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Research in Black and White


Joy Adamson and Jenny L. Donovan Qual Health Res 2002 12: 816 DOI: 10.1177/10432302012006008 The online version of this article can be found at: http://qhr.sagepub.com/content/12/6/816

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QUALITATIVE Adamson, Donovan HEALTH / RESEARCH RESEARCH IN BLACK / July 2002 AND WHITE

Research in Black and White


Joy Adamson Jenny L. Donovan

The authors consider the methodological, interpretative, and practical issues that arise when there is a difference in ethnicity between researcher and informant in qualitative research by drawing on the academic literature and their fieldwork experiences as White researchers undertaking studies with individuals of African/Caribbean and South Asian descent. Some contemporary issues raised by researching the other in the context of pragmatic health services research are highlighted, including access to same-ethnicity researchers, the involvement of interpreters, and the potential for ethnocentric interpretation. The authors believe that qualitative research should be judged by the plausibility of the findings and by a critical evaluation of the way in which the research was conducted and the reflexivity of the researcher.

number of methodological, interpretation, and practical issues arise when qualitative research is embarked on. The flexible nature of this type of research means that a wide range of issues will need to be considered in each project. In this article, we address additional factors that arise when ethnicity is involved in the research process. In doing this, we are reflexive about research that we ourselves conducted in the formative parts of our careersthe first author (JA) within the past 5 years, the second author (JD) more than 15 years agosetting this within a selection of historical and contemporary literature. Ethnicity is not a simple issue. Its meaning includes aspects of skin color, culture, language, religion, place of birth, food preferences, and behavior, making it practically impossible to define. However, in most contexts, it refers to the otherness of individuals who do not belong to the predominant (majority) population. Common definitions in the United Kingdom of who is considered to belong to an ethnic minority tend to be based on visibility (Ebrahim, 1996). Qualitative research has often engaged in the colonizing discourse of the Other. The imperialism or colonial analogy drawn in relation to such research comes from the overrepresentation of oppressed groups as research participants (Fine, 1998), in contrast with historically empowered groups as researchers. It is therefore not surprising to find that much of the dialogue about the Self-Other relationship in the research process has focused on ethnicity. Historical and contemporary texts on the methodology of qualitative research discuss the potential impact of the researchers characteristics on the research

AUTHORS NOTE: We would like to thank Alex Faulkner for his comments on the earlier drafts of this article. The ESRC funded Jenny Donovans study, the University of Bristol Joy Adamsons study. Bristol is the lead centre of the MRC Health Services Research Collaboration.
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process (e.g., Britten, 1999; Foote Whyte, 1982). The view that particular authors take on this issue is to a large extent dependent on the qualitative paradigm in which they claim to work; the extent to which researchers are (or are not) considered to influence the research reflects the methodological stance of the researcher. This is linked specifically to views on objectivity and truth. The most simplistic conception of the relationship between researcher and researched is that of insider versus outsider. The extreme insider position suggests that only researchers who share the same background and life-world of their informants can accurately interpret their experiences. At the other outsider extreme, only those who do not share the characteristics of their informants are thought to be able to be sufficiently detached to form a more objective view. The outsider extreme is akin to a positivistic stance, in which the researcher aims to take a neutral, uninvolved view. The insider-outsider debate has particular resonance where ethnicity is involved. Although more subtle and complex commentaries are available, in particular from feminist writing (for example, feminist standpoint theory), cultural studies, and the integration of these two (see Fine, 1994; Stanfield, 1998, for reviews), in essence the question is still the same: Can researchers legitimately conduct interpretive research with different-ethnicity informants? The concept of reflexivity, available only in qualitative research, potentially holds the key to answering this question. There is a strong drive in qualitative research to incorporate an evaluation of the process of the research and the researchers role within it, and this has been identified as a major way of addressing the impact of factors such as gender, socioeconomic position, and ethnicity (Clifford & Marcus, 1986; Geertz, 1983; Sword, 1999; Watson, 1987). Although crucial to the interpretations of qualitative research, the absence of consideration for the role of the researcher in guidelines used to evaluate qualitative research within health services research (Blaxter, 1996; Popay, Rogers, & Williams, 1998) is surprising. In the sections that follow, we first describe our research and then explore some of the most important methodological and interpretative issues that arose and our practical solutions to them. Finally, we raise some of the most difficult issues and return to the crucial role of reflexivity in exploring and evaluating their impact on the research.

THE RESEARCH
At early stages in our careersJA between 1994 and 1998 and JD between 1981 and 1985we carried out research using qualitative research methods (primarily semistructured in-depth interviews from a phenomenological perspective) among South Asian1 and African/Caribbean2 ethnic minority groups in the United Kingdom. Both JA and JD are White and female. JAs exploratory study was concerned with understanding the impact of caring on individuals looking after a family member with dementia. Interviews were conducted with 36 carers: 18 African/Caribbean and 12 South Asian. (For a brief overview, see Adamson, 2001.) The aim of JDs research was to explore perceptions and experiences of health, illness, and health care among people of African/Caribbean and South Asian descent living in London. Thirty informants (16 of African/Caribbean descent, 14 of South Asian descent) were interviewed, with a subgroup of 10 interviewed more than once. The study has been published in full (Donovan, 1986).

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In both studies, we employed a phenomenological approach and used key informants and snowball sampling to identify informants. Interviews were conducted using a checklist of topics as a guide but we attempted to maintain freeflowing conversation. Interviews were tape-recorded and fully transcribed wherever possible. Methods of data analysis were similar for both projects and involved our analyzing the interviews of individuals within each ethnic group separately at first and then producing combined descriptive accounts. Throughout, the methods of constant comparison were employed according to the general approach of grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). In both research projects, we kept reflexive field notes, and in this article, we draw on a systematic review of JAs field notes and on the published reflexive account produced at the end of JDs research (Donovan, 1986). These data are supplemented below with quotations from interviews to provide evidence for the arguments presented. First, we consider a number of methodological issues that arose in our research and our practical solutions to these; then we tackle major issues in interpretation.

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES Finding researchers


Both JA and JD were White women carrying out research among Black3 informants. We both considered employing researchers of the same ethnicity as the informants. Two issues then arose: whether this was essential or desirable and whether it was possible. There is often an expectation that researchers/interviewers should be of the same ethnicity as informants. That Black staff will work with Black service users is echoed in many forms of service provision (Atkin & Rollings, 1993; Connelly, 1988). This was also evident from some of our informants:
I must admit though when [gatekeeper] did contact me I did think that you would be African/Caribbean, I dont know why and when I opened the door I thought oh? So excuse me if I did look a bit puzzled at you then, I just assumed that you would be I dont know why but . . . probably the job [Black carers project worker] Im in as well and the people Ive met through my job it seems like most of the people who are doing work with the African/Caribbean community are African/Caribbean. (Respondent, JAs study)

Establishing rapport is an essential aim in qualitative research (Foote Whyte, 1982). Commonality between the researcher and informants has been shown, in some instances, to facilitate rapport and yield rich data (Edwards, 1990; Finch, 1984; Oakley, 1981; Wilde, 1992). It has also been claimed that informants produce the best narrative accounts only to researchers who become familiar with them over time (Cornwell, 1984) or because of shared characteristics such as ethnicity. Scotts study (1998) exploring lay beliefs and the management of diabetes among West Indians (sic) suggested that rapport (and hence interpretation of the data) developed spontaneously because of shared ethnic identity: We traded stories about how we ended up in England, what part of Jamaica or the Caribbean we are from

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and generally how we coped with the cold weather and lack of sunshine (p. 409). However, Scott found considerably less rapport with White informants:
The interviews with the Caucasian sub-sample differed significantly. Initial conversations were polite and were confined to matters relating to the interview. . . . Generally there was no sharing of personal details and the interviewees did not elaborate on the issues of research in the way that the West Indians had. (p. 409)

The impact of shared experience was evident to some degree within JDs research. Sharing stories of racist behavior from her own (Jewish) background enabled the informants to feel more at ease in describing their own experiences of racism:
When we exchanged stories about racism, for example, some of them said that they thought the experiences must be worse for Jews because their identity is not always obvious, and so they hear what people really think, whereas it is obvious if you are black and so people avoid you rather than declare their feelings. (Donovan, 1986, p. 104)

However, the desirability of being socially close to those being interviewed has been questioned. Contrary to JDs view, Rhodes (1994), a White researcher, claimed people made comments to her about racism that they would have assumed to be taken for granted by a Black researcher: I wouldnt have had a talk like this with another black person. I can discuss these sorts of things more easily with you. With a black person, you would just take it [racism] for granted (p. 552). White researchers might be able to undertake successful qualitative research by emphasizing their position as students wishing to learn about the informants experiences (Rhodes, 1994). Ribbens (1989), for example, felt that having motherhood in common with her respondents could be detrimental, as the interviewees might no longer feel that they were the experts. For JA, carers were often older and had life experiences very unlike her own. There were occasions during the interviews when the respondents explained details of cultural issues, as they assumed that she did not hold knowledge of group norms or values and had no experience of being a carer. Rather than group membership alone, what is required is a sensitivity to the ways in which particular social characteristics can affect research relationships and the balance of power (Ribbens, 1989; Song & Parker, 1995). One of JAs respondents provided the following insight:
Interviewer: What kind of an impact do you think my being White would have on interviews like this? Respondent: Im not sure actually, I know probably some African/Caribbean families wont want to talk to you about their problems, just the fact that you are White; I mean the reason why Im in the post [carer support service] is that the person who was filling the post had the feeling that an African/Caribbean person would be able to relate more to the African/Caribbean community and be more accepted. Whether thats true or not I dont know, only that seems to be the way that they think. Also as well if its an issue to do with ethnic minorities then there seems to be the idea that an ethnic minority person will want to talk to somebody of their own culture. But I mean, one of the circumstances well Ive found a person doesnt want to talk to someone of their own colour cause of the aspect of confidentiality and trust. They may think cause the

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African/Caribbean community is quite close-knit anyway, they feel that their business is going to be talked about outside of the person. I think you just have to take each person as you meet them. (Adamson, 1998)

Rhodes (1994) employed both Black and White interviewers in her study and reported no marked differences in the data collected. Bowler (1997) has also identified examples of successful qualitative research conducted by White researchers. Furthermore, there have been problems with studies in which attempts have been made to match interviewers according to ethnicity: In the Health Education Authority survey of Black and minority ethnic groups in England, data relating to lifestyle factors such as smoking, drinking, and sexuality were reported to be difficult to ascertain by same-ethnicity interviewers (Health Education Authority, 1994). In terms of the availability of researchers with ethnic minority backgrounds, there are serious problems:
Our experience reflects the small numbers of experienced and well-qualified researchers in the British South Asian communities. Investment in South Asian researchers will be essential for the future development of good quality research in this area. (Katbamna, Bhakta, & Ahmad, 1998, p. 18)

In our own projects, we decided to undertake the research ourselves wherever possible and evaluate the research process by taking reflexive notes. For informants who were not fluent in English, however, we employed interpreters.

Employing Interpreters
There is a stark choice for researchers like ourselves who do not speak any of the South Asian languages: to include these individuals by employing interpreters or to exclude them from the research. We decided to offer all South Asian informants the opportunity for the interview to be conducted in a language of their choice. In JDs study, the interpreter was a female key informant and was initially herself interviewed in English. Although not formally qualified as an interpreter, she often acted as such for local women. She interpreted during nine full interviews and assisted with some parts of four others, in Urdu (9), Punjabi (3), or Gujarati (1). In JAs study, three of the respondents took up this offer, and the interview was facilitated by an interpreter (in Gujarati, Mipuri, and Punjabi). Two interpreters were usedboth female and qualified in interpreting. In JDs study, the interpreter became an important part of the research. She was a key informant who arranged all the interviews, assisted in deciding which questions were suitable, and interpreted the accounts of others. In JAs study, it was not practical for the interpreters to play a role within the research other than being present at the interview, but JA attempted to work with them in the interview setting in a nonhierarchical way as recommended by Edwards (1993). The interpreters were encouraged to use their own expertise in probing for information relating to the topic guide. In both projects, it was clear that the interpreters were able to provide additional depth to the material by explaining particular issues and relationships during the course of the interviews and afterward. For example, on some occasions, they would include additional information to ensure that we understood what was meant:

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Interpreter: Being a Hindu lady you know we believe that we have to look after our husband, you know, and I think that is how were brought up isnt it. Respondent: Yeah. [dialogue between interpreter and respondent] Interpreter: Yes she agrees with me you know being a Hindu believer weve been well up to my generation is been you have to look after your husband and your husbands family OK and yes we do believe that but Ive got a daughter-in-law and she doesnt believe that and Ive got a daughter who doesnt believe that so you know the generations are changing. Respondent: Yeah. Interpreter: I always believe if you are married you have one husband, look after him, and that is our belief, you know, and I think that is what she has thought, you know. (JAs study)

At other times, interpreters encouraged informants to describe things that were part of their shared knowledge but were novel to the researcher:
Interviewer: Could you describe your reasons for caring for your mother-in-law? Respondent: Well you know. Interpreter: Well I know I knowbut she doesnt, so can you explain it to her? (JAs study)

The use of interpreters in this way, however, can introduce an extra layer of interpretation:
At first, I asked Naseem [interpreter] to interpret each sentence as it was spoken, but it became clear that this broke up the flow of what the informant wanted to say. . . . In the end, it seemed best that Naseem should listen to the story the informant was telling and then interpret it for my benefit. In this way, Naseem was able to make sense of the story, check it with the informant, and then I was able to follow up. (Donovan, 1986, p. 162)

The interpreters were able to relay information about shared experiences to the researcher; on the other hand, the stilted nature of the exchange probably resulted in data less rich and nuanced than might be achieved by researchers who can interact in the language of those being interviewed.

Interpretation of Data
Conventional concerns relating to data interpretation by White researchers have focused on the role of ethnocentrism (Stanfield, 1998). Ethnocentrism can be defined as the technical name for [the] view of things in which ones own group is the centre of everything, and all others are scaled and rated with reference to it (Sumner, 1907, quoted in Merton, 1972, p. 13). When presenting research relating to minority ethnic groups, there is often the tendency for professionals and other researchers to want comparisons with the White majority. This can lead researchers to produce exaggerated stereotypes. We deliberately avoided including informants from the White majority. In large part, this was to avoid comparisons between White and Black groups, which could lapse into ethnocentrism. Including informants of both South Asian and African/Caribbean descent did, however, allow the emergence of some issues that were related to the individual groups but not tainted with ethnocentrism, such as the importance of liquid medicines among African/

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Caribbeans and traditional lay beliefs about the treatment of illnesses classed as hot or cold with particular foodstuffs among South Asians (JDs study). JA found herself attempting to explain away findings relating to cultural practice for fear of their being interpreted as racist. For example, she used the following piece of literature to explain the fact that some of the carers interpreted caring as culturally appropriate and that people were more likely to provide care in the family home than those in the White majority:
Ahmad (using the work of Burghart, 1987) suggests that members of ethnic groups may present their culture in a discourse that they believe will be understood (Ahmad, 1996). The effects of such repackaging of culture may, according to Ahmad, impose an artificial unity where there is actual diversity and artificial diversity where there is unity. Bradby (1995) noted that the migration of people to a new country that does not share their religion, food preferences, family patterns, or language means migrating individuals tend to focus on cultural practices. This might mean that the ethnicity and culture of the minority are referred to far more than the majority. The effects of this may be featuring in these accounts of why the respondents were caring. (Adamson, 1998, p. 279)

An indication of whether similar findings and interpretations are produced by Black and White researchers studying the same general areas is possible to obtain, in a crude way, by examining findings in the published literature. A study of perceptions and experiences of health conducted in Bristol by a South Asian researcher (Fenton & Sadiq-Sangster, 1996), for example, produced similar findings to those of JD. A number of studies of caring within the African/Caribbean and South Asian populations carried out by individuals who have had shared ethnicity, or at the very least by a Black researcher, have also raised issues very similar to those highlighted by JA (Eribo, 1991; Gunaratnam, 1993; Katbamna et al., 1998). In an inherently racist society, it might be assumed that Black peoples mistrust of White people will prevent access to people from minority ethnic groups in the context of research and, if access is obtained, can lead to ethnocentric interpretations of the information collected. Of utmost importance when embarking on any research project, in particular research relating to historically marginalized groups, is to question the relevance of the research and what the potential outcomes might be. Future research can only benefit from collaborative networks between research institutions and community groups.

DISCUSSION
We have described a number of methodological issues that arose when we conducted research with different-ethnicity informants. We made a number of decisions that undoubtedly influenced the research, including the method of sampling informants, our reliance on our own skills as researchers, and the limited employment of interpreters. Our experiences have highlighted the importance of key informants, who can be merely informants but also gatekeepers to further informants, potential interpreters, and assistants in the interpretation of culturally specific issues. Conducting research in ethnic minority groups is not easy. Trained researchers/ interviewers from minority ethnic groups (wishing to research issues concerning

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minority groups) are a relatively scarce resource. In addition, many White researchers believe that White people cannot or should not be researching Black people. For some White researchers, the experience was so difficult that its simply a game they cant play and they wont do it again (Walton, 1986, pp. 16-17, quoted in Edwards, 1990). For many years after the completion of her study, JD felt the same way. This may be a common perception, as JAs field notes demonstrate:
I feel really uncomfortable as the only White person, I kind of feel like Im representing the oppressor and that I kind of have a responsibility for the whole of Black historyor at least representing it. . . . I can totally understand feelings that people may have and, therefore, do have feelings of guilt about being White, doing this project. . . . She [gatekeeper] was saying that some people may not want to talk to me as its private etc. I am thinking what am I doing with this project?! (JAs field notes)

In situations that require interpreters, this person can become pivotal to the research and can take on many different roles. From our experiences, it would seem beneficial to use the services of fewer interpreters more frequently, as each interpreter has a greater opportunity to become familiar with the particular research process and be aware of the nature of the information to be obtained. Over and above the number of interpreters involved in a project, however, it is crucial that before any interviews take place, the interpreter be fully briefed with regard to the research question and how the interview will proceed. Likewise, a debrief after data collection can be very useful, as the researcher and interpreter can discuss the interview, the information obtained, and any further observations that might be important to the interpretation of findings. The interpreter can be involved in all stages of the research process and can usefully take part in discussions around, for example, the plausibility of the research findings. Interpretation of the data is, in effect, the conclusion of the entire research project, and it very much depends on the nature of the research question, the data collected, and the methods of analysis. Reflexive notes should be taken, for example, on how methodological decisions were made. It is important to consider systematically whether the research is influenced by the researchers own characteristics. Strategies for minimizing the likelihood of ethnocentric interpretations include taking the study findings back to the respondents for feedback. Although this might not be possible in all cases, it can be beneficial with key informants or interpreters. Following the work of Geertz (1988) and others (e.g., Clifford & Marcus, 1986), reflexivity is suggested as a major way within qualitative research of addressing the impact of social factors that can impinge on the research process. Hammersley and Atkinson (1995) concluded that reflexivity is involved in all social research as there is no escape from reliance on common-sense knowledge and methods of investigation (p. 21). They claimed that our ability to reflect on ourselves and our actions as objects in a social world enhances our ability to produce accounts of that world, and through this process we are able to justify these accounts. The intended outcome is to provide a context within which the reader can more fully understand the researchers interpretation of data collected (Kirk & Miller, 1986; Sword, 1999; Watson, 1987). We would contend that the production of reflexive accounts is essential in all qualitative research projects but particularly in research involving ethnic minorities or other groups. Of course, although ethnicity is of substantial importance for the identity of many individuals, it is not the sole defining feature. Within

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qualitative research, it would seem that much depends on the characteristics of each researcher and informant. The effects of skin color are unlikely to be constant but will vary with the effects of other characteristics, the context, and the topics discussed (Rhodes, 1994). It is important, therefore, to consider through the reflexive process the potential impact of, for example, gender, age, socioeconomic position, sexual orientation, professional status, and the interface between these and how they can influence the research process. Such factors are likely to be more important if they are a major focus of the research question. Ultimately, we believe that qualitative research should be judged by the plausibility of the findings and a critical evaluation of the way in which the research was conducted. At the heart of this article is a plea that reflexive accounts be used and presented in qualitative health research. The need to understand and take into account researchers characteristics and methodological decisions comes into sharp focus in research such as ours but should not be neglected elsewhere.

NOTES
1. The term South Asian refers to individuals who originated directly from the Indian subcontinent or indirectly by way of East Africa or to their descendants born in the United Kingdom. 2. The term African/Caribbean refers to people born in one of the Caribbean Islands or Guyana or to their descendants born in the United Kingdom. 3. The term Black is used in a political sense to refer to those with a shared experience of opposition to racism.

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Jenny Donovan, Ph.D., is professor of Social Medicine and Head of Health Service Research at the University of Bristol, UK. Joy Adamson, Ph.D., is Joint Medical Research Council and Department of Health Special Research Fellow in Health of the Public at the University of Bristol, UK.

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