Gender Dan Durasi Tidur

P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s C e n t e r
R e s e a r c h R e p o r t
S a r a h A . B u r g a r d , J e n n i f e r A . A i l s h i r e , a n d N . Mi c h e l l e H u g h e s
G e n d e r a n d S l e e p D u r a t i o n a mo n g A me r i c a n A d u l t s
R e p o r t 0 9 6 9 3
R e v i s e d J u n e 2 0 1 0
P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s C e n t e r
U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i g a n I n s t i t u t e f o r S o c i a l R e s e a r c h
Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

University of Michigan
Sarah A. Burgard
University of Southern California
Jennifer A. Ailshire
N. Michelle Hughes
University of Michigan
Population Studies Center Research Report 09-693

Revised June 2010
A version of this article was presented at the ISA Research Committee 28 Meeting in August 2008. This study was supported by core funding from Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development grant R24 HD041028 and National Institute on Aging grant P30 AG012846-14 to the Population Studies Center, University of Michigan. We would like to thank Patricia Chen, Shirley Chen, and Rachael Pierotti for excellent research assistance and Renee Anspach, Jennifer Barber, David Harding, Karin Martin, Pamela Smock, and Christopher Wildeman for helpful feedback. Address correspondence to Sarah Burgard, University of Michigan, Department of Sociology, 500 South State Street, Ann Arbor, MI 481091382 (e-mail: burgards@umich.edu).
ABSTRACT Sleep is a basic human need and takes up more time in a day than any other activity, but we know surprisingly little about how gender shapes sleep duration in the general population. Previous research shows that women sleep longer than men do, but also report lower sleep quality and greater fatigue. These seemingly contradictory findings from different disciplinary literatures can be unified by drawing on theoretical debates about gender and time use, and by placing sleep time in the context of social roles worker, spouse or partner, and parent and the gendered expectations for their fulfillment. Data from the nationally-representative 2003-2007American Time Use Surveys show that the overall gender gap in sleep duration favors women, but varies with work and family responsibilities, and because of this it changes over adulthood. Moreover, this study provides novel empirical evidence of womens greater likelihood of sleep interruption for caregiving work, particularly among parents of young children. The female advantage in sleep time is negligible in many comparisons made in this study, and is tempered by the greater burden of interrupted sleep that women face during the childbearing years and the larger male advantage in leisure time throughout midlife.
INTRODUCTION women tend to talk more intently about being overtired, sick, and emotionally drainedMany women could not tear away from the topic of sleep. They talked about how much they could get by on. They talked about how to avoid fully waking up when a child called them at night, and how to get back to sleep. These women talked about sleep the way a hungry person talks about food (Hochschild and Machung 2003:10). Observing dual income parents in the 1980s United States, Hochschild and Machung (2003) encountered acute gender differences in their subjects feelings about the adequacy of their sleep. If they exist, gender differences in sleep are important because they could have serious consequences; inadequate sleep has been linked to a greater risk for traffic accidents (National Highway Traffic Safety Administration 2006), increased health problems (Moore, Adler, Williams, and Jackson 2002; Tasali, Leproul, Ehrmann, and Van Cauter 2008) and heightened mortality risk (Ferrie, Shipley, Cappuccio, Brunner, Miller, Kumari, and Marmot 2007). Sleep is a basic human need, essential for survival and for general well-being and productivity, and it takes up more time in a day than any other single activity, but we know surprisingly little about how gender shapes sleep duration. Studying the social determinants of sleep provides a new way to examine theories about gender inequality as well as a novel manifestation of gender stratification that could contribute more broadly to differences in status attainment and wellbeing. Sociologists have much to add to what is currently a largely biomedical literature that examines sleep as a health risk factor, by exploring how gender stratification in day to day responsibilities as parents, workers, and spouses shapes access to adequate sleep (Patel 2007). Social scientists have extensively documented stratification in social opportunity structures and their consequences, focusing primarily on the gender division of labor (Bittman, England, Sayer, Folbre, and Matheson 2003; Hook 2006) and differences in earnings (Budig and England 2001; Tomaskovic-Devey and Skaggs 2002) and career opportunities and advancement (Correll, Benard, and Paik 2007). Increasing attention has been directed toward the way that differences in time use are a cause and consequence of these gender gaps in productive activity and status attainment. In response to economic arguments that women and men rationally allocate time to fulfill necessary tasks, such as paid and unpaid work, some scholars of gender emphasize the additional influence of gendered time constraints (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer, and Robinson 2000) and practices of doing gender (South and Spitze 1994; West and Zimmerman 1987). They contend that gendered expectations and practices, rather than pure economic rationality, mean that women are burdened with a greater second shift of unpaid household work (Hochschild and Machung 2003), even though male partners contributions to tasks like childcare have risen in recent years (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer, and Robinson 2000; Sayer 2005). These additional responsibilities could limit career opportunities and reduce womens access to discretionary time. For example, recent evidence shows that gender differences in time use manifest in less or lower quality leisure time for women as compared to men (Bittman and Wajcman 2000; Mattingly and Bianchi 2003). Sociologists have thus examined factors that underlie and characterize gender
differences in attainment and in time use, but with only a handful of exceptions (e.g., Maume, Sebastian, and Bardo 2009; Venn, Arber, Meadows, and Hislop 2008; Williams 2005), they have all but ignored the time we spend in sleep as a site of inequality. Given the arguments and evidence for gender differences in paid and unpaid work responsibilities and leisure time, we might expect women to report less sleep than men, because like leisure, sleep also represents a somewhat discretionary use of time. However, the available evidence shows precisely the opposite women report more sleep time than men across most of the life course (e.g., Basner, Fomberstein, Razavi, Banks, William, Rosa, and Dinges 2007). How can women like those in Hochschilds study report such a hunger for sleep when biomedical research suggests that they sleep more than their male counterparts? In this study we examine whether prior studies of sleep time have been limited by an essentialist approach in comparing all men with all women. These studies have paid insufficient attention to the distribution of key social roles worker, spouse or cohabiting partner, and parent and in the time men and women spend fulfilling these gendered roles responsibilities at different points in the life course. For example, time use data shows that the waking activity that competes most with sleep time is paid work (Basner et al. 2007), suggesting that men may trade off against sleep more than women do in midlife because on average, they spend more hours working for pay. However, women who work for pay face these same restrictions on their sleep time, but may also need to fit in more unpaid family care work and household duties. Assessments of the gender gap in sleep might benefit from more careful comparisons of men and women who have the same roles but still face potentially different time constraints due to gendered expectations. Moreover, prior studies of sleep time generally have not considered how it may be influenced by mid-sleep interruptions for caregiving, which are differentially borne by men and women and by people with different combinations of work and family roles. A handful of qualitative studies by sociologists provide a crucial piece to the gender sleep puzzle, recognizing that women are much more likely to serve the physical and emotional needs of household members during the night (e.g., Hislop and Arber 2003; Venn, Arber, Meadows, and Hislop 2008). Thus, parenthood and other caregiving responsibilities may differently influence the sleep time and quality of men and women, even if they have similar levels of investment in paid work, for example. In this study we compare sleep durations of men and women who have similar role responsibilities, as well as taking account of their unpaid household and caregiving work during the waking hours, and accounting for sleep interruptions for caregiving. Our novel comparisons reveal a nuanced patterning of gendered sleep experiences and variation in the gender sleep gap at different points in the life course and for people with different sets of roles. We use data from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS), a very large, nationallyrepresentative sample of time diaries collected from 2003 to 2007. This unique sample covers men and women over the working years and allows us to contextualize sleep duration with regard to other major uses of time. These data allow for several important innovations: we can use detailed diary-based measures of sleep time and sleep interruptions, rather than relying on the less specific self reports of average hours of sleep or general sleep quality that have been used in prior studies. We also provide a novel and representative empirical picture of whose sleep is interrupted to provide care for other household members, and examine how this
responsibility maps onto gendered patterns of role configurations and sleep duration over the life course. Finally, we illustrate the magnitude of gender differences in sleep duration by comparing them to differences in leisure time. This study thus adds to our understanding of sleep patterns among American adults and also offers fresh conceptual terrain to examine ongoing theoretical debates about gender and time use. BACKGROUND AND SIGNIFICANCE Previous Research on Gender and Sleep Parsons (1951: 396) noted that while sleep has biological underpinnings, it is strongly shaped by social interaction and social context. Moreover, he argued that sleep is a necessary release from the tensions inherent in social interaction, so social disparities in access to adequate sleep are problematic for individuals and for societal functioning. Nonetheless, most existing research has examined sex as an individual risk factor for non-optimal sleep, and has not comprehensively examined the way that gendered expectations and behaviors may shape socially-patterned differences in sleep duration. Biomedical studies have shown that women overall report longer average sleep times throughout most of adulthood (Burazeri, Gofine, and Kark 2003; Gale and Martyn 1998; but see Tamakoshi and Ohno 2004), and the few social scientific studies using large, population-based samples also show that women spend more time sleeping than men, based on self reported sleep durations (Krueger and Friedman 2009), time diary data (Basner et al. 2007; Chatzitheochari and Arber 2009; Hale 2005; Robinson and Godbey 1997), and on measurements from wristwatch-like instruments with highly sensitive accelerometers to digitally record an integrated measure of gross motor activity, which is analyzed to identify sleep periods (Lauderdale, Knutson, Yan, Rathouz, Hulley, Sidney, and Liu 2006). Explanations for sex differences in sleep duration in these studies focus on differences between men and women in physiological characteristics, physical and mental health conditions, and a few point toward differences in social roles and time use. Biomedical studies have discussed the physiological and hormonal characteristics that differ for men and women, or the greater prevalence among women of chronic health conditions linked to longer sleep (Chen, Kawachi, Subramanian, Acevedo-Garcia, and Lee 2005; Dzaja, Arber, Hislop, Kerkhofs, Kopp, Pollmcher, Polo-Kantola, Skene, Stenuit, Tobler, and Porkka-Heiskanen 2005). Drawing broad conclusions about the nature of gender differences in sleep time from these extant biomedical sleep studies is difficult, however, because most are based on small or non-representative samples (e.g., elderly adults, persons with depression, men only), and thus do not offer a view of men and women in the population overall or of those with different combinations of social roles. Moving beyond individualistic comparisons of men and women, social scientists have noted that differences in time spent fulfilling gendered social roles may also influence the sleep time gap. For example, using a large sample from the U.S. National Health Interview Study, Krueger and Friedman (2009) show that sleep time decreases as paid work hours increase, that parents sleep less than adults without children, and that married adults are more likely to sleep an optimal amount (7-8 hours) than to report excessively long or short sleep times. Such studies
suggest that gender differences in the likelihood of fulfilling the roles of worker, partner, and parent could help to explain sleep time differences between men and women. However, while these population-based studies have examined role characteristics, they have done so in an additive manner, examining parental status while controlling for employment status, for example. This additive approach is not optimal for understanding gender differences because it precludes comparison of women and men who have the same combinations of worker, partner, and parental roles. Moreover, prior studies have not addressed the possibility that men and women with the same social roles may devote different amounts of time to fulfilling their role responsibilities. This is a potential limitation because parental norms have been shifting toward more intensive caretaking, and much of the burden of this parenting intensification falls on women (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer, and Robinson 2000; Jacobs and Gerson 2004: 42), as discussed below. While sleep duration has been the focus of a great deal of research, more qualitative aspects of sleep have also been examined. A major finding is that while women sleep longer than men, their sleep quality is lower than mens. Psychological research on insomnia and related sleep disorders, which are more prevalent among women, argues that women have higher levels of depression and anxiety, affective disorders that are associated with poorer sleep quality (Piccinelli and Wilkinson 2000). However, poorer sleep quality among women persists even when sex differences in psychiatric morbidity are controlled (Lindberg, Janson, Gislason, Bjornsson, Hetta, and Boman 1997; Zhang and Wing 2006). The small number of social scientists studying sleep have also noted the greater prevalence of sleep disruption and poor sleep quality among women as compared to men (Arber, Bote, and Meadows 2009; Kutner, Bliwise, and Zhang 2004; Maume, Sebastian, and Bardo 2009), but have widened the range of explanations to include social factors. The most fundamental social influence on sleep quality when measured by uninterrupted sleep time appears to be the gendering of social roles. Women expect and are expected to take on the fourth shift of managing the emotional and practical needs of family members during the night (Venn, Arber, Meadows, and Hislop 2008). Hislop and Arber (2003) argue that being female within a family structure is associated with a loss of sleep rights. Their study using focus groups with 48 midlife English women contends that women do sleep in the way they do activities in their waking lives (Hislop and Arber 2003: 709). These midlife women felt and accepted their gendered responsibility to adapt to their husbands sleeping needs and to worry about children and ageing parents, leading to regular disruptions in their sleep. Another study based on interview data and audio diaries of 26 couples with children in the U.K. showed that women were more likely to rise in the middle of the night to do emotional and other care work for children and other family members (Venn, Arber, Meadows, and Hislop 2008). The authors argue that this gender difference in sleep behavior was based on womens adherence to the ethic of care, or their desire to fulfill their social roles as mother and spouse, and was also shaped by negotiations with husbands. A recent study of U.S. workers also found that women experienced significantly more sleep disruption than men (Maume, Sebastian, and Bardo 2009). About 45 percent of the gap was due to compositional differences between men and women in work and family roles and in
health, while 55 percent was attributed to gendered reactions to the work-family situations that men and women occupy. This study makes a substantial contribution to our understanding of how gender shapes sleep because it takes account of the multiple roles that make up the workfamily nexus, as well as the gendered expectations for time use within various role configurations of worker and parent. However, while the sample is larger than those in the qualitative studies in the U.K., it is still relatively small (N = 583) and is drawn from retail food workers in the Midwest, such that it may not represent the experiences of Americans more broadly. Additionally, Maume and colleagues (2009) sleep disruption index includes items that measure sleep quality (trouble falling and staying asleep) and fatigue during waking hours, in addition to sleep interrupted by another family member. This index leaves unclear what fraction of sleep interruption is due to responsibility for care work, and how this activity differentially affects men and women. This handful of qualitative sociological studies may help to explain the puzzle of longer sleep times but poorer sleep quality for women as compared to men. Interruptions could lessen the restorative aspects of sleep if they reduce time spent in deep (slow wave) sleep (Dzaja et al. 2005). If women are more likely to interrupt their sleep to provide care, they may report poorer sleep quality and more daytime fatigue. A greater sense of fatigue or the anticipation of nighttime duties may lead women to compensate by getting to bed somewhat earlier or rising later than their male counterparts, or to a greater propensity to nap when possible, leading to longer overall sleep times. However, the contribution of sleep interruptions to gender differences in sleep duration is unclear because no studies have examined the link between them in the adult population at large. Evidence that sleep interruptions are gendered also suggests that role characteristics and responsibilities probably influence sleep duration with varying intensity across groups and over the life course. Rising to provide nighttime care is probably most common when children are young, particularly during their infancy, or when a spouse or partner develops health problems later in life. Mothers who breastfeed may be particularly likely to face a disproportionate burden of nighttime awakenings in the infants first few months of life, but sleep interruptions may continue well beyond the average duration of breastfeeding among American women, with one estimate that 23 to 33% of one- to two-year old children still wake during the night (Ferber 1995). Such evidence suggests that the youngest family members may shape the gender sleep gap, but also implies that we may observe differences in the burden of interrupted sleep and its implications for sleep time that depend on partnership status. While still a burden, interrupted sleep may not be as detrimental for total sleep time or as inevitably linked to fatigue for women who can rely on a breadwinning partner and potentially can reduce their engagement in the paid labor force while childcare demands are high (Kendig and Bianchi 2008). Partnered mothers of young children may have greater latitude to sleep longer or to nap in response to onerous responsibilities for nighttime caregiving. In sum, while the extant sociological studies provide provocative evidence and suggest important mechanisms underlying womens longer overall sleep duration, previous sleep studies have been limited by small, non-representative samples, qualitative data, or a heavy focus on the experiences of women. They have been unable to explore possible variation in sleep time and
gender gaps therein across the adult life course, or to compare men and women with the same combinations of social roles. Moreover, many sleep studies by social scientists have not measured sleep interruption for caregiving. These constraints mean that we lack a comprehensive picture of how gender differences in sleep time are shaped by social role responsibilities and time use in those roles throughout both day and nighttime hours. Conceptual Framework: Sleep as Time Use Social scientific theories suggest that time use for sleep and waking activities is structured for the majority of men and women by the demands of work and family. After fulfilling the basic requirements of obtaining financial resources and accomplishing the tasks needed to keep a household functioning, individuals allocate time for personal care, including sleep, and for other discretionary uses of time. These basic constraints suggest that adults with more social roles will report less sleep time than those with fewer of these roles. Beyond this general proposition based on the inherent limitation of hours in the day, however, competing theoretical perspectives make different predictions about gender gaps in sleep time. One prominent perspective on time use suggests that mens and womens time allocations are based on rational calculations of available time and relative resources. The time availability/ specialization perspective proposes that increases in paid labor imply less time for unpaid work and discretionary time. According to economic arguments about household utility, gender differences in time use arise because men will more rationally engage in paid market work while women will specialize in unpaid household and care work (Becker [1981] 1991). American time use data shows that paid work has a stronger negative association with sleep time than does any other time use activity (Basner et al. 2007; Biddle and Hamermesh 1990), and paid work outside the home may be less compatible with finding time to sleep than unpaid work in the home, so the specialization perspective suggests that men should sleep less, to the extent that they do more paid work than women. However, major social, demographic, and macroeconomic changes in the United States over the past several decades have resulted in large increases in womens paid labor force participation at the same time that increases in divorce and shifts in marriage and cohabitation patterns have raised the prevalence of single parenting, which is concentrated among women. This means that more women are allocating considerable time to paid work as well as performing the bulk of childcare if they are parents. These changes suggest that we must move beyond simple comparisons and the image of the male breadwinner family that characterizes the time availability/ specialization model, and more carefully compare men and women who have the same employment and family roles (Bianchi, Robinson, and Milkie 2006). This modified time availability perspective suggests a first possibility: Hypothesis 1: Men and women with the same sets of roles (worker, partner, and parent) will have similar sleep durations. This first hypothesis implies that men and women with the same sets of roles will spend similar amounts of time fulfilling their role responsibilities, but some sociological arguments suggest that taking account of gender differences in the distribution of major social roles may be
insufficient to explain sex differences in time use. Because gendered norms and gender ideologies about responsibilities for household and care work are changing more slowly than is actual labor force participation of women, men and women may still allocate their unpaid and discretionary time differently even if they have the same employment and family characteristics (Bird and Fremont 1991). Regardless of their role responsibilities, gender theorists have argued that women face gendered time constraints and will spend more time than men on femaletyped tasks such as housework and childcare (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer, and Robinson 2000; Hochschild and Machung 2003). Some sociologists argue that gender asymmetry in housework tasks is maintained by practices and beliefs associated with doing gender, such that certain tasks like cooking, cleaning or caring for children are understood as womens work (West and Zimmerman 1987). Empirical research indicates that women do almost twice the amount of housework on a weekly basis as do men and that much of this work is cooking and cleaning, the kinds of tasks that must be done frequently (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer, and Robinson 2000: 206; Sayer 2005). In addition, studies have found that women on average do at least twice the amount of childcare as men (Aldous, Mulligan, and Bjarnason 1998; Robinson and Godbey 1997: 104; Sayer 2005). These findings suggest that rising from sleep to provide care may also be defined and practiced as a womans responsibility, and empirical studies based on very small and nonrepresentative samples have demonstrated that mothers rise more often than fathers to provide nighttime care to infants (Gay, Lee, and Lee 2004). By contrast, tasks that take fewer daytime hours over the course of a given week, such as cutting the grass, taking out the garbage or servicing the car, are understood as mens work and represent a lower potential cost to sleep time. These sociological arguments suggest the continued commitment of employed women to doing the second shift of household and care work (Hochschild and Machung 2003) and to taking on nighttime care work despite potential costs to their sleep, because these actions shape their identities as wives and mothers. Moreover, negotiated interactions between spouses define sleep rights and responsibilities in Hislop and Arbers terms (2003), and interactions between mothers and children may also reinforce gendered expectations about whose sleep can be sacrificed. Prior studies of waking time use have illustrated gendered patterns of discretionary time use and a rise in womens relative disadvantage as family responsibilities increase and the volume of necessary unpaid work rises (Bittman and Wajcman 2000; Miller and Brown 2005; Nomaguchi and Bianchi 2004). Men with more family responsibilities may have more discretionary time than women with the same responsibilities, even though men allocate more time to paid work than do women, and this pattern may characterize the nighttime as well as the daytime hours. This could mean that gender differences in sleep duration vary both across groups with different sets of family and workplace responsibilities, and within them, for men and women. Hypothesis 2: Gender differences in sleep time will vary across different combinations of social roles, and women with more roles will face a relatively greater sleep disadvantage compared to those with fewer roles.
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DATA AND METHODS Data We use the American Time Use Survey (ATUS), a representative sample of the noninstitutionalized population aged 15 and older that has been conducted annually by the Census Bureau since 2003. ATUS respondents are obtained from the outgoing rotations of the Current Population Survey (CPS) and are interviewed for ATUS two to five months after they rotate out of the CPS. Respondents complete a phone interview about their time use after receiving mail notification of the survey and the nature of the questions they will be asked. In the interview, respondents report on their diary day, which runs from 4 a.m. on the designated day and ends at 3:59 a.m. on the following day, and researchers can obtain the minutes of time spent in up to 400 distinct activities. Pooling the ATUS interviews conducted in 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006 and 2007 produces a sample of 72,922 respondents. Response rates were 57.8% in 2003, 57.3% in 2004, 56.6% in 2005, 55.1% in 2006, and 52.5% in 2007. Analysis of these response rates, which are relatively typical of time use studies (Chatzitheochari and Arber 2009), has shown that busy people appear to be no less likely to respond to the ATUS, though people who were weakly integrated into their communities appeared to be less likely to respond, mostly because they were less likely to be contacted (Abraham, Maitland, and Bianchi 2006). We focus in these analyses on working aged individuals likely to have family responsibilities, so we dropped respondents who were younger than 18 or older than 64 years of age (N = 16,079), and dropped those for whom ATUS staff had identified data quality issues (N = 694), resulting in a final analytic sample of 56,149 respondents. All time use variables were top-coded at the 95th percentile of the overall distribution of minutes to reduce the influence of outliers, a strategy used by other studies (e.g., Mattingly and Bianchi 2003), and we include the travel time related to unpaid work in the total minutes for that category. Measures Sleep measures Our dependent variable is minutes of sleep, which includes the activities of sleeping, sleeplessness while in bed, and sleeping activity not elsewhere classified, and includes both the main sleeping period and any naps. The vast majority of total sleep time is accounted for by sleeping; only about 3 percent of respondents reported any minutes of sleeplessness, for example. Sleep time ranges from 0 to 741 minutes (after top coding at the 95th percentile as discussed above) with an average of 502 minutes, or about 8 hours and 22 minutes. For reference, most biomedical studies suggest that average sleep duration of 6.5 to 8 hours per night is optimal for health (Kripke, Garfinkel, Wingard, Klauber, and Marler 2002; Patel, Ayas, Malhotra, White, Schernhammer, Speizer, Stampfer, and Hu 2004). Sleep time calculated from diary data is often longer than the average sleep times reported by respondents in sample surveys when asked how much sleep they usually get, but there is no reason to believe that diary data produce estimates of group differences in sleep time that are more biased than those based on self-reports of usual hours of sleep.
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We constructed a dichotomous indicator of interrupted sleep to measure care work responsibilities that require respondents to get up from sleeping. We examined the detailed diaries for respondents who reported at least three spells of sleeping activity in their 24 hour diary day. Those who reported getting up to perform physical or medical care for a household member (usually a child) after they had gone to sleep for their main sleep period (usually in the evening) or in the hours before rising for their main activities (usually in the early morning) were coded as having interrupted sleep, an activity reported by 1.7 percent of the sample.1 Other time use measures Other uses of time are used as predictors or outcomes in our analysis. Unpaid work includes time spent doing housework, food and drink preparation and clean up, interior and exterior maintenance, repair and decoration, in caring for lawn, garden and houseplants, animals and pets, vehicles, appliances, toys and tools, in household management, and in other household activities, time spent caring for and helping household children and adults, in activities related to household childrens education and health, and in related care activities (range: 0 - 656, average: 136 minutes). Leisure time includes socializing and communicating; attending or hosting social events; relaxing and engaging in leisure, arts and entertainment (other than sports); participating in sports, exercise or recreation at light intensity of less than 3 metabolic equivalent (MET) values; attending sports or recreational events; waiting or in security procedures associated with socializing; in sports, exercise and recreation, and in related leisure activities not elsewhere classified.2 Leisure time in this sample ranges from 0 to 725 minutes, with an average of 265 minutes, or about 4 hours and 25 minutes. Minutes spent in exercise of moderate to high intensity (>=3 METs) were included because exercise may influence the need for or quality of sleep, or could compete with time available for sleep. We used the standard compendium of physical activities to classify them as moderate or high intensity (Tudor-Locke, Washington, Ainsworth, and Troiano 2009); representative activities include playing baseball (5 METs) or using cardiovascular equipment (8 METs), and respondents exercised for 0 to 105 minutes, with an average of 9.9 minutes. Other independent variables Employment status indicates whether at the time of the ATUS interview, the respondent usually worked full or part time, or was not in the labor force, with full time indicating 35 hours or more per week. Parental status is coded 1 if the respondent had at least one biological child under the age of 18 living in the home with them at the time of the ATUS interview, and in some analyses we used a categorical indicator of the presence of any children under the age of three. Partnership status is coded 1 if the respondent was living with a spouse or unmarried partner in the household and 0 otherwise. Using these measures, we created a combined role characteristics measure capturing all twelve combinations of employment, partnership, and parental statuses. Respondents age is categorized for some portions of the analysis (18-22, 2327, 28-32, 33-37, 38-42, 43-47, 48-52, 53-57, and 58-64), while continuous measures of age (centered by subtracting the mean age of 40) and squared age are used in some models.
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Race/ethnicity distinguishes (a) white, (b) African American, (c) Asian/Pacific Islander, and (d) other/multiple race individuals from (e) Hispanic respondents, who can be of any race. Educational attainment distinguishes (a) respondents who did not finish high school, (b) those with a high school diploma, (c) those with some college, and (d) respondents who completed four years of college or more. Disability status is coded 1 if the respondent had a disability that affected their ability to work at the time of the CPS interview (2 to 5 months prior to the ATUS interview), and we use this as a proxy indicator of a serious health problem that could affect social roles and sleep. We also control for survey year (2003-2007), whether the diary day was on the weekend, and whether it was a holiday. Following earlier studies using time diary data, we also include an indicator of the total number of activities reported. Analytic Strategy We used a series of multivariate regression models to test specific hypotheses and generated predicted values of average minutes and gender gaps in sleep duration and leisure time by age group and by category of social role characteristics. Predicted values were obtained while setting the values for all other predictors at their sample means based on the sample used to estimate a given model. We used sample means for these predictions because we were interested in gender differences in sleep duration net of the differential distribution of sociodemographic and social role characteristics of men and women. In a supplemental analysis we compared these ordinary least squares (OLS) regression estimates with others obtained using propensity score models and matching. All analyses were conducted using Stata/SE 10.0 (StataCorp 2007), with survey weights provided by ATUS that account for oversampling of certain subgroups and of weekend days, and for differential response rates. RESULTS Table 1 presents the weighted distributions of respondents characteristics for the sample overall and by gender. Tests for the statistical significance of gender differences were obtained from weighted OLS regressions (for continuous variables), logistic regressions (for dichotomous variables) or a series of logistic regression models (one for each category of variables with at least three categories), using gender as the sole predictor. Table 1 shows that overall, ATUS respondents slept about 502 minutes on their diary day, with men reporting less sleep than women (496.4 versus 507.6 minutes), a statistically significant difference of about 11 minutes, though women were significantly more likely than men to report interrupted sleep (2.7 versus 0.6 percent). Though less time was spent in unpaid work and leisure than in sleep, gender gaps in these other time uses dwarfed the relatively small gap in sleep time. On average, women reported significantly more unpaid work time than men (174.3 97.1 = 77.2 minutes), while men reported about 35 more minutes of leisure time.3 Men spent about 4 more minutes in moderate to intense exercise than women, but the overall average was only about 10 minutes. Women and men also differed in predictable ways in their role characteristics; women were less likely than men to be employed full time, more likely to be employed part time, more likely to have children in their households, and more likely to be
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single parents. On most other demographic and survey characteristics, there were only minor and unsurprising gender differences. As discussed above, the magnitude of gender differences in sleep are likely to vary across adulthood as role responsibilities change and biological changes occur with aging. Figure 1 illustrates these changes, showing average time spent in sleep and the average proportion of the sample who reported interrupted sleep. We present means for each single year of age and 95% confidence intervals, calculated using the standard error of the mean estimate. Figures are presented for male respondents on the left and females on the right of each panel. Panel A of Figure 1 shows substantial declines in sleep duration as respondents age, from a high of about 560 minutes for respondents aged 18 to a low around 480 to 490 minutes among respondents in their late forties to early fifties, and a slightly higher values thereafter (more evident among men) to around 500 to 510 minutes among those in their mid-sixties. Panel A suggests that women reported slightly longer sleep than men at all but the oldest ages in this sample, though these differences may not always be statistically significant, particularly at older ages. Panel B of Figure 1 shows that women were substantially more likely than men to report interrupted sleep for care work, with a substantial gender gap apparent during the prime childbearing and child rearing years of the twenties and thirties. In their mid thirties, for example, about 7 to 8 percent of women reported interrupted sleep for care of a household member on their diary day, compared to about 2-3 percent of men. We next turn to multivariate models predicting sleep duration, to see how variation in social role characteristics and time use spent fulfilling these responsibilities shaped these gender differences. Table 2 presents the results of OLS regression models predicting sleep minutes, including gender interaction terms with all independent variables. Table 2 displays unstandardized coefficients with standard errors in parentheses below them, and adjusted Rsquared values are presented at the bottom of the table. Model 1 adjusts for gender, other sociodemographic characteristics and conditions of the diary day, and exercise time, while Model 2 adds the social role characteristics categories, the number of minutes spent in unpaid work, and whether or not the respondent reported interrupted sleep for care work. Results for Model 1 show that sleep duration was substantially shorter among older respondents, and that the curvilinear association varied significantly for men and women in their late twenties through late thirties and among respondents entering their sixties. African Americans and Asian/Pacific Islanders slept longer than whites, though these differences were smaller for women, and Hispanic men and women slept longer than their white counterparts. More educated respondents slept less, and among those with at least a college degree the gap was even greater among women than among men. Those with a disability slept significantly longer than those without one, and sleep durations were substantially longer on weekends and holidays, but all of these differences were smaller among women than among men. Sleep duration was lower among those reporting more activities on the diary day, an association stronger for men than for women. Exercise minutes were negatively associated with sleep time, regardless of gender.
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Model 2 in Table 2 accounts for combinations of social role characteristics and shows how these and the second shift of unpaid labor and sleep interruptions for care work shaped sleep time, net of other characteristics. Model 2 shows that compared to full time employed parents with partners, full time single men without children slept about five minutes more on their diary day, while similar women slept slightly less than women with all three roles. Part time workers generally slept substantially and significantly more than full time employed parents with partners (28 to 46 minutes), though the gap was considerably smaller for single, childless women who worked part time. Men who were not in the labor force slept from 41 to 87 minutes longer than full time employed men with a partner and children, while the gaps were substantially smaller for women not in the labor force who were single parents, and for those who did not have children. These results reflect the strong negative association between level of engagement in paid labor and sleep duration, and show that the association was stronger for men than for women. Model 2 also shows that time spent in unpaid work significantly reduced predicted sleep time, but only for women, while interrupted sleep for care work did not significantly influence sleep duration. Finally, the addition of role characteristics and time spent in unpaid work in Model 2 explains some of the association between sleep duration and age, race/ethnicity, education, and disability status observed in Model 1, because they are differentially allocated across the life course and across social groups. Figure 2 provides a clearer view of the gender difference in sleep duration after taking into account social role characteristics, unpaid work and interrupted sleep, and all other predictors. We present: (a) predicted sleep minutes by age group for men and women, and (b) predicted gender differences (female minus male) within these age groups, based on the estimates from Model 2. Solid bars indicate statistically significant differences, while hollow bars indicate nonsignificant differences. Panels A and B of Figure 2 shows that while the gender gap in sleep duration favored women over the entire age range considered here, it was largest during childbearing and rearing ages, when predicted sleep durations are longest. Net of social roles and other characteristics, predicted sleep times for women and men were longest in the twenties and declined until respondents entered their sixties, similar to the pattern found in the unadjusted data in Figure 1. Panel B of Figure 2 demonstrates that the female advantage in sleep time is slightly more than twenty minutes at its longest, among those 28 to 37 years old, and that the difference is not significant among those in their mid-fifties or older. An important consideration is how to put these gaps in perspective. In Panel B we present a parallel set of predicted gender differences in leisure time, based on the same model used to predict sleep duration (not shown). Time for sleep and leisure is constrained by the basic needs for earned income and the accomplishment of necessary household tasks. Both are also necessary for rejuvenation and well-being that may contribute to productivity (Biddle and Hamermesh 1990). However, while sleep takes up more hours per day than leisure for most individuals, and thus offers a greater possible range for differences by social role characteristics and gender, the biological necessity of frequent and adequate sleep means it may be less discretionary than leisure time. Panel B of Figure 2 shows that the male advantage in leisure time is substantially larger than the female advantage in sleep time, and is statistically significant at all ages.
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While this assessment of gender differences in sleep and leisure time over midlife is informative, making more direct comparisons between men and women with the same combinations of roles provides an important test of these findings. Table 3 provides more detail on the twelve groups holding the possible role combinations of worker, partner, and parent, displaying the number of respondents in each group in the sample overall, the number of women in the group and the percentage of each group that is female. In the middle columns, the percent who reported interrupted sleep on their diary day is reported for the group overall and for men and women in the group, while rightmost columns display the percentages (overall and by sex) who have children younger than three years old in the household. Significance values for differences between men and women were obtained from logistic regression models with female sex as the sole predictor. Table 3 shows that many of these groups are numerically small and overwhelmingly dominated by female incumbents (e.g., the group of full time single parents is 76% female, and makes up only 3.5% of the weighted study sample). It is largely in these female-dominated role characteristics groups, particularly those made up of parents, that the burden of interrupted sleep for caregiving is greatest. For example, the group of parents with a partner who are not in the labor force is 83 percent female, and 8.6 percent of women and 1.5 percent of men reported interrupted sleep on their diary day, a significant gender difference. In this group, 41 percent of women and 23 percent of men have a child under the age of three in the household, helping to explain the higher than average burden of interrupted sleep than in the sample overall. Only one role characteristic group that includes parents has a relatively equal numerical representation of men and women: those who have a partner and work full time. This role group accounts for just over one-fifth of the total sample, and is about one-third female. About five percent of full time employed and partnered mothers reported interrupted sleep on their diary day, compared to 1.4 percent of these fathers, a significant difference. Interestingly, their likelihood of interrupted sleep was higher even though women in this group were significantly less likely than men to have infants or toddlers in the home (23 versus 30 percent). Considering all groups with at least 0.5% of respondents reporting interrupted sleep on their diary day, it is only among part time employed parents with a partner that women do not get up for caregiving work significantly more than men. Because of the strong gendering of labor force participation among parents, only some of the role characteristics groups are large and representative enough to be used for direct comparisons of mens and womens average sleep durations. Thus, the comparisons in the analyses to follow over-represent women without children in the household those least likely to bear a disproportionate burden of interrupted sleep for caregiving. We estimated separate OLS regression models predicting sleep minutes for six groups: full time employed and partnered parents, full time employed respondents without children in the home (partnered and single), part time employed single respondents without children, and respondents who were not in the labor force and did not have children (partnered and single). These OLS regressions were similar to Model 2 in Table 2, but required simplification due to smaller sub-group sample sizes. We replaced the age categories with continuous measures of age and age squared, and removed nonessential gender interactions. We also removed the indicator of interrupted sleep because the
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prevalence was so low among those without children, but models including it produced almost identical predicted sleep times to those presented here. Appendix A shows the detailed results of the models predicting sleep time, while Figure 3 presents the predicted values for the selected role characteristics groups, displaying sleep minutes in Panel A and the predicted gender differences in sleep and leisure in Panel B. Panel A of Figure 3 shows that as expected, respondents with more roles sleep less than those with fewer roles, with the shortest predicted sleep durations among full time workers. Among full time workers (except single parents, who are not included in this part of the analysis), Panel B shows that women have a significant advantage in sleep time of about 20 minutes or less. Among the role groups who work part time or who do not work for pay - none of which include parents in this portion of the analysis - there is no significant gender difference in sleep duration. Moreover, even though they face the same broad social role responsibilities within these groups, mens leisure time advantage is always statistically significant and always larger than any advantage women have in sleep duration. The results presented in Figure 3 were supported with supplementary analyses using a propensity score matching strategy to assess the robustness of our OLS estimates, and those are presented and discussed in Appendix B. We also examine the sensitivity of all of these results to the presented specifications, but none of these substantially altered our main conclusions.4 DISCUSSION In this study we examined gender differences in sleep, an activity that takes up about a third of all our time, but has been virtually ignored by sociologists. Prior research suggests that women sleep longer than men but have poorer quality sleep, and we approached this puzzle by considering social scientific theory and evidence about the importance of major social roles, time use in those roles, and the gendering of related responsibilities. Based on time diaries from a large and representative sample of Americans collected from 2003 to 2007, our results show that the gender gap in sleep time among American adults varies, depending on work and family responsibilities, and because of this it changes over adulthood. Moreover, we provide novel representative evidence that women face a dramatically higher likelihood of interrupted sleep for caregiving when children are young. Finally, we find that the overall female advantage in sleep time is tempered by this greater burden of interrupted sleep that women face and the larger male advantage in leisure time that exists throughout midlife. We found partial support for our first hypothesis, which draws on the time availability perspective to suggest that men and women with the same sets of roles will spend similar amounts of time sleeping. When we adjusted for employment, partnership and parental characteristics, time spent doing unpaid work, and interrupted sleep occurrences, the gender difference in sleep time was not eliminated - substantial heterogeneity in the magnitude of the gap was revealed instead. Significant gaps favored women in early adulthood, but were not significant after the mid-fifties. Stratified analyses focused on role characteristic groups with substantial representation of both men and women revealed a female advantage in sleep time, but only among full time employed adults. Interestingly, while they examined a broad measure of sleep disruption instead of sleep duration and used a much more homogeneous sample of retail
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food employees than the nationally-representative sample of adults used here, Maume and colleagues (2009) also found that gender differences did not simply reflect compositional differences in role characteristics between men and women. Among their employees, they (2009:1003) found that greater caregiving responsibilities for family members (irrespective of their work efforts) produce higher reports of sleep disruption among women. Moreover, in the subgroup of our sample most similar to Maume and colleagues respondents full time workers with partner or parental responsibilities we also found that women were more likely than men to have their sleep interrupted for caregiving work. Our second hypothesis, which drew on the gendered expectations perspective, received mixed support. Gender differences in sleep time varied across different role combinations, but counter to our prediction, womens advantage in sleep time was largest among those with the most work and family roles, not the fewest. Gender gaps in sleep time favoring women were longest among people in their twenties and thirties, the years when caregiving responsibilities associated with children are at their most intense. Moreover, among the role characteristic groups with substantial representation of both men and women, the largest female advantage in sleep time was observed among full time working parents with a partner. However, it was also during this part of the life course that interrupted sleep for caregiving was most common, and the responsibility was disproportionately borne by women. Therefore, another way to think about womens sleep time advantage is to ask whether it is large enough; an additional 20 minutes or less of sleep for mothers may or may not compensate for their greater likelihood of waking in the night to provide care. Women face greater fragmentation and lower quality of sleep at a crucial career stage, when earnings trajectories are being established, and career advancement opportunities could be foregone if women reduce their paid work time or see their workplace performance affected because of exhaustion. While its rate of occurrence on the average diary day was low, except among parents of young children, sleep interruption for caregiving may represent an under-recognized motherhood penalty (Budig and England 2001) that influences life chances and well-being. Our findings thus suggest that a majority of working aged men face a small sleep disadvantage that persists after adjustment for gender differences in sociodemographic characteristics, social roles, and time use in those roles. However, it is negligible for most groups; womens advantage is about 24 minutes at most and is often much smaller.5 Additionally, men enjoy a leisure time advantage longer than any sleep deficit they face. These results suggest that discussions of equity in access to discretionary time need to consider its total quantity, made up of both sleep and leisure time, the quality of the available time, such as its continuity and restfulness, the way it is shaped by multiple responsibilities and roles, and the way that gender gaps therein may vary over the life course. While these findings are novel and inspire important new questions, this study has some limitations. It is possible that gendered attitudes toward sleep could contribute to differential bias in reporting, with men reporting artificially short sleep times, which could mean that these estimates of womens sleep time advantage are inflated.6 However, time diary data are collected by asking for the start and end times of each activity, probably leading to less reporting bias than in studies which ask respondents for a total number of hours or minutes spent in a given activity.
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Nonetheless, only one 24 hour day is represented in these data, limiting our ability to account for day-to-day variation in sleep cycles. Additionally, like many other investigators, we are limited to measuring the gender gap by comparing individuals with similar role characteristics, rather than from comparing the members of cohabiting couples. Individuals may not enter into relationships with persons who match them exactly on role characteristics, and the gaps in time use between partners would be a more direct measure of the negotiation of time use in the household, at least for people in cohabiting relationships. Studies using couples data might find different patterns of gendered sleep time. However, there are not large, nationally-representative data sources that catalogue the sleep times of both partners in households, though such data would be very valuable for testing many questions about gender and time use, and couples data would ignore adults without partners.7 Future studies would also benefit from attention to older individuals, most of whom no longer work for pay. Such studies are needed to elucidate whether and how gender differences persist in the retirement years, when the gendering of time use changes due to changes in role responsibilities. While the ATUS data provide a very large and representative sample of contemporary Americans, the diary data are cross-sectional, and thus do not allow us to comment on the direction of causality in the association between social roles and sleep time. Longitudinal data would allow direct assessment of how changes in roles, such as entering or returning to full time employment, alter individuals sleep time. Engaging in excessive sleep could influence the likelihood of taking on paid employment or getting married, particularly if underlying serious health problems generate these large time expenditures on sleep or leisure. The ATUS does not include detailed information on respondents physical or mental health conditions that could underlie either excessive sleep or selection out of paid employment or parenthood, for example. There is evidence that the causal links between poor sleep quality and affective disorders operate in both directions (Espie 2002), and that there are also likely reciprocal and feedback relationships between chronic physical health problems and sleep (Kutner, Bliwise, and Zhang 2004), so it is difficult to tease out causal directionality of these relationships. We did include an indicator of disability in our models, and conducted a sensitivity analysis using two survey waves in which measures of overall self-rated health and body mass index (BMI) were available. While the pattern of results in that restricted analytic sample differed in some ways from those presented here, they were altered only slightly by the inclusion of measures of self-rated health and BMI.8 However, future time use data collection efforts would benefit from attention to the potential prospective associations between health and time use. Additionally, health behaviors including alcohol use, smoking and the use of sleep aids or medications, which vary by gender and role characteristics, are likely to influence sleep time. For example, tobacco use is associated with later sleep onset and shorter sleep duration (Zhang, Samet, Caffo, and Punjabi 2006), and is more common among men, possibly explaining some of their sleep duration deficit. However, measures of these behaviors and medication use are not available in ATUS, so our findings should be interpreted with appropriate caution.9 Interestingly, for waking activities the ATUS collects information on the location where the activity took place and the presence of other persons, but this information is not collected for sleep time. Smaller scale studies have been conducted to show the importance of these factors for
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sleep duration and quality, but population-level data would increase understanding of how these experiences may be gendered and how they shape sleep and sleep interruptions. Also, there may be underreporting in ATUS of sleep interruptions that did not involve actually rising from bed. Extant qualitative research has focused on a broader notion of a fourth shift of nighttime care work that spans both physical care and emotion work, and could also include activities such as lying in bed worrying about a family member (Hislop and Arber 2003; Venn, Arber, Meadows, and Hislop 2008), but we cannot capture such activity here. Finally, a limitation of time diary data for a study of gender and sleep is that they include none of the commonly used measures of sleep quality. There is evidence from biomedical and sociological studies that women have poorer sleep quality than men, as measured by prevalence of diagnosed insomnia or self reported insomnia symptoms or dissatisfaction with sleep (Ohayon 2002). While we use interrupted sleep as a measure of sleep quality, sensitivity to the biological aspects of sex differences in sleep disorders could be greatly improved with more comprehensive data on sleep quantity and quality, and on biologically important characteristics such as pregnancy status, menopausal status, and the like. Despite these limitations, our findings suggest the promise of sleep as a new frontier of theoretical and empirical investigation into the nature and consequences of stratification by gender and other markers of social position. Deeper sociological investigation of sleep and new data collections to enable it are warranted, given the huge time investments we all make in sleep over our lifetimes and its strong links to safety, health, productivity, equity, and overall quality of life.
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Appendix A. Unstandardized coefficients from OLS regression models of sleep minutes for selected role characteristics groups with gender interactions, 18-64 year old ATUS 2003-2007 respondents Full Time, Full Time, Full Time, Part Time, NILF, NILF, Single, Partnered Partnered, No Single, No Single, No Partnered, No No Children Parent Children Children Children Children Female 12.91 * 25.25 ** -33.39 *** -16.97 22.81 31.35 * (6.54) (8.15) (9.02) (19.26) (14.18) (13.38) Unpaid Work Minutes Female * Unpaid Work Minutes Age (centered) Female * Age (centered) Age squared Female * Age squared Race/Ethnicitya African American Asian/Pacific Islander Other/Multiple Race Hispanic (Any Race) 0.02 ** (0.01) -0.01 (0.02) -0.56 *** (0.13) -0.51 * (0.25) 0.02 (0.01) 0.01 (0.02) 1.78 (3.22) 18.07 *** (4.31) -2.61 (7.44) 15.99 *** (2.64) -0.01 (0.01) 0.03 (0.02) -0.77 *** (0.15) -0.26 (0.22) 0.02 * (0.01) -0.01 (0.02) 5.10 (4.55) 9.04 (6.65) 14.07 (9.25) 0.31 (4.27) -0.09 (6.06) 5.91 (10.77) 4.85 (3.88) -6.88 (5.88) 3.56 (3.66) -9.75 (5.53) 55.35 * (27.87) 0.00 (0.02) 0.04 (0.03) -0.40 ** (0.14) -0.53 ** (0.20) 0.01 (0.01) 0.02 (0.02) -1.52 (3.58) 30.30 *** (6.74) -3.58 (8.57) 11.31 ** (3.74) 21.18 *** (5.42) -22.57 * (9.71) -14.48 *** (4.02) 14.56 * (6.36) -3.44 (4.21) -0.40 (6.45) 17.86 (23.34) 0.04 (0.04) -0.04 (0.06) -1.20 ** (0.40) 0.97 * (0.48) 0.00 (0.03) 0.00 (0.04) 10.57 (7.65) 2.51 (13.16) 32.18 (17.57) -1.40 (7.47) -6.31 (10.55) 33.60 * (14.87) 0.46 (9.06) -1.29 (12.59) 20.72 (13.35) -43.77 * (17.86) 68.44 ** (22.84) -0.09 *** (0.02) -0.04 (0.03) -0.79 (0.44) -0.74 (0.53) 0.02 (0.03) 0.03 (0.03) 8.69 (6.99) -19.23 (13.36) 5.98 (12.57) 20.99 ** (7.06) 25.80 ** (9.65) -10.55 (12.14) -4.00 (8.34) 0.63 (10.47) 2.05 (8.99) -2.80 (11.34) 4.06 (5.32) -0.09 *** (0.02) 0.02 (0.03) -1.15 *** (0.19) 0.02 (0.26) 0.01 (0.02) -0.03 (0.02) 6.55 (5.06) -4.52 (10.66) -4.43 (12.60) 3.93 (6.19) 5.35 (7.09) -12.06 (10.62) -9.20 (6.98) -12.29 (10.32) -2.80 (9.88) -31.49 * (13.96) 28.99 *** (5.36)
Educational Attainmenta < High School 18.43 *** (3.84) Female * < High School Some College Female * Some College BA+ Female * BA+ Has Disability -9.88 (7.39) -8.23 ** (2.94) 8.48 (4.94) -7.46 ** (2.76) 8.70 (4.71)
-8.44 (25.97) (Appendix A continued below.)
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Appendix A, continued.. Unstandardized coefficients from OLS regression models of sleep minutes for selected role characteristics groups with gender interactions, 18-64 year old ATUS 2003-2007 respondents Full Time, Full Time, Full Time, Part Time, NILF, NILF, Single, Partnered Partnered, No Single, No Single, No Partnered, No No Children Parent Children Children Children Children Survey Year 1.11 0.33 -0.34 4.49 * -3.50 * 2.27 (0.61) (0.79) (0.84) (1.76) (1.40) (1.42) Weekend Day Female * Weekend Day Day is Holiday Female * Day is Holiday Total Number Activiti Female * Total Number Activities Exercise Minutes Female * Exercise Minutes Constant N 67.68 *** (2.42) 3.09 (4.15) 76.90 *** (7.89) -29.38 * (14.14) -2.68 *** (0.16) 0.02 (0.25) 0.03 (0.04) 0.00 (0.08) 501.52 *** (3.90) 14,449 70.42 *** (3.41) -4.43 (5.16) 48.86 *** (11.99) -2.90 (18.51) -2.73 *** (0.24) -0.15 (0.35) -0.16 ** (0.06) 0.28 ** (0.09) 502.01 *** (5.41) 8,124 66.50 *** (3.54) 8.77 (5.58) 77.61 *** (11.16) -41.62 * (20.70) -5.21 *** (0.26) 1.99 *** (0.37) -0.08 (0.05) -0.25 ** (0.09) 562.34 *** (5.98) 9,664 24.47 ** (8.33) 18.16 (11.23) 55.78 * (22.81) -58.56 (34.98) -4.81 *** (0.53) 1.29 (0.70) -0.26 ** (0.10) 0.03 (0.16) 589.71 *** (13.86) 2,236 0.20 (7.40) 10.58 (9.26) -6.74 (29.00) 14.30 (34.32) -2.65 *** (0.46) -0.47 (0.55) -0.28 ** (0.10) -0.08 (0.15) 602.37 *** (11.90) 3,147 6.54 (5.81) 6.04 (8.65) -10.32 (21.49) 45.52 (30.48) -4.29 *** (0.38) -0.58 (0.53) -0.12 (0.08) -0.03 (0.14) 618.85 *** (10.00) 4,084 0.132
Adjusted R2 0.154 0.136 0.154 0.120 0.121 Note: Figures shown are coefficients with standard errors in parentheses. *** p<.001, ** p<.01, * p<.05. a. Omitted categories for categorical variables are: white race and high school education.
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Appendix B. Propensity score versus OLS estimates of the female-male difference in sleep duration.
In this study we compare the sleep durations of men and women who have the same sets of social roles worker, partner, and parent - and are as similar as possible in terms of their other characteristics and the characteristics of their diary day. One approach to reaching this equivalence is multivariate regression with covariate adjustment, which helps to address preexisting differences that influence the role characteristics individuals have, and the different probability that men and women will hold a certain combination of roles. Another approach is to use propensity score analysis to match respondents on all observable characteristics except a treatment variable, and then compare the average outcome values across the treated and control individuals. While it is not ideal to classify gender as a treatment, since it is a condition that is difficult to assign or change, we generated estimates using propensity score matching to judge the robustness of results obtained using the covariate adjustment strategy applied in the main analysis. Although developed within a counterfactual causal framework, the mechanics of propensity score matching can be used to create matched groups of males and females that are balanced on observed covariates. This supplemental analysis ensures that the main regression results are not sensitive to functional form assumptions or lack of overlap in the region of common support. In this supplementary analysis, we included all twelve role characteristics groups, including those not used in the main analysis because they were small and had few male members. Despite the large ATUS sample, we had to eliminate respondents who were not white, African American, or Hispanic, because the distribution of other race groups was uneven across role characteristics categories and reduced our ability to achieve balance in the propensity score models. First, we estimated logistic models predicting the propensity to be female, based on a set of observed characteristics available in the ATUS data that differentiate men and women. To achieve balance across twelve role characteristic groups, we used a relatively limited set of predictors: age (centered), age squared, black race, Hispanic ethnicity, years of education, the interaction of age and years of education, total number of activities on the diary day and total number of activities squared, unpaid work minutes and unpaid work minutes squared, secondary child care minutes and secondary child care minutes squared. For three of the twelve groups, one of these terms was removed to achieve balanced strata, so that within each interval of the propensity score the average propensity score and the means of each covariate did not significantly differ between men and women. These exceptions are indicated in the table below. We restricted the balancing algorithm to the region of common support, or the range of the propensity score in which both treated and control respondents here, females and males, respectively are observed. Then, respondents were matched on the basis of their propensity to be female and sleep durations were compared on the basis of actual gender. We conducted these analyses using Stata 10.0SE, with the pscore module and analytic strategies developed by Becker and Ichino (2002). Appendix Table B shows the results. For comparison purposes, we estimated OLS regression models using the modified sample. The OLS regressions are based on Model 2 in Table 2, though age categories have been replaced with continuous age (centered) and agesquared terms, and terms for Asian/Pacific Islander or other race respondents are necessarily omitted. In the left panel are predicted means and 95 percent confidence intervals for men and women from the OLS models and the female-male mean difference. Confidence intervals for
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women and men can be compared, with non-overlapping intervals indicating that the gender difference is significant. In the right panel are three female-male differences and associated tvalues, calculated on the basis of different matching strategies: radius matching (with a caliper value of .005), nearest neighbor (with replacement), and kernel matching (with a bandwidth of .06, Gaussian kernel and bootstrapped standard errors (50 replications)). Details of these approaches can be found in Becker and Ichino (2002), and consistency across the three estimates is taken to indicate robustness. The top panel shows the results for role characteristics groups used in our main analysis those with substantial representation in the population and sufficient men and women while the bottom panel shows results for the remaining groups. The first row presents results for full time employed and partnered parents, and indicates that men in this group averaged 489 minutes of sleep while women averaged 509 minutes, a significant difference of about 20 minutes favoring women. The matched estimates of the difference range from 14 (radius estimate) to 20 minutes (nearest neighbor estimate), and for each of the three estimates, the t-value exceeds 1.96, indicating that the difference is statistically significant. Overall, the OLS results and the matched estimates of the female-male difference are very similar and provide largely consistent conclusions about statistical significance. T-values from the matched estimates that indicate a conclusion different from that reached based on OLS estimates are in bold type and underlined. Even considering groups not used in the main analyses, only for part time, partnered respondents without children does the conclusion drawn from matched estimates (that females have a significant advantage in sleep time) differ clearly from that based on OLS estimates (that the female advantage is not significant). Taken together, these findings suggest that results based on OLS regressions with covariate adjustment are relatively robust.
24
Appendix B. Predicted values and predicted female-male differences in sleep and leisure minutes, OLS and propensity score estimates by role characteristics group, 18-64 year old ATUS 2003-2007 respondents OLS Estimates: Predicted Values & F-M Difference Propensity Score Estimates: F-M Difference Male Male CI Female Female CI F-M Radius t-val Neighbor t-val Kernel t-val Included in Main Analysis Full time, Partnered, Parent (N=13,609 - 8,644 men) Sleep minutes 489.0 (486.5-491.6) 509.1 (505.5-512.7) 20.1 14.1 6.87 20.1 7.01 18.2 10.33 Full time, Partnered, No Children (N = 7,808 - 4,186 men)a Sleep minutes 486.5 (483.1-490.0) Full time, Single, No Children (N = 9,254 - 4,697 men) Sleep minutes 496.8 (492.6-501.0) Part time, Single, No Children (N= 2,118 - 863 men) Sleep minutes 528.8 (518.3-539.2) NILF, Partnered, No Children (N = 3,015 - 1,049 men) Sleep minutes 526.3 (518.0-534.7) NILF, Single, No Children (N = 3,855 - 1,794 men) Sleep minutes 546.1 (539.0-553.2) Not Included in Main Analysis Full time, Single, Parent (N= 3,178 - 657 men) Sleep minutes
a
505.7 (501.6-509.7) 511.8 (507.3-516.4) 538.5 (529.7-547.4) 533.3 (527.3-539.3)
19.2 15.0 9.8 7.0
16.4 10.5 3.4 5.4
6.25 3.71 0.57 1.10
16.5 8.2 10.0 9.6
4.83 2.12 1.13 1.47
16.1 11.4 14.5 6.5
5.60 4.08 3.63 1.69
556.1 (549.0-563.3)
10.0
-2.1 -0.47
16.1
2.51
5.3
1.11
486.6 (475.7-497.4)
510.2 (504.8-515.7) 508.6 (504.2-513.0) 542.4 (531.6-553.3)
23.7 7.9 14.4
19.9 16.5 10.1
3.43 1.65 0.39
20.9 19.6
2.35 1.53
20.6 9.4 19.6
3.55 1.24 1.00
Part time, Partnered, Parent (N=2,910 - 332 men) Sleep minutes 500.8 (486.5-515.0) Part time, Single, Parent (N = 721 - 40 men) Sleep minutes 528.1 (474.4-581.8)
b
-7.6 -0.25
Part time, Partnered, No Children (N = 1,485 - 392 men) Sleep minutes 503.4 (491.1-515.6) NILF, Partnered, Parent (N = 4,280 - 648 men) Sleep minutes 486.4 (475.2-497.6)
517.2 (510.1-524.2) 536.2 (532.2-540.1)
13.8 49.7
17.8 33.5
2.47 4.18
21.4 45.6
2.42 4.52
18.0 26.0
2.95 4.18
NILF, Single, Parent (N = 1,164 - 133 men) Sleep minutes 563.3 (534.8-591.7) 555.7 (546.6-564.8) -7.6 4.4 0.27 2.7 0.14 7.1 0.50 Note: Sample restricted for these analyses to white, African American and Hispanic respondents, N = 53,397. See accompanying text for description of models and procedures. T-values from the propensity score matched estimates that indicate conclusions different from those of OLS estimates are in bold type and underlined. a. Propensity score model does not include age*education term. b. Propensity score model does not include age-squared term.
25
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ENDNOTES
1
We also created more detailed measures of the number of times sleep was interrupted (range 16) and the number of minutes that were spent awake during interrupted sleep (range 1-420). Among those who reported any interruptions, about two-thirds rose only once during the diary day period, and two-thirds were awake for 30 minutes or less. Results were unchanged when these alternative measures were used. 2 A MET is defined as the activity metabolic rate divided by the resting metabolic rate. Lying or sitting quietly is classified as 1 MET, while light cleaning is classified as a 2.5 MET activity and running is classified as a 7.5 MET activity. 3 Men reported significantly more minutes of paid work on their diary days (310.7 versus 219.2). We do not use paid work minutes as a continuous predictor of sleep minutes because of the strong correlation between the two (-.43 for men and -.36 for women). Instead, we categorize and compare respondents on the basis of paid work category: full time, part time, or not in the labor force. Correlations between sleep minutes and unpaid work and exercise minutes are -.04 or smaller for men and women. 4 In sensitivity analyses not shown, we restricted the sample to respondents who completed their diary days on non-holiday weekdays, and the pattern of results was consistent except that predicted sleep and leisure durations were shorter. We examined models that substituted logged transformations of time spent in unpaid work and exercise, and models that included household income as a predictor, a measure we excluded from the main analyses due to missing data, but the pattern of results was unchanged. Results were robust to controls for time spent napping and experiencing sleeplessness, and restricted models including only parents were robust to inclusion of the age of the youngest child in the household. Finally, the pattern of results was generally consistent when we used a categorical indicator of short sleep (less than 6.5 hours, 6.5-8.5 hours, more than 8.5 hours) rather than sleep minutes. While there were variations in the smaller African American and Hispanic groups, the pattern of results was relatively similar when we estimated models separately for these race/ethnic groups or excluded non-whites. 5 Among parents with a partner who were not in the labor force, the supplementary analysis reveals a female sleep time advantage of about 49 minutes, but this group is heavily female dominated and includes only about 2% of the male respondents in the ATUS sample. 6 Other studies suggest that men may choose to sleep less than women because of gendered attitudes. One qualitative study of 40 British couples found that even net of their greater engagement in paid work, men may sleep less than women do because they have different views of the meaning and value of sleep (Meadows, Arber, Venn, and Hislop 2008). These men understood sleep as functional because it was necessary to fulfill their social roles as provider, father, husband and worker. However, they also viewed sleep as a waste because it took up time that could be used to fulfill their many waking responsibilities. Womens views could differ from this male view of sleep as an unfortunate necessity for multiple reasons (Meadows, Arber, Venn, and Hislop 2008). First, the enactment of appropriate feminine behaviors does not involve as much risk taking with ones health as does the enactment of appropriate masculine behaviors (Courtenay 2000). Getting an adequate number of hours of sleep may require going to bed early, an action seen as childish, cautious, or weak, or incompatible with more appropriate masculine uses of discretionary time. Second, women are seen as custodians of health for families and may also be more apt to engage with public
30
health messages about getting adequate sleep, as they are more likely than men to attend to health knowledge in general (Cameron and Bernardes 1998). 7 The relative resources of the two partners in a couple may be important determinants of each partners time use. Some prior studies have shown that individuals with similar or more resources than their partner, often the male person in a partnership, have more power (Blood and Wolf 1960), allowing them to avoid unpleasant unpaid household tasks and also potentially to take more discretionary time. When they intersect with gendered expectations, mens and womens relative resources may even have counterintuitive influences on time use; a study of housework found that men did even less unpaid work when their female partner had relatively more resources than they did, as compared to men whose resources exceeded their partners (Brines 1994). This means that among those with a partner, having more resources relative to their partner (for example, in work hours or earned wages) might provide less of an advantage in sleep time to women as compared to men. In models not shown here, we examined measures of relative educational attainment, relative hours worked, and relative wage rates between the respondent and his or her partner, but found no evidence that relative resource advantages or deficits influenced our results. However, data on couples would be better suited to addressing this question. 8 Regardless of controls for self-rated health and BMI, results from models restricted to the samples from 2006 and 2007 show that gender differences by age group were less likely to be statistically significant, likely because of the much smaller sample (N=19,169). Results from the restricted sample (without controls for health) are similar to those presented in Table 3, though the addition of SRH and BMI to these models decreases the gender differences in sleep and leisure time for full time workers with a partner but no children, making them nonsignificant, and renders the leisure time gender gap nonsignificant for single respondents who are not in the labor force and do not have children at home. 9 Maume and colleagues (2009) found that medication use and other health behaviors did not have a significant association with sleep disruptions in their analysis.
31
Table 1. Descriptive statistics on sociodemographic and diary day characteristics of respondents overall and by gender, 18-64 year old ATUS 2003-2007 respondents Overall Men Women p-value Minutes of Sleep 502.1 496.4 507.6 <.001 (119.2) (122.6) (115.6) % Interrupted Sleep for Care Work Minutes of Unpaid Work on Diary Day Minutes of Leisure on Diary Day Minutes of Moderate to Intense Exercise on Diary Day Role Characteristics % Full Time, Partnered, Parent % Full Time, Single, Parent % Full Time, Partnered, No Children % Full Time, Single, No Children % Part Time, Partnered, Parent % Part Time, Single, Parent % Part Time, Partnered, No Children % Part Time, Single, No Children % Not in Labor Force, Partnered, Parent % Not in Labor Force, Single, Parent % Not in Labor Force, Partnered, No Children % Not in Labor Force, Single, No Children Age % 18-22 years % 23-27 years % 28-32 years % 33-37 years % 38-42 years % 43-47 years % 48-52 years % 53-57 years % 58-64 years Race/Ethnicity % White % African American % Asian/Pacific Islander % Other/multiple % Hispanic-Any Race Educational Attainment % < High School % High School/GED % Some College % BA+ (Table 1 continued below.) 1.69 136.3 (144.3) 264.9 (187.8) 9.86 (26.8) 21.5 3.49 20.2 17.4 4.27 0.91 3.75 5.55 6.82 1.53 7.00 7.59 10.47 10.71 10.76 11.36 11.80 12.42 11.70 10.04 10.73 69.4 11.3 3.4 1.8 14.1 12.7 31.2 27.9 28.2 0.61 97.1 (122.0) 282.8 (197.7) 11.74 (29.8) 29.1 1.68 23.3 20.6 1.30 0.10 2.13 5.28 2.41 0.44 5.31 8.39 10.73 10.69 10.85 11.63 11.81 12.30 11.88 9.69 10.43 69.8 10.3 3.3 1.9 14.7 13.6 32.0 26.4 28.0 2.73 174.3 (153.7) 247.5 (175.9) 8.04 (23.4) 14.2 5.24 17.2 14.3 7.14 1.69 5.32 5.82 11.1 2.57 8.63 6.81 10.21 10.73 10.67 11.11 11.80 12.55 11.52 10.38 11.02 69.1 12.3 3.5 1.7 13.5 11.9 30.3 29.4 28.4 <.001 <.001 <.001 <.001
<.001 <.001 <.001 <.001 <.001 <.001 <.001 0.104 <.001 <.001 <.001 <.001 0.247 0.921 0.633 0.120 0.967 0.478 0.328 0.037 0.075 0.193 <.001 0.600 0.140 0.004 <.001 0.002 <.001 0.343
32
Table 1, continued. Descriptive Statistics on Sociodemographic and Diary Day Characteristics of Respondents Overall and by Sex, 18-64 Year Old ATUS 2003-2007 Respondents Overall Men Women p-value % Has disability Total Number of Activities Year % 2003 % 2004 % 2005 % 2006 % 2007 % Weekend day % Holiday 4.60 20.07 (8.26) 19.5 19.9 20.1 20.1 20.4 28.6 1.73 4.52 18.14 (6.95) 19.5 19.8 20.0 20.1 20.5 28.5 1.81 4.68 21.94 (8.96) 19.5 20.0 20.1 20.1 20.4 28.6 1.65 0.515 <.001
0.947 0.710 0.881 0.883 0.704 0.855 0.284
N 56,149 24,677 31,472 Note : Figures shown are weighted means with standard deviations in parentheses or weighted percentages. P-values denoting statistical singnificance of sex difference were obtained from weighted linear regression models with the variable in question as the dependent variable and female as the sole independent variable (for continuous variables) or separate weighted logistic regression models for each category of categorical variables with female as the sole predictor.
33
Table 2. Unstandardized coefficients from OLS regression models of sleep minutes with gender interactions, 18-64 year old ATUS 2003-2007 respondents Model 1 Model 2 Main Effect * Female Main Effect * Female Female 15.20 *** -23.41 *** -(4.33) (4.97) a Role Characteristics Full Time, Single, Parent --0.957 0.565 (5.24) (6.23) Full Time, Partnered, No Children Full Time, Single, No Children Part Time, Partnered, Parent Part Time, Single, Parent Part Time, Partnered, No Children Part Time, Single, No Children Not in Labor Force, Partnered, Parent Not in Labor Force, Single, Parent Not in Labor Force, Partnered, No Children Not in Labor Force, Single, No Children Unpaid Work Minutes Interrupted Sleep Age Category 18-22 years 28-32 years 33-37 years 38-42 years (Table 2 continued below.)
a
-------------
-------------
-2.59 (2.02) 4.98 * (2.04) 28.32 *** (5.91) 36.20 (20.40) 27.38 *** (4.86) 45.92 *** (3.49) 40.99 *** (4.56) 87.02 *** (10.04) 53.44 *** (3.58) 61.39 *** (3.03) -0.002 (0.01) 6.03 (8.51) -3.61 (3.01) -10.42 *** (2.87) -13.25 *** (2.87) -12.05 *** (2.87)
0.330 (3.23) -12.73 *** (3.32) -4.59 (6.63) 1.77 (21.09) -0.809 (5.97) -29.97 *** (5.01) 2.52 (5.32) -36.06 ** (11.02) -18.62 *** (4.75) -24.45 *** (4.60) -0.020 * (0.01) 1.21 (9.44) 9.72 * (4.28) 4.26 (4.03) 3.81 (4.04) -6.69 (4.01)
13.32 *** (2.91) -16.67 *** (2.88) -21.12 *** (2.83) -20.41 *** (2.82)
-3.89 (4.12) 9.99 * (4.04) 11.04 ** (4.00) -0.35 (3.96)
34
Table 2, Continued. Unstandardized coefficients from OLS regression models of sleep minutes with gender interactions, 18-64 year old ATUS 2003-2007 respondents Model 1 Model 2 Main Effect Main Effect * Female * Female 43-47 years -25.93 *** -3.80 -17.95 *** -7.78 * (2.81) (3.92) (2.84) (3.95) 48-52 years 53-57 years 58-64 years Race/Ethnicity African American Asian/Pacific Islander Other/Multiple Race Hispanic (Any Race) Educational Attainment < High School Some College BA+ Has Disability Survey Year Weekend Day Day is Holiday Total Number Activities Exercise Minutes Constant N
a a
-30.96 *** (2.83) -30.62 *** (2.99) -17.16 *** (2.94) 9.65 *** (2.25) 24.22 *** (3.77) 2.22 (4.87) 10.15 *** (2.07) 17.85 *** (2.27) -5.32 ** (1.76) -5.16 ** (1.80) 61.01 *** (3.30) 0.577 (0.47) 55.09 *** (1.49) 56.69 *** (5.01) -3.47 *** (0.10) -0.048 * (0.02) 553.17 *** (3.07) 56,149
-1.71 (3.98) -6.68 (4.15) -13.23 ** (4.09) -6.24 * (3.05) -18.12 *** (5.24) 3.78 (7.07) 2.64 (2.95) -2.26 (3.27) -2.29 (2.46) -6.98 ** (2.52) -14.36 ** (4.60) -0.857 (0.66) -4.76 * (2.09) -19.50 ** (7.19) 0.847 *** (0.12) -0.005 (0.04) --
-23.02 *** (2.87) -26.10 *** (3.05) -23.21 *** (3.11) 4.00 (2.24) 21.83 *** (3.73) -2.04 (4.82) 12.04 *** (2.05) 14.35 *** (2.25) -5.35 ** (1.74) -2.28 (1.78) 19.46 *** (3.65) 0.839 (0.47) 55.28 *** (1.49) 58.13 *** (4.95) -3.49 *** (0.10) -0.09 *** (0.02) 539.89 *** (3.42) 56,149
-5.00 (4.02) -7.50 (4.24) -8.37 (4.31) -0.94 (3.08) -19.16 *** (5.18) 6.19 (6.98) -1.81 (2.93) -5.10 (3.25) -0.071 (2.43) -4.93 * (2.51) 3.75 (5.01) -0.926 (0.65) -5.54 ** (2.08) -23.50 *** (7.11) 0.541 *** (0.13) 0.009 (0.04) --
Adjusted R2 0.138 0.161 Note: Figures shown are coefficients with standard errors in parentheses. *** p<.001, ** p<.01, * p<.05. a. Omitted categories for categorical variables are: Full Time, Partnered, Parent, age 23-27 years, white race, and high school education.
35
Table 3. Group sizes and gender composition, percentage reporting interrupted sleep and percentage with children under 3 years in household, 18-64 year old ATUS 2003-2007 respondents. Overall Female % Interrupted Sleep for Carework % with Children <3 years N N % Overall Male Female p Overall Male Female p Full time, Partnered, Parent 14,449 5,275 33.48 2.50 1.44 4.62 <.001 27.46 29.92 22.57 <.001 Full Time, Single, Parent Full Time, Partnered, No Children Full Time, Single, No Children Part Time, Partnered, Parent Part Time, Single, Parent Part Time, Partnered, No Children Part Time, Single, No Children Not in Labor Force, Partnered, Parent Not in Labor Force, Single, Parent 3,307 8,124 9,664 3,051 756 1,542 2,236 4,568 1,221 2,634 3,775 4,738 2,698 714 1,134 1,323 3,866 1,079 2,055 76.36 43.30 41.84 84.99 94.34 72.06 53.26 82.65 85.74 62.69 2.12 0.34 0.10 6.81 3.63 0.45 0.26 7.32 4.94 0.60 0.46 0.22 0.09 4.86 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.45 0.60 0.08 2.63 0.50 0.12 7.16 3.85 0.62 0.48 8.55 5.66 0.91 0.003 0.082 0.664 0.387 ---<.001 0.002 0.003 15.79 0.00 0.00 29.65 30.71 0.00 0.00 38.30 30.62 0.00 14.49 0.00 0.00 38.31 35.78 0.00 0.00 23.46 19.50 0.00 16.19 0.00 0.00 28.12 30.40 0.00 0.00 41.41 32.47 0.00 0.544 N/A N/A 0.003 0.661 N/A N/A <.001 0.056 N/A
Not in Labor Force, Partnered, No Children 3,147
Not in Labor Force, Single, No Children 4,084 2,181 45.61 0.27 0.18 0.39 0.399 0.00 0.00 0.00 N/A Note: Figures shown are weighted percentages. P-values denoting statistical significance of gender difference were obtained from separated weighted logistic regression models with the category in question as the dependent variable and female as the sole independent variable.
36
Male
600
Female
Minutes of Sleep
450
475
500
525
550
575
20
30
40
50
60
20
30
40
50
60
Age
A. Minutes of sleep
Male
.2
Female
Proportion interrupted
.1
20
30
40
50
60
20
30
40
50
60
Age
B. Proportion with interrupted sleep for care work Figure 1. Sleep duration and interrupted sleep, weighted means or proportions and 95 percent confidence intervals by single years of age, ATUS 2003-2007 respondents.
37
A. Predicted sleep minutes by gender and age group
B. Predicted female-male difference in sleep and leisure minutes by age group Figure 2. Predicted sleep durations and female-male gaps in sleep and leisure durations by age group, ATUS 2003-2007 respondents.
38
A. Predicted sleep minutes by gender and selected role characteristics group
B. Predicted female-male difference in sleep and leisure minutes by role characteristics group Figure 3. Predicted sleep durations and female-male gaps in sleep and leisure durations by selected role characteristics groups, ATUS 2003-2007 respondents.

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P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s C e n t e r

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

University of Southern California

Population Studies Center Research Report 09-693

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

-8.44 (25.97) (Appendix A continued below.)

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

505.7 (501.6-509.7) 511.8 (507.3-516.4) 538.5 (529.7-547.4) 533.3 (527.3-539.3)

19.2 15.0 9.8 7.0

16.4 10.5 3.4 5.4

6.25 3.71 0.57 1.10

16.5 8.2 10.0 9.6

4.83 2.12 1.13 1.47

16.1 11.4 14.5 6.5

5.60 4.08 3.63 1.69

510.2 (504.8-515.7) 508.6 (504.2-513.0) 542.4 (531.6-553.3)

23.7 7.9 14.4

19.9 16.5 10.1

3.43 1.65 0.39

20.6 9.4 19.6

3.55 1.24 1.00

517.2 (510.1-524.2) 536.2 (532.2-540.1)

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

0.947 0.710 0.881 0.883 0.704 0.855 0.284

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

-3.89 (4.12) 9.99 * (4.04) 11.04 ** (4.00) -0.35 (3.96)

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Not in Labor Force, Partnered, No Children 3,147

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

A. Predicted sleep minutes by gender and age group

Gender and Sleep Duration among American Adults

A. Predicted sleep minutes by gender and selected role characteristics group

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