needs or to the losses w h i c h the A l b a n i a n people have suffered d u r i n g the war. I don't k n o w w h a t to say to y o u about that, replied Hodgson. In any case I have been i n f o r m e d that the representatives o f U N R R A w i l l come t o T i 557

rana in a few days time, and so y o u can discuss these things w i t h them. Of course, I r e p l i e d . (In fact the representatives of U N R R A came, together w i t h the instructor of Zog's gendarmerie, but the discussions w i t h t h e m were i n v a i n . T h e y w e r e engaged more w i t h plots than w i t h s t u d y i n g our r e quirements and the organization of the aid.) These goods, continued the G e n e r a l , w i l l be landed at D u r r s or V l o r a or w h e r e v e r y o u like, and a group o f B r i t i s h officers and soldiers w i l l l a n d w i t h them. W h y are these soldiers and officers coming? To distribute the goods, n a t u r a l l y , w h e r e v e r y o u allocate them. Why, can't w e distribute t h e m ourselves? W e are a state, we are a government. It must be done in this way, r e p l i e d the G e neral, otherwise, the goods w i l l not be supplied. We do not refuse supplies f r o m the allies, I told Hogdson, but we do not accept c h a r i t y and y o u cannot impose conditions on us. We do not agree that any B r i t i s h soldier or officer should set foot on o u r land, or even in o u r ports. E v e r y t h i n g w i l l be h a n d e d to c u r port authorities in the presence of people f r o m y o u r mission in T i r a n a and we w i l l give y o u a receipt to show that we received this or that commodity. T h i s is the o n l y procedure acceptable to us. A c c e p t it if y o u w i s h , otherwise w e refuse the U N R R A goods. The General, of course, was displeased, and w e n t away saying w i t h British phlegm: I shall inform my government. 558

S o m e t i m e later K o k o s h i and B e j a came to me, allegedly for something else, and brought the conversat i o n r o u n d to the U N R R A aid. I e x p l a i n e d to t h e m w h a t had happened. Shefqet B e j a began to say to m e : That's a l l v e r y w e l l , E n v e r , but it's to o u r benefit, w e ' r e in need and we s h o u l d m a k e some concession, because it's a b i g government a n d is offended, and a l l sorts of other such r u b b i s h . Listen, Shefqet, I said, we are not o f f e n d i n g anyone, but it is the B r i t i s h government that is off e n d i n g us. W h a t does it take us f o r ? Y o u w h o have been a merchant, aren't y o u able to distribute a f e w rags instead of the B r i t i s h c o m i n g here to do this for us? No, we w i l l m a k e no concession. If t h e y w a n t to, let t h e m b r i n g the goods on the conditions w h i c h we present to them. W h a t i n t r i g u e d me, however, was f r o m w h o m had Shefqet B e j a learned this and w h o urged h i m t o i n t e r vene? U n d o u b t e d l y , the B r i t i s h G e n e r a l . O n l y a little later, these t w o made another attempt in f a v o u r of the arrogant p o l i c y of the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n imperialists. T h i s occurred on the eve of the elections to the Constituent A s s e m b l y , in N o v e m b e r of that year, w h e n the recognition of our G o v e r n m e n t by the Soviet U n i o n w a s announced and the U S A and G r e a t B r i t a i n seemed to be going to recognize us, too. As is k n o w n , w h i l e the recognition on the part of the Soviet G o v e r n m e n t w a s open and sincere, B r i t a i n and the U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a set conditions for this. We rejected t h e i r conditions, especially that of the A m e r i c a n government that we should recognize the agreements w h i c h Z o g had made w i t h it. G j e r g j K o k o s h i , Shef559

qet B e j a and R i z a D a n i came to me again to persuade me that we should not be so e x a c t i n g towards these t w o great powers, because, as the s m a l l c o u n t r y we were, we needed their a i d and support and, therefore, had to m a k e t h e m some concession. I rejected the arguments of these individuals, about w h o m the idea w a s c r y s t a l l i z i n g i n m y m i n d that t h e y w e r e agents of the B r i t i s h and the A m e r i c a n s . Of course, seeing that n e i t h e r their attempts, n o r the pressures of the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n s w e r e y i e l d i n g a n y results, these elements, w h o w e r e g r a d u a l l y g o i n g over to the positions of reaction, w o u l d counteract w i t h other means and i n other forms. A n d , i n fact, our i n formation service had reported that these elements had been set in movement a n d w e r e organizing. T h i s o r ganization was done, y o u m i g h t say, w i t h the o l d m a terial, because they had no basis among the people. T h e y w e r e establishing the old l i n k s w i t h o u r w a r t i m e enemies, w i t h the b a n k r u p t intellectuals, w i t h the aghas w h o had lost their land, w i t h the e x p r o p r i a t e d b o u r geois and others, and the purpose was to create t h e i r party and an opposition in the elections and in the People's A s s e m b l y . As I have w r i t t e n above, however, t h r o u g h o u r vigilance and readiness to prevent the secret plans a n d plots of internal reaction and the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n s f r o m f i n d i n g suitable soil, we destroyed the cards in their hands and, w i t h o u r m a t u r e a n d p r i n c i p l e d stand, f o r ced t h e m to explode w i t h anger and u n m a s k t h e m selves, as occurred w i t h K o k o s h i . M e a n w h i l e , we p r e s sed on v i g o r o u s l y w i t h the w o r k for the preparation of other p o l i t i c a l events w h i c h we h a d ahead of us. 560

A f e w days after the a p p r o v a l of the L a w on the Elections to the Constituent A s s e m b l y , the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o u n c i l set the date of the elections, D e c e m b e r 2, 1945, and appointed the c e n t r a l electoral commission. Thus, the election c a m p a i g n began. T h e C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of the P a r t y issued special instructions on the organization of the p o l i t i c a l work, propaganda a n d agitation by the communists about the elections of December 2, w h i c h w e r e considered an event of historic importance for the fate of A l b a n i a . T h e P a r t y orientated that the v o t i n g on December 2 s h o u l d be t u r n e d into a great p o p u l a r plebiscite in w h i c h the masses w o u l d clearly and openly express t h e i r o p i n i o n about the course on w h i c h our c o u n t r y w o u l d proceed. T h r o u g h their vote, the m e n and w o m e n of A l b a n i a w o u l d say No to the bitter past of oppression a n d exploitation and a f f i r m the b r i l l i a n t road of socialism. At those moments the w o r k of the P a r t y and its levers assumed an e x c e p t i o n a l i n t e n s i t y : the press, the f i g u r a t i v e agitation, the talks, the meetings and conferences, a l l h a d the a i m of e x p l a i n i n g to the masses w h y they s h o u l d vote and w h a t importance their votes h a d for the f u t u r e of the H o m e l a n d . At these meetings, rallies and conferences w h i c h w e r e h e l d e v e r y w h e r e in the context of the election campaign, the people responded to the appeal of the P a r t y and calls burst out e v e r y w h e r e : A People's R e p u b l i c ! L e t us vote for a People's Republic! T h e p r o g r a m p r o c l a i m e d b y the Democratic Front, w h i c h w a s the p r o g r a m of the P a r t y for those m o 561

ments, conformed to the interests and the aspirations of the people. It was a realistic, r e v o l u t i o n a r y , concrete p r o g r a m w h i c h ensured the economic, p o l i t i c a l and social progress of the country. No other p r o g r a m w a s proclaimed to compete w i t h it, because there could be no p r o g r a m more democratic t h a n that of the F r o n t . T h e fact that the c a l l for a People's R e p u b l i c w a s i m m e d i a t e l y embraced e v e r y w h e r e was the best answer that paralysed the desperate efforts of reaction, w h i c h d i d e v e r y t h i n g possible to alienate the masses f r o m the F r o n t and f r o m the elections, and the people gave it w i t h their p o w e r f u l voice. T h e efforts and combinations of the A n g l o - A m e r i c a n s and their agents to create some sort of p o l i t i c a l opposition p a r t y or group totally failed. T h e y w e r e completely discredited, nobody f o l l o w e d them. So t r u e w a s this that even when, on the eve of the elections, some element of the bourgeoisie w a n t e d to present his candidature o u t side the list of the Front, he was unable to do this, because he could not f i n d e v e n ten or fifteen people, let alone the t w e n t y r e q u i r e d by the law, to support his candidature. The proclamation of elections to the Constituent A s s e m b l y was w e l c o m e d w i t h enthusiasm e v e r y w h e r e in A l b a n i a and, as I said, in the meetings w h i c h w e r e organized e v e r y w h e r e the people expressed their w i l l to send their finest sons to the A s s e m b l y . A p a r t f r o m other things, such important events in the social a n d political life of that period as the Congress of Trade Unions, the Congress of Y o u t h , the p r o c l a m a t i o n of the p r o g r a m of the Democratic F r o n t and so on, added to 562

the enthusiasm and the liveliness of the election c a m paign and gave it a sounder content. These events created an unprecedented atmosphere of work, e n t h u siasm and m o b i l i z a t i o n everywhere. Thus, December 2, 1945, the day of the elections, was t u r n e d into one of the greatest celebrations A l bania had ever k n o w n . F o r the first t i m e the people h a d the p o s s i b i l i t y to say t h e i r w o r d effectively, to decide on their o w n fate. T h e r e was not the slightest doubt about the v i c t o r y of the candidates of the D e mocratic F r o n t . T h e list of the F r o n t f o u n d the approv a l of the masses e v e r y w h e r e , and this fact was so e v i d e n t that reaction d i d not e v e n attempt to organize itself and to come out w i t h a list of its o w n . As f a r as I remember, in a l l the electoral districts o f A l b a n i a o n l y one i n d i v i d u a l candidature w a s p r e sented f o r the elections! T h e representatives of the o v e r t h r o w n classes, convinced that the people w e r e against t h e m , d i d not f o l l o w the e x a m p l e either of this D o n Quixote, w h o voted for himself, or of G j e r g j K o k o s h i , w h o had d e m o n s t r a t i v e l y left the F r o n t . T h e y adhered to the p r o g r a m of the F r o n t and t r i e d to get themselves i n c l u d e d in the lists of candidates. In fact, w i t h the assistance of S e j f u l l a , w h o exerted great pressure for the p o l i c y of open doors, some elements of reaction, i n c l u d i n g S h e h K a r b u n a r a , together w i t h other disguised i n d i v i d u a l s such as R i z a D a n i , Shefqet B e j a and one or t w o others, managed to get t h e i r names on the lists. T h e b r i l l i a n t v i c t o r y w h i c h the Democratic F r o n t scored in these elections is w e l l - k n o w n . H e r e I w a n t t o record o n l y curiosities w h i c h have stuck i n m y 563

m i n d f r o m those first elections w h i c h w e r e h e l d i n new Albania. I t h i n k the e l d e r l y w i l l remember it, because t h e y v o t e d themselves, but I don't t h i n k a l l the y o u n g people k n o w about it. In the h i s t o r y textbooks they f i n d p l e n t y of analyses, figures a n d conclusions, a l l of w h i c h are necessary and indispensable, but I have the i m p r e s sion that they have little idea of the l i v e l y atmosphere of those years. We older people have the d u t y to t e l l t h e m about those times and to speak, not in the l a n guage of books a n d newspapers, but t e l l t h e m about r e a l l i v e events, because f r e q u e n t l y these leave deeper impressions in the h u m a n m i n d t h a n a d e f i n i t i o n or a conclusion. A l l o f u s k n o w that although o u r c o u n t r y is the cradle of an ancient culture a n d art f r o m w h i c h m a n y masters of poetry, the arts a n d science have emerged, in the first years after L i b e r a t i o n , because of the obscurantist p o l i c y of the regimes of the past, the o v e r w h e l m i n g m a j o r i t y o f the p o p u l a t i o n w a s i l literate. H o w e v e r , if y o u ask the y o u t h of today, or even those of 35 to 40 years, h o w these people w h o did not k n o w h o w to read the name of the d e p u t y or w r i t e a name w h i c h t h e y desired, w e r e able to cast t h e i r votes, I believe that f e w of t h e m k n o w h o w this w a s done. In those elections we d i d not have v o t i n g papers as we do today, or that enclosed booth w h e r e the v o t e r could cross out the name of the candidate he d i d not like, or add that of one he d i d like. E a c h voter w a s g i v e n a s m a l l rubber b a l l stamped w i t h the eagle, the s y m b o l of o u r flag, and this he had to d r o p in the b o x w h i c h he chose. In the room w h e r e the v o t i n g w a s 564

done there w e r e t w o boxes, a r e d one for the F r o n t and the other for the cases w h e n there w e r e i n d i v i d u a l candidatures outside the Front, w h i c h the people called the black box. T h e voter had to p u t his h a n d into b o t h boxes so that no one w o u l d k n o w in w h i c h one he had cast his vote. H o w e v e r , there w e r e those who, f r o m enthusiasm and excitement, d i d not keep t h e i r votes secret because, after p l a c i n g their h a n d i n the r e d box, t h e y shouted: L o n g l i v e the P a r t y ! L o n g l i v e the F r o n t ! I vote for the People's R e p u b l i c ! A n o t h e r c u r i o s i t y w a s a special clause in the L a w on the Elections under w h i c h the sale and use of a l coholic beverages t w o days before the elections a n d one d a y afterwards w a s p r o h i b i t e d ! Thus, on D e c e m b e r 2 the y o u n g m e n and w o m e n and the e l d e r l y voted and so d i d the fighters of our N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n A r m y who, perhaps for the f i r s t t i m e f o r a long period, w e r e w i t h o u t t h e i r rifles, because u n d e r the l a w no one was a l l o w e d to go into the p o l l i n g booth armed. T h e y left t h e i r weapons w i t h t h e i r f r i e n d s outside and entered i n t u r n t o p e r f o r m t h e i r r i g h t and d u t y as citizens. A f t e r the announcem e n t of the results of the elections, in w h i c h the D e mocratic F r o n t scored a n o v e r w h e l m i n g v i c t o r y , o n behalf of the P r o v i s i o n a l Democratic G o v e r n m e n t I proposed to the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A n t i - f a s cist N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n C o u n c i l , that w e should p r o ceed w i t h the s u m m o n i n g of the session of the C o n s t i tuent A s s e m b l y . T h e S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e o f the A N L C set J a n u a r y 10, 1946 as the day w h e n the proceedings of the A s s e m b l y w o u l d commence. 565

R i g h t up t i l l the set d a y the people e v e r y w h e r e , at rallies, meetings and conferences, t h r o u g h telegrams a n d letters addressed t o the A N L C , the G o v e r n m e n t a n d the Front, insistently demanded that the A s s e m b l y s h o u l d p r o c l a i m A l b a n i a a People's R e p u b l i c . T h e y called on their representatives in the supreme state o r g a n to accomplish t h e i r m i s s i o n a n d give the people the f o r m of the regime w h i c h they desired and a t r u l y democratic C o n s t i t u t i o n . A People's Republic!, this w a s the o n l y c a l l w h i c h w a s heard f r o m the great c r o w d w h i c h , o n the m o r n i n g of J a n u a r y 10, 1946, had f i l l e d the square in front of the b u i l d i n g w h e r e the proceedings of the Constituent A s s e m b l y w e r e to take place, w h e r e the H i g h e r Institute of A r t s is today. It w a s a f i n e d a y w h i c h w e n t m a r v e l l o u s l y w e l l w i t h the festive atmosphere w h i c h p r e v a i l e d over the w h o l e capital. D u r i n g the w h o l e of the first session that day and on the f o l l o w i n g day, the people stood in front of the b u i l d i n g and listened to w h a t was going on in the A s s e m b l y t h r o u g h loudspeakers. At 10 a.m., the t i m e announced as the o p e n i n g of the session, a p r o f o u n d solemn silence reigned in the h a l l . A f t e r the members of the A n t i - f a s c i s t C o u n c i l and the G o v e r n m e n t took t h e i r seats, D r . O m e r N i s h a n i , the c h a i r m a n of the S t a n d i n g C o m m i t t e e of the A N L C , was the first to take the floor a n d d e l i v e r e d a short speech in w h i c h he declared the f i r s t session of the A s s e m b l y open and, according to the law, i n v i t e d the oldest d e p u t y to take the c h a i r for the session. T h i s d e p u t y was the representative of the people of the region of Elbasan, D r . P e t r a q Popa, a p a r t i c i p a n t 566

in the N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t , w h o had been elected a m e m b e r of the G e n e r a l C o u n c i l at Labinot. If I am not mistaken, D r . P o p a was the father of B a r d h y l who, before h e was k i l l e d d u r i n g the W i n t e r Operation, h a d been one of the outstanding activists of the y o u t h of E l b a s a n and had later been charged w i t h the task of p o l i t i c a l secretary of the r e g i o n a l committee of the C o m m u n i s t Y o u t h . A f t e r the u s u a l procedures, such as the r o l l call, the appointment of a commission to v e r i f y mandates, the s w e a r i n g in of the deputies, etc., it was decided that the m e e t i n g should continue on the f o l l o w i n g day, J a n u a r y 11, 1946, a day w h i c h w i l l r e m a i n one of the most outstanding in the h i s t o r y of our people a n d o u r state. I a l w a y s r e m e m b e r w i t h emotion that enthusiastic atmosphere w h i c h p r e v a i l e d in the h a l l of the A s s e m b l y w h e n the telegrams w e r e read f r o m K o r a , Berat, D u rrs, Pogradec and the w h o l e of A l b a n i a , in w h i c h the people demanded the p r o c l a m a t i o n of the People's R e p u b l i c . I r e m e m b e r as clearly as if it were today the m o m e n t w h e n H y s n i K a p o , a y o u n g m a n of 30 years, but w i t h great experience as commissar, c o m m a n d e r and leader of the P a r t y , rose to his feet and handed the c h a i r m a n of the session the m o t i o n of the delegates of V l o r a , who, after expressing the w i l l of the v a l i a n t and r e v o l u t i o n a r y people w h o m they represented, proposed : In the n a m e of the deputies of V l o r a , A l b a n i a should be p r o c l a i m e d a People's Republic! T h e h a l l and the square in the b o u l e v a r d outside echoed w i t h the cheers of the people. T h e cheering in 567

the h a l l went on for several m i n u t e s and at one m o m e n t the c h a i r m a n of the session c a l l e d : I propose to put the m o t i o n of the deputies of V l o r a to the vote! There is no need to vote! came repeated calls f r o m the h a l l and t r u l y it was clear that the w i l l of the people w o u l d be done, because t h e y themselves and their representatives had voted, rifles in hand, w i t h bloodshed and sacrifices, for A l b a n i a to set out on the n e w r o a d of freedom and progress. Nevertheless, h o w ever f o r m a l it m a y appear sometimes, order a n d procedure have to be respected, especially in such a supreme organ as the Constituent A s s e m b l y was. T h e deputies voted a n d the o f f i c i a l announcement was made i m m e d i a t e l y : The Constituent A s s e m b l y , t h r o u g h u n a n i m o u s vote and acclamation, has p r o c l a i m e d A l b a n i a a P e o ple's R e p u b l i c ! T h i s announcement was accompanied w i t h cheers, then spontaneously the deputies rose to their feet and sang the N a t i o n a l A n t h e m . We a l l had to struggle h a r d to control our emotions, but s t i l l here a n d there tears could be seen on the faces of those w h o had passed so m a n y tests in the w a r w i t h the e n e m y and u n d e r the threat of death. W h e n we emerged f r o m the hall a graver test awaited the deputies. T h e people surged around us, kissed and embraced us and, cheering, carried some of the deputies shoulder-high. T h e same e n thusiasm p r e v a i l e d e v e r y w h e r e i n A l b a n i a . W h e n the news was announced, people came out in the streets, singing and dancing. Perhaps for the f i r s t t i m e after so m a n y years the people gave themselves completely 568

to r e j o i c i n g and forgot their suffering, sacrifices a n d the m a n y privations. A y e a r before, N o v e m b e r 29, 1944 h a d g i v e n t h e m freedom. Today, J a n u a r y 11, 1946, gave t h e m their People's R e p u b l i c , the r e p u b l i c of w o r k e r s and peasants. Thus, the A l b a n i a n people, u n d e r the leadership of their o w n P a r t y , achieved the objective of their w a r . T h e y became masters o f their o w n fate i n the H o m e l a n d freed of occupiers. No one donated these victories to t h e m and our people had never t a k e n a n y t h i n g f r o m the hands of others, but e v e r y t h i n g h a d been achieved w i t h struggle and w o r k , w i t h b r a v e r y a n d w i s d o m , w i t h the r i f l e and the pen. These great historic victories w h i c h now, de facto and de j u r e , had f i n a l l y c r o w n e d a w h o l e p e r i o d of w a r and efforts, the great j o y and enthusiasm of the people, and o u r d e t e r m i n a t i o n to strengthen the P e o ple's R e p u b l i c , w h i c h w e h a d just created, and m a k e it prosper c o u l d not but i n f u r i a t e our i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l enemies, both open a n d disguised. T h e i r efforts and attempts to t u r n the w h e e l of h i s t o r y b a c k w a r d s burst out again and, in the course of these attempts, those elements of reaction l i k e R i z a D a n i , Shefqet B e j a and others, w h o had managed to be elected to the Constituent A s s e m b l y , w e n t into action. On the one hand, they w o r k e d u n d e r cover, plotted, strengthened t h e i r connections w i t h reaction in A l b a n i a a n d abroad, w i t h the catholic clergy, consulted w i t h and reported t o the B r i t i s h a n d A m e r i c a n m i s sions, secretly spread propaganda and prepared the t e r r a i n in order to b r i n g about a situation w h i c h w o u l d 569

enable the t w o western democracies to intervene in A l b a n i a ; on the other hand, t h e y also operated legally in the Constituent A s s e m b l y , or the People's A s s e m b l y , and missed no o p p o r t u n i t y to attack the laws w h i c h were adopted or to distort t h e m according to t h e i r o w n interests. R i z a D a n i was especially active i n this opposition; G j e r g j K o k o s h i had not been elected, w h i l e Shefqet B e j a was more w i l y a n d c u n n i n g and d i d not expose himself m u c h as a m e m b e r of the opposition A t the first meetings o f the A s s e m b l y , R i z a D a n i began to express his reservation a n d opposition. W h e n the P r e s i d i u m of the A s s e m b l y was to be elected, K a h r e m a n Y l l i , on behalf of the deputies of Berat, presented a list w h i c h was supported by a l l the other deputies w h o spoke, w h i l e R i z a D a n i opposed this w i t h another list in w h i c h , together w i t h some of o u r c o m r a des, he had included his friends. Of course, the c a n d i dates w h o R i z a p r e f e r r e d were not elected. B u t he w a s to go even further. F o r example, w h e n the rules of the A s s e m b l y w e r e discussed, R i z a was to f i n d the o p p o r t u n i t y to express opposition and m a k e demands w h i c h , through logic and arguments, w e r e rejected. T h i s w o r shipper of the o l d regime and, of course, also of the bourgeois parliament, w a n t e d to m a k e o u r A s s e m b l y a t a l k shop in w h i c h each could speak as long as he l i k e d , w i t h o u t any restriction, and e v e r y t h i n g that R i z a D a n i and company said should b e p u b l i s h e d i n the press. A m o n g s t his other poisonous proposals, he got up and s a i d : I do not agree w i t h the d e f i n i t i o n that each de570

p u t y s h o u l d be responsible a n d render account to the A s s e m b l y for his work. We are not here to render account, but to m a k e the l a w ! Then, in y o u r opinion, to w h o m ought the d e p u t y r e n d e r account? one of the comrades asked h i m . To his o w n honour and conscience! declared R i z a D a n i and, t u r n i n g to the c h a i r m a n of the session, s a i d : I propose that the d e f i n i t i o n in the rules about the r e n d e r i n g of account s h o u l d be put l i k e this, 'The d e p u t y is responsible to his o w n honour and conscience'. That means to no one! jeered one of the delegates. He made m a n y such criticisms and proposais and, although we r e p l i e d c a l m l y to his attacks, we w e r e f u l l y aware that R i z a D a n i w a s o n l y a m a r i o n e t te for someone else. N o w we k n e w a l l the strings w h i c h guided h i m , kept t h e m u n d e r s u p e r v i s i o n and made ready to cut t h e m once and for a l l w h e n the balance s h o u l d tip. B u t the c u l m i n a t i o n of the attacks of reaction, t h r o u g h its mouthpiece in the Constituent A s s e m b l y , w a s reached d u r i n g the discussion of the draft of the C o n s t i t u t i o n of o u r People's R e p u b l i c . T h e Constitution, or Statute, to use the t e r m current at that time, had been c a r e f u l l y prepared, and had been discussed e x t e n s i v e l y and in detail w i t h the masses of w o r k e r s and peasants, intellectuals and soldiers. T h e draft h a d been w e l c o m e d w i t h e n t h u s i a s m and the criticisms and s u g gestions of the masses had been t a k e n into account to f u r t h e r i m p r o v e it. Thus, the f i n a l draft w h i c h was presented to the Constituent A s s e m b l y for discussion and a p p r o v a l was an historic document w h i c h not o n l y 571

consolidated the great victories the A l b a n i a n people had achieved under the leadership of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y , but also guaranteed the defence of their i n t e r ests a n d their f u r t h e r economic and p o l i t i c a l d e v e l o p ment. T h i s draft, w h i c h was approved despite the f u r y of reaction, w a s the j u r i d i c a l basis of a state of p e o ple's democracy. T h e C o n s t i t u t i o n of the R e p u b l i c p u t an end, once and for all, to a n t i - p o p u l a r regimes of oppression a n d exploitation, to the d o m i n a t i o n of l a n d owners, beys, merchants a n d politicians w h o sold out the interests of the H o m e l a n d for lire, dollars or pounds sterling. T h i s was displeasing o n l y to such gentlemen a s R i z a D a n i a n d Shefqet B e j a and their foreign p a trons. Thus, w h i l e a l l the representatives of the people in the A s s e m b l y (like the people themselves at the p r e l i m i n a r y discussion) approved the draft w i t h r e j o i c ing, R i z a D a n i rose and made a provocative i n s i n u a t i o n against the essence of the draft C o n s t i t u t i o n . T h e A s sembly listened t o h i m c a l m l y and t h e n gave h i m t h e r e p l y he deserved. I s h a l l speak as b r i e f l y as possible, said t h e spokesman of reaction in a c y n i c a l tone, because t h e A s s e m b l y does not l i k e l o n g speeches and words change nothing w h e n the fact is accomplished. Then, he w e n t on to attack the draft C o n s t i t u t i o n , because, according to h i m , it was ideological and not national in spirit(!). I am for a free democracy a n d w a n t the C o n s t i tution to be inspired by that principle! declared R i z a D a n i , f i n a l l y expressing his o w n credo. 572

Of course, R i z a was for a free bourgeois d e m o c r a c y so that he a n d his i l k w o u l d r e a l l y be free to m a k e profits, to be the lite of the n a t i o n and decide its fate according to their o w n interests. In fact, his attacks represented the last gasps of the remnants of the e x p l o i t i n g classes, expressed their t e r r o r at the fact that the people had taken p o w e r a n d were l e d by the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y . T h i s fact t e r r i f i e d them, not o n l y because of the e x i s t i n g situation, but especially because of the future, because t h e y k n e w on w h a t course the P a r t y w o u l d lead the people. T h e debate in the A s s e m b l y w a s o n l y a fragment f r o m the great tableau of the p o l i t i c a l struggle w h i c h had been waged o v e r the question of w h a t A l b a n i a w o u l d become: a c o u n t r y of bourgeois democracy, of bourgeois p a r l i a m e n t a r i a n i s m , d o m i n a t e d by the l a n d owners a n d the bourgeoisie, or a c o u n t r y in w h i c h the dictatorship of the proletariat, based on the alliance of the two w o r k i n g classes of the country, w o u l d p r e v a i l ! H o w e v e r , M r . R i z a D a n i h a d presented h i m s e l f o n the stage too late. H i s t o r y and the people had g i v e n their d e c i s i o n : A l b a n i a w o u l d proceed o n the r o a d o f s o c i a lism, w o u l d be a state in w h i c h the greatest e n e m y of the bourgeoisie a n d exploitation, the dictatorship of the proletariat, w o u l d p r e v a i l and be ceaselessly strengthened. In the A s s e m b l y , too, R i z a received u n a n i m o u s condemnation. A l l the deputies rejected his arguments and, in the name of the people, expressed their e n thusiasm for the F u n d a m e n t a l L a w o f o u r state. R i z a D a n i and his associates cowered in t h e i r seats and not 573

o n l y d i d not dare to continue their v i l l a i n o u s efforts, but e v e n v o t e d for the draft C o n s t i t u t i o n ! Later, w h e n the Constituent A s s e m b l y t u r n e d i n t o the People's A s s e m b l y , I had a direct debate w i t h R i z a D a n i . A t one session o f the A s s e m b l y , R i z a D a n i stood up and, amongst a series of objections on the decisions we w e r e t a k i n g , directed a question to me as p r i m e minister: What are w e going t o d o w i t h a l l this a r m y t h a t we have m o b i l i z e d ? I propose that the b u l k of the a r m y s h o u l d be demobilized. I m o u n t e d the t r i b u n e a n d gave h i m a s t e r n answer, because I s a w that these elements h a d set o u t o n a n ominous course: It i s just a s w e l l , M r . R i z a D a n i , that y o u d i d n o t say that w h e n w e d e m o b i l i z e the partisans w e s h o u l d give t h e m a cap as a gift, as the g o v e r n m e n t of t h a t t i m e d i d to the heroes of the W a r of V l o r a in 1920. No, M r . R i z a D a n i , i n o u r s i t u a t i o n not f o r one m i n u t e w i l l w e demobilize the army, but, o n the contrary, w e w i l l f u r t h e r strengthen and e x t e n d it, w i l l a r m i t p r o p e r l y , w i l l set u p m i l i t a r y schools a n d w i l l t r a i n and educate officers. T h e a r m y liberated the H o m e l a n d a n d w i l l defend it f r o m a n y danger. It is the most b e loved w e a p o n o f the people and w i l l r e m a i n t h e most p o w e r f u l w e a p o n in the hands of the people a n d t h e i r democratic state w h i c h t h e y established b y s h e d d i n g blood. Y o u , M r . D a n i , w a n t u s t o d i s a r m ourselves. Y o u t h i n k that we w i l l be so n a i v e as to a l l o w the enemies of the people to catch us off guard, but y o u are g r e a t l y mistaken. If we w e r e to f o l l o w y o u r advice the people w o u l d rise and c o n d e m n us, because y o u ought to k n o w 574

that y o u are attacking one of the most glorious offshoots of the people. R i z a D a n i w e n t r e d i n the face and shook his head, w h i l e his associates t r i e d to pretend that these w o r d s w e r e not a i m e d at them, too(!). In t i m e a l l of t h e m w e r e to come out in their true colours, were to be f i n a l l y discredited and unmasked, and the people w e r e to t h r o w t h e m out of the ranks of the A s s e m b l y as microbes of the o l d . I r e m e m b e r that a l i t t l e w h i l e after this, at another m e e t i n g of the People's A s s e m b l y , another associate of D a n i and K o k o s h i raised a n issue w h i c h was l o n g o v e r and done w i t h : he sought the f o r m a t i o n of other democratic parties w h i c h s h o u l d exist just l i k e the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a , as he p u t it. T h e w h o l e A s s e m b l y rose a n d rejected his p r o p o sal and aims and pointed out a n d defended the great and decisive role of the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y of A l b a n i a , w h i c h fought, liberated the people and was b u i l d i n g socialism. At the same time, the A s s e m b l y pointed out the great role of the F r o n t as a b r o a d p o l i t i c a l o r g a nization, i n w h i c h a l l p o l i t i c a l v i e w s w e r e expressed and put into action in complete steel u n i t y around the Party. H o w e v e r , the attacks a n d v e n o m of these elements, w h o w r o n g l y a n d accidentally had managed to penetrate into the A s s e m b l y , w e r e unable to shake the w i l l and determination of the people and t h e i r representatives e v e n for a moment. T h e v i c t o r y of December 2, 1945 in the elections, that of J a n u a r y 11, 1946 w i t h the p r o c l a m a t i o n of the Republic, and a little later, the adoption of the C o n s t i 575

t u t i o n of the People's R e p u b l i c of A l b a n i a , ( 1 ) put the f i n a l seal on the historic victories achieved a n d s a n c t i o n e d the w i l l o f the people a n d o u r C o m m u n i s t P a r t y a b o u t the f u t u r e course and destiny of A l b a n i a . W i t h the p r o c l a m a t i o n of the R e p u b l i c and the a d o p t i o n of the Constitution, the process of the p o l i t i c a l organization of the order of people's democracy, as a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, w a s c o m pleted. N o w w e h a d e v e r y t h i n g i n o u r hands, i n the hands of the P a r t y a n d the people, to continue and c a r r y f u r t h e r the socialist r e v o l u t i o n , to ceaselessly perfect and democratize the state, to steel the d i c t a t o r s h i p of the proletariat, to m a k e the l i f e of the people e v e r happier, more secure a n d more prosperous and to raise the honour a n d prestige of o u r People's R e p u b l i c higher a n d higher.

3. An impregnable fortress
Y e a r s and decades have passed since those u n f o r gettable days a n d n o w o u r country, our People's R e public (today the People's Socialist R e p u b l i c o f A l bania), has been ceaselessly strengthened, is prospering, and in each step radiates the joy, happiness a n d sec_____________________________________ 1 On M a r c h 14, 1946 the A s s e m b l y adopted the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f the P R A a n d after this the A s s e m b l y w a s turned i n t o the People's Assembly as the supreme organ of state p o w e r i n the P R A .

576

u r i t y of a fine, n e w life. T h i s is the life of people free f r o m a n y oppression or exploitation, the l i f e of brave people, patriots a n d talented w o r k e r s who, w i t h l o f t y consciousness, w i t h vigilance, w i t h determination a n d u n i n t e r r u p t e d efforts, have completely changed the appearance of the A l b a n i a of the past. On the r u i n s and the miserable cottages w h i c h we f o u n d on N o v e m b e r 29, 1944, towns and villages, n e w f r o m e v e r y stand-point, have n o w risen. O n the s m a l l b l a c k s m i t h s a n d coppersmiths' shops a great m o d e r n i n d u s t r y of a l l branches has been b u i l t up and ceaseless l y strengthened; developed fertile fields e x t e n d over the f o r m e r swamps and wasteland; the inexhaustible m e n t a l a n d creative forces of an entire people w i t h schooling, c u l t u r e and art have burst out o v e r the f o r m e r backwardness and ignorance. W i t h the P a r t y at the head, w i t h the u n i t e d forces of an entire people, our socialist A l b a n i a has become both a great w o r k site of p r o d u c t i o n a n d creation a n d an impregnable fortress of socialism. Of course, a l l these things have been achieved t h r o u g h a great struggle, w i t h ceaseless efforts and sacrifices i n a l l directions. W e d i d not f i n d the road o n w h i c h w e proceeded s t r e w n w i t h rose petals; the obstacles, difficulties, ignorance a n d backwardness of the past haunted us at every step. A n d as if these w e r e not enough, at each step the i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l class enemies, the e n e mies of the peoples, progress and socialism, threatened us a n d d i d e v e r y t h i n g in their p o w e r to o v e r t h r o w us. A n y strengthening o r success o f ours h u r t them, t h e r e fore, in t h e i r o l d a n d m o d e r n kitchens t h e y were to 577

cook up aggressions, blackmail, threats and blockades. But, v i g i l a n t and u n w a v e r i n g on o u r course, we w e r e to f o i l a l l the plans and attempts of enemies and, t h r o u g h courage and cool-headedness, t u r n t h e m a l l to dust and ashes. F r o m the moments w h e n we f o r m e d our People's Republic, w h e n we had so m a n y d i f f i c u l t i e s and p r o b lems to solve, a great danger threatened the f u t u r e and the v e r y existence of o u r country. T h e Y u g o s l a v Titoites brought into action a l l their forces and savage means of b l a c k m a i l a n d conspiracy, e v e n preparations for m i l i t a r y intervention, w i t h the a i m that the P e o ple's R e p u b l i c of A l b a n i a should lose its separate e x i s tence and be t u r n e d into the 7th R e p u b l i c of Y u g o s lavia. As to h o w we defeated their savage aims and plans, this has long been recorded in history. We had pledged ourselves to lead A l b a n i a f o r w a r d , to m a k e it a prosperous c o u n t r y and a fortress, and the P a r t y had taught us that we must never violate o u r d e c i sions and pledges, must a p p l y and defend t h e m even at the cost of our lives. A n d A l b a n i a was saved. The v i c t o r y w h i c h we achieved over the plots and the interference of the Y u g o s l a v revisionists gave us increased strength and d e t e r m i n a t i o n to forge steadily ahead, in u n i t y w i t h the people, towards consolidation and n e w victories. W e k n e w v e r y w e l l that what we had achieved was not o u r first and last victory. We were v i g i l a n t and prepared to face other sterner battles in defence of our R e p u b l i c and M a r x i s m - L e n i n i s m . The A n g l o - A m e r i c a n imperialists and neighbouring chauvinists, as c u n n i n g as t h e y w e r e aggressive and unscrupulous in their a n t i - A l b a n i a n 578

ambitions, set in m o t i o n a l l their n e t w o r k s of secret agents. T h e y w e r e to gather in their w e b a l l the dregs of reaction, gangs of saboteurs a n d c r i m i n a l s were to be sent in by sea, air and l a n d to strangle o u r R e p u b lic, but a l l of t h e m w e r e to meet their death, thanks to the v i g i l a n c e of the people and the u n w a v e r i n g justice of the dictatorship of the proletariat. E v e n later, the chorus of enemies w o u l d not g i v e up its i m perialist and c h a u v i n i s t aims towards A l b a n i a , w o u l d not be brought to t h e i r senses by the ignominious defeats, but w o u l d continue to i n t r i g u e and plot to the d e t r i m e n t o f the A l b a n i a n people. H o w e v e r , w e w e r e to r e p l y to t h e m a l w a y s w i t h the i n v i n c i b l e strength w h i c h o n l y the M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t t r u t h and justice provides. T h e y w e r e t o b a r k and h o w l l i k e dogs, w h i l e o u r c a r a v a n forged steadily ahead, o u r R e p u b l i c g r e w steadily stronger and more and more each d a y gained the i n t e r n a t i o n a l prestige w h i c h it deserved. Thus, amidst encirclements a n d blockades, the A l b a n i a n people w e r e to l a y the foundations of socialism, strengthen the economy, i m p r o v e the life of the w o r k i n g people, b u i l d gigantic projects, and never for one m o m e n t a l l o w t h e i r vigilance to be blunted. At no t i m e w e r e o u r P a r t y and people to f i n d themselves facing situations for w h i c h they w e r e unprepared. So, we c o n t i n u e d our correct course a n d w e r e never d i s m a y e d or e v e n batted an e y e l i d in the face of the blockades a n d the threats of the K h r u s h c h e v i tes who, in their superpower greed, w a n t e d to t u r n o u r People's R e p u b l i c into a vassal state, a part of the R u s s i a n e m p i r e ! B u t the m e n h a d never been b o r n w h o could b r i n g the A l b a n i a n s to their knees, and 579

even less could this occur at a time w h e n the A l b a nians had an heroic P a r t y , l i k e our P a r t y of Labour, at the head and w e r e guided by a v a n g u a r d ideology, such as the M a r x i s t - L e n i n i s t ideology. To m a k e the peoples and genuine communists lethargic and put t h e m to sleep, K h r u s h c h e v and company w a v e d the w i t h e r e d o l i v e - b r a n c h of peaceful coexistence, w h i l e we r e p l i e d to h i m and his followers by f u r t h e r strengthening the dictatorship of the proletariat, that sharp s w o r d of the w o r k i n g class, w h i c h w o u l d descend mercilessly on the head of a n y i n t e r n a l or e x t e r n a l enemy. W h e n t h e y saw that t h e y could not d i v e r t u s f r o m our course i n indirect ways, w i t h their c a pitulationist theories, advice and orientations, t h e y operated through pressures, threats, the submarines and starvation. We told t h e m to their faces: We w o u l d rather eat grass than s u b m i t to y o u or anyone else; we s h a l l r e m a i n where we are, on the shores of the A d r i a t i c ! A n d t r u l y w e are here and w i l l always b e here, indomitable, convinced of the correctness of o u r course, p r o u d of what we have achieved and determ i n e d to respond to a n y enemy or situtation in the proper manner. The 40 years of the people's state p o w e r have convinced us that no h a r m can come to the People's Socialist R e p u b l i c of A l b a n i a so long as the people and the P a r t y are l i n k e d together l i k e flesh to bone. In this p o l i t i c a l and ideological u n i t y , more u n b r e a k able t h a n any other u n i t y that exists in the w o r l d , lies the e x p l a n a t i o n for a n d the basis of the great successes we have achieved in o u r peaceful constructive w o r k ; therein lies the source of the strength of our 580

w e i g h t y and independent w o r d in the international arena ; therein lies the e x p l a n a t i o n for o u r courage a n d b r a v e r y in defence of the t r u t h , the H o m e l a n d , the peoples and socialism. On this u n i t y between the P a r t y a n d the people, w h i c h has its foundations of blood and gunpowder, a l l those w h o w a n t e d to split us a n d sow confusion in A l b a n i a , to m a k e it a domain of foreigners, f r o m the K o i X o x e s in the first years to the m u l t i p l e agent of a l l years and a l l foreign p a trons, M e h m e t Shehu, have smashed their heads. W h i l e b u i l d i n g and defending o u r country, i n clashes and d i f f i c u l t i e s we have become f u r t h e r t e m p e r e d and strengthened and w i l l never trample o n w h a t we have done. We shall raise the prosperity, security and reputation of o u r people's Socialist R e p u b l i c higher and higher. Therefore, in the name of the bloodshed and toil, the sweat and privations, let us transmit to the coming generations the great message w h i c h history has taught us: we must always be vigilant, a l w a y s at w o r k and on the attack to defend the victories achieved a n d c a r r y t h e m f u r t h e r f o r w a r d . We must a l l o w no one, w h o e v e r he m a y be, to violate and negate o u r i m m o r t a l and sacred work, the People's Socialist R e p u b l i c of A l b a n i a . L e t us strengthen it, shape it, b e a u t i f y it and hold it h i g h as our i d e a l ! I n this w a y o u r fortress, socialist A l b a n i a , w i l l be strengthened and rise even more majestically f r o m generation to generation! Let o u r hearts beat always w i t h its great heart. A n d the greatest of the people a r o u n d ings o f M a r x , Engels, w h i c h was b o r n f r o m it o n l y to victories. guarantee the P a r t y , L e n i n and the bosom for this is the u n i t y the i m m o r t a l teachStalin, and our Party of the people to lead

CONTENTS

page BY W A Y OF AN INTRODUCTION 57

I. THE NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT A F R O N T OF S T R U G G L E A N D UNITY 1. THE FOUNDATIONS OF UNITY 2. PATRIOTS AND PSEUDO-PATRIOTS 3. TOWARDS THE CONFERENCE OF

9196 11 54

PEZA 110 173

4. SEPTEMBER 16, 1942

II. F R O M P E Z A T O L A B I N O T (September 1942 September

1943)

197323 198 220 268

1. IN THE FOREFRONT OF THE STRUGGLE 2. THE FRONT OF TRAITORS 3. AN HISTORIC MEETING (Labinot 4-10 July 1943) ,

page 4. A DANGEROUS TRAYAL TRAP AND A BE301

III. T H E N A T I O N A L L I B E R A T I O N C O U N CILS THE O N L Y STATE POWER IN A L B A N I A 1. A DECISIVE MOMENT TOWARDS THE SEIZURE OF POWER (The Labinot Conference, 4-9 September 1943) 2. FACING THE GREAT TEST

324401

325 359

IV. T H E F O U N D A T I O N S STATE

OF

THE

NEW 402515 404 422 467

1. ON THE EVE OF HISTORIC EVENTS 2. THE HISTORIC CONGRESS OF PERMET 3. TOWARDS THE F I N A L VICTORY

V. THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE: ALBANIA A PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC 1. THE PEOPLE'S ACTION STATE POWER IN

516581 517

2. THE PROCLAMATION PLE'S REPUBLIC

OF THE PEO548 576

3. AN I M P R E G N A B L E FORTRESS