A Comparison of the Korean Minorities in China and Japan Author(s): Pyong Gap Min Source: International Migration Review,

Vol. 26, No. 1 (Spring, 1992), pp. 4-21 Published by: The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2546934 Accessed: 14/11/2009 17:23
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Comparison in

of China

the

Korean and

Minorities

Japan1

Pyong Gap Min Queens College, City University of New York

are settled in China and some 1.8 million Koreans Approximately in two Koreans are located in Japan. The Korean minorities 700,000 an contrast make in Asian countries interesting neighboring adjust? ment and ethnicity. the Koreans in China have maintained Whereas and positive ethnic identity, the Korean high levels of ethnic autonomy and have suffered have much of their cultural repertoire lost Japanese a comparative from negative ethnic identity. This paper provides in the Koreans two countries have made the why analysis, explaining on the different It basic differences in minority focuses adjustments. the and difference in the of between China context policy Japan, absence of a and the existence or territorial the base, migration, differential levels of influence from Korea. This comparative analysis that the physical is theoretically valuable because it has demonstrated the majority group and a minority and cultural differences between for prejudice and discrimination are not conditions necessary group against the minority group.

make different kinds of adjustment. Minority groups in different societies in the antebellum Some minority groups, such as African Americans South, a high level of and received have lost much of their cultural repertoire a high level of Other minority discrimination. groups have maintained have emphasized and ethnic identity. Social scientists autonomy the dominant and cultural differences between group and a partic? physical a in the of ular minority pattern explaining minority group's group have been defined as those groups with phys? First, minorities adjustment. them from the dominant ical and cultural characteristics that distinguish of the few theorists on For one Wirth, example, early American group. as "a of a minority defined ethnic relations, who, group people group cultural This is a revision of a paper presented at the annual meeting of the Mid-South Sociological Association, Baton Rouge, October 18-22,1989.1 acknowledge thanks to anonymous reviewers of International Migration Review for providing helpful comments on the earlier version of this paper.

IMR Volume

xxvi, No. 1

A COMPARISON OF THE KOREAN MINORITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN

because of their physical or cultural characteristics, are singled out from the others in the society in which they live for differential and unequal treat? and who therefore as objects of collective themselves ment, regard discrimination" that ethnocenNoel (1968) theorized (Wirth, 1945:347). trism based on physical and cultural differences between two groups is a condition for ethnic stratification. necessary Social scientists seem to have emphasized physical and cultural differ? ences between the dominant and a the minority group in explaining group because have focused pattern of a minority group's adjustment mainly they on minority groups in White-dominated societies. When we look at minority we may be able to find other important societies, groups in non-White factors that determine relations. majority-minority This article compares the Korean minorities in China and Japan in their Chi? differential levels of cultural autonomy and ethnic identity. Koreans, nese and Japanese all belong to the Mongolian and thus the Koreans race, in both societies are not separable from the dominant group in physical all three groups have many cultural similarities, characteristics. Moreover, the Korean minority associated with Confucianism. However, particularly in the two Asian societies have made settled radically different kinds groups of adjustment. in China have maintained The Koreans remarkably high the Koreans in levels of cultural autonomy and ethnic identity, whereas have most of the Korean lost their cultural tradition, including Japan In explaining levels of ethnicity between the two the differential language. Korean this paper focuses on the basic differences in minority groups, in die context of the two countries; the difference minority policy between and the existence or absence of a territorial the differential base; migration; levels of influence from Korea. DIFFERENTIAL AND ETHNIC LEVELS IDENTITY in China OF CULTURAL AUTONOMY

The Koreans

The immigration of Koreans to China in large numbers started in the 1880s, when tens of thousands of poor Korean farmers crossed the northern border to China. It accelerated after 1910 when Korea was annexed by Japan (Table colonial economic 1). The Japanese policy in Korea left many Korean farmers in the of poverty-stricken and a large number the northeastern moved to the Yanbian area, part of provinces at home China, and Siberia to avoid economic (see, Fig. I). Other hardship Korean immigrants were recruited as laborers by the Japanese government War in as the latter had control over Manchuria after the Russo-Japanese farmers landless, northern

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW TABLE 1 IN MANCHURIA,1881-1943 KOREANPOPULATION Year 1881 1894 1904 1908 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 Number 10,000 65,000 78,000 323,808 238,403 252,118 271,388 282,070 328,318 337,461 361,772 431,198 459,427 488,656 515,865 528,027 Year 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1937 1938 1940 1941 1943 Number 531,857 513,973 542,185 558,280 557,052 597,677 607,119 630,982 672,649 673,794 719,988 968,484 1,056,120 1,145,028 1,300,000 1,414,144

Sources: Chae-Jin Lee, (1986):20.

1905. ments

Still others against

approximately eleventh largest million Koreans

to China to organize Korean independence move? The Chinese national census shows that 1982 Japan. 1.8 million Koreans were settled in China, constituting the moved minority in China group account

in the country (C. Lee, 1986). The 1.8 for 40 percent of total overseas Koreans (4.5 million), making up the largest overseas Korean group. in China in 1949, of the Communist Since the establishment government of a small Koreans in North Korea have to China number immigrated only South to visit from Korea had not been allowed and (C. Lee, 1986), people China until 1989. Thus, an overwhelming of the Koreans in China majority

were born in China, with second and third generation Koreans constituting in have maintained the majority. the Koreans China Nevertheless, high levels of Korean cultural autonomy and Korean ethnic identity. An overwhelming majority of China's 1.8 million Koreans are concen? trated in the northeastern which is close to the Chinese region (Manchuria), border to North Korea, and 42 percent of them reside in the Yanbian area.

A COMPARISON OF THE KOREAN MINORITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN FIGURE I Map of Korea, Japan, and China U.S.S.R.

j SAKHALIN

PACIFIC OCEAN

The

the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Chinese established government in 1952, which gave institutional cultural Prefecture support to Koreans' in the Yanbian area. In other parts of China, one and political autonomy were Korean Autonomous District and 32 Korean Autonomous Villages Koreans constitute established in the 1950s (Hwang, 1986). Although only of the Yanbian Autonomous about 40 percent of the total population government of fifteen the local government. Eleven major they control are headed and approxand Koreans, agencies departments by

Prefecture,

8 imately Koreans

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

to the Yanbian People's Congress 70 percent of 300 deputies are (C. Lee, 1986). has facilitated maintenance The Korean minority's of political autonomy and the ethnically-based educational in the the Korean language system Yanbian area and other parts of China's northeastern region. In 1952, the in both Chinese decided to issue all official documents Yanbian government and Korean documents and set up a government languages into Korean. Korean ethnic schools bureau to translate Chinese at all have been established

and higher educational almost secondary programs?and levels?primary, in Yanbian all Korean children than attend Korean ethnic (more 90%) ethnic schools, teachers schools Korean (C. Lee, 1986). In Korean give instructions to the translated in Korean language Chinese of those related for all subjects, with the exception of books have been and literature. Hundreds

in Korean school students, and 75 and published for Korean literature used for and of the Korean courses materials language percent in Korean. The Yanbian School of Fine Arts, are translated or written in Korean established in 1957 and open only to Korean students, specializes the Yanbian University, founded as a art, music and dance. In addition, in has three centers on the Korean national 1949, university focusing music and Korean language, literature, art, (I. philosophy history, economy, Park, 1986). All ethnic schools are funded by the Chinese government. of Korean children Some readers may wonder whether the segregation into Korean particularly education schools in China is educationally disadvantageous, language the current status of minority at the college level. Considering in the United States, this may be a reasonable expectation. in China have received In terms of achievement national recognition in standardized for their tests and

However, the Koreans success in education.

the Koreans not only do of high school and college graduates, percentages the in better than any other minority China, group they also outperform 175.3 Koreans completed Hans, the majority group in China. For example, four years of college per 10,000 Koreans six years old and over, compared and 31.6 for all minorities to 72.9 for the total Chinese population (C. Lee, 1986). Koreans' China, the cultural in the Yanbian area and other parts of physical segregation and probably Koreans' educational ethnically-based system, to and all contribute their cultural ethnic autonomy homogeneity in China. Although survey data are not available, journalistic visitors to by Korean scholars from China and Korean American

identity reports China indicate

that China's Koreans maintain a high level of ethnicity, in the Koreans in China have been successful and First, socially. culturally shows that 10 ethnic One informal their survey only maintaining language.

A COMPARISON OF THE KOREAN MINORITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN

of the Koreans in China have lost their ethnic language and that percent the language rate is relatively high even in those areas where maintenance Koreans do not concentrate (I. Park, 1986). The Koreans in China are also successful in maintaining traditional Korean customs, games and values. The Yanbian Korean community has not been significantly influenced by whereas has experienced modernization South Korea radical waves, urbanization and Westernization. changes associated with industrialization, the Yanbian Korean has been more Partly for this reason, community successful than South Korea in preserving some traditional Korean folk 1986). They have also retained songs, folk dances and folk games (Hwang, food customs. The vast majority of China's Koreans, traditional Korean whether they live in rural or urban areas, mainly depend upon traditional food which consists of rice, kimchi and bean soup. Koreans were known as a "rice raising people," and the Koreans in China traditionally have been successful in rice farming. Soccer and volleyball have been the two most popular national games in Korea, and Korean ethnic schools in China have earned national reputation for these two sports (I. Park, 1986). in the Yanbian Koreans' and other areas, their political segregation Korean the ethnically-oriented educational of autonomy, system, and sustenance also promote a high level of ethnic identity. The Koreans ethnic subculture who reside in the Yanbian region and other ethnic enclaves maintain social members. Even those Koreans who do interactions largely with co-ethnic not live in ethnic enclaves are known to be actively involved in ethnic networks (Hwang, 1986). The Koreans in China are generally proud of their and consider themselves ethnic background rather than Korean Koreans, It is a well known fact that hundreds Chinese. of Korean families in China who had lost their Korean nationality over the course of many generations have applied for a change of nationality from the Han to the Korean during recent years (B. Park, 1986b). Korean young people in China are under strong pressure, not only from parents but also from the Korean community Those few Koreans who as a whole, to date and marry co-ethnic members. violate this norm are very often isolated from the ethnic community. Thus, is very rare, although rate are hard data on the outmarriage outmarriage not available. in Japan

The Koreans The

1986 report shows Japan, which constituted

Koreans in that there were approximately 670,000 86 percent of the alien residents in the country (B. of Koreans to Japan in large numbers started after Park, 1990). Immigration the annexation of Korea by Japan in 1910 (Table 2). In 1912, the Japanese administration in Korea started the so-called "land survey" for

colonial

10

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW TABLE 2 KOREANPOPULATION IN JAPAN, 1915-1947

Year 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 Sources: Yoo Han Lee, (1986).

Number 3,989 5,638 14,501 22,262 28,272 30,175 35,876 59,865 80,617 120,238 133,710 148,503 175,911 243,328 276,031 298,091

Year 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1947

Number 318,212 390,543 466,217 537,576 625,678 690,501 735,689 799,865 961,591 1,190,444 1,469,230 1,625,054 1,882,456 1,936,843 598,507

a vast amount economic It appropriated of land from the colonization. it to Japanese earlier Korean kingdom and people, and distributed citizens. of were their to move to Korean farmers, lands, deprived Many pushed other countries to make a living (Mitchell, Due to 1967). largely geograph? ical proximity, workers from South Korea migrated to many displaced Korea went the whereas most from northern North to part Japan, migrants of China in 1938. (see, Fig. 1). The Korean before colonial 1939 economic the population in Japan was close to 800,000 in Korea due to the

Whereas Japanese

economic policy

dislocation

Japan, during the seven-year Koreans were involuntarily 800,000 brought to Japan as labor and military and De As Japan's war on the mainland Vos, 1984:53). (Lee conscripts War was imminent in 1941, the after 1939 and as die Pacific expanded Japanese to Japan

to pushed a large number of Koreans between 1939 and 1945 more than period

took Korean laborers and military draftees colonial government to fill the manpower of the forces vacuum created by the expansion and the war economy. Most Korean conscripted laborers were engaged in unattractive the coal mining in Japan, which was considered by Japanese

A COMPARISON OF THE KOREAN MINORITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN because tions

11

low wages and poor working condi? of wretched safety provisions, Diet passed the In 1944, the Japanese (Lee and De Vos, 1984:52-53). males were Labor Conscription Act, under which all Korean Japanese to fiat. Korean mobilization Moreover, by young people were forced subject an the draft. to serve under the Japanese unofficial estimation, By military in Japan in 1945 was close to 2 million, and more than Korean population half of them went back to Korea after the end of World War II (Y. Lee, 1986). Koreans in Japan. As Table 2 shows, in 1947 there were less than 600,000 the Koreans in Japan, As is clear from an overview of immigration history, second and third genera? like those in China, largely consist of native-born A survey conducted in 1985 indicates that first generation tion Koreans. the two Koreans account for only 11.2 percent (Y. Lee, 1986). Although in China and Japan consist largely of native-born Ko? Korean minorities differ in the level of ethnicity. In sharp contrast with reans, they significantly the Korean minority in China, the Korean minority in Japan has lost much and ethnic identity. of its ethnic subculture that concentration Japan's Koreans do not have the kind of residential in the the Koreans China. favors ethnic interactions Although among in several major cities, with Korean ethnic in Japan concentrate Koreans they ghettos in cities such as Osaka and Tokyo (Lee and De Vos, 1984:226), are much more widely scattered than the Koreans in China. Of course, they that try to unite all Korean residents in have central political organizations very difficult, Japan. However, physical distance makes central coordination are ideologically divided if not impossible. central organizations Moreover, Mindan is a Korean organization into two camps: Mindan and Chongnyon. follows the ideological line that supports South Korea, whereas Chongnyon of the North Korean communist government. is one important indicator of ethnic of the native language Maintenance the Korean survival for a minority group in any society. By this measure, of since the of in has lost most its ethnicity, majority Japan minority The do the Korean not know Koreans (Y. Lee, 1986). language Japan-born inability of most Korean Japanese children to acquire their ethnic language has to do with the educational system as well as with the overall noted that 90 percent of Korean policy in Japan. It was previously in China attend Korean ethnic schools, which are funded by the In contrast, less than 20 percent of Korean children government. Korean children in Japan attend Korean ethnic schools, and die remaining no schools have to the Korean lan? exposure regular Japanese attending much minority children Chinese

(Jung, 1990; B. Park, 1986a). guage and literature through formal education for does not The Japanese any financial support provide government all Korean ethnic schools to Almost ethnic Korean schools. belong

12 Chongnyon

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW and are funded The entirely

of by North Korea for the purpose not no financial propaganda. government only provides Japanese but also discourages for Korean ethnic education, it. In 1949, support several Korean ethnic schools were forced to close by the Japanese govern? ment. in their reluc? The identity problem of Japan's Koreans is also reflected tance to use Korean names. AJapan-born Koreanis physically indistinguish? as long as he/she has a Japanese name. Afraid of able from a Japanese and discrimination against Koreans, prejudice many change their Korean name to Japanese. It is known that only two out often Korean students use their Korean names when they register for Japanese high schools (Lee and De Vos, 1984:188). The reluctance of Korean children to use their Korean names in Japanese schools is closely related to their low self-esteem as Koreans, which results from prejudice and discrimination against Koreans. in 1975, 164 Korean students in a Japanese In a survey conducted high "What do you think about being school were asked the following question: born Korean?" that they felt proud of being 27.4 percent reported Only that they would like to be Japanese 20 percent indicated Korean, whereas is not limited to JapanKorean background born Korean children. Korean Japanese indicate that first gen? specialists eration Korean adults very often conceal their heritage in public life (Y. Kim, those Koreans in Japan who have achieved great 1989a, 1989b). Especially and sports worlds, and thus who success in the business, entertainment tend to hide their nationality. For example, the receive much publicity, who was selected as the fourth richest of the Lotte Company, president person in the world by Forbes Magazine (July, 1989), is a Korean Japanese, but his Korean Korean 1989a). publicly known an identification The low level is not known to the Japanese public (Y. Kim, nationality indicate that more scholars who study Korean Japanese because such Koreans in Japan try to hide their nationality effects on their reputations. might have serious negative of ethnic (Lee and De Vos, 1984:193). The tendency to hide their

is also demonstrated in 1984 conducted

attachment on the part of the Koreans in Japan a rate to a survey of high According intermarriage. by the Koreans who married (Y. Lee, 1986), Japanese 40 percent of all married Koreans. A high intermarriage rate does constitute mean well the not necessarily that Koreans are In Japanese. by accepted many cases,

Korean children act like Japanese when they date Japanese their is known to the Japanese once Korean However, background partners. and De the often ends Vos, 1984). Moreover, (Lee partners, relationship intermarried have serious couples adjustment prob? many Korean-Japanese lems associated with their nationality differences, and Japanese partners'

A COMPARISON OF THE KOREAN MINORITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN and/or their parents' prejudices against Koreans is known to be a rate between marital problems. The high intermarriage Koreans anese seems to be due more to Koreans' tenuous ethnic identity readiness to accept Japanese partners' partners than to Japanese to accept Koreans. This speculation results of an attitude survey. When ese-Korean cated intermarriage, seems reasonable when asked whether source

13 of

and Jap? and their readiness

we look at the

approval compared (Lee and De Vos, 1984:193). in the foregoing It has been indicated paragraphs maintain the to Korean Chinese, compared Japan, this should and ethnic identity. However, subculture meaning that Korean have no sense

they approve of Japan? of the indi? Korean 32.3 percent respondents of the to only 8.2 percent respondents Japanese that the Koreans low levels in

of ethnic

Japanese minority group identity can be shaped partly because of the special treat? in Japan ment the group receives from the majority group. The Koreans and prejudice. As Lee and De Vos (1984) have are subject to discrimination

of ethnic

as not be interpreted at all. The identity

to the develop? contribute their negative experiences indicated, adequately of their ment of ethnic identity. Most Koreans in Japan are very conscious to in the private world, but many are reluctant Korean ethnic background and life for fear of as in themselves Korean public prejudice identify discrimination. identity, conflicts selfthey suffer from identity crises, negative or self-negation (Lee and De Vos, 1984). These psychological in Japan lead to juvenile on the part of many young Koreans As a result, and even suicide. TO DIFFERENTIAL LEVELS

delinquency FACTORS

CONTRIBUTING

OF ETHNICITY noted that die two Korean minority groups settled in The differential levels of ethnicity. China and Japan show significandy and of Korean ethnic subculture in China maintain levels Koreans high have lost much of the Korean ethnic identity, whereas Japan's Koreans ethnic identity. The fact diat and suffer from negative cultural tradition in ethnic education and maintaining China's Koreans are more successful than other minority groups in China can be explained cultural autonomy and cultural on education emphasis largely by cultural factors?Koreans' with Confu? between Koreans and die Han Chinese associated similarities and Japan minorities in China that the Korean cianism. However, It has thus far been neidier can be explained differ in the level of ethnicity by significandy cultural factors nor by physical and cultural similarities. Korean For, as all three Asian groups bear physical and cultural similaralready indicated,

14

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

differences to explain the ities. We need to look at structural and contextual differential levels of ethnicity between the two Korean minority groups. in Minority

Differences

Policy

China and Japan have radically different kinds of minority policy, and these differences in adjustment differences seem largely to determine between there have been fluctuations over the the two Korean minorities. Although taken the policy of recognizing the course of history, China has generally functional value of ethnic diversity and encouraging maintenance of minor? and customs. In sharp contrast with the Chinese pluralist ity languages assimilationist policy, Japan has adopted the monolithic policy based on the as an ethnically idea of the Japanese homogenous group. From its inception, the Chinese Communist government emphasized and tried to abolish the colonial ethnic equality and ethnic autonomy educational system adopted by Japan in her occupied territory, Manchuria. was the Regulations A landmark in China's policy toward ethnic autonomy of Minority Areas adopted by the Communist on Autonomy State Council in 1952. The regulations to establish autonomous helped politically regions for Koreans and other minority groups such as Mongolian and Hui peoples. Conference on Minority Education held in 1956 The Second National in minority languages, instruction plan to strengthen adopted a twelve-year to publish minority language and to train minority teachers (C. textbooks, the development of ethnic education Lee, 1986:68). This further reinforced for Koreans and other minority groups. The Chinese minority policy suffered a setback during the Rectification and the Cultural Revolution Movement (1957-1959) (1966-1976). During two major political movements, especially during the latter period, leftist leaders pursued an ideologically inspired monistic and inteand toward nationalities gave high priority to the grationist minority policy ultimate of national and centralization. Publication of goals unity political was halted or restricted, and magazines ethnic language books, newspapers writers and poets were imprisoned. and many minority native language in ethnic schools were to spend more time children Minority required at the sacrifice of their own native Chinese learning languages. the Chinese leaders reinstated the original After the Cultural Revolution, a of ethnic and for minority policy allowing great degree diversity minority radical The Chinese government restored the use of a minority lan? autonomy. in additional for of funds ethnic construction schools, guage provided textbooks in and schools, developed minority languages, paid minority more attention to training minority cadres and teachers (C. Lee, 1986:100). To increase the college enrollment of minority students, the Chinese govthese

A COMPARISON OF THE KOREAN MINORITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN ernment

15

has allowed minority students to take the national entrance exam? and admitted in their own languages them to colleges with lower a minimum scores than Han Chinese students. They have also established the students in autonomous areas. The for Chinese college quota minority in and ethnic education pluralistic general government's minority policy factor for the Korean minority's program in particular is the most important inations success and ethnic identity. in maintaining ethnic subculture China represents one extreme in emphasizing If Communist and the other extreme. ethnic autonomy, Japan represents equality ethnic Histor?

have believed in the purity of their race, which has been ically, the Japanese were descended reinforced that the Japanese from indig? the by mythology the only significant enous gods. The 700,000 Koreans constitute minority from group in Japan. Aldiough the Koreans are physically indistinguishable cultural similarities between the Japanese and although there are important the two groups, many Japanese still tend to consider Koreans biologically inferior (Lee and De Vos, 1984:356). The Japanese government's minority policy largely reflects die attitudes has not recognized Ko? The of the general government public. Japanese it has treated Koreans as aliens who reans as a minority Instead, group. either have to be naturalized or have to be repatriated B. Park, 1989). Available naturalized Naturalized and invisibly assimilated into Japanese society to Korea (Y. Kim, 1989a; Lee and De Vos, 1984; Koreans were data indicate that nearly 140,000 citizens between 1952 and 1969 (B. Park, 1990). to give Korean name and up their Korean and other Korean language have chosen to remain as Japanese of them were majority Koreans as unnaturalized

discouraged customs. For this reason, most Korean unnaturalized an overwhelming aliens, although labels born in Japan. The Japanese government

as Japanese Koreans are required from maintaining the

which means diat aliens" rather than as permanent residents, "long-term The Koreans residence in Japan is never guaranteed. Koreans' permanent One who maintain their alien status receive all kinds of legal discrimination. diat all aliens discriminatory policy is the requirement very controversial Alien Koreans are not with their fingerprints. file an alien registration for and other welfare benefits, pensions although diey pay regular eligible taxes The in and Chinese between governments Japanese Whereas in educational are most manifested policy. clearly minority policy and provided edmic education has encouraged the Chinese government has made all financial support for ethnic schools, the Japanese government In 1949, die Japanese efforts to hamper Korean edmic education. schools and made ment abolished 92 of 337 Korean language govern? Korean (S. Choi, 1986). basic differences

16 language

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

Korean schools by incor? in the remaining education impossible them into the Japanese system (H. C. Kim, porating public educational does not provide financial 1989). The Japanese currently government does not offer Korean ethnic schools and ethnic for Korean educa? support with Korean students. tion for Japanese schools many Japan also public educational in Korea and the monolithic assimilationist enforced policy the was The use of Korean China during the colonial language period. medium in Korean was the exclusive of instruction banned and Japanese schools in Korea and Manchuria (C. Lee, 1986), both of which were under 35 years until the end of World the Japanese colonial rule for approximately War II. China and Japan are The basic differences in minority policy between in their economic somewhat related to the difference systems. The policy of in education is possible in China partly because there are ethnic autonomy in the society. The differences in rewards on education no great individual on an affirmative admission of minority students to colleges and universities action basis is not a sensitive social issue in China because college education in social rewards, in there does not make much difference particularly income. By contrast, contemporary Japan is a highly stratified capitalist society in which individuals receive social rewards largely based on their educational have no intention of course, of credentials. leaders, Japanese political in admission. students should Korean However, college favorably treating such a policy would be likely to encounter strong they have the intention, or not one graduates since in Japan whether from a public opposition, one's social largely determine college and from what college one graduates not much could be done that status and income. This observation suggests without changing in the United States to achieve racial equality in education the economic system itself.

Immigrant

vs. Colonized

Minorities

In his attempt to explain race relations in the United States, Blauner (1972) and immigrant minorities. made a distinction Colonized between colonized whereas or entered minorities were conquered immigrant unwillingly, and minorities came to the United States voluntarily. Indians, Mexicans of colonized minorities and European fit the category African Americans Blauner white immigrant argued that the groups fit the other category. nature of this initial contact very much determined subsequent intergroup The White majority group in the United States treated colonized relations. nation? minorities in the same manner that White people treated colonized alities in Third World countries.

A COMPARISON OF THE KOREAN MINORITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN

17

Blauner's seems to be useful in understand? thesis of internal colonialism that the Korean minorities in China and ing die different kinds of treatment 1910 and 1945, Korea was a colony of Japan between Japan have received. in Japan were involuntary of Koreans and an overwhelming majority Those Ko? migrants during the colonial period or are their descendants. reans who moved to Japan before 1939 were more voluntary migrants than But even these early Korean labor and military conscripts. the post-1939 dislocations were involuntary migrants in the sense that economic caused by the Japanese colonial policy and economic exploitation all Korean residents in Japan, both more pushed them to Japan. Moreover, were and later labor and military conscripts, earlier migrants voluntary treated as subjects of a colony. Although Korea became politically indepen? dent from Japan after the end of World War II, the history of colonization influence on both the Japanese seems to have had a powerful psychological and the general public in dealing with Korean residents. Many government political leaders, still seem unable to dispel the convic? Japanese, including migrants in Korea tion that Koreans are inferior to the Japanese. from those in Japan in their The Koreans in China differ significantly of migration. Over the long relations to the host society and the context and culturally course of history, Korea was politically upon dependent from China her political independence China. However, Korea maintained in the early when the vast majority of Korean migrants moved to Manchuria twentieth indicated, many Koreans were pushed to century. As previously China, as they were pushed to Japan, by internal poverty. Yet, no significant manner that group of Koreans was taken to China in the same involuntary 1939 and Korean labor and military conscripts were taken to Japan between 1945. as unlike those in Japan, were accepted Korean Moreover, migrants, after equals by the Chinese. When Manchuria was occupied by the Japanese War in 1905, many Korean political leaders there, along the Russo-Japanese colonization. The Korean with the Chinese, fought against the Japanese minority was the only major minority group in China that had a record of to the Han Chinese. to Japanese comparable imperialism strong resistance to Japanese and resistance colonial experience common imperialism to Chinese government have led the Han people and the Han-dominated be more friendly toward the Korean minority than toward other minority 1989). groups (Hwang, The The Presence or Absence of a Territorial Base

the two between levels of residential Third, the differential segregation levels of ethnic heritage. As to the differential Korean minorities contribute

18

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

40 percent of the Koreans in China con? noted, approximately previously isolated area. The concentration centrate in Yanbian, a geographically of a territorial the Korean in the Yanbian area provides basis for Chinese ethnic autonomy and ethnic identity. Koreans' residential concentration mainte? social interactions among Koreans, thereby facilitating encourages food and customs. nance of the Korean literature, Moreover, language, center reinforces Yanbian as the Korean cultural, social and psychological ethnic identity for the Koreans in other parts of China. do not have a similar the Korean Japanese however, and ethnic identity. As noted in the for ethnic interaction are much more widely scattered the Korean Japanese section, preceding in China, although in several than are Koreans they have concentrated and cities such as Osaka Tokyo. major metropolitan Unfortunately, territorial basis as well as Japanese The level of intercity in among Koreans migration in these metropolitan cities has been very high. The Korean Japanese ethnic ghettoes. several major Korean centers have developed more Yet, Korean Japanese have moved to suburban successful areas, economically (De Vos and Lee, 1985). By contrast, the Korean away from ethnic ghettoes in Yanbian and other rural areas, where Chinese have largely concentrated been exceptionally the level of internal has low, and thus they migration been able to maintain traditional Korean customs and values. This in of urbanization and industrialization that differentials levels the suggests the two have affected the difference in ethnic segregation patterns between to the differential which have in turn contributed in the Korean minorities, have level of ethnicity. Levels of Influence from Korea

Differential

The Korean Chinese have made closer contact with Korea than the Korean another important factor that has and this should be considered Japanese, the two Korean levels of ethnicity between determined the differential of Yanbian to North Korea has allowed The physical proximity minorities. in North Korea (C. Lee, Chinese to visit their relatives many Korean also to the 1986:146-147). Many Koreans in North Korea have traveled to maintenance of the Yanbian area. This exchange of visits has contributed the close Korean cultural tradition among the Korean Chinese. Moreover, between China and North Korea has facilitated North political connection and North Korea into China's Korean minority. penetration of cultural have exchanged a number programs through and other public organizations. universities in Japan has not maintained In contrast, close the Korean community connections with Korea. Not only the physical, but also the political distance Korea's cultural Yanbian

A COMPARISON OF THE KOREAN MINORITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN

19

between Japan and Korea has kept the Korean Japanese away from their caused by Japan's coloniza? native country. The anti-Japanese sentiments of Korea after the political independence tion of Korea never disappeared a normal diplomatic in 1945. Although South Korea established relationship between the two countries has not been with Japan in 1965, the relationship the South Korean government has not done much that smooth. Moreover, to protect the interests of the to negotiate with the Japanese government for Korean Japanese, nor has it done much to provide cultural education them. North Korea, as previously noted, has spent much more money than the South Korea for the cultural education of Koreans in Japan. However, rela? which has not yet established North Korean government, diplomatic to protect measures tions with Japan, has not been able to take diplomatic the interests in Japan. of their nationality In addition, the division of Korea into two halves and the split of the have made it difficult to tie Korean Japanese into Mindan and Chongnyon to their mother country. The divisions in Korea and the Korean Japanese its the Korean Japanese have also helped Japan to continue community discriminatory practices against the Korean Japanese. CONCLUSION the two Korean minority groups settled in China This article has compared in the level of maintaining ethnic and Japan in dieir adjustment, especially subculture and ethnic identity. The Koreans in China have maintained and positive edinic autonomy identity, strikingly high levels of edinic and whereas Japan's Koreans have lost much of their cultural repertoire four factors have been suffered from negative ethnic identity. The following levels of ethnicity as the major determinants of the differential indicated between the two Korean minority autonomy, Japan is and tiiis basic policy difference the differences in adjustment. the most important factor for understanding differ in the context Second, the two Korean minority groups significandy in adjustment. to the differences The of immigration, which also contributes pluralistic minority taken a monolithic policy emphasizing assimilationist policy, minorities" in that Korean minority in Japan is similar to U.S. "colonized of Korea, colonization its migration to Japan was rooted in the Japanese economic one. whereas the migration of Koreans to China was a voluntary, in die Yanbian area as a of the Korean Chinese Third, the concentration center has facili? territorial base for the Korean cultural and psychological whereas the Korean and ethnic identity, tated their ethnic attachment Japanese ethnic enclave. do not have a comparable Fourth, North Korea is and thus has had much close to China and ideologically geographically groups. ethnic First, China has adopted a has whereas

20 cultural neither Korean

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW on the Korean Chinese community, and political influence South Korea nor North Korea has had much influence whereas on the

Japanese community. China's The descriptive information provided by this article concerning on the as the information and Japan's minority policies seems as important since little is known about them. No schol? Korean minorities themselves, policies seems arly article dealing with either China's or Japan's minority with the to American studies available readers, although dealing many as a minority group in the United States have been Chinese or the Japanese have taken in Japanese Americans scholars specializing published. Japanese as they critical attitudes toward U.S. minority very policies, especially this will article affect Americans. Japanese Hopefully provide the negatively with the to think American about scholars Japan's own opportunity Japanese minority policy. than explana? this comparative Moreover, study, albeit more descriptive some Researchers interested in has theoretical ethnicity have tory, bearing. members and cultural commonalities as es? historical emphasized among The fact that the sential to ethnic survival for a particular minority group. two Korean minority groups sharing the almost same historical and cultural levels of ethnicity indicates that historical tradition exhibit differential and for than less cultural connections understanding important ethnicity maybe Scholars of majority-minority some researchers might have had us believe. between also physical and cultural differences relations have emphasized the majority and minority groups as a necessary condition for prejudice and analysis, how? against the minority group. This comparative that while Koreans are physically indistinguishable from ever, demonstrates the Japanese and the Chinese and very similar in cultural characteristics, in the two Asian countries have received the Korean minority groups different kinds of treatment. Thus, it suggests that one group can ruthlessly and culturally similar group when discriminate against another physically discrimination other conditions are met.

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"The Koreans in China." In The CurrentStatus and FutureProspectsof OverseasKoreans [in Korean]. New York: The Research Institute on World Affairs. Pp. 89-94.

Jung, I. S. 1990 "Legal Status of Koreans in Japan," Studiesof KoreansAbroad, [in Korean], 1:17-34. Kim, Hyung-Chan 1989 "Minority Language Policies in the United States and China." Paper Presented at the Sixth Annual Meeting of the Conference on Overseas Koreans, Hong Kong. Kim, Jung 1989 "The Korean Minority Culture in China." In The Koreansin the World[in Korean]. New York: The Research Institute on World Affairs. Pp. 505-511. Kim, Yang-Ki 1989a "The Status and Problems of the Koreans in Japan." In The Koreans in the World [in Korean]. New York: The Research Institute on World Affairs. Pp. 303-336. 1989b "The Quality of Life for the Koreans in Japan." Paper Presented at the Sixth Annual Meeting of the Conference on Overseas Koreans, Hong Kong. Lee, Chae-Jin 1986 China's KoreanMinority: The Politicsof Ethnic Education. Boulder: Westview Press. Lee, Changsoo, and G. De Vos 1984 Koreans in Japan: Ethnic Conflict and Accommodation. Berkeley: University of Califor? nia Press. Lee, Yoo Han 1986 "Statistics on the Koreans in Japan." In The CurrentStatus and FutureProspectsof Overseas Koreans [in Korean]. New York: The Research Institute on World Affairs. Pp. 19-37. Mitchell, R. 1967 The KoreanMinority in Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press. Noel, D. 1968 "ATheory of the Origin of Ethnic Stratification," Social Problems,16:157-172. Park, Byung Yoon 1990 "The Legal Status of Korean Japanese." Studiesof KoreansAbroad, [in Korean], 1:59-82. 1986a The Legal Status of the Koreansin Japan and Human Rights Movement [in Korean]. New York: Research Institute on World Affairs. 1986b "My Visit to the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture," OverseasKorean [in Korean], 3:4-12. Park, Illsoon 1986 "The Korean Minority's National Education in China." The Current Status and Future Prospectsof OverseasKoreans [in Korean]. New York: The Research Institute on World Affairs. Wirth, L. 1945 "The Problem of Minority Groups." In The Science of Man in the WorldCrisis. Edited by R. Linton. New York: Columbia University Press. Pp. 347-372.