Tourist Studies http://tou.sagepub.

com/

Embodying the Map: Tourism Practices in Berlin

Tania Rossetto Tourist Studies 2012 12: 28 originally published online 20 April 2012 DOI: 10.1177/1468797612444192 The online version of this article can be found at: http://tou.sagepub.com/content/12/1/28

Published by:
http://www.sagepublications.com

Additional services and information for Tourist Studies can be found at: Email Alerts: http://tou.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://tou.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://tou.sagepub.com/content/12/1/28.refs.html

>> Version of Record - May 3, 2012 OnlineFirst Version of Record - Apr 20, 2012 What is This?

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

444192

12

TOU12110.1177/1468797612444192RossettoTourist Studies

Article

ts
Tourist Studies 12(1) 2851 The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1468797612444192 tou.sagepub.com

Embodying the Map: Tourism Practices in Berlin

Tania Rossetto

Universit degli Studi di Padova, Italy

Abstract
Maps are often considered by tourism scholars as superimposed representations that reduce visitors to passive executors of pre-designed routes. Combining new post-representational perspectives in map studies with a concept of tourism as a corporeal, vividly lived and active experience, this article highlights the tensions between representation/power and practice/ resistance within tourism cartography. The case study of the German capital is used to illustrate the concept that tourists can experience a flirtatious, intentional and enriching encounter with their destinations dwelling in, rather than passively enacting or subverting cartographic representations. Through an autoethnographical account and a cinematic-cartographical reading, the author explores the role of actual and virtual embodiment in the experiencing of map spaces, suggesting that Berlins cartographic anxiety need not be understood as a form of tourisms power of seduction.

Keywords
Berlin; cartographic cinema; cartographic practice; embodiment; post-representational cartography; tourist maps

Introduction
Following the demand for a research style that goes beyond the binaries of representation/ practice (Del Casino and Hanna, 2006), this study presents the city of Berlin as a paradigmatic tourist site that requires a conciliatory position between representational and non (or post) representational approaches. The theoretical section explores literatures in tourism studies and cartography. The review of tourism literature shows how the focus on multisensory experience and corporeal engagement has recently challenged critical readings of the tourist gaze. The demand to go beyond the visual to the performance

Corresponding author: Tania Rossetto, Universit degli Studi di Padova, Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche, Geografiche e dellAntichit, Sezione di Geografia, via del Santo 26, 35123 Padova, Italy. Email: tania.rossetto@unipd.it

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

29

has led to a re-theorisation of vision and visual technologies as open rather than constraining. Traditionally, maps have been considered the classic means of directing tourist gaze. This study discusses how this approach is now being challenged by the turn toward practice in recent map studies. New directions in map theory, in fact, consider maps not as ontologically secure representations but as contingent, fleeting, fluid and relational entities. Cartographic literature theorising maps as performed and embodied, however, tends to focus on resistance, describing users ability to subvert the maps powerful influence. This study proposes a different approach, suggesting that tourists can experience personal, creative and empowering encounters with their destinations by dwelling in, rather than passively acting or subverting cartographic representations. The third section introduces the case study of Berlin, a key city obsessed by its self-representation in which powerful symbols can be seen at work. After reviewing critical interventions on the seductive power wielded by Berlins images, I use David Crouchs (2005) reversal of the concept of seduction in tourism to propose a flirtatious way to live and to reflect upon map spaces. I suggest that Berlin seems to be affected by a positive cartographic anxiety that, rather than stimulating a subversive style of interacting with maps, requires the tourist to dwell in the map. The fourth section is a personal-narrative account of my experience as a tourist in the German capital during two short stays, in August 2007 and October 2009. It demonstrates how following Berlin maps routes in their intent to explain the evolution of the shape of the city can become an empowering experience. The kind of authoethnographic practice applied here corresponds to the personal experience narrative as defined by Butz and Besio (2009). The fifth section of the article presents an analysis drawn from a cinematic-cartographical interpretation of Wenderss Der Himmel ber Berlin [Wings of Desire] (1987) and Beatts The Invisible Frame (2009). During the research process, these movies helped me focus my attention on theoretical issues concerning the embodiment of maps. I conclude by arguing that Berlins peculiar need for cartography challenges both tourism imperatives and subversive revolts against them. The specific case of Berlin seems useful for highlighting the common tensions between representational and post-representational readings of tourist maps.

Tourism theory beyond the binaries

Present theoretical perspectives within tourism studies tend to emphasise an understanding of tourism as a lived experience, a situated practice, a corporeal encounter mediated less by representations and discourses than by action and sensory engagement (Crouch, 2002). Recent theorisation and research work affirm the primacy of the materiality and the consequent central role of the body as the mediator of tourists fluid and contingent relationships with their destinations (Obrador Pons, 2003). Tourism literature, however, avoids a resolute and simplistic opposition to representational thought. Considering the relevance of the corporeal and the sensuous does not mean totally rejecting the importance of images and meanings, socio-cultural and political frames, and ideology and knowledge, inescapably affecting the tourism experience. Non-representational, actionoriented perspectives, in fact, downplay the role of mental processes, language and vision and introduce instead new figures such as the body, emotions, spatial practice,

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

30

Tourist Studies 12(1)

interaction, performance, things, technology, but they do not deny the importance of representations; instead, they try to situate them in the flow of a broader process of knowledging including crucial pragmatic dimensions (Sderstrm, 2005: 14). The need for an integrated approach is strongly recognised in the field of tourism studies, in which there has been much criticism of representations. As Crouch (2009: 84) remarks, in fact, the power of structural context has persisted more strongly in tourism studies than in other arenas of cultural studies, such as cultural geography. In relatively radical ways, as recently discussed by Bianchi (2009), the critical/cultural turn in tourism studies has explored dominant discourses and the politics of representation. In so doing, tourism research has taken into account above all the power of the visual. The prevalent critical approach of the tourist gaze has, however, recently been overtaken, as the nonrepresentational re-adoption of the entire body as the sensing organism has produced a rethinking of visuality and a new attention to non-visual senses. Arguing for a new focus on multisensory tourist experiences, Edensor (2006) emphasises that the tourist gaze has been subject to much analysis, while other senses such as smell, tactility and hearing have received less attention. According to such an approach, investigating tourism practices does not (or not only) imply revealing the powerful strategies that forge tourists behaviour by means of dominant visual techniques. Edensor proposes combining awareness of the impact of image-culture in tourism with openness to its extremely fragmented, contextual, mundane actual experience. Practice-oriented accounts of tourism now integrate critical theorisation of images and systems of meaning with a grounded approach, thus considering embodied and performed, as well as visualised and textualised engagement with places and tourist activities (Coleman and Crang, 2002: 1). In their discussion of the sensory in tourism, Crouch and Desforges (2003), recalling the debate on the dramatic metaphor of performance as in Coleman and Crang (2002: 1011) and Crouch (2009: 90), recognise that tourists simultaneously follow constraining frameworks and work them, operating re-arrangements and re-configurations. To understand this active negotiation of the tourist protocols, they argue, a deep insight of embodied and experiential tourists encounters with places is required. More explicitly, they remark that the idea of the embodied does not turn away from the importance of contexts, of representations of events, activities or places, and the role of mediators in their construction. Instead it delivers these in new dimensions and perspectives (Crouch and Desforges, 2003: 11). In the same article, Crouch and Desforges recall the limited consideration of the sensuous engagement between bodies and spaces in the traditional critique of the tourist gaze. To get beyond the visual gaze, that is getting beyond the power of the visual, has become, indeed, an imperative of much tourism research. Following the sustained wave of work repositioning Urrys (1990) seminal tourist gaze metaphor beyond the visual, Everett (2009: 338), for example, has recently demonstrated the opportunities for a multisensory approach by reconsidering food within the tourism studies agenda. Despite the efforts to reconcile representational and non-representational styles in tourism research, the call to go beyond the visual mode of the gaze is actually very clear. In this perspective, however, it is worth suggesting that too static, abstract and disembodied an understanding of gaze implies a limited consideration of vision as detached from the materiality of both the observer and the observed space. Saying that tourism is more than viewing appears to be an insufficient assertion, because going beyond the visual to

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

31

the performance implies returning to the visual as performance. The problematisation of the dominance of passive and conventional visuality, as Franklin and Crang (2001) have noted, is not only a matter of emphasising the body within a multisensory, kinaesthetic and dynamic approach. They argue that it is necessary to reconsider the visual itself in terms of visual practice. Even when Urry expands the range of the sensuous mediators, going beyond the hegemony of visuality, and recognising that the predominance of the visual usurps the role of the entire body, he seems primarily interested in culturally patterned ways of sensing (1999: 35). The present non-representational approach, instead, attempts to re-theorise vision and visual body-expanding technologies as active and creative, contingent and fluid. Critical reflections on the tourist gaze and visual practices by Crang (1997 and 1999) have created a more complex conceptualisation of the visual in tourism studies. Establishing an open and dynamic understanding of tourism as practising and doing, he rejects a reduction of tourists to mere recipients of visual inputs arranged within the mediated world of an image-based society that is clearly reflected in the tourism market. Crangs works on popular tourist photography address topical issues such as the complexification of prescribed models of representation, situational interpretations of visual products and the performance of mobile and temporalised visual acts. The emphasis on observing and picturing practices, rather than on images and visual products, implies a consideration of vision as embodied. The redescription of tourism as a practice producing knowledge not necessarily in the form registered by a theoretical gaze (Crang, 1999: 244) thus operates within but not beyond the visual. In the next section I describe this debate with maps and mapping.

Tourist maps: visualising, practising, sensing

Traditionally, the power of the visual has been investigated by focusing on how it is wielded by means of techniques of representation considered and criticised as authoritative. Following this prevalent approach, imposed visual frames direct the gaze and regulate the experience of places. The new non-representational approach in tourism research has, instead, begun to question the role of visual mediators and visual mediating technologies in resonance with the concept of sensuous tourism. The visual experience of a body that approaches, perceives, and moves across a tourist site is often mediated by material objects. This is unequivocally the case of the tourism map, an irrefutable element of the tourists basic equipment. If visual studies often marginalise or even ignore maps and mapping (Dodge et al., 2009: 224), within tourism research the map has frequently been considered in discursive terms. The present focus on sensuous tourism seeks to identify visual technologies in experience practices, balancing and interweaving discursive and non-discursive interpretations (Crouch and Desforges, 2003: 1415). But cartography, among various technologies of viewing, seems to be more resistent to the non-representational challenge. The cited works by Crang, as well as other recent contributions targeting rethinking visual practice in the tourism experience (i.e. Scarles, 2009), deal primarily with photography. Cameras materially mediate the encounter between tourists-photographers and places, and photographs are the visual objects produced during this encounter. But photographs are also visual objects available to tourists through brochures, guides,

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

32

Tourist Studies 12(1)

promotional materials or informative panels. Maps apparently share only this second nature of photographs, as visual ready-made products. The map has been considered the typical object to direct the tourist gaze: a static, frozen and predetermined image-text detached from the space to be analysed in its symbolic and ideological content, often hidden behind an appearance of self-evidence. Further, mapping metaphors are often criticised in theoretical discussions of tourism. Cartography may be associated with an idea of the tourism space as a Euclidean grid around which self-present actors move, rather than a space where people and places are in process (Coleman and Crang, 2002: 11). Recalling the metaphorical dialectical tension between Map and Journey suggested by Crang (1994), Roberts (2010) in his study on the Liverpool waterfronts postmodern virtual panoramas, compares the map reader with the site-seer, that is a consumer of static semiotic inscriptions, with the sight-seer whose gaze is expanded by spatiotemporal engagement and embodied experience. Yet, I argue, the challenge for an understanding of tourism that considers tourist space, metaphorically speaking, as a type of fixed cartographically coordinated space (Coleman and Crang, 2002: 11) can be translated into a challenge to the traditional theorisation of maps. Overcoming the notion of tourist space as an inert field dominated by the familiar two-dimensional detachment of the gaze onto inscripted surfaces (Crouch, 2002: 209) can be performed in parallel with overcoming the conventional critical intepretation of maps as tools of spatial predictability. As Crang claims when referring to tourist photography, the visual needs understanding rather than denunciation (1999: 247). The same attitude now seems to have engendered new theoretical perspectives in map studies. Kitchin et al. (2009) provide a vivid account of the contemporary evolution of mapping theory, tracing the shift from representational to post-representational cartography. In the last two decades, they state, there has been a flourishing development of the debate on maps and mapping. Obviously, new mapping technologies, the emergence of a ubiquitous cartography (or real-time, in situ map production and use; see Gartner et al., 2007) and the democratisation of cartographic practice (Crampton, 2009) have played a crucial role in this reconceptualisation. After the long predominance of the so-called critical cartography, whose primary purpose was to deconstruct the politics of representations and the power of maps, the debate has been enriched by innovative theorisation, including the post-representational approach. The latter is embraced by Kitchin (2010) together with Martin Dodge (Kitchin and Dodge, 2007), who look at maps as engendered through practices and continually re-made every time someone engages with them. Maps are performed, experienced and manipulated in their meanings, as well in their concrete material consistency. Focusing on mapping as embodied and performative, Perkins (2009) argues that all mapping can be seen as proceeding from action, rather than being grounded in power. Significantly, within these new orientations in map studies, the early movement of tourist map theory in this direction has been clearly recognised (Kitchin, 2010; Perkins, 2009). The turn toward practice is, indeed, well established in tourist map theory. Hanna and Del Casino (2003) have highlighted the limitations of the critical, deconstructive reading of tourist maps as representations that rigidly construct tourist spaces, serving powerful interests. They suggest focusing instead on resistance to hegemonic readings,

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

33

intertextuality, individual bodily practices, and performative actions. Elsewhere (Del Casino and Hanna, 2006), the authors clarify their position: to challenge the presumptions of critical cartography is not simply to move toward a non-representational theory of maps and mapping. They suggest a definition of maps as representational practices, searching for open research strategies that can go beyond the binaries of representation/ practice, production/consumption, authoring/reading, sociality/corporeality and power/ resistance. They find that the original formulation of non-representational theory tends to view maps as merely textual and not spatial objects. They contest the reduction of visual representations to something desensoryised and detatched from space. Accordingly, they introduce the concept of map space to affirm the theoretical impossibility of disentangling maps as visual representations of space from their practical and mobile spatial performance: maps mediate peoples experience of space as spaces mediate peoples experience of maps.

Flirting with Berlin: cartographic anxiety

Then we take Berlin; echoing a popular song by Leonard Cohen, soon after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Cosgrove (1990) prefigured the reconstruction of the future German capital as a critical case for the understanding of postmodern urban landscape from different theoretical positions, alternately grounded in a sense of the dominance or the contestability of cultural representations. Berlin is frequently considered a key city where the spectacular society can be seen functioning. Very often, the image framed and sold by city promoters to the local and external audience has been strongly criticised by scholars studying the transformation of the former divided city into the New Berlin. Ward (2004) refers to post-Wall Berlin as a virtual stage managed by promoters and developers, a city obsessed by its self-image, where the process of rebuilding has been subject to an over-production of images. Focusing on televisual Berlin images, such as digitised views, online 360 panoramic perspectives, city-marketing websites functioning as tourism portals and city information sources, Ward sees the German capital as affected by a specific kind of virtual topophilia that makes it a real image-city (Ward, 2004: 250). The critique of the self-referential, speculative re-shaping of the city is directed primarily against urban promotional images: representationally speaking, she says, virtual Berlin has entered toy-land (2004: 248). Tourist performances in the German capital are frequently conceived as highly normative. Allen has addressed the privatised public space of the Sony Centre in Potsdamer Platz as a typical example of ambient power, a form of power that works not by means of well marked signs of surveillance, but through a more subtle exercise of seduction. According to Allen, the experience of the spaces phenomenological qualities becomes itself an expression of power. Here seduction is clearly intended as the logic of dominance that shapes the visitors-consumers, enticing them to circulate and interact in ways that they might not otherwise have chosen (Allen, 2006: 441). Berlin is a leading destination in that type of borderlands tourism where the borderline itself functions as the object of tourist attention (Timothy, 2001: 42, 4748). The Wall was one of Berlins major attractions even before its fall, but since 1989/1990, despite its almost complete material removal from the city, the tourist appeal of its

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

34

Tourist Studies 12(1)

surviving relics has increased enormously. Although the memorialisation of the most famous and paradoxically absent landmark of the city remains a contested issue (Saunders, 2009), the permanent marking of the Walls course in the city centre by means of a variety of forms including stone setts, metal strips embedded in the road surface, or painted red lines, adopted since 1996, was an important step. This marking, as Light (2000: 164) observes, effectively directs the Wall-tourist gaze, offering a ready-made self-guided trail along its former course or being reproduced on trail guides along the Walls route. Tourists following this (border)line, therefore, are typically considered mere performers of superimposed paths and normed patterns. The criticism of powerful strategies of city marketing and mass tourism in Berlin, however, seems to reduce the complexity of mundane urban practices. Latham (2006) suggests that Anglophone studies might pay greater attention to the plurality of narratives that lie outside of or even challenge the main orientation of the city towards neoliberal and market-oriented urban policies. This attitude enables him and his colleague McCormack (Latham and McCormack, 2009) to omit any consideration of the politics of representation in Berlin whilst using the city as a pedagogical laboratory in which to explore how photographic practice can participate in the non-representational style of envisioning everyday spaces. In her examination of the urban memorial landscape in Berlin, Till (2005) focuses on the politics of memory and the official discourse of memorials. Her ethnographic method, however, creates a perspective in which memorials meaning is always reinterpreted and even contested by locals and tourists who materially experience these places of memory. Till (2003) has also provided an interesting intepretation of the politics of mapping and memory in Berlin, discussing bodily practices of touring the urban renewal sites of the New Berlin. Since 1996, within the publicprivate initiative Schaustelle Berlin, the new buildings under construction have been promoted as a visitor attraction for the city residents. The maps of Berlin reconstruction used during these tours are critically analysed by Till as vehicles of place marketers symbolic economic strategies. Till also examines the bodily and narrative experience of entering the buildings under construction, and states that tourism cannot be simply understood through a reading of symbols, such as maps, because these symbols cannot be separated out from the material spaces of tourism (2003: 61). However, she finally tends to place the local tourists under a representational point of view, saying that the tourist can only participate in the construction of the renewed city through spaces of representation controlled from above: the representational spaces of Schaustelle included the bodily performances of locals who also became symbols of The New Berlin (2003: 75). Recent studies about memorial and border tourism propose a more creative role for tourists. Dekels (2009) ethnographic fieldwork at the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin explores the opportunities for an active self-interpretation of the places meanings on the basis of tourists corporeal engagement with the sites materiality. For border tourism, Nesbitt and Tolya-Kellys (2009) work on the embodied archaeologies of Hadrians Wall offers an original account of the linear monuments sensory experience. Faras (2011) then offers an interesting observation on Berlins tourist maps, remarking that maps are often considered mere symbolic representations irrelevant to the analysis of embodied tourist performances. Against this attitude, the author emphasises the generative and

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

35

transformative capacities of tourist maps through analysis of the spatial operations performed by a sample of Berlins maps included in guidebooks. In the present article I choose a flirtatious approach to the city, suggesting the existence of a positive seduction exercised by the German capital through its cartographic representation. Indeed, Berlin seems to exhibit a type of cartographic anxiety, a peculiar need to communicate its space by means of cartographic language. As the capital of five different historical Germanys (Till, 2005: 5), the ever-changing city par excellence, Berlin requires additional effort to be understood in its metamorphoses, and maps are the tools that enable us to read the time into space, as suggested by the German historian Karl Schlgel (2003). Cartographic anxiety is an expression that can be interpreted in different ways, as Painter (2006) argues: following Pickles interpretation of works by Derek and Krishna where the term first appeared drawing inspiration from the concept of Cartesian anxiety, cartographic anxiety might be associated with a dark cartographic desire that is inherent in the modern impulse towards systematicity, boundedness and totalisation. Reflecting on love for maps (cartophilia), however, Painter says that what we need are practices of mapping that lead away from totalisation and open up understandings of place alive to the possibilities of flow, connectivity and transgression (2006: 347). The concept of cartographic impulse, for example, has been used by Roberts (2010: 66) in connection to the ways in which the banal spectacle of the Liverpool waterfronts virtual panoramas aspires to restore legibility to the fragmented post-industrial city that is functional to its branding under the logic of the culture-capital rhetoric. It is worth noting, in contrast, that the expression mapping impulse was used in a less iconophobic way by Alpers (1983: 119168) to introduce the concept of the close mapping-picture relationship in 17th-century Dutch art and visual culture. For the specific purpose of my research, I use the term to describe a type of cartographic sensibility, an attitude towards cartography that stimulates a flirtatious (Crouch, 2010) encounter with the city. Berlins cartographic anxiety is here understood as similar to Crouchs disruption of the concept of seduction in tourism. Contesting the exasperation with tourisms power of seduction, in order to reveal the subjective and embodied content of tourist practices, within which places are lived, played, given anxiety, encountered, he prefers to talk about a seductive encounter, where the tourist flirts with space and where space is performed rather than merely arrived at as the product of seduction by others (Crouch, 2005: 2324). My experience as a tourist in Berlin suggested to me a way of looking at Berlin and its urban landscape not as blocked in representations, but as a space of subjective seduction. Maps became not only products within which ideologies and marketing strategies were coded, but necessary tools for openly performing my encounter with the urban space. Thus, I am arguing that the peculiar context of Berlin, rather than stimulating a subversive style of using maps, requires one to dwell in the map. It is not a matter of freedom to explore the city space in contrast with the maps impositions. I suggest that following the maps routes in their intent to explain the evolution of the shape of the city becomes in itself an act of freedom. Berlin requires a cartographic competence of the city time-space formation to be approached; rather than to be evaded, the map is to be further developed. Moving through Berlins map space, tourists organise their knowledge and

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

36

Tourist Studies 12(1)

imagination about the city, acquiring a spatial competence that can make their encounter with the city simultaneously more lucid and enchanting. Even in this sense, we might think that [map] technologies become empowering instead of controlling (Perkins, 2009: 132). As we will see, Berlin cartographic production tends to make the tourists cognitive map of the city more incisive by means of a corporeal and practical engagement with the urban space. Current developments in studies on cognitive spatial representations suggest that cognitive maps might be thought of not as static mental spatial snapshots, but as spatially structured embodied action opportunities (Hommel and Klippel, 2006), since space is mentally organised by practical, multisensory and affective information. If we learn more about the urban space and the cityscape through embodied performances of maps, rather than by copying and consulting their frozen images in our brains, then Berlin actually attempts to seduce or, better, to flirt with us through its cartographic creative production. The following section presents an autoethnographical account of my experience as tourist and map practitioner in Berlin.

Dwelling in Berlins map spaces: A personal narrative account

I was attending my first academic semester as a researcher, with teaching activities at both the University of Padua and Ca Foscari in Venice, when my husband proposed that we spend our summer holidays on a tour around Germany. As he was a student of architecture, he had always wished to embark on a pilgrimage to the cradle of the modern style of architecture. I was too busy to make any contribution to the organisation of the journey. My husband planned everything himself. Through careful preparation, he built a dense and rigorous itinerary inspired by his cultural interests. In August 2007, our German tour took us to Mnchen, Weimar, Dessau, Berlin, Hamburg, Essen, Krefeld, Kln, Frankfurt, Darmstadt, Stuttgart and Ulm. We spent one week in Berlin, allocating all our time and energy to visiting exclusively those types of destinations that seemed significant from the viewpoint of an expert in architecture and design. Our visits included: the Prussian city shaped by the works of Karl Friedrich Schinkel at both the historical city centre and Potsdam; icons of modern architecture such as the industrial buildings by Peter Behrens or the Neue Nationalgalerie by Ludwig Mies van der Rohe; the BauhausArchiv; the Hansaviertel quarter; the Siedlungen by Bruno Taut and Hans Scharoun; the Unit dhabitation Typ Berlin by Le Corbusier; the residential buildings erected for the 1984s Internationale Bauausstellung Berlin (by Aldo Rossi, Vittorio Gregotti, Mario Botta, Oswald Mathias Ungers and Alvaro Siza); and the more recent starchitects creations for the New Berlin. During the journey, my role was confined to that of a mere, if passionate, subordinate fellow traveller. The itinerary had been manually plotted on a paper city plan edited by the Istituto Geografico De Agostini. At a first glance it appeared to me as a synchronic and indifferent route traced on a homogeneous, apathetic map space (Figure 1). I knew almost nothing of the city and its structure. I found myself following the preordered routes of a sophisticated, enthralling cultural tourism itinerary without playing

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

37

Figure 1. Architectural itinerary on Berlins city plan.

Figure 2. Consulting maps at the hotel room.

an active role. Our tour had resulted from a personal, creative travel project, but paradoxically I was acting as a classic unconscious mass-tourist. We moved through the city by car, with the aid of the navigator, and on foot, with the aid of our Italian paper map. We never lost eye-contact with the cityscape, while the cartographical reconstitution of the urban space was always following us. The city plan was a constant presence, even in our hotel room. When preparing the photographic content of this personal narration I found very symptomatic the fact that I took the picture in Figure 2 spontaneously, with no autoethnographical research purpose. My husband was my safe guide. I travelled through the city plan absent-mindedly moving across its surface. I was living a superficial encounter with the city. As the days passed, however, something changed. Gradually, I began to feel a need for cartography. It seemed as if the city itself, certainly through its institutional or economic actors, but also through its material consistency, was asking to be understood by means of

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

38

Tourist Studies 12(1)

Figure 3. Erratic cartographies.

Figure 4. Berlins 3D city map (courtesy of Edition Panorama Berlin).

cartographic representations. Walking through Berlin I noted the ubiquitous presence of maps. Erratic cartographies could be found along the streets, on temporary fences or buildings under construction (Figure 3). I began to feel surrounded by maps. At Berlins info-points and bookshops many good cartographic materials were available. As I began to perceive a pervasive cartographic insistence, I began buying maps. Berlins cartographies appeared to me very attractive and alluring. Many of those maps provided three-dimensional (3D) visualisation of the cityscape. The 3D city map by the publisher Panorama Berlin (Figure 4) gradually replaced our Italian city plan. It was apparently less serious than our Italian city plan, but its effectiveness in visualising the urban space engaged us. This iconic map, although

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

39

Figure 5. At the Panorama Punkt in Potsdamerplatz.

less sophisticated than a 3D digital device, allowed us to explore the city through street-level imagery. Berlins maps intended not only make the cityscape more vivid. Some of them showed the chronological layers of the urban landscape. The coexistence of 3D and diachronical visualisations was well represented by the outstanding presence of aerial repeat photography on publications, brochures or information panels. I lived one of the most impressive viewing/cartographic experiences at the Panorama Punkt at the top of the Daimler Chrysler Building in Potsdamerplatz. The enjoyment of the oblique view in the open air was implemented by several informative devices displayed inside the building. Maps and huge photographic views allowed visitors to experience the transformations that had occurred at Potsdamerplatz. I felt as if I could physically enter the chronological frames of the ever-changing city (Figure 5). Another significant cartographic/viewing experience was an unplanned encounter with a scale model of the historical city centre. It was displayed and open to visitors to support the rebuilding of the Berliner Stadtschloss. My husband told me something about the animated debate about the Schloss rebuilding. I thought that, as a cultural geographer, I had to interpret the model as a typical political, persuasive cartography. Nevertheless, I immediately realised that the model was offering to me a decisive physical encounter with Berlins space. Walking around the model, I felt for the first time actually immersed in the city. My body was alive and well oriented. If the model was wielding a power, it was not related to the promotion of the rebuilding of the Schloss. Instead, the model had the overwhelming power to make me feel comfortable within the historical centre of Berlin (Figure 6). In Berlin I began to perceive a tension between a need for cartographic representation and the invitation to immerse myself in the urban landscape, but my departure left those impressions at the intuitive level. Back at home, reflecting on my experience in Berlin, I realised that our sophisticated architectural tour had almost completely excluded the most visited tourist attractions, in

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

40

Tourist Studies 12(1)

Figure 6. Experiencing the scale model.

particular the Wall remnants. On occasion, I continued visiting Berlin through paper maps and digital devices. Sometimes I found myself navigating the Berlin Senates website, which offers different interactive applications, explicitly inviting visitors to use them as a virtual guide from far away and before visiting these sites. Through the website you can navigate on a map showing you the former course of the Berlin Wall inside the current city. You can also visualise the Berlin Wall hiking and bike trail on a backdrop of aerial photos from 2004 or enter the Official Berlin 3-D City Model, a photorealistic model combining total vision with a sense of corporeal immersion. In general, I felt a greater need for deeper knowledge of the city. I read some essays devoted to Berlins urban history, and the maps bought in Berlin helped me to project onto space my growing knowledge. In 2009, as the celebrations of the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Wall were drawing near, I decided to embark on a new journey to Berlin. This time the initiative was entirely mine. I was the planner and my husband was my fellow traveller. We went to Berlin at the end of October and spent four days there. Before leaving I consulted many websites devoted to the celebrations of the event. I noted that the various initiatives were almost always communicated by cartographic language and that many of them combined cartography with corporeal involvement of visitors. One of the most important events during the theme year 2009 was the Perspectives project, a touring event, a mobile exhibition in different locations that marked Berlins development since 1989. The locations, spread all over the capital, were each highlighted with an arrow floating above them, and a red info-box in the form of stairs travelled from site to site around the city, performing the map of twenty years of a changing Berlin. I found particularly interesting the Mauer Mob project, which intended to form a human chain recreating the former border, and the sound map of the Berlin Wall project, which asked people to upload on a website recordings from streets, parks and open countryside along the Walls route. The main event of the anniversary, the domino gallery, had a clearly marked cartographic-corporeal dimension.

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

41

Figure 7. Diachronic and three-dimensional borderscapes on the Wall-map (courtesy of Edition Panorama Berlin).

During our second trip, we travelled by plane and moved across the city only on foot. My second encounter with Berlin was both more meditative and more vivid. My virtual travels on paper and digital cartographic materials augmented my sensation of being in touch with the material cityscape. Using the same maps by which I had gradually learned Berlins urban structure inside the real landscape made me feel physically and mentally comfortable. During this second trip, the sensation of being surrounded by a map was emphasised. Cartographic/viewing materials were displayed in greater numbers at bookshops and info-points. I bought a fascinating Wall-map published by Panorama Berlin (Figure 7). It is a perfect example that brings together the use of diachronic maps and the 3D experience of the cityscape. It compares a perspective view of the pre-Wende city map from 1986 with a perspective view of the actual city photo-plan from 2004, adding to both views a 3D CAD-simulation of the border zone. The oblique views of the cartographic materials are taken from both the East and West sides of the Wall. This map provides a virtual embodied experience of the past borderscape. It appeared to me as an interesting attempt to cartographically materialise the Wall. During my second journey I visited many conventional destinations around the city centre, but my tourist practice was paradoxically more original. A traditional, standard tour was replacing a more elitist, cultural itinerary, but my trivial routes were resituated on a personal mental map of the city. The cultural background that I had gradually built flirting with Berlins maps and cityscape did not impose upon me a predetermined, ideological representation of the city. Instead, it helped me to make my

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

42

Tourist Studies 12(1)

Figure 8. Tourist on the floormap at the Mrkisches Museum.

approach to the city more direct, free and spontaneous. The augmented cartographic competence even served to activate sensuous experiences. The performance of the familiar maps opened my attention to the atmospheric conditions (Berlin was immersed in a fascinating autumnal light!) and augmented my sensory appreciation of the cityscape. Many intimate memories and intellectual pleasures shared with my husband had been incorporated by the different maps. On contact with the concrete urban space, those maps were also acting as emotional agents. The trip included actual visits to the Mrkisches Museum (devoted to the historical evolution of the city and the nearby Brandenburg region) and of the German Historical Museum. I found very typical the fact that at the entrances of both these museums, visitors are welcomed by floor maps: a static printed map of the Berlin region in the Mrkisches Museum (Figure 8) and a digital dynamic map of the German borders through history in the German Historical Museum. While I was observing those maps, I found myself much more interested in the people and bodies interacting around those maps. I was in the typical place where maps bear cultural and political meanings, but my attention was primarily captured by those feet around and over the map. I took photographs of them, and it seemed to me that the gentle movement of those feet over the map was speaking of a flirtatious experience, rather than of a powerful seduction.

The angels gaze: Watching from above, sensing the ground

While I was focusing on the sensory elements of my tourist experience in Berlin, two movies helped me to reflect on the idea of embodied cartography. The interactions between maps and cinema are at the centre of the growing field of research devoted to cartographic cinema (Conley, 2007). The study of the role of mapping in cinema

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

43

(functions of maps in movies, film as maps), however, is not balanced by the investigation of the impact of cinema on the theory and practice of cartography, as Caquard and Taylor (2009) remark, using the expression cinematic cartography. During my research, the cartographic reading of two movies set in Berlin suggested to me several epistemological considerations on the corporeal experience of maps similar to a postrepresentational approach. Contributing to the Cartographic Journals recent thematic issue on cinematic cartography, Castro (2009) has argued that a mapping impulse manifests itself throughout film history, in connection with the sense of visual control expressed by cartographic shapes such as panoramas, atlases and aerial views. Moving from this perspective, in the following part of this section I use cinema to evoke a form of gentle cartographic anxiety. The first film to which I refer to is the most famous film shot in the pre-Wende city, Wenderss Der Himmel ber Berlin. I decided to watch the film again after my two visits to the German capital, searching for traces of Berlins cartographic anxiety. One of the main themes of the movie, indeed, is the orientation in the urban space. Wenders Berlin is a place where you cant lose your way because you always arrive at the Wall, but also where the character of Homer, who represents the historical memory of the city, wanders through the empty spaces of the frontier zone adjacent to the Wall, vainly searching for the vanished Potsdamerplatz (Figure 12). Only the angels, with their vertical vision, perfectly comprehend the structure of Berlin. Their timeless gaze from above is a perfect metaphor of the cartographic vision. During the Cold War period, tourists and residents in West Berlin aspired to the angels gaze, watching the other side of the city from elevated points of the city or the observation platforms along the Wall. East Berliners, on the other hand, from 1969, could watch the city from the television tower in Alexanderplatz. After the Wall fell, the cartographic imagery of Berlin suddenly changed. The normal cartographic vertical vision, functional to the tourist practice of watching the divided city from above, was replaced by the material, sensory experience of crossing the border at ground level. In Wenders film, the angel finally falls to earth, claiming that genuine watching is not watching from above, but watching at the eye-level. For the first time he can see in colour, smell, touch and even taste the city. Viewed in terms of an epistemological journey, the film is a penetrating investigation into the attempts to leave behind a specular realm in which seeing is the dominant mode and to enter a world determined by the interaction of the senses (Oksiloff, 1996: 32). The shift from a vertical, disembodied optical regime to a synaesthetic state of perception is also well represented by the comparison of the original title with the English version, because the plunge to earth upon the Wings of Desire corresponds to a shift from an ethereal spectatorship to the engagement of material bodies with heterogeneous sensory faculties (Oksiloff, 1996: 32). It is worth remembering, however, that even if the angel becomes a human being, its angelic cartographic competence survives. As soon as he experiences the first sensuous encounter with the urban space, some children ask him the way to Akazienstrasse. He answers mechanically, as a speaking map. Thus, the angel is able to overcome the famous opposition between map/looking and tours/walking as two different conceptions of space argued by De Certeau, in the same way that contemporary digital cartographic devices are able to combine the God-like perspective and the feeling of physical presence (see Lammes, 2009; Jensen, 2010).

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

44

Tourist Studies 12(1)

Similar to the angels fall, when the Berlin Wall was removed, visitors and residents of both sides of the city came into touch with the former divided urban space, physically passing through the death strip between the two walls. However, beyond Wall-tourism, in both East and West Berlin, it was the entire city, affected by an eager renovation, that opened itself to the tourist practice. The transformation of the divided city into the capital of the reunified German state led to abundant production of cartography-based materials visualising and explaining the past, present and future Berlin to both residents and visitors. The vision from above was re-established, with the arrangement of observation deck views, such as the Panorama Punkt in Potsdamerplatz, and various observation facilities, such as the platform of the memorial of the Wall in Bernauer Strasse, from which the visitor can see a 50-metre section of the wall (restored in 1998), or the observation towers contained in the death strip, now repurposed for tourism. Significantly, the editorial genre of aerial repeat photography has grown, invading libraries, info-points and museum bookshops (see, for example, Laubner and Schneider, 2008). Thus, years after the destruction of the Wall, tourists and residents are invited once again to watch the urban space from above. The normal vertical cartographic vision, however, now appears integrated by a range of tools implying a corporeal interaction with the real and the virtual urban space. Maps, as well as hybrid images where figurative and cartographic languages are mixed or overlap, provide an embodiment that is not organic but technologically mediated (Propen, 2009: 123). In Berlin the tourist is also often invited to bodily experience and perform city maps. Visitors are constantly encouraged to walk or bike the Wall, performing the traditional paper map or using multimedia portable guides. Because of interactions between the so-called mobilities turn and non-representational research, embodied practices such as city walking (Middleton, 2011) or city cycling (Spinney, 2009) have gained broad attention within academic and policy agendas, with Berlin clearly reflecting this trend through the extensive production of walking and biking tour maps. However, the biking tour, as well as the walking tour, are significantly not just a recent trend in Berlin. After my second trip, I incidentally read in a magazine about the film The Invisible Frame (2009), by the British director (based in Berlin since the 1970s) Cynthia Beatt. I watched the film and found it illuminating in relation to my research. The Invisible Frame can be interpreted as a cinematic performance of the Wall map. In 1988 Cynthia Beatt directed Cycling the Frame, where the protagonist, a very young Tilda Swinton, was filmed while following by bicycle the route of the Wall from the west side of the city (Figure 9). In June 2009 Beatt shot a new film where Swinton once again rides the border line (Figure 10). The itinerary is precisely projected on a map displayed on the films website. Passing through the varied landscapes on both sides of the former border, Swinton often loses her sense of direction, constantly trying to find guidance from a Wall-map (Figure 11). While performing the map, her mind and her body wander in unexpected intellectual, emotional and sensory territories. Her encounter with the borderscape is very fluid, and the tangible pleasure of the motion through the open space, including tactile sensations and dense soundscapes, is vividly communicated to the audience. Swintons inner monologues avoid a rigid pattern of thought; the absence of a determined orientation allows moments of authentic freedom (Ramlow, 2009). The moving images of this film-journey give the map a truly emotional life (Craine and Aiken, 2009). The filmspace, resulting from the translation of the map into the concrete landscape, deeply impacts the embodied affect of the viewer

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

45

Figures 911. On the top: observation tower near the Wall in a scene of the film Cycling the Frame (1988); at the centre and below: scenes from the film The Invisible Frame (2009): Tilda Swinton biking the former route of the Wall and finding guidance from a Wall-map. (Courtesy of Filmgalerie 451.)

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

46

Tourist Studies 12(1)

in a tactile dialogue (Craine and Aiken, 2009: 160) with the cinematic images. Although attention is focused on a subjective opening of the map space, however, the film suggests a dense form of inhabiting the map. The protagonists physical and mental itinerary adheres to the line on the map, which guides and inspires a personal, bodily experienced reflection on residents and visitors perception of the former divided city.

Conclusion: Be informed, be oriented, be Berlin

Taking for granted, as Edensor (2000: 137) reminds us, that the relatively regulated nature of cities impacts upon modes of walking through cities but cannot determine them, from a representational perspective Berlin would prove to be a highly regulated urban space that fails to stimulate improvisional understandings. From this perspective, the imperative to walk the Wall (typical of many other tourist imperatives) is likely to be understood as a regime of spatial ordering superimposed on tourists bodies moving through the city. However, mediatised images and spectacular reality the images mediated by the map, the spectacle of the map do not determine the tourist experience. Tourists recall the map but feel the ground: the spectacle of the map must be responsible for its own practicability. In general, tourism map studies, inspired by nonrepresentational styles of research or experiments centred on active bodily experiences, often focus on resistance opportunities. Del Casino and Hanna talk about productive moments of resistance particularly through the emergence of constitutive spaces at/in the gaps and fissures of the mapping processes (2006: 41). Berlin has inspired significative experimental revolts against conventional tourist patterns. This is true of the project Abstract Tours, launched by Laura Ruggeri in 1997. The participants (residents or visitors) were invited to draw random lines and geometric figures on 1:10,000 scale maps of Berlin and asked to embark on abstract tours following as close as possible the linear routes they had traced over the map. The purpose was to mimic and consequently to expose and disclose the rigid abstraction inherent to spatial practices such as city planning, border making and city touring. Ruggeri (2001) contrasts this kind of geometric tourism (or anti-tourism) as the conventional touristic visual consumption of the Walls remnants. Nevertheless, I would argue, this anarchic experience is paradoxically similar to that of following the linear Wall route traced since 1996 on the pavement of the city. The line intersects a totally renewed urban space, it encounters obstacles and often intersects with those residual and banal spaces that Ruggeris project tends to explore. Further, the Walls traces on the city pavement, made to be physically felt, possess a disruptive value that rests not only upon their capacity to interrupt the walking rhythm of bodies (Edensor, 2010: 73), but above all in their capacity to stimulate a reflective attitude toward Berlins peculiar relationship with its various pasts. Berlin requires spatial competence and provides a wide range of high quality cartographic tools to empower tourists. In my experience, Berlin seems to show that feeling comfortable with a place, by means of spatial/cartographic competence, should not necessarily be criticised as synonymous with an unthinking performance piloted by tourist management. Tourism is also a matter of skills and capacities (see Crouch and Desforges, 2003: 17), and the tourism map is a resource that can prevent the failure and frustration that often occur during the touring experience. Maps, considered as

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

47

Figures 1213. On the left: Homer, the character of Wenders Wings of Desire conforted by an angel while wandering in the disorienting space of the Wall zone; on the right: advertisement for multimedia portable guides through a spatial transformation of the Be Berlin campaign.

prescriptive, are often associated with planned and consequently relaxing tourist practices, considering spontaneous improvisation a source of confusion and discomfort (Edensor, 2007). The case of Berlin, however, suggests that a conscious understanding of the shape and layers of the city through maps can produce both comfort and creative awareness. This case study seems to suggest that, tourists can in general engage in a more self-reflective, conscious and definetively free encounter with the city through, not beyond, the map. When cartographic competence is achieved, the gaze can be mobile and active. Far from imposing a robotic, rigid sets of behaviours, the interiorisation and incorporation of the shape of a place can ensure those types of relaxation and stability essential to creating new possibilities in the tourism experience. From this

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

48

Tourist Studies 12(1)

viewpoint, new cartographic devices that implement actual and virtual embodiment of maps play a crucial role. In this sense, and to conclude, I find emblematic one of the multiple variations of the famous Be Berlin advertising campaign launched by the citys Senate in early 2008. The three-part be phrase used in the campaign, significantly, has been reinterpreted into a spatial dimension to promote multimedia portable guides of the city (Figure 13). This advertisement seems to suggest how the achievement of cartographic competence has come to play a basic role within the specific context of Berlin, where the diachronic transformation of the built environment is consubstantial to the cultural identity and the everyday perception of the city. Berlin, indeed, is still a place where you can lose yourself, like Wenders Homer searching for the old Potsdamerplatz in the waste spaces of the Wall zone (Figure 12). The difference is that now the city advises Homer, as well as inhabitants and visitors, telling them: Be informed, be oriented, (in order to) be Berlin. Acknowledgements
An earlier version of this article was presented at the IGU Conference Tourist cultures: spatialities, mobilities, corporealities, Sion, Switzerland, 2223 June 2010. I am grateful to the participants at the session and especially to Mike Crang for his suggestions. I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their insighful comments, Fiona Dalziel for the English language review and Stefano Milan for inspiring my encounters with Berlin.

References
Allen, J. (2006) Ambient Power: Berlins Potsdamer Platz and the Seductive Logic of Public Spaces, Urban Studies 43(2): 44155. Alpers, S. (1983) The Art of Describing. Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Bianchi, R. V. (2009) The Critical Turn in Tourism Studies: A Radical Critique, Tourism Geographies 11(4): 484504. Butz, D. and K. Besio (2009) Autoethnography, Geography Compass 3(5): 166074. Caquard, S. and D. R. Fraser Taylor (2009) Editorial. What is Cinematic Cartography?, Cartographic Journal 46(1): 58. Castro, T. (2009) Cinemas Mapping Impulse: Questioning Visual Culture, Cartographic Journal 46(1): 915. Coleman, S. and M. Crang (2002) Grounded Tourists, Travelling Theory, pp. 117 in S. Coleman and M. Crang (eds) Tourism. Between Place and Performance. Oxford: Berghahn. Conley, T. (2007) Cartographic Cinema. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Cosgrove, D. (1990) Then We Take Berlin: Cultural Geography 19891990, Progress in Human Geography 14(4): 56068. Craine, J. and S. C. Aitken (2009), The Emotional Life of Maps and Other Visual Geographies, pp. 14966 in M. Dodge, R. Kitchin and C. Perkins (eds) Rethinking Maps. New Frontiers in Cartographic Theory. London-New York: Routledge. Crampton, J. W. (2009) Cartography: Performative, Partecipatory, Political, Progress in Human Geography 33(6): 840848. Crang, M. (1994) On the Heritage Trail: Maps of and Journeys to Olde Englande, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 12(3): 34155.

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

49

Crang, M. (1997) Picturing Practices: Research Through the Tourist Gaze, Progress in Human Geography 21(3): 35973. Crang, M. (1999) Knowing, Tourism and Practices of Vision, pp. 23856 in D. Crouch (ed.) Leisure/Tourism Geographies. Practices and Geographical Knowledge. London and New York: Routledge. Crouch, D. (2002) Surrounded by Place: Embodied Encounters, pp. 20718 in S. Coleman and M. Crang (eds) Tourism. Between Place and Performance. Oxford: Berghahn. Crouch, D. (2005) Flirting With Space: Tourism Geographies as Sensuous/Expressive Practice, pp. 2335 in C. Cartier and A. A. Lew, Seductions of Place. Geographical Perspectives on Globalization and Touristed Landscapes. London and New York: Routledge. Crouch, D. (2009) The Diverse Dynamics of Cultural Studies and Tourism, pp. 8297 in T. Jamal and M. Robinson (eds) The Sage Handbook of Tourism Studies. London: Sage. Crouch, D. (2010) Flirting with Space. Journeys and Creativity. Farnham: Ashgate. Crouch, D. and L. Desforges (2003) The Sensuous in the Tourist Encouter. Introduction: the Power of the Body in Tourist Studies, Tourist Studies 3 (1): 522. Dekel, I. (2009) Ways of Looking: Observation and Transformation at the Holocaust Memorial, Berlin, Memory Studies 2(1): 7186. Del Casino, V. J. and S. Hanna (2006) Beyond The Binaries: A Methodological Intervention for Interrogating Maps as Representational Practices, ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies 4(1): 3456. Dodge, M., Perkins C. and Kitchin, R. (2009) Mapping Modes, Methods and Moments. A Manifesto for Map Studies, pp. 22043 in M. Dodge, R. Kitchin and C. Perkins (eds) Rethinking Maps. New Frontiers in Cartographic Theory. London and New York: Routledge. Edensor, T. (2000) Moving Through the City, pp. 12140 in D. Bell and A. Haddour (eds) City Visions. Harlow: Pearson. Edensor, T. (2006) Sensing Tourist Spaces, pp. 2345 in C. Minca and T. Oakes (eds) Travels in Paradox. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Edensor, T. (2007) Mundane Mobilities, Performances and Spaces of Tourism, Social and Cultural Geography 8(2): 199215. Edensor, T. (2010) Walking in Rhythms: Place, Regulation, Style and the Flow of Experience, Visual Studies 25(1): 6979. Everett, S. (2009) Beyond the Visual Gaze? The Pursuit of an Embodied Experience through Food Tourism, Tourist Studies 8(3): 33758. Faras, I. (2011) Tourist Maps as Diagrams of Destination Space, Space and Culture 14(4): 398414. Franklin, A. and M. Crang (2001) The Trouble with Tourism and Travel Theory, Tourist Studies 1(1): 522. Gartner, G., Bennett, D. A. and T. Morita (2007) Towards Ubiquitous Cartography, Cartography and Geographic Information Science 34(4): 24757. Hanna, S. P. and V. J. Del Casino (2003) Introduction: Tourism Spaces, Mapped Representations, and the Practices of Identity, pp. IXXXVII in S. P. Hanna and V. J. Del Casino (eds) Mapping Tourism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Hommel, B. and A. Klippel (2007) Embodying Spatial Maps, in H. Schultheis, T. Barkowsky, B. Kuipers and B. Hommel (eds) AAAI Spring Symposium 2007 on Control Mechanisms for Spatial Knowledge Processing in Cognitive/Intelligent Systems. American Association for Artificial Intelligence Press. Jensen, J. L. (2010) Augmentation of Space: Four Dimensions of Spatial Experience of Google Earth, Space and Culture 13(1): 12133.

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

50

Tourist Studies 12(1)

Kitchin, R. (2010) Post-Representational Cartography, Lo Squaderno. Explorations in Space and Society 15: 712. Kitchin, R. and M. Dodge (2007) Rethinking Maps, Progress in Human Geography 31(3): 33144. Kitchin, R., Perkins C. and M. Dodge (2009) Thinking About Maps, pp. 125 in M. Dodge, R. Kitchin and C. Perkins (eds) Rethinking Maps. New Frontiers in Cartographic Theory. London and New York: Routledge. Lammes, S. (2009) Terra Incognita. Computer Games, Cartography and Spatial Stories, pp. 22335 in M. van den Boomen, S. Lammes, A.-S. Lehmann, J. Raessens and M. T. Schfer (eds) Digital Material. Tracing New Media in Everyday Life and Technology. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Latham, A. (2006) Anglophone Urban Studies and the European City: some Comments on Interpreting Berlin, European Urban and Regional Studies 13(1): 8892. Latham, A. and D. P. McCormack (2009) Thinking With Images in Non-Representational Cities: Vignettes from Berlin, Area 41(3): 25262. Laubner, D. and R. Schneider (2008) Berlin. Luftaufnahmen damals und heute/Aerial Views Then and Now. Berlin: Nicolai. Light, D. (2000) Gazing on Communism: Heritage Tourism and post-Communist Identities in Germany, Hungary and Romania, Tourism Geographies 2(2): 15776. Middleton, J. (2011) Walking in the City: The Geographies of Everyday Pedestrian Practices, Geography Compass 5(2): 90105. Nesbitt, C. and D. Tolya-Kelly (2009) Hadrians Wall. Embodied Archaeologies of the Linear Monument, Journal of Social Archaeology 9(3): 36890. Obrador Pons, P. (2003) Being-on-Holiday. Tourist Dwelling, Bodies and Place, Tourist Studies 3(1): 4766. Oksiloff A. (1996) Eden is Burning: Wim Wenderss Techniques of Synaesthesia, German Quarterly 69(1): 3247. Painter, J. (2006) Cartophilias and Cartoneuroses, Area 38(3): 34547. Perkins, C. (2009) Performative and Embodied Mapping, pp. 12632 in R. Kitchin and N. Thrift (eds) International Encyclopedia of Human Geography. Oxford: Elsevier. Propen, A. D. (2009) Cartographic Representation and the Construction of Lived Worlds. Understanding Cartographic Practice as Embodied Knowledge, pp. 11430 in M. Dodge, R. Kitchin and C. Perkins (eds) Rethinking Maps. New Frontiers in Cartographic Theory. London and New York: Routledge. Ramlow, A. (2009) Das Entschwundene im Gegenwrtigen Eine assoziaitive Kreisbewegung mit freiem Blick Cynthia Beatts The Invisible Frame. RevolutionundEinheit.de. Medienmonitor und Magazine. Available at www.friedlicherevolution.de (accessed 8 November 2009). Roberts, L. (2010) Dis/embedded Geographies of Film: Virtual Panoramas and the Touristic Consumption of Liverpool Waterfront, Space and Culture 13(1): 5474. Ruggeri, L. (2001) Abstract Tours Operator, Architectural Design 71(3): 5255. Saunders, A. (2009) Remembering Cold War Division: Wall Remnants and Border Monuments in Berlin, Journal of Contemporary European Studies 17(1): 919. Scarles, C. (2009), Becoming Tourist: Renegotiating the Visual in the Tourist Experience, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 27: 46588. Schlgel, K. (2003) Im Raume lesen wir die Zeit. ber Zivilisationsgeschichte und Geopolitik. Mnchen: Carl Hanser Verlag. Sderstrm, O. (2005) Representation, pp. 1115 in D. Atkinson, P. Jackson, D. Sibley and N. Washbourne (eds) Cultural Geography. A Critical Dictionary of Key Concepts. LondonNewYork: Tauris.

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014

Rossetto

51

Spinney, J. (2009) Cycling the City: Movement, Meaning and Method, Geography Compass 3(2): 817835. Till, K. E. (2003) Construction Sites and Showcases. Mapping The New Berlin through Tourism Practices, pp. 5178 in S. P. Hanna and V. J. Del Casino (eds) Mapping Tourism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Till, K. E. (2005) The New Berlin. Memory, Politics, Place. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Timothy, D. J. (2001) Tourism and Political Boundaries. London: Routledge. Urry, J. (1999) Sensing Leisure Spaces, pp. 3445 in D. Crouch (ed.) Leisure/Tourism Geographies. Practices and Geographical Knowledge. London and New York: Routledge. Ward, J. (2004) Berlin, the Virtual Global City, Journal of Visual Culture 3(2): 23956.

Films
Wim Wenders, Wings of Desire (1987) Cynthia Beatt, Cycling the Frame (1988) Cynthia Beatt, The Invisible Frame (2009)

Tania Rossetto is Researcher and Lecturer in Cultural Geography at the University of Padua (Italy). She took part in several European Projects on landscape perception using visual methodologies. She is author of La laguna di Venezia: Idea e immagine (Cafoscarina, 2009). Her main research topics are geography and visual culture, iconology of landscape, and photography in geographical thought and practice. Address: Universit degli Studi di Padova, Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche, Geografiche e dellAntichit, Sezione di Geografia, via del Santo 26, 35123 Padova, Italy.

Downloaded from tou.sagepub.com at NATIONAL UNIV SINGAPORE on April 1, 2014