RILPAC
Newsletter
Volume 1 Issue 2
'We're not here to fight for a bigger share of the pie. We're here to bake A bigger pie.'
President's
Message;
With a salute to Christopher
Columbus and a bow to the
many Hispanics in
Providence, Hispanic
Heritage Month is once again
upon us.
Commencing on September
15, with Independence Day
for Central America and
ending on October 15, the
four weeks of celebration will
be pack with social events
and festivals honoring
Hispanic contributions to
America.
Hispanic Heritage Month is
the occasion for the Latino
community to come together
not only to celebrate their
accomplishments, but to share
http://www.mileniolatino.com/rilpac
with America -at-large our
diversity and pride as a
people.
Hispanic Heritage Month
climaxes with el dia de la
Raza or Columbus Day which
celebrates the fusion of two
cultures, the European
Spaniard with the Indigenous
People of the Americas.
Hispanic-Americans can look
back with pride and
acknowledge the impact that
Spanish explorers had over
the Americas and the birth of
an empire.
In many ways, one month
seems paltry when you
consider the contributions
made by Hispanics over the
October 15,1999
course of 500 hundred years
of history. From the earliest
mission towns to modern-day
Miami, the vitality of the
Latino community has always
been evident. And as our
presence grows we are slowly
infusing America with our
culture even as we in turn
become more American. We
will change the face of
America even as we will be
changed by our new
homeland.
Inside This Issue
1 President's Message
2 Latino Advocacy Awards
3 Changing Political Landscape
4 Si Todos Votaran
5 Top Hispanic Leader tohead
6 Tension Between Black & Brown
7 About RILPAC
 2
Over the next month, we can
reflect upon our heritage and
renew our sense of la raza
even as we embrace American
culture.
RILPAC Announced
the winners of it's first
annual
Bill Richardson Latino
Advocacy Award.
By Tomás Alberto Avila
Providence, RI – The Rhode
Island Political Action
Committee (RILPAC) a
nonpartisan political
organization announced today
the winners of the
organization's first annual Bill
Richardson Latino Advocacy
Awards, to be presented at
it's 2nd annual fundraiser to be
held at the Rhode Island
Foundation, one Union
Station Building, Providence
RI Saturday October 9th,
1999 6:00-8:00 PM.
According to Dr. Pablo
Rodriguez, President of the
Rhode Island Latino Political
Action Committee, "These
awardees best represent the
mission of the PAC, based on
their track record in support
of the Latino community".
Based on the awardees
involvement in the Latino
community, they know first-
hand the issues affecting
every one of us in the Latino
community. Their life
experience, track record and
advocacy on behalf of the
Latino community of Rhode
Island provide us with a clear
choice in this selection.
The award winners were
chosen from individuals who
were nominated by
community residents and
committee members attesting
to their leadership in
advocating on behalf of the
Latino community of Rhode
Island. The awardees are:
Senator Jack Reed, whose
work in Congress on behalf of
Latino immigrants has been
invaluable to those most
vulnerable to the 1996
Immigration Law. To him
goes the First Bill Richardson
Award for Latino Advocacy
of an elected official.
Maria Luisa Vallejo, whose
constant presence in the
Legislature has made it
possible for bills such as
English Plus and Court
Interpreters to become law,
to the benefit of non English
speakers in the State, goes
the Latino Advocacy Award
for Public Policy.
To Leo DiMaio goes the
Advocacy Award for
Education, for having inspired
a whole generation of Latino
and minority students
attending the University of
Rhode Island to become the
best that they could be.
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
Charles M. Bakst, whose
column in the Providence
Journal has made the case for
Latinos as a political force
worth reckoning with, and for
constantly pointing out the
lack of minority
representation in the upper
echelons of government, goes
the Latino Advocacy Award
in Public Education and
Media.
The Rhode Island Latino
Political Action Committee is
a nonpartisan organization
formed to influence the
political process in the state
of Rhode Island in order to
improve the quality of life of
Latino and urban
communities.
RILPAC Anuncia
los ganadores de
los primeros
Premios
Bill Richardson
Por Tomás Alberto Avila
Providencia, RI - El Comité
de Acción Política Latino de
Rhode Island (RILPAC) una
 3
organización política no
partidista anunció hoy los
ganadores del primer Premio
anual de de Abogacía Latina
Bill Richardson, a ser
presentado én su segundo
evento de recaudación de
fondos a ser realizado en el
edificio del Rhode Island
Foundation, Unión Station,
Providencia, el sábado 9 de
octubre, 1999 6:00-8:00 PM.
Según el Dr. Pablo
Rodriguez, Presidente del
Comité de Acción Política
Latino de Rhode Island, "
Estos ganadores mejor
representan la misión del
PAC, basado en su record de
defensa de la comunidad
Latina. Basado en el
envolvimiento de los
ganadores en la comunidad
Latina, ellos conocen de
primera mano los problemas
que afectan a cada uno de
nosotros en la comunidad
Latina. Sus experiencias,
historial y abogacía por la
comunidad Latina de Rhode
Island nos proporcionan una
opción clara en esta selección.
Los ganadores del premio
fueron escogidos de
individuos que fueron
nombrados por los residentes
de la comunidad y miembros
del comité de elección que
atestan a su liderazgo en
defenza de la comunidad
Latina de Rhode Island. Los
ganadores son los siguientes:
Senador Jack Reed cuyo
trabajo en el Congreso por los
inmigrantes Latinos ha sido
invalorable por los más
vulnerable por la Ley de
Inmigración de 1996. A él le
va el Primer premio Bill
Richardson por su Abogacía
en defensa de la comunidad
Latina por un oficial electo.
María Luisa Vallejo cuya
presencia constante en la
Legislatura del estado ha
hecho posible que las
legislaciones como la Ingles +
y los Intérpretes Judiciales se
conviertan en ley, a beneficio
de los que no hablan Ingles en
el Estado, va el Premio de
Abogacía Latina por la
Política Pública.
A Leo DiMaio el Premio de
Abogacía va por la
Educación, por haber
inspirado una generación
entera de latinos y estudiantes
minoritarios que asisten a la
Universidad de Rhode Island
para convertirse en lo mejor
que ellos pudieran ser.
Charles M. Bakst cuya
columna en el Periódico de
Providencia ha reconocido los
Latinos como una fuerza
política con que luchar, y por
señalar constantemente la
falta de representación
minoritaria en los escalones
superiores de gobierno, va el
Premio de Abogacía Latino
en la Educación Pública y
Medios de comunicación.
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
El Comité de Acción Político
Latino de Rhode Island es
una organización no partidista
formadó para influenciar el
proceso político en el estado
de Rhode Island para mejorar
la calidad de vida de los
Latino y las comunidades
urbanas.
CHANGING
POLITICAL
LANDSCAPE:
An Opportunity For Latinos
By- Victor Capellán
The announcement by
Senator John Chafee, not to
seek a fifth term in the United
States Senate, provides the
Latino community an
opportunity to change the
Political Landscape in the
State of Rhode Island.
Such a move by a person at
the "top" of the state political
arena will cause a "moving
up" fever among many in the
state political arena. Once
the announcements for bids to
the coveted United States
Senate Seat are said and
done, we could be looking at
many empty posts throughout
the state and this could
provide an opportunity for
BIG gains in the Latino
political scene.
The Latino community is the
largest minority group in the
 4
state and one with a growing
voting power in the state and
certainly throughout the
nation. However, we must
ask ourselves a few questions,
before we begin throwing our
hats in for any specifics races
or begin speculating which
posts will become available.
However, it only takes one
such move, as the one by
Senator Chafee to change the
face of politics and those that
prepare and plan ahead might
be well served in such a
move.
From mayors of the cities, to
state-wide office holders,
Junior Congress members, to
ex-candidates, state
legislators, political
aficionados, third party
candidates, and wannabe's
everyone wishes a shot at the
big seat. Therefore, what will
be created is a myriad of
possible empty seats at entry
level posts that an emerging
political-immigrant force such
as Latinos are well suited,
qualified, and in demand fill.
This is an opportunity that
must be garnished because we
are facing one the most
crucial times in terms of the
need for Latino elected
officials as well as
opportunities to elect them.
The next election cycle will
prove to be a key for Latinos.
We have the opportunity the
Census 2000 presents for us
to be accurately accounted
and we must fight to ensure
that such accuracy happens.
The dangers presented by Re-
districting with the
possibilities of Jerry
Mandering, in 2001,
worsened by the shrinkage of
the state legislature in 2002
clearly point to the need for
underrepresented
communities to make their
move in the year 2000.
Therefore, if we combine the
announcement by Senator
Chafee not to seek
reeelection, the myriad of
Politicos scrambling to grab
that seat, leaving a number of
entry level post opened and
the latter in terms of what the
post 2000 events could bring,
the Latino community needs
to "Mobilize" the
"Awakened" Sleeping Giant,
make its numbers count and
flex its political muscle in
order to WIN BIG in 2000.
When you think about this
also ponder the thought that,
the last United States Senator
Claiborne Pell served for 36
years before John Chafee who
will have served for 24 years
in the Senate. Add to this a
Census that only takes place
every decade and as Latinos
we are in a sort of way "The
Flavor of the Millenium." We
must keep in mind that this
scenario only happens once or
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
maybe twice a life-time, then
our moment to act is now!
Latinos, we must strategize,
mobilized and realize the
dreams that this change in
Political Landscape offer us.
Top Hispanic leader
to head Democrats'
2000 convention
Politics: Lydia Camarillo,
who runs the nation's largest
voter registration project, will
oversee the party's 2000
event in Los Angeles.
Sep 22 1999 8:20PM
SAN ANTONIO (AP) -- The
Democratic National
Committee has tapped Lydia
Camarillo, leader of the
Southwest Voter Registration
Project in Texas, to head the
party's 2000 national
convention, which will be
held in Los Angeles in
August.
Party leaders are expected to
announce the appointment of
Camarillo, who heads the
nation's largest voter
registration project, and
introduce other members of
the convention management
team in Los Angeles today,
sources said.
The appointment ends a long
and frustrating search by
Democratic leaders to find the
right person to serve in the
 5
high-profile job and become a
symbol for the party.
Los Angeles was selected as
the convention site in part
because the city provides a
perfect backdrop for the
party's message that it is the
party of diversity, with what
is expected to be a highly
focused appeal for Latino
votes.
Those close to the selection
process said aides to Vice
President Al Gore, who is
playing an influential role in
organizing the convention,
wanted a Latina. Several
other candidates were
approached but reportedly
turned the job down before
Camarillo accepted.
Camarillo, although she has
worked from her base in San
Antonio for the last eight
years, has strong ties to Los
Angeles and California. She
previously worked for the
Mexican American Legal
Defense and Educational
Fund and was a program
director for the Latino Issues
Forum.
Party leaders say they like
Camarillo as much for her
hard-nosed political
organizing skills as for what
they believe will be her ability
to handle the media spotlight
that inevitably comes with the
job.
"She has been very important
in registering more voters for
our party," said a party
official. "We like her focus on
grass-roots organizing and
her efforts to reach out to
new voters. That is an
important message we are
sending out."
The convention will be held
Aug. 14-17 at the new
Staples Center in downtown
Los Angeles and will bring
together 4,366 delegates and
610 alternates.
Politicians Court
Hispanic Vote
By Ceci Connolly
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, September 16,
1999; Page A12
The annual Congressional
Hispanic Caucus dinner is a
regular stop on the
Washington dinner circuit.
But it wasn't until this year
that first lady Hillary Rodham
Clinton decided to go.
Now that she's running for
the Senate, Clinton took
center stage at the
Washington gala last night to
woo 1,500 Latino activists.
Vice President Gore, focusing
on his campaign for president,
shared the spotlight, and
delivered a kiss on each cheek
to the first lady.
Gore's leading Republican
rival, Texas Gov. George W.
Bush, spent last night
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
celebrating Mexican
independence from Spain at a
traditional Dieciseis de
Septiembre (16th of
September) party in Detroit.
And over at the Republican
National Committee, officials
are finalizing plans to run the
first-in-a-decade television
ads targeting Latino voters.
As the 2000 campaign gets
underway, politicians of every
stripe--at every level--are
rushing to win over the
increasingly influential
Hispanic vote.
"If a candidate wants to
divide this nation instead of
uniting us, if a candidate
speaks the rhetoric of
inclusion but pursues policies
of exclusion, then that
candidate is going to pay at
the ballot box," Gore told the
crowd at the Hispanic dinner.
"You will make sure of that."
The reason for all the
attention is simple math. New
census data released
yesterday show the Hispanic
population increased by more
than 35 percent in the 1990s.
By the end of 2004, census
counters project, Latinos will
be the largest minority group
in the nation.
More importantly to the
politicians, Latinos vote, and
with their numbers climbing
and their willingness to cross
 6
party lines, Hispanics could
tip the scales in critical races
next year.
In the last presidential
election, 18.5 million
Hispanics voted, accounting
for 5 percent of the total
turnout, according to
Hispanas Organized for
Political Equality (HOPE), a
nonpartisan organization
formed to promote Hispanic
participation in government.
In national elections, their
clout is magnified because it
is concentrated in five
electorally rich states:
California, Texas, Florida,
New York and Illinois.
"From New York to
California, I have met
Hispanic leaders and citizens
who have been and now are
attaining what they
demanded--a seat at the table
and an opportunity to chart
their own destiny," said
Hillary Clinton.
This week, kicking off
Hispanic Heritage Month,
several large Hispanic
political organizations
convened in Washington to
lobby leaders of both parties.
On Tuesday, Gore collected
the endorsements of 521
Hispanic state and local
officials, as well as members
of Congress. "Lo accepto"--I
accept--a beaming Gore said
at a boisterous rally. Today
he plans to address the
Hispanic Chamber of
Commerce in San Diego.
"I tell my colleagues, 'If
you're not opening your eyes
to this demographic group
you're going to fail miserably,'
" said Rep. Henry Bonilla (R-
Tex.), who is helping Bush
pursue the Latino vote
nationwide.
Bush, who recently gave a
major education speech at a
meeting of the California-
based Latin Business
Association, is scheduled next
week to attend the
Republican National Hispanic
Association in Washington.
Republican Sen. John
McCain, who has consistently
drawn a solid bloc of
Hispanic votes in his home
state or Arizona, also has
begun a series of breakfast
meetings with Latino leaders
around the country, said
aides.
Compared to four years ago,
when Latinos felt neglected if
not outright offended by
Republican Robert J. Dole
and his support for a range of
anti-immigrant initiatives, it
appears Hispanics will be
courted by the GOP in 2000,
said Lisa Navarrete,
spokeswoman for the
National Council of La Raza,
the nation's largest Latino
advocacy organization.
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
"Almost regardless of who
gets the nomination in either
party, the Latino vote is being
sought after quite
aggressively," she said.
"That's a dramatic difference
from 1996."
Both Gore and the first lady
attacked the proposed
Republican tax cut plan,
saying it would decimate
educational and health care
programs that especially
benefit Latino children.
Speaking in Spanish, Gore
promised the president would
veto the bill with the simple
message: "My signature? Not
today. Not tomorrow.
Never."
But tensions remain. Hillary
Clinton angered Puerto Rican
leaders when she announced
she opposed President
Clinton's clemency offer to
members of a violent
independence movement
known as FALN. Yesterday,
she tried to bandage those
wounds in an appearance with
Bronx Borough President
Fernando Ferrer.
"We have so many common
goals," she said during an
afternoon news conference in
New York. "There will be
disagreements. I think,
though, they pale in
comparison to what we can
do on behalf of the people in
this city . . . and I look
 7
forward to working with
Freddy and everyone here."
California Assembly Speaker
Antonio Villaraigosa said in
an interview that Hillary
Clinton "mishandled the
response . . . it was a gaffe."
But he said she could survive
the contretemps.
Gore, when asked where he
stood on the clemency offer,
told reporters he was waiting
for the "analysis." Later, in a
less-than-glowing-
endorsement, he said he
would not "second guess" the
president.
Bush too has disappointed
some Hispanic activists with
his refusal to attend several
major conventions this
summer. Hispanic Democrats
also charge that Bush--and his
Republican Party--have been
hostile to the concerns of the
working poor, many of them
Hispanic.
At the Gore rally, California
Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante,
criticized Bush for his
opposition to gun control, the
high number of Hispanic
children in Texas without
health insurance and low
graduation rates among Texas
Latinos. Referring to a
popular salsa song, he said:
"If anybody thinks that
George W. Bush is good for
Latinos, they are living 'La
Vida Loca' [The Crazy Life]."
Gore, who received a rousing
welcome, bragged to the
audience that his first
grandchild was born on July
4. "My next one I hope will
be born on Cinco de Mayo."
© 1999 The Washington Post
Company
From Minority to
Mainstream, Latinos
Find Their Voice
By Gregory Rodriguez
Sunday, January 24, 1999;
Page B01
LOS ANGELES—Latino
Americans have never fit
neatly into the civil rights
mold. To begin with, the
wildly heterogeneous
population of Mexicans,
Cubans, Puerto Ricans and
other Central and South
Americans does not have a
shared history or common
American experience to draw
on. For three decades, Latino
advocacy groups and first-
generation politicians tried in
vain to squeeze this
burgeoning population into
the guise of a single racial-
interest group. The Chicano
movement of the 1960s
sought to imitate
successful strategies of black
leaders. And, as recently as
1996, Latino activists
organized a march on
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
Washington that was
deliberately reminiscent of the
civil rights era.
But their attempts have
always appeared little more
than derivative. Their political
style wasn't forged from the
Latino experience, which was
never as starkly defined as
that of African Americans'.
But now that a growing
electorate has given them
greater clout, Latino
politicians--foremost among
them local politicians in states
with large Latino populations
such as California and Texas-
-are developing their own
style and agenda. While in the
past, their adherence to
minority-style politics brought
them into direct competition
with other minorities over set
asides or federal "minority
dollars," more and more
Latino officials are choosing
to highlight broader concerns,
many of which they share
with mainstream America.
Last December, the most
influential Latino official here
in California declared that it
was time to move beyond
1960s-style confrontational
politics. During his swearing-
in for his second term as
speaker of the California
State Assembly, Antonio R.
the
Villaraigosa, who was once a
militant campus activist, went
out of his way to reject what
he called "the politics of
protest." He quoted his late
 8
mother's admonition that it is
"not enough to always be
against. When you grow up,
you must also be for
something."
Within the past few years,
Latinos have indeed made
historic strides in California.
In addition to Villaraigosa,
the lieutenant governor, the
assembly minority leader and
the senate majority leader are
Latinos. The number of
Latinos in both Houses of the
state legislature--24 and
growing--has changed the
nature of Latino politics. No
longer content to vie for
special attention, Latino
officials are assuming
responsibility and leadership
for the entire state. And while
the demographic shifts that
have led to this political
transformation are local, there
are now signs of this new,
more confident Latino
leadership all the way across
the country in Washington.
This shift in Latino politics is
a sign of maturation. The new
Latino leaders represent the
second generation in elected
offices. It's hard to believe
when you look at the 17-
member Hispanic
Congressional Caucus that it
was just over 20 years ago, in
1977, that Edward Roybal,
California's first Latino
congressman, approached
House Speaker Tip O'Neill
with the idea of forming a
caucus. "Where are you going
to hold the meetings," the
speaker teased Roybal, "in a
telephone booth?" The
bipartisan caucus began that
year with only five voting
members--four Democrats
and one Republican.
But the path of those
Democratic members is
instructive. The changes in
Latino politics are clearly
symbolized by the
generational shift from Henry
B. Gonzalez, an irascible
Texas liberal, who retired this
year after 37 years in the
House, to his son and
successor, former judge
Charles Gonzalez. The
younger Gonzalez calls
himself more of a consensus
builder than his father. "The
era that my father grew up in,
in which his principles and
values were formed, was
totally different than my
own," says Charles Gonzalez,
who represents San Antonio.
"He was a product of a time
when discrimination was open
and obvious. We are products
of a different process."
Another House member from
the 1970s made the transition
out of old-style minority
politics within his own
lifetime--by switching parties.
Last year, New York Puerto
Rican member Herman
Badillo, who served in the
House from 1971 to 1977,
declared that he was joining
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
Republican Party because, he
argued, the Democrats have
taken minority groups for
granted and held them to a
lower standard of excellence.
Likewise, E "Kika" de la
Garza, who represented
Texas's Lower Rio Grande
Valley from 1964 to 1996,
has been succeeded by Ruben
Hinojosa, a fellow Democrat
but a stridently pro-business
candidate who also happens
to be one of the wealthiest
members of the House.
So perhaps it is no surprise to
find that this year, Roybal's
daughter Lucille Roybal-
Allard, who is taking the helm
of the Hispanic Congressional
Caucus, is hoping to redefine
its image and to convince
Washington that "Latino
issues and American issues
are one and the same." For
instance, in the past, when the
Caucus weighed in on
education issues, they focused
almost exclusively on the
preservation of bilingual
education. This year,
however, the caucus will put
new school construction and
class-size reduction near the
top of its agenda. In the
words of the Los Angeles
Democrat, who is now in her
fourth House term, "We're
going to deal with broader
issues and not be so narrow."
That's a sentiment that can be
heard more and more among
Latino officials. "Part of the
 9
old agenda--bilingual
education, affirmative action
or equal opportunity--are still
issues, but less high-profile,"
says Armando Gutierrez, a
political consultant to the
Democratic National
Committee. What you see
now, he explains, is a new
"generation looking for new
cutting-edge issues. We are at
the stage of trying to figure
out where we are." And that
means putting aside some of
the old agenda.
For the past few years,
immigration has been at the
core of the caucus's agenda.
Not by choice, but as a
reaction to the anti-immigrant
sentiment on Capitol Hill. The
immediate past chair of the
caucus, Rep. Xavier Becerra
(D-Calif.), did an admirable
job of calling attention to
immigrant issues and
defending Latino rights and
benefits in the Republican-
controlled House. Yet while
gaining greater visibility for
the caucus, Becerra and
caucus immigration chair Luis
V. Gutierrez, the Puerto
Rican representative from
Chicago, ended up
pigeonholing themselves as
ethnic activists--and thus
undermining the caucus's
credibility among other
House members on
immigration issues.
According to one
Washington-based immigrant
advocate, "The caucus was
building a reputation--fair or
not--as a bunch of lefties who
want to open the border."
Becerra further weakened the
caucus by provoking the
departure of its only two
Republican members with his
ill-timed trip to Cuba and then
refusing to make a public call
for free and democratic
elections on the island. Now
that the caucus has a new
chair, the two Cuban-
American members, Reps.
Lincoln Diaz-Balart and
Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of
Florida, are considering
rejoining the fold.
In fact, for Latino politicians,
balancing ethnic and
mainstream concerns has
often been the key to success.
A case in point is Rep. Bob
Menendez (D-N.J.), a Cuban
American who has refused to
be typecast by politics or
ethnicity, and who was
recently elected as vice chair
of the Democratic Caucus.
Indeed, the greatest irony of
Latinos playing civil-rights-
style politics for so long was
that it never seemed to get
them very far. Groups such as
the National Council of La
Raza, a Washington-based
Latino advocacy group,
seemed bent on pushing
Latino politicians to compete
with African Americans for
the status of most-
discriminated-against
minority. And they succeeded
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
largely in including Latinos in
the perverse federal game of
showcasing their
dysfunctions--with the spoils
going to the loser.
It seems clear that
Washington has not yet
gotten over the skewed image
of Latinos that this sort of
minority politics perpetrated,
and therefore has been slower
than some local communities
to recognize the true diversity
of the group that will soon
become the nation's largest
minority. Roybal-Allard says
that she intends to broaden
the image of Latinos beyond
victims. She hasn't succeeded
yet. "In Washington, the
image of Latinos is based a
lot on stereotypes," says
Georgina Verdugo, former
regional council at the
Mexican-American Legal
Defense and Educational
Fund. "Washington is so
removed from Latinos
themselves that everything
becomes an ideological
argument here."
That may be so, but Latino
politicians are becoming
increasingly uncomfortable
with old-style minority
politics, particularly those
who come from regions in
which Latinos are the
emergent majority. With so
many Latino assemblymen,
judges and local mayors in
places such as San Antonio
and Los Angeles County, it is
increasingly difficult for
 10
Latinos in those regions to
continue to see themselves as
members of a marginalized
group. In short, these recent
political successes have
altered the way Latino
officials see themselves and
their constituencies.
Ironically, the Latinization of
these areas has helped to
undermine the strictly race-
based approach to social ills.
"We're beginning to see that
Hispanic issues are more class
issues than ethnic issues,"
says political consultant
Armando Gutierrez. Many of
these districts suffer from
significant poverty and other
social problems, but the
presence of a viable Latino
middle class and a political
infrastructure suggests that
the answers to problems do
not lie in a civil rights
approach.
Of course, as the numbers of
Latino officials at the national
level increases, so does their
diversity. In 1996, an
overwhelmingly Latino
congressional district in El
Paso County, Texas, shocked
political observers by electing
Silvestre Reyes, a former
ranking official of the U.S.
Border Patrol and architect of
Operation Hold the Line, the
INS strategy to prevent illegal
immigration along the
southwest border. The new
generation of Latino officials
comes from a wider variety of
backgrounds than the old.
They are also better trained
and more able to hold their
own in Washington--even
though they are still very
much in a minority there.
But the transition of Latino
politics is not quite complete.
The new generation seems to
know that they must move
beyond the old approaches,
but they still cannot fully
articulate a new agenda. They
may agree that they would
like the caucus to become
more mainstream. But not
one of them is willing to
admit the possibility that the
diverse group of 30 million
Americans from a variety of
national origins may not share
any given agenda. "I'd like to
think that we as Latinos are
just as interested in health
care, retirement security and
our place in the world as any
other American," says
Menendez, the first Latino to
win an elected congressional
leadership position. "We
should be going beyond the
issues we're forced to deal
with by necessity, and into
other issues where we can
make a difference. We are
coming into our own."
As national Latino officials
gain greater comfort with the
diversity of their political
voices, they could very well
help reshape America's stale
politics of race.
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
Gregory Rodriguez, an
associate editor at Pacific
News Service, is a fellow at
the New America Foundation
and the Pepperdine Institute
of Public Policy.
© Copyright 1999 The
Washington Post Company
Si todos votaran
Editorial
Presencia
16 de Agosto, 1999
Miles de banderas, aplausos,
entusiasmo, risas, felicidad
compartida al estilo de
nucstros pueblos, a lo que hay
que agregar un extraordinario
orden y respeto de los
participantes Respeto por el
evento, respeto por nuestra
comunidad que es mirada con
ojos inquisidores por una
mayoria blanca en el estado
que ve cómo los hispanos
crecemos en numero y mostr
amos capacidad de organizar
y realizar grandes cosas.
Yo recuerdo los inicios del
festival dominicano, soñado y
hchó realidad por Margarita
Cepeda, y aquel. festival
latinoamericano que inició y
 11
desarrolló Victor Mendoza en
diez o doce ediciones
sucesivas. Tarea
extraordinariamente dura para
los organizaciones, pero que
fue creando una experiencia
capaz de mostrar que no
somos una jauria desordenada
ni una in ontonera de caballos
salvajes, sino una comunidad
que crece en orden, una
comunidad que trabaja y que,
naturalmente, tiene algunos
individuos de
comportamiento irregular
comó en todas las sociedades
del mundo.
Mirabamos de cerca esos
rostros alegres cuajados de
esperanza, a todos los
presentes. Los que Ilegaron
abandonando sus raices por
circunstancias adversas:
guerras intemas, depresión
económica que complicaba la
vida familiar; aquellos que
pertenecen a la segunda
generación inmigrante,
nacidos en este pais o
llegados muy pequeños, que
avanzan en sus estudios y
ocupan posiciones en la
administración publica y
privada, y nuestra tercera
generación de gringuitos
morenos capaces de hablar
español en casa y un ingles sin
acento en la escuela. Esa
tercera gcneración que se
siente ligada a sus raices,
filente de su identidad, es la
esperanza de nuestra
comunidad, esperanza de
lideres que la orienten, de
politicos que Ia representen,
de florecimiento econ6mico
que nos coloque al nivel de
las comunidades europeas
residentes en este pais.
Pero, se me ocurre pensar:
¿No hay una suerte de
complejo entre nosotros al
considerar que todos los
problemas de discriminación y
de, falta de poder tendran,
que esperar un futuro,
incierto en el tiempo, para
poder ser resueltos? Quince o
veinte mil hispanos reunidos
en el Palacio de la Musica del
Parque Roger Williams y en
sus alrededores, ¿no son
capaces de votar, ahora, ya,
en las próximas elecciones
presidenciales a lo menos la
mitad de ellos? En sus casas,
trabajando, de vacaciones, o
en otros afanes se quedaron
otros ochenta mil hispanos
que viven en Rhode Island.
Entre los del parque y los
otros, ¿no son capaces de ir a
votar a lo menos veinte mil
hispanos?
Nadie posee estadisticas
exactas de cuantos
ciudadanos de origen hispano
existen en el estado,
solamente se conoce el
numero de aquellos que se
han inscrito en los registros
electorales y Ia desagradable
realidad que la mayoria de los
inscritos no concurren a votar
el dia de las elecciones.
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
Esa es la triste experiencia de
los ultimos años. Nuestra
gente que se queja de las
leyes de inmigración, cada
vez más estrictas y
discriminatorias con los
hispanos, de la perdida de
ayudas en la atención de
salud, de la dificultad de
nuestros jóvenes para
continuar sus estudios
despue's del High School. Esa
gente nuestra no concurre a
votar cuando corresponde. Y
cuando los inscritos no son
capaces de emitir su voto,
estamos frente a un pecado de
irresponsabilidad, nos
estamos dafiando nosotros
mismos y a nuestra
comunidad, al mantener
escondido un poder electoral
que Si se manifestara,
obligaria a todos los politicos
del estado a tomamos mucho
más en serio, no como los
pobres hispanitos 'que' hay
que ayudar porque
representan un tres o cuatro
por ciento de los electores,
sino como una real fuerza
capaz de decidir las
elecciones para los puestos
ma's representativos del
estado.
Votar es un derecho en una
democracia, pero en esta
democracia norteamericana,
una comunidad 'que crece y
crece más rapido que ninguna
otra, como es el caso de la
comunidad hispana, votar es
una obligación. Las puertas
del poder se abren a un grupo
 12
etnico en USA solamente
cuando es capaz de demostrar
su capacidad de expresi6n
politica en las elecciones. No
hay otro camino.
De una vez por todas es
bueno que terminemos de
pensar que votando le
estamos haciendo un favor a
un amigo o a alguien que
golpeó nuestra puerta para
solicitarnos el voto.
Votar es una obligación.
Si deseamos terminar con
todas las modificaciones
abusivas de Ia ley de
inmigración que solamente
tienen como objetivo frenar la
inmigración hispana y mandar
el mayor numero posible de
regreso a su pais de origen, Si
deseamos terminar con los
cortes presupuestarios a las
ayudas soc iales, a los
servicios de salud para los
que no son ciudadanos, no
hay otro camino que
demostrar que somos un
poder electoral y para eso
tenemos la obligación de
inscribirnos en los registros
electorales y votar el dia de
las elecciones.
De una vez por todas debe
terminar con la excusa
irresponsable: "Me olvide de
ir a votar", "nadie me pidió el
voto", "no tenia
movilización". El destino de
nuestros hijos hispanos
depende de lo que seamos
capaces de hacer hoy per
ellos.
Deseamos que esta frase se
transforine en un slogan. para
los nuestros: "Votar es un
derecho, y para los hispanos
votar es tambien una
obligación"
Despierta 'el Gigante'
y Entierra un Cliché
Los nuevos votantes Latinos
están más interesados en
descubrir qué soluciones
prácticas a sus problemas les
ofrecen los políticos que en
saber a qué partido
pertenecen o a qué ideologías
responden.
By FRANK del OLMO
La elección de 1997 para la
alcaldía de la ciudad de Los
Angeles confirmó un hecho
apenas visto en la elección
presidencial de 1996, que el
llamado "gigante dormido"
finalmente despertó.
Desde hace tiempo, el cliché
del "gigante dormido" ha sido
utilizado por periodistas y
políticos para describir a la
enorme pero a menudo
políticamente impotente
población Latina de California
y de algunos otros estados
clave.
Como sucede con casi todos
los clichés, el término se
utilizó hasta la náusea porque
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
parecía estar basado en los
hechos: los Latinos simple y
sencillamente no salían a
votar en números masivos.
Esto traía como resultado que
su influencia política en
ciudades como Los Angeles y
San Diego o en estados como
Texas y Arizona no era un
reflejo fiel de su numerosa
presencia.
En noviembre de 1996,
cuando los Latinos salieron a
votar en número récord, la
cosa empezó a cambiar. Una
encuesta señaló que la
participación de los Latinos
en California fue del 70% de
los votantes elegibles
mientras que la participación
de todos los votantes
elegibles en el estado fue de
un 65.5%. Aproximadamente
el 70% del voto Latino
favoreció a los candidatos del
partido Demócrata, ayudando
así al presidente Clinton a
ganar la reelección y llevando
a 20 Latinos a ganar escaños
en la legislatura estatal.
El voto del 8 de abril de 1997
en Los Angeles también
contó con una enorme
participación Latina y su
resultado debería alentar a los
Republicanos. De acuerdo a
una encuesta hecha por el
Times, aproximadamente un
60% de los Latinos votaron
por el alcalde Richard
Riordan, un Republicano.
Esto significa que el gigante
 13
recién despertado no
necesariamente está enojado
con el partido Republicano
aún cuando es bastante obvio
que fueron ellos quienes lo
despertaron.
Esto sucedió en 1994, cuando
el gobernador Pete Wilson
decidió usar la inmigración
como "cuña" para ganar
votos entre el electorado
Anglo que parecía estar
preocupado por los
problemas sociales derivados
del cambio en la composición
étnica del estado.
Como sucede frecuentemente
en el fragor de las campañas
políticas un asunto complejo
acabó siendo distorsionado y
reducido a términos simplistas
que incluso llegaron a generar
temores. La Òcuña" de
Wilson fue la Proposición
187, la iniciativa que excluía a
los inmigrantes ilegales de las
escuelas públicas y los
servicios sociales.
La Proposición 187 le dio a
Wilson el apoyo de miles de
consternados Anglos, pero
también atemorizó a miles de
Latinos mayores de edad que
hasta entonces habían
pospuesto hacerse ciudadanos
y los motivó a naturalizarse.
También es cierto que la 187
generó la ira de los hijos de
los inmigrantes y los politizó
con el propósito de vengarse
de Wilson y de otros
candidatos anti-inmigrantes
en futuras elecciones.
El cobro de la factura empezó
en la elección de 1996,
cuando el candidato
presidencial Republicano,
Bob Dole, haciéndole caso a
Wilson usó una retórica anti-
inmigrante que fracasó
totalmente.
La victoria de Riordan, por
otro lado, sugiere que la rabia
contenida del votante Latino
contra los Republicanos
puede ser superada. En su
actuación como alcalde,
Riordan ocupó el centro del
espectro político y trabajó al
lado de los Latinos, no
solamente de los ricos sino
con los pobres y con la clase
trabajadora también.
Los nuevos votantes Latinos
están más interesados en
descubrir qué soluciones
prácticas a sus problemas les
ofrecen los políticos que en
saber a qué partido
pertenecen o a qué ideologías
responden.
Nada simboliza mejor el
pragmatismo de Riordan que
su entusiasta apoyo a la
Proposición BB, que dotó
con dos mil cuatrocientos
millones de dólares a las
escuelas en la reciente
elección en Los Angeles. Los
Latinos son ahora la mayoría
abrumadora de los estudiantes
en las escuelas, de tal manera
que la Proposición BB era un
asunto sumamente importante
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
para los padres de los
estudiantes.
El 80% de los votantes
favorecieron la Proposición
BB, de acuerdo con la
encuesta del Times ayudando
a que la medida excediera el
difícil requerimiento
constitucional de ser
aprobada por dos tercios de
los votantes.
Habiendo tenido que escribir
en mi larga carrera en el
periodismo sobre el gigante
dormido muchas más veces
de las que yo hubiera querido,
me da mucho gusto
finalmente ayudar a cavar la
tumba para enterrar el viejo
cliché.
Latinos en las Urnas
Aún cuando el voto Latino
continuó teniendo poca
representación en la elecció
presidencial de 1996, un
numeroso contingente de
votantes Latinos recién
reistrados fue a las urnas en la
que fueron el resto de
votantes primerizos y en
mayor proporción que la
totalidad de los votantes. Su
participación electoral rompió
parcialmente el estereotipo de
la politica en California que
sostenia que los Latinos
tienden a votar menos que
otros grupos.
 14
Our Mission
The Rhode Island Latino
Political Action Committee is
a nonpartisan organization
formed to influence the
political process in the state
of Rhode Island in order to
improve the quality of life of
Latino and urban
communities.
New census report
illustrates nation's
expanding
diversity
By WILL LESTER
Associated Press
September 14, 1999,
WASHINGTON -- The
Hispanic and Asian
populations of the United
States surged during the
1990s, the number of
Hispanics growing by more
than 35 percent and Asians
more than 40 percent, the
Census Bureau says.
A report released Tuesday
furnishes fresh evidence of
increasing ethnic diversity and
its unpredictable impact on
the nation's political and
social landscape.
The trend is leading to a time
when "everybody's a
minority," said Vanderbilt
University historian Hugh
Davis Graham.
Blacks, whose numbers grew
almost 13 percent between
1990 and 1998, remain the
nation's largest minority at
12.7 percent, or 34.4 million
of the nation's population of
about 270 million in 1998.
Hispanics made up 9 percent
of the population in 1990, and
that grew by 1998 to just
over 11 percent of the total,
30.3 million, the annual
update of the 1990 Census
said.
The high number of Hispanics
in large Electoral College
states such as Texas,
California, Florida and New
York gives the group
substantial political clout, but
the growth of Hispanics
showed up in less expected
areas.
"Four states had their
Hispanic populations double -
- Arkansas, Georgia, Nevada
and North Carolina," said
census statistician Larry Sink.
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
·Arkansas' Hispanic
population increased by 150
percent to 49,000.
· Georgia's increased by 102
percent to 220,000.
· Nevada's increased by 124
percent to 78,000.
· North Carolina's increased
by 110 percent to 161,000.
The Hispanic population,
already one of the nation's
largest minorities, will
overtake the non-Hispanic
black population by the end
of 2004, Sink said.
"We've seen race relations as
a black-white issue," said
Roderick Harrison of the
Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies, a
Washington think tank.
"Clearly, the size of the
Hispanic population and the
Asian population turns it into
a multicultural issue."
The Asian and Pacific
Islander population grew in
the 1990s from 3 percent of
the overall population to
almost 4 percent at 10.5
million.
· In Nevada, the Asian-Pacific
Islander population increased
by 106 percent to 81,000.
· In Georgia, it increased by
95 percent to 150,000.
 15
· In North Carolina, it
increased by 87 percent to
100,000.
Dinah Choi, project director
for the Asian Pacific Policy
and Planning Council, said the
rapid growth in numbers of
Asians emphasizes a need for
an accurate census count in
2000.
The country's population of
American Indians, Eskimos
and Aleuts grew 14 percent
to 2.4 million during the
period.
States that already had
significant populations of
specific minorities showed
less dramatic rate increases.
For example, California
increased its Hispanic
population by 31 percent and
its Asian population by 34
percent.
The explosion in Hispanic
population lets Latinos sense
their growing political
potency.
"This is a very critical
(presidential) race for us, and
we will be the defining
group," Aida Alvarez, chief of
the Small Business
Administration, said Tuesday
at a rally for Vice President
Al Gore's presidential
campaign. "The 21st century
will be a Latino century, no
doubt about it."
George W. Bush, governor of
Texas and the front-runner in
the race for the Republican
presidential nomination, also
is targeting the Hispanic vote.
A recent poll said he and
Gore are splitting the
Hispanic vote in Texas, but
Bush trails in California.
Republican consultant David
Hill of Houston warned a
decade ago that the GOP
needed to gain a bigger share
of the Hispanic vote or lose
gains made when they carved
away some whites who
traditionally voted
Democratic before the
Reagan era. These Democrats
came to be known as "Reagan
Democrats."
"The only way to change the
equation is for Republicans to
get a larger share of the
Hispanic vote," Hill said.
Hispanics voted for President
Clinton in 1996 by more than
3-1, according to exit polls.
"The Democratic Party has
always believed that one of
our greatest strengths is the
diversity of our party, and
Hispanics and Asians have
felt comfortable with
Democrats," said Jenny
Backus, a Democratic
spokeswoman.
Presidential candidates from
both parties have made clear
this year that they want the
Hispanic vote, said Lisa
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
Navarrete, spokeswoman for
the National Council of La
Raza, the Latino advocacy
group.
"We have been experiencing
something people have been
predicting for a long time,"
she said. "The growth has
been amazing since the 1970s.
What has really made a
difference is the growth of the
Latino communities where
they normally have not been."
El CENSO 2000 y
Nuestra Comunidad
Nosotros los miembros de
RILPAC somos fieles
creentes en nuestros
esfuerzos para asegurar que
todos los Latinos en el estado
se conviertan accionistas en
el futuro de Rhode Island
haciendose contar en el
Censo 2000.
Nuestra misión es de
asegurar que todos los
ciudadanos Latinos en el
estado de Rhode Island sean
contados en el Censo 2000, y
aclarar los mitos acerca del
censo al igual que
concientizar a nuestra
comunidad de la importancia
de ser contados.
En virtud de nuestros
esfuerzos y de quienes nos
 16
apoyan. Residentes del
estado de Rhode Island de
todos los grupos etnicos que
participen en este esfuerzo de
ser apropiadamente contados
veran nuestro compromiso en
la lucha por el futuro de la
comunidad Latina.
Nosotros traemos al Censo
2000 de este estado; las
esperanzas y aspiraciones de
los nuevos miembros de las
familias de este estado.
Acompáñenos en la
continuación del sueño de las
innumerables generaciones
de inmigrantes quienes al
final del trayecto empezamos
nuestro futuro juntos.
Hagase Contar en el Censo
2000 llenando el formulario
¿Que es el Censo de
los Estados Unidos?
El Censo de los Estados
Unidos esta diseñado para
colectar información
demografica de todo los
Estados Unidos.
¿Porque se toma el
Censo?
La constitución de los
Estados Unidos requiere que
el Censo nacional sea
mandatorio (articulo 1,
sección 2) cada diez años
para que este pueda
redistribuir la representación
congresista. El Censo también
provee información básica
socioeconomico de nuestra
gente en el aspecto de
vivienda, empleo, ingresos y
origen. Organismos
gubernamentales en todo los
niveles, negocios y y cuatro preguntas. Algunas
organizaciones de todo tipo
utilizan esta información en
planeamiento de su futuro.
¿Porque usted debe
de llenar el Censo?
La información que se recoge
del Censo afecta a su
comunidad. Las cifras del
censo ayudan a los
planificadores locales a Sus respuestas y privacidad
encontrar los mejores lugares
para las escuelas, carreteras,
hospitales, guarderias
infantiles, centros de atención
para personas de la tercera
edad y viviendas para gente
de poco ingreso, entre otras
cosas.
Cada año, mas de $100
billones de fondos federales y
aún mas en fondos estatales
son otorgados y distribuidos
basados en los resultados del
censo.
¿En que consiste el
formulario del
censo?
La mayoría de las personas
van a recibir el formulario
corto. Este consiste en siete
preguntas: Nombre, sexo,
edad, relación, origen
hispano, raza y vivienda (si es
dueño de una propiedad o si
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
renta). Este formulario toma
10 minutos en llenar.
El otro formulario es mas
largo. Este consiste en treinta
preguntas son: Educación,
empleo, linaje, tipo de
calefacción e incapacidad.
Este formulario toma 38
minutos para llenar.
¿Como puede estar
seguro que su
respuesta es
confidencial?
están protegidas por Ia ley.
Cada empleado del Censo a
juramentado no divulgar
información confidencial. Por
ley (Titulo 12, United States
Code), los empleados del
censo seran multados $5,000
y/o encarcelado por cinco
años si este(a) revela
información confidencial.
No esta permitido que otra
organización obtenga o vea la
información colectada por las
oficinas del censo,
incluyendo, CIA, FBI, IRS,
INS o la presidencia de los
Estados Unidos. El Censo
tiene una buena reputación de
mantener protegida la
información colectada.
Ademas, el cuestionario del
censo no requiere su número
de seguro social.
¿Cuando se va a
llevar acabo el
 17
próximo Censo?
Comenzando a mediados de
Marzo 2000 - Los
formularios seran
distribuidos.
1 de Abril del 2000 - Dia del
Censo.
Marzo a Mayo 2000 -
Empleados del censo visitaran
viviendas rurales y areas
remotas para dejar y recoger
los formularios.
Abril a Junio del 2000 -
Empleados del censo visitaran
las viviendas que no
devolvieron el formulario.
Octubre a Noviembre 2000
- El trabajo inicial será
terminado.
Diciembre 31, 2000 – Los
resultados del censo serán
entregadas a la presidencia.
Si tiene alguna pregunta favor
de llamar a los telefonos en
este folleto.
English-Only Tests
Said Unfair
By ANJETTA McQUEEN
AP Education Writer
SEPTEMBER 16, 03:20 EDT
WASHINGTON (AP) — As
more Hispanic children enter
the nation's schools,
educators debate whether
they could be hard hit by
high-stakes English-only
tests.
A presidential panel on
Hispanic education says such
tests, often used to move
children ahead or graduate
them, may violate the rights
of millions of Hispanic
children. Others still say any
accommodations could cheat
them out of a fair assessment
of their abilities.
``State education leaders have
compromised the future of
Hispanic students by making
high stakes decisions based
on inaccurate and inadequate
information,'' said the report
by the President's Advisory
Commission on Educational
Excellence for Hispanic
Americans, released on
Wednesday. It urged the
Education Department to
investigate.
The Education Department is
currently investigating two
cases related to testing and
language ability, said Rodger
Murphey, a spokesman for
the civil rights branch.
Murphey said he could not
discuss the cases, in Nevada
and in Texas, or disclose the
filing parties.
About 20 percent of the
5,000 cases filed each year
specifically relate to laws that
prohibit racial discrimination
against students, he said. A
1974 Supreme Court ruling in
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
essence includes language
ability in that ban by requiring
schools to provide help for
students with limited English.
However, opponents of
bilingual education argue that
accommodating children on
high-stakes tests will hurt
them in the long run.
``You want to make sure kids
don't graduate with a degree
that they can't even read,''
said Jorge Amselle, the vice
president for education of the
Center for Equal
Opportunity, a Washington
group that opposes bilingual
education and affirmative
action. ``The purpose of
education in the United States
is to prepare students to
survive and succeed in this
society and that requires
mastery in English.
``To say that a student should
be able to do math and
science and read and write in
English is simply a matter of
accountability, not a matter of
discrimination,'' Amselle
added.
There is no one national
measure of how well a
schoolchild is learning. Nearly
every state has developed its
own achievement tests to
gauge progress in core
subjects such as math and
reading — and the tests vary.
The presidential panel said
current state approaches to
 18
students who are not native
English speakers are too
vague for tests that are often
tied to a child's promotion or
graduation. Currently, 19
states require students to pass
tests before they receive high
school diplomas; seven more
plan to follow suit by 2003.
The Hispanic education panel,
which was created in 1990 by
President Bush, issued its first
report in 1992. The group is
charged with bolstering
Hispanics' participation in
federal education programs
and targeting ways to
eliminate educational gaps.
Educating the nation's 3.4
million Hispanic children
properly is more important
than ever, the group says, as
such students' enrollment
grows but their achievement
does not.
In 10 states, the number of
children who are not native
English speakers more than
doubled from the 1992-93 to
1996-97 school years. And 70
percent of those children are
Hispanic.
But in learning, Hispanic
children are slipping behind.
Young Hispanic children
perform half as well as their
native-English-speaking
peers. Hispanic high school
students drop out at double
the rate of non-Hispanics.
Even well-to-do families will
produce dropouts if English is
not learned, the panel said.
The panel praised states such
as Oregon, which offers its
4,000 Hispanic students tests
in English and Spanish; the
tests are matched carefully
and questions that cannot be
matched in both languages
are dropped.
Tensions between
Latinos and African
Americans Heat Up
By Andrés T. Tapia
While society, the media, and
the church continue to think
in only black/white terms
when it comes to race
relations, outside the public
view tensions are building
between other ethnic groups.
One of the more worrisome
developments is the
increasing animosity between
African Americans and
Latinos.
Black / Brown Divide
In Washington DC a few
years ago a riot erupted in a
predominantly Central
American neighborhood when
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
a black police officer shot a
Latino during an arrest. In LA
violent clashes have erupted
between Latinos and Blacks
competing for day labor.
African Americans resent
that Latinos seem to be
getting the kinds of jobs hat
used to go to them
and many Latinos respond
with "tough luck." As the
Latino population surges
some chauvinistic Latino
leaders are saying, "While
blacks sing 'We shall
overcome' we say 'We shall
overwhelm.'"
To the African American
community, which has
struggled long and hard to
make a place for themselves
in a nation that has put every
imaginable roadblock in front
of them, the Latino numbers
are staggering and
threatening. According to the
Census Bureau, by 2076 the
21 million Latinos legally in
the U.S. today (there are
estimated up to 10 million
here illegally) will have
multiplied to 57 million,
making them the largest
minority in the country. In LA
County 38% of the
population are Latinos
compared to 11% who are
African American.
Neighborhoods that have
been long assumed to be
primarily black such as Watts
and South Central are, in fact,
already half Latino and by
 19
the end of the century will be
predominantly so as the rapid
replacement of BBQ pork
joints by taquerias
demonstrates.
The Latino population surge
is creating an ironic
phenomenon -- black flight.
Black families and churches,
faced with a changing
neighborhood and the influx
of people not like them, are
choosing to move rather than
reach out to their new
neighbors. Some black
churches are instead
establishing a landlord /
tenant relationship by renting
their buildings to growing
upstart Latino churches.
Real estate agents, smelling
panic, are swooping in and
offering black families cash
for their homes at a below-
market price with veiled
references to what the largely
illegal immigrant presence
will do to property values --
a tactic used on frightened
white families when blacks
began moving into their
neighborhoods in the fifties.
Despite their large numbers,
Latinos remain largely
invisible. Though there's been
a longstanding Mexican
American presence in LA,
many of the Latino
population are newly-arrived
immigrants representing 16
different nationalities. This
makes it nearly impossible for
them to build a cohesive
political base and have clearly
identified spokespeople,
leaving them ill-represented in
church and secular efforts.
Lack of political clout,
however, has not hindered
their economic opportunities.
Though the African American
community's political savvy
gained over decades of civil
rights struggle ensures that
government aid keeps coming
their way, blacks are quietly
being replaced in the
workforce by Latinos willing
to work for less. As Jack
Miles reported in the Atlantic
Monthly "janitorial firms
serving downtown LA have
almost entirely replaced their
unionized black work force
with non-unionized
immigrants." This
phenomenon repeats itself in
various other cities such as
Chicago and Denver and in
different manual labor jobs
such as baging groceries,
waiting tables, and doing
landscaping. Even black-
owned businesses often have
more Latino workers than
African American.
This economic displacement
goes a long way in explaining
African American anger
toward the Latino. For many
blacks this seems to be more
evidence that mainstream, or
white, society still views
African Americans as
undesirable. As Miles writes,
"To Anglos, Latinos, even
when they are foreign, seem
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
native and safe, while blacks,
who are native, seem foreign
and dangerous."
Finding Each Other
Manny Ortiz, a Puerto Rican
professor in the practical
theology department at
Westminster Theological
Seminary is concerned that
the highly publicized statistic
that Latinos are about to
displace African American as
the largest minority is setting
up both communities for
great tensions.
"Demographics means
money, scholarships, and
other resources," he says.
"We Hispanics need to talk
about our own racism and
begin bridging gaps between
us and other communities,
especially blacks." [African
Americans such as John
Perkins say the reverse is
also true.]
How can this be done? First,
we need to get to know each
other personally. Nothing
demolishes stereotypes like
getting to know each other's
families and seeing how much
we are alike. It is also
imperative that we learn each
other's history. As Latinos
learn more about African
American blood spilled in the
streets of America so that all
ethnic groups can enjoy more
freedom we will be more slow
to dismiss African American
opinions and have a better
understanding of why the
 20
growing Latino presence can
be so disheartening and
threatening to blacks.
Latinos, like many other
minority groups, piggybacked
on the Civil Rights struggles
of African Americans. While
Latinos have also been
oppressed and humiliated in
this country, it is
presumptuous to equate our
historical struggles. The
African American experience
is unique. Blacks are the only
ethnic group that was brought
to this country against its will
and dehumanized through
slavery and later by being told
in public where they could get
a drink or even go to the
bathroom.
On the positive side no other
racial group has had the same
kind of impact on this
country's culture as has
African American culture,
which permeates every facet
of mainstream life. Gospel,
the blues, rhythm and blues,
rock 'n' roll, disco, and house
music all have their roots in
the black musical expression.
In fact, the roots of Latin
salsa are also African. In
addition, dread locks, Afros,
break dancing, bell bottoms,
high tops, sports jackets, and
X baseball caps are just some
of the myriad fashion fads
that began in the black
community and were then
coopted by white mainstream
America. Some of this
country's greatest athletes in
practically every sport also
are African American. Add to
this the black soldiers who
died defending this nation and
the many black professionals
and inventors who made
breakthroughs benefitting
everyone such as traffic
lights, gas masks, flush
toilets, golf tees, ice cream,
and peanut butter.
Conversely, as Blacks get
acquainted with the fact that
Latinos in the Southwest are
living in the land that was
stolen from them by the U.S.
in the Mexican-American War
in 1848 they might have an
easier time not seeing Latinos
as invaders but rather as
people who can rightfully
claim that this place is also
their home. As the blacks
who have gotten
close to Latinos can attest,
contrary to the common
perception in the African
American community, Latinos
are not siphoning money from
welfare but rather, in their
desire to make it, are
motivated to work long hours
to make a place for
themselves.
Latinos have also left an
indelible mark on popular
culture with the rhythms of
cha cha, rumba, and salsa.
Linda Rondstat, Jerry García,
Raquel Welch, and Carly
Simon are all of Latino
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
descent. And who can forget
baseball greats Roberto
Clemente, Fernando
Valenzuela, and [I need one
more] Tacos and enchiladas
are as common as hot dogs
and hamburgers from Santa
Fe, New Mexico to Willmar,
Minnesota, which explains
why salsa recently replaced
ketchup as the number 1
North American condiment.
And we certainly would be a
lot less articulate without the
words macho, grande, piñata,
gusto, olé, bronco, bandido,
and gracias to name a few of
the words that have spiced up
the English language.
As each group finds out
about each other's heroes --
Malcolm X, Martin Luther
King, César Chavez -- and
accomplishments they will see
that both have fought at a
great cost for many of the
same things, which at their
most basic is the freedom and
opportunity to live a healthy
and peaceful life with one's
family and neighbors.
These understandings should
then more easily lead us to
take the key step in true
reconciliation: recognizing
our negative attitudes toward
one another, apologizing for
them, and then making a
commitment to work together
for each other's good.
Black / Brown Bridges
 21
In Chicago two churches
have followed these steps
with wonderful results. Noel
Castellanos is a Latino pastor
that a few years ago came to
the Windy City to start a
church. With the full pastoral
and some significant financial
support from Lawndale
Community Church, a opportunity to experience a
predominantly black church in
Lawndale, Castellanos now
has a
thriving church in a nearby
predominantly Latino
neighborhood.
Castellanos, who came as an
outsider, is on staff at the
Lawndale Community Church
and has significant and
important personal
relationships with the blacks
and whites there. In addition,
Lawndale Community Church
serves both African
Americans and Latinos with
tutoring, job training, food,
and health services.
Cooperation rather than
competition is giving more
power and dynamism to the
ministries of both
congregations.
One of my closest friends is
Holly Davis, a talented,
generous, funny, and creative
black woman. Over the past
few years my wife, who is
white, myself, and Holly have
freely shared each other's
worlds. We have rocked with
Holly to some gospel
numbers in various black
churches and she has
enthusiastically sang Spanish
coritos and said "Gloria a
Dios" in Latino services.
Holly calls me a Latin spicy
tomato, but it is she who
spices up the various parties
we have at our home or hers.
Since we all love to eat, the
Peruvian ají de gallina or
some soul food has the three
of us salivating and ready to
go. Holly also dearly loves
my two-year-old daughter
Marisela buying her funky
clothes and saying sweet
things to her. And just last
night, Marisela found a
picture of our latinized
African American friend.
With great enthusiasm she
yelled "Holly!" and then
kissed Holly's smiling face. It
moments like these I find
myself wondering, "So tell me
again, why are we hating each
other?"
Latino's insular attitudes and
their lack of vision for
cooperating with other ethnic
groups in the struggles we all
share is a symptom that as a
group we have bought into
mainstream society's divide
and conquer structure.
Latinos feel we are in
competition with other ethnic
groups and that it is a zero
sum game. The prevailing
attitude is "we have sacrificed
much to leave our
impoverished communities in
Latin America that we will
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
stick with our own and do
everything we can to
succeed." While this is an
understandable response it is
a parochial view detrimental
to all groups. And for Latino
Christians this approach has
no biblical justification.
Politically and economically
African American, Latinos,
and Asians need each other to
fight against the injustices
society inflicts on people of
color. And spiritually we all
have a responsibility and
commitment to one another
that must transcend the color
of our skins.
©Andrés T. Tapia
Tensiones Entre
Latinos y Afro
Americanos
Aumentan
Por Andrés T. Tapia
Mientras la sociedad, los
medios de comunicación, y la
iglesia continuan a solo
pensar en términos de blanco
y negro cuando se trata de
relaciones entre las razas,
fuera del foro publico las
tensiones entre diferentes
grupos minoritarios están
aumentando. Una de las
tensiones mas preocupantes
es lo que está pasando entre
negros y Latinos.
Divisiones
En Washington DC hace
algunos años hubieron
 22
disturbios en un barrio Latino
cuando un policia negro le
disparó a un Latino durante
un arresto. En Los Angeles
han habido confrontaciones
violentas entre Latinos y
negros que estaban
competiendo por trabajo
manual. Muchos negros se
molestan que muchos de los
tipos de trabajos que eran de
ellos ahora son otorgados a
Latinos. Pero muchos Latinos
responden en una forma
arrogante diciendo, "Mala
suerte. Ahora nos toca a
nosotros."
Para la comunidad negra en
este país, que ha luchado con
grandes sacrificios para
sobreponerse a doscientos
años de injusticias, las
estad'sticas demográficas de
los Latinos les es amenazante.
De acuerdo a la Oficina
Federal del Censo por el año
2076 los 23 millones de
Latinos que están aquí
legalmente se multiplicarán a
57 millones, haciendo que los
Latinos sean el grupo
minoritario más grande en los
Estados Unidos. En el
condado de Los Angeles 38%
de la poblacion es Latina
comparado con los 11% que
son negros. Barrios como
Watts y South Central que
por mucho tiempo han sido
barrios negros,
efectivamenteya son por lo
menos 50% barrios Latinos.
Manny Ortiz, un profesor
puertorriqueño en teología
práctica en el seminario
teologico de Westminster en
Philadelphia, está preocupado
quel crecimeinto dramático de
la poblaci--n Latina va a
aumentar paulatinamente las
tensi--nes entre Latinos y
negros. "Estad'sticas
demográficas significan
dinero, becas, y otros
recursos," dice el. "Nosotros
los Latinos necesitamos
hablar sobre nuestro propio
racismo y comenzar a
establecer puentes de enlace
entre nosotros y otras
comunidades, especialmente
con la comunidad negra."
¿Como podemos hacer esto?
Primeramente tenemos que
conocernos personalmente.
Nada quiebra los estereotipos
más eficazmente que
conociéndonos unos a otros y
a nuestras familias. Es
también imperativo que
aprendamos las historias de
cada uno de los grupos.
Cuando nosotros los Latinos
aprendamos más sobre sangre
negra derramada en las calles
de este país para que todos
los grupos étnicos puedan
vivir más libremente, seremos
mas lentos en desprestigiar las
opiniones de esta comunidad
y a la misma vez tener un
mejor entendimiento de
porque los negros nos ven de
reojo cuando parece que les
estamos quitando trabajo.
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
Es cierto que Latinos han
sido tratados en formas
humillantes en este país pero
nada se compara con la
agon'a y sufrimiento de la
esclavitud. Los negros
venieron a este país a la
fuerza, raptados de sus
hogares mientras que la
mayor'a de nosotros hemos
venido por nuestra propia
cuenta.
Por el lado positivo los
negros como una comunidad
han aportado grandes
riquezas de su cultura y
talento a este país en música,
arte, modas, atletismo, y
muchos inventos como el
semáforo, el inodoro, la
máscara de gas, y la
mantequilla de maní.
A la misma vez, una vez que
los negros descubran que
Latinos en el sur oeste de los
Estados Unidos están
viviendo en tierras que fueron
quitadas de México por los
Estados Unidos en la guerra
Mexicana Americana de 1848
verán a los Latinos no como
invasores sino como gente
que legítimamente puede
proclamar esas tierras como
suyas. Y al conocer a familias
Latinas los negros podrán ver
que estas son familias muy
trabajadoras dispuestas a
sacrificar mucho para
establecerce en este país y
que la mayoría no a venido
para abusar el sistema de
 23
"welfare" como muchas veces
se nos acusa de hacer.
Latinos también han dejado
una marca profunda en la vida
cultural de este país con
nuestros ritmos de música,
grandes jugadores de beisbol
como Roberto Clemente y
Fernando Valenzuela, y amigos negros y blancos.
comida que se come desde
San Diego, California a
Willmar, Minnesota, que
explica porqué la salsa
remplaza-- a catsup como el
condimento número uno de
los Estados Unidos. Y que
sería del inglés si no tuviera
palabras españolas para
sazonarlo como macho,
grande, piñata, gusto, olé,
bronco, bandido, and gracias.
Estos entendimientos harán
más facil tomar los
verdaderos pasos de
reconciliación: reconocer
nuestras actitudes negativas
hacia el otro grupo, pedir
perdón por ellas, y,
finalmente, comprometernos
a trabajar juntos para el bien
de nuestras dos comunidades.
Puentes
Dos iglesias en Chicago han
tomado estos pasos con
resultados magníficos. Noel
Castellanos es un pastor
Latino que hace unos años
llegó a la Ciudad de Grandes
Vientos para establecer una
iglesia. Con el apoyo pastoral
y financiero de Lawndale
Community Church, una
iglesia predominantemente
negra, Castellanos ahora tiene
una iglesia Latina que es muy
dinámica y que está
creciendo. Castellanos, quien
vino como un forastero,
ahora es parte del personal de
Lawndale Community Church
and ah' tiene muy buenos
Además Lawndale
Community Church brinda
servicios sociales como
tutoría, entrenamiento de
trabajo, y salud a las
comunidades negras y Latinas
de Lawndale. Cooperacion en
vez de competición le ha
dado a las dos iglesias más
eficacia en su ministerio
cristiano en la ciudad de
Chicago.
Una de mis mejores amigas
es Holly Davis, una talentosa,
generosa, chistosa, y creativa
mujer negra. En los últimos
años mi esposa Lori, quien es
blanca, Holly, y yo hemos
compartido libremente
nuestros mundos. Nos hemos
mecido al compás de números
de gospel en varias iglesias
negras y ella ha cantado
coritos en español
entusiastamente y dicho
"Gloria a Dios" en cultos
Latinos.
Como a los tres nos encanta
comer, qualquier oportunidad
de saborear un ají de gallina
peruano o comida negra
llamada "soul" nos tiene
chupándonos los dedos y
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
listos para comer. Holly le
quiere mucho a nuestra hija
Marisela de dos años y
además de comprarle
regalitos le dice cosas muy
cariñosas. Y justo el otro d'a,
Marisela, al encontrar una
foto de nuestra amiga negra
latinizada, agarr-- la foto con
gran entusiasmo y gritó
"Holly!" y le dio un gran beso
a su imagen sonriente. En
momentos como ese me
pregunto, "Alguien quiere
explicarme por qué nos
estamos odiando tanto?"
Las actitudes insulares de
nuestra comunidad Latina y
nuestra falta de visión para
cooperar con otros grupos
étnicos para enfrentar los
desafios que todos
compartimos es prueba que
hemos aceptado los
argumentos del mundo
secular que la única forma de
sobrevivir en esta sociedad es
teniendo la actitud de que la
vida es una de todos contra
todos. Esto es un gran error.
Políticamemente todos los
grupos minoritarios de este
país se necesitan unos de los
otros para enfrentar las
injusticias que esta sociedad
inflicta contra las personas de
color. Y espiritualmente
todos tenemos la
responsabilidad y
compromiso cristiano a los
otros miembros del cuerpo de
Cristo que debe transcender
el color de nuestras pieles.
 24
Andrés Tapia es periodista y
con su familia atiende
Second Baptist Church, una
iglesia negra en Evanston,
Illinois.
The value of one vote
In 1645, one vote gave Oliver
Cromwell control of England.
In 1649, one vote caused
Charles I of England to be
executed.
In 1776, one vote gave
America the English language
instead of German.
In 1845, one vote brought
Texas into the Union.
In 1868, one vote saved
President Andrew Johnson
from impeachment.
In 1875, one vote changed
France from a monarchy to a
republic.
In 1876, one vote gave
Rutherford B. Hayes the
presidency of the United
States.
In 1923, one vote gave Adolf
Hitler leadership of the Nazi
Party.
In 1941, one vote saved status.
Selective Service—just weeks
before Pearl Harbor was Donor:
attacked. Donors are supporters who
contribute to RILPAC but are
About RILPAC not active or associate
The Rhode Island Latino members.
Political Action Committee is
a nonpartisan organization
formed to influence the
political process in the state Board of Directors
of Rhode Island in order to
improve the quality of life of Pablo Rodriguez, MD
Latino and urban President
communities.
Alina Ocasio
OUR GOALS Executive Vice President
Juan M. Pichardo
• To increase political
Vice President
participation.
• To support and/or Michelle Torres
endorse candidates from Secretary
Rhode Island for state and
local office who are Margarita Guedes
committed to our mission. Assistant Secretary
• To raise awareness on Tomás Alberto Avila
issues and/or candidates Treasurer
that could benefit or
adversely impact the Betty Bernal
Latino community. Assistant Treasurer
MEMBERSHIP Victor F. Capellán
Gladys Corvera-Baker,
Active Membership: Francisco J. Cruz
José González, Ed.D.
Active Members must attend
Nellie Gorbea
all meetings and will have
Ricardo Patiño
voting privileges. Vidal Perez
Tomás Ramirez
Associate:
Jenny Rosario
Associate members will Delia Smidt
receive a quarterly newsletter Angel Taveras, Esq.
but will have non-voting
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee
 25

RILPAC
P.O. Box 23020
Providence, RI 02903
Phone (401) 274-5204
Fax (401) 272-8974
Email:rilpac@hotmail.com
http://www.mileniolatino.com/rilpac

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee